Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1803-03-11 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 50 of VOLUME IV.]
FRIDAY, March 11, 1803.
[WHOLE No. 206.]
CARRIAGE OF FLOUR, &c.
THE subscribers beg leave to inform those who have Flour or produce of any kind to send down the river Potomac, that they are provided with strong and safe Boats for the conveyance thereof, and will deliver Flour, &c. in George-Town or Alexandria, on the most moderate terms—and for the further encouragement of those who favor us with the carriage of their produce, we have taken that spacious Ware-House, formerly in the possession of Mr. James Moseley, in which their property will be deposited free of any charge.
BLACKFORD & ZUCK.
Shepherd's-Town, } February 25, 1803. }
TO RENT.—A HOUSE & LOT in Shepherd's-Town, conveniently situated for any kind of Public Business, it is calculated for a store and the accommodation of a family. Possession may be had the first day of March next. Apply to
JOHN BLACKFORD.
Swearingen's-Ferry, } February 25, 1803. }
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss.
October Court, 1802.
Ann Hunter, Guardian of Ann Evelina Hunter, Moses Hunter and David Hunter, children and Heirs of Moses Hunter, deceased—Complainants
AGAINST
John Davis, Sarah Keemer, Thomas May and James Keemer, Executors of James Keemer, dec'd. Elizabeth Davis, an infant under the age of 21 years, James K. Davis, William Magowan, and Mary his wife, late Mary Davis, which said Elizabeth, James K. and Mary, are children of said John Davis, and Legatees of said James Keemer, dec'd. Defendants. IN CHANCERY.
THE Defendants Thomas May, and James Keemer, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly, and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainants, by their Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the Complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County.
A Copy.
Teste, H. BEDINGER, C. B. C.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss.
November Court, 1802.
John O'Ferrall, Complainant.
against
Patrick M'Caffry, surviving partner of Tabb & M'Caffry, Samuel Craig, Anthony Kennedy and Patrick Campbell, trustees of Tabb & M'Caffry, and Michael M'Kewan and James Faulkner, Defendants.
IN CHANCERY.
THE Defendants Patrick M'Caffry, Anthony Kennedy & Patrick Campbell, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in February next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County. And it is further ordered, that the said Defendants, M'Kewan, Faulkner and Craig, do not pay, convey away, or secrete any debts by them owing to, or effects in their hands belonging to the Defendants M'Caffry & Tabb, until the further order of this Court.
A Copy.
Teste, H. BEDINGER, C. B. C.
TO THE CITIZENS OF JEFFERSON COUNTY.
WE, the undersigned, at the request of our Friends, offer as Candidates at the ensuing Election, to represent you in the next General Assembly of this State.
We are, Gentlemen, with due respect, your obedient servants, ABRAHAM MORGAN. GEORGE TATE.
January 13, 1803.
THIS DATE IS PUBLISHED,
and for sale at this Office,
[Price 25 Cents]
AN INTERESTING ACCOUNT
OF THE PROJECT OF FRANCE RESPECTING
LOUISIANA.
Drawn up by a FRENCH COUNSELLOR of STATE, addressed to BUONAPARTE, translated from the French.
Intelligencer Office, March 4, 1803.
At a Court continued and held for Ohio County, on Wednesday the third day of November, 1802.
PHILIP DODDRIDGE and ALEXANDER CALDWELL, vs. ELIHU SMITH, and the heirs of GEORGE BULOR, deceased.
THIS day came the Complainants by their Counsel, and it appearing to the Court that the order for proclamations in this cause hath not yet been executed, upon motion of the Complainants by their Counsel, it is ordered that the Defendants do appear here on the second day of the next March term, to answer the Complainants bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published for two months successively in the Berkeley & Jefferson Intelligencer , and that another copy of this order be set up on the door of the Court House of this County for two months successively.
A Copy. Teste, MOSES CHAPLINE, C. O. C.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
February 14.
After the Senate had finished its deliberations upon the legislative business before it, Mr. Ross rose and said:
THAT although he came from a part of the country where the late events upon the Mississippi had excited great alarm and solicitude; he had hitherto forborne the expression of his sentiments, or to bring forward any measure, relative to the unjustifiable, oppressive conduct of the officers of the Spanish government at New Orleans. He had waited thus long in the hope that some person more likely than himself, to conciliate and unite the opinions of a majority of the senate, would have offered efficacious measures for their consideration. But seeing the session now drawing to a close, without any such proposition, he could not reconcile a longer silence, either to his own sense of propriety, or to the duty he owed to his constituents. He would not consent to go home without making one effort, however feeble or unsuccessful, to avert the calamity which threatened the Western country. Present appearances he confessed, but little justified the hope, that any thing he might propose would be adopted; yet it would afford him some consolation hereafter, that he had done his duty when the storm was approaching, by warning those who had power in their hands of the means which ought to be employed to resist it.
He was fully aware that the executive of the United States had acted: That he had sent an Envoy Extraordinary to Europe. This was the peculiar province, and perhaps the duty of the president. He would not say that it was unwise in the state of our affairs to prepare for remonstrance or negotiation, much less was he then about to propose any measure that would thwart negotiation, or embarrass the president. On the other hand he was convinced more than negotiation was
absolutely necessary, that more power and more means ought to be given to the president, in order to render his negotiations efficacious. Could the president proceed further, even if he thought more vigorous measures proper and expedient? Was it in his power to repel and punish the indignity upon the nation? Certainly not. This must be the act of congress. They are now to judge of ulterior measures. They must give the power and vote the means to vindicate in a becoming manner the wounded honor and the best interests of the country.
Mr. R. said he held in his hands certain resolutions for that purpose, and before he offered them to the senate he would very fully explain his reasons for bringing them forward and pressing them with earnestness, as the best system the U. S. could now pursue.
It was certainly unnecessary to waste the time of that body in stating that we had a solemn explicit Treaty with Spain; that this Treaty had been wantonly and unprovokedly violated, not only in what related to the Mississippi, but by the most flagrant, destructive spoliations of our commerce on every part of the ocean, where Spanish armed vessels met the American flag. These spoliations were of immense magnitude, and demanded the most serious notice of our government. They had been followed by an indignity and a direct infraction of our treaty relative to the Mississippi which bore an aspect not to be dissembled or mistaken.
