Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1805-08-16 00:00:00

WHOLESALE PRICE-CURRENT.
NORFOLK, FRIDAY, AUGUST 16, 1805.
Table with 5 columns: ARTICLES, per, From, To, Remarks. Lists prices for various goods like Bacon, Beef, Brandy, Bread, Butter, Candles, Coal, Cocoa, Coffee, Cordage, Cotton, Duck, Fish, Fustick, Gin, Grain, Hemp, Hides, Indigo, Iron, Legwood, Lead, Meal, Mahogany, Molasses, Peas, Pepper, Pimento, Pitch, Pork, Raisins, Rum, Salt, Soap, Sugar, Shingles, Staves, Tar, Tobacco, Tallow, Turpentine, Wax, Wines.
Premiums of Insurance on American Property. To Great-Britain, Ireland, Portugal, and Spain, without the Straits of Gibraltar. France, Holland, Bremen, and Embden. In the Mediterranean. Madeira, Canaries, Azores, and Cape de Verd Islands. British and Neutral Windward Islands from Barbadoes to St. Thomas. Jamaica and Honduras. Porto Rico. Havanna. Cape-Francois, (unarmed). Ports in the Bite of Leogane. Ports on the South side of St. Domingo. Persia, India, and China. Coasters.
Prices of Stocks. Virginia Bank, 10 dolls. per share, advance. Norfolk Marine Insurance Company, shares 15 per cent. advance. United States Bank, 560 dolls. per share. Exchange on London, 8 per cent under par.
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY-FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION
NOW LANDING, From on board the Ship Marcella, Captain Langton, 50 Hogsheads Havanna MOLASSES. And from on board the Schooner Hope, Captain Sprague, 70 Hogsheads Jamaica RUM. For sale by William Pennock.
Avis aux Refugiés de Saint Domingue.
LE Sous-Commissaire des relations commerciales de France en Virginie à la résidence de Norfolk, prévient les Colons de Saint Domingue, réfugiés en Virginie, qui sont dans le cas d'obtenir leur passage pour France, que dorénavant, il ne sera plus accordé de passage sur les bâtiments particulier; que le colon qui désire passer en France devra se faire inscrire au Commissariat, où, en conséquence, un liste restera ouverte pendant quinze jours à compter de ce jour 14 Août 1805; et que ceux, qui négligeront de se présenter et ne profiteront pas du premier bâtiment qui sera prêt, ne seront plus admis à demander leur passage.
Norfolk, le 14 Août, 1805. OSTER.
LOST ON MONDAY LAST, A NOTE of Mr. William Pennock, in favour of Captain W. J. Richardson, payable at the United States Bank, for Eight Hundred Dollars, at 60 days, and dated 25th July. As payment is stopped, it cannot be of service to any person, if found I should be obliged by its being returned. Edward Roberts.
WILLIAM KNOX, HAS RECEIVED, FOR SALE, A few half barrels Superfine FLOUR, Made entirely of new wheat, and warranted of the first quality, for family use. August 12. Moses Myers.
CHOICE FLOUR OF NEW WHEAT, From Mayo's Mills—for Family use. 100 Whole and 200 Half Barrels. For sale by Moses Myers.
40 Puncheons Antigua RUM, Just received per Schooner Stranger, and for sale by Warren Ashley.
WILLIAM KNOX, HAS FOR SALE—A-FLOAT, 2,500 Bushels fine Liverpool SALT, either loose, or in sacks. 52 Hogsheads prime TOBACCO. August 12. Moses Myers.
300 Barrels INDIAN CORN, Deliverable at short notice—for sale by James Maurice & Co. July 29. Moses Myers.
LANDING From on board the Schooner JOHN, from Guadeloupe—and for Sale, SIXTY-SIX HOGSHEADS, AND A FEW BARRELS MUSCOVADO SUGAR. Moses Myers.
MISSING—THREE BUNDLES LEATHER, Consisting of—Sole, Bridle, and Calf Skins, THAT were sent by the Subscribers about six weeks ago, to Maxwell's Wharf, to be shipped on board one of the Packets for Williamsburg—which from circumstances it is presumed were put, through mistake of the dayman, on board a vessel bound to some other place. Should the person in whose possession it may have fallen, be so good as to return it; all expenses attending it will be paid, and the favour gratefully acknowledged by William Plume & Co.
LEVIN DORSEY, On Town Point—Wide Water-Street. Has Received by the Dunsfors, from London, in addition to his former assortment of MATHEMATICAL INSTRUMENTS, &c. Adams's Patent Globes—12 inches. Brass and Wood Compasses—Assorted. Quadrants. Night and Day Telescopes—Assorted. Telescopes for Day only. Patent Time Glasses. From 1-4 to 1-2 minute, and for one and two hours. Gunter's Scales and Dividers—Assorted. Charts, for the West-Indies, and America. Moore's Epitome and Daily Assistant. And has on hand, Elunt's American Practical Navigator—Last edition, with a copious appendix. Elunt's American Coastal Pilot. Also for Sale, Bell-Mette Skellets of Superior Quality. Carriage Wheel Boxes, Benches, and Solid Brass Sheaves—Assorted. Hoop and Baltimore Bar-Iron—Assorted. All kinds of Mathematical Instruments Repaired, as usual. April 26. tf 628
WANTED, Two Hundred Cords Wharf Wood, For which a generous price will be given. Apply to Thomas Warren. May 29. tf 720
JUST RECEIVED, Per the Ship Reunion, from Alente, and for sale by the Subscriber, 200 Hogsheads Choice RED WINE. 3,500 Bushels SALT. Moses Myers. July 8. tf 800
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. R ANAWAY from the Subscriber in January last, a Negro Man named DAVY—about 45 years of age, and pretends to be a Baptist; was formerly the property of Mr. Fatherly, on the Western Branch—he has been seen in Nansemond, where he has a wife, who lives with Mr. Lightfoot. I forewarn all persons employing him, and will give the above reward, to any person who will apprehend and lodge him in jail, that I get him again, or deliver him to me in Portsmouth. Robert Barclay. Portsmouth, August 5. tf 45
SPEECH OF LORD MELVILLE, BEFORE THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. JUNE 12.
His Lordship being introduced with the usual ceremonies, and having seated himself a few moments, he rose and addressed the Speaker as follows: "Sir, since the first agitation of this subject, in or out of parliament, every attempt I have made to obtain a fair hearing in my own vindication, has hitherto failed of producing any effect. When called before the commissioners of naval inquiry, I was perfectly ignorant of the subjects of their examination. They had before them, and had been some time in possession of the accounts between Alexander Trotter and the house of Messrs. Coutts, which I had never any opportunity of seeing, of the nature of which I was wholly uninformed, and not one item of which had they at the time communicated to me. I never, indeed, had any opportunity of looking at them at all, till I saw them in the appendix to the commissioners' report. Previously to the discussion which took place in this house, I applied to the commissioners, requesting an opportunity of making fuller explanations. This application was made on the 28th of March, and the answer I received was, that their report and proceedings were now before parliament, and that they did not think it necessary to revise or alter what had been already done. On the 5th of May, the question under the discussion of this house was, whether any previous inquiry should be instituted, before resolutions should be adopted against me? and as it would be presumptuous in me to attempt to anticipate what line of conduct the house might think proper to adopt, I contented myself with the hope, that should a committee be appointed, I might have an opportunity of being heard before them. In this, however, I was again disappointed, from a difficulty which arose in the other house of parliament. For my own part, I left no endeavour untried, to induce their lordships to permit my free and unrestrained appearance before the committee of this house—but, from what was, no doubt, a very proper sense of their lordships' own dignity and privileges, they thought it proper to put a negative upon that, and refused to permit my attendance before that committee, but under such restrictions and limitations, as induced the committee to decline examining me; and I come now to offer myself before this house, in which I had the honour to sit for so many years in a very different situation from what I appear in now, under a most singular predicament. I heard of a rumour, which, from some quarter or other, had reached the house of Peers, that I meant to come here, with your permission, to vindicate myself against charges preferred against me—and I now come under such restrictions, as will not allow me to enter upon my own defence. But, though I think it my duty to pay the deference and obedience to that paramount authority, and abstain from anything like a formal justification, I hope I may be permitted, notwithstanding those bounds prescribed to me, to offer some preliminary observations—first, however, returning my humble thanks for the indulgence which this house has been pleased to grant me. On the 8th of May last, this house came to fourteen resolutions, to which more were afterwards added. On the ten first of these, I shall make no observations at present, but come first to that which states, that the act of the 25th Geo. III. was for several years, suspended; and large sums of money were drawn from the bank, by Mr. Trotter, under the pretence of being for naval purposes. That resolution certainly may be considered as not strictly applying personally to me, except inasmuch as it was connected with the 13th and 14th resolutions, which stated, that these sums had been applied to the purchase of India stock, the discount of bills, and other objects of private emolument, with my knowledge and consent. It is evident, that, though it was not distinctly so stated, in terms, the resolutions must clearly imply, that I suffered, or directed this to be done for my own private use and benefit. These resolutions, without being accompanied by any vindication, have been industriously circulated in every corner of the kingdom, and every gentleman who now hears me must have been sensible of and a witness to the impression conveyed by such a circulation, which represented me as a criminal in every part of the country. Thus circumstanced, sir, if I happened to be present in any other place or company, where such libels were propagated, my answer would be, as it is now, that I most solemnly protest these resolutions are perfectly erroneous. I never had any knowledge of Mr. Trotter's investing any navy money in the stocks, or of his discounting bills with it, or of his turning it to purposes of private advantage, and that if any such practice had existed, it was altogether without my privy or consent. I am, however, aware that my statement would be incomplete, if I did not avert to other representations made out of doors, which said that I was myself a participant of those alleged emoluments. I denied my ever having done so, in my letter to the naval commissioners, and I am positively persuaded, that if the same question, fairly put, now or at any other time, to Mr. Trotter himself, he would not hesitate to contradict any representations of that kind. I am fully convinced that he would readily acquit me of having derived any benefit or profit whatever from transactions of that nature. I know not whether this charge will again be revived or repeated, either here or elsewhere; but I do now confidently assert that the evidence of the only two persons, Mr. Trotter and Mr. Wilson, who could be supposed to be privy to the whole, does not contain one title which could lay any foundation for this charge. Much stress has been laid both in argument and in the resolutions upon the confidence and intimate connection between Mr. Trotter and myself, upon which I trust I may be allowed to make a few remarks. When I first came into the navy office, I found Mr. Trotter, who was introduced and recommended to me by Sir Gilbert Elliott and Mr. Coutts, with the latter of whom he had connections in the way of business. I soon distinguished him for his uncommon activity and diligence. He was indefatigable in detecting and disclosing to me a variety of frauds before committed in withholding the pay of seamen, and different emoluments to which they are justly entitled. I encouraged and supported him in the prosecution of the parties guilty of these malpractices. I was desirous of going farther, and instead of confining the protection of Government to the sailors themselves, I was desirous of extending it also to their wives, children, and families. In my endeavours to effect this, Mr. Trotter made himself so useful, in laying before me the best arranged plans for producing the effect, that I thought him worthy of being trusted; and for his great and unwearied exertions, on the death of Mr. Douglas, I promoted him to his late situation in the office, and I am even now ready to say of him, that, for a great length of years, no publick office could have been better conducted; that during the whole of that time, there was not a single instance of any stoppage or
