The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg, Va.), 1774-07-21 00:00:00

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The BRITISH AMERICAN. N U M B E R VIII.
FRIENDS, FELLOW CITIZENS, and COUNTRYMEN,
YOU are now to consider the second plan proposed: That you shall immediately stop all exports and imports to and from Great Britain and the West India islands till the tea and Boston acts are repealed. This plan is recommended to you by men who profess themselves determined to oppose the arbitrary proceedings of the British parliament, but at the same time with you to adopt moderate measures; and I am convinced that they mean well, and are so hearty in earnest in their professions and their wishes, that if they can be convinced that the plan they propose will be the least effectual to avoid the jurisdiction claimed by the British parliament, and the most violent and dangerous measure which can be adopted, I have no doubt but they will readily give it up. It will not only be justifiable but highly commendable in you to lessen your imports from Great Britain, by confining yourselves to such articles as are absolutely necessary, and which you cannot manufacture yourselves; because unless you use the utmost frugality, the great balance which you already owe to the British merchants will be constantly increasing till you become bankrupts; but to deny yourselves the common necessaries, or even the conveniences, of life, whilst you are able to pay for them, in order to break off all connections with, and to dispossess, Great Britain, is surely no moderate measure. That you have been cruelly treated is certain; but in retorting that treatment you ought to distinguish between your friends and your enemies, and not, drawcansirlike, destroy all you meet. The manufacturers of Britain never injure you, and probably dislike the measures of administration as much as you do; it will be cruel in you to endeavour to starve them and their families in an insult to which they were no way accessory. But it is said that if his plan is adopted, the want of bread will lay them under a necessity of taking up arms, and of forcing a repeal of the acts you complain of. No to mention that a measure, whose most distant prospect of success arises from forcing these innocent people into actual rebellion, and introducing all the horrors of a civil war in Britain, can never be deemed a moderate one, it would be highly dishonourable in you, instead of drawing your own swords, and suing your oppressors, like a brave people struggling for liberty, meanly (to take the advantage of their necessities) to force a number of starving wretches to expose themselves for your sakes to dangers you are afraid to encounter yourselves; and your conduct would certainly be very inconsistent in daring to resist submission to British nobles, whilst, conscious of your own degeneracy and cowardice, you meanly trusted the preservation of your liberty to the bravery of British mechanics, whose secret wishes to restrain your manufactures, whose honest contempt of your shameful conduct, and whose pressing necessities for bread, would more probably induce them to enlist as soldiers to enslave than protect you. But consider a little further how far this scheme is practicable; imagine yourselves in the situation you shortly will be after you have adopted it. The want of salt will be a small inconvenience, but hickory ashes, though a poor substitute, may supply the place of it as well to you as it formerly did to the native Indians, and the live stock with which you will abound, when you no longer export provisions, will in a great measure render it unnecessary, by enabling you to kill fresh meat every day. Nails, without flitting mills, will be made with great difficulty; but logged cabins may be built without them. Cloaths for yourselves and negroes are not worth thinking of; because you may confine yourselves and them to your houses in cold weather, and as you are to export nothing, the summer season will afford you time amply sufficient to raise provisions for your own use, and to lay in fuel for the winter. It is true your flocks may suffer a little in the winter, but this inconvenience may be remedied, in a great measure, by providing such large quantities of provender for them in the summer as to suffer it to be exposed to them to go to, whenever they please, in weather too cold for naked men to distribute it to them. Elegancies, and even luxuries, which many of you, by having been long accustomed to, now consider as the conveniences, if not the necessities of life, may be resigned as baubles, beneath the consideration of men who either desire or deserve to be free. The ladies, indeed, will be subjected to many disagreeable hardships, but their generous souls will submit to every inconvenience rather than see their posterity enslaved; and the great leisure you will have from contracting the cultivation of your lands will enable you to extend your manufactures till you can supply yourselves with every convenience, with every elegance, that rational men can desire. But till you can greatly improve your present manufactures, you will allow, my countrymen, that your situations will be rather uncomfortable. Are you certain that all America will cheerfully submit to this situation? Did those who signed the association in the days of the stamp act religiously adhere to it? That there are some few refined souls in every colony, perhaps in every country of each colony, that will sacrifice their own private interest, subject themselves to every inconvenience, and deny themselves almost the common necessaries of life, to promote the public good, and to preserve the liberties of their country, I have no doubt; because history furnishes instances that such disinterested, such heroic characters, have existed, and I believe the inhabitants of America are possessed of as much virtue as those of other nations; but to imagine that all, or even a majority, of the inhabitants of a country, are possessed of such exalted ideas of patriotism, is a romantic supposition, which never has, nor, I fear, never will be warranted by the history of any nation whatever. Nor can we flatter ourselves that this angelic exertion of virtue will be general in America when we consider that many of her present inhabitants are, like birds of passage, settled only for a time, for the purposes of raising fortunes by trade, whose ultimate view is to return, with the fortunes they acquire, to the connections they have left behind them in Britain, and that there are others whose daily bread depends upon the continuance of the laws we complain of. These two sets of men, so far from observing such an association, will use every artifice to evade it themselves, and try every stratagem to tempt the vain to deceive the unwary, and to prevail upon the lukewarm to desert the common cause; and a general defection from the plan, when once adopted, can answer no other end than that of rendering you contemptible.
But even supposing that all America should unite, as one man, in attempting this measure, the British aristocracy will never suffer you to carry it into execution; for let it be remembered, that one of the rights they claim is that of restraining your manufactures; and when you openly avow a design of purchasing no more of their manufactures they will immediately enforce that right of restraining you from making any of your own. But surely, say the proposers of this plan, they cannot force us to purchase from them whether we will or not. Very true; but if you refuse to do so they will endeavour to prevent you from purchasing those articles in any other market, and from making them yourselves. But, say the proposers of this plan, they have no right to do this. Very true; nor have they any right to make any kind of laws to govern you. But they will endeavour to shew you that they have the power of doing it; and though right and power are two distinct things, you may as well acknowledge the right as to submit to the power of legislation; and if you submit to the laws already made, you will soon have others, equally arbitrary imposed upon you, for restraining your manufactures. For my own part, I shall not be at all surprised if the very next session should furnish us with acts of parliament enacting, "that your smiths shops shall be destroyed as nuisances; tanning your own hides be declared a misdemeanor; combing your own wool be punished with fine and imprisonment; spinning your own flax subject you to the pillory; making your own shoes be made felony without benefit of clergy; fabricating
your own hats incur a premunire; weaving any kind of cloth be deemed an overt act of high treason; fashioning a canoe be chastised as an insult upon the British flag; building a boat be constituted an unpardonable act of rebellion; launching a ship be considered as an actual declaration of war; trials by juries be exploded, as dangerous appeals to the people, who are not to be trusted; new courts of admiralty be erected in their room, whose judges shall hold their commissions during pleasure, and be stimulated to enforce their acts, by a share in the forfeitures and confiscations occasioned by their own judgments; and to extinguish every spark of public spirit, and to prevent a possibility of redress, your assemblies will be dissolved, and the people no longer permitted to elect representatives, to urge their grievances, or to utter their complaints." Do not, my countrymen, be so blind to your own welfare, as to imagine I am jesting upon this serious occasion, or that I am supposing acts of parliament which can never exist. Reflect upon the different acts for preventing flitting mills; for erecting courts of admiralty for recovering the inland forfeitures imposed by the stamp act; for suspending the legislature of New York; for shutting up the port of Boston; for altering the charter of New England, which was more solemnly granted by majesty than their own magna charta; for screening the murderers of the Americans; and the joint address, from both houses of parliament to his majesty, to transport the Americans themselves, to be imprisoned and ruined, if not butchered, in England; and you will be convinced that the cases I have supposed are by no means chimerical, and that there is no act of intemperance, injustice, or despotism, which the British aristocracy will not attempt, to restrain America from manufacturing, the moment you declare your intention of doing so. To enter, therefore, into associations against importing British manufactures, any farther than a rational attention to your circumstances, is surely no moderate measure, but most; at best, end in a humiliating submission, or oblige you to have recourse to that force which the proposers of this plan would wish to avoid.
Let us now consider whether an association against exporting your commodities would not be attended with still worse consequences: This plan, if it means any thing, is to distress Great Britain. But surely you cannot more effectually do this than by lessening your imports, and increasing your exports, as much as possible; for by selling your commodities to the British merchants, and by taking none of theirs in exchange, you will encircle your own wealth by exhausting that of Britain. But it is objected, we are at present largely indebted to the British merchants: The more incumbent it is upon you to export all the commodities you can, to pay them as soon as possible; for you ought to have more gratitude than to attempt to ruin the families of those who have been kind enough to furnish you not only with the elegancies, but the necessaries of life. Common honesty requires that you should pay your debts, and if you should refuse to do so, not only the persons injured, but all mankind, will judge unfavourably of you, and declare, that instead of bravely contending for your liberties, you are knavishly endeavouring to cheat your creditors. Such a national breach of faith will unite all Europe against you, as a flagitious race of pirates, who do not deserve to be free; who ought to be considered as the pests of human society, and as such forced into submission, if not extirpated.
For God's sake, my countrymen, let your conduct be such that you shall be thought worthy of that freedom you contend for, and do not render yourselves the objects of contempt and abhorrence; for if you should even establish your liberty, in opposition to the united efforts of all Europe to reduce you, it may never be in your power to manifest your honest intentions of making retribution. Many of you and your creditors may be dead before the dispute is decided, and the very withholding the sums you owe for a short period, from men in trade, may irretrievably reduce the survivors and their families to ruin, and America become as proverbially infamous as punie faith.
