Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-08-05 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  MENTI NORTAM SUA PRÆMIA LADIS
[VOL. V.
FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 5, 1808.
NO. 9.]
From the North Carolina Minerva.
On the 29th day of February, 1808, a number of citizens of Stokes county convened together in Salem, for the purpose of deliberating on the propriety of sending an address to our Representatives in Congress, respecting the present critical situation of our country and the measures adopted; when George Hauser, Esq. was unanimously elected Chairman, and Charles F. Bagge, Secretary. After which the following address was read, and debated paragraph by paragraph, and agreed to.
To the honourable Meshech Franklin, and the other Representatives in Congress, for the state of North Carolina.
GENTLEMEN,
The present alarming crisis in the national affairs of the United States, the anxiety about the fate of our beloved country, and the right we, as freemen have to a knowledge not only of all the proceedings and measures of government but also of the motives leading to extraordinary measures, and likewise that you obtain a knowledge of the sentiments of your constituents, which is not a privilege, but a right we have to declare to you, is the apology for our present address.
We have been informed of extraordinary, alarming, and perhaps indecisive measures of the legislature of the United States; the most prominent whereof are the embargo on the shipping of the United States, and the non-importation act revived and going into operation. Of the latter we have only the opinion, that the benefit to our country must appear probable, of prohibiting the importation of articles from one country, at a time when neither our own country furnishes them, nor can they be obtained with safety from any other.
The act laying the embargo has diffused general alarm. The impressions on our minds, as being the probable result of its operations, have been the following:
1st. The total destruction of our commerce, that source of life and activity to the agriculture of this country. Is commerce destroyed, then agriculture consequently languishes, and is eventually ruined also. In vain does the husbandman sow his grain, plant his cotton or tobacco, or any article for exportation; in vain rear his cattle or support a family; if he can find no markets for his surplus productions; these must perish and rot on his hands. It is not worth his while to raise more than the immediate wants for the consumption of his family; he cannot pay his debts, cannot discharge his dues to the support of government; cannot rear his offspring to industry, and cannot give them an education suitable to his former wealth and standing in society. Hence results idleness and the concomitant evils, poverty, ignorance, fraud, and corruption, the amor patric is lost, and at last follows a servile submission to the yoke of any pretender or despot. Providence has blessed our country with a variety of agricultural productions; the superabundance of which is of no use to us without the aid of commerce: that once destroyed, our farms will return to their primitive state of native wilderness. It is absurd to say, that the mercantile interests suffer alone: the fallacy of such reasoning is plainly to be inferred from what has been said. The agricultural interest is so closely connected therewith, that they in fact make but one interest, and if the one be destroyed, it takes the other inevitably along in its fall; and we should be afraid to offer an insult to common sense, were we to demonstrate that manufactures on a large scale cannot be established to advantage in a country where population is so scattered.
2d. If we give up our commerce tamely, our great commercial rival will surely take the advantage and grasp the commerce of the world into her own hands; which from her power and activity on every ocean, she is enabled to do; and of her readiness to take advantage, there can be no doubt. And are we ready to say, that we will suffer others exclusively to be our carriers?
3d. Our commercial advantages have certainly been great and that our country has flourished thereby cannot be denied. If we suffer the channels of wealth gained by commerce to be lost to us and other nations to take possession thereof, they may be lost to us for ever; and it will at least require time, wisdom and perseverance to bring us back again to that flourishing condition whence we had set out.
4th. The sailors of our numerous merchantmen will be out of employ. They are injured to a seafaring life—the sea is their element, where they have been brought up. They would not willingly take up with another mode of life; and if they would, the greater part of them are not able to earn a subsistence in any other way. Shall they be supported by charity? For a short time this would do; but charity is at an end, when the fountains which support it are dried up. They must either fall into a dissolute life and become a burthen, or which is much more probable, go over to our rival and strengthen their already divided navy.
5th. In the north and in the south we are bound by colonies of two European powers. The embargo cannot affect them. In the north the citizens of the United States can form connexions with the subjects of Great Britain, and those in the south with the subjects of Spain; and thus the embargo be avoided there, to the manifest advantage of our adjoining neighbours.—It is well known that upper Canada and others of the British possessions in North America, are capable of great improvements; and it is equally well known that the British government encourages the settlement of those parts by all means. If then the United States languish and pine away for want of paternal care in our government, or by putting the inhabitants thereof into a state of activity, it will not affect the British colonies in the north. The more we languish the more will they flourish, and privileges be multiplied to en-
tice the citizens of the United States to become their subjects. Can it be believed that people will consent to be bound down to inactivity, and not to take up with advantages the energy of another government holds out to them? Thousands will emigrate from the United States and can you hinder them? It is in vain to appeal to patriotism. The multitude always take things as they are at the present moment, and as they operate on their feelings. Is it not a historical fact, that multitudes have emigrated from the United States, even in times of their highest prosperity into the British northern colonies, and are now settled there? Will they not do the same when pressed by want produced by inactivity? Thus the weapon intended to wound our rival, will arm him with new strength and vigour.
6th. The embargo will destroy the revenue and revenue system of the United States. Our whole revenue is derived from commerce; when that is ruined, there is no revenue. How then shall government be supported, our debts paid, and the nation be defended; and if you speak of war, how is that to be supported? By a revenue from internal taxation? What article in our country can bear a taxation equal to the wants of the government, when industry is paralyzed by an act which makes our staple commodities of no value? And if we should have war, how is a revenue to be raised, and how are the defenders of the country to be paid their pittance?
These are a few of the impressions on our minds occasioned by the late measures of government.—That by the deprivation of commerce we are already, and shall still be more subject to suffer numberless hardships, cannot be denied. These we would bear patiently, did we but know that the present measures of government might ultimately result to the benefit of the union. Ignorant of the causes which lead to such measures, we are surprised that they are kept a secret from the public, and still more are we astonished that the act laying an embargo could have been consented to by our representatives in congress, when even they had not full information of our situation in relation to some foreign governments. Our feelings were alarmed when we saw a motion made in the secret sessions of congress, to have papers relating to a communication of a foreign power to the administration, laid before the house for information, rejected by the same. We cannot but then infer, that they have acted by some impulse or other without having had all the bearings of the object in full view.—In vain do we then look for information from our representatives, where to we have a right when we must suppose themselves not fully informed, and our whole knowledge is to consist of the rumours of the day, which may be erroneous, and which we often find hard to believe. We will, for instance, not believe, that with the administration a preference is given to one of the belligerent powers before the other, for it is congenial to our feelings that this country should be perfectly neutral between them. With both, without preference, good faith ought to be kept, and the injuries of the one ought to be resented as well as those of the other; but we must confess, that our belief in the impartiality towards both the belligerent powers is somewhat shaken, when we see all the acts and papers of and relating to one of these powers are promulgated, whilst those of the other are kept a secret from the nation. We hope that the time has not yet arrived, when we are to be made the dupes or tools of any foreign power on earth. We are not yet ripe for it. We are honest Americans, and as such, our wish is to stand neutral in foreign quarrels and wars, and to lend neither open nor secret assistance to any.—The same injuries we receive from both, ought not to be resented in the one and submitted to in the other.—Both ought to be treated with the same policy.