delay of payment to the seamen, and that all the balances were fairly accounted for, and transferred without the loss of a single shilling to the publick. He received, it is true, an additional salary; but that I thought him fully entitled to for his additional exertions. Sir, as I have no regular means of knowing the proceedings of this house on the grounds of any motions or resolutions proposed to it, I have been obliged to adopt the obvious construction which my judgment enables me to form on them. It is certainly possible for me to misunderstand some preceding ones, which I cannot reasonably reconcile to the evidence on which they have been professedly founded—and if I should be erroneous in any of my future observations, I hope the house will bear in mind, that all I can do is, to present what is my own view of them. In the 14th resolution, I find it stated, that drawing money from the Bank of England, or allowing it to be so drawn and lodged at a private banker's, was a gross violation of the law, and a breach of publick duty. In touching upon this subject, I feel myself considerably embarrassed by the limitations imposed upon me by the other house; but even that, I hope, should not prevent me from stating one positive fact, which is, that on no occasion whatever did I ever once authorise Mr. Trotter to draw money from the bank of England, and lodge it any where for his own private emolument. This I assert in the most distinct manner, and must further contend, that neither before the naval commissioners, nor the committee of the house, is there a particle of evidence in support of a charge of that nature. It does not any where appear that all the instruments for drawing money from the bank for Naval purposes were not made out legally, and according to the true intent and meaning of the act of Parliament. When under examinations myself, I told the commissioners no more than that I allowed Mr. Trotter to lodge money in the hands of a private banker, for the convenience of making payments during the interval that may elapse till those payments were demanded. I further stated, that I took it for granted these sums were always drawn under competent authority. I thought at the time, and had a right to believe that they perfectly understood me; and what appears the strangest of all is, that they reported the evidence, reported the examination correctly enough to draw conclusions, in order to found a charge, which appears to me contrary to the evidence. However constrained I must find myself by the limitations of the lords, I must make bold to say, that the assertions contained in the report are made in contradiction to truth, and the evidence which was taken before them. There is, Sir, one universal mistake, which seems to have pervaded the whole of these proceedings. The act of the 25th of the King, of which I must be allowed to have some share of knowledge, never intended, nor had in its contemplation to make a regular digest of regulations for the office of Treasurer of the Navy. Its true interests and object, as very clearly expressed, were to restrain Treasurers or Paymasters from retiring from office, as had frequently been done before, with large balances unaccounted for, to remain in their hands for a great length of time. The whole of the act is comprised in twelve short clauses, enjoining that the Treasurers' accounts should in future be official, and not personal, as was the former practice. During the whole of my administration, that law was rigidly complied with, and in retiring from office, I have not been accused of retaining any balance whatever. The house should consider, that, beyond the necessary control of the Treasurer, his office is quite distinct from that of the Paymaster, and that of the Paymaster General not very much connected with those of other persons employed in that department. A great deal of money has passed through the hands of inferior officers in different parts of the country, where the demands are made. In the month of January last, the pay office was kept open for a long time to make good small demands; and there were six thousand eight hundred and two payments made in different portions of sums, from three or four pounds so low as 4s. 6d. and many of them even to a smaller amount, to supply such sums as different sailors were entitled to. It must, therefore be obvious, that to answer such numerous classes of demands without delay, it is necessary to have always a very large sum, either in an iron chest of the office, or at some convenient banker's, as it would be endless to pay them all by drafts on the bank of England, specifying the names of the persons in whose favour they were drawn. The act of parliament therefore did not, nor was it ever intended to apply to inserting the names of the persons in whose favour the drafts were made; but on the contrary, enjoined that from the moment assignments of demands were made from the respective officers, the paymaster should have the money ready, which he could not effect without previously drawing it out of the bank. So far therefore was the Act from making this practice criminal, that it was in fact prohibitory of any other method. The act of the 25th of George III. so frequently alluded to, was founded on the report of the Finance Committee of 1792, in which it was stated that the treasurer of the navy, or the paymaster were not then accountable for the sums drawn from the Bank in consequence of assignments of demands to the publick, but only to the persons in whose favour the assignments were made. It complained of that want of responsibility to the publick which enabled them to retain large balances in their hands until the claims were absolutely made, and then only personally responsible to the parties. To remedy this was the foundation of the act, which rendered their accounts publick, and I consider myself perfectly right in stating this to be the true intent and construction of the law. But, supposing me to be wrong on this construction, and that the intention of the act was to compel the treasurer to give separate drafts on the banks of England to every claimant, specifying his name, and the nature of his demand; will any one honestly say that my misunderstanding or misconstruction of the act was a gross violation of the law, and a gross breach of duty; or even that every positive violation of the words of an act of parliament, is, in all possible cases, a gross breach of publick duty? I come next, sir, to another part of my examination before the commissioners. If I then said, as I admit to have done, that I thought some emolument might fairly arise to the paymaster from his placing money in the hands of a private banker provided it should be always forthcoming when large demands were made, I spoke in the general knowledge which every man must have of business. I did not think it unfair that, during the interval between the lodging of such money and the demands for it, an understanding of a mutually accommodating nature should subsist between the banker and the paymaster. In all transactions of that kind, is there any gentleman now present, who does not know, that the bankers have always some interest, and derive some emolument from whatever money may be deposited in their hands; and who is not aware that they are in the habit of giving some reci-

procal accommodation to the persons so depositing large sums of money? This practice was not peculiar to my administration of the office of Treasurer of the Navy, as it was continued for two years afterwards, until my successor, Mr. Bathurst, reversed it, from an opinion that it was not consistent with the strict letter of the law. I shall, for many reasons, now abstain from going into any detail of the nature of that office, which, perhaps, like others, may be the subject of future regulation—but I must maintain, that the method here condemned is much preferable to the former practice, of leaving the money in the bank of England, in the name of, and subject to, the responsibility of the sub-accountants; nor can I conceive how, in that manner, regularly to pay, and faithfully to administer the discharge of every demand made me from the out ports, I knew that it may, and has, I believe, been said, that since the practice was changed, no inconvenience has resulted to the publick.—To this argument all I shall answer is, that there has been hitherto but a very short experience of the effects of a different system, and that, in the practice of so many former years, the plan of lodging money at private bankers was found productive of very beneficial effects. In justice to myself, I beg leave to state, sir, that my intercourse with the Naval Commissioners commenced on the 26th of April, in their letter to me, calling for an explanation of a variety of transactions. They had, as I already observed, before them at the time, all the accounts between Mr. Trotter and the house of Messrs. Coutts, of which I was altogether ignorant. I was obliged to answer off-handed, in the several questions which they had ready, in an arranged and digested form, and had not within my reach any materials which could assist my recollection. I own that I felt myself disagreeably circumstanced on account of a previous communication from Mr. Trotter, that his accounts with Messrs. Coutts were so blended and confused that it was impossible distinctly to separate them; but this difficulty I distinctly stated to them at the time, with the impossibility I felt of giving from memory the explanation they required. I however answered every thing as far as I was informed, and only objected to explain those matters of private and confidential communication, which I thought my duty would not suffer me to disclose.