But it is said, that by withholding your tobacco you will immediately make the minister sensible of his folly, in the instant effect it will have upon the revenue. But when you consider that the tax upon tobacco is finally paid by the British inhabitants who consume it, and consequently is actually raised in England, and if the tax ceases upon this luxury, the same sum may be raised by laying it on some other, and that by doing so, the subjects of Britain will pay no more than they do at present, or, in other words, the same sum of money may be still raised, by altering only the mode of raising it; the inconvenience will not be so great as is at first sight imagined; and even supposing it otherwise, by giving this temporary shock to administration, may you not fix a lasting inconvenience upon yourselves? Accustomed to the use of that commodity, when they are no longer supplied by you, may not the inhabitants of Britain look out for a supply of it from some other quarter? And may you not lose that valuable branch of trade altogether? If there is no danger of this, or if the loss of it should be thought not worth regretting, at least confine your plan of non-importation to tobacco only, or, what will be still wiser, determine to make no more of it till the points you contend for are established. But to injure yourselves by devoting your wheat and corn to be destroyed by the weasels and other vermin in your own useless barns will be indifferent, to starve your fellow subjects and fellow sufferers of the West Indies will be inhuman, and to encircle the wealth of Great Britain, by raising to an exorbitant height the price of her wheat and provisions in those foreign markets which you at present supply, will be downright madness to think of. Upon the whole, policy, humanity, a just regard for your national character, gratitude, and common honesty, all forbid you to adopt the second plan proposed, as it would most certainly end in a scandalous and unprincipled submission, or introduce a civil war, aggravated with all the inconveniences attending a good cause turned into a bad one; by rash, indiscreet, and unjustifiable measures. If we are obliged to struggle for our liberty, with arms in our hands, let us not unserve the shews of war. If we are at last forced, though unwillingly, to draw the sword, let us do it in a just cause; let us be careful that we are not the aggressors; let us point our resentment against our oppressors; but let us not wound the bosoms of our friends; let us conduct ourselves in such a manner as to raise the prayers of the righteous for our success, and if we do fall, let us fall revered and lamented; but not execrated and despised by all mankind. But I am far from thinking that you are yet in this desperate situation, and am not without hopes that you may still establish your liberty without having recourse to the decision of the sword. But to avoid this, it will be absolutely necessary to convince your oppressors that you dare to do it rather than be enslaved. The measures to be taken, in order to convince them, naturally lead me to the consideration of the third plan proposed, which, I confess, appears to me the most constitutional, the most rational, of most moderate, and the most effectual measure you can pursue; and to prove that it is so shall be the subject of my next. I shall conclude this with one remark, which I submit to the serious attention of my countrymen: You may remember that the second plan proposed came first recommended to you from your friends on the other side the Atlantic. Now, though many of the inhabitants of Great Britain think that the British parliament have no right to tax you, and sincerely disapprove the hostile and violent measures pursued by them against you, yet there is not one man of them who does not insist that you ought to submit to the supreme legislation of the British parliament, and therefore would wish you to avoid every measure of contesting with success, the supremacy they claim, of restraining your manufactures, and of securing to themselves the whole profit of your labours. Hence they will never advise you to adopt any other than tempering measures, to avoid the evil of a present oppression, without considering, that to admit the dependence, and must one time or other necessarily end in despotism to them, and slavery to you. Again, the British people are of two factions: The first consists
of a majority of the two houses of parliament, and composes the aristocracy; these are called the outs . The second consists of the minority of those houses, and are called the ins ; most of whom would be willing to be taken into the aristocracy, and become ins if they could; and whenever they are, would be as violent against you as their brethren. With this view the outs now pretend to be your friends, and advise you to adopt measures that would so settle the dispute at once. By no means; for that would leave them their own consequences. But such as may subject the ins to temporary inconveniences, and oblige them to admit some of the outs to share with them in the emoluments of administration; listen therefore to them with a suspicious ear; "hear each man's censure, but reserve your judgment," and constantly revolve in your minds these truths: That American liberty can only be preserved by American virtue, and that if you determine to dare to be free, you will be so. I am, my countrymen,
A BRITISH AMERICAN.
Mrs. RIND, By giving the enclosed a place in your next paper you will oblige the public, and a number of your customers, besides Your very humble servant,
VIRGINIANUS.
 I. What nation was it that twice joined the French in the plan for abolishing the protestant religion, therefore invited the pretender over to Britain, and then aided him with all their might to usurp the government of England by force, thereby to subject all true protestants to popish persecution, or death? Why it was the rebellious Scotch.  II. Who was it that planned the ruin of American liberty by framing and instituting the stamp act, together with the rest of those most odious and oppressive revenue acts for imposing a tax on the Americans, without their consent? Why the Scotch.  III. Who was it that so far abused the power and authority entrusted with them by a deluded king, as to perpetrate the enforcing the said acts, by sending fleets and armies to distress loyal subjects in America? Why the Scotch.  IV. Whose influence over a corrupt parliament was it that has shaken the very constitution of England by annulling, the almost unanimous election of the freeholders of Middlesex? Why it was the Scotch.  V. Who are they that are now aiming at arbitrary and tyrannic power in almost every part of the English dominions? Why are they not the Scotch?  VI. Why then every American who joins with the Scotch, in opposition against his own countrymen, ought to be deemed an enemy to liberty and his country, and therefore should forever be despised and discountenanced by every one who values his property or his freedom. 
To the author who writes himself AN ENGLISHMAN.
SIR,
I HAVE perused your performance of June last, in the NORFOLK INTELLIGENCER: it contains reflections highly injurious to the honour of our late assembly, and evinces principles of the most dangerous tendency to the welfare of this country, and though, if left to itself, its influence would be small on the sensible and discerning, yet as all mankind are not thus circumstanced, there arises a necessity that the doctrines it inculcates should be sufficiently exposed. I do not expect, by this publication, to alter your opinion (that, I fear, will require a stronger effort than argument) but such only of my countrymen, who from inattention to questions of this nature, may be liable to imposition. I own, I with the public, had as fair a view of you as of your production, that they might bestow such indelible marks of their approbation as the peculiar nature of the service requires. Your position that a constitution both wise and happy in its original principles is able to give her laws weight in the remotest corners of the state proves nothing; it may be admitted, without the least prejudice to the American cause: For such a constitution, while she preserved her primitive purity, could never affect her distant provinces by any measures participating of such principles. Its wisdom would be a security against oppression, and its dilutive happiness a blessing to the whole; for what constitution, that was wise and happy in its creation, ever had despotism for the object? But it is known, from unhappy experience, that states, as well as men, frequently depart from their first principles. This was the case of the republic of Rome, and I fear, too, is the case with Britain. Rome had wisdom and virtue, the surest pledge of happiness, for its basis; and political liberty was the consequence. As long as she adhered to the design of her constitution she flourished, and became the mistress of the world; till luxury and venality, more hostile to her quiet than legions of armies, at first controuled and then destroyed her; and now she is as The last days of a nation.
To extend the comparison, is replete with horror; but let all true Englishmen beware, that by introducing despotism into their provinces, they open a door into their own vitals. But to pursue the subject of British supremacy, the controverting of which has drawn these severe reflections on our late assembly; and let me ask, from whence this inward conviction of their supreme right is derived? Is it really the result of sober reason, or the frantic ebullition of a disordered mind? Or does it proceed from some other cause, which prudence thought proper to conceal? If from the former, why was not the position proved by argument? Why rashly condemn a respectable body (even of Americans) and turn them over to such a chastisement as government shall be pleased to inflict, without first demonstrating their guilt? A certainty of the crime should surely precede the punishment. This is the mode of proceeding in that country which you glory in as your greatest honour; it was then (prior to censure) a necessary duty to have satisfied the public the right of taxation was in the British parliament; for if it is not, the opposition was strictly consistent, and the quartering troops on the town of Boston, to enforce non-existent laws, is unquestionably a hostile invasion. But it is easy to be discovered why you did not attempt to prove your political thesis: You well knew the enquiry would have been involved in such a labyrinth of absurdity, that human invention could not have afforded assistance; more exalted penmen have beat the tract before you with equal success. The immortal Locke and Sidney have formed such invincible obstacles that the wiles of sophistry shall never prevail against them. Those ornaments of the English nation have laid it down as an undeniable principle that liberty is a blessing to which the whole race of mankind have an original title, whereof nothing but unlawful force can divest them. And let me now enquire why the Americans should be exempted from the rights of human nature? Were they not born as free as the people of England? Are not their assemblies as fair a representation of the people as the parliament of Great Britain? And have not those assemblies been acknowledged by government? Are they not subjects of the same king? Doth not the same sun shine over them? And have they not the same God for their protector? Am I a freeman in England, and do I, by the magical influence of a prime minister, become a slave again in twenty days, by crossing the Atlantic? This indeed is strange! is puzzling! strange! and only reconcilable to those determined on injustice. It is alleged that our delegates were culpable in departing from the object recommended by the executive power; by this, I presume, is meant, the not raising supplies, as it seems there was no necessity for lending their assistance to the existing fee bill. But here I cannot but approve of their conduct in refusing to grant to his majesty, before they knew they had any thing to give; for if the British parliament have a right to impose taxes, it evidently follows, our own assemblies have not, for that would be reducing us to a state of complex

taxation; an absurdity not to be tolerated by the English constitution. But every measure tending to controvert the supreme power of Britain is viewed through the medium of a false perspective, or else the setting apart a day for humiliation and prayer could never have given offence. Certainly to return good for evil, to pray for them that despitefully use you, is in strict conformity to the christian tenets. What sarcasm or injury could be intended by imploring the Divinity, that the parliament might receive a greater portion of wisdom; unless, indeed, it is thought they are at present so overcharged as not to be capable of admitting an addition? If this is the case, they require not the assistance of prayer; but if the fact is not so, with respect to that august body, it is surely a friendly office in those who interpose for an encrease. The imputation of our being impressed with visionary ideas of democratical happiness is as void of truth as of probability. No people existing are more loyal, no government is so favourable to our religion as that of a limited monarchy; and the annals of our country evince we were so much attached to it as even to proclaim a Stewart long before they had got quit of their republican ideas in England. But to encounter the heavy charge of disbonesty , in declining all commercial intercourse (for this is the very bug-bear of every brooding cynic) the fear of incurring the reputation of national injustice, is, I own, extremely laudable, and ought to be encouraged in every well regulated community; but it is still to be remembered that positive laws ought in some instances to give way to those of necessity. There is a time when we must have recourse to original principles; when no longer fettered by human institutions, we obey the unchangeable laws of nature. The guarding ourselves against an impending danger, and the using the means of prevention, is not only tolerated by the practice of civilized nations, but by the dictates of every man's own mind. The principle of self-preservation runs throughout the whole animal existence. In these cases the action is discovered to be just, or unjust, by a comparison with the cause which produced it, and wherever the evil originated, stamps the denomination. If it did not proceed from us, a necessary act of self-defence, to avert that evil, cannot be attributed as a crime, but a virtue. I do not insist that such an expedient ought to be adopted. I leave the discussion to men of more enlightened understandings. But if necessity should evince its utility, that it is not unjust, especially as it is intended as a temporary suspension, not an extinction of right, and the injured will always have it in their power, by removing the cause, to remove the effect also. It may bear hard on some who have the inclination and not the ability to befriend us; but how can such be distinguished? We can be viewed only in the light of distinct societies; the separation is impracticable, and, in a constitutional sense, all are supposed to have consented to the acts of those who represent them. I would recommend to such as may be affected a submission, without murmuring, to whatever may be the general sense of the people. I think, in gratitude they ought. They have long enjoyed the benefits of an exclusive trade. If we believe an authority of the highest repute, their estates in England have been raised from 15 to 30 years purchase, and the encreased opulence of the united kingdom is scarcely to be imagined. I could heartily wish justice could be obtained without having recourse to so critical an experiment. A knowledge of what is past, however, has demonstrated that our complaints are only regarded by the consequences produced by our measures. But if we credit the allegations of the Englishman , all our friends act from selfish principles. This I do not believe any more than that the person who asserts the fact is really what he pretends he is. His principles of passive obedience, and ignorance of the constitution, convince me he is much better acquainted with the rescript of the emperor than with any tract of English jurisprudence. The character of Mr. Pitt I shall not attempt to defend; it requires no protection from argument; the history of his country is his best panegyric; the splendour of a title could not have attracted his attention, because no title on earth could ennoble him. Those patriots in the house of commons, who had the rectitude to withstand the temptation of plundered provinces, did all that men could do in their situation. Their not doing more for the public good was not owing to a want of virtue in themselves, but a want of it in those with whom they contended. They pointed out to their countrymen the avenues to prosperity and happiness. Cicero, Brutus, and Cato, did the same; but such was the supremacy of all commanding gold, that the most salutary admonition only reflected ignominy and insult on the person who gave it. The measure of iniquity was full, and they preached to the air. But let not my countrymen be alarmed with imaginary dangers, from an opposition of government. There is no law which prevents an injured people from meeting to deliberate on public grievances. If such assemblies had been unlawful, the meeting at the London Tavern would not have been permitted. The solid pursuits of government, with respect to supremacy, can only be obstructed by as solid pursuits in the people. Our ancestors braved the greatest dangers in defence of their liberties; witness those glorious achievements in the days of the haughty Plantagenet, and of the arbitrary Stewart. Let them not be dishonoured in the conduct of their descendants; remember the contest is with subjects, and the prize is liberty. I am, with as great loyalty to my king, and as sincere a regard for the constitution as dwells in the heart of any Englishman upon earth, your obedient servant,
A M E R I C A N U S.