It is to be lamented that deserters from a navy of a friendly or neutral power are suffered to get encouragement to serve in the navy of the United States. This cannot but be a source of endless animosities and difficulties: will not that which would be irritating if done to us, be also the same to others if done to them? And cannot an act of the legislature cut asunder this knot of reiterated misunderstandings?
It is with reluctance that we express our regret that we perceive even on the floor of congress, an encroachment on the liberty of speech; for when a member declaring his honest sentiments and perhaps differing from others of a certain description, is immediately denounced a British partizan, then adieu to the liberty of speech and the liberties of the country. Such denunciations, though properly meant to captivate the publick out of doors have no more effect on us, than we see a pernicious party spirit blasting the best hopes of the United States, is kept up.—Those that speak least about British or French influence, we think our best friends. We have also to state our mortification, that as much as the rumours of war are afloat, we can hear of NO EFFICIENT NAVY, NO FORTIFICATIONS, and hardly of an adequate amount to be provided for. And it all shall be to be provided for at the commencement of a war, our country will feel the dire effects of weakness before we can be in a state of preparation; besides which, where is the money necessary for such armaments to come from, when the revenue has ceased to bring its millions into the treasury. It is a pity the wise maxim, "that a state wishing to be at peace, ought always to be prepared for war," has been neglected. The more we reflect on these things the more we are astonished that the time of congress is taken up with holding caucuses, forestalling the people's opinions, & that such pitiful motions as that of removing the seat of government can be countenanced by congress. We will not trespass any longer on your time, and it only remains for us to inform you that the wishes of the people are—PEACE WITH ALL THE WORLD; impar-
tiality to, and neutrality between belligerent powers; not to submit to the dictates, frowns or smiles of any power on earth. As long as there are ways open to negotiation, recourse to that method of settling differences ought to be had without equivocation and needless punctilious on our side. If injuries received by any one cannot be settled without having recourse to arms, let the war be solely American, and stand on its own merits, and not to be called forth by the artifice, intrigue, command, insinuation, threatening, or promises of any third power. Americans will defend their liberties, but will disdain to fight the battles of any foreign power, even of the mightiest monarch on earth. We are still in hopes that our fears for our country will be dispelled by a true statement and some consolatory information, which will be gratefully received by your honest constituents.
On motion, it was unanimously ordered, that this address be sent to Meshech Franklin, Esq. member of congress from Surry district, and that a copy of it be forwarded to a printer in this state, to have it published.
I hereby certify the above to be a true copy from the original. C. F. BAGGE, Secretary.
A MEMORIAL.
Addressed to the president of the United States, relative to the Embargo—By the inhabitants of Castleton, Vermont.
To the President of the United States.
To the inhabitants of Castleton, county of Rutland, and state of Vermont, in Town-meeting assembled, respectfully represent—
That your memorialists beheld, a few years since, the place of their habitation, and that of the inhabitants of this state, the trackless and solitary abodes of the savages of the wilderness, and wild haunts of the ravenous beasts. Used to industry and economy, we were stimulated by the prospect of a free and an uninterrupted intercourse, and beneficial commerce with other nations, to subdue and cultivate a desert, and thereby draw and increase our wealth and the wealth of the state and nation, from the earth.
Under the benign influence of a free and well administered government, protecting and inviting commerce with all nations, a spirit of enterprise and industry has pervaded the whole body of the people; and injured to hardship, the inhabitants of this state have been emulous to change the wilderness into cultivated fields, expecting and being assured by past experience, to find a steady, free and beneficial market for the surplus produce of our toils and labours. "uninterrupted by too much regulation." By the sweat of their brows, they have eaten the bread of carefulness, anticipating better days, when, by the aid of a free and uninterrupted commerce, they might be enabled to discharge all their debts which they had necessarily incurred in improving their farms and subduing the forests, and more easily procure all the necessaries and conveniencies of life. To obtain and preserve these invaluable rights, your memorialists have suffered every privation, and have cheerfully fought the battles of their common country. We live in our own country, under a government of laws and not of men. To the authority of the laws, we ever submit and maintain their sovereign power, until constitutionally repealed.—And we wholly disclaim all predilection to any other government or nation on earth.—Peace and liberty, the right of a fair and open disposal of our property, and the rightful product of our labours are blessings we highly prize.
The mouldering graves of our ancestors and friends, who fell in battle, or perished through fatigue and hunger, admonish us of the worth of these privileges, and attach us to the fair inheritance. Yet we pledge our lives and fortunes, that whenever the common good and an impartial and manly policy call for our aid, we will rally around the standard of liberty under the majesty of our laws, in the defence of our government and rights, and will never barter them away for an ignoble peace, or to gratify the views or interest of any nation; nor will we surrender them at the shrine of ambition or foreign and inordinate power. All foreign influence we discard, and we deprecate the day when it shall dwell in our land or enter the councils of our nation.
Your memorialists would investigate the measures of government with diffidence; yet it becomes us as freemen to ask redress of our grievances; this right is guaranteed us by our constitution. We will not question the governmental right, even in time of peace, of passing the several acts relative to the embargo; yet we believe the right ought to be exercised only from imperious necessity. Without that necessity such laws are inexpedient, against the spirit of our constitution, destructive to publick good, and an infringement on the freedom and natural rights of the people. Without the right of disposing of our property in time of peace, to whomever we please, what is the use of liberty, and where is the free and just reward of our toils and labours? Without a market, we cultivate the earth beyond the supply of our natural wants in vain.
The surplus part becomes useless in our hands. The natural product of our soil will support life, but alone will never make it comfortable and happy. The vast quantities of Pot and Pearl Ashes manufactured in this state, and Lumber, are the economical and natural productions of clearing up a wilderness; and Beef, Pork, Butter, Cheese and Grain, are subsequent effects of improved cultivation. These are our whole dependence as articles of traffic, to supply ourselves with many necessaries and conveniencies of life, and to afford us money to meet our debts and taxes. Without foreign markets, or commercial intercourse with Canada, these, in a degree, becomes useless trash. The market has generally been free, easy and direct; by which the inhabitants of the northern part of this state, have received almost all the articles essential and a-
greeable to man, which their own soil has not afforded them, and also, a competent supply of specie. This has been a stimulus to industry and laudable enterprise. It has encouraged virtuous habits, and fair and honourable dealings with mankind. They sought no evasion of laws, to find a necessary and beneficial market. They went, and returned from this market in safety, fully satisfied with the rewards of their industry. They saw activity, prosperity and confidence at home and abroad, and wealth springing up out of the earth. They neither anticipated nor foresaw any evil or change, and, therefore, provided no remedy for the evils which now await them.
Your memorialists further represent, that the passing of the act of December 22d, "Laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States," in pursuance of the recommendation of your presidency, in order to preserve our vessels and merchandise from capture by the belligerent powers of Europe, on the high seas, operated as a temporary evil and inconvenience to us, in common with our sister states.