To the free navigation of that river we had an undoubted right from nature, and from the position of the Western country. This right and the right of deposit in the island of New Orleans, had been solemnly acknowledged and fixed by treaty in 1795. The treaty had been in actual operation and execution for many years; and now without any pretence of abuse or violation on our part, the officers of the Spanish government, deny the right, refuse the place of deposit and add the most offensive of all insults, by forbidding us to land on any part of their territory; and shutting us out as a common nuisance.
By whom has this outrage been offered? By those who have constantly acknowledged our right and now tell us they are no longer owners of the country!!! They have given it away; and because they have no longer a right themselves, therefore they turn us out who have an undoubted right! Such an insult, such unprovoked malignity of conduct, no nation but this would effect to mistake. And yet we not only hesitate as to the course which interest and honor call us to pursue, but we bear with patience, tameness, and apparent unconcern.
Sir, said Mr. R. whom does this infraction of the treaty, and the natural rights of this country most intimately affect? If the wound inflicted on national honor be not sensibly felt by the whole nation is there not a large portion of your citizens exposed to immediate ruin by a continuance of this state of things? The calamity lights upon all those who live upon the western waters. More than half a million of your citizens, are by this cut off from a market. What would be the language, what would be the feelings of gentlemen in this house, were such an indignity offered, on the Atlantic coast? What would they say if the Chesapeake, the Delaware, or the bay of New York were shut up, and all egress prohibited by a foreign power; and yet none of these waters embrace the interests of so many as the Mississippi. The numbers and the property affected by shutting this river is greater than any thing that could follow by the blockade of a river on the Atlantic coast. Every part of the union was equally entitled to protection, and no good reason could be offered why one part should be less attended to than another.
In the last year goods to more than the value of two millions of dollars, had been carried into the western country. These goods were purchased on credit. The consumption of that merchandise afforded a revenue to our treasury of more than three hundred thousand dollars. The sale of western public lands was counted upon as producing half a million of dollars annually. Large arrearages of internal taxes were due from that country. The people had just emerged from an Indian war. They had overcome the most frightful obstructions that ever presented themselves in the settlement of a new country, and al-
tho' yet in their infancy, we might promise ourselves an honorable and a vigorous manhood, if they were protected, as we had led them to expect; after a little while their strength and faculty of self preservation would be complete. Certainly they yet needed the kind fostering hand of their parent states. But if that be now withdrawn, where is the revenue on which you calculate? How can they pay for your lands? How can they discharge the arrearages of taxes? How can they pay your merchants in Baltimore, or Philadelphia? They cannot go to market—They have no resources but the produce of their farms. You suffer the Spaniards to lock them up. You tell them that their crops may, nay must rot on their hands, and yet they must pay you their debts and taxes. Is this just? Will it be submitted to? These men bought your lands in confidence that the Spanish treaty would be maintained; all sales since the date of the treaty; now you suffer a wanton violation of it without making an effort to remove the obstruction, and yet tell them they must pay you!—This cannot be expected. It would not be the rule between honest individuals, for the seller of an estate suffering an eviction of the purchaser when he might and could prevent it, would not be permitted to recover the purchase money.
If it comports with your calculations of interest or convenience to submit tamely to this outrage, and to witness the ruin of one part of your country for the sake of peace in the residue, surely your ideas of justice will compel you to absolve the western people from all obligation to pay what it would ruin them to advance. Will you prosecute them in your courts? Will you sell their little all by your public officers? Will you not be content with the loss of all the lively hopes that they had entertained of gaining a new fortune and another name in the wild but auspicious new countries of the west? Is it not enough that their day is darkening and closing at noon? Surely it cannot be thought reasonable to exact an impossibility. It is undeniable that in their ruin many of your merchants on the Atlantic coast will be inevitably involved. Great this evil may be (and certainly it is of immense magnitude) yet the loss of the affections of a whole people, the destruction of enterprise, of hope, and of industry, through all the western world is infinitely greater.
It may be said that this is an overcharged description of the evil-side of our affairs without offering any remedy.
Mr. R. said, that was far from his intention and he would now examine that subject because to his mind the remedy was obvious.
The experience of all time has proved that with nations, as well as with individuals, submission to aggression and insult uniformly invites repetition and aggravation of the mischief. To repel at the outset is more easy, as well as more honorable for the injured party.
Fortunately for this country there could be no doubt in the present case; our national right had been acknowledged and solemnly secured by treaty. The treaty had been long in a state of execution. It was now violated and denied without provocation or apology. Treaty then was no security. This evident right was one, the security of which ought not to be precarious, it was indispensable that the enjoyment of it should be placed beyond all doubt. He declared it therefore to be his firm and mature opinion that so important a right would never be secure while the mouth of the Mississippi was exclusively in the hands of the Spaniards. Caprice and enmity occasion constant interruption. From the very position of our country, from its geographical shape, from motives of complete independence, the command of the navigation of the river ought to be in our hands.
We are now wantonly provoked to take it. Hostility in its most offensive shape has been offered by those who disclaim all right to the soil and the sovereignty of that country; an hostility fatal to the happiness of the western world; why not seize then what is so essential to us as a nation? Why not expel the wrongdoers? Wrongdoers by their own confession, to whom by a seizure we are doing no injury. Paper contracts or treaties have proved too feeble. Plant yourselves on the river, fortify the banks, invite those who have an interest at stake to defend it; do justice to yourselves when your adversaries deny it;

and leave the event to him who controls the fate of nations.
Why submit to a tardy uncertain negotiation, as the only means of regaining what you have lost; a negotiation with those who declare they have no right at the moment they strip you of yours—When in possession you will negotiate with more advantage. You will then be in a condition to keep others out. You will be in the actual exercise of jurisdiction over all your claims:—Your people will have the benefit of a lawful commerce. When your determination is known, you will make an easy and an honorable accommodation with any other claimant. The present possessors have no pretence to complain for they have no right to the country by their own confession. The western people will discover that you are making every effort they could desire for their protection. They will ardently support you in the contest, if a contest be necessary. Their A.L.L. will be at stake, and neither their zeal nor their courage need be doubted.