* Urbanum venalem & mature perituram si emptorem in venerit , are the expressions of JUGURTHA .
To Mrs. R I N D.
MADAM, THE generous disposition that I found prevailing in the county of Westmoreland to relieve their worthy distressed fellow subjects in BOSTON, by subscribing a supply of grain to be sent for their use whilst they continue under the cruel oppression of ministerial tyranny, led me naturally to reflect on the great advantages derived to human nature from the benevolent passions implanted in the human breast by the great author of our existence. Both humanity and sound policy appear to recommend this, or similar measures, to all the countries in this colony, and to all British America. The brave people of Boston are certainly suffering in the common cause of British liberty; but be must be senseless as the earth he treads on who sees not that the attack on Boston is the beginning of a wicked system to enslave all North America, by compelling submission to arbitrary taxes from one colony at a time, until all are made to bend beneath the yoke of oppression, and quietly to yield their property into the hands of lawless violence.
B E N E V O L U S.
Mrs. R I N D,
By inserting the following CARD you will oblige many.
A VIRGINIAN presents his compliments to the JOCKEY CLUBS of Frederickburg and Portsmouth, and begs that they will support their sporting spirit till the circumstances of America can permit it with more decency. He also begs leave to recommend it to the most serious consideration of these clubs, whether their purses, applied to the relief of the distressed BOSTONIANS, would not afford them more real pleasure than all that can arise from viewing a painful contest between two or three animals?
HERE FOLLOW THE RESOLVES ENTERED INTO BY DIFFERENT COUNTIES IN VIRGINIA.
ON Monday the 18th of July the freeholders and other inhabitants of York county met, according to public notice, at the courthouse in York, to consider what was to be done in the present distressed and alarming situation of affairs throughout the British colonies in America. THOMAS NELSON, junior, esquire, being unanimously chosen moderator, opened the business of the meeting with the following ADDRESS, to the people:
Friends and Countrymen,
WE are met to-day upon one of the most important matters that can engage the attention of men. You are all well acquainted with the attacks which have lately been made by the British parliament upon, what is dearer to Americans than their lives, their liberties. You have heard of the acts of oppression which have passed against a sister colony, under which it is now actually groaning, and you must be sensible that this is only a prelude to the designs of parliament upon every other part of this wide extended continent. In this light did our late truly patriotic and honourable house of burgesses regard it, and I am not now to inform you what has been the consequence. Our assembly has been dissolved, our country left without laws for its government, and without means of defending itself against an invading enemy. In this melancholy situation of things, many of our late worthy representatives convened in Williamsburg, and there agreed, after they should collect the sentiments of the people throughout the colony, to meet again on the first day of August next, and concert such measures as would be most likely to procure a speedy redress of our grievances, and security against them for the time to come. You are now called together to deliberate upon these matters, to chuse who shall represent you in the approaching important meeting, and to furnish them with your sentiments upon those things which are to come before them. I need not observe how much you are concerned in the event of their proceedings. You all know what it is to be FREE MEN; you know the blessed privilege of doing what you will with your own, and you can guess at the misery of those who are
deprived of this right. Which of these will be your case depends upon your present conduct. We have found already that petitions and remonstrances are ineffectual, and it is now time that we try other expedients. We must make those who are endeavouring to oppress us feel the effects of their mistake, of their arbitrary policy; for not till then can we expect justice from them. From the public papers we learn the sentiments of many of the counties of Virginia, and it appears that they think it necessary for the accomplishment of their purposes to drop, till they are redressed, all commercial intercourse with Great Britain. Whether consistently with justice, as a people in debt, we can stop our exports, is a point which seems doubtful; but that imports ought to be prohibited necessity demands, and no virtue forbids. It is not supposed that we can do this without subjecting ourselves to many inconveniences; but inconveniences, when opposed to a loss of freedom, are surely to be disregarded. Besides, I am told, by men acquainted with these things, that the goods already in the country, and those expected in the fall, will be sufficient to supply the wants of all Virginia for two years. In the mean time, we must, if our grievances be not redressed, turn our attention to the breeding of sheep, the raising of flax, hemp, and cotton, and to manufactures. It is true, we must resign the hope of making fortunes; but to what end should we make fortunes, when they may be taken from us at the pleasure of others? I hope you will take their matters into your most serious consideration. Weigh them with that attention which matters of such moment merit. Determine with wisdom and moderation; and, once determined, let no difficulties or dangers shake your resolutions.
It was then unanimously resolved, that as the constitutional assemblies of Virginia have been prevented from exercising their right of providing for the security of the liberties of the people, that right again reverts to the people, as the fountain from whence all power and legislation flows; a right coeval with human nature, and which they claim from the eternal and immutable laws of nature's God.
Resolved also, that DUDLEY DIGGES, and THOMAS NELSON, junior, esquires, do attend at the city of Williamsburg, on the first day of August next, in a general convention from the other counties in Virginia, there to exert their utmost abilities to put a stop to that growing system of ministerial despotism which has so long threatened the destruction of America.
And that you, our delegates, may be made acquainted with the sentiments of the people of this county, it is their opinion that you proceed to chuse proper persons to represent the colony of Virginia in a general congress of America, to meet at such time and place as may hereafter be agreed on.
That these representatives be instructed to form a declaration of American rights, setting forth that British America, and all the inhabitants thereof, shall be and remain in due subjection to the crown of England, and to the illustrious family of the throne; submitting by their own voluntary act, and enjoying all the freedoms and privileges of the free people of England; that it is the first law of legislation, and of the British constitution, that no man shall be taxed but by his own consent, expressed either by himself or his representative; that the Americans cannot be represented in the British parliament; and therefore, that every edict of the British parliament imposing any tax or custom, duty, or imposition whatsoever, on the people of America, without their consent, is illegal, and subversive of the first principles of the British constitution, and of the natural rights of men; that it is the undoubted right and true interest of the sovereign, as supreme ruler of the whole empire, to provide for the welfare of his subjects within the realm at the head of the British parliament, and of those in America at the head of his American assemblies, by laws adapted to their local situation, and suited to the exigencies of each; and, by that negative with which he is invested by the constitution, to restrain the different states of his extensive dominion from enacting laws to destroy the freedom, and prejudice the interests, of one another; that the king, in his British parliament, shall have a supremacy for regulating the trade of America, with this reasonable reserve, that all the British colonies enjoy a free trade with each other; and that no tax, duty, or imposition whatsoever, be laid by the British parliament, on any article which the American colonies are obliged to import from Great Britain only; and that this right of supremacy be deemed or expressed a resignation by our own voluntary act, flowing from a just sense of the protection we have hitherto received from Great Britain.
And farther, the people of this county are of opinion that the act of the British parliament laying a duty on tea, for the purpose of raising a revenue, to be collected in America without her consent, is an illegal tax.
That the act which blocks up the port of Boston destroys her trade, and subjects her inhabitants to the worst of inconveniences and hardships, is oppressive and unconstitutional; that the people of Boston incurred the displeasure of parliament by a just defence of their liberties and properties; and that the cause for which they suffer is the general cause of every British colony in America.
That the bill, commonly called the murdering bill, if passed into an act, is not only unconstitutional, but shocking to human nature; that its evident design is to privilege the soldiers to commit with impunity the most cruel outrages even against the lives of Americans, whilst it cuts off from an accused American every hope of being acquitted.
That the most effectual means of obtaining a speedy redress of American grievances is to put a stop to imports from Great Britain, with as few exceptions as possible, until the said oppressive acts be repealed, and American rights established; and that what relates to exports be left to the determination of the convention in August.
That industry and frugality be adopted, in their largest extent, throughout this colony; and that horse-racing, and every other species of expensive amusement, be laid aside, as unsuitable to the situation of the country, and unbecoming men who feel for its distresses.
That the first day of September next, or the time of the general congress, be set apart as a day of prayer and supplication to the almighty disposer of human events, to direct the counsels of the Americans, and so to dispose the heart of our sovereign, that a general harmony may be restored to the British empire.
That a subscription be immediately opened for the relief of the inhabitants of BOSTON, under the direction of the deputies for this county, who are desired to promote and encourage the same.
That the above resolves and opinions be published in the Virginia Gazette.
Business being finished, the deputies were invited to a genteel entertainment provided for them by the inhabitants of York county, as a testimony of their entire approbation of the conduct of these gentlemen.
At a meeting of the freeholders and inhabitants of the county of New Kent, at the courthouse of the said county, on Tuesday the 12th day of July, 1774, THOMAS ADAMS, esquire, being first chosen moderator, and WILLIAM CLAYTON, esquire, clerk, the present state of America being seriously and duly considered, the following RESOLUTIONS were proposed and agreed to as an instruction to our deputies hereafter named.
RESOLVED, that our sovereign lord king George the third is lawful and rightful king of Great Britain, and all his dominions in America, to whose royal person and government we profess all due subjection, obedience, and fidelity, and that we will at all times defend and protect the just rights of his majesty with our lives and fortunes.
Resolved, that the inhabitants of the British colonies in America are entitled to all the rights, liberties, and privileges, of freeborn English subjects.
Resolved, that the right to impose taxes, or duties, to be paid by the inhabitants of this dominion, for any purpose whatsoever, is peculiar and essential to the general assembly, in whom the legislative authority of the colony is placed, and that taxation and representation are inseparable.
Resolved, that the trial by a jury of the vicinage is the glory of the English law, and the best security for the life, liberty, and property, of the subject, and is the undoubted birthright of all his majesty's freeborn American subjects.
Resolved, that the several acts and resolutions of the parliament of Great Britain, made during his present majesty's reign, imposing taxes on the inhabitants of America, for the express purpose of raising a revenue, and for altering the nature or punishment of offences committed in America, or the method of trial of such offences, are unconstitutional, arbitrary, and unjust, and destructive of the rights of America, and that we are not bound to yield obedience to any such acts.
Resolved, that the late cruel, unjust, and sanguinary, acts of parliament, to be executed by military force, and ships of war, upon our sister colony of the Massachusetts Bay, and town of Boston, is a strong evidence of the corrupt influence obtained by the British ministry in parliament, and a convincing proof of their fixed intention to deprive the colonies of their constitutional rights and liberties.
Resolved, that the cause of the town of Boston is the common cause of all the American colonies.
Resolved, that it is the duty and interest of all the American colonies firmly to unite in an indissoluble union and association to oppose, by every just and proper means, the infringements of their rights and liberties.
Resolved, that we do heartily approve of the resolutions and proceedings of our several late assemblies for asserting and supporting the just rights and liberties of America, from their patriotic resolves in 1765 to this time.
Resolved, that we will most firmly unite with the other colonies in this colony in such measures as shall be approved of by a majority, as the best and most proper method of preserving our rights and liberties, and opposing the said unconstitutional acts of parliament.
Resolved, that the most effectual method of opposing the said several acts of parliament will be to break off all commercial intercourse with Great Britain, until the said acts shall be repealed.
Resolved, that the several counties within this colony ought to nominate and appoint for every county proper deputies, to meet upon the first day of August next, in the city of Williamsburg, then and there to conjoint and agree upon the best and most proper means for carrying into execution these or any other resolutions which shall be best calculated to answer the purposes aforesaid.
Resolved, that it be earnestly recommended to the deputies at the said general convention to nominate and appoint fit and proper persons on behalf of this colony, to meet such deputies as shall be appointed by the other colonies, in general congress, to consult and agree upon a firm and indissoluble union and association for preserving, by the best and most proper means, their common rights and liberties.
Resolved, that BURWELL BASSETT and BARTHOLOMEW DANDRIDGE, esquires, our late and present worthy representatives, be and they are hereby nominated and appointed deputies, on the part and behalf of the freeholders and inhabitants of this county, to meet such deputies as shall be appointed by the other counties within this colony, in the city of Williamsburg, on the first day of August next, or at any other time or place for the purpose aforesaid.
Resolved, further, that our said deputies agree to join in any pro- that shall be adopted for the immediate relief of the present necessities of the inhabitants of the town of Boston.
Resolved, that the clerk transmit the foregoing resolutions and instructions to the printer, to be published.
WILLIAM CLAYTON, clerk of the meeting.
At a meeting of the freeholders and other inhabitants of Essex county, at the courthouse thereof, on Saturday the 21st of July, 1774, seriously to consider the present dangers which threaten ruin to American liberty, Mr. JOHN URSHEW being chosen moderator, the following RESOLVES were proposed and unanimously agreed to.
I. RESOLVED, that we will, at all times, and upon all occasions, bear true and faithful allegiance to his majesty king George the third, and that, as free men, we always have been, and ever shall be, willing constitutionally to give and ever liberally our property for the support of his majesty's dignity, and the preservation of our liberties, so far as we can usefully do the same.
II. Resolved, that the right of the people of this colony to a fair and equal taxation, is a right which cannot be taken from them without their consent, and that the British parliament has no right to tax us without our consent.
III. Resolved, that the people of this colony in particular, and of America in general, have a clear and absolute right to dispose of their property by their own consent, expressed by themselves or by their representatives in assembly, and any attempt to tax or take their money from them in any other manner, and all other acts tending to enforce submission to them, is an exertion of power, contrary to natural justice, subversive of the English constitution, destructive of our charters, and oppressive.
IV. Resolved, that the town of Boston, in our sister colony of Massachusetts Bay, is now suffering in the common cause of North America, for their just opposition to such acts, and it is indispensably necessary that all the colonies should firmly unite in defence of our common rights.
V. Resolved, that it is the opinion of this meeting, that an agreement to stop all exports to, and imports from, Great Britain and the West Indies, firmly entered into and religiously complied with, will, at all times, prove a safe and infallible means of securing us against the evils of any unconstitutional and tyrannical acts of parliament, and may be adopted upon the principles of self-preservation, the great law of nature.
VI. Resolved, that the inhabitants of this colony will firmly join with the other colonies in this colony, and the other colonies on this continent, or a majority of them, to stop all exports to, and imports from, Great Britain and the West Indies, and all other parts of the world, except the colonies of North America, if such a measure shall be deemed expedient by the deputies at the general congress, and that whatever agreement the congress shall come to, for the advantage of the common cause of North America, relating to exports, imports, or otherwise ought to be considered as binding as any act of legislature, and that we will at our utmost endeavours to support and maintain such general agreement, at the expence of our lives and fortunes.
VII. Resolved, that it is the opinion of this meeting, that the several courts in this colony ought to proceed to the forwarding or trial of civil causes until our exports are opened.
VIII. Resolved, that it is the opinion of this meeting, that the East India company, having a design to monopolize a great part of the American trade, to the injury of the other merchants of Britain trading to America, and knowing well the fatal consequences that must have resulted from their fixing a precedent for future taxes, by importing tea into the colonies, became the willing instruments of the ministry to destroy American liberty, and deserve the loss they have sustained.
IX. Resolved, that we do most heartily concur with our late worthy representatives in their resolve for the disuse of tea, and that we will not hereafter purchase any East India commodities whatsoever.
X. Resolved, that the spirited conduct of the town of Boston has been serviceable to the cause of freedom (all other methods having failed) and that no reparation ought to be made to the East India company, or others their assistants, for any injury they have sustained, unless it be the express condition on which all our grievances shall be removed.
XI. Resolved, that it is the opinion of this meeting, that any general censure upon the conduct of the town of Boston respecting the tea, without allowing to them the motives of resistance upon the principles of public virtue and necessity, is inimical to American liberty, and we are persuaded that none but ministerial hirelings, and professed enemies of American freedom, will adopt a language so impolitic, which manifestly tends to create a disunion of sentiments, at this time, fatal to America.
XII. Resolved, that the parliament have no right to pass an act to remove our persons to Great Britain, or any other place whatsoever, to be tried for any offence, and that we are determined not to submit thereto.
XIII. Resolved, that it is the opinion of this meeting, that no merchant in this, or any other colony on this continent, shall advance the goods now on hand higher than they are at present, or have been for some time, and that the merchants in the several colonies sign an agreement to that effect.
XIV. Resolved, that a subscription be set on foot for raising provision for the poor of Boston, who now suffer by the blocking up their ports, and that Robert Beverley, John Lee, and Muscoe Garnett, in Saint Anne's parish, and Archibald Ritchie, and John Upshaw, in the upper part of Southfarnham parish, and Meriwether Smith, and James Edmondson, in the lower part thereof, take in subscriptions for that purpose, who are to consign what may be raised to some proper person to be distributed, and the before mentioned gentlemen are empowered to charter a vessel to send it to Boston.
XV. Resolved, that this meeting have the deepest sense of the injuries in which the merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain must necessarily be involved by a non-importation resolution, they having placed an almost unlimited confidence in us for a series of years, and by that means have the greatest part of their fortunes lodged in our hands, and that nothing but the desire of preserving our rights and liberties could induce us to adopt a measure with such melancholy consequences.
XVI. Resolved, that JAMES EDMONDSON, and WILLIAM ROANE, esquires, the late representatives of this county, be and they are hereby appointed deputies to represent us at the general meeting of deputies for the several counties in this colony, on the 1st day of August, in Williamsburg, and we desire that they will exert their best abilities for the security of our constitutional rights and liberties, and to appoint deputies to meet, at the general congress, the deputies of the other colonies on this continent.
XVII. Resolved, that the clerk transmit the foregoing proceedings to the printers, to be published in their gazette.
WILLIAM YOUNG, Clerk of the meeting.
At a general meeting of the inhabitants of the county of Dinwiddie, at the courthouse, on Friday the 15th of July, in consequence of previous notice from their late representatives, and an intimation of their desire to be advised and instructed, relative to the differences now unhappily subsisting between Great Britain and her colonies, after mature deliberation on this most interesting subject, they unanimously came to the following declaration of their sentiments, which are intended to manifest to the world the principles by which they are actuated in a dispute so important, as that they conceive, on its decision, depends the political existence of all America.
WE, the inhabitants of the county of Dinwiddie, do entertain the most cordial and unfeigned affection and loyalty for his majesty's person and government, which, together with his right to the crown of Great Britain, and its dependencies, we will at all times defend and support, at the risk of our lives and fortunes, and under no true a conviction of the firmest allegiance, we think ourselves entitled, as a constitutional right, to protection from that sovereign to whom we have been ever attached by the strongest ties of duty and inclination. But however happy we may consider ourselves under the auspices of the supreme magistrate, we cannot help being apprehensive of the ill effects which may flow from some recent and dangerous innovations, imagined and contrived in the house of commons, against those rights to which the Americans have a just and a constitutional claim in common with his majesty's subjects of Great Britain. Amongst these instances of oppression we cannot omit the parliament's retention of a duty on tea, accompanied by an act declaratory of their right in the fullest manner to tax America.

thereby asserting in other terms their claim to whatever property the Americans may by their labour acquire, which submitted to, would reduce us to a degree of servility unexampled but in a state of despotism; and yet inconsistent as this plan of substituting power for right may appear with the noble and liberal spirit of the British government, it has been adopted for some time past by administration, and pursued with a perseverance that becomes truly alarming. A late and striking proof of which we have to lament in the unprecedented acts of parliament for cutting off the people of Boston from every privilege valued by free men, and subjecting them to hardships unknown but in arbitrary governments. In pursuance of which acts their town and harbour are blocked up, all commerce interdicted, and articles merely essential to life only imported, and as a matter of favour, and an inducement to submission. A part of their property may be held at the king's pleasure, on the humiliating condition of their living in obedience to such laws. To aggravate these evils, should the most atrocious murder be committed in enforcing the execution of any of these acts, the civil power is forbid to punish, but the criminal is to be sent for trial to Great Britain, or to any colony, at the will of the governor; if to the former the distance will operate to his acquittal for want of testimony; if the latter method is adopted it is equally a subversion of the legal form of trial. This proves in what estimation our lives are with a British parliament, as the first law shews in what light they consider our property.
These distressful circumstances we sincerely sympathize with our subjects of Boston, and will concur with them and the rest of the colony in any measures that may be conducive to a repeal of laws so destructive to our common rights and liberty.
And though we do not pretend to justify the outrage committed by the people of Boston in destroying the private property of the East India company, to which they might have been impelled by an apparent intention in the parliament of fixing on them a precedent of arbitrary taxation, yet we cannot see the good policy or right reason that could dictate the depriving a whole people of their rights for a trespass committed by a few, when the civil laws of the community were amply provident of redress for the injury.
The result of our opinion upon these violent measures is, that we do protest against every law or act of the British legislature that shall authorize the imposition of taxes on the Americans without their consent, which cannot be had in parliament, as they have no representation, nor ought not to have in that body from local circumstances and other considerations, and because it is the property exclusive, and indefeasible right, of every free state, especially under the British form of government, to be taxed only by themselves or their representatives.
We further declare, that upon all occasions when requisitions shall be made to us by the crown for aids in support of his majesty's just rights, or those of government, we will most cheerfully comply with them to the utmost of our ability; but we cannot think a British parliament fit judges of the mode by which, or the degree in which, we ought to be taxed.
And whereas a convention of the late representatives of this colony was judged expedient, and was appointed after their dissolution to be held the first day of August next, at Williamsburg, then to consult upon the most plausible means of avoiding the dangerous precedents of acts of power now intended to be established against us, to promote on our part this laudable design, we do appoint our late representatives, ROBERT BOLLING, and JOHN BANISTER, esquires, deputies, to act for us on this important occasion, recommending it to them to concur with the deputies from the other colonies a firm and prudent plan of opposition to every invasion of our rights, and particularly to those acts of parliament we have pointed out. Confiding in their vigilance and attention, we with them in their endeavours the success that so good a cause merits.
At a meeting of a respectable body of the freeholders and other inhabitants of the county of Surry, on due notice, at the courthouse of the said county, the 16th of July, 1774, ALLEN COCKE, esquire, moderator, the proceedings and resolutions of the late members of the house of burgesses since their dissolution, respecting the alarming situation of North America, were seriously deliberated upon, and the following RESOLVES unanimously agreed to.
RESOLVED, that we acknowledge all due obedience to his present majesty, and will defend him with our lives and fortunes. II. Resolved, that as British subjects, who know the invaluable blessings of their birthright, we will not submit to the imposition of any taxes or duties, to be paid by the inhabitants within this dominion, by any other power than the general assembly, duly elected, and that in them, and them only, is the constitutional right of taxation vested. III. Resolved, that we will most cheerfully join with our suffering brethren of America, in the firmest bonds of union, against exporting or importing any commodities to or from Great Britain, till our just and legal rights are restored. IV. Resolved, that the cause of the town of Boston is the common cause of all British America. V. Resolved, that as the population of this colony with freemen and useful manufacturers is greatly obstructed by the importation of slaves and convict servants, we will not purchase any such slaves or servants hereafter to be imported. VI. Resolved, that subscriptions be opened in this county for the relief of our suffering brethren in the town of Boston. VII. Resolved, that ALLEN COCKE, and NICHOLAS FAULCON, junior, esquires, our late representatives, be and they are hereby nominated and appointed to attend the general meeting of deputies of the other colonies and corporations within this colony, in the city of Williamsburg, on the first day of August next, there to concert such measures as may be found most expedient for the general good of the colonies. VIII. Resolved, that the clerk of this meeting do transmit the proceedings of this day to the printers of both gazettes, and request them to publish the same without delay.
JAMES KEE, Clerk of the meeting.
At a meeting of the freeholders and others, inhabitants of the county of Chesterfield, at the courthouse of the said county, on Thursday the 14th of July, 1774, to take into consideration the present very alarming situation of this colony, the reverend ARCHIBALD M C ROBERT being unanimously chosen moderator.
Resolved, nomine contradicente , that we are ready and willing at the expense of our lives and fortunes to defend and maintain his majesty's right and title to the crown of Great Britain and his American dominions against all his enemies, and we do profess all just obedience and fidelity to his sacred person and government.
Resolved, that the sole right of making laws for the government of this his majesty's ancient colony and dominion of Virginia, and for raising and levying taxes on the inhabitants thereof, ought to be, and is vested in the general assembly of the said colony, and cannot be executed by any other power without danger to our liberties; subject, nevertheless, as of custom has been, to his sacred majesty's approbation.
Resolved, that every other of his majesty's dominions in America ought to be, and of right is entitled to, the same privileges as this colony.
Resolved, that the present demand of money as a duty upon tea imported into this or any other colony in America, under the authority of the British parliament, "for the sole purpose of raising a revenue in America," without the consent of our representatives, is arbitrary and unjust, a subversion of the ancient and constitutional mode of levying money upon British subjects, and evidently calculated to fix a precedent for future demands of the same nature, and by that means to reduce the colonies to a state of slavery, and that all persons aiding in the execution of such laws be considered as enemies to the freedom of British subjects.
Resolved, that the act of the British parliament for depriving the inhabitants of the town of Boston, in our sister colony of the Massachusetts Bay, of their lawful trade, as also the bills brought into the house of commons of Great Britain, one of which bills is entitled, "a bill for the impartial administration of justice in the cases of persons questioned for any act done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots or tumults in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England," are unjust, arbitrary, and unconstitutional; and although levelled particularly against one of our sister colonies, yet ought to be resented with the same indignation by this and every colony as if all of them were included in the said act and bills.
Resolved, that an extensive association ought to be entered into, and that no goods or commodities of any kind whatsoever ought to be imported from Great Britain into this colony after the first day of August next, except medicines, paper, books, needles, cotton, wool and clothiers cards, steel, gunpowder, German ozanbrigs, hempen rolls, negro cotton and plains, Dutch blankets, salt petre, and implements necessary for the manufacturing of woollens and linen. And that all and every person who has sent orders to Great Britain for any articles except such as are already excepted ought to embrace the first opportunity to countermand such orders.
Resolved, that any inhabitant of this colony who shall import any article not allowed by this association, or purchase from any other person who shall import such article except already ordered, shall be deemed a betrayer of the liberties of his country, and that we will not hold friendship or have any connection with such offending person.
Resolved, that every kind of luxury, extravagance, and dissipation,
should now and at all times be carefully discouraged, and that an extensive plan of establishing manufactures amongst the inhabitants of this as the only possible means of avoiding that dependent commercial condition which hath hitherto subsisted between the colonies and Great Britain, which hath induced an arbitrary and designing administration to attempt the total destruction of our rights and liberties, and that to carry the same more effectually into execution, subscriptions be opened for that purpose under proper regulations.
Resolved, that to dissolve the general assembly of the colony, sitting for the dispatch of public business, "because they enter into a consideration of the grievances under which they labour, and nobly assert their right to freedom," is arbitrary and oppressive, a manifest proof of a fixed intention to destroy the ancient constitutional legislative authority in the colony, and directly contradictory to the spirit of the acknowledgments made in favour of the rights of a British people.
Resolved, that this colony ought not to hold any commercial intercourse with any of the colonies in North America that shall refuse to adopt proper measures for procuring redress of our grievances.
Resolved, that the town of Boston is now suffering in the cause of American liberty, that her safety and protection is and ought to be the common cause of the other colonies, and that her relief ought to be attempted by all proper and constitutional ways and means in our power.
Resolved, that we do most heartily concur with the late representatives of this colony in their sentiments delivered at the meeting held in Williamsburg after the dissolution of the last assembly. We return them our warmest thanks for their spirited conduct on that and every other occasion, and entreat their steady and determined attention to the same principles at the meeting to be held on the first day of August next, in the city of Williamsburg.