Confiding, however, in the wisdom of government, we acquiesced in the measure, believing that the act, from the reasons assigned for passing it, would not operate to embarrass or interdict our intercourse with the provinces of Canada. There no danger existed, or captures could be made, under the decrees of France, or the British orders in council.—Our fellow citizens did not, therefore, relax in their usual employments in business, and universally turned their attention to Canada, for the most beneficial market then legally in their power, for their Beef, Pork, Pot and Pearl Ashes, and vested much of their property in that trade. In the midst of their exertions and laudable determinations to use every lawful mean in their power to enable themselves to discharge all their pecuniary obligations with punctuality, to supply themselves and their fellow citizens with the necessaries of life and more especially with a competent supply of gold and silver coin, which are the sinews of war, and the faculties of all governments, their laudable views and most flattering expectations were arrested, by the passing of another act on the 12th day of March last, prohibiting all commercial intercourse, by sea and land, with any foreign nation, or territories adjacent to the United States.
The operation of these acts, and others relative to the same, have completely deprived us of all markets, blasted our most sanguine expectations—and involved us in complicated embarrassment and ruin. They have paralyzed industry, destroyed confidence, and produced universal anxiety, despondency and fear. In this complication of evils, many have been obliged to change an open, manly and honourable intercourse, to a clandestine, evasive and illicit one; or be involved in inevitable ruin and bankruptcy. Though they would slumber at the idea of an open violation of the good and wholesome laws of their country, yet, necessity has persuaded them, that it is almost a virtue to secretly invade the injurious effects and operation of those acts. These acts, and their consequent constructions, have placed it in the power of any inimical person or zealot, to put the stamp of suspicion on every species of intercourse among men, and subject the innocent to loss and inconvenience, and endanger the peace of society.
These evils, we have already seen and felt, without any opposition to attempt to evade the laws.—We already see that our produce will not pay our debts. Its price has suffered such depression, that it will be of trifling value, when the expenses are defrayed, for transporting it to a lawful market.—We already see the vessels of our neighbouring merchants stripped of their sails, rotting by the wharves and in the docks, like the girdled trees of our forests. No waiting breeze any longer fills their prosperous sails—Silence reigns in the cabins, and desolation sits on the decks.
Under this pressure of embarrassments, permit your memorialists, respectfully to enquire into the wisdom and expediency of these restrictions on our commerce.
After an impartial and diligent investigation of the subject, we have still to learn the reason and expediency of passing the act of the 12th of March last. The provisions of that act do not come within the reasons assigned for passing the embargo act. The orders of the British council, or the decrees of the emperor of France, cannot endanger our intercourse with Canada.
Your memorialists are not insensible of the momentous crisis which awaits us; and we feel a virtuous and patriotick indignation at the repeated insults and aggressions on our commerce, and the honour and sovereignty of our nation; and we are ever ready to repel every aggression on our government, by the same valour with which we have gained and maintained our independence.
We cannot be persuaded that the measures adopted, by the passing of those acts, will not have the effect desired, on the belligerent powers of Europe. They can only add calamity to the insults and injuries, which our government has received, from France and Great Britain. They provoked the one, while they flatter the other.
Since congress have confided to the wisdom and prudence of the executive of the United States, a discretionary power to modify or suspend the operation of those restrictions on our commerce, your memorialists present to your wise consideration their ardent request, that the operation of the acts relative to the embargo, and more especially the act of March 12th, may be suspended, pursuant to the power vested in you, until the next meeting of the congress of the United States. And your memorialists, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
(Signed) W.M. DYER, Moderator. Castleton, June 6th, 1808.

The foreign intelligence received at New-York, is not so late as we had expected, being only to the first of June. There is nothing very interesting or conclusive in this intelligence. Our previous accounts from Spain are much later—The Spanish army in the North of Europe, it is probable will be disarmed, and lost to their country. The affairs of Sweden appear to have been disasterous prior to the arrival of the British force in the Baltic, what effect that will produce cannot be determined now, as it had just arrived.
Some discontents had appeared in a few of the large manufacturing towns, which appear to have been occasioned by the rise in provisions—they appear serious, and will perhaps, occasion some embarrassment. The revival of intercourse with Spain and her colonies, will tend to dispel these inquietudes. We notice what is said with regard to a treaty with this country, but we place no confidence in the report, so as to lead us to any conclusion—those who look for any treaty or amicable adjustment between this country and Great-Britain during the present war, must consult their wishes rather than their judgment.
HALEY THE MESSENGER. After what this man has said of himself, as published in our last, we would deem it superfluous to add any remark upon his character. The Pirate compared to him is virtuous and honest, the former betrays no confidence, he is hostis humani generis , and all mankind are his enemies. We hope for the honour of the Secretary of State, that this man's character was not known to him, when he was employed. We are told that he brought some dispatches from Mr. Armstrong, by which means he became known to Mr. Madison. Mr. Armstrong we think could not have been ignorant of his character.
We expect that this man will furnish cause for additional clamour in this country against Great Britain. As certain as he puts his foot in England, so certain he will be arrested by some one or more of the persons whose property he went off with.—We shall then be told that a messenger charged with dispatches from our minister in France, for our government, has been stopped in England. The government of Great Britain will not take any steps in the business, but the individuals, who have been injured, will seek redress, and it cannot be refused. They will punish this man with all the rigour which the laws of the country will permit.—And every merchant or honest man of any profession must agree that such atrocious conduct deserves punishment.
From the N. Y. Evening Post.
WARNING TO AMERICANS!
At a time when Mr. Jefferson, not only obstinately persists in refusing to settle our differences with England, but seems determined on going to actual war with that bulk of our country—that only remaining hope of nations; and, of course, to form an alliance with France; it may not be amiss, at this very gloomy and portentous moment, when the publick indignation is alive for the finishing blow given to Spain, and when we are about to be plunged into the same abyss of destruction, to give a faint description (taken from the most authentick documents) of the barbarities, rapacities, and cruelties committed by the French in those countries which they have entered either as FRIENDS or foes.
ITALY.
In 1796, Buonaparte, at the head of a numerous French army, invaded Italy, declaring to the people, that he came as their friend and their brother, to deliver them from taxes and slavery, and promising them safety for their persons, security for their property, respect for their laws, and reverence for their religion. They listened, they believed; they threw open their gates, they laid down their arms, they received the gallick serpent to their bosom! and fatal indeed were the effects of their credulity! His reverence for their religion he displayed by giving up all their places of worship to indiscriminate plunder, and by defiling them with every species of sacrilege: his respect for their laws was evinced, not only by the abrogation of those laws, but by the arbitrary enforcement of an unconditional submission to the mandates of himself and his generals; the security which he promised to their property, was exhibited in enormous contributions, in the seizure of all publick funds, as well as those of every charitable foundation, not excepting schools, hospitals, or any other resource of the poor, the aged and helpless; and as to the persons of the unfortunate people, he provided for their safety by laying the whole country under the severest military execution; by giving up their towns and villages to fire and sword, and by exposing the inhabitants to be pillaged and murdered by his rapacious and inhuman soldiers, whom he authorized and even ordered to shoot every man that attempted to resist them, whatever might be the crimes in which they were engaged.
EGYPT.
