Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1803-05-06 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 6 of VOLUME V.]
FRIDAY, May 6, 1803.
[WHOLE No. 214.]
From the Washington Federalist.
The following numbers by Charles H. W. Wharton have been placed in our hands for some time. We have exercised a discretionary power lodged with us, as to the time of commencing them. The paper and the public attention has been so much occupied with the Congressional Proceedings, that we judged it best to delay these numbers, till more leisure would ensure them a more welcome reception.
In giving these pieces, to the public, we cannot but sympathize with the feelings of a young man, in thus submitting his first literary efforts to the rigid critic and unfeeling politician. Were we to give our opinion as to their merits, there would be those, who might attribute it rather to the partiality of friendship, than the candid deduction of criticism. This merit is not confined to mere diction and argument.—When we view in them the progress of a youthful and ingenious mind, ardent in the cause of freedom and anxious for the happiness of his country, they become doubly interesting and instructive. We perceive with what care, the unmeaning or insidious professions of disinterested patriotism, captivate the imagination and bias the judgment of youth and inexperience. Devoid of guile itself the youthful mind expects to find equal sincerity and candor in every person it meets. Vain expectation, delusive hope; how many have fallen victims to this amiable weakness. Such is not the situation of our author. He had the industry and boldness to examine into the foundation of his political creed and the candor to acknowledge his errors. In doing this he must expect to meet with calumny and abuse, those fruitful offspring of party rancour and democratic rage and persecution.
That the present ruling party, which has arisen from such small beginnings, should brand those with the epithets of 'apostate and turncoat,' who dare to withdraw from their mad career, would be a subject of surprise, were it not for the contradictions in conduct and opinions which they daily exhibit. As was formerly very aptly observed by a celebrated 'Recantator,' they might find in their own conduct and opinions, a sufficient excuse for others, were they actuated by love of truth and candor. But when to so many causes of disapprobation, and so many grounds of complaint, are added such flagrant departures from professions as are constantly displayed by the present ruling party, we need not wonder that the honest patriot, the sincere lover of his country, the candid enquirer after truth, should withdraw from them his confidence and support.
An address to the Inhabitants of Montgomery County, Maryland, by their fellow citizen,
CHARLES H. W. WHARTON.
NUMBER I.
The inference generally drawn from a change of political sentiments; the harsh and virulent invectives applied to him, who from honest convictions abandons his party, are almost sufficient to deter one less timid than myself from an open avowal of principles, against the predominance of which his talents however feeble they may be, were once exerted. As that avowal has been publicly made thro' the medium of the Washington Federalist, it now becomes a duty which I owe to my own character, to assign the reasons which urged me to that step; but before entering immediately on the subject, I beg leave to make a few remarks on that almost universal custom prevalent among the democrats, of impeaching and censuring the motives of him, who from the very best intentions abandons their party—and enlists under the banners of Federalism. There is not a subject in nature (except politics,) on which the greatest latitude of opinion is not tolerated; we may differ in our sentiments on religion; we may differ in our opinion of the merits of the Sages and Heroes of antiquity; we may pronounce a Solon a fool; an Aristides unjust; or a Cincinnatus a tyrant; and tho' in this opinion, we would discover to our antagonist a want of sense and taste, yet the motives on which the opinion itself is grounded are not deemed by him proper subjects of personal hostility. But no sooner does a man change his political creed; no sooner is he the opposer of Mr. Jefferson and his sect, than
the shafts of malevolence are levelled against him. His character is then fair game. It must be attacked: the integrity of his motives must be called into question; he is branded with the appellation of trimmer, and held up to his fellow citizens as a consummate hypocrite. Such has been the language applied to the candid and eloquent Mr. Baker; and such are the terms which with a liberal hand I may expect will be lavished on me. But to these censures, as I have before said, I am perfectly indifferent. Democratic insolence shall never deter me from pursuing that which I conceive to be right. They may rave, I have a large share of piety for them. They may abuse, I will tender them my derision. They may attempt to ridicule, I will pay them the homage of my high contempt. I return from this short digression to the object of my address. I have been a democrat.