Look at the memorial from the legislature of the Mississippi Territory now on your table. That speaks a language and displays a spirit not to be mistaken. Their lives and fortunes pledged to support you. The same may with equal truth be asserted of Kentucky, Tennessee, and the western people of Virginia and Pennsylvania. Is this a spirit to be repressed or put asleep by negotiation? If you suffer it to be extinguished, can you recal it in the hour of distress when you want it? After negotiation shall have failed, after a powerful, ambitious nation shall have taken possession of the Key of our Western Country and fortified it:—after the garrisons are filled by the veterans who have conquered the east, will you have it in your power to awake the generous spirit of that country to dispossess them. No—Their confidence in such rulers will be gone. They will be disheartened, divided, and will place no further dependence on you. They must abandon those who lost the precious moment of seizing and forever securing their sole hope of subsistence and prosperity; they must then from necessity make the best bargain they can with the conqueror.
It may be added that the possession of the country on the east bank of the Mississippi, will give compactness, and irresistible strength to the United States, and in all future European wars we shall be more dreaded and of course more courted and respected than we can ever hope to be without it; on that score therefore our security will be increased by this measure.
Suppose that this course be not now pursued. Let me warn gentlemen how they trifle with the feelings, the hopes and the fears of such a body of men as inhabit the western waters. Let every honorable man put the question to himself how would half a million round him be affected by such a calamity, and no prompt measures taken by government to redress it. These men have arms in their hands; the same arms with which they proved victorious over their savage neighbours. They have a daring spirit: They have ample means of subsistence; and they have men disposed to lead them on to revenge their wrongs. Are you certain that they will wait the end of negotiation? When they hear that nothing has been done for their immediate relief, they will probably take their resolutions and act. Indeed from all we have heard there is great reason to believe that they will, or that they have already taken that resolution.
They know the nature of the obstruction. They know the weakness of the country. They are sure of present success; and they have a bold river to bear them forward to the place of action. They only want a leader to conduct them, and it would be strange, if with such means and such spirit a leader should not soon present himself.
Suppose they do go, and do chase away the present oppressors, and that in the end they are overpowered and defeated by a stronger foe than the present feeble possessors. They will never return to you, for you cannot protect them. They will make the best compromise they can with the power commanding the mouth of the river, who in effect has thereby the command of their fortunes. Will such a bargain be of light or trivial moment to the Atlantic states. Buonaparte will then say to you, my French West India colonies and those of my allies, can be supplied from my colony of Louisiana, with flour, pork, beef, lumber, and every necessary. These articles can be carried by my own ships, navigated by my own sailors. If you on the Atlantic coast wish to trade with my colonies in those articles, you must pay fifteen or twenty per cent of an impost. We want no further supplies from you, and revenue to France must be the condition of all future intercourse. What will you say to this? It will be in vain to address your Western brethren,
and complain your commerce is ruined, your revenue dwindles, and your condition is desperate. They will reply that you came not to their assistance in the only moment you could have saved them.—That you balanced between national honor and sordid interest, and suffered them to be borne down and subdued at a time when for a trifle you could have secured the Mississippi; that now their interest must be consulted, and it forbade any assistance to you, when following in the same train of ruin which had overwhelmed them. If the evil does not immediately proceed the full length of absolute disunion, yet the strength, the unity of exertion the union of interest will be gone. We are no longer one people, and representatives from that part of the country in our public counsels, will partake of the spirit and breathe the sentiments of a distinct nation—they will rob you of your public lands—they will not submit to taxes—they will form a girdle round the southern states which may be denominated a foreign yoke, and render the security of that country very precarious as to its peace and present connexions. Indeed every aspect of such a state of things is gloomy, and alarming to men who take the trouble of reflecting upon it.
But sir said Mr. R. I have heard it suggested that another mode has been contemplated for getting rid of this crisis in our affairs. If we remain perfectly quiet and passive, shew no symptoms of uneasiness or discontent—If we give no offence to the new and probable masters of the Mississippi—may be they will sell!! To me it is utterly incredible, that such an effect would flow from such a conduct. They might possibly sell if they found us armed, in possession, and resolved to maintain it. They would see that even conquest would be a hard bargain, or so distant a country—our possession would be evidences of a fixed determination.—But when we have no army, no military preparation, no semblance of resistance, what would induce them to sell? Sell, sir! for how much? Why sir, altho' there is no information before this house, of any terms, yet I have seen it stated in the newspapers, that those who now pretend to claim that country may be persuaded to sell, by giving two million of dollars to certain influential persons about the courts
Here Mr. Wright of Maryland called Mr. Ross to order and said that he thought it improper to debate upon confidential information which in his opinion should be kept secret.
Mr. R. denied that there was any confidential information in that house.
The Vice President said there was no confidential information before the senate, that he recollected, and that he perceived nothing improper or out of order in what had been said.
Mr. Nicholson said he hoped the galleries would be cleared. It appeared to him that the gentleman was about to discuss points which ought to be kept secret.
Mr. Ross hoped not—and would give his reasons.
Mr. Nicholson objected, that it would not be in order for the gentleman to give reasons.
Mr. Ross. I will never speak upon this subject, sir, with closed doors. The moment you shut your doors I cease—and when they are opened I will proceed. There is nothing of a secret or confidential nature in what I have to say. Mr. R. concluded by calling for the yeas and nays upon the question of closing the doors.
Mr. Wright read one of the rules of the senate, to shew that a vote was not necessary for closing the doors.
Mr. Wells enquired whether it was in order to interrupt a gentleman while speaking, and to make a motion while he was in possession of the floor.
The Vice President thought that in such a case, where a senator thought that the subject required secrecy, it might be done. The doors must be closed at the request of any senator, and afterwards the senate would determine by vote whether or not the business should proceed with closed doors. He then ordered the galleries and lobby to be cleared. The doors remained closed for some time, when they were again opened and the senate adjourned.
February 15.
Upon reading the minutes of the preceding day, the following entry was found to have been made by the secretary:
“Mr. Ross stated in his place, that he had several resolutions to submit to the consideration of the senate, on the infraction of the treaty by the government of Spain, in withholding the right, from the citizens of the United States, to deposit their produce in the Spanish territories—upon which, while he was proceeding in some introductory observations,
“On motion made and seconded, the
galleries were cleared and the doors were shut.”
The above entry on the minutes Mr. Clinton, of New-York, moved to strike out, and the motion was carried.
A great number of the ladies and gentlemen had attended in expectation of hearing the debate respecting the Mississippi continued.
February 16.
After some of the ordinary legislative business of the senate had been despatched, Mr. Nicholas moved that the galleries be cleared, and the doors of the senate were closed till 3 o'clock. They were then opened and the senate adjourned.
February 17.
After the reading of two or three bills, on which there was no debate, Mr. Breckenridge moved to have the galleries cleared, and the doors closed, which was done accordingly.
At one o'clock, the doors of the senate were opened, and in a few minutes afterwards
Mr. Ross rose and said, That two days ago he had the honor of stating some of his opinions to the senate respecting the alarming condition of our affairs upon the Mississippi.—That in a very interesting part of his enquiry he had been called to order. That the Vice President had expressly determined him to have been in order, and also declared that there was no confidential information before the senate relating to the late aggressions upon our rights in the Mississippi. Yet notwithstanding this declaration of the Vice President, as explicit as it was correct, Mr. R. said, the doors were actually closed and all further public discussion at that time prohibited.—Yesterday the doors were again closed.—He said it would be well recollected, that when this extraordinary measure was resorted to, he had given notice that he would not proceed further in the discussion, while the doors were shut, and that he would resume it whenever they should be opened. From that time to the present he had remained silent, but now, when a majority of the senate had resolved that this discussion should be public, he would proceed to finish the remarks he had intended to make and then offer his resolutions. He could not, however, avoid expressing his acknowledgments to the majority of that body, who had decided that this debate should be public, for, although some gentlemen might be desirous to stifle, and smother in secrecy, an enquiry like the present, he firmly believed that there would always be firmness and independence enough in that house to meet in public the investigation of every subject proper for public deliberation.
Mr. R. said he would not return to a repetition of what he had formerly stated, it would be sufficient to mention, that he had urged the importance of our rights in the navigation of the Mississippi founded in nature, and acknowledged by compact.—This was the great and the only highway of commerce from the western country to the ocean.—That the Spaniards after a long execution of this treaty, have now flagrantly violated it, and shut us out from all intercourse, and from the right of deposit.—That they have plundered our citizens upon the ocean—carried our vessels into their ports and condemned them without the semblance of a trial.—Our seamen have been cast into prison, and our merchants ruined.—Thus assailed upon the ocean, and upon the land by a long course of oppression and hostility without provocation and without apology, he knew but one course we could take which promised complete redress of our wrongs.—Experience had proved, that compact was no security—the Spaniards either cannot, or will not observe their treaty. If they are under the direction of a stronger power who will not permit them to adhere to their stipulations, or if they of their own accord inflict these indignities under a belief that we dare not resent them, it was equally incumbent upon us to act without farther delay. The aggressors are heaping indignity upon you at your own door, at the very borders of your territory, and tell you, at the same time, they have no right to the country from whence they exclude you. If they act thus without right why not enforce yours by taking possession? Will you submit to be taken by the neck and kicked out, without a struggle? Was there not spirit enough in the country to repel and punish such unheard of insolence? Is not the magnitude of the interest at stake, such as to warrant the most vigorous and decisive course which can express public indignation? Go then, take the guardianship of your rights upon yourselves, trust it no longer to those who have so grossly abused the power they have had over it—Remstate yourselves in the possession of that which has been wrested from you and
withheld by faithless men who confess themselves no longer the owners of the country over which they are exercising these acts of injustice and outrage. Negotiation may, perhaps, be wise, but this is the effectual measure to support it; when it is seen that you have determined to support your just demands with force—that you have already taken into your hands an ample security for future security and good behavior, your ambassador will be respected and attended to. But what weight will his remonstrances have in any country of Europe, when they hear of no military preparations to vindicate your pretensions, when they learn that you have been chased out of a possession confessedly your right, that you have been insultingly told, begone, you shall not buy, you shall not sell, you are such a nuisance we will have no intercourse with you.
Where is the nation, ancient or modern, that has borne such treatment without resentment or resistance? Where is the nation that will respect another that is passive under such humiliating degradation and disgrace? Your outlet to market closed—next they will trample you under foot upon your own territory which borders upon theirs!!—Yet you will not stir, you will not arm a single man—you will negotiate!! Negotiation alone under such circumstances must be hopeless. No,—Go forward, remove the aggressors, clear away the obstructions, restore your possession with your own hand, and use your sword, if resistance be offered—Call upon those who are most injured to redress themselves—you have only to give the call, you have men enough near to the scene, without sending a man from this side the mountains—force sufficient, and more than sufficient, for a prompt execution of your orders.—If money be an object—one half of the money which would be consumed and lost by delay and negotiation, would put you in possession.—Then you may negotiate whether you shall abandon it and go out again.
You may also then negotiate as to compensations for the spoliations upon your trade: You will have ample funds in your own hands to pay your merchants, if the Spaniards continue their refusal to pay.—You will have lands to give which they will readily accept, and assist in defending. In this way they may all be indemnified; by negotiation there is little hope that they ever will.
It may be said that the executive is pursuing another and a very different course. The executive will certainly pursue the course designated by the legislature. To congress has been confided the power of deciding what shall be done in all cases of hostility by foreign powers. There can be no doubt that, by the law of nature and nations, we are clearly authorised to employ force for our redress, in such a case as this: That we have a just right to take such measures as will prevent a repetition of the mischief and afford ample security for the future quiet enjoyment of the violated right. If we leave it entirely to the executive he can only employ negotiation as being the sole means in his power. If the right be not abandoned what is to be done? I know said Mr. R. that some gentlemen think there is a mode of accomplishing our object of which, by a most extraordinary proceeding, I am forbidden to speak in this house, I will not, therefore, touch it; But I will ask honorable gentlemen, especially those from the western country, what they will say on their return home to a people pressed by the heavy hand of calamity. When they enquire, What has been done? What are our hopes? How long will this obstruction continue? You answer; we have provided a remedy, but it is a secret!!! We were not allowed to speak of it there, much less here. It was only committed to confidential men in whispers, with closed doors: But, by and by, you will see it operate like enchantment—It is a sovereign balsam which will heal your wounded honor. It is a potent spell, or a kind of patent medicine which will extinguish and for ever put at rest the devouring spirit which has desolated so many nations of Europe. You never can know exactly what it is; nor can we tell you precisely the time it will begin to operate. But operate it certainly will, and effectually too!!! You will see strange things by and by—Wait patiently, and place full faith in us, for we cannot be mistaken.