Buonaparte invaded Egypt, where he repeated his promises to respect religion; and where, the more effectually to disguise his purposes, he issued a Proclamation, declaring himself and his army to be true Mahometans; and boasting of his having made war upon the Christians, and destroyed their religion. One of his first deeds, after this act of apostasy, was to massacre almost all the inhabitants of the populous city of Alexandria. "The people," says one of the Generals, "betake themselves to their Prophet, and fill their mosques, but men and women, old and young, and even babes at the breast are all massacred!" Some time after this sanguinary transaction, Buonaparte having made prisoners of three thousand eight hundred Turks, in the fortress of Jaffa, and wishing to relieve himself from
the trouble and expense of guarding and supporting them, ordered them to be marched to an open place, where part of his army fired on them with musketry and grape shot, stabbing and cutting to death the few who escaped the fire, while he himself looked on rejoiced at the horrid scene. Nor were his cruelties, while in Egypt, confined to those whom he called his enemies; for finding his hospitals, at Jaffa, crowded with sick soldiers, and desiring to disencumber himself of them, he ordered one of his physicians to destroy them by poison; the physician refused to obey; but an apothecary was found willing to perpetrate the deed; opium was mixed with the food, and thus five hundred and eighty Frenchmen perished by the order of the general under whose banners they fought; by the orders of that very man, to whose despotick sway the whole French nation now patiently submit.
Let them so submit; but let not Americans (whatever may be Mr. Jefferson's determination) think of such shameful, such degrading submission.
Such was the treatment which the country experienced under Buonaparte. But when he had disgracefully fled from the land which he had thus fleeced, ravaged and scourged, his vile army still continued to commit those abominable excesses which had marked their progress in every country so unfortunate as to fall under their tyranny.
SWITZERLAND.
In Switzerland, where high rank and great riches were unknown, where men were nearest upon an equality than in any other country in the world; in a country having no commerce, scarcely any manufactures, and possessing few of the sources of wealth and distinction; a country of shepherds and labourers; a country which might be truly said to contain a nation of poor men; in such a country to cry "war to palaces" seemed useless and absurd. Yet did the French find a pretext for war with this poor and harmless race, and for invading and laying waste their territory. After having, by means of an armistice, joined to a most solemn promise of respect for persons and property, lulled the people into a state of imaginary security, the armistice was broken, and the French pushed on their forces, when those of the Swiss were dispersed. Resistance on the part of the latter, whose numbers did not amount to a tenth of those of their flagitious enemy, now became hopeless; and though the little army was brave, though the people were faithful and active, though the last battle was long, obstinate and bloody; though the Swiss achieved wonders, and though the women fought by the sides of their husbands, inciting them to victory or death, all was in vain! Hundreds and thousands perished by the sabres of the French, and while the earth was strewed with their dead bodies, and while the flames ascended from the once happy dwellings of this valiant and innocent people, the hard-earned and long preserved LIBERTIES of Switzerland expired.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
Received at New-York by the Ship Thalia, from Calcutta.
LONDON, May 16.
Letters from Holland, dated the 9th inst. have been received. They confirm the present intelligence relative to the restriction upon American commerce by the French government. The following official notice contains the substance of the decrees issued at Bayonne. It is strongly indicative of a rupture between France and the United States. The account ordered to be taken of the American vessels is, we presume, with a view to ultimate confiscation. The charge of having violated the embargo cannot apply in this instance, as that measure only took place nine days before the period from which the account is ordered to be taken:
LETTRE DU CONSEILLER D'ETAT 22 AVRIL, 1808. "Orders of his Majesty the Emperor, issued at Bayonne, April 17, 1808."
"The American government having placed a general embargo in all the ports of the United States, has suspended all commerce."
"All American ships shall in consequence be considered as from England, and put under sequestration."
"And further, there shall be sent to the counsellor of state, in order to be laid before his majesty, a statement of all the American vessels which have entered our ports since the 1st of January, 1808." Buonaparte has created general Junot Marquis of Abrantes.
May 17.
Hamburg and Altona papers to the 1st inst. have arrived. They furnish some interesting information respecting the present state of Italy. It would appear as if the French seriously intended a descent upon Sicily, and that a simultaneous attack was to be made from Lower Calabria and the territory about Naples. The reinforcements, however, which have been lately sent out there, and the presence of lord Collingwood, may retard this enterprise for the present, but there is, we fear, too much reason to apprehend that this important island will ultimately follow the fate of the contiguous continent. The French have organized a body of treason and disaffection in Sicily which will shew itself the moment they affect a landing in any force. Little dependence is, unfortunately, to be placed on the courage, discipline, or allegiance of the few regiments which his Sicilian majesty has contrived to embody. We are persuaded this prince will be shielded by a British army and navy as long as possible, but the firmest determinations are often shaken by events.—Circumstances may occur to completely derange the best connected plans, and Gantheaume may be fortunate enough to land twelve thousand men in Sicily, as he has already done in the Seven Islands.—Should that happen, we fear, for the reasons we have stated, that Ferdinand would not long enjoy his present authority.
It appears by letters from Holland, that the merchants of Bordeaux were most pertinacious in their applications to Buonaparte to relax his system of commercial restriction. During an audience of two hours he paid marked attention to their representations, but could not be brought to acquiesce in their demands. He is said to have expressed great concern for the distress produced in that city, in consequence of the loss of its export trade, of which wine was the chief article, and to have offered to accommodate, out of the imperial treasury, the most embarrassed among the proprietors of the vineyards with a loan of half a million of francs free of interest for five years. As a security for the payment of the capital, they were to be allowed to
lodge for sale a certain quantity of wine in the government depots. Being determined, he said, to sign no treaty of peace which was not likely to prove durable, he called on them to make up their minds to a vigorous perseverance in the war. When a peace did arrive they would perceive that he had not been inattentive to their interests, and that he had taken care to secure to them a new source of trade, which would amply indemnify them for all they had or might suffer. The letters also mention that he recommended to the merchants to employ their capital in fitting out privateers, and as an encouragement to their engaging very earnestly in this very lucrative branch of trade, proposed to take a certain share in each speculation of the kind.
The following was posted at Lloyd's this morning.
Extract of a letter from the master of an American vessel arrived from Cadiz.
American vessels arrived from Cadiz.
"I received a note by a boat after I left Cadiz, stating that there was an order in the town to detain all Americans in that port. I spoke a ship on the passage from London for New York, master's name Howard, in company with a privateer which had captured her, and was conveying her for Bayonne."
This vessel was supposed on Change to be the Science, Howard, from London for New York, which sailed from Cowes on the 19th ult.
The order for detaining American vessels has been extended to Portugal also. Two vessels of that country have arrived, which were towed out of the Tagus on the 5th inst. to avoid an embargo, which was hourly expected to be carried into effect in that port. Great preparations were making there for the reception of Buonaparte. The palace lately occupied by the prince regent was fitting up for his reception.
May 18.
Very sanguine hopes are entertained that the propositions which were the subject of the late conferences between Mr. Secretary Canning and Mr. Pinkney will be accepted by the American government. Ministers, it is said, have expressed their readiness to consider the United States in the light of the most favoured nation, and to accede to an arrangement for allowing, under certain regulations, the produce of the enemies colonies in the West-Indies to be conveyed to the continent of Europe in American bottoms, without touching at a British port. The right of searching merchant ships of that country for British seamen, it is proposed to reserve for future discussion. The propositions have been transmitted by Mr. Pinkney to his government, in, as we understand, the fullest confidence that they will be accepted. The determination of the president on this interesting subject is expected by the latter end of July.
May 19.
The Gottenburgh mail, due on Sunday, is arrived. It brings the unpleasing intelligence that the Russians have obtained possession of the important fortress of Sweaborg, in Finland. But this is a conquest which, on the face of the report of the traitor to whom the defence of it was entrusted, they appear to owe less to their military skill and valour than to those arts which they have adopted from their new ally. We have not the least doubt that the commander was bought by the Russians; and such seems to have been the opinion of his Swedish majesty, who has dismissed from his service general Cronstedt, and all the superior officers concerned in that act of treason. On the 17th March the Russian batteries were opened against Sweaborg, and in fifteen days after the governor enters into a negotiation for its surrender; because, forsooth, he had expended one third of his ammunition, and had 515 of his garrison, about one tenth of it we believe, upon the sick list. The conferences began on the 2d of April, and terminated on the 4th, when it was agreed that the place should be given up on the 3d of May, if not relieved by the entrance of five sail of the line into the port by twelve o'clock on that day. Such is the pretext by which Cronstedt endeavours to cover his treachery and corruption. He knew that he stipulated for what was not likely to happen. Whence were these five sail of the line to come? Sweaborg was not apprehended to be in such danger as to require immediate relief; and the Russians took good care that the terms of the capitulation should not be known at Stockholm until the period fixed for the surrender should nearly expire; for they delayed the courier with the dispatches nineteen days on his journey. The Swedish admiralty therefore could not make the exertions necessary to frustrate this provisional convention.
The capitulation is of an unprecedented length.—One of the articles provides that the flotilla captured in the port of Sweaborg shall be restored to Sweden, when the fleet taken at Copenhagen shall be restored by England to Denmark. The negotiator on the part of Russia appears to have been more intent on obtaining facilities for the seduction of the Swedish troops, than providing for the surrender of the fortress at the stipulated period. There are several articles which seem to have been framed entirely for that purpose.
The Swedish papers furnish no information respecting the military operations of Norway. We fear there has been no improvement in the state of their army in that quarter.
May 21.
Accounts, we understand, were yesterday received by government of the arrival of the expedition under the command of admiral Keats and Sir John Moore, off the coast of Norway, and of the landing of the troops without opposition. The intelligence is not official, but is very probable. The Swedish corps which was advancing against Christiansa has been compelled to fall back to their frontiers. Their retreat was effected with great difficulty and considerable loss. This diversion, however, has not been entirely unsuccessful, as it has drawn to that part of Norway most of the regular and organized force of the country, so that little opposition could be made to the landing of our troops.—We have not heard where the main strength of the British disembarked, but we learn that a sufficient force had been sent to take possession of Bergen.
Another American vessel is returned from Holland, which was refused permission to land its cargo, although actually laden in America.
May 23.
The Dutch papers contain intelligence from Copenhagen of the 8th inst. stating that a battle was fought between the Swedes and Danes near Elveleur, in which the Danes say they were victorious; and that a second action had taken place near the
frontier, in which the Swedes lost 2000 men. It is probably an exaggerated account of the affair mentioned in baron Armfeldt's report of the 23d of the preceding month.
The Gazette of Saturday contains an order in council, declaring, that in all places on the continent of America, situated between the 10th and 30th degrees of N. lat. information shall be held to have been received on the 10th of February, of the order in council issued on the 11th of November. The line of coasts here alluded to was omitted in the general notice given by the order in council of the 25th November.
May 26.
Hamburg papers to the 11th inst. have reached us. They confirm the intelligence communicated in our paper of the 17th, relative to what passed at the interview between Buonaparte and the merchants of Bourdeaux. They mention that a reinforcement of 50,000 men was ordered for Spain, and that the French troops in Silesia and the duchy of Bayreuth were concentrating, previous to their being marched for Italy.
May 27.
Two Gottenburgh mails arrived this morning.—The intelligence brought by them is rather favourable. The Swedes obtained a considerable advantage over the Russians, in an affair which took place near Uleaborg, on the 25th ult. A corps of the latter, consisting of 2500, was defeated, with the loss of 200 killed and wounded, and 400 prisoners, among whom was a Russian general. The Russians also who landed in the island of Aland were, when the last accounts were dispatched from that quarter, upon the point of surrendering to the inhabitants. The news from Norway unfortunately is not so favourable. A corps of about 500 Swedes was surrounded by the armed inhabitants and militia, and compelled to surrender. It would seem that the plan of invading Norway has been abandoned. The dispatches of baron D'Armfeldt are dated from Holmedal, which is situate within the Swedish frontier.
The report which reached us some days back of the landing of our troops in Norway was unfounded. The whole of the expedition arrived at Gottenburgh between the 16th and 18th inst. where it awaits the disposition of his Swedish majesty.
The Swedish papers contain intelligence from St. Petersburg of the 9th inst. There has been a change in the Russian Cabinet, but it is not in favour of this country. Baron Budberg has resigned the office of minister for foreign affairs, which is now filled by Count Romanzoff, one of the most ardent advocates for French connexion. Indeed the Russian Cabinet, as now composed, is, to every great political purpose, as completely French as if the members had received their nomination from Buonaparte himself.
A vessel arrived yesterday from the coast of France, by which we learn that the embargo upon American vessels prescribed by the Bayonne Decree, is most rigidly enforced throughout the French ports. Upon the 18th inst. an American had contrived to get out of the harbour of Bourdeaux, but was stopped at the Tour de Cordovan, and obliged to return. No relaxation of this rigorous system was expected to take place. The vessels which used to sail under Kniphausen, Oldenburgh, Papenburgh, and Mecklenburgh colours, were also all strictly embargoed.
May 28.
The Gottenburgh mail due on Tuesday is arrived. The Swedes, in consequence of the advantage which they obtained over the enemy near Revolex, have discontinued their retreat, and advanced in their turn. They have again occupied many of the posts from which they had been previously driven. It is to be hoped that the Swedish commander will not be tempted by these partial triumphs to risk a general engagement. With the highest confidence in the valour of the Swedes, and the most ardent wishes for their success, we must deprecate their risking the fate of their country upon the issue of one battle. If general Klingspor perseveres in the desultory mode of warfare which he appears to have adopted, we have little doubt that he will ultimately prevail. The Russians have shown by their conduct in Poland, that they are by no means equal to bear up against a system of continued and incessant attack. It was by adhering to this, rather than by the magnitude of the great victories which they obtained, that the French drove them across the Niemen, and compelled them to that peace which makes Buonaparte the master of the continent of Europe.
The expedition under the command of general Moore still remained at Gottenburgh waiting the orders of his Swedish majesty. Four thousand Swedes, with some British and Swedish ships of war have proceeded against the island of Gotland, where it will be recollected about the same number of Russians landed some time ago. As they have no means of retreat, it is probable they will surrender on the appearance of this force.
The American vessel Holland, Erskine, arrived in the river on Thursday from the Texel. She sailed from New York in January last, and was warned into our ports; but, after some time, obtained a licence and proceeded to Holland, her original destination. She remained in the Texel fifteen days, during which she was not allowed to have any communication with the shore, or to land any part of her cargo. She was however, permitted to come out; a lenity in the government of that country for which we cannot account. Through the communication which the Capt. had with the Dutch commander, he learned that the following American vessels were detained at Amsterdam on the 16th of May;—Elizabeth, J. Bartlet; Virginia, A. Crockatt; Shepherdess, J. Nelms; Creole, J. Nolkirk; Mount Vernon, J. Owens; America, N. Laila; Monticello, Story; Sally, T. Frost; and Hannah, Tanning;—the two following had been brought in by French privateers; Rising Sun, C. Birth; and Sally Ann, W. Nichols.
In the committee last night in the House of Commons, it was agreed that the stoppage of the use of grain in the distilleries should take place, in England, on the 10th of June; in Scotland, on the 15th; and in Ireland, on the 20th.
COCKPIT, WHITEHALL, May 22.
Before the most noble and right hon. the lords commissioners of appeals in prize courts.
Volunteer, Morris, master.—This vessel, under American colours, with a cargo of Hides, Nicaragua wood, and some dollars, sailed from Curracoa for New York, and was captured on the 7th of June 1805, by the Lembeh, and carried to Halifax, where she was condemned, on the ground of a

breach of the blockade of Curacoa—sentence confirmed.
Gloss, Atkins, master. —This American ship, laden with flour and vinegar, bound from Philadelphia, after having tried Barbados and other places, was captured by the Elk, on suspicion of attempting to break the blockade of Curacoa, and was carried to Jamaica, where ship and cargo was condemned.—Sentence confirmed.
May 30.
Letters and papers from Holland to the 23d inst. have arrived. It appears from the letters, that the Spanish troops in Holstein had become acquainted with the events which have lately taken place at Madrid, and their indignation at the treacherous conduct of Buonaparte, manifested itself in frequent affrays with the French troops.—The regiment of Catalonia, which is at Nymegen, had so unequivocally declared itself, that it was found necessary to withdraw the French stationed there. The commanders of the Spanish troops are said to participate in their sentiments; but enveloped as they are by the legions of France, what can be expected from them? They are not sufficiently numerous to make head against these and the Danes, who would no doubt join the French in putting down any revolt among the Spaniards. The policy of the French commanders, too, has been for some time directed to frustrate any attempt of the kind. The Spanish troops, computed at 30,000, are divided into several corps, stationed at considerable distances from each other, and capable of being overpowered in a moment. The Dutch papers do not contain, which is rather extraordinary, any news from France, they furnish some melancholy instances of the oppression of Prussia.
We are in hourly expectation of important intelligence from the fleet off Cadiz. Several have arrived which passed through it on the 16th. The transports from Gibraltar were then with the fleet, having nearly 5000 troops on board. A Spanish officer of distinction had been twice on board the Ocean, and at each time a long conference with admiral Purvis. The object of these was supposed, in the squadron, to relate to a proposal for admitting a British garrison into Cadiz, and delivering up the French and Spanish ships of war on the terms we have already mentioned. It was understood that propositions to the same effect had been made to Sir H. Dalrymple, the lieut. governor of Gibraltar, by gen. Castanos, the commander of the Spanish troops at St. Roch. The work of organization had begun most auspiciously. At Seville, between twenty and thirty thousand men were embodied. The whole country was ready to rise, and it was only necessary that some man of rank and talents should put himself at the head of the insurrection to render the situation of the French troops extremely doubtful. The number are said to have been much exaggerated. It was supposed they did not exceed in the whole 70,000 men, of which upwards of half were in the neighbourhood of Madrid. They are said to have lost 1200 men, killed and wounded, in the affair of the 2d. New had reached Cadiz that Buonaparte had directed the Junta, or Council, to send immediately to him, at Bayonne, a deputation, consisting of four Spanish generals, four counsellors of state, four bishops, and four of the principal grandees who are not in office, who are to form a congress to deliberate on the state of Spain. The members will, of course be chosen from among those who are willing to submit to any arrangement Buonaparte may choose to dictate.
We have the satisfaction of announcing that the tumultuous proceedings among the cotton weavers of Manchester have been suppressed. This morning we received the following information from the Correspondent to whom we are indebted for the valuable information in our paper of Friday last:
“On Thursday the military were busily employed in scouring the country round about, and dispersing the several bodies of weavers who had assembled at Blackley, White Moss, Middleton, and Kersall. Gentlemen were appointed in Manchester to wait upon the respective manufacturers, requesting a meeting might be held to take into consideration the petition of the distressed weavers. It was generally imagined that some redress would be afforded, and an advance of their wages take place, so as to moderate their present wretched condition.”
“On Thursday a respectable manufacturer of Stockport was conveyed to the New Bailey, at Manchester, by a party of dragoons.”
“Various rumours were afloat respecting some of the people having been armed, and of their having fired on the soldiery and constables, &c. but to prevent any misrepresentation, I made enquiries into every particular, and found there was no foundation for any such report. Probably a dozen or more was wounded, but only 1 man was killed, as mentioned in my former letter.”
May 31.
ORDERS IN COUNCIL.
Lord Auckland rose to move for certain accounts relating to the trade of this country, with a view to lay before the house the actual state of the trade and commerce of this country since the month of Nov. last. There was at present upon their lordships' table evidence of what the trade was at that time, particularly with regard to America. He proposed six months, the first of which was for an account of the imports and exports, custom house entries, duties and drawbacks in the ports of London, Bristol and Liverpool for four months, ending the first of May, 1807; and a similar account, for four months, ending the first of May, 1808.
The question being put on the first motion.
Earl Bathurst wished the noble lord had extended his motion to the whole of the two years, and to the exports of the United Kingdom. His Lordship added some observations in support of the orders of council, not as the means of carrying on a commercial war, but as a matter of necessity, not choice.
Lord Grenville said, that the last time he addressed their lordships upon this subject, the noble secretary of state (Lord Hawkesbury) said, that all his predictions had been realized; that our trade was in a most flourishing and prosperous condition. But what was actually the result? By the papers upon their lordships' table, it appeared that the exports of last year amounted to upwards of five millions and an half, those of the present year to no more than 4,176,000l. There could be no doubt, therefore, of the diminution of our trade to that extent, arising from those orders in council, which he had already declared to be adverse to the known principles of commerce. It was said that this was a belligerent measure; but could that be a belligerent measure which cramped the resources of the government,
and unstrung the sinews of our armies? As commerce diminished, so must our manufactures, and a diminution of the revenue consequently follow, by which alone we could now contend against the enemy. These orders in council, therefore, had not increased our commerce; and if they were intended to make the enemy relinquish his decrees against this country, they had failed there also. Every day's experience must more and more convince his majesty's ministers of the ruinous tendency of this measure. With respect to America, understanding that a negotiation was now pending, he should abstain at present from asking any explanation upon that subject. His lordship concluded by repeating his conviction of the malignant influence of this measure, and expressing a hope that his majesty's ministers would be induced to act with magnanimity in rescinding these orders in council, from a conviction of the necessity of so doing; and in the hope of its speedy accomplishment, his lordship intimated that it was not his intention at present to press the moment upon this subject, of which he had given notice previous to the recess.