Resolved, that ARCHIBALD CARY and BENJAMIN WATKINS, our late worthy representatives, together with the representatives to be chosen for this county in the next assembly, be and they are hereby appointed deputies on the part of the freeholders and inhabitants of this county, to meet such deputies as shall be appointed by the other counties and corporations in this colony, in the city of Williamsburg, on the first day of August next, to take under their consideration the several grievances, under which this and the other American colonies are at present labouring, to concert and deliberate upon proper ways and means to procure redress of those grievances, and that they, together with such deputies as shall be then and there assembled, do nominate proper persons on the part of this colony, to meet such deputies as shall be appointed upon the part of the other continental colonies in a general congress, to consult and agree upon a firm and indissoluble union and association for preserving by the best and most proper means their common rights and liberties.
Resolved, that the clerk of this meeting transmit to the printers of both gazettes copies of these resolutions, with the earnest request of this county that the other counties and corporations within the colony will appoint deputies to meet at the time and place and for the purposes aforesaid.
JERMAN BAKER, Clerk to the meeting.
WILLIAMSBURG, JULY 21.
WE are informed that the city of Philadelphia have already generously contributed 1500 barrels of flour for the relief of the patriotic Bostonians.
Colonel Bolling, our late worthy representative for the county of Dinwiddie, has, we hear, offered two of his mills gratis (deemed the best in this colony) to grind such commodities as may be sent to them for the use of the people of Boston.
A gentleman at Cabin Point, who has manufactured cloths there for some years, has, it seems, engaged a number of hands, whom he daily expects, and proposes to work as rationally as possible, not only to assist us at this alarming crisis, but to encourage the manufacturing branch, in every respect, throughout Virginia.
Since our last we have received the following account of elections: For the college, Colonel John Randolph; for the city, John S. Wells and John Day, esquires; for Surry, Allen Cocke, junior, and Nicholas Faulcon, esquires; for Nansemond, Lemuel Riddick and Willis Riddick, esquires; for Gloucester, Thomas Whiting and Lewis Burwell, esquires; for Middlesex, Edmund Berkeley and James Montague, esquires; for Essex, James Edmondson and Meriwether Smith, esquires; for Accomack, Southy Simpson and Isaac Smith, esquires; for Norfolk county, Thomas Newton, junior, and James Holt, esquires; for Norfolk borough, Joseph Hutchings, esquire; for Henrico, Richard Adams and Samuel Duval, esquires; for Dinwiddie, John Banister and Robert Bolling, esquires.
It is a happy reflection, that, notwithstanding every artificial artifice to subvert the independent spirit of the AMERICANS, we can assure the people of this colony, that our brethren throughout the different departments to the northward continue still as animated as at first in their suffering, though generous cause, and seem determined never to co-operate with undue influence, or to bend beneath the yoke of that oppression which at this juncture so conspicuously threatens us. His excellency governor Gage has issued a proclamation, bearing date the 29th ult. ordering that no meetings for the future shall be held within his government, which, for the greater satisfaction of our readers, we shall here insert.
A PROCLAMATION for discouraging certain illegal combinations. WHEREAS certain persons, calling themselves a committee of correspondence for the town of Boston, have lately presumed to make, or cause to be made, a certain unlawful instrument, purporting to be a solemn league and covenant, intended to be signed by the inhabitants of this province, whereby they are most solemnly to covenant and engage to suspend all commercial intercourse with the island of Great Britain until certain acts of the British parliament shall be repealed; and whereas printed copies of the said unlawful instrument have been transmitted by the aforesaid committee of correspondence, so called, to the several towns in this province, accompanied with a scandalous, traitorous, and seditious letter, calculated to inflame the minds of the people, to disturb them with ill grounded fears and jealousies, and to excite them to enter into an unwarrantable, hostile, and traitorous combination, to disaffect the British nation, by interrupting, obstructing, and destroying her trade with the colonies, contrary to their allegiance due to the king, and to the form and effect of divers statutes made for securing, encouraging, and regulating the said trade, and destructive of the lawful authority of the British parliament, and of the peace, good order, and safety, of the community; and whereas the inhabitants of this province, not duly considering the high criminality and dangerous consequences to themselves, of such alarming and unprecedented combinations, may incautiously be tempted to join in the aforesaid unlawful league and covenant, and thereby expose themselves to the fatal consequences of being considered as the declared and open enemies of the king, parliament, and kingdom of Great Britain; in observance therefore of my duty to the king, in tenderness to the inhabitants of this province, and to the end that none who may hereafter engage in such dangerous combinations, may plead, in excuse of their conduct, that they were ignorant of the crime in which they were involving themselves, I have thought fit to issue this proclamation, hereby earnestly cautioning all persons whatsoever within this province against signing the aforesaid, or a similar covenant, or in any manner entering into or being concerned in such unlawful, hostile, and traitorous combinations, as they would avoid the pains and penalties due to such aggravated and dangerous offences. And I do hereby strictly enjoin and command all magistrates, and other officers, within the several counties in this province, that they take effectual care to apprehend and secure for trial all and every person who may hereafter presume to publish, or offer to others to be signed, or shall themselves sign the aforesaid, or a similar covenant, or be in any wise aiding, abetting, advising, or assisting therein; and the respective sheriffs of the several counties within this province are hereby required to cause this proclamation forthwith to be posted up, in some public place, in each town, within their respective districts.
** Query, Whether this proclamation will meet with more respect than that of his majesty did lately in London, offering a reward for apprehending a man who had made himself obnoxious to administration? On this proclamation, the man was taken up and carried before a magistrate, who released him; the proclamation being in itself illegal, and the person who aided upon it was prosecuted.
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, dated July 6. "I confess that no man wishes more for the establishment of a constitutional postoffice in America than myself; yet, as I anticipated in a former letter, Mr. G-----'s scheme seems to bear but an indifferent prospect of success. He returned here a few weeks ago. At Boston, and other parts of New England, he told them the Philadelphians had unanimously resolved to establish a constitutional post; and, for a confirmation of his assertion, a merchant at Boston wrote to a gentleman in this city. I am not acquainted with the contents of the answer, though I have great reason to conclude them unfavourable to Mr. G----- He attended a meeting of mechanics here one night, pretending to have letters of consequence from Boston, New York, &c. two or three of which were read, and gave some satisfaction; but the others mentioning the regulation of the postoffice, they refused to read them through, observing America had business enough upon her hands without meddling with the affairs of a postoffice. Mr. G----- was much chagrined and vexed, and shortly after left the city."
In the last Philadelphia papers there are several accounts relative to the Indians: Some say the back inhabitants of Pennsylvania and Virginia are blamed much, and that captain Conolly has acted with great barbarity, having endeavoured frequently to murder two or three Indians, who escorted the traders with the utmost faithfulness to Fort Pitt, and showed great humanity towards them; but the accounts are so various and complicated, that it is not easy to draw a conclusion; besides, we would not wish to do the least injustice to captain Conolly, more especially as there have been frequent instances of late of the barbarity of that savage people.
Several letters from principal gentlemen in England to their correspondents in New York and Philadelphia, are just received: They wish us to continue firm in our opposition, as the only means of obtaining redress. Mr. Bradford's paper informs us that the lot of prizes in the Delaware lottery was just come to hand; but for want of room and time, they were obliged to postpone its insertion till the succeeding week.
ADVERTISEMENTS, several PIECES, and the RESOLVES of many counties, shall be attended to in our next.
By his EXCELLENCY the right honourable JOHN earl of DUNMORE, his majesty's lieutenant and governor general of the colony and dominion of VIRGINIA, and vice admiral of the same:
A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS the GENERAL ASSEMBLY is summoned to meet on Thursday the 11th of next month, but I find no urgent occasion for their meeting at that time, I have therefore thought fit, by this proclamation, in his majesty's name, farther to prorogue the said assembly to the first Thursday in November next.
GIVEN under my hand, and the seal of the colony, at Williamsburg, this 8th day of July, in the 14th year of his majesty's reign. DUNMORE.
GOD SAVE THE KING. TO BE RENTED, From year to year, or for a term of years, and entered upon the first day of September next,
A CONVENIENT TENEMENT in the town of Petersberg, at present in the possession of Mr. Andrew Johnston, whereon is a commodious storehouse, with a large counting room, and lodging rooms under the same roof, lumber houses of different sizes and for different purposes, stables, chairhouse, and a garden well paled in. Any useful repairs may be made by the tenant, and the expence deducted out of the rent. The terms, which are extremely low, may be known by applying to 3 BOLLING STARK.
KING WILLIAM, July 10, 1774. THE SALE of the deceased colonel James Dyer's NEGROES that were advertised to be at Aylett's warehouse on the 13th instant, is, by consent of parties, deferred until the 10th of August next, at which time they will most certainly be sold agreeable to the former advertisement. 3 GOODRICH CRUMP.
JAMES CRAIG, AT THE GOLDEN BALL, WILLIAMSBURG, BEGS leave to inform the public that he has just got an eminent hand in the WATCH and CLOCK MAKING BUSINESS, who served a regular apprenticeship to the same in Great Britain, and will be obliged to those who favour him with their commands. He makes and repairs REPEATING, HORIZONTAL, and STOP WATCHES, in the neatest and best manner. JEWELLERY, GOLD, and SILVER WORK, as usual, made at the above shop, for READY MONEY only.
To be SOLD, at Hanover courthouse, on Thursday the 4th of August next, being court day, FIFTEEN likely Virginia born SLAVES, belonging to the estate of doctor John Walker, deceased. Credit will be given till the 25th of December next, the purchasers giving bond, with approved security, to THOMAS SIMPSON, Administrator.
** Those concerned are desired to take notice that I have fully empowered Mr. George Lumsden to transact the business of the above estate. The distressed situation of the estate puts it out of my power to grant any indulgence to its debtors; and as I intend to close my administration as soon as possible, I therefore request the favour of those who have any claims against the said estate to bring them in, either to Mr. Lumsden or myself, properly attested, at farthest, by the 1st of October next. T. S.