The enthusiastic admirer of republican institutions from an early period of my life; I saw (or thought I saw) during the four years of Mr. Adams's administration, a spirit hostile to the happiness of this country. I thought I beheld the principles of the British monarchy reduced to practice by the enactment of the Alien and Sedition Laws. I saw an army raised, (as I then thought) for the subversion of our liberties. I trembled for my country. At that time extremely young (having scarce attained my 17th year) it is to be wondered at, that my imagination should take the designed alarm, and that I should become the opponent of Mr. Adams. From honest motives I was opposed to his re-election and from that moment I enlisted under the banners of democratic faction. Alarmed at what I then thought to be the tendency of Mr. Adams's policy, I viewed with a jaundiced eye every measure of his administration; and in each I fancied I beheld a recognition of principles unfriendly to our posterity, because hostile to republican institutions. On the other hand what did I behold? A glowing portrait was presented for my imagination to feed on; Mr. Jefferson drawn at full length, in that splendid, that lucious language, which never fails of making an impression on a young mind, and unfortunately covers for a time the mischief it is designed to occasion. I was deceived. Relying with implicit confidence on the opinion of some of my friends, I became the advocate of Mr. Jefferson. I repeat that at this time I was extremely young. Nothing appeared to me more hideous than monarchy. Nothing seemed more lovely than uncontrolled liberty. Hurried on by an enthusiastic devotion to this bewitching Goddess, her votaries I thought must of course be the friends of mankind; and consequently deserving of their approbation. Mr. Jefferson had made sacrifices at her altar. It was he who was said to have penned the declaration of our independence. It was he who advocated in Virginia the exercise of rights dear to every friend of humanity—the rights of conscience. He was said to be the friend of Washington and the admirer of our excellent constitution. What more could be alledged? What more could be wanted to designate him as the most proper character to fill the Presidential chair. To me it was evident that he ought to be elected. I did not indeed vote for him—I could not, my youth prevented me; but I advocated his election; I spoke, I wrote in his defence. I saw him elected; saw him elected with a satisfaction I cannot describe. Our country was at that time divided into two large parties. With intentions however honorable, with motives however pure, I yet dreaded the predominance of the federal party, because I conscientiously believed that their principles would gradually lead to the subversion of our freedom. Animosity had crept in among us; friendship had been broken; the public mind was considerably agitated; and even the cords of relationship burst asunder, when assailed by those political passions which spread their influence from the sage in the cabinet, to the peasant at his plough. At a juncture like this, the most eminent talents were certainly called for. To calm the sea of politics, which had been so much ruffled—to sweep from our country that discord which must ultimately tarnish its fame—to unite us all as a band of brothers, and make us see by experience the necessity and advantage of an union—these were the objects to the execution of which I
thought Mr. Jefferson was equal; and therefore hailed his election as an event pregnant with the most blissful consequences to ourselves and to our posterity. Well, he has been elected; and now let us enquire what are the benefits which result from this event.
I have assigned my reasons for being his advocate. I trust it will be admitted that these reasons ought to have had powerful weight upon my mind. They convinced me that Mr. Jefferson ought to have been elected.
But what are the reasons which have since induced me to abandon him and his party, I will in a subsequent number assign. I have already extended this to a greater length than I intended; but I persuade myself, fellow citizens, you will forgive this intrusion upon your time, from a young man who writes to vindicate what is as dear to him as existence; his reputation.
NUMBER II.
In complying, fellow-citizens, with the promise I have made in my last number, it will be necessary to enter into an examination of some measures of the existing administration; as it is partly from these and partly from charges which effect Mr. Jefferson's reputation as a moral man, that I have been compelled to alter my opinion of him.—I advocated Mr. Jefferson, upon three grounds: 1st, Because I believed him to be a genuine Republican, and virtuous man: 2dly, Because I was firmly persuaded he was friendly to our constitution: and 3dly, Because I felt assured that in his discharge of the Presidential functions, he would be governed by the unerring maxims of truth and justice. No views of a private nature made me embark in his cause. I sought no office—I wished no promotion. Secluded in a great degree from the bustle of society, my chief I may say, my only happiness centred in retirement—Ambition was dead in me. I was therefore gratified at Mr. Jefferson's election, only so far as I conceived our interests in a general point of view would be advanced by that event. I deem those prefatory remarks necessary, because if a Democrat becomes a Federalist, he is immediately considered by his former brethren as a disappointed character; as a man who expected an office, but whose merits were not sufficiently great to entitle him to executive patronage. I will now enter into the proposed investigation; and in order that it may be attended with some advantage it will be necessary to go back to the period of Mr. Jefferson's election, to take a retrospective view of the public mind at that crisis, and then to examine how far his subsequent conduct has comported with the promises and professions of his inaugural