I am thoroughly and clearly convinced that I never allowed Mr. Trotter to apply any part of the publick money to my private use or benefit, and might safely have said so in the first instance, though so much earnestness of expression has been displayed, and so much acrimonious wit employed on the subject of my having said the words, "to the best of my recollection." It has also been brought as an auxiliary argument against me, that I preferred holding the office of treasurer of the navy, together with the presidency of the board of control for India affairs, to that of secretary of state with the same emoluments, which, it was said, I would not have done, if I had no private interest in doing so, and that interest, of course, of an indirect or clandestine nature. I can, however, conscientiously declare, in the presence of many, but more particularly of one right honourable gentleman, who very well knows it, that I never in my life went into the secretary of state's office by my own consent, even for a single moment. At the time I accepted of it by his majesty's command, which my duty or inclination would not suffer me to disobey, I was told I was to hold it only for a few months, until the return of a certain noble lord, who was then upon a foreign mission. I very cheerfully and gladly resigned it afterwards, when another noble lord received his appointment. I then held the office of president over the political administration of the affairs of India, and retained with it the office of treasurer of the navy; and, after all, I fancy this preference will not appear very extraordinary, when gentlemen consider how much these two offices were always known to be intimately connected with each other. I have a right to apologise to the house for intruding so long upon the attention they have been pleased to shew me; but I trust, I shall be excused trespassing on them with a few more observations. Gentlemen will, no doubt, feel the necessity a man in my situation has for doing so, when they reflect, that, after retiring from the spot I now stand in, I shall have no opportunity whatever of interfering in any debate that may arise, and must, therefore be extremely desirous and anxious, that, what their indulgence has now allowed me to offer, should be distinctly understood. Every one, sir, must be conscious, that there are a vast number of persons, who will be fully satisfied with the partial report of the commissioners of naval inquiry, who declined hearing any further explanations from me, and that these persons have not looked to any thing like a justification. I am, therefore, I think, very justly entitled to state, and even press upon your consideration, that I never had, either directly or indirectly, any means or opportunity of seeing the private accounts between Mr. Trotter and Mr. Coutts, till I found them in the appendix to the report of the commissioners. I am, therefore, completely at the mercy of Mr. Trotter's accounts, which I never had the means of reading or correcting. Many things also in the evidence of Mr. Trotter, both before the commissioners and the committee, rested much upon the recollection of events long past, than on any present accounts which he could at that time resort to. Mr. Trotter's evidence confounded both facts and persons. When he said that he had been at one time from 20 to 23,000l. in advance for me, and had drawn for it in the course of one day, he was as much in mistake or error, as he was in stating that he had known and considered Mr. Tweedy as only in the subordinate office of a messenger to the pay-office, but had trusted him from his being in intimate confidence with me. So far, however, from that having been the case, Mr. Tweedy was only known to me officially as a messenger, and it never happened that I had ever occasion to see or speak to him above once or twice in my life. The man therefore, could never have been with me in habits of intercourse or confidence; and upon these points, I have to lament that the recollection of Mr. Trotter is not now by any means the same which his friends knew it to be fifteen or twenty years ago. The commissioners, however, thought it right to proceed upon an extensive enquiry into this subject, and on the examination of his family, it appeared from the testimony of his son, that in the father's accounts he could find no trace of any intercourse whatever between him and me. What now, sir, chiefly remains for me to observe upon, is the application of two sums of money which I objected to account for. Upon this subject I must remark, that in the whole course of the long administration in which I bore a part, I was the confidential adviser of his majesty's government in every measure which had any relation to Scotland. I was so officially, from the first, with a very short interval; but in general was in the same manner consulted to the last. In all the transactions which occurred in so great a length of time, gentlemen will see that many things must have unavoidably occurred for requiring the application of publick money, in a private and confidential manner, to the amount of about 60,000l. which I now declare that I never will, and never can disclose, without a breach both of publick duty and private honour.
With respect to the application of 40,000l. for a time from the Naval money for the accommodation of the Treasury under very delicate circumstances, I refused to give any explanation to the Naval Commissioners. I thought it my duty to have done so at the time, and I am sure that there were times when those who afforded an explanation of it would have usually thought it their duty to have declined so doing. Mr. Trotter could never have meant to say, that he
ever advanced for me such a sum as 20,000l. on the same day; and I am certain, that if he had been asked the question now, he would say, that I never had the slightest knowledge of its having come out of the publick money. He must have intended to state, that this sum arose during the whole course of his agency, for which I think I paid about 1,000l. He stated that there was an account current between us, and this included the sum of 20,000l. upon the whole. I very well recollect subscribing 10,000l. to the Loyalty Loan, and I did so from a knowledge that it was expected that all the chief servants of government should be subscribers to a considerable amount. Two instalments of it were paid, as I well recollect, out of my remittances from Scotland, and so far was I from thinking that share in the Loyalty Loan any part of my property, that I immediately executed a power to get rid of my stock in it as soon as an opportunity should offer. When it is considered that in his connections with me for forty years, upwards of 70,000l. of mine passed through his hands from receiving the salaries of my different offices here, and my remittances from Scotland, it will not seem wonderful that the accumulated balance taking different periods at which the money was advanced, should be even 20,000l. against me; I never had any occasion to require any thing like 20,000l. at one time, and it frequently happened that Mr. Trotter was in arrears with me, as was the case at the time of our final settlement. In regard to the 40,000l. advanced to the treasury, as already alluded to, I am ready to admit, that I gave my concurrence to it in common with the other superior servants of government, and am willing to take my share of the responsibility. Upon the subject of the conversation between Mr. Raikes and Mr. Pitt, of a suspicion that more money was drawn for naval purposes, from the bank, than was deemed necessary for the publick service, I have only to declare, that it did not occur to my memory, at the time of my examination; and that the recollection of Mr. Pitt's having mentioned it to me afterwards, is rather excited or revived from recent circumstances, than from any distinct impression which I retained of it. I now remember that it recited it as an idle rumour, such as I had reason to believe it; and my answer to Mr. Pitt must have been the same, which I have now to submit to the consideration of the House. The next to pick that suggests itself, sir, is the loss sustained by the publick by the balances which remained in the hands of Mr. Jellicoe; and, I must say, that circumstance has given me less uneasiness than any of the others connected with this subject. That debt, such as it was, had been incurred before ever I became treasurer of the navy. I used my best exertions in endeavouring to recover it, and the failure of having done so cannot be attributed to any fault of mine. There is another subject, sir, to which I beg to call the attention of the house, because a great many very severe comments have been passed on it; and the matter has been so grossly misrepresented in every way that it was possible to conceive, and so industriously circulated through every corner of the country, I mean, sir, the release that was given between Mr. Trotter and myself, that it was impossible for me to pass it by without particular observation. In whatever way we proceed to consider that transaction, I think the nature of it is such, that it is scarcely possible for the mind of any man to be so perverse or so malignant, as to attribute it to any unfair or foul proceedings, or to any kind of transactions, which either or both of us were very unwilling should come to light. As to the thing itself, I assure the house that I knew nothing of it till I received it at the distance of 400 miles from the metropolis, and of so little consequence did I regard it, and so very trifling was the impression it made on my mind, in point of weight or importance, that I really do not know how, or in what manner it came to my hands, whether it came to me in cover, or whether it was discovered through the medium of any man of business. I am inclined to think, however, this last was not the way, or I should have been apt to recollect it more particularly. All I remember is, that I was at my son's house in the country, and it is more likely to have been delivered to me by one of my two servants, and I signed it as a matter, that was in a manner necessary between two persons, between whom there had passed accounts of so extensive and complicated a nature.
Mr. Trotter had been asked the question by the Committee, whether any particular conversation had taken place on it? and he had answered, No. He was asked, whether there was any other person that could give any further account of it? to this he also answered, No. Mr. Spottiswoode, who drew it up, had been dead these six months, and of course they were deprived of his evidence; but they have that of his son, and his partner; and if there had been any thing remaining as to this deed, they must have known it. They neither of them did; and this I think is the strongest negative evidence, that can be given in such a matter of business. It had been said to be astonishing that there should not be some draft of it. But the very supposition was absurd on the very face of it, that because there was no draft he and some other person had been concerned in foul transactions, which they wished to conceal. Could not the parties, if there had been any such, have easily and readily destroyed the vouchers and other documents that might lead to detection, without having any actual release, by which they put a deed into the hands of a variety of persons, who might afterwards discover what had been done. Besides, such a deed, to be effectual, must be recorded in some of the supreme courts, and thus the deed itself would prove the strongest evidence against the parties.
There is, sir, another supposition, that this took place immediately on the appointment of the naval commissioners, which is equally absurd; for at the time that took place, I was at so great a distance, as I before mentioned, that I knew nothing of it; and if any such intentions had been in contemplation, or any apprehensions entertained on account of any discoveries that might ensue, such a deed as this would certainly have been resorted to in some antecedent period, and not deferred so long. Some persons have expressed considerable surprize, that such a clause should be contained in such a deed of release, as that for the destroying of vouchers or memoranda, but I believe, they are not uncommon as to loose papers, and there is nothing in it that relates to books of accounts. I have dwelt longer on this point, Sir, than I otherwise should have done, on account of the number of reports and acrimonious observations which have gone abroad concerning it.—It is not, however, my intention to intrude on the time and patience of the house much further, as I am conscious I have no reason to be afraid that I shall not be able to convince the whole world of the rectitude of my conduct and intentions. I certainly do not mean to say that I have not experienced, or do not feel at present, the utmost anxiety on these various accounts, and at what has been for some time passing in this house relative to myself. I should think, and freely confess, that I must be possessed of extraordinary apathy indeed, could I be insensible to the proceedings so highly interesting on a subject of such magnitude and importance. I have felt, sir, most keenly the many severe comments and observations which have been made on transactions that have been said to attach to me, but which I deny to be the fact. I have, sir, however, felt them like a man; and if there are persons who think thereby to break down the spirit with which I ought to defend myself, they will find themselves mistaken. I own, sir, that every mode has been resorted to, which could have a tendency to that point, and I have been lacerated, not
only in my own feelings, but from the reflection that, in the wounds I have received, the smart was doubled on the recollection of some of the hands that were obliged to inflict the probe.
I am, Sir, notwithstanding, ready to meet the attack with that fortitude and patience which ever attend on a mind conscious of the rectitude and purity of its actions and intentions. A time, however, may come, and I hope it is not far distant, when those who now pursue my conduct with such unexampled rigour will perceive their error, and become conscious of the injustice that has been done me, through misconception and misrepresentation. This is, however, not the time to enter upon that theme; but I feel the consciousness of my own innocence deeply implanted in my own mind and I shall descend to my grave, with the pleasing and heartfelt satisfaction, that, however the shafts of severity and cruelty may be levelled against me, at the present moment, the future impartial historian will be able to hand down my name in the list of those who have strenuously, and ineffectually, exerted, during a long life of publick service, their unremitted endeavours to promote the welfare, and the dearest and most essential interests of their country. I am sorry, Sir, to detain the house so long, but I cannot leave it without requesting to be heard a few words on the subject, immediately fixed to occupy their attention and consideration. If the motion intended to be brought forward this day, or any like it to take place, I shall be placed in such a situation as no subject of this realm was ever placed before. It is very well known to the house that the person who now addresses them has been employed in high official situations, that he is a person of high rank, and has been a minister of state, and, as such, I should suppose, he would be thought to deserve, at least, equal consideration with those who move in the inferior orders. I should have thought he might have expected to have been treated with at least an equal degree of candour and lenity, and that some considerable degree of criminality would have been actually proved against him, before this house, or any other tribunal, would have consented and decreed, that he should be actually punished in the severest manner.
It may perhaps, be thought by some, and I have no doubt but it is confidently asserted by many, that I have received no actual punishment; but I would ask the house, and the world at large, is it no punishment to be stigmatised, as being unworthy the confidence of my sovereign? Is it no punishment to be dismissed from a high official situation, and to be branded with the odious charge of being no longer fit to continue in his majesty's councils? If this be not punishment, and of the severest kind, I know not what the word implies—I will, sir, put the case, that an impeachment had actually been voted, when this subject was first brought before the house—I will even go further, and suppose, by way of argument, that the impeachment had succeeded, and that the charges alleged against me had been fully proved. The punishment I have a right to suppose, might not have been more than what has already been inflicted, without my having had any opportunity of being heard in my own defence, and upon evidence, which I have before said, and which I now repeat, has been misconceived and mistaken. I will not say, sir, that your proceedings are deserving the character of harshness and oppression; but certainly the operation and effects they have produced must be allowed to be tantamount as to myself. It is not perhaps of equal importance in the eye and estimation of the world at large, that such a punishment as this should have fallen to the lot of a man at my time of life, who cannot be supposed, according to the common course of things, to have held these honours many years longer; but, supposing this to be so, let me ask, what it would have been had such a proceeding taken place with a man in a younger period of life, whose ambition was all alive, who wished not only to arrive at the highest offices of the state, but to continue in the enjoyment of them? It cannot surely be denied that it would have been the highest and most severe punishment that could well be conceived, to stigmatize him thus in his own person, and with such opprobrious terms and marks of disgrace as would not fail to convey the most melancholy and cruel effects to his unfortunate, though innocent posterity? I would further ask—is it no punishment that the attorney-general should be ordered to commence a prosecution against a man for the recovery of a sum of money equal perhaps to the amount of his whole fortune, because it is alleged only to have been unfairly attained? Is it no punishment that in the close of life, that interesting period, in which repose, retirement, and tranquility, are most peculiarly requisite for its sustenance and comfort, he should be harassed by the institution of a process which is to make him liable for what he has not received, and which may, perhaps, eventually reduce him to absolute poverty? If placing any person in such circumstances as these, be not severe punishment, I know not what can deserve the name. Besides, sir, if I am to be impeached, I should be glad to know by whom I am to be tried? The house will do well to consider that what has already passed in their proceedings has produced the effect of stimulating a great number of peers to stand forward in various parts of the country, and to promulgate opinions on the subject of his conduct in terms which show forcibly and clearly they have already prejudged my cause, and cannot therefore think of sitting as my judges. These noble lords could certainly never have dreamed of the word impeachment as applicable to my case, or they would never have taken the parts that many of them had done. I beg leave to remind the house of the proceedings that took place some few years ago at Maidstone. At that time a man of the name of Raikes who was one of the jury, had uttered intemperate words against some or all of the parties to be tried. On this being represented to the judge, he was not allowed to act in the capacity of a jurymen, but his name was struck out of the panel; so careful and jealous is the law of this country of suffering any man to sit in judgment on another whose cause he has in his own mind determined before hand. The same disadvantage will attend me in the case of an impeachment in reference to my accusers. A certain number would be appointed by this house to manage the proceedings, and to conduct the trial with fairness and impartiality. Among these, in all likelihood, will be found Gentlemen who have been haranguing the multitude, and inflaming their minds against me in Palace-yard and various other places in London, and through every part of the country, so that if those be not idle reports, there is no fair chance of my meeting an impartial jury, before whatever tribunal I may be tried.
I have another observation, Sir, which applies to what has been said, as to accounting under another charge. The attorney general has, I understand been ordered to institute a civil action against me for the money which it is alleged and supposed I have obtained from the publick. Is it just that I shall have two different prosecutions against me at the same time, and that the attorney general should have it in his power to bring the evidence adduced in civil action before the criminal tribunal, vice versa ? I think this a kind of procedure that it is impossible justice can allow; it is such a mixture of one thing with another as no words can describe. It will be such a proceeding, as, if allowed, there can be no security for any person of rank who acts in official situations; they will always be liable to this double mode of proceeding, and to be harassed continually, whilst the lower orders will be free from any such disadvantage. This is a rigorous jealousy of the aristocracy, which, I do not think it deserves; but which, after having
troubled the house so long, I will not dwell upon any further." Viscount Melville then made the usual salutations to the house, and withdrew.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIME, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 16, 1805.
Yesterday arrived here from Bataviano (a small port in Cuba) the ship Eliza, Captain Evans, of this port.
The capture, plunder, and detention of this ship and cargo, says a letter from a respectable character in Cuba—"will give you some idea of the abuses and impositions upon our trade in this Island, which are beyond conception, and no person can have a just idea of them, without being here."
We have had the perusal of Captain Evans's test made before the American Consul at Havana, of which the following is a short sketch, and in which it will be seen that it is not the lawless depredations of pirates, that are complained of, but the acts of the Officers of the Spanish Government, from the Chief to the lowest.
The Eliza was captured on the 27th February, in prosecution of a voyage from Jamaica to this port, the Captain and part of the crew were put on shore, upon an uninhabited Island, from whence they got to Havanna, after experiencing many hardships, and being exposed to the danger of perishing for want of food. The ship and the remainder of the crew, were taken into the above mentioned port of Bataviano.
A few days after Captain Evans got to Havanna he met the person who was put on board his ship as Prize Master; this person informed, that the Master of the privateer convinced that the ship could not be made a prize, had, to avoid prosecution, gone off; and that his ship was in possession of some Frenchmen and Spaniards. The Prize Master, at the same time, gave up to Captain Evans, the ship's papers, that were in his possession.
Upon this information, Captain Evans presented a memorial to the Captain-General of the Island, in which he stated his case, and prayed that he might have an order for the restitution of his vessel and cargo. To this memorial, no answer was given.—In a few days after, Captain Evans presented another memorial to the Captain-General, in which he recapitulated the subject of his former, and stated in addition, that the part of the crew which had been detained on board the ship, were confined as prisoners, and were suffering for necessaries—that the vessel and cargo were daily plundered, and the whole would, in a short time, be lost. To this memorial, no answer was given. Upon this, Captain Evans proceeded to Bataviano, where he was fully informed of the sufferings of his people, and the depredations on the vessel and cargo. No sooner was the Commandant of the place, informed that Captain Evans was there, than he ordered him to leave the place instantly, without permitting him to see his people, or go on board of his ship. As this order was backed with a threat of imprisonment, in case of disobedience, Captain Evans was obliged to return to Havanna, where he remained until the 20th June;—when by his own, and the unceasing efforts of Mr. Gray, the late, and Mr. Hill, the present Consul, he procured an order for the restitution of the vessel and cargo. When Captain Evans got possession, he found one third of the Cargo (originally 180 puncheons of Rum,) had been plundered. The ship had been stripped of her Boats, Anchors, Cables, and Running Rigging, with one half of her sails.—In addition to all this, the Master of the privateer, had contracted a debt of about 900 dollars, which the Commandant compelled Captain Evans to satisfy, before he would permit him to depart. Many minor instances of the iniquitous conduct of the Officers of the Spanish Government are omitted. Enough is said, to shew to the publick, the conduct of the officers who were bound in duty and honour, to afford the rights of hospitality and protection.