GREEN SPRING, July 13, 1774. I HEREBY forewarn all persons not to purchase FRUIT or VEGETABLES, or any thing else, from any of the negroes belonging to the estate of Mr. William Lee, without a note from me, or any of the overseers who act for the said estate. GRIFFIN FAUNTLEROY.
IF one SARAH FARGUSON, who came indentured from England about six years ago, and served her time with Mr. Charles Lewis, deceased, on Rappahannock, will apply to the printer of this paper, she will hear of something much to her advantage.
RAN from the plantation of the subscriber, near the Great Falls of Potomack, on the Maryland side, in Frederick county, about the 27th of June, a very likely mulatto slave named ELIAS, near 5 feet 10 inches high, and about 20 years old; had on, which he went away, a brown broadcloth coat, a light coloured broadcloth jacket, ozanbrig shirt, short breeches of the same, a new felt hat, and shoes and stockings. His head, from the crown to the forehead, is remarkably long, and is much scarred about the mould, proceeding from his having had a scald head when he was a boy. He has also a scratch on his upper lip, which may be perceived by taking a near view of it. Whoever delivers him to me shall receive a reward of THIRTY SHILLINGS, if taken 20 miles from home, and in proportion to that distance. 3 THOMAS OFFUTT.
TAKEN up, in Charlotte, a well made black horse, about 4 feet 6 inches high, about 16 or 17 years old, branded on the near buttock W, and has on a bell of 3s. value. Posted, and appraised to 3l. 10s. PETER RAWLINS.
TAKEN up, in Culpeper, a middle sized bay mare, thou before, her hind feet white, and branded on the near buttock I. E. Posted, and appraised to 3l. 10s. JOHN GRIGSBY.
To be SOLD, at public sale, at STAUNTON, on Tuesday the 16th of August next, being AUGUSTA court day, TWO tracts of LAND, belonging to captain Matthew Harrison, and lying in Hampshire, viz. One tract of 317 acres, on the drains of Left River, joining James Bryan, and one tract of 100 acres, on the drains of said river, joining John Price and Jacob Crisman. Plots of said land may be seen on the day of sale, in the hands of Gabriel Jones, esquire. Credit will be given for one half the purchase money till April next, and for the other half till the 16th of August, 1775, giving bond, with approved security, to (3) GEORGE MITCHELL.
To be LET, to the LOWEST BIDDER, on Thursday the 28th instant (July) at the town of Manchester, in Chesterfield county, THE clearing of the FALLS of JAMES RIVER from Westham to the mouth of Reedy Creek; it will be let in several divisions. Bond and security will be required for the performance in time, and agreeable to the directions then given. A considerable sum is subscribed towards carrying the work into execution. Half the money is to be paid the undertakers in October next, and the other half the October following. They will not have the trouble of collecting the money from the subscribers, as they will oblige themselves to pay the sums agreed upon at the times stipulated. THE TRUSTEES.
STRAYED, or stolen, from the subscriber in Dumfries, on the night of the 18th of April last, two WAGGON HORSES, the one a black, 14 hands high, 7 or 8 years old, has lost one eye, with a hanging mane and switch tail; his brand, if any, is not remembered. The other is a bay, about the same size of the black, 5 years old, branded on the shoulder D. F. and on the buttock R. G. very plain. Whoever secures said horses, so that I get them again, shall have THREE POUNDS reward; and if delivered here, TRAVELLING EXPENCES paid. 3 REGINALD GRAHAM.
PORTSMOUTH, July 5, 1774. A PURSE of 100 guineas to be run for by any horse, mare, or gelding, over the two mile course at this place, the best two heats in three, on Tuesday the 20th of September, carrying weight for age, agreeable to the articles of the said purse, which are to be seen in the hands of Mr. Richard Nelson, merchant there, with whom all horses starting for the said purse are to be entered, the day before the race at farthest. The money to be paid to the winner immediately after the race. It is also proposed to have two more races, one on the Wednesday following, for 50l. the other on Thursday, for 30l. which will be advertised particularly, as soon as the subscriptions are full.

To be SOLD , at the late dwellinghouse of Mr. Hugh Houston, deceased, in Fredericksburg, on Thursday the 18th of August next, ALL the PERSONAL ESTATE of the said Houston, consisting of HOUSEHOLD and KITCHEN FURNITURE, an assortment of SADDLERY, and sundry other articles in the harness way. Six months credit will be allowed, on bond, and approved security. At the same time and place will be rented, till the 25th of December, the LOTS and HOUSES of William Houston, deceased, and the TANYARD; all of which are in good repair. Also the slaves hire till the same time; among whom are several good BLACKSMITHS, SHOE and HARNESS-MAKERS, and a very good TANNER. Bond and security will be required; and if not punctually paid, to carry interest from the date. Those who have demands against either or both of the said William and Hugh Houston, are desired to bring in such claims, properly attested, in order that they may receive payment according to dignity; and those who are indebted are desired to give bond and make payment to Mr. Benjamin Johnson, who is empowered to act for FANNY HOUSTON, administratrix of Hugh, and acting in lawful right to William Houston, deceased.
F O R S A L E, TWO thousand six hundred and seventy five ACRES of LAND in Gloucester county, lying in Portsworth parish, upon which there is a very good mill on an excellent stream of water. It will be laid off in lots for the convenience of purchasers; and as it is entailed land, application will be made to the next general assembly for an act to dock the entail. Mr. Lewis Booker will show the land, and make known the terms. WILSON M. CARY.
T O B E S O L D, THE noted and well accustomed TAVERN, at present occupied by the subscriber, lying in James City county, about 15 miles from Williamsburg, on the main road leading to New Kent courthouse and Ruffin's ferry, with 500 acres of LAND in good order for cropping, and 6 fields under good fence. The terms of payment will be made easy by the subscriber. THOMAS DONCASTLE.
TEN mares, in foal, a sorrel mare, about 10 years old, 5 inches high, branded on the off buttock T. C. and is about 3 years old. Potted, and appraised to 13l. RUPIN SLAUGHTER.
TEN mares, in foal, a dark bay horse, about 14 hands high, branded on the near buttock U, paces and gallops well. Potted, and appraised to 13l. WILLIAM CLACK.
RUN away on the 16th instant (June) from the subscriber in Augusta, a negro man named BACCHUS, a thick, strong, well made fellow, about 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, 30 years of age; took with him two white russia drill coats, one turned up with blue, the other is quite new, plain made, with white figured metal buttons; also a pair of blue plush breeches, a fine cloth pompadour waistcoat, two or three thin or summer jackets, sundry pair of white thread stockings, 5 or 6 white shirts, two of them pretty fine, neat shoes, silver buckles, a fine hat, cut and cocked in the macaroni figure, a double milled drab great coat, and sundry other wearing apparel. He formerly belonged to Doctor George Pitt, in Williamsburg, and I imagine is gone there, under pretence of my sending him upon business, as I have frequently heretofore done. He is cunning, artful, and sensible, and very capable of forging a tale to impose on the unwary, is well acquainted with the lower parts of the country, having constantly rode with me for some years past, and has been used to waiting from his infancy. He was seen a few days before he went off with a purse of dollars, and had just changed a 5l. bill; most or all of which, I suppose, he must have robbed me of, which he might easily have done, as I trusted him much, and placed too great a confidence in his fidelity. It is probable he may endeavour to pass as a free man, by the name of John Christian, and endeavour to get on board some vessel bound for Great Britain, from a knowledge he has of the late determination of Somerset's case. Whoever takes up the said slave, and delivers him to me, shall receive FIVE POUNDS. GABRIEL JONES.
T O B E S O L D, RUN away, from Neabsco furnace, the 16th of March, a light coloured mulatto man named BILLY, or WILL, the property of the honourable John Tayloe, esquire. When I tell the public that he is the same boy who for many years used to wait on me, in my travels through this and the neighbouring province, and by his pertness, or rather impudence, was well known to all my acquaintances, there is the less occasion for a particular description of him. However, as he is now grown to the size of a man, and has not attended me for some time past, I think it not amiss to say that he is a very likely, young fellow, about 20 years old, 5 feet 9 inches high, stout and strong made, has a remarkable swing in his walk, but is much more so by a surprizing knack he has of gaining the good graces of almost every body who will listen to his bewitching and deceitful tongue, which seldom or ever speaks the truth. He has a small scar on the right side of his forehead, and the little finger of his right hand is quite straight by a hurt he got when a child. Had on, when he went away, a blue fearnought jacket, and an under one of green baize, cotton breeches, oznabrig shirt, mixed blue sale stockings, country made shoes, and yellow buckles. From his ingenuity, he is capable of doing almost any sort of business, and for some years past, has been chiefly employed as a founder, a stone mason, and a miller, as occasion required; one of which trades, I imagine, he will, in the character of a free man, profess. I have some reason to suspect his travelling towards James river, under the pretence of being sent by me on business. Whoever apprehends the said fellow, and brings him to me, or to his master, the honourable John Tayloe, at Mountairy, or secure him so as to be had again, shall have treble what the law allows, and all reasonable charges paid. THOMAS LAWSON.
F O R S A L E,
ABOUT twelve thousand acres of exceeding rich TOBACCO LAND, in Amherst county, whereon are several plantations and improvements sufficient to work forty or fifty hands. There is on this land for sale a very valuable GRIST MILI, lately built, with a stone dam and a pair of good COLOGNE MILL-STONES, which mill has for two years past got upwards of 100 barrels of toll corn, and is situated on a never failing stream. The land will be shown by William Womack, who lives at one of the plantations, and the prices of the land made known by him. One or two years credit will be allowed, interest being paid for the second year, and also for the first, if the money is not paid agreeable to contract. The land is to be laid off and surveyed by Colonel William Cabell, at the expence of the purchaser. Deeds will be made, upon bond and approved security being given, either to Call, William Cabell, or the subscriber. Six per cent. discount will be allowed for ready money, or good merchants notes. If any person would chuse to exchange lands in the lower part of the country, on or near some navigable river, that are good, it is more than probable we should agree. CARTER BRAXTON.
K I N G H E R O D
STANDS at Rosehill, and will cover mares at FOUR POUNDS the season. Those who send mares must send the money, otherwise they shall not be left. The valuable qualities, and the pedigree, of this horse, are sufficiently notorious. RALPH WORMELEY, junior.
F O R S A L E, NINE hundred and forty acres of valuable land, lying on both sides of Contrary River, in Louisa, with three plantations thereon, two of which has sufficient houses for overseers and negroes; the other is improved with all necessary buildings, and orchards of all kinds, fit for the reception of a gentleman, the houses being finished in the best manner. This tract is well timbered and watered, lies within 32 miles of Fredericksburg, and 43 of Page's warehouse; there are at least 400 acres of low grounds, of the best soil, 300 of which are now to cut. The three plantations are under good fences, and in good order to work 12 or 15 hands. Robert Fleming, John Massey, and John Lain, are now in possession of the plantations, who will show the land to any person inclined to purchase, and Major Thomas Johnson will agree with them for the price. The above tract is esteemed the most valuable in Louisa for growing corn, wheat, or tobacco, and situated in the best range for stock of any below the great mountains. (tf 1*)
L A N D E D from Liverpool, four BALES, marked C I. The owner may have them on paying the charges to ISAAC YOUNGHUSBAND, who has for sale a parcel of low priced Irish LINENS.
To be SOLD , at public auction, at Westmoreland courthouse, on Tuesday the 27th day of September, being Westmoreland court day.
TWENTY very likely VIRGINIA born SLAVES. Credit will be allowed until the 10th of November following, on giving bond and good security. The bonds to bear interest from the date, if not punctually discharged. RICHARD PARKER.
THE subscribers have for SALE MADEIRA WINE, BARBADOS RUM, CANE, SPIRIT, and MUSCOVADO SUGAR. PHRIPP and BOWDOIN.
THE subscribers being very solicitous to comply with the will of their testator, the late Honourable William Nelson, desire that all persons who were indebted to him will endeavour to make as speedy payments as possible. Those who have accounts open on his books, and who cannot immediately discharge the balances, are desired to give their bonds. This request is the more necessary, as most of the legacies bequeathed by the testator are to be paid in sterling money, and he has directed that his younger sons fortunes shall be placed out at interest upon undoubted securities, so soon as it can be done. Those who have any demands are desired to make them immediately known. THOMAS NELSON, HUGH NELSON, THOMAS NELSON, jun. RO. C. NICHOLAS.
WANTED for the lighthouse directors eight second-hand ANCHORS, nearly a thousand weight each. Any person having such for sale are desired to make their terms known to the subscriber in Norfolk. t. f. BASSETT MOSELEY.
T O B E S O L D,
A TRACT of LAND in Berkeley and Frederick counties, containing 12,076 acres; it lies 7 miles on each side of Shenando river, the quantity on the east side, being only a slip of low ground, is inconsiderable; the quality of the land is remarkably good, and the conveniences attending it great. There are two plentiful streams of water running through marshes three miles in length, some of which are already reclaimed meadows, and the rest, at a very small expence, might soon be reduced to the like state. On each side of the streams mills might be erected and furnaces, the land affording stone, lime, iron, and lead ore. On one of the streams I have already erected a complete merchant mill, with a pair of the best French burrs for grinding of wheat, and a pair of common stones for grinding of Indian corn; besides this, there is near the dwelling house a tub mill, and on the other stream there is a valuable saw mill. There are five settled and improved plantations; on one of them is a good stone house, 2 stories high, with 2 rooms on a floor, a kitchen, dairy, and all other convenient out-houses; on another plantation, where Michael Pike lived, there is a good stone house; and at the other plantations there are overseers houses, negro quarters, barns, stables, tobacco houses, &c. The above tract shall be either partitioned off in lots of 1000 or 500 acres, or sold bodily to one purchaser. Belonging to this estate there are 112 negroes to be disposed of, together with all the stocks of cattle, equal to any in the colony, horses, mares, colts, hogs, &c. likewise all the necessary implements for the planter or farmer. Any person or persons inclined to purchase are desired to make their proposals to me at Rosehill, on Rappahannock river, or to leave them with the overseer, who lives at the house plantation, and will show the land. In November I shall be on the premises, and may then be personally treated with. Part of this land, and some of the negroes, belong to my eldest son, who leaves to me the disposition thereof, and will confirm any engagement I enter into on his part. RALPH WORMELEY.
T O B E R E N T E D, FROM YEAR TO YEAR, OR FOR A TERM OF YEARS, B E L V O I R,
THE beautiful seat of the honourable George William Fairfax, esquire, lying upon Potowmack river, in Fairfax county, about 14 miles below Alexandria. The mansion house is of brick, two story high, with four convenient rooms and a large passage upon the lower floor, five rooms and a passage on the second, and a servants hall and cellars below; convenient offices, stables, and coach house, adjoining, as also a large and well furnished garden, stored with great variety of valuable fruits, in good order. Appertaining to the tract on which these improvements are, and which contains near 2000 acres (surrounded, in a manner, by navigable water) are several valuable fisheries, and a good deal of cleared land in different parts, which may be let altogether, or separately, as shall be found most convenient. The terms may be known of Colonel Washington, who lives near the premises, or of me, in Berkeley county. FRANCIS WILLIS, junior.
To be SOLD , pursuant to an act of assembly, on Monday the 1st of August next, being Prince William court day.
THE glebe lands of Dettingen parish, in the said county, adjoining the lands of the present incumbent the reverend James Scott, situate on Quantico Run about 9 miles from Dumfries, and containing about 400 acres. The soil is good for wheat or tobacco, and there may be got a considerable quantity on the fame. HENRY LEE, } churchwardens. LEWIS RENO, }
F O R S A L E, FIVE hundred acres of land, lying on Deep Creek, in Louisa, about 45 miles of Richmond town, and is exceeding good land, well watered by Deep Creek, and a large branch thereof, which runs through the middle of the land, and affords a large quantity of rich meadow ground. Any person inclined to purchase may see the land, and know the terms, by applying to the subscriber, living near it. tf 1* GEORGE MERIWETHER.
NORFOLK, April 21, 1774. NOTICE is hereby given, that a number of vessels will be wanted this summer to bring about 6000 tons of stone from Mr. Brooke's quarry, on Rappahannock, and land the same on Cape Henry, for the lighthouse. Any person inclined to engage in such work are desired to treat with Matthew Phripp, Paul Loyall, and Thomas Newton, junior, esquires. The directors of the lighthouse will also be glad to purchase one or two flat bottomed vessels from 80 to 120 tons burthen. BASSETT MOSELEY.
For S A L E, A TRACT of land, on Charles river, York county, containing about 600 acres, part of which is marsh, that may be drained with very little expence. The situation of this place is very convenient for a family, as it lies upon a river that abounds with oysters and fine fish, particularly shepheards; it is within 200 yards of a mill, and 2 miles of the church. My reason for selling it is, my having bought a tract of land more convenient to me. Whoever inclines to purchase may know the terms by applying to the subscriber, in York town. THOMAS NELSON, junior.
F O R S A L E, And to be ENTERED upon at CHRISTMAS next, A VERY valuable tract of LAND in King William county, on Pamunkey river, adjoining the land of the late Mr. John Smith, of Hanover county, deceased, containing 800 acres, more or less, the soil is very rich, and exceedingly well adapted for wheat, corn, or tobacco, particularly the first and second, being low grounds; and there is a considerable quantity of high grounds. It has plenty of good pine and oak timber upon it, convenient houses, and is in good order for cropping, is about two miles from Hanover town, and very convenient to church and two mills. Any person inclined to purchase may be shown the land by applying to Mr. Christopher Taliaferro, or Mr. William Jones, who resides near the fame, and the terms may be also known by applying to these gentlemen, or to the subscriber. t. f. THOMAS JONES.
To be SOLD , together or in parcels, THAT fertile and well timbered tract of LAND, lying in Princess Anne county, known by the name of GIBBS'S WOODS, whereon are several settlements, and whereof Jeremiah Tinker, esquire, grandson of the late governor Gibbs now stands seized, under the deed of gift of his mother, the daughter and heiress of the said governor Gibbs. Persons inclined to purchase may be informed of the terms by applying to Mr. James Parker, merchant in Norfolk, or to Edward Foy, in Williamsburg, who will give an undoubted title. tf
To be SOLD , and entered upon immediately, A TRACT of LAND containing 1300 acres, more or less, on Pianketank river, in Gloucester county. It is needless to be particular about it as it is the same I advertised last year and then gave a full account of it, since then I sold it to John Attway Clarke, of Maryland, but as he refuses to take it, necessity obliges me once more to offer it to the public. Any person inclined to purchase may know the terms by applying to me in Middlesex. I want part of the money at the meeting of the merchants, and for the remainder I will give reasonable credit. t. f. AUGUSTINE SMITH.
FOR SALE, AND VERY CHEAP,
A PLANTATION in good order for cropping, none of the land having been cleared above six years, with all necessary houses, quite new, together with 1500 acres of exceeding rich land, the soil of which is so good that it will bring large tobacco for five or six years without dung. I have made on this plantation above three thousand pounds of tobacco per share. The place is very healthy, and has a fine range for stock. This land lies in the lower end of Buckingham county, near to Appomattox river, on each side of Great Ducker's and Mayo creeks. Tobacco has been carried above this land near to Petersburg by water, and last month, in the dry weather, two canoe loads of wheat were carried near to Petersburg, and the canoes brought back; they were loaded but a little below this land. I make no doubt but Appomattox river will be soon cleared, and then the expence of sending wheat, tobacco, &c. will be trifling. Any person inclined to purchase will see, by the produce of the land, that it is exceeding rich. I really do not know any better high land in the colony. This tract of land is well timbered, and has excellent water on it. I do not know a better place for a merchant mill than is on Ducker's creek. People are going much on raising wheat in these parts, and a good mill would be very advantageous to the owner. Also another tract of land of 826 acres, in Albemarle county, I believe about ten miles from the courthouse, joining Mr. James Harris and the quarters of Mr. John Winston. On this land is a small plantation, a good apple orchard, &c. The land is good, and my price so low, that I am convinced any person who viewed either of the above tracts of land would not hesitate to give the price I shall ask. Neither of these tracts are under any incumbrance whatsoever. A reasonable time of payment will be allowed. t. f. ANTHONY WINSTON.