Lord Hawkesbury vindicated at length the orders in council. He admitted there was a considerable diminution in the commerce of the country, but at least one half preceded the issuing of those orders and he contended that the exports in Jan. and Feb. 1808, were more than those of the corresponding months in 1807.
Lord Lauderdale warmly supported the motion, and strongly condemned the orders in council.
The lord chancellor did not mean to oppose the motion, but could not let it pass without entering his protest against the inference, that because it may be shown that there is a diminution of commerce, therefore it is proved that this diminution was in consequence of the orders in council.
Lord Holland again reproached the orders in council in strong terms, and considered that the onus probandi lay upon the noble lords opposite to show that the orders in council did not produce the evils complained of.
After a few words in explanation, from lords Auckland, Bathurst, Grenville, and Stanhope, the motion was agreed to.
This morning the bidders for the Loan waited on the chancellor of the exchequer at the treasury, and after some preliminary conversation, delivered to him their respective offers. The biddings it will be recollected, were to be made in the 4 per cent. consols, of which, for every 100l. sterling, the candidates agreed to take as follows:—
  Sir F. Baring & Co. £ 118 3 6   Curtis Robarts & Co. 118 18 0   Goldsmids 118 19 0   Walsh & Nisbett 120 10 0   Barnes & Co. 120 14 0 
The offer of Sir F. Baring & Co. was of course accepted. The Loan, as soon as the terms were made known, bore a premium of 2 per cent. The 4 per cent. consols opened at 10 o'clock at 67 1/2 and by 12 o'clock had advanced to 68 3/4 for money.
Orders, we understand, have been sent to Cork for the immediate embarkation of 6000 men.—Their destination is said to be Cadiz.
A meeting of the gentlemen connected with the northern Highlands was to be held yesterday at Edinburgh, to consider of the means of relieving the distresses of the inhabitants of that part of the country, arising from the great scarcity of corn, and the general loss of their cattle, owing to the want of fodder.
In addition to our recent statement of the failure of fodder in the Highlands of Scotland, we have to add, that on three small farms in the parish of Latheron, in Caithness, 184 black cattle, besides a number of horses, have died for want. In Lutherland, Ross, Caithness, and Inverness, there is a general and distressing scarcity of provisions—in many places even the grain allotted for seed has been used to keep the people and the cattle alive, and the consequence must be calamitous, if some relief is not promptly afforded.
The information relating to Spain, which we communicated yesterday was contained in the following private letter:
HAGUE, May 26.
“The king of Spain has abdicated his kingdom, with all its dependencies, in favour of Buonaparte. The wretched Charles goes to Champagne, with his Queen and family, there to live as a private individual. The Prince of Asturias retires in the same manner to Valency. The Prince of Peace accompanies the king, as his friend. There is but little doubt that the Grand Duke of Berg is now king of Spain. He has already issued a proclamation ordering a forced loan, in order to arm and equip all the vessels of Spain against Britain.”
The authenticity of this intelligence rests entirely upon the above letter, for no papers of so late a date have arrived. The facts stated, however, are so probable, that there seems little reason to doubt them. They are the natural result of the late proceedings of Buonaparte, and of the extreme imbecility of the royal family of Spain.
We learn that a decree of increased severity against commerce was issued on the 20th instant, by the Dutch Government. It absolutely prohibits the admission of any vessel whatever into the Dutch Ports, including even those laden with the articles of which they are in the most urgent want. It also orders that such vessels in any of the Dutch ports as have not broken bulk shall be immediately sent away. The preamble to the decree states its object to be the better enforcement of antecedent decrees, which had been found ineffectual against England, while any importation whatever was permitted.
The accounts relative to the number of lives lost in the insurrection at Madrid, on the 2d, we understand, are very much exaggerated. The captain of a vessel which arrived yesterday from Cadiz, which port she left on the 12th inst. states, that not more than 300 of the inhabitants, and about 100 French fell on that occasion. A military Commission, however, had been established on the 3d, for the trial of the prisoners, the progress of which was so very rapid; that in the course of that and the following day upwards of 130 of the insurgents were put to death by the usual means of military execution.
From the London Traveller, of May 27.
In another part of our paper we have given the substance of some letters received from Manchester yesterday, relating to the proceedings of the distressed manufacturers in that town and neighbourhood in consequence of the refusal of parliament to
entertain a bill for fixing a minimum for their weekly labour. We are sorry to state that it has been found necessary to have recourse to strong measures to dissolve the meeting which took place among this unhappy class of the people. The following letter which we received this morning from a correspondent, upon whose accuracy we place perfect reliance, contains an account of what occurred at Manchester on Wednesday. The cotton weavers seem to have adopted a very erroneous idea of the feelings of parliament with respect to their case.—We were present at the short discussion which took place on the subject on Friday last, and we can assert that it was from motives of the purest compassion for them that leave was given to bring in the bill. There was but one opinion in the house respecting it, and it was this that it would increase rather than decrease the distresses of the manufacturers; that it might do infinite mischief, and no possible good:
“Manchester, Wednesday Evening.”
“Your London papers will no doubt teem with dreadful accounts of the riots at Manchester; but having accidentally been both an eye and ear witness of what has unfortunately taken place here, I send you a few hasty lines.”
“About three o'clock P. M. I again went to the field, attended by a friend, and was astonished to see so many thousand people; for all the weavers had struck their work in the neighbouring towns—I am of opinion that there were at least from ten to fifteen thousand people. Loud, indeed were the moans of the poor wretches, but not the least indication was there of a riot.”
“A number of the Journeyman Weavers assembled yesterday, not in a riotous or tumultuous manner, but in a decent, orderly style, requesting to have their grievances redressed and their wages raised. Some thousands attended on the ground called St. George's Fields, and appointed delegates to wait upon the principal manufacturers, humbly desiring an immediate interview. The magistrates and several respectable gentlemen, sent to remonstrate with the poor, emaciated and distressed objects, requesting them to disperse; but finding the inhabitants were considerably alarmed, the streets were patrolled all Tuesday night, and every thing remained pretty quiet.”
“This morning, about ten o'clock, my curiosity was attracted by seeing some hundreds of weavers marching, in a most orderly manner, into Manchester, to join several thousand of others of the same calling, who had assembled again in St. George's Fields, close to the edge of the town. A regular square was formed, and the members of the respective committees stationed themselves in the centre. They then dispatched delegates to commune with the Boroughreeve and the principal officers of the town, who were requested to use their influence with the most eminent manufacturers to raise their wages. One of the delegates soon returned, and went round the square, attended by the committee, and addressing the poor half famished, but patient auditors, informed them, that he had seen the Boroughreeve, that he was friendly to their case, and sympathized with them in their present distress, which he was sorry he could not alleviate; that he had taken their names and places of abode of their delegates, who were responsible for the conduct and behaviour of their fellow-sufferers. The delegates exhorted them to be firm in the cause they had undertaken to support, and strongly enjoined them to behave peaceably and orderly.”