We hope and believe, that a representation of this case will be made to our government, from whom alone, redress for this and similar aggressions can be expected. It furnishes matter of surprize, that the merchants of this place, have not pursued the same measure, as the merchants of Charleston, published in this day's Ledger.
POLITICAL ESSAYS
ON THE ESSENTIAL AND DISTINCTIVE QUALITIES OF DEMOCRACIES AND REPUBLICS, WITH REFERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.
From the Baltimore Republican or Anti-Democrat.
ESSAY IV.
I would do injustice to the memory of Judge Wilson, were I to overlook, what he said on this point, when obliged to recur to it by the remarks of the adversaries of the constitution. They urged, 'it is not a free government, it is an aristocracy, and was intended to be so by the framers of it.' (1)
"Far, far other," the judge replied, "is the genius of the system. I have had already the honour of mentioning its general nature; but I will repeat it. Sir, in its principle it is purely democratical; but its parts are calculated in such a manner, as to obtain those advantages also, which are peculiar to the other forms of government, in other countries. By appointing a single magistrate we secure strength, vigour, energy, and responsibility, in the executive department. By appointing a senate the members of which are elected for six years, yet by a rotation already taken notice of they are changing every second year, we secure the benefit of experience, while on the other hand, we avoid the inconveniences that arise from a long and detached establishment. This body is periodically renovated from the people; like a tree, which at the proper season, receives its nourishment from its parent earth."
"In the other branch of the legislature, the house of representatives, shall we not have the advantage of benevolence and attachment to the people, whose immediate representatives they are."
(1) Debates, Penn. Con. vol. I, page 128.

A free government has often been compared to a pyramid. This allusion is made with peculiar propriety in the system before you, it is laid on the broad basis of the people; its powers gradually rise, while they are confined in proportion as they ascend, until they end in that most permanent of all forms."
Thus we see that the judge was not to be induced to call it a democracy, or to describe it, other than it is, 'a constitution containing a due mixture of the principles of different governments nicely poised and accurately adjusted'—a constitution partaking only of democracy, as the oval partakes, in its nature, of the circle.
I believe enough is said to satisfy every candid inquirer after truth, that the late judge Wilson, neither believed himself, nor endeavoured to persuade others, that, 'the constitution of the United States is a democracy.' This political heresy is of more modern date. It is a child of ambition, begot on anti-federalism, nursed by jacobinism, and educated in the school of the new philosophy.
Our constitution then takes its situation among governments, as a republic, or representative government, described by those who framed it, 'beneficent and energetic; in its principle democratic; and its parts calculated in such manner, as to give to it the advantages peculiar to other forms of government in other countries.' Therefore, as seen in different aspects, it will appear to belong to each, to all, and to neither. Such is the character of a well organized republic; and such a republic is the constitution of the United States.
It might perhaps be useful in this place to stop and to inquire, what is the object of the leaders of the sect calling themselves democratic? Do they think that by infusing into the constitution the elements of democracy (2) they will by that means become masters of the state? They know that these elements consist of 'baseness of extraction, gross ignorance, poverty, and profligacy.' What security can they have, that, when these shall predominate, they will not fall under the dominion of a tyrant?
It is a duty incumbent upon those persons who have assumed this name, either hastily or from want of due examination, to take, forthwith, a cool and dispassionate view of the history of democracies. They will be convinced, if they credit the most authentic accounts respecting them, that no democracy can be long maintained in its purity. It is a government which is necessarily destroyed by itself, and exists for and by the destruction of liberty. All of any note have died violent deaths. And if democracies are still to be set up, they must bring upon the nation, the same calamities, and share themselves the melancholy fate of their predecessors.
Moved by a just sense of these truths, the convention framed a constitution which can neither be denominated a democracy, nor an aristocracy, nor a monarchy; a constitution deriving its authorities from the people, and partaking of the structure and principles of other governments, so far as is necessary to the attainment of their advantages.
O people! blessed with a constitution suited to the situation of the country, to the habits and manners of its native citizens, will you experience what you ought to avoid! Are mankind forever doomed to be the dupes of flatterers, the tools of demagogues, the prey of the ambitious! to drink, age after age, of the same kind of poison, and administered in the same cup! Citizens of the United States, you are called upon, in various ways, to partake of this intoxicating beverage. It is pure democracy! Drink of it, and it will assuredly produce in your country, the same evils and calamities it has produced elsewhere.
(2) See Aristotle — de Rep. lib. viii.
We have accounts by the Adriana from Cadiz, that the United States gun-boat which was captured near Gibraltar, after trial had been condemned as a lawful prize. War between Spain and the United States, was the general topic of conversation at Cadiz. That port was still blockaded. Flour was 12 dollars and rising. General Moreau had embarked the whole of his furniture on board of the ship New-York, bound to Philadelphia, and was to sail immediately.
ALEXANDRIA, August 7. The Frigate Adams, Capt. Murray, which has for about the last ten days been laying off this town, waiting for men, has this day proceeded on her voyage.
John A. Burford, the person apprehended on suspicion of wounding and robbing Mr. Peter, on Tuesday underwent his final examination before the magistrates, and was committed for trial at the next court, which commences on the 4th Monday of November next.
COPY. Office of the South Carolina Insurance Company, CHARLESTON, JUNE 22d 1805. SIR, I have the honour to inclose a memorial of the President and Directors of the South Carolina Insurance Company, and of the merchants and others, interested in the commerce of the city of Charleston; and I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant, THOMAS CORBETT, President of the South Carolina Insurance Company. The Hon. JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State of the United States of America.
MEMORIAL. To the Hon. James Madison, Esqr. Secretary of State of the United States. The MEMORIAL of the President and Directors of the South-Carolina Insurance Company, and of the merchants, and others interested in the Commerce of the city of Charleston, Respectfully Sheweth,
That your memorialists are deeply affected by the recent capture, at the very entrance of this port, of the American ship Two Friends , by a French privateer. This event has excited among all classes of citizens the strongest sensations, not only because the said ship was captured without any colour of pretence, within sight of land but because she is our only regular London trader, and had on board a full supply of spring and summer goods. The distress and anxiety occasioned by these circumstances, are greatly enhanced from our having been hitherto deprived of our spring supplies, and from an anticipation of the consequence justly to be apprehended from a continuance of similar outrages should not the most prompt and effectual measures be adopted for the protection and security of our commercial interests.
Your Memorialists are authorised to add (although the fact be not detailed in the protest) that it appears from undoubted authority, that the magnitude of the prize was the sole inducement to the above-mentioned capture, the captors having said that they would release the Two Friends , in the event of their falling in with any other valuable prize, which might be more worthy their notice.
This most extraordinary capture, in direct violation of our treaty with France, (as appears by the accompanying documents) has already been followed by events no less alarming—our harbour being at this moment completely blockaded by three French privateers, (and more are daily expected) which ex-
clude all vessels coming in and going out of this port and either detain or release them, according as their value excites the cupidity of the cruisers.
This degrading state of our harbour has necessarily raised the premium of insurance, thus forcing additional sums from the pockets of our citizens—has advanced the price of every commodity, and created a distressing stagnation of our exports; for the merchants, not receiving their goods from abroad, are incapacitated from purchasing the produce of the country. Among these deplorable effects of the defenceless and humiliating condition of our commerce, may be moreover enumerated the immense loss of duties—those on the ship Two Friends alone, being estimated by the Collector, at 45,000 dollars.
Your memorialists have the best reasons for believing that the early success, experienced by these French privateers, will immediately allure others in swarms to our coasts and bar, to the total ruin of private mercantile concerns, and the most fatal depletion of the publick revenue: Your memorialists have no less ground for apprehending that British cruisers, availing themselves of the absence of domestic protection, will under the colour of expelling the French, assume and occupy their ground, and either retain us in the same degraded state, harassing our vessels by searches and detentions, or subject us to the disgraceful and mortifying obligations of gratitude, for alien succour and relief.
Your memorialists are the more alarmed at these depredations, because much valuable property is still expected this summer, from other quarters than London, and considerable importations will be looked for in the fall, for our winter supplies; and should there not be an early and effectual check to these aggressions; should our full importations be also interrupted, the calamities of the last year, produced by the hurricane and other causes, in which this city has so largely participated, would be aggravated to such an extent, as to eventuate in general ruin—and these great alarms and apprehensions of your Memorialists, are heightened by the well known circumstance of many of the cruisers which infest our shores, belonging to St. Jago de Cuba and Barracoa, in which receptacles our vessels and their cargoes, with the knowledge of the Government of Cuba, are instantly sold, without even the formality of a trial, or any condemnation whatever, thereby precluding every probability of redress.
Your Memorialists avail themselves of this occasion, to notice a late decision of the district court within this state, grounded on an act of congress, whereby the territorial jurisdiction of the United States is limited to the short distance of three miles, or a marine league, from the coasts or shores, which, by the said act, is construed to mean three miles from the land; consequently, the middle channel of our bar, being more than three miles distant from the nearest land, is pronounced by judicial authority, to be without the jurisdiction of the United States! The very entrance of our harbour, in full sight of the city, where vessels are frequently obliged to anchor while waiting for a tide, and with a pilot on board, is, by our own tribunals, acknowledged to be without the protection of our government!!!
Your memorialists refrain from commenting on the pernicious effects of a system of policy so pregnant with dishonour and ruin to the trade and navigation of the union at large, but more particularly to those of Charleston, from the geography of whose shores, and peculiar situation of whose bar and harbour, every vessel, in her ingress and egress, is thus subjected to search, detention, or seizure. We content ourselves with a bare statement of the above grievance, superadded to so many others, not doubting that the President will take the same into consideration, and being duly impressed with the necessity of some early remedial arrangement, either of a legislative or diplomatic nature, will recur to such as may appear most conducive to the desired end.
Your memorialists having thus exhibited but an imperfect view of their ruinous, unprotected, and degraded situation, rely with confidence on the prompt interposition of the President, to obtain, by representations to the minister of France, and of Spain, (in the event of the Two Friends being carried into a Spanish port) restitution of the said ship and her cargo, and to cause a stop to be put to similar spoliations. And your memorialists further most earnestly solicit some immediate and effectual naval protection for our harbour and shores, together with such other measures as the national councils, in their wisdom, may deem expedient, as well for prevention of the renewal of the outrages we have sustained, as for the permanent safety and protection of our commercial and navigating rights and interests.
Carleton, S. C. June 22, 1805.
COPY. Department of State, 10th July, 1805. SIR, I have received your letter of the 22d ult. inclosing the memorial of the Insurance Company of which you are President, and of the Merchants and others, interested in the commerce of Charleston.
Having been before made acquainted by the Collector of the Customs, with the circumstances of the capture of the Two Friends , I lost no time in stating it to the French minister, who has replied, that the communication made to him respecting this affair, by the commissary of his nation at Charleston, had enabled him to anticipate my desires, by requesting the captain general of the French colonies, to all of whom he had written respecting it, to obtain satisfaction for this violation of the convention between France and the United States.
The observations contained in the memorial respecting the local situation, and the protection necessary for the port of Charleston and the adjacent coast, have been weighed by the President, and in connexion with other information, will promote such measures as the nature of his functions, the existing laws, and the publick good, may be thought to admit and require.
I have the honour to be, sir, Very respectfully, your most obt. serv't. JAMES MADISON. THOMAS CORBETT, Esq.
FROM THE CABINET. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF THE HONOURABLE JAMES ELLIOT.
Concluded from our paper of the 5th instant. After his return from the western country, Mr. Elliot entertained a wish to follow the paths of literature, without engaging in any profession; but necessity compelled him to enter into business. After an unsuccessful attempt in trade, he came to the determination of entering the profession of law; and accordingly, in June 1798, he commenced the study with John W. Blake, Esq. in Brattleborough, Vermont. His situation in this village was, on some accounts, not the most agreeable.
After studying three years, Mr. Elliot conceived the design of getting himself immediately admitted to practice, as an attorney, though the rules drawn up by the attorneys of the bar in the county where he studied, required that students, who had not been favoured with a liberal education, should study five years before admittance. At June term of the county court, for the county of Windham, (in 1801,) he came forward at the commencement of the session, and requested to be examined—setting forth reasons why he ought, if his legal attainments were adequate, to be admitted to practice at the bar. He was opposed by the bar of attorneys;—they, however, se-
lected two of their number as a committee to examine him; this committee reported, that he sustained his examination with honour, and was qualified for admission. He was admitted accordingly.
While Mr. Elliot was qualifying himself for the bar, he harboured an intention of returning to the Ohio country, when admitted to practice. But sometime in the winter preceding his admission, he was appointed deputy post-master by Mr. Habersham, (a federalist.) As the post-office, in Brattleborough, by being made a distributing office, became a station of handsome emolument, Mr. E. concluded to settle in the town, and accordingly opened an office. His success in business was great, and his reputation extended with considerable rapidity. He was chosen clerk of the Assembly of Vermont, at their session in the autumn of 1801. Sometime afterwards, he was appointed one of the Commissioners of Bankruptcy, for the State of Vermont. The offices which he possessed, together with the profits of his profession, yielded at that time a very decent income.—Such was his condition when he was by the democrats selected as a candidate for a representative in Congress, from the southeast district in Vermont. At the first trial, there was no choice; at the second, he was chosen.
When he was first elected member of Congress, he was considered as an immoderate partizan; but I have always supposed him to be possessed of too much uprightness and integrity to be made the tool of party. He went to Congress, expecting to find in the democratic majority, men, who, like himself, were sincerely attached to republican principles, and the general good of the nation. But, to his surprise, he found that some leading characters were aiming at measures which appeared dangerous to the safety and happiness of the union. He held then to decide whether to follow on in the beaten tract of his party, or, by obeying the dictates of his conscience, encounter all the obloquy which could be heaped upon him by those editors who arrogate to their masters, to their adherents, and to themselves, the exclusive character of republicans: He chose the latter.—Notwithstanding all the endeavours to the contrary, he has been re-elected by a very large majority of his constituents.
As a student, his industry is unwearied. During the three years in which he was engaged in the laborious study of law, he acquired a competent knowledge of the Latin tongue, with which he was before unacquainted. He wrote essays for the Farmer's Museum, under the title of "The Rural Wanderer." These numbers were written at the particular request of the celebrated Mr. Dennie, then editor of the Farmer's Museum, (now editor of the Port-Folio, Philadelphia,) and received from him no inconsiderable state of applause.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
LONDON, June 14. The importance of the French papers which arrived on Wednesday, is less derived from the facts they communicate, than from the hints, the insinuations, the comments and the reflections they throw out upon the situation of Great-Britain and the continent, the events of the war, and the views and designs of the parties engaged in it. Though published in the form of detached notes upon the English papers, they may be fairly considered as an official exposition of the views and objects of the French government, and may be divided and discussed under three heads.
1. The means which France possesses of annoying our commerce and possessions, by detached squadrons and expeditions. 2. The improbability of a continental war. 3. A glance at the objects which France expects to accomplish by the war, and some hints and suggestions of a pacifick tendency.
Throughout the whole of this expedition there is an air of triumph and disdain, of menace and of insolence, of superiority and dictation, which the dignity of the British character may well despise, and which, indeed, may be considered as so many tributes to the superiority of our resources, the extent of our means, and the greatness of our power.
Somewhat indeed of a more haughty and insolent tone than usual must be pardoned in a government not yet recovered from the exultation and surprise which the safe return of the first squadron they had dared to send to sea, after two years of war, was calculated to produce.
1. It is the safe return of this squadron that has made the enemy flatter themselves on a sudden, that they can cope with us; and because they can send ships to sea, which sometimes escape capture, by not falling in with our fleets, they imagine that they have become a great naval power. It would have been better to have waited till all those blows, with which they threaten us had been struck; but as perhaps they thought it just possible that the boaster might beat, that they were resolved not to lose the only opportunity which might be afforded them of holding a lofty and triumphant tone. They tell us, "that we knew not of the departure of the Rochefort squadron till it had taken Dominica, not of the departure of the Toulon till it had passed the Straights, and that we shall hear no more of it for some months; the departure of a second Rochefort squadron has not even been spoken of, and there are several large frigates which are to do great mischief upon coasts which we think are little known to their sailors." We quote these expressions not for the purpose of paying attention to the menaces they contain, but of hazarding a conjecture upon the destination of the expeditions. When they say that we shall hear no more of the Toulon squadron for some months, do they mean from the time it passed the Straights, or from the present period! If they mean the former, upwards of two months have already elapsed, and if it be gone to the West-Indies we shall hear of its operations or arrival in all probability by the end of this month. But the phrase seems applicable to a more distant voyage than the West-Indies. Sometime ago we supposed it very probable that the combined fleets would separate in a certain latitude, and that the French would proceed to the East-Indies, and the Spaniards to the West. The intelligence we communicated yesterday seems to favour that supposition. A Spanish squadron of four sail of the line, was spoken in lat. 18, N. long. 40, steering a S. W. course on the 8th and 9th ult.—Undoubtedly this was the Spanish squadron from Cadiz, which it seems probable separated from the French immediately after leaving Cadiz; for on the 9th April they came out; on the 10th the French were out of sight, but on the 11th and 12th, the Spanish squadron of five sail of the line, were seen beating to the westward, having perhaps, lost sight of the French fleet in the night of the 10th. We are still, therefore, of opinion that the Toulon squadron is gone to the East-Indies—indeed the French talk of the blows they will strike in both the Indies. The injury which they are to do on those coasts which we thought were unknown to them, are said to be the coast of Canada, Hudson's Bay, and Newfoundland. Perhaps the second Rochefort squadron are gone thither. But our readers of course will not fail to see that the French, in the articles we have extracted, mix up, designed of course, much that is absurd, a great deal of insolence and menace. We trust that we shall furnish them with a few facts in return, and that we shall have to republish their notes with some valuable comments by Lord Nelson.
2. It is with reluctance that we abandon the idea of producing a confederacy of continental powers against France; but the hopes of the powerful co-operation
on the part of Russia grow fainter and fainter every day.—We might have disbelieved the articles from Petersburg in the Monitor : but the fact of a Russian negotiator being on the point of proceeding to Paris, cannot be doubted. That the object of his mission is to notify an ultimatum agreed to by Russia and Great-Britain conjointly, we not believe. We do not believe it, because we know that the approximation between Russia and France has been produced by the king of Prussia, who would not have interfered had he suspected that Russia had an intention of notifying, through an ambassador, for whom he had procured passports, that unless certain conditions were acceded to, the courts of Petersburg, London, and Stockholm, would make a common cause against France. That the sentiments of Russia have experienced a change within these three months is not to be doubted. If it were worth while to enter much into an investigation of the causes of that change, it would not, we believe, be difficult to prove that it has been produced in a great degree by the belief so industriously circulated throughout Europe, that parties were too equally balanced in this country to render it likely that Mr. Pitt's power would be permanent, and that a change of administration would in all probability lead to the adoption of a diametrically opposite system of politics with respect to France. Russia and the other powers were not to learn that Mr. Fox had repudiated the war as unnecessary and unjust, and had approved of the treaty of Amiens. To have made a common cause, therefore, with a country whose system towards France might have changed with a change of ministry, was a policy which under such circumstances, they must have felt disinclined to adopt.
Yet at the time we are expressing our disbelief, at least our strong doubts, whether Russia or any of the continental powers, will co-operate with us against France, it is proper we should state, that the last accounts from Vienna are by no means pacifick in their language towards France; and it is a fact that the funds at Vienna fell, within this month, four per cent. in one day. But we hardly think that the Austrian government will yet depart from its system of neutrality.
3. The chances of a continental war being so feeble, it remains to be inquired whether there is any stronger chance of peace being established between this country and France? The Monitor says, the object of Russia is to interfere as far as she can, for the purpose of restoring a general peace. If, indeed, we thought the Monitor serious in the angry tone it assumes, and insolent pretensions it sets forth, we should abandon every idea of peace. But we find that these pretensions vary almost daily, and that one day the Monitor insists upon nothing but the Treaty of Amiens, and the next insinuates, that if that treaty be departed from, there must be reciprocal restitutions—Upon the nature and object of those restitutions, the Monitor has thrown out some ideas which shall be the subject of a separate article on a future day. At present we shall conclude by saying, if France expects that we shall consent to such restitutions as she hints at, she will find herself completely mistaken—she will find herself equally mistaken if she supposes that we shall accept the Treaty of Amiens, the whole Treaty of Amiens, and nothing but the Treaty of Amiens.
June 21. Letters were on Thursday received from our squadron off Ferrol, dated the 11th inst. at which time there were ten sail of the line, under Sir R. Calder, blockading the enemy's ships in that harbour, consisting of twelve sail of the line, which for some time past have shewn a strong intention of putting to sea. Five sail had been despatched to look for the Rochefort squadron regaining that port; but were quickly obliged to return, in consequence of the wind changing favourably for the enemy to come out of Ferrol. There was a report yesterday that government had received intelligence of another Spanish squadron of six sail of the line having escaped from Cadiz, previously to the blockade being renewed.
June 24. This morning we received a series of Moniteurs from the 8th to the 15th, and Dutch Journals to the 20th inst. They announce, what we have long expected, the incorporation of the Ligurian Republic with the French empire. In the thing itself there is little to excite interest; for Genoa, her people, and her dependencies, were before as much at the disposal of Bonaparte as if they had been French: it is the manner in which the act originated and was carried into effect that calls for attention. The refusal of Great Britain to recognize the republic is assigned as the motive of this consolidation, although no doubt can be entertained that the real cause has been the ambition of the Emperor Napoleon. His answer to the Doge and Deputies of the Senate and people of Genoa evinces new proof of his detestation of the English Government and nation. Not content with coupling us with the pirates of Algiers, of Tunis, and Tripoli, he seems desirous of throwing out additional obstacles to the re-establishment of peace. He declares his determination never to acquiesce in the principle upon which this country has at all times acted with respect to the system of blockade. The arrival at this crisis of the claim that no right of blockade can be exercised but against such places as are actually blockaded by land as well as by sea, may induce many to think that Bonaparte will endeavour to make the discussion of the principle enter into any negotiation on which may be opened.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Ship Eliza, Evans, 11 days from Batavano, Rumy, C. & F. Whittle. British armed sch'r Bellona, Wills, 21 days from Barbados, Sugar, the master. Cutter Bullfrog, Vickery, 12 days from Porto Rico, Hides & Fustick, W. Hartsborne, jun.—Left there ship Polly, Lauchlin, sent in as a prize, not tried; brig Jane, Hazard, New-York; brig Fame, Dagget, of Norfolk, to sail in 14 days; sch'r Experiment, Cotton, of Baltimore, to sail in ten days; ship Lucy Ann, of Baltimore, arrived the day capt. Vickery sailed; sch'r Two Brothers, —, Philadelphia sailed for St. Thomas the same day.—Flour 8 dollars; Beef 11; Pork 15; all dull. Sch'r Patsey, Cowper, 22 days from Antigua, Rum, W. G. Ingraham.
SALE OF FURNITURE.
On Wednesday the 21st instant, at 11 o'clock, WILL BE SOLD—FOR CASH, At the Boarding-House of Mrs. Mirick, opposite the Virginia Bank. ALL HER FURNITURE—CONSISTING OF BEDS, Chairs, Tables, a handsome Side-Board, a new and elegant Eight Day Clock, a large Settee, some Plate, and a variety of Kitchen Furniture. The sale will be peremptory made, as it is the intention of Mrs. Mirick, to remove to Boston. August 16. 76
FOR NEW-YORK, The fast-sailing Schooner SARAH, JAMES GIBSON, Master:— Lying at Campbell & Wheeler's wharf—and will sail on Sunday next. For freight or passage, apply to the Master on board, or Thomas Oliver. August 16. 75

FOR NANTZ,
The good, fast sailing Ship
BRUTUS,
Captain PENDERGAST.
Burthen 370 bds. or thereabouts—a vessel well calculated to carry tobacco to France. For freight or passage, having excellent accommodations, apply to the Master on board, lying at Mr. Bow's wharf, Portsmouth, or
Thomas Payson & Co.
At Mr. Fisk's Store.
August 14.
tf 74
FOR PHILADELPHIA,
The Schooner
CHARMING MARY,
Charles Potter, Master:—
Having two-thirds of her cargo on board, will sail in a few days. For freight or passage, having excellent accommodations, apply to the Master on board, or
Thomas Allan.
August 14.
FOR CHARTER,
The good American Brig
MARY,
Burthen 152 tons; will carry about 120 hogsheads tobacco—she is ready for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to
Moses Myers.
August 12.
tf 62
FOR LIVERPOOL,
The British Ship
WILLIAM,
Burthen about 450 hogsheads tobacco. A fine ship about 3 years old. About half her cargo being on board, the remainder will be taken at a very low freight if offered soon. Apply to
Harrison Allmand.
August 12.
tf 69
SIXTY HOGSHEADS OF TOBACCO,
Are wanted on Freight for Liverpool, to complete the loading of the Brig
FLORA.
Apply to Robert Gibson; the Captain on board; or
Alexander Leckie.
Freight 4 pounds Sterling per Hhd. and 5 per cent. primage. August 12. tf 64
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER,
The American Ship
INDIA PACKET,
William Rindge, Master:—
Burthen 400 bds. Tobacco. Apply to the master on board, or to
Phinehas Dana, & Co.
Who have received per said ship from St. Lucia, 139 quarter casks SHERRY WINE, for sale on moderate terms. August 9. tf 55
FOR LONDON,
The good and fast sailing Ship
SPY,
Will be ready to receive a cargo immediately at the moderate freight of 41. per hhd. and 5 per cent. primage. Apply to the Captain on board, Thomas and Amos Ladd, Richmond, Maitland & Christian, Petersburg; or
William Hartshorne, Jun.
August 7.
tf 47
FOR PORT GLASGOW,
The good British Ship
COUNTESS OF BUTE,
P. McKEILAN, Master:—
Expected to sail by the 15th current—A few Bales of Cotton, or other small stowage, will be taken on freight, if immediate application is made to
Robert Maitland & Co.
The Countess of Bute, has excellent accommodations. For passage apply to the Master on board. August 2. 2w 34
CADIZ SALT,
For Sale on board the Jesse, Captain Ferris, from Cadiz, lying at my wharf, Gosport, which will be sold low, if taken from along side. Apply on board, or to
William Pennock.
Who offers said Brig for Charter; she carries 260 hogsheads tobacco—will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. August 2. tf 33
ALSO—FOR CHARTER,
The Copper bottomed Ship
THOMAS,
Burthen three hundred hogsheads tobacco, and now ready to receive a cargo. August 2. tf 33
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER,
The good American Ship
JOHN,
A. M. SPALDING, Master:—
297 tons burthen, a staunch, strong, tight vessel, now in complete order for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to the Captain on board, or
Richard Blow.
July 22.
tf 12
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER,
The good copper bottomed Ship
EARL OF LEICESTER,
Two hundred tons burthen, will be ready to receive a cargo in three days. For terms apply to
Wilson, Cunningham & Co.
July 24.
tf 17
FOR LIVERPOOL,
The British Brig
BETSEY,
300 hogsheads burthen—will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days; a large proportion of her cargo is now engaged, for the balance apply to
C. & F. Whittle.
July 22.
tf 10
FOR FREIGHT, OR CHARTER,
The fast sailing Brig
ELIZABETH,
Robert Barclay, Master:—
Burthen 1300 Barrels. Apply to
John Davis.
Portsmouth, July 31.
tf 27
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER,
The fine new American Ship
MECHANICK,
V. BAGLEY, Master, burthen 250 tons, or about 350 bds. Tobacco, now ready for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to
Robert Gibson.
June 27.
tf 782
FOR CHARTER,
The American Ship
REUNION,
Burthen 280 tons—she will be ready for the reception of a cargo in fifteen days. Warren Ashley.
WHO HAS ON BOARD SAID SHIP, 3000 Bushels Coarse SALT. July 8. tf 799   TO RENT,  Two Rooms adjoining the Office of the Publick Ledger. Apply at this office. July 26.   FOR LONDON,  The American ship  ABERDEEN,  William Morgan, Master:—  Burthen about 450 hogsheads tobacco—Intended to sail by the 1st of August—can take on freight about 200 hogsheads tobacco, and 50 bales cotton. For terms apply to  J. & W. Southgate.  July 5.  tf 792   FOR LONDON,  The Ship  MENTOR,  Stephen Waterman, Master:—  Burthen 350 hogsheads tobacco—Will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days, and will sail by the last of this month. She is a very fine vessel of 13 months old, and well found in every respect. For freight or passage, apply to Freeland & Gillies, in Petersburg, or to  N. Heron.  July 8.  tf 805   FOR A PORT IN FRANCE,  The new Portuguese Barque  MERCURIO,  H. Mazza, Master:—  Burthen 170 to 180 hogsheads—Having part of her cargo engaged, the balance will be taken on a moderate freight, if immediate application is made to the Captain on board, or to  John Newell, Jun.  July 29.  tf 23   FOR CHARTER,  The good Ship  FRANKLIN,  Spoozer, Master:—  Burthen about three hundred hogsheads. For terms apply to  Moses Myers.  July 24.  tf 16  NOTICE.  THE PARTNERSHIP OF SAMUEL SAUNDERS & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent, and those who have accounts with the said firm, will please come forward for immediate settlement to SAMUEL SAUNDERS , who is duly authorized by the concern to adjust the same. Samuel Saunders. P. Henep.  N. B. The business in future, will be carried on by SAMUEL SAUNDERS , AND ROBERT C. JENNINGS , AND Co. under the firm of  SAMUEL SAUNDERS & Co.  July 12.  tf 814  NOW LANDING ON NEWTON'S WHARF, From on board the Brig Brothers , Capt. Dunn, from Jamaica, 124 Hogsheads, 11 Barrels, } PRIME JAMAICA SUGARS. For sale by  William Pennock.  August 2.  tf 37  LANDING THIS DAY ON OUR WHARF, From on board the Martha & Mary , from Grenada, 86 Puncheons RUM. 20 Hogsheads MOLASSES. 1 Puncheon SHRUB. 1 Barrel LIME JUICE. And from on board the British Brig Brothers , from Kingston. 40,000 lbs. Prime Jamaica COFFEE. IN STORE.  50,000 lbs. Prime Jamaica COFFEE. 30,000 lbs. Porto Rico do. 20 Barrels Baltimore LOAF SUGAR. 150 Barrels Superfine FLOUR. 50 Hogsheads Petersburg TOBACCO. 20 Puncheons Grenada RUM. 20 Barrels Prime PORK. 25 Bales Upland COTTON. All of which we will dispose of on moderate terms. C. & F. Whittle. August 2. tf 33  NOW LANDING, 90 Bags Prime Green COFFEE. For sale by  Moses Myers.  July 22.  tf 14  GILLIAT & MACKINDER , Have received their assortment of SPRING GOODS , By the ship DUNERIES , from London.—Assorted Packages for exportation, entitled to drawback. April 24. 622  250 Barrels Superfine, 250 do. Fine, 100 do. X Midlings, } FLOUR. 150 do. do. 50 do. Ship, 90 do. Navy, } BREAD. 10 Quarter Casks Sherry WINE. For Sale by  JAMES MAURICE & CO.  April 12.  tf 589  To Lease—For Eleven Years, THAT VALUABLE LOT OF LAND, on the corner of Commerce and Little Water Streets.—For further particulars, apply to  J. Tucker.  August 2.  tf 35  IRISH LINENS.  THE SUBSCRIBER Has received in addition to his London Goods, a large assortment of Irish Linens, Sheetings, Diapers, Dowlas, Hardware, &c. For Ship Charleston , Captain Hall, from Liverpool, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. ALSO, 500 Pieces Twilled SACKING. Richard Taylor. May 31. 729  RANAWAY from the Subscriber in Warwick County, yesterday morning the 11th instant, my Negro fellow SOUTHY , a tall black fellow, about six feet high, 28 years old; he may be well known by a knot on one of his legs just above his ankle bone, about the size of an ounce ball. His dress as well as I recollect, is a tight cotton stripped short jacket, and trowsers of the same. I will give a reward of Twenty Dollars for said fellow if delivered to me, or secured in jail so that I may get him again. All Masters of vessels and others, are forewarned harbouring or carrying him away. George Parker. Warwick County, August 12. 3* 68  LOST—YESTERDAY MORNING , Between the United States Bank, and the Lower Bridge, A GOLD CHAIN AND SMALL RED SEAL, with the impression of a HOUND—A Mulatto Boy was seen to pick it up—A liberal reward will be given to any person who will leave it at the Ledger Office. If offered for sale, it is hoped it will be stopped and information given. August 9. tf 58  TO RENT.  THE Store, Cellar, and Compating Room, No. 41, Main-Street, at present occupied by Messrs. GILLIAT & MACKINDER . Apply to  Thomas Willock.  April 1.  tf 547  FOR SALE—BY THE SUBSCRIBER,  75 Puncheons Winward Island RUM. 6 do. 4th proof Old Jamaica do. 5 do. New-England do. 30 Pipes Best Holland GIN. 3 Hogsheads and 24 Barrels Country do. 8 Pipes 4th proof Cognac BRANDY. 11 do. do. Alicante do. 10 Quarter Casks Sherry WINE. 17 Pipes Fine Old Sicily do. 70 Crates well assorted EARTHEN WARE. 2 Hogsheads do. assorted for family use. 12 Casks GLASS WARE—well assorted. 200 Sacks Liverpool SALT—Also, 70 Hds. Richmond and Petersburg TOBACCO. 35 do. Lowland do. 104 Barrels Superfine, 90 do. Fine, } FLOUR. 27 do. SHIP STUFF. A. Maclure. August 7. tf 48  FOR SALE, ON BOARD THE SHIP FRANKLIN , 120 Firkins Choice Boston BUTTER, Fit for Family use.—Apply to  Moses Myers.  August 7.  tf 49  LANDING AT COMMERCE-STREET WHARF, FROM BRIG MILTON , 27 Puncheons High Proof Jamaica RUM. 7 do. MOLASSES. AND FROM SCHOONER EXCELENT , A few Puncheons choice Winward Island RUM. For sale by  Redmon & Frith.  August 7.  tf 52  LANDING THIS DAY, ON NEWTON'S WHARF, The Cargo of the Schooner DIANA ,—Baptist, Master, from St. Bartholomew, 22 Hogsheads, 22 Barrels, } CHOICE SUGAR. 9 Hogsheads RUM. 5 Pipes TENERIFFE WINE. And a parcel Manufactured IRON WARE. Moses Myers. July 12. tf 818  THE SUBSCRIBERS Offer for Sale, at their Warehouse on Commerce Street Wharf, 86 Barrels Prime, 14 do. Cargo, } PORK. Received per Schooner Weymouth , Capt. Weymouth, from New-York. Phinehas Dana & Co. August 5. tf 43  NOTICE. ALL persons having claims against the Estate of the late William Atchison, Esq. are desired to send them to the subscriber, and those indebted are requested to make payment to  Mary Atchison,  June 29.  tf 783  THE SUBSCRIBER Having opened Tavern in the EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE , will be glad to take in TEN OR TWELVE GENTLE BOARDERS by the year. Peter Kemp. May 6. tf 654  REMOVAL.  JAMES TUCKER , Has removed to No. 1, Holt's Lane , near Main-Street , WHERE HE OFFERS FOR SALE, ON REASONABLE TERMS, HIS STOCK IN TRADE, CONSISTING OF A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF HARDWARE, NAILS, &c. May 8. tf 659  MARTIN FISK , Has this day landed from the Ship Glory , from Liverpool, AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF CUT GLASS, For family use—such as Decanters, Wine Glasses, & Tumblers. July 5. tf 795  A SINGLE MAN, Who writes a fair hand, and understands the French language well, will meet with an eligible situation by applying at the Office of the Publick Ledger. July 26. tf 19  NORFOLK HOTEL.  THE Subscriber informs his friends and the publick, that he has opened an HOTEL in that convenient house formerly the NAVY TAVERN No. 128 Main-Street, where he hopes by his attention, to give satisfaction to those who may favour him with their company. He will always keep the best liquors: and Private Parties will be furnished with Dinners, Suppers, or Relishes, at the shortest notice. BOARDERS accommodated by the week, month, or year Henry Benbridge. October 9. tf 170  NOW LANDING  From on board the Brig Fame , from Havana, and Schooner Lydia , from Antigua, 170 Hogsheads MOLASSES. 129 do. RUM. For sale by  William Pennock.  May 27.  tf 716