Speech. However great the division may have been among us, at the period of Mr. Jefferson's election, however one party might have idolized and the other abhorred him; yet since he had been constitutionally elected to the first office in our government, the federalists acquiesced in the decision, and hoped but vainly hoped indeed, that the opinion they entertained of his character might be fallacious; I, my countrymen, was one of those who indulged in that hope; with the fullest confidence that it would be realized. The sincere and openly avowed advocate of Mr. Jefferson, I considered him as the very person pointed out by the finger of heaven itself to assuage the violence of party; to heal those wounds which had too long bled; and to restore to our constitution its natural vigor. Such were my hopes and expectations; and they were greatly cherished indeed, by Mr. Jefferson's Speech on the day of his inauguration. There was a fine display of every virtue that can enoble the human heart; here we were told that however we might differ in sentiment, in principle, we were the same, that we are all Republicans; all Federalists; that to the constitution we are all equally attached, and to support that constitution we would all equally lend our aid. We were assured moreover, that the tranquility of federalists should not be disturbed; that party spirit should cease to exist; and that once more we might exultingly exclaim, 'we are happy!' How pleasing this portrait picture; how flattering these promises! To me; to the enthusiastic admirer of Mr. Jefferson's character they conveyed
a sensation of pleasure, which no language can possibly describe! But what was the consequence? Scarcely was Mr. J. seated in the Presidential chair. Scarcely had he assumed those reins which he has since so shamefully managed, than the counterpart of every thing he had promised, took place. The mask was soon thrown off; and the torch of unrelenting vengeance was to be seen blazing under the assumed veil of political philanthropy. Federalists were removed from office; federalists who had fought our revolutionary battles; whose swords were drawn in the sacred cause of freedom;—who had encountered dangers from which the heart of Jefferson would have shrunk with abject repudiation. These men, the foremost in their country's cause, in the hour of danger and alarm, were banished from executive patronage; and the disorganizing foreigner, and immaculate Tory, elevated to those stations from which the vindictive hand of arbitrary power had driven the friends of America. Such was the first outset of Mr. Jefferson's presidential career. I paused, I was about to censure, but passion silenced the dictates of sober judgment. To those who engage with ardor in the pursuit of any darling plan, this apathy; this indifference to the suggestions of reason will not appear extraordinary. If its influence is experienced in the most advanced stages of human life, how much more powerfully must it operate on the young and inexperienced mind; on a youth who was still warm with the intoxicating draught of democracy, and panted for that moment when the genuine principles of a free government should be reduced to practice. I sometimes reasoned on this part of Mr. Jefferson's conduct; but my arguments were answered by an appeal to my passions: these were alarmed; and the right of reason became dim and obscure. Had I reflected upon this subject as I have since done; had I viewed it with the eye of candor and impartiality, I think, nay, I am sure I should have condemned it then as I reprobate it now.—The despot I have always detested; my principles of government are republican; and these principles lead me to hold in sovereign contempt the artful demagogues, who by flattery and other base artifices, obtained an ascendant over the people only to trample on their rights.—But it has been asked, since I disapprove of this part of Mr. Jefferson's administration, why did I not abandon him at the very moment when he unfolded such tyrannical principles. To this I answer, that at that time I did not decidedly condemn this part of Mr. Jefferson's conduct; Impelled by an enthusiastic adoration of his character, I could not harbour an idea derogatory to it; but banished it from my mind as an obtrusive visitor. It is true I began to suspect the sincerity of his professions, I began to doubt whether he possessed those genuine republican principles which his advocates ascribe to him; but if it should be said, that upon mere suspicion, I ought to have abandoned him: should the mere conjecture of the erroneousness of a theory, induce its advocates to abandon it without allowing that time for its operation which would warrant its rejection? Certainly not.—Upon the same ground then, I contend for the propriety of my adherence to Mr. Jefferson, while I believed him to be a republican; while I believed him really attached to the interest of our country, I was among his most strenuous supporters. But when from certain parts of his administration, I was led to alter my opinion of his character, I became his decided opponent. I did not skulk in the dark.—I did not conceal my opinions even from the malignant eye of democracy. I acted, thank God! with candor; I came forward, and in the public prints I openly avowed my conversion to Federalism.—Some may have condemned this step as imprudent; others I know think it presumptuous; but every one must admit my conduct to have been candid.
NUMBER III.
When maturely considering the removals made by Mr. Jefferson, we shall discover the only ground upon which they can be defended, to be their necessity.—If these removals were necessary; if any the most remote advantage accrued to the nation by this measure, then of course they are in union with the immutable prin-

principles of political justice. But in order to shew this necessity two things must be proved. First , that the Federalists, who had hitherto filled the offices of our government, had not discharged with fidelity the duties of their respective stