Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-08-19 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  ERTI HOC ETIAM SUA PRÆMIA LATE
[VOL. V.
FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 19, 1808.
NO. 15.]
From the North American.
MR. WAGNER, SIR,
I send you a piece under the signature of a NATIVE AMERICAN, which I transmitted to the Whig, together with the extract from the Aurora, which accompanies this. The Whig refused to publish the extract from the Aurora, but gave a place to a NATIVE AMERICAN in a garbled and mangled state. I now send them both to you for publication. The sentences contained in brackets, will show what was contained in a NATIVE AMERICAN, and left out by the Whig.
I am, Sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, LUTHER MARTIN.
To the Editor of the Whig.
WHITE-WASHING OF AN ETHIOPIAN.
Such is the vain labour, in which your correspondent, Fair Play, has been engaged in your paper of last Saturday. — Do me did not slander Washington? nor is the Ethiopian black! Pray, when did Mr. Fair Play arrive in this country? — or when did he become acquainted with our political controversies? and with the authors of all the infamous publications with which the democratic newspapers teemed.
But to prove that the charge against Duane is a tory lie , this poor, contemptible creature, who most improperly assumes to himself the signature of Fair Play, tells us that it is well known that Duane was not the editor of the Aurora at that time — What a wonderful discovery! So, Sir, a man cannot be the author of vile slander, published in a newspaper, unless he is the editor of that paper! [Really, Mr. Irvine, are you the author of every infamous publication which has appeared in the paper, edited by you? If so, God help you, you have enough to answer for!]
But how doth Fair Play attempt to exculpate Duane? He says, "the truth is, Benjamin Franklin Bache, (a native American) wrote the paragraph alluded to, and only meant to reflect on the dangerous ascendancy which Hamilton had acquired over Gen. Washington" Now I am so far from believing this to be the truth , that I believe it a direct falsehood. I believe it was written by Duane; I never doubted it. Though he was not the editor of the Aurora, he was then in the employ of Bache, and was in his confidence — It has ever been attributed to Duane — It has never been before suggested that he was not the author. He has always had with our present administration the merit of being the author, and has been by them rewarded accordingly. I believe it impossible, that Benjamin F. Bache should have written it, or that it could have come from the pen of any native American , except from the pen of him, who has lavished his rewards upon Duane. Nay, even Fair Play, whose principal object appears to prevent odium being thrown upon democratic foreigners, seems himself to doubt whether Duane was not the author of that publication; and therefore to save foreigners from censure, in consequence, insists that Duane is "a native of New-York , not a foreigner."
But upon a further examination I find, that the only publication forming being the author of which Fair Play attempts to exculpate Duane, is the parody of the song of St. Simeon. But is that the only instance of Duane's indecent, vile, slanderous publications against our Washington? No, he stands charged with being the author of the infamous publication in the Aurora of the 13th March, 1797, insinuating in the strongest terms, that the Saviour of our country had been a bare, savage murderer — a copy of this I send you to be inserted in your paper. With Fair Play pretend also that this was written by Benjamin Franklin Bache? Will Duane or his patrons thus infamize the character of a gentleman, now no more, [whose widow he has married — whose children are under his protection — and who have a right to demand that he should be the protector of their father's honour] — a gentleman, who, with all his faults, was an angel compared with Duane? But let the attempt be made — neither he nor his associates will be believed; the attempt will only increase public indignation.
But I now have to call Mr. Fair Play's recollection to another publication, the pamphlet under the signature of Jasper Dwight — his first essay, by which he recommended himself to those who compose the administration; this preceded the two publications in the Aurora — This was not published in that newspaper; of this he is notoriously known to be the author; and it is a tissue of the most base and impudent abuse of General Washington, and of his conduct as President of the United States — From this pamphlet I will soon furnish the public with a few extracts.
So much for the contemptible endeavour to prove that Duane never was the slanderer of General Washington.
But supposing this charge to be true, yet Fair Play says it ought not to cast an odium upon foreigners, because Duane is a native American — not a foreigner.
I will examine the fact — It is admitted that Duane's parents were natives of Ireland, living, I believe, in Clonmel. That his mother died, I believe, at the same place — and where I have no doubt, himself was born. Now let us hear how he claims to be a native American . Why, we are told that before the American revolution, his parents came to America, and settled in the upper part of the state of New York, or the adjoining part of Canada — for this fact does not seem to be ascertained, nor is it material. There he pretends he was born — and that his father having died there, his mother returned with him to Ireland. All this was before the American Revolution; of what consequence is it then
where he was born? whether in the Province of New York, or Province of Canada; or whether he was born in England, Ireland or Scotland? He was born a subject of the British government, and under its allegiance: his mother returned with him to Ireland; remained there with him as subjects of and bearing allegiance to, that government. When they left America, there was no such character as a citizen of the United States — There was no such government in existence. When he went from Ireland to Calcutta, did he go as a citizen of the United States? When he established a press there for the same wicked purposes, in pursuit of which he has distinguished himself in this country, was it in the character of a citizen of the United States? When Sir John Shore sent for him, as he supposed, to take breakfast, did he think himself invited as a citizen of the United States? Or did he claim any privilege from that character, when he found he was to take breakfast in confinement?
When he reached [after he made his escape, and got to] England, and attended the turbulent democratic meetings of the disaffected — when in the character of chairman or secretary, or at least as a member of the meeting he entered into resolutions censuring and disapproving the conduct of the "King" — Was this in the character of a citizen of the United States? No — All these acts were done by him in his character of a British subject. [And did his flight from the justice of the British government] and did his arrival here constitute him a citizen of the United States? No — great as was his merit in the eyes of democracy, it could not have that effect. No — Duane was born under a foreign government — before there was such a government as the United States. He was living under a foreign government , when by the throes of Revolutionary war, the government of the United States was brought into existence. He afterwards continued to live under the same foreign government until he fled from its justice. He came here a foreigner, as completely a foreigner, even though he had been born on American ground, as if he had been born on the rocks of Caledonia, or the mountains of Wales [Or amidst the Bogs of Ireland] and here he continued a foreigner until he became naturalized according to the laws of our country — and if he has not been so naturalized, he is at this moment a foreigner.
From this time I hope, we shall have no more attempts to impose upon the publick, by asserting that Duane was not the slanderer of Washington — or that he did not come to this country a foreigner.
A NATIVE AMERICAN.
*The original was his king .
From the Aurora, of the 13th March, 1797.
MR. BACHE, I see in your last number, a letter signed Geo. WASHINGTON, solemnly denying the authenticity of certain private letters, dated 1776, and ascribed to him. For the honour of my country, I sincerely rejoice that those letters are not genuine; but I must say, I think Mr. Washington blamable for not having sooner noticed the forgery ; I own for one, that his long silence produced on my mind disagreeable doubts . Others have felt them, and I cannot but think that as a servant of the publick, it was his duty immediately to have removed such doubts, since it was in his power to have done it so readily. His personal pride should have been overcome, for the sake of his publick duty . The necessity of publick confidence being attached to publick officers in important stations, especially in a government like ours, should have pointed out early to him the necessity , however disagreeable the task to his personal feelings , of stepping forward with a publick denial of the unworthy sentiments attributed to him in these spurious letters.
Since he has prevailed upon himself to break the ice , there is another subject on which the publick mind should receive some light . I have not known it lately to be a matter of publick discussion; but it has frequently been brought forward in private conversations , and I never could find any one capable of giving a satisfactory explanation , and probably from the old state of the transaction (1754.) Mr. Washington may be the only person capable of giving an enclaircissement .
The accusation in question is no less than having, while commanding a party of American troops, fired on a flag of truce , killed the officer in the act of reading a summons under the sanction of such a flag ; of having attempted to vindicate the act, and yet of having signed a capitulation , in which the killing of that officer and his men, was acknowledged as an act of assassination .
The charge is of a serious nature , firing on a flag of truce , so unprecedented an act, even in savage warfare ; and signing an acknowledgment of having been guilty of assassination , so degrading to a man, and more especially to a military man, that I feel confident there must have been some egregious misstatement in the account given of the business. I imagined this also must have been some forgery , or that major Geo. Washington , who was taken at Fort Necessity, in 1754, could not be the same person, as Geo. Washington, late president of the United States .
The transaction alluded to is recorded in a pamphlet published here in 1754, purporting to be the translation of "A Memoir, containing a summary view of facts with their authorities, in answer to the observations sent by the English ministers to the courts of Europe."
Mr. Washington can settle every doubt upon this subject, by declaring whether this memorial was a forgery ; whether the journal it contains, purporting to be his journal, and especially the capitulation acknowledging the killing of Mr. Jumonville and his men to have been an act of assassination , were papers forged to answer the purposes of the French court, or whether he is the major Washington there alluded to.
From the Federal Gazette.
A REPUBLICAN ESSAYIST.—No. I.
MR. HEWES,
A real Republican, who has been thrown out of business by no fault of his own, and who severely feels the heavy pressure of the times, solicits the privilege of forwarding a few short letters through the medium of your paper. Uninfluenced by party spirit, his language shall be temperate, while his great suffering and gloomy prospect would justify much stronger.
To the Citizens of Maryland.
That crisis has arrived in the political situation of this country, that calls aloud for the deep consideration of every mind capable of reflection. Such a period has not occurred since the glorious revolution that gave us a name among the nations of the earth. We see distress in the countenances of the many, whilst the few have no comfort to impart to them. The cause of this distress it is my purpose to consider. You are the sufferers; and if in the end you should be of opinion that the many evils you now complain of, proceed from the unskilful hands into which you have placed your government, "tis you, and you alone, who can originate and apply the remedy."
The most prominent of the causes which have led to the present embarrassments is the embargo. If you should be of opinion that it is the wisest measure that could have been adopted, you will of course rest satisfied; but if on the contrary you should be of a different opinion, you will take the proper measures to obtain redress.
I have always been of opinion that every man was a competent judge of his own interest; that is, that he was competent to judge of the propriety of continuing or discontinuing a business in which he might be engaged. This indeed is so natural, that it must be evident to the judgment of every person; and it is a position that cannot be denied, unless we say that man is not competent to self-government; a doctrine abhorrent to a free mind. Taking this then for granted, I must of course be of opinion that if the government of the United States had made the merchants acquainted with the state of our foreign relations, instead of keeping them with so much secrecy locked up in the bureau of the secretary of state, (which has unfortunately been too much the case heretofore,) they would have been the most competent tribunal to have laid their own embargo, if it was necessary. The commerce of this country was never in a more flourishing situation than at the time the embargo was laid; this is proved by the receipts in our treasury at that time, as well as some years antecedent thereto.
Dreadful then indeed, must be that expedient which shall, at one fatal stroke, deprive the country of such a trade, extensive and lucrative beyond example; and by this same bold stroke, paralyze the spirits and the genius of the country; leave the produce of the farms to rot on the hand, and the people unable to pay the usual demands against them, when it is a fact, known to all conversant with the subject, that three-fourths of the native produce of this country could have been shipped with great safety at any period since the embargo was laid; and in this three-fourths is included all the wheat and flour of the country. I consider the loss in this article alone, to this state, at two millions of dollars annually; and what is it all for? to make an experiment; to bring the belligerents to our own terms, as if there was not always two sides to a bargain; and we shall find it an experiment, terminated as it may, which will cost dear indeed. Unfortunate as I am, I should deem it a happy circumstance to be advised of one solitary instance in which this wonderful-working embargo has effected any good: we have been frequently informed that it was to produce good; it has been in operation nearly four months without any visible signs of it; and how much longer we are to be kept in expectation of it, remains for the people to determine. It has produced a great scarcity in some of the West India islands, it is acknowledged, and the prices of provisions there have been very high: no farmer, however, in this country has benefited by it; and the West Indians, who have heretofore depended on us for supplies, will hereafter either seek other channels, or they will raise corn for themselves—which they have already commenced and can readily do; and should the embargo continue another year, which is very probable, we shall, to our sorrow, find them independent of us. It is time the people should begin to think for themselves, and not be governed by names; 'tis on them the burden must eventually rest, and they must either content themselves to bear it, or rise up in their might and shake it off.
A NATIVE.
From the American Daily Advertiser.
MAXIMS OF GOVERNMENT.
It was the opinion of the celebrated founder of Pennsylvania (who for his wisdom and integrity, has been ranked among the most illustrious of Legislators) that GOVERNMENT should justly be deemed a divine ordinance, or to use his own words— "a part of religion itself; a thing sacred in its institution and end"—being "an emanation of that divine power!" As to the form—He observes that "Any government is free to the people under it, where the laws rule and the people are a party to those laws, and more than this is tyranny, oligarchy and confusion." The principle on which the government was originally founded, continuing to be the ruling feature of our present code, it is questionable whether any one can justly refuse his co-operation with good men, for the support of such a system of measures as will prove the most efficient for maintaining the order and harmony of society. If there be any who do it, from a misapprehension of the nature
of government, such on reflection, must see that the tendency of the principle they act upon, leads inevitably to the annihilation of all government— What then is the effect? Society becomes unhinged, and "tyranny, oligarchy and confusion" ensue; — an effect, incompatible with any idea we can entertain, of the injunctions of that divine being whose first law is ORDER! These, if they act on conscientious grounds for such is the presumption, will as well to reflect, whether, at least negatively , they do not violate a divine law, by an omission of the so legal duties, we are bound as men and brethren to reciprocate, and which, it appears, are enjoined upon us as "a part of religion itself" and particularly should they bear in mind, that a spirit of innovation has gone abroad dangerous to social repose with its associating, this further reflection of William Penn—that "Governments like Clocks, go from the motion men give them, and as governments are made and moved by men, so by men are they ruined also—Wherefore governments rather depend on men, than men on governments, let men be good, and the government cannot be bad; if it be ill, they will cure it, but if men be bad, let government be ever so good, they will endeavour to warp and spoil it to their turn—That therefore, which makes a good constitution must keep it, viz—MEN OF WISDOM AND VIRTUE."
SOLON.
Dr. Tissot's celebrated Gout and Rheumatick Drops.
The Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, and the various disorders of the same nature, are so exquisitely painful, and so difficult to be cured, that they have justly excited the attention of the medical profession. Some professional gentlemen have excelled in one department of the sciences; others in another. Dr. Tissot particularly has long been renowned for the superiority of his prescriptions in chronic diseases, and the length of time which elapsed during his sole attention to the nature and effects and cure of these affections, render the medicines which he recommended of invaluable importance. The beneficial effects of these drops, have been so often experienced, and their extraordinary efficacy has been attested by witnesses so numerous and so unimpeachably credible, that incredulity itself cannot doubt the virtues of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops. Large quantities have already been vendied, and the fall is now become so general, and their certainty in curing the disorders of a chronic nature is so completely ascertained, that certificates of their unbounded utility are now under way. Testimonies of their value, and a volume of attested cures performed by them, may be seen upon application at T. W. Dyott's genuine Drug and Patent Medicine Warehouse, No. 27, South Second street, Philadelphia.
The price of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, is only two dollars per bottle, with copious directions. Generous allowances made to those who buy to sell again. Of the many respectable testimonies of the effects of the above Drops, which have been received by the proprietor, we beg leave to annex the following:
Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton. I certify that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply to Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the directions, they effected a perfect cure. Another time my wrist was affected with rheumatism to such a degree, as to render my hand for the time useless, when on application of the same remedy in like manner, the rheumatism in the course of twenty-four hours was entirely removed.
I therefore, from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it a beneficial act to recommend it in similar cases to others.
(Signed) C. RIDGELY, of Hampton. Certificate of John Gibson, Esq. one of the Directors of the Farmers' Bank of Maryland. I certify that about a year since, my foot received an injury by a fall; in a few hours after it was affected with a most excruciating pain, so that I was unable to walk, with crutches. I was apprehensive that this accident would induce a severe fit of the gout, with which I had been frequently attacked. In this situation one of my friends advised me to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops; I immediately procured them and made the application; in less than three hours the pain entirely abated, which had been so severe, as to deprive me of sleep for several nights. By a few further applications, a perfect cure succeeded. I have frequently since in other cases, used them myself, and recommended them to others with invariable success.
(Signed) JOHN GIBSON.
Mary Taylor, No. 135, Plumb street, Philadelphia, aged upwards of seventy years, having been afflicted with very violent rheumatick pains for more than eight years, but recommended to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, on only using half a bottle every rheumatick affection was completely removed, and I have continued free from all pain ever since; as witness my hand.
MARY TAYLOR. The above drops are sold wholesale and retail only by BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co. Norfolk.
ALSO, DR. ROBERTSON'S Patent Stomachick Wine Bitters.
Celebrated and well known for their superior qualities in restoring weak constitutions, destroying Worms, cleansing and strengthening, giving a proper tone to the stomach, and increasing the appetite—a frequent use of them is a certain preventative against those complaints so common in the spring and fall. Such as intermitting fevers, agues, autumnal fevers, dysenteries, &c. &c. They are particularly serviceable to those who make long sea voyages, and are exposed to unhealthy climates, as a powerful preservative against contagious disorders.
PRO BONO PUBLICO.
Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Black- ing, prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beautifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but by experience; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recommended to gentlemen and gentlemen who are much exposed to the wet—Also for cleaning Harness, as it will effectually prevent the water from penetrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the very last, giving it also a beautiful jet black gloss, a proof of which may be seen at the warehouse.
The above Blacking is prepared and sold only by T. W. DYOTT, at his Medical Warehouse, No. 11, North Second street, Philadelphia; sold also by his appointment, at BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co's Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVELL & CONRAD'S, Petersburg.
We here also may be had,
THE IMPERIAL WASH,
And new invented LIQUID. For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots. May 20. 1808

THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 19, 1808.
We have omitted some political matter, in order to give insertion to the debate in the British House of Commons upon the affairs of Spain, in the perusal of which, we think the reader will be gratified.
The Petersburg paper notices the apprehension and commitment of the young man belonging to the Post-Office, mentioned in our last, on whom was found seventeen hundred dollars, chiefly in United States Notes, with some in halves, and a post note. Those who have lost notes are advised to forward a description of them to Petersburg.
Our readers will remember that we have more than once noticed the detention of the mail in Petersburg. The object is now evident; if the mail had been regularly forwarded on the night of its arrival at that place, this young man would not have found time to have examined it, and much loss would have been avoided, besides the benefit the publick would have derived from a regular transmission of the mail. The Petersburg paper makes the following remarks, in which we coincide.
"The frequent losses sustained by persons transmitting money in the mail, and particularly of late, should certainly induce the Post-Master-General to make some enquiry as to the manner in which the business of the Post-Offices is conducted. Perhaps the "publick interest would be promoted," by the appointment of men whose "circumstances in life do not place them above the drudgery of office."
Heretofore the Post-Office at Petersburg was held by a man who was not above the "drudgery of the office," but then he was a federalist, and as Mr. Granger civilly says "the publick good required his removal." How far the publick good has been promoted in this instance, we wish Mr. Granger to inform the publick, for whose benefit the removal was made.
The Post rider between Newbern and Raleigh, was murdered on the 4th ins. and the Mail robbed.
More good fruit from the Embargo. The Raleigh Register says:
"We learn that his excellency the governor has notified his council to convene in this city on the 16th inst. again to take into consideration the propriety of calling together the General assembly before their usual time of meeting, for the purpose of considering the applications which have been made for suspending the law, for recovering debts by execution."
SPANISH PROVINCES.—We have in our possession an official document, that will convey an idea of the extent of the commerce of those provinces, from which we are so ridiculously excluded by the Embargo. This document relates to the port of Vera Cruz only.
  Imported into Vera Cruz in 1804.   From Spain. In goods the produce or manufacture of Spain, $ 10,412,324   In foreign goods (mostly English,) 4,493,736   From the Colonies of Spain 1,619,082   $ 16,525,742   Exported from Vera Cruz in 1804.   To Spain, $ 18,033,371   To Spanish Colonies, 3,424,511   $ 21,457,882 
We have a list of every article imported and exported, and note that the amount of exports in gold and silver coin is $ 16,887,859. We observe also that there were exported in the same year, 21,371 Sacks of Flour, equal to about 12,000 barrels.
In the above, the Royal Trade is not included. In the same year, there were imported, for the Royal account 20,000 quintals of quicksilver, and exported for the same account 13,500,000 dollars in coined gold and silver, and 3080 quintals of copper; there are besides various minor articles of import and export.
NEW-YORK, August 11.
Latest from the Havana.—A gentleman of this city, to whom we are indebted for many favours, has sent us an extra Gazette, printed at the Havana, from which we have made the following interesting translations. [N. Y. Ev. Post.]
HAVANA, July 22.
[Remarks of the Editor.]
The tyrannical usurpation of the rights of the lawful sovereign Ferdinand VII. by the most unheard of perfidy; perfidy more atrocious than any recorded in the history of the crimes of mankind, opens a vast field for the painful reflections of every good Spaniard, who loves his religion, his country and his king—A nation glorious in the annals of the world, oppressed by a monster of ambition, who on a sudden throwing off the mask has discovered in the face of the whole universe his true character presents an astonishing spectacle, which leaves the most rational man as it were in a state of stupefaction. With respect to ourselves we ingeniously confess, that with hearts oppressed with grief we are unable to give a perspicuous relation of the most important events of so unfortunate a period; and were it not for a glimmering of a future but approaching prosperity which appears in the horizon of our unhappy peninsula, we should throw down the pen and quit the melancholy employment of announcing calamities; for who is those possessed of the smallest portion of sensibility, that would not shrink from the task? our country it
is true, is oppressed; but Spanish courage is not subjugated nor depressed. The nation in a mass is awakened from the lethargy into which respect for the government had plunged her, and rises to resist the insupportable yoke which it is intended to place upon her neck. We shall see her accomplish glorious actions, tyranny repelled, Spain triumphant although at the expense of great and painful sacrifices, and the Spaniards happy under the just and mild sway of their rightful monarch.
Never had we more important or more interesting intelligence to announce to the publick, and the quantity of it will oblige us to publish extra numbers of this paper; we begin to-day with the establishment of the supreme council (Junta) of government constituted at Seville, which has given an impulse to the other provinces of the kingdom.
(Here follows an edict which has been heretofore published. The Havana paper then proceeds:)
Cadiz, 3d June.—The supreme council (Junta) of government has communicated to the council of this city, the following proclamation:
SPANIARDS,
Seville could not resist the impulses of its heroic loyalty, of which it has given an example in all ages. The king to whom it had sworn allegiance, and whom it had received with unprecedented joy, has been carried off. The fundamental laws of the monarchy have been trampled upon, the wealth, the customs, the females, and every thing dear to the nation are threatened, our holy religion, our only hope, is about to perish, or be reduced to a vain formality, and is without support or protection, and all this is the work of a foreign power, not effected by the force of arms, but by deceit, by perfidy, making instruments of our lives, and perpetrating these atrocities by the means of those very persons who are called heads of our government, and who have not scrupled, either from depravity, from vile fear, or perhaps from other cause, which time and justice will discover, to sacrifice their country. It was then become indispensably necessary to break those strong ties which impeded the Spaniards from arising and displaying that generous ardour with which in all ages they have covered themselves with glory and defended the honour of the nation, their laws, their monarchs, and their religion.
The inhabitants of Seville then assembled on the 27th May, and with the assistance of all the magistrates and persons in authority convened, and of the most respectable persons of all classes, created this supreme council (Junta) of government, invested it with all their powers, and ordered it to defend religion, the nation, the laws, and the king. We accept so sacred a trust, we swear to perform it, and we rely upon the efforts of the whole nation. We began by again proclaiming and swearing allegiance to our king Don Fernando VII. and vowing to die in his defence, and this was the shout of joy and of union, and will be so throughout Spain.
A council of government scarcely formed when it violated the most sacred laws of the monarchy, a President appointed without authority, and who if he once had a right, has lost it, besides his foreign birth which according to laws was an obstacle to his being president, a conduct always versatile, and which tended to destroy the monarchs themselves from whom he received his authority, and the laws which alone could give him power, could not or ought oblige us to repress our loyalty, still less to break the sacred obligations which we have contracted as Spaniards, as subjects, as christians, as men free and independent of all foreign authority.
Still less could the authority of the first tribunal of the nation, the council of Castile detain us. Its weakness has been made apparent by the uncertain and inconsistent measures which it has taken at this juncture, the most important to the nation that has ever occurred, and in which it ought to have shown the heroic firmness to which a thousand motives and honour itself invited it. Its weakness, and perhaps its infamy was exhibited in ordering the fact of renunciation of the monarchy in favour of a foreign prince to be circulated and obeyed; an act most illegal and void for want of power in him who made it, since the monarchy was not his, nor is Spain composed of creatures subject to the arbitrary will of him who governed us, and had come to the throne by the right of blood as he himself acknowledges, and by the fundamental laws of monarchy which prescribe invariably hereditary succession, and over which the council has no power, but is under a sacred obligation to demand their observance.—Void because of the state of violence and oppression in which it was made, greater and more evident than that to which he attributes his abdication. Void because the renunciations which have been published of the king Ferdinand the seventh, and his uncle and brother, supposing them to be genuine are made in the same state of violence, and was extorted as the renunciations expressly declare. Void because many of the royal family who have a claim to the monarchy, have not renounced it, and resolve to preserve it entire. Added to this the horrible perfidy which has been made use of, and with which the Spanish nation have been mocked. To our alliance and sacrifices that nation owes all its vaunted triumphs: it has obtained our valiant troops, conducted them to the most distant countries, causes them to fight for her interests, without necessity as is well known, and for the purpose of weakening us and depriving us of those forces. Her armies then enter Spain always protesting their object to be our happiness under the pretext of undertaking against the enemy, of which they no longer speak. The people, with a generous spirit, oppose the departure of their king with which that nation ought to have been pleased, and far from this preserves a haughty silence respecting that departure, and still more, makes it a reason to oppress us. She supposes divisions in the nation, and there is not, nor has there ever been any so united in loving and defending their king. She entices the latter by her deceitful language to her territory: with a generosity which perhaps there is no example, the king believes them, throws himself into their arms, and with a perfidy of which no nation has any vestige in its annals, she makes him a prisoner, treats him disrespectfully, and compels him to commit errors which all Europe has seen with consternation, and every Spaniard with the greatest grief; by the same treachery she occasions his royal parents to enter her dominions, and obliges them to perform actions illegal, unjust, and which dishonour their royal names, both at present and to the latest posterity. She makes prisoners of the other royal persons, even of those whose tender age would have been an inviolable protection even among the most barbarous nations.
The emperor convokes the nation to his presence—he chooses such deputies as he thinks proper: he arbitrarily designates the modes of electing others to treat in a foreign country respecting the most sacred concerns of the nation, when he himself has publicly censured as criminal, and contrary to the rights of sovereignty, a private and respectful letter written to him by Ferdinand VII. when he was perhaps instigated by the very foreigner who now pretends to impute it to him as a crime—It is in fact a crime and an act of rebellion in an independent nation to obey a foreign prince, and to discuss in his presence and under his control, her most important interests, and Seville, nor no Spaniard will ever be so lost to shame, and so destitute of loyalty, as to commit such manifest and atrocious rebellion; even slaves would not be capable of staining themselves by conduct so vile and contumacious.
He has taken a thousand unworthy means to deceive us: he daily disseminates seditious libels to mislead publick opinion, in which professing respect to the laws and religion, he tramples upon, ridicules and insults both; he omits no means however infamous to place upon our necks an iron yoke and make us slaves; his audacity and falsehood have arisen to such a degree as even to publish in one of his Journals that he is united with and favoured by the Supreme Pontiff and Vicar of Jesus Christ, when it is notorious that Europe and even barbarous nations who have respected his dignity, know that he holds him in a state of the most heavy oppression; he has despoiled him of his estates; he has caused his Cardinals to leave him, as the Pope himself states by violence alone, and for the purpose of preventing him from exercising the direction and government of the whole church, which the Pope possesses by the authority and command of our Divine Saviour Jesus Christ.
Spaniards: all this impetuously calls upon us to unite and prevent such atrocious attempts. There is no revolution in Spain. We declare war against no one, and we only endeavour to defend what is most sacred against him who under pretext of alliance and friendship has snatched it from us, and who unless we contend with him, we have reason to fear, will deprive us of laws, of monarchy, and of religion. Let us then sacrifice every thing in so just a cause, and if we must lose every thing, let it be in battle and like generous men.
Let us then all unite; the people throughout Spain are ready to take up arms; let the most intelligent men of all the provinces be convened that publick opinion may be preserved, and to return those libels replete with insolence and atrocious falsehoods. Let us all fight, each one in his own way, and let the church of Spain in earnest implore the God of armies, whose protection the evident justice of our cause insure.
And what have you to fear? There is not in Spain a sufficient number of the enemy's troops to intimidate us. What troops there are, are composed of different nations, obliged by force to serve, and who ardently desire to break the chains which have been imposed on them. The situations which they have taken are those most suitable to conquer and destroy them. They are besides weak and dismayed, because the consciousness of his own wickedness, makes the most valiant man a coward.
All Europe will applaud our efforts with the highest satisfaction, and will hasten to assist us. Italy, Germany, the whole North which suffers under the non despotism of that nation, will eagerly improve the opportunity which Spain presents to emancipate themselves and recover their liberty, their laws, their monarchs, and every thing of which the hand of violence has deprived them. France herself will hasten to avoid the infamy which would cover her should she be forced to be the instrument of such horrible perfidies. No she will not spill her blood in so vile a cause. She has suffered enough in the expectation of a peace and happiness which will never arrive, until she shall be under the empire of Reason, of Religion, of the Laws, and until the rights of other nations shall be respected and preserved.
SPANIARDS: Your country, with all that you possess, your laws, your liberty, your kings, your holy religion, and the hopes of eternal life which that religion alone promises and can secure to you and your descendants, are in manifest, in near and imminent danger.
SEVILLE, 29th May, 1808. By order of the supreme council of government, DON JUAN BAUTISTA ESTELLER, first secretary. DON JUAN PABLO, second secretary.
A true copy—CADIZ, 24 June, 1808. DON CANZALDO DE ARAMENDI, first secretary. DON ALFONSO MARIA XIMENEZ, second secretary. August 12.
Yesterday arrived the schooner Packet, McGrath, in 34 days from Tenerife, which place he left on the 7th of July. Capt. M. informs, that a Spanish Corvette, arrived at Tenerife, on the 24 of July, from Cadiz, having sailed from that port on the 19th of June, and brought the news of the Spanish revolution, &c.
Capt. M. further states, that the governor general of Tenerife had issued a proclamation, in favour of king Ferdinand the 7th and a declaration of war against France.
By the schooner Packet, from Tenerife, we have received several very interesting articles relative to Spain; of which the following are extracts.
From the American Consul.
"I, Thomas Armstrong, Consular Agent of the United States of America, residing in the port of Oratava, in Tenerife, do hereby certify and make known to all to whom these presents may come, or may concern, that on the 6th of June last, Spain declared war against France (in Seville) on the 5th July. I also add that an armistice for six months has taken place between Spain and England.
Witness my hand and seal of office at the port of Oratava, this sixth day of July, 1808.
THOMAS ARMSTRONG.
Consular Agent, U. S. A.
M. Costello Bolha and Co. of Cadiz write to Thomas Cologon the 18th of June as follows:
"An armistice has been just concluded between us and the British forces off this port. Our communications with England are opened, and yesterday morning ambassadors to the court of St. James sailed from this bay in the Revenge, English man of war, to conclude a treaty of peace between the two countries, which God grant may never again be interrupted. Portugal is also up in arms, and the English have landed about 7000 regular troops in the Algarves."
Captain Oloest from St. Pierres, (Martinique) has furnished us with the following news from the Spanish Main.
PAMPATA, Island of Margaretta, July 13, 1808.
"The undersigned, Augustine Merry, master and owner of the French schooner L'Etourdy, of Martinique, informs that on the 11th inst. being at anchor in the above port, waiting for his return cargo, an English frigate appeared off that place with a white flag at her mainmast head, and a Spanish flag at her mizen top. This frigate fired several guns, but no boat put off to her, she came to anchor, where she passed the night without communicating with the shore. On the 12th in the morning, her boat was sent on shore as a flag of truce, to deliver despatches of the greatest importance to the governor, and to restore 125 Spanish prisoners.—After a long conference between the British officer and the governor, the latter caused a white flag to be hoisted on the forts, which continued flying till the departure of the frigate at 10 o'clock in the morning, with a pilot on board, to carry the prisoners to Cumana, the place at which the governor wished them landed—the pilot having orders to conduct the frigate on the coast as long as he might be wanted.
"Immediately after the departure of the frigate's boat from the shore, the news of war between France and Spain was in circulation, to the great joy of the Spaniards; from which circumstance, the French people of the place began to fear that the news was too true.
"At 4 o'clock in the afternoon, we received positive orders to send our rudder and sails on shore, as we were informed that an embargo was laid, till the return of a courier that had been despatched to the Caraccas. We requested that this order might not be enforced till the next day, to which the commandant appeared to consent.
"At 11 o'clock at night, to my astonishment, an armed boat came on board to carry away my sails. I refused to deliver them up. The rigour with which they treated us, induced me to believe the news on shore was unfavourable to us; whereupon I determined to make my escape immediately and succeeded, notwithstanding a smart cannonade from the forts, which pierced my sails in several places.
"I left at Pampata, the French schooner Harmony, which was not in a situation to make her escape, and the ship —, capt. Brisson.
"I declare the above statement to be true.
AUG. MERRY."
BRITISH PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 15.
SPAIN.
Mr. Sheridan rose, and addressed the house, "Notwithstanding the lateness of the hour to which the late discussion has continued, I feel myself called on to prosecute the subject to which I have on a former occasion, attracted the attention, of the house. In three days of negotiation, it is not wonderful a proposition should be made to postpone the present consideration. This proposal has come from a most respectable quarter, and has been supported by some most plausible arguments of my right hon. friend [Mr. Canning had invited the Spanish no blemen, lately arrived, to dine with him]; namely, that as those who now represented the independence of Spain were partaking of his hospitality, it would be better to permit them to pass their evening in his society, and under his immediate care, than compel him to desert them at the hospitable board. This certainly had some effect on me when I first heard it, but as I have since found my right hon. friend has dispatched a gallant general, (sir A. Wellesley,) to superintend the duties of the household, with his usual urbanity, I feel no longer any hesitation in proposing a temporary inconvenience to my right hon. friend, by calling the attention of this house to the most important of all subjects at present for this country and for Europe collectively; hoping the gallant general will be equally successful in accomplishing the objects of his present mission as he may hereafter be, in the completion of an enterprise for which his peculiar and extraordinary talents seem not only to have marked him out, but to which the urgency of the times in which we live, and the judicious arrangements of ministers, have called him. When detached on that expedition, which is to prove the enthusiasm and spirit of the British government and British nation, I have no doubt his success will be no less conspicuous than that of his convivial talents among the guests of my right hon. friend. Let me assure the house, that I have not come down this evening intending to lecture or advise the government of this country on the measures they may resort to for effecting their purpose; far from it; my province lies in a very short and confined compass. I have before stated that I had already consulted with my right hon. friend on most of the topics which would necessarily commit themselves with the present consideration, and here I must confess I think it rather odd a right hon. gentleman should be altogether suspicious of the nature of my motion, as to be apprehensive, notwithstanding the privacy of my right hon. friend, that there might be something dangerous lurking beneath it. On the other hand, I wish to apprise the house there exists no intention on my part to introduce a specific motion on this subject, in such a form as shall exonerate ministers from all responsibility for the consequence of that line of conduct they may hereafter be induced to pursue. I admit, and with gratification and heart felt pleasure, there is nothing in my right hon. friend that is not amiable in his private life, and energetic and perfect in his publick career, still I must say, there is no man more inclined to act upon his own conviction, and stand firm for the opinions of others; perhaps his only fault is, that while he pursues his own determination with the most inflexible pertinacity, he is by no means inclined to grant equal tolerance to the actions or opinions of others. It must then appear I have been twice mistaken; and hence placed in a most unpleasant dilemma, by a member of the ministry, as bringing forward a motion of inchoate adjournment, by my honourable friend (Mr. Whitbread) as endeavouring to cover the ministry from the scrutiny of the publick hereafter. It is the extreme of injustice on the part of my right hon. friend to deny to any person differing with him in opinion that tolerance which the worth and energy of his own feelings not unfrequently make it necessary he should demand at the hands of others. Nor can I express sufficiently my regret that an expectation should be excited, that I should so far

prove myself destitute of either prudence or decorum, as to avowedly give notice of an intended lecture to his majesty's government, on the expediency or propriety of their acquiescence in any specific recommendation of mine. My intention is simple, my wishes are centered in the promotion of the publick good. I propose to move a proposition in this house, for the purpose of engaging England heartily in the cause of the outraged and insulted Spaniards. I wish not, however, to engage this country in any wild or mad speculating scheme for their interests. But this I must say, that since the period of the breaking out of the French revolution, there has been no such opportunity afforded to this country to check the portentous growth of the strength of France, as at the present moment. Since the enthusiasm of Spain seems to have been excited against the unworthy treatment they have received, from one professing himself their ally and protector; since in Asturias the brave insurgents of the soil have armed in defence of their independence and national character; the most happy result is to be expected from their resistance, should it be supported by a similar display of patriotism throughout Spain, and the co-operation of England. We know well what the brave Asturians have done, and can again do. Every thing is to be expected from this concurrence of propitious circumstances. It has been demanded, to what purpose has the present inquiry been instituted in parliament? If it was my intention to assist and co-operate with ministers, why not have been contented with making my representations to the executive government, and communicating with them in private? My plain answer is, that it is of the last importance to Spain, to this country, and the world, that the sentiments of the nation should be made known through its representatives in this house. It must have its due weight with all parties concerned. It will say that I rose disposed to give my right hon. friend all confidence in this as in other concerns. For one thing I must, in communicating my sentiments, stipulate, viz. that there be no gift, no small petty measures resorted to, which must only betray the weakness and irresolution of the persons concerned, and serve to draw the nation, over whose counsels they preside, into disrepute, if not into contempt. It is a melancholy truth, that there has been in England, for a considerable time, no cabinet which maintained with any degree of consistency any one solid point for the common good. While we have talked loudly of vindicating the liberty of Europe, the balance of power, and the general good, we have always been detected in some narrow scheme of selfish policy. Instead of striking at the heart of the evil, we are running at the wind. Nor has a different conduct ever been recommended to the country, unless I except in the instance of my right hon. friend on my right, (we suppose Mr. Windham) and the illustrious Mr. Burke. When we called on Europe to assert her rights against French usurpation, we forgot our principle, and were found flichting for a sugar-island, in the West Indies. With these principles of weak policy, I am avowedly at war. They are too flimsy not to be seen through by the weakest intellects. I wish this country should now act in a bold and dignified manner, or altogether desist from entering into the lists. No wish to effect our own purpose of natural advantage should interfere in the great question of the deliverance of Europe. I am not, I repeat it, a friend to any romantic scheme. We should, I admit, feel and prove the disposition of Spain.
If the popular feeling be alive to their oppression and disgrace—if an enthusiastic glow in the cause of liberty and national greatness and independence prevail, then it should most undoubtedly be met by Great Britain with ardor and promptitude. Buonaparte has run a most victorious race, but he has hitherto had to contend with princes destitute of ability, and ministers devoid of all integrity—with people who had but just cause to wish a revolution. He has yet to feel what it is to contend with an unanimous and injured people—( Hear! Hear! ) Whenever his majesty's servants shall be inclined to come forward to their relief in this bold and manly way, I shall be as happy to render them any weak service in my power, as were that best and most upright of statesman (Mr. Fox) now at the head of affairs. 'Tis not in vain, I trust, this discussion should have taken place in parliament. Our weakness and vacillation have made an unfavorable impression against us abroad. The sanction of parliamentary interference will arouse the slumbering confidence of Spain, it will energize her drooping frame, and call forth the patriots of the nation with firmness in her defence. If they seek to strike a blow against the fell tyranny that oppresses them, it is of the utmost consequence that the sentiments of the publick of Great Britain should be avowedly declared in the face of Europe. I regret it should for a moment be supposed I should be a party against them in any publick project of utility. I am above such a line of conduct; I cannot descend to dodge or watch them, in order to pounce on them when involved in intricacy or difficulties, through a zeal for the publick service. Hear! Hear! The poor Asturians have certainly claims to our regard and admiration, if not to our protection and support, by their late conduct and generous avowal of their resentment and hostility to the enslaver of their country. If it should be found unsafe to enter into the contest personally—if Spain should not rise in a congregated host to oppose the insidious usurper—these brave defenders of their country must sink into that grave which has already swallowed their liberty. If the spirit of resistance and enthusiasm do not extend like wild fire, 'tis all in vain, Spain must fall. To prevent any defalcation on our part as the object of my proposition, and happy will it be for us, for Spain, and the cause of almost hopeless Europe, if this evening's discussion shall have that effect. I shall conclude sir, with moving, "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, praying that copies of all proclamations, whether published by the Spanish government, the French commander, or those now acting for the independent provinces of Spain, since the arrival of the French troops at Madrid, be laid before the house."
Mr. Secretary Canning replied nearly as follows: "Mr. Speaker, I am disposed to give every credit to my right hon. friend for his motives in agitating this subject, and I can assure him, that he is very much mistaken if he imagines that it was intended to check or rebuke him by any thing that was said on a recent evening from this side of the house. At that time, although I was in possession of my right hon. friend's communication, my right hon. friend near me was not so. Sir, I could very easily show my right hon. friend, that it is impossible to pro-
duce the papers for which he has moved: some, because they have not reached his majesty's government in an authentic form; others, because they are not accurately described in the motion; and all, because if we were in possession of the information which they contain, it would be highly imprudent in us, at the present moment, to communicate that information to the world. ( Hear, hear, hear. ) While I state this, however, sir, I hope my right hon. friend will not misunderstand me so much as to suppose that I impute to him any blame for this proceeding, or that I undervalue the pledge which he has given us of his support of any plan of active operation which it may be deemed advisable to adopt with respect to Spain; the more especially when it is considered, that in that pledge may be implied the support of those persons with whom my right hon. friend is accustomed to act in parliament, and of whose body he is so eminent and distinguished a member. Sir, I should have been far from charging my right hon. friend with blame even had he gone so far as to chalk out to his majesty's ministers the line of conduct that in his opinion it would be expedient for them to pursue. From this he has abstained. Indisposed as I should have been to censure my right hon. friend, had he proceeded to that extent, I cannot but feel that his speech, moderate as it has been, calls for such a general disclosure of the sentiments of his majesty's ministers as cannot be made without hazard, without a dishonourable compromise, and without exciting expectations which may never be realised. It is, therefore, sir, I declare to the house and to the country, that his majesty's ministers see with as deep and lively an interest as my right hon. friend, the noble struggle which a part of the Spanish nation is now making to resist the unexampled atrocity of France, and to preserve the independence of their country; and that there exists the strongest disposition on the part of the British government to afford every practicable aid in a contest so magnanimous. In endeavouring to afford this aid, sir, it will never occur to us to consider that a state of war exists between Spain and Great Britain—( Hear, hear, hear! )—We shall proceed upon the principle, that any nation of Europe that starts up with a determination to oppose a power which, whether professing insidious peace or declaring open war is the common enemy of all nations, whatever may be the existing political relations of that nation with Great Britain, becomes instantly our essential ally. In that event his majesty's ministers will have three objects in view. The first, to direct the united efforts of the two countries against the common foe; the second to direct those efforts in a way which shall be most beneficial to the new ally; the third, to direct them in a manner conducive to peculiarly British interests. But, sir, of those objects, the last will be out of the question, as compared with the other two. These are the sentiments with which his majesty's government are inspired. To the measures which those sentiments may dictate, they confidently look for the support of parliament and of the country. It cannot, sir, be expected that I should say whether we think the crisis arrived, or whether we anticipate its speedy approach, when the sentiments which I have described must be called into action. It is sufficient that I have stated what we feel, and what we intend. ( Hear, hear, hear! )—For these reasons, sir, which I have before mentioned, I am compelled to dissent from my right hon. friend's motion.
Mr. Ponsonby perfectly agreed with the right hon. gentleman who had just sat down, that it was impossible to agree to the motion of his right hon. friend. Neither he nor any of his friends could be so devoid of common sense as to suppose, that his majesty's ministers could entertain any idea that any power which was essentially the enemy of France was not essentially engaged in promoting the cause of this country; but he could not agree to any disclosure at present. What use could arise from bringing forward this question, except to shew those patriotick sentiments, which all who knew his right hon. friend were satisfied he possessed? How could the members of that house advise his majesty's ministers upon a subject upon which they had no information? It was for them to apply the means of the country in the manner best suited to the occasion and exigencies. They had the whole of the publick force at their disposal, and the Vote of Credit, he was not prepared to give more. It was not his intention, as had been stated by his right hon. friend (Mr. Sheridan) to stand by dogging the measures of administration, and watching an opportunity for condemning them. But he was not at the same time rash enough to advise what course they ought to pursue, because such advice could not be given without full information upon all the circumstances of the case.
Mr. Whitbread, as his right hon. friend which bestowed a part of his exordium upon him, felt himself called upon to say a few words; and indeed he was persuaded that his right hon. friend (Mr. Sheridan) would be disappointed if he were not to say something on the present occasion. His right hon. friend misunderstood him, when he supposed him unfriendly to bringing forward this motion, on the ground that it would diminish the responsibility of his majesty's ministers. He would, however, have been glad if his right hon. friend had not alluded to the pertinacity with which he had adhered to his opinions, and certainly it would be inconsistent with that probity for which his right hon. friend gave him credit, if he could be capable of abandoning any opinion which he consciously believed to be correct. There had been but two instances in which this pertinacity had been shown by him; and in one he had the vote of his right hon. friend in his favour, whilst on the other, he had not pressed for a vote. It would be inconsistent with the whole tenor of his publick conduct, if he were now to grant that confidence to his majesty's ministers, which he had uniformly hitherto refused to all their measures since they had come into office. The present case was of a most important nature, and upon this he was obliged to confide in those whom his majesty may think proper to appoint his ministers. When he reflected how great a master his right hon. friend was of the passions of mankind, he had feared the effect that might be produced by his motion. But he would ask, whether his confidence was not more constitutional than that of his right hon. friend who brought forward a motion which he did not mean to press to a vote, and thereby gave the right hon. gentleman an opportunity of expressing his opinions upon measures upon which no decision could take place, and to which the support of parliament was to be thus indirectly pledged. They had not heard from the right hon. gentleman oppo-
sition (Mr. Secretary Canning) whether there was any probability of these measures leading to the destruction of any but the parties engaged in them. He was sorry that the subject had been mentioned, but he thought the right hon. gentleman went too far, when he supposed that the support of his right hon. friend would insure the support of all the gentlemen on that side. If ministers were anxious for a vote upon the subject, or wanted money, they should have come down to the house, and asked for it themselves. The right hon. gentleman had adopted an expression which had been too often used on former occasions, when he represented this as a contest against the common enemy of mankind. All he should say upon this head was, Would to God that we could come into this contest with clean hands; that we could embark in it without being liable to the charge that we ourselves had been the oppressors of that very country. The right hon. gentleman had said, that in the first instance all objects should be left out but Spanish objects. It was his opinion however, that, first and last, no objects could be consulted but those purely Spanish, and he was therefore sorry to learn by the speech of the right hon. Secretary, that British interests were in any event to mix themselves with prosecution of this contest. He was ready to give his cordial consent to the vote of credit. The right hon. gentleman had said, that it was impossible to comply with the motion, and upon this he was sure the opinion of the house was unanimous.
Mr. Secretary Canning rose to explain a misconception which the hon. gentleman seemed to feel, as to what he had stated respecting the objects to be prosecuted in the contest. He had mentioned British objects on that occasion, for the purpose only of disclaiming them as any part of the considerations which influenced his majesty's government. In this contest in which Spain was embarked, no interest could be so purely British as Spanish success; no conquest so advantageous for Great Britain, as conquering from France the complete integrity of the dominions of Spain in every quarter of the world.
Mr. Whitbread was glad that he had given the right hon. gentleman the opportunity of that explanation.
Mr. Windham, though there were many important topics belonging to this question, and arising out of the discussion, as far as it had hitherto gone, did not mean to offer any observation upon them. He had taken risen only to touch upon one or two particulars, which were more personal than of any general reference to the general situation of the country; the one that it might not be understood, and the other to rectify a mistake that might prevail respecting it. And here he must observe the gloomy prospect held up at the outset by the bad specimen of candour, openness, and ingenuousness with which the right hon. gentleman had endeavored to construe the sentiments expressed by his right hon. friend, as pledging the whole of those who acted with him to a general support of the measures of administration, ( a credo No, no, no! from the treasury benches ). It not to their own measures, at least to those measures which may be connected with the object which his right hon. friend had in view. He had felt it necessary on his part to disclaim being excluded in any such pledge, and he hoped this construction of the right hon. gentleman was not a specimen of the openness which the house was to expect in the progress of this transaction. The points upon which he wished to touch were, first, the advice which had been given by his right hon. friend to ministers, either to do a great deal, or do nothing in this case. If his right hon. friend meant by doing a great deal to send a large force to the assistance of Spain, he feared that we should not be able to do that. But it was not thence to be concluded that nothing was to be done. Though we could not assist them in the highest degree, it did not follow that we might not do what would be extremely serviceable to them. The part of his right hon. friend's sentiments in which he completely contended, was, that in which he recommended not to adopt the conduct that had been pursued in former wars since the commencement of the French revolution. It was his decided opinion, that we should not mix little British interests with this important question. He was happy to agree with his right hon. friend on this point; though he could not concur with him as to the alternative, or admit his conclusion, that if a great deal could not be done, nothing was to be done. The other point upon which he wished to touch, related to the general censure which his right hon. friend had passed upon the conduct of all administrations. He was ready to admit that this censure was just in general, but he denied that it would apply to the last administration, of which he had the honour of being a member. ( Hear, hear, hear! )—He defied any gentleman to prove one instance in which it would apply. If they could not show any such instance, they should receive his statement with more temper. He did not claim any praise for that administration, because it had not an opportunity of incurring a censure.