This idle tale may amuse children. But the men of that country will not be satisfied. They will tell you that they expected better things of you, that their confidence has been misplaced, and they will not wait the operation of your newly invented drugs; they will go and redress themselves. I say also let us go and redress ourselves, you will have the whole nation with you. On no question since the declaration of independence has the nation been so unanimous as upon this. We have a diffi-

ferent times suffered great indignity & outrages from different European powers, but none so palpable, so inexcusable, so provoking, or of so much magnitude in their consequences as this. Upon none has public opinion united so generally as this. It is true we have a lamentable division of political opinion among us, which has produced much mischief, and may produce much greater than any we have yet felt. On this question party spirit ought to sink and disappear. My opinions are well known, and are not likely to change, but candidly, and with all possible sincerity, declare, my conviction to be clear that there will not be a dissenting voice in the Western Country if this course be taken; That so far as my own abilities go, they shall be exerted to the utmost to support it; and I know that my friends on this floor with whom I have long thought and acted, have too high a regard for the national honor, and the best interest of their country to hesitate a moment in giving the same pledge of their honest determination to support and render these measures effectual if taken; call them ours if you please, we take the responsibility, and leave the execution of them with you. For as to myself or my friends, no agency is wished except that of uniting with you in rousing the spirit, and calling out the resources of the country to protect itself against serious aggression, and the total subjection and loss of the Western Country.
If you pursue this advice, and act promptly and boldly upon it; if you take possession, and prepare to maintain it; from the very unanimity displayed you will have no war; you will meet no resistance. Indeed, a war may be said to be already begun, for hostility of the worst kind on one side has been long in practice upon us, and our retaliation or resistance will be justified on every principle which has governed the conduct of nations. If the Spaniards resist you in taking possession of what by treaty they have acknowledged to be yours, and what they now confess does not belong to them; the war certainly begins with them. Under all these circumstances, with these offers of support, and gentlemen doubt, could they venture to cry peace, peace, when there was no peace, but a sword!
Mr. R. entreated gentlemen to view and consider his proposed resolutions with candour. He declared his intentions to be solely the attainment of an object, the loss of which would destroy the country where he resided, and hazard the union itself. If gentlemen thought the proposed means inadequate, he would agree to enlarge them with cheerfulness; all that he wished was that effectual means be voted and employed in this golden moment which if lost never would return.
He said he would delay the Senate no longer than to present his resolutions, and give notice that he would move to have them printed and made the order of the day for some future day. For, as gentlemen had consented that this business should be no longer a secret, they would now become the subject of ample and able discussion.
Mr. Ross then introduced his resolutions. These resolutions, with Mr. Breckenridge's amendments to them, were published in the Intelligencer last Friday, to which our readers are referred.
NEW-YORK, February 23.
Capt. Hanmer, from Martinique, informs us, that just before he sailed, twenty-four days since, the government of that place had put in force another oppressive regulation on American commerce, viz: That they obliged our captains to pay one dollar on every barrel of provisions landed, and on other articles in proportion. And on every dollar in specie brought from that island, they exacted nine per cent. How long will our government thus suffer their commerce to be shackled?
The ship Orlando , Marschalk, arrived at this port yesterday sailed from Amsterdam on the 4th January. She brings intelligence that on the 25th December the American vessels chartered by the French Government sailed from Amsterdam for Helvoetsluyts to take on board troops for Louisiana.
Extract of a letter from Halifax, Nova Scotia, to the Editors of the Palladium, dated January 28.
"A gentleman has assured me he has an intercepted letter from Mr. Munroe, (while in Paris) to Mr. Randolph, with some information respecting the Louisiana business, not very honorable to the former person. He intends to have it published."
Translated for the American, from the Amsterdam Courant, received at Bryden's Coffee-House.
PARIS, January 16. The squadron which sailed from Toulon, destined for St. Domingo, has on board 3000 Poles, 1800 infantry, two companies of riflemen, two companies of dragoons, and a detachment of artillery. All those troops have been in the war of Italy. Troops in several ports of France are getting ready to sail for the West-Indies.
MARTINSBURG, March 11.
Married on the 3rd instant, Mr. JO. NATHAN KEARSLEY to the amiable Miss ANN HUMPHREYS, both of Charles Town.
"Celestial happiness, whene'er she stoops To visit earth, one shrine the Goddess finds, And one alone to make her sweet amends Far absent Heav'n—the bosom of a friend; Where heart meets heart, reciprocally soft, Each others pillow to repose divine."
The Rev. L. HEATH intends preaching Mr. RICHARD BARNHOUSE's Funeral Sermon on Sunday the 13th inst. at the Episcopal Church in Martinsburg, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon. The friends and acquaintances of the deceased, are desired to attend at the Church at that time.
Will the conduct of France, in what relates to Louisiana, produce a war with the United States? On this interesting question, says the Palladium , which is daily agitated, there are various opinions. It would be a very short-sighted policy in France, if she were to push her measures so as to cause a rupture with the U. States at this time. The immediate object of French ambition is doubtless to destroy the power of England—this done, they think no obstacle would remain to the establishment of their empire over the civilized world—but a war with the United States, would be likely to produce a close alliance with England for common defence which would render both nations invincible, while a war of France against England would leave the United States neutral, or according to the wise policy of Mr. Monroe, might place us on the side of France, to assist in the destruction of the only power which can resist the arms of France.
(N.Y. Gazette.)
The Western Country entirely shut up.
Extract of a letter, dated Natchez, 3d ult. "I am in hopes a rupture with Spain will be averted by the energetic measures of our government, but we must be firm to avoid imposition from the rascally dependants on the Spanish government at New-Orleans, who are actuated by the vilest motives. We have this day received certain intelligence that they are determined not to allow the Americans any trade in the province of Louisiana—even the inhabitants are prohibited buying from or selling provisions to their boats in the river—the navigation only is allowed.—The firmness of the Kentucky legislature seems but to exasperate them the more, and time alone can determine the event.—It is true we have only to dread a momentary inconvenience, for should it come to force, we shall soon acquire a valuable country, which nature seems to have designed for an important part of this union."