“Many baskets of bread, with some ale and several cans of butter-milk, were distributed among the multitude, and their sorrowful and piteous tales of distress quite unqualified me, as also several other sympathetic spectators. About half past three o'clock, the Boroughreeve, accompanied by another gentleman on horseback, entered the (hollow) square and the poor creatures gave a patient hearing to them: he advised them to disperse, but the general cry was—“We have nothing to eat; and unless our wages are raised, we might as well play and starve, as work and be famished.” I listened attentively, and heard tales of the most distressing scenes that ever human eye was witness to; and I am sorry to say, that the military were obliged to interfere for the second time, and I apprehend that the consequences will be dreadful, as I saw them fire, and observed several wounded wretches carried to the infirmary. The shops and houses were all shut up in this quarter, and the riflemen and Manchester volunteers, &c. &c. are now marching to the scene of action, and I find the streets are to be again patrolled. The peaceable inhabitants are most dreadfully alarmed.”
“Ten P. M.—I have just seen a poor old man's widow, who is left with five children. Her husband was shot in an entry; and I find that several of the multitude have been taken to gaol. An apothecary with whom I conversed, has been to dress the wounds of many who were badly hurt by the swords and bayonets of the soldiery.”
“P. S.—After the military were assembled, I saw a gentleman enter the square on horseback—he harangued the unfortunate people. I did not hear him speak, but I am told by a friend, whose veracity I can rely on, that he said “his father was a weaver, and exhorted them to support the cause, but to conduct themselves with propriety, and that he should stand by them, and if one was hurt to apply to him for redress.”
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Schooner Virginia, Poultou, 31 days from Isle of May, Salt, Edward Roberts.
GOULD'S Packet will sail for Baltimore on Wednesday next. August 5.
ADVERTISEMENT.
To a Gentleman who has not been seen or heard of by his friends in his native country since March, 1806.
This gentleman may with perfect safety, both as to publick and private concerns impart his situation and place of residence to THE EDITOR OF THIS PAPER, who can give him any information about his family. This advertisement is made by those most interested in him, and the reference may be confided in—The gentleman to whom it is addressed, will know it by these circumstances. He left his native country in March 1806—He was the only surviving son of his father, whose name was Thomas, born 1740, and married M. E. His brother John who was elder than him, had died before His twin sisters were C. & A. of whom the former was dead before 1806. He was born in the parish of B. where the estate of his ancestors is. Educated at I. in the county of R. and taken care of by his aunt Cecilia. July 13.
Wanted to Purchase. A few likely young NEGROES, for whom a liberal price in each will be given. Apply to the Subscriber at the Borough Tavern. Norman Morrison. 3*
August 5. BOOKS, &c. Just Received.
The Register of Arts, or a compendious view of some of the most useful modern discoveries and inventions; American Semi-Annual Register, or general Repository of History, Politics, and Science, vols 1 and 2. Barlow's Columbiad; Cooper's Surgery; Life of Beattie; Life of Leo the 10th, 4 vol.; Birk's Works, 4 vol.; Planters and Mariners Medical Companion; Espriella's Letters from England, 2 vol.; Saltmangui, 2 vol.; Modern Chivalry, 2 vol.; Corinna; Fatal Revenge, 2 vol.; Foundling of Belgrade; Wild Irish Girl; American Artillerist's Companion, Nos 1, 2, and 3; Saul, a Poem by Sotheby; collection of new Plays; Rec's Cyclopaedia, part 16th; Hot Pressed Letter Paper, &c.
Bonsal, Conrad, & Co. LawStv CASH given for Rough W. O. hnd. & bbl. STAVES, by A. Machure. August 5.
On Saturday the 6th instant, will be Sold at Auction for ready money, before the New-Market, at 10 o'Clock, 27,000 wt. COFFEE, Entitled to drawback. James Maurice. August 8.
NOTICE. On Tuesday next the 9th inst. will be Sold at the House of Samuel Treat, in Portsmouth, All his HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, Consisting of Mahogany Tables, Chairs, Bedsteads, Beds, &c.—Also a Negro Woman and Child; some Books and other articles. The above to be sold under sundry deeds of trust, executed by said Treat (now about leaving this state) to the Trustees—Terms, Ready Money. Portsmouth. August 8. 3*
On Saturday the 6th of August next, at 2 o'Clock in the afternoon, Will be sold at Publick Auction for ready money, at the Store of Nathaniel Denby, Two likely NEGRO MEN, by virtue of a Deed in Trust executed by James Buxton, deceased, to secure the payment of a debt due to Nathaniel Denby. The Trustees. Nansemond, July 20. tds
On Wednesday the 10th inst. at 11 o'Clock, will be sold at Auction, at the house of Mr. William Davis, Gosport, 1 likely Negro GIRL; 1 HORS, 2 COWS, and sundry Articles, belonging to the estate of William Davis, deceased. The Executor. August 1. tds
Lunatick Hospital, Williamsburg, July 30, 1808. NOTICE. The Cells appropriated for Male Patients are now full—As soon as there are any of them vacant, the publick will be notified thereof. By order of the Court of Directors, W. Russell. C. C. 3
PROFILES TAKEN, THE HAIR SHADED AND FRAMED, BY J. TODD, Who has deferred his departure for the present on account of the very flattering encouragement received within a few days. TODD'S PROFILE ROOM, No. 134, main corner of Fenchurch-street, near the Theatre.—In justice to himself, T. thinks it necessary particularly to specify his No. to prevent mistake in future—as the Professor of Physiognomy at No. 106, Main-street, has thought it at least as unnecessary to announce his name either by advertisement, hand-bill, sign or stamp, as to solicit his own acquaintance. August 3. 3*
JOHN PENDRED'S Boot and Shoe Manufactory, No. 70, MAIN-STREET. The publick are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands. N. B. Orders for Double Backstraps, single do. and Cos-sacks, executed with the greatest dispatch. August 1. tf
NOTICE. The partnership of Wilson, Cunningham & Co having been dissolved by mutual consent—all those indebted, as well as those who have claims against them, are requested to settle the same with Alexander Wilson or J. B. Cunningham, who are fully authorised to liquidate the business of said concern. William Pennock, Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham. Norfolk, July 13, 1808.
The business heretofore carried on by the above firm will be continued by the Subscribers, under the firm of Wilson & Cunningham. Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
FOR SALE, At reduced prices at my Office, 13 Hogsheads } SUGAR. 40 tierces } Old Madeira WINE, 7 pipes 6 hogsheads 8 quarter casks 20 tierces Rice; 230 bags Coffee, 30 chests Young Hyson Tea; 20 Hogsheads Molasses, 2 bales Halfricks and Plains, 3 trunks Calicoes, 1 box coarse Linen; 1 trunk Jacquet Muslin and Dimities, 1 trunk 325 pounds sterling, Watches and Jewellery. William B. Lamb.
TO RENT. The Store and Dwelling-House on Market Square, lately occupied by Mr Vincent Parlato. August 1. 6
NOTICE. All persons indebted to the estate of WILLIAM DAVIS, deceased, are requested to come forward and make payment; those to whom said estate is indebted are desired to bring in their claims authenticated. William Dickson, Executor. Portsmouth, July 22. 8