He was anxious to argue as strongly as his right hon. friend the propriety of prosecuting hopes for the restoration of Europe, in at way alone in which they were likely to be realized. He had often been reproached or criticized on this subject; but he trusted he would not be treated as reproached or criticized as his impression, though late, yet as a result of his views, had been admitted. It seemed now to be admitted, that the only way of avertinging revolutionary despotism, was by using the internal means of a country with external co-operation. Now there was nothing external but England; it was Buonaparte and France every where else; and those who would not take to the puissance du long boat in the storm, were now glad to catch at any broken ear, or fragment of a plank. When Europe was unengaged; when Austria was entire, when Prussia was formidable in military power; when Italy was not yet parceled out; and Spain itself whole, the internal state of La Vendée had not the far advanced progress of the revolution. What then had been neglected, was now looked up to with sanguine exactitude; and the only hope now was, that this insurrection in Spain might prove a La Vendée. Here he should recur to the exhortation, or rather deprecation of his right hon. friend, that we should mix no little interest in the contest, but conduct it on the principles stated by the right hon. gentleman in his second speech. We should remember how great a rear we had to settle; how much Spain had to forget in to acquire. The outrage which she sustained in the capture of her frigates—( Hear, hear, hear! )—every thing repaired to restore them, and prove to Spain a disinterestedness with which we were to embark in her cause? He hoped that we should keep clear of every thing of this kind. As to the advantage or disadvantage of bringing this motion at this time, he owned he did not chum with the sentiments of his hon. friend. He thought that a demonstration of the disposition to promote the cause of the Spanish nation, might be productive of advantage. But though he felt this impression, it was still to be apprehended, that such a demonstration might have the effect of influencing the Spanish nation to its ruin. He had no objection, however, to the expression of a disposition on the part of the country, to support all rational measures that might be necessary to aid the efforts of the Spanish people.
Lord Castlereagh observed, that even if it had been said, as
to the discussion of the motion, in which had fallen from the right hon. gentleman, a line brought in, and from that right hon. friend who followed him, yet as far as had been touched upon by other gentlemen in the course of the debate, which rendered it impossible in him to pass them over without observation, undoubtedly a difference of opinion may exist as to the propriety of bringing forward the motion; but of this he was convinced, that in the view of the right hon. gentleman and those of the subject, no mischievous consequence could arise from the discussion. He did not press any proposition on his majesty's ministers which required any improper disclosure. It had been brought forward on an eminent gentleman, who on all occasions of difficulty, in every crisis of the country, waving all religious hostility, had uniformly come forward in support of the government. The right hon. gentleman was unquestionably not pledged by the sentiments expressed by that right hon. gentleman to a general support of government. It was an impartial pledge of that description to which his right hon. friend had adverted; and if the gentleman on the other side were not disposed to concur in the feelings and sentiments of that right hon. gentleman, if they had not a disposition to assist the Spanish nation, on this opening for resistance to the tyranny of France, they certainly were at liberty to pursue that course they might deem most expedient. But on this, as on every former occasion, they seemed in language to have disowned the right hon. gentleman, who had from such laudable motives brought forward this question. The house and the country would not fail to contrast the views of that right hon. gentleman's speech, with the chilling language of the hon. gentleman on the bench with him. He had to regret the course of observation pursued by the right hon. gentleman opposite, in the latter part of his speech, by bringing forward some topics between the two nations, at a time when the co-operation of both were necessary and desirable for the salvation of the world.
It was not a course which any true patriotism would recommend at such a time, to remind that nation that England was the power to oppress it by the power of its frigates, and this to when the object of the right hon. gentleman was to disclaim any pledge to support the contract. ( Hear, hear! )—Then again the right hon. gentleman had adverted to all the topics of the last five years, and certainly it was not with a good grace that such condemnation came from the right hon. gentleman who was so long during that period in office. But no gentleman was more ready to condemn any principles which he might have once entertained, and it appeared that he was always in opposition to all the governments of which he was a member, though he generally remained in office to the last. ( Hear, hear! )—Surely when the right hon. gentleman stated, that no British objects were to be prosecuted in this contest, he could not mean to contend that objects British interest, which may not be connected with Spanish objects, should not be attended to; at any rate it was not that right hon. gentleman to maintain such an extreme; he who had sent out a force to Alexandria, who had diverted a considerable part of the force of the empire to Buenos Ayres, and who had even dispatched an expedition to the cause of South America, for the purpose of supporting the cause of Europe by an attack upon the Spanish America. ( Hear, hear! )—It was strange that the right hon. gentleman should be so fond of returning to the charge of ship stealing, when he had himself sent a fleet to Constantinople, not to support the Russians, but to bring away the Turkish fleet, whilst the troops which were necessary for the success of the expedition had been sent not to Constantinople, but to Alexandria. ( Hear, hear! ) That right hon. gentleman too had dispatched another expedition to Lisbon, the only force he had employed in Europe, and for the purpose of bringing away the Portuguese fleet. He could assure the right hon. gentleman, that the present administration, in the conduct they should adopt, would not follow his practical example, but act upon the result of their best and soundest judgment, in adopting such measures as may, under all the circumstances of the case, be most conducive to the great and important object which they have in view. As to what had been said, respecting the question, as to the extent of the assistance to be afforded, he was aware of the justice of what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman, who had brought forward the motion, and if the occasion should arise, he could assure the right hon. gentleman, the country was in a situation to afford effectual assistance. When he considered the contrast between the patriotick sentiments of that right hon. gentleman and the language of those around him, who were disposed to throw more than cold water upon the hopes of the retrieval of Europe, he was sorry to see him sit amongst them, but he was confident that the country would do justice to the right hon. gentleman.
Mr. Sheridan then waved his reply, consented to withdrawing his motion, and stated his object in bringing it forward only to be to engage that house to a vote of confidence to ministers, if they should be able to move down with their case, and claim the enthusiasm of the house, and the country on behalf of the Spanish nation, to rescue it from the Gallic tyranny. He wished, however, that his right hon. friend, would consent to lay before the house the proclamation, or declaration of Buonaparte to the Prince of Asturias, which stated, all sovereigns were hated by their subjects, who would take every opportunity of revenging themselves for the homage exacted from them.
Mr. Secretary Canning observed that the motion should be withdrawn, as it would not be desirable to dispose of it by a negative. He assured the right hon. gentleman, however, that if his motion even had been agreed to, he would not give any information from it, as either the explanation he last mentioned, or any of those mentioned in his original motion, existed in the office in any authenticated shape. The motion was then withdrawn.
THE SUBSCRIBER Having purchased of John Mearns his Stock, with the good will of his Cellar, known by the name of Mearns's Porter-Cellar, it informs the publick that a supply of Barne's Double ALE is just received, and will be sold on moderate terms by wholesale and retail.
V. Chapman Cash for Empty Bottles. August 19 3
Just received from New-York by captain Fitzhugh, a fresh supply of Barne's Double Amber ALE , none to exceed it retained on the continent, and will be sold as usual at my Beer and Porter-House, the corner of Commerce and Broad Water-streets. William Tonkin. August 19. 3
FOR SALE, A Handsome Strong BAY HORSE , only six years old, and goes well in a carriage, or under the saddle, has no vice. He will be sold on reasonable terms, and is worth the attention of any person wanting such a horse. Apply to Mr. Jervis, corner of Mason and Boush-streets. August 19. 3c
FOR NEW-YORK, The Schooner EMILY , Capt. Bainham, will sail in 8 or 10 days. For freight or passage apply to the master on board at Newton's wharf, or Jennings & Roddey. For Sale on board.
A few barrels BEEF and PORK . August 17. 1f
Ten Dollars Reward. Deserted from Gosport Navy Yard, July 28, 1808, BENJAMIN PHILLIPS , a Private in the Marine Service, 24 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high, dark hair, light eyes, and fair complexion. Edward Hall, Lieut. M. C. August 17. 1f
NOTICE. All persons indebted to the estate of WILLIAM DAVIS , deceased, are requested to come forward and make payment; those to whom said estate is indebted are desired to bring in their claims authenticated. William Dickson, Executor. Portsmouth, July 22. 1f

TRIAL OF COMMODORE BARRON.
As soon as a sufficient number of Subscriptions are procured, to defray the cost of the Paper, WILL BE PUBLISHED, AT THE LEDGER OFFICE,
NORFOLK, THE WHOLE PROCEEDINGS IN THE TRIALS OF Commodore JAMES BARRON, Capt. CHARLES GORDON, Commandant of the United States' frigate Chesapeake, JOHN HALL, Esq. Captain of Marines, and WILLIAM HOOK, Gunner.
These Trials will be found highly interesting to the public in general, and to the Officers of the United States' Navy in particular. Every circumstance relative to the important affair, which gave occasion for these Trials, will be found detailed with great exactness; and many official documents which have not yet been published will appear with this work. The interest which the nation has taken in this affair, and the circumstances connected with it, render it unnecessary that the Publisher should offer any remarks upon the value of the work. Officers of the Navy will be greatly interested in having the proceedings of the most important Trials that have occurred in the service.
The Publisher has been favoured with a record of the proceedings; he will pay particular attention to the correct execution of the work, which it is expected will contain from two hundred and fifty to three hundred pages, octavo.
CONDITIONS.
 I. The work will be printed on a good fair type, and on good paper.  II. The price to Subscribers will be One Dollar and Seventy-five Cents, in boards, delivered at any place where Subscriptions are received, according to order.  III. The amount of Subscription to be paid on delivery of the Work.  IV. The usual allowance to the trade.  Subscription Papers will be sent in a few days to the principal towns in the United States, of which notice will be given in the papers of those towns. To the Editors of Papers who will give this advertisement a few insertions, the Publisher will be much obliged, and reciprocate whenever they may request it.