Ibid.
From the (Philadelphia) True American.
Sunday night, (28th Feb.) arrived the ship Wilmington , Captain Woodward, in 36 days from Belfast; by whom we have the following
FOREIGN ADVICES.
From the following article it appears that the Spanish government, no doubt instigated by its prime mover the First Consul, has made a hostile advance against the interest of Great Britain.
"One of the most important articles brought by the papers which have reached us, is the intelligence of a formal notice having been sent to the British Establishment in the bay of Honduras, formed for the purpose of cutting Log-wood, desiring that they would instantly embark and quit the Spanish territory as the treaty whereby Great Britain claimed such a right has not been renewed. We are not informed whether any official notification of this demand has been made to the ministers by the court of Madrid. It is most probable, however, that some points remain to be adjusted, between the two courts of serious importance, which re-
tards the nomination of Ambassadors, and the conclusion of the treaty that has been so long in discussion."
The warfare between the Turks and Beys continues with unabated fury. The latter had conceived hopes of being aided by the British forces in Egypt. But this is not likely to be the case. This critical situation of affairs, however, will be conceived by the British as an argument to induce the Grand Seignior to recede to the proposed alliance between England and Russia, for the guarantee of Egypt.
The degradation of Switzerland is completed. The form of constitution conformably to Bonaparte's wishes, has been adopted by the Helvetic consuls.
Bonaparte, it seems is going to the Netherlands on a secret expedition. For this a camp of 12,000 men is to be established in the vicinity.
Leclerc's body, and Madame Leclerc, arrived at Toulon about the 10th of January. We perceive no publications on this subject from which can be inferred the impressions made on France by this disastrous event.
Some serious disturbances have occurred in the South of Ireland. They are pretty generally attributed to local jealousies, existing among the mechanics and laborers. It was believed the ferment would be allayed without producing much mischief.
From the Washington Federalist.
The National Intelligencer says, "never, perhaps, has the American congress transacted more business in so short a time." That 'perhaps,' was well put in, as it is the only loop hole, by which the editor can creep out. With the help of this little word, we might run through the decalogue, and apply it to our great characters. Perhaps Jefferson is not a deist, nor his friend Paine a blasphemous infidel; Perhaps the former never coveted his neighbours wife, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor his servant—Perhaps he never invited Paine to this country, or to dine with him—Perhaps Gallatin never sold the bank stock under its value and at a great loss, nay, perhaps, he never sold it; perhaps he was not engaged in the western insurrection—Perhaps Dr. Leib never had any thing to do with certificates, or in presenting to the house of representatives forged petitions, knowing them to be forged; and perhaps Duane and Clay, had no hand in forging those petitions—perhaps Louisiana has never been ceded to France, nor New-Orleans shut up by the Spaniards—Perhaps the Western people will sustain no injury from these proceedings—Perhaps Buonaparte is without ambition, and Jefferson without hypocrisy—Perhaps the former has too much justice to injure or insult us, and perhaps the latter has too much courage to suffer it with impunity.
But laying aside this "perhaps," and how will the matter stand? Some judgment may be formed of the importance of the business and the diligence of the house from the following list of acts. It was five weeks from the commencement of the session, before a single act was passed. And there is not one in the catalogue that required three days discussion, in either house, and few of them took up more time, than was necessary to pass through the usual forms and readings.
List of Acts passed at the second session of the seventh Congress.
1 An act for the relief of Charles Hyde, [passed on the 4th of January, enrolled the 12th, signed by the President on the 14th.]
2 An act authorising the sale of land, parcel of the navy-yard belonging to the United States, in Charlestown, in the state of Massachusetts, to the proprietors of the Salem turnpike road and Chelsea bridge corporation.
3 An act for the relief of Henry Messonnier.
4 An act for the relief of the sufferers by fire, in the town of Portsmouth.
5 An act to provide for the granting of clearances to ships or vessels owned by citizens of the United States, lying in the Mississippi, south of the southern boundary of the United States;—and therein to amend an act intitled "An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage;" and for other purposes.
6 An act in addition to an act, intitled "An act fixing the military peace establishment of the United States."
7 An act supplementary to the "Act concerning Consuls and Vice-Consuls," and for the further protection of American seamen.
8 An act to provide an additional armament for the protection of the seamen and commerce of the United States.
9 An act to prevent the importation of
certain persons into certain states, where by the laws thereof their admission is prohibited.
10 An act in addition to an act, intitled "An act more effectually to provide for the national defence, by establishing an uniform militia throughout the United States."
11 An act for continuing in force a law, intitled "An act for establishing trading houses with the Indian tribes."
12 An act for the relief of Moses White.
13 An act in addition to an act, intitled "An act concerning the registering and recording of ships and vessels of the United States," and to the act intitled "An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage."
14 An act supplementary to the act, intitled "An act providing passports for ships and vessels of the United States."
15 An act making an appropriation for the support of the navy of the United States, for the year 1803.
16 An act making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1803.
17 An act in addition to the act, intitled "An act regulating the grants of land appropriated for the refugees from the British provinces of Canada and Nova-Scotia."
18 An act concerning the Salt Springs on the waters of the Wabash river.
19 An act concerning the insurance of buildings, goods and furniture in the county of Alexandria, in the territory of Columbia.
20 An act in addition to, and in modification of the propositions contained in the act, intitled "An act to enable the people of the eastern division of the territory North-west of the river Ohio, to form a constitution and state government, and for the admission of such state into the Union, on an equal footing with the original states, and for other purposes."
21 An act to make Beaufort and Pamlico ports of entry and delivery; to make Easton and Tiverton, ports of delivery; and to authorise the establishment of a new collection district on Lake Ontario.
22 An act more effectually to provide for the organization of the militia of the District of Columbia.
23 An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the District of Columbia.
24 An act to prolong the continuance of the Mint at Philadelphia.
25 An act in addition to an act, intitled "An act to amend the judicial system of the United States."
26 An act making appropriations for the military establishments of the United States, for the year 1803.
27 An act to revive and continue in force an act in addition to an act, intitled "An act in addition to an act regulating the grants of land appropriated for military services, and for the society of the United Brethren for propagating the gospel among the heathen," and for other purposes.
28 An act authorising the transfer of the duties of supervisor to any other office.
29 An act concerning the City of Washington.
30 An act for the relief of Joshua Harvey and others.
31 An act regulating the grants of land, and providing for the disposal of the lands of the United States, south of the state of Tennessee.
32 An act to provide for the due execution of the laws of the United States within the State of Ohio.
33 An act to alter the time of holding the Court of the United States, in the Kentucky district.
34 An act to alter the time for the next meeting of Congress.
35 An act directing a detachment from the militia of the United States, and for erecting certain arsenals.
36 An act making a partial appropriation for the support of the Navy for the year 1803.
STRAY BULL.
CAME to the subscriber's plantation some time in November last, an estray BULL of a brindle colour, with a white belly, white face and a white tail, and has some white on his left shoulder, marked with a half crop out of the under side of each ear, has no brand, is three years old this spring, has small horns, the left horn the largest, appraised to nine dollars and an half. The owner is requested to prove property, pay charges and take him away.
ABRAHAM MARLATT. Berkeley County, March 11, 1803.

To the Citizens of Berkeley, Jefferson and Hampshire.
GENTLEMEN,
I OFFER myself to your consideration, as a candidate at the ensuing Election, to Represent you in the Congress of the United States.
To give my political opinions in detail, I consider unnecessary, as it may be presumed they are generally known throughout the district. I declare an inviolable attachment to the Rights and Liberties of the People of this Country—I declare an inviolable attachment to the Constitution of the United States, by which these Rights and Liberties are secured; and if elected, I will cheerfully co-operate in all measures which in my judgment are calculated to promote your interest and happiness.
I am, Gentlemen, with due respect, Your obedient servant, JAMES STEPHENSON.
March 4, 1803.
We are authorised to inform the Citizens of Berkeley County, that JAMES CAMPBELL, Esq. and MAGNUS TATE, Esq. will stand a poll at the ensuing election for Representatives in the State Legislature.
NOTICE is hereby given, that an ELECTION will be held at the Court-House in Martinsburg, on the Monday after the third Tuesday in April next, for the purpose of choosing two fit persons to represent the County of Berkeley in the General Assembly of this State.
JOHN DAVENPORT, Sheriff. March 4, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, that an ELECTION will be held at the Court-House in Martinsburg, on the Monday after the third Tuesday in April next, for the purpose of choosing a fit person to represent the District composed of the Counties of Berkeley, Jefferson & Hampshire, in the House of Representatives of the United States.
JOHN DAVENPORT, Sheriff. March 4, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, that an ELECTION will be held at the Court-House in Martinsburg, on the Monday after the third Tuesday in April next, for the purpose of choosing a fit person to represent the District composed of the Counties of Berkeley, &c. &c. in the Senate of this State.
JOHN DAVENPORT, Sheriff. March 4, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss.
February Court, 1803. ROBERT WILSON, Complainant, vs. JACOB ONG, Defendant. In CHANCERY.
THE Defendant, Jacob Ong, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said Defendant do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in May next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
ONE CENT REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber living in Middletown, Berkeley County, on the 20th day of April, 1801, an apprentice boy named ABRAHAM SINKLEARN, was bound by his father to Joseph Moony, of Frederick County, and his indenture assigned to the subscriber, who will pay the above reward for him, but no thanks.
ZACHARIAH CHAPMAN. February 25, 1803.
The YOUNG MILL-WRIGHT AND MILLER'S GUIDE, for sale at this Office.
TO be sold at Public Vendue, on Tuesday the 15th of March next, at the subscriber's Plantation, one and an half miles from Buckles Town,
HORSES, Milch Cows, Hogs, Sheep, a variety of Household Furniture, a Waggon, Plows, Harrows, a Wind-Mill, and a number of other Farming Utensils too numerous to mention. The terms will be made known on the day of sale. The sale to commence early in the day, when attendance will be given by
JAMES STARRET.
February 18, 1803.
TAKEN up by the subscriber, living near Hedges' store, six miles from Martinsburg, an estray BULL, of a red and white colour, about one year old, neither cropped nor branded, appraised according to law. The owner is requested to prove property, pay charges and take him away.
PETER HOUT.
February 18, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss.
OCTOBER COURT, 1802.
Andrew Waggener, surviving Executor of William Cunningham, dec'd—Comp't.
AGAINST
Ann Henshaw, widow and adm'x of William Henshaw, dec'd, who was Ex'r of James Cunningham, dec'd, Nicholas Henshaw, Rachel Lemon, Lewis Moore and Rebecca his wife, Levi Henshaw, Hiram Henshaw, Seth Duncan and Rheumanna his wife, Adam Stephen Henshaw, Jonathan Seamon Henshaw, Washington Henshaw, William Slaughter Henshaw and Uriah Springer Henshaw, the said Adam Stephen, Jonathan Seamon, Washington, William Slaughter and Uriah Springer, are infants under the age of 21 years, which said Nicholas, Rachel, Rebecca, Levi, Hiram, Rheumanna, Adam Stephen, Jonathan Seamon, Washington, William Slaughter and Uriah Springer, are children and co-heirs and co-heiresses of the said William Henshaw, dec'd—Defendants. In CHANCERY.
THE Defendants, Nicholas Henshaw, Lewis Moore, and Rebecca his wife, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
NOTICE
IS hereby given, that the partnership of Evans & Jamieson, late of Shepherd's Town, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All persons indebted to said firm are requested to make payment to John Baker, Esq. of Shepherd's Town, Attorney for Walter Jenkins, assignee of the debts due to said firm. Given under our hands, this 3rd day of February 1803.
THOMAS B. EVANS, JOHN JAMIESON. Shepherd's Town, February 10, 1803.
NOTICE
IS hereby given, to those who are indebted to the late firm of Evans & Jamieson, of Shepherd's Town, that the bonds, notes and accounts, of that firm have been transferred to me, for the purpose of discharging their debts in Baltimore, which bonds, notes and accounts have been by me deposited in the hands of John Baker, Esq. of Shepherd's Town, for collection, with instructions to bring suits on the same indiscriminately, unless they are discharged within three weeks from this date. If however, those who are indebted by open account, will within the time aforesaid, give their notes with interest to said Baker, for the several sums they owe, they shall receive a credit of six months from this date.
WALTER JENKINS.
Baltimore, Feb. 5, 1803.
PRINTING,
In all its variety, executed at this Office, with correctness and expedition.
To the Inhabitants of Berkeley County, FELLOW-CITIZENS,
BEING frequently solicited by a number of respectable Gentlemen to come forward as a Candidate to represent you in the General Assembly of this Commonwealth, this is therefore to inform you that I have at last got my own consent, not only to enlarge the field of your choice, but if elected, to serve you faithfully, according to my best judgment and ability. I will add, fellow-citizens, that I have lived amongst you nearly thirteen years, and in the course of that time, I have been endeavoring to learn the political situation of our common country, and have established for myself a place of residence in Berkeley County, where it is probable I may pass the balance of my days; it is therefore natural to suppose that my own interest, will lead me up on all occasions, to promote your welfare in general, as a body politic, of which body myself and family forms a part—I will further add, that there may be a number of persons who vote for measures and not for men, that may wish to know my political sentiments; in order to give them that information, I do declare myself to be a real republican, a true friend to the constitution of the United States, and an approver of the present administration of the general government.
With sentiments of esteem, I leave you to judge, and chuse for yourselves. JOEL WARD. Mill-Creek, December 26, 1802.
LANDS FOR SALE.
WILL be sold, to the highest bidder, on the respective Tracts, by the executors of the late General George Washington, the annexed parcels of LAND, at the following periods:
  Tract in Charles county, Maryland, near the Fish Trap, . . . . .  First Monday in March next.    Tract in Montgomery County, Maryland near Frederick Town, . . . . .  Second Monday in ditto.    Tract in Jefferson County Virginia, called Evanses, 1-2 miles west of Charles Town, . . . . .  18th day of March.    Tract in Hampshire County, Virginia, known by the name of Horse Shoe Tract, to be sold the 18th day of March, on Evanses, . . . . .  18th day of ditto.    In Jefferson County, Virginia, the Tract on the noted run Bull-Skin, . . . . .  19th day of ditto.    In Jefferson County, Virginia, the Tract on Wormley's line, occupied by capt. Gabriel Greenfield, . . . . .  21st day of ditto.    In Frederick County, Virginia, a Tract 1-2 mile South of Battle Town, . . . . .  23d day of ditto.    In Fauquier County, Virginia, Ashley's bent and Chatten's run Tracts, near Hickses tavern. . . . .  25th—to be sold at Hickses Tavern.  
One fourth of the amount of the purchase to be paid down, the balance in three equal annual installments, secured by mortgage of the premises, and to draw legal interest from the day of purchase, until paid.
THE EXECUTORS. January 28, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss.
October Court, 1802.
John Myles, Tunis Newkirk, George Newkirk, Henry Newkirk, John Newkirk and Joseph Newkirk, which said Henry, John and Joseph, are infants under the age of 21 years, by George Newkirk, their Guardian—Comp't.
AGAINST
David Watkins, Jane Logan, (widow) Executrix and Devisee of James Logan, dec'd, Brian Bruin and James Wilson, Def'ts. In CHANCERY.
THE Defendants, David Watkins and Bryan Bruin, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainants, by their Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the Complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
PURSUANT to the last will of Joseph Berry, dec'd, of Hampshire County, the Executors offer, at private sale, the following Tracts of Land, situate in the County of Frederick and state of Virginia, on the head waters of Sleepy Creek, viz.
One Tract containing 230 acres, more or less, whereon John Berry formerly lived, the improvements are 70 acres of cleared land, 25 of which are good Timothy Meadow, and much more may be made, with the advantage of watering the whole at a small expense; a good Dwelling House, Kitchen, double Barn, and other out Houses, two good Orchards, consisting of a great variety of Fruit; the place abounds with water and timber sufficient.—This place would be a good stand for a public house, being situate on the State road from the Western Country to the City of Washington.
One other Tract adjoining the aforesaid, on the same road, containing 120 acres of good Farming Land—the improvements are a Dwelling House, some Fruit Trees, about 20 acres cleared, part of which is good Meadow, and more may be made, water and timber plenty.
One other Tract on Timber Ridge, near the aforesaid Land, said to contain 160 acres, part of which is cleared. Good titles will be made for the above Lands.—The terms will be made easy to the purchaser after the first payment. For terms apply to Jacob or John Jenkins, in the edge of Hampshire County, who will show the Lands, or to William Wilson of Berkeley.
JACOB JENKINS, sen. JOHN JENKINS. WILLIAM WILSON, Executors. November 4, 1802.
TO RENT
THE whole or a part of the House wherein the subscriber now lives, in Queen-Street, Martinsburg, with every necessary building; it is completely fixed for a Store or any kind of public business: there are two large dry cellars under the house. For terms apply to MICHAEL M'KEWAN. February 25, 1803.
Also TO RENT, a FARM on the west side of Back Creek, adjoining lands of Mr. Grantham and Michael M'Kewan's Mills, whereon Mr. Jacob Kizer now lives; there are on the place a good two story Log Dwelling House, with a Kitchen under the House, and other buildings, a good Garden, about 90 acres of bottom land, which is chiefly enclosed, about 15 acres in grass and more meadow may be easily made—good water—a sulphur or spaw spring near the house, a few Apple trees, only about four acres sowed down on the place. Possession may be had the 15th of March next. For terms apply to James Quin, or Michael M'Kewan. Martinsburg, Feb. 25, 1803.
A FEW 3 and 5 Acre out Lots adjoining the South side of Martinsburg, for sale, for cash, enquire of John O'Ferrall or MICHAEL M'KEWAN
ONE CENT REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber's employ on the 15th inst. an indentured servant girl, named MARGARET LAMARS, bound to me by her parents. She took with her a variety of clothing not at present recollected. The above reward, but no thanks will be given to any person who will apprehend and return her to the subscriber, living in Berkeley County. SAMUEL CUNNINGHAM. February 23, 1803.
BLANK DEEDS For sale at this Office.
Terms of the Intelligencer.
THE price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week; Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their advertisements.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.