The Editor of the Publick Ledger.
At a Court held for Northampton County, the 14th day of July, 1808.
Thomas D. Simkins and William Simkins, an infant by Thomas D. Simkins, his guardian, vs. Against Coventon Simkins, John Simkins, John Brickhouse, Junior, and George Lewis, Defendants.  The complainants having filed their bill more than three months, and the court being satisfied that Coventon Simkins one of the defendants, is out of this commonwealth, it is ordered, that the said Coventon Simkins do enter his appearance to this suit on the first day of November Court next, and give security for performing the decree that may be made in this case, or the Court will on that day proceed in the suit in like manner as if an appearance had been entered; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order be posted at the front door of the Court-house of this County, and published in the Publick Ledger for two months successively.  Teste, Thomas L. Savage, Clerk.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.
At a Hustings Court continued and held the 24th day of May, 1808.
Thomas Jones, Compt  vs. Thomas Wright, administrator with the will annexed of Thomas Newton, deceased, Defendant.  The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-house of the said Borough.  A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
VIRGINIA, to wit:
At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808.
Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs. Against Mary Sclater, widow and devisee for life of John Sclater, deceased, Richard and William S. Sclater, sons and devisees of the said John Sclater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb an infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Males Cary, executor of John Sclater, deceased, and an executor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Sclater, deceased, Defendants.  On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant, Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city.  A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
ADVERTISEMENT.
To a Gentleman who has not been seen or heard of by his friends in his native country since March, 1806.
This gentleman may with perfect safety, both as to publick and private concerns, impart his situation and place of residence to THE EDITOR OF THIS PAPER, who can give him any information about his family. This advertisement is made by those most interested in him, and the reference may be confided in.—The gentleman to whom it is addressed, will know it by these circumstances. He left his native country in March 1806—He was the only surviving son of his father, whose name was Thomas, born 1740, and married M. E. His brother John who was older than him, had died before His twin sisters were C. & A. of whom the former was dead before 1806. He was born in the parish of B. where the estate of his ancestors is. Educated at I. in the county of R. and taken care of by his aunt Cecilia.  July 15.
NOTICE.
The partnership of Wilson, Cunningham & Co. having been dissolved by mutual consent—all those indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement.
Norfolk, July 15, 1808.
The business heretofore carried on by the above firm will be continued by the Subscribers, under the name of Wilson & Cunningham.
William Pennock, Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
DR. ROBERTSON'S
Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health. Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the Stomach: also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, severe Gripings, and all other diseases of the bowels; a dose never fails to remove a cold if taken soon, after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, removing habitual costiveness, sickens at the Stomach, severe head ache, &c. &c.
The following certificates are selected from the many respectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession.
Certificate of Mr. William Julian, carpenter and builder, No. 69, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will lay my case before the publick, as an incontrovertible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robertson's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health.
I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me to such a state that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained, I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had I not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by taking Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business.
I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance in the country, where assistance cannot be immediately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world, I have since recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person wish to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure explain it to them by applying to me.
I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM. JULIAN.
Mr. D. YOTT, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807.
Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, of the most essential service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my Stomach, and continual head ache, attended with a sickness at the Stomach, which brought on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before—As I consider your medicines to have been the means of saving my life, I solicit you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by abiding by the directions given with your invaluable medicines, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES.
Mr. D. YOTT, Philadelphia, August 1, 1807.
ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES. Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pain in my breast and side, and a sickness at my Stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was confined in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and shall certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint.
I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON.
Mr. T. W. D. YOTT. August 22.
Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia.
DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I wish you to publish the following:
About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which settled on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption soon have followed, had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is im, ossible to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most efficacious remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint.
I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE.
Mr. D. YOTT. November 11.
The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the proprietor, T. W. D. YOTT, No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; and by appointment at BONSAL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMIRVELL & CONRAD'S, Peterburg. May 23.
WILLIAM PENNOCK
Has removed his Counting-Room to No. 4, on his own wharf. July 29.
CASH given for Rough W. O. hhd. & bbl. STAVES, by A. Maclure. August 5.
NORFOLK BOROUGH. At a Hustings Court continued and held the 25th day of May, 1808.
Cornelius Cruywaygan, Compt  vs. Maritz Boztells and Moses Myers, Defendants.
The defendant Maritz Boztells not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is now ordered that the said defendant Maritz Boztells, do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-house of said Borough: and it is further ordered, that the defendant Moses Myers who hath effects of the said Maritz Boztells in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court.
A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
FOR SALE, At reduced prices at my Office, SUGAR. 13 Hogsheads } 40 tierces } 7 pipes } 6 hogsheads } 8 quarter casks } 20 tierces Rice; 250 bags Coffee, 30 chests Young Hyson Tea; 20 hogsheads Molasses, 3 bales Halfbicks and Plains, 3 trunks Calicoes, 1 box coarse Linen; 1 trunk Jacquet Muslin and Dimities, 1 trunk 325 pounds sterling, Watches and Jewellery. William B. Lamb.
TO RENT. The Store and Dwelling-House on Market Square, lately occupied by Mr. Vincent Parlato. August 1.
JOHN PENDRED'S Boot and Shoe Manufactory, No. 70, MAIN-STREET.
The publick are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands. N. B. Orders for Double Backstraps, single do. and Cos-sacks, executed with the greatest dispatch. August 1.
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18.
FOR RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Messrs. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
I will give Cash for barrel STAVES for fifteen days from this date. Moses Myers. June 6.
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street M. 3
FOR RENT. The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Blanchard. April 7.
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Maclure. March 2.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. Feb. 20.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No 66, Main-Street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Plaster, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5.
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 30 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hds old Antigua Rum, 20 hds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26.
Two thousand Spanish HIDES, For Sale by William Plume, & Co. June 6.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has established A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those will be well served who choose to promote an institution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.
New SHOES from New-York, as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 12s. for 1s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Mocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.
Gentlemen's SHOES and PUMPS of many kinds, made in his factory, and in Newark. VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt elegant—Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very few gentlemen who cannot be fitted. A few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cottons, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. A few Casks of Best LONDON PORTER. July 6.
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Sumuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Mattress Tickling, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemyer & Von Kapff. February 26.
Norfolk Drawbridge. The Directors have declared a dividend of Fifty Six Cents on the Stock of this Company, for the half year ending the 10th inst. which will be paid to the Stockholders or their legal representatives after the 16th August next. William Cammack, Treasurer. July 13.
LANDING This Day from the Schooner Adventure and brig Eliz, 55 hhds. sup. qual. Muscovado Sugar, 34 do. and 4 quarter casks particular Teneriffe WINE—For Sale by Moses Myers. July 6.
1500 sacks SALT, Liverpool filled, 6000 bushels do. loose, and 30 crates Earthenware—For Sale on board the Ship Suchem, by A. Maclure. May 6.
We have for SALE on our Wharf, 200 hogsheads MOLASSES, 53 do. superior quality Muscovado Sugars, 97 do. inferior do. 238 bags Guadalupe Coffee; 10 puncheons Rum, 60,000 wt. Jamaica Coffee, in hhd. barrels and Lags, 10,000 do. Lascara do. 80 kgs Raisins, 20 cases superior quality Claret, 6000 bushels Ivisca, 8500 do. St. Ubes, 2500 do. Turks Isl. and, 5,000 do. coarse Liver of Salt, 10 pipes old Madeira Wine, 4 do. Courtry Gin, 50 barrels Rye Whiskey; 10 hhds. Philadelphia Porter, 1 new 14 inch Cable 120 fathoms. C. & F. Whittle. July 13.
The Subscriber is disposed to Contract for a quantity of BRICKS and LIME. Terms will be made known on application to John Saunders, Ast. M. Agent Fort Nelson, June 17.
Landing at Southgate and Dickson's wharf, from the ship Fame, from Jamaica, and for Sale, 86 puncheons choice 4th proof Rum, 20 hogsheads do. Melasses, 4 casks Ginger; 18 bags Pimento. William Dickson. June 13.
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co having expired Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
Phoenix Fire Office. The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals hereto annexed. N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added, as mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8.
FOR SALE, 30,000 acres valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana—Particulars with regard to local advantages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to purchasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS TUNNO, in Charles St., or MORRIS MILLER, in Savannah. Feb. 8.
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
Strong, Table, and ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—in a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Feb. 13.
J. seph Hayes.
Mackinder & White, Have just received from on board the Schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia; 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ticklenburgs, superior Cloths, Germen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 15.
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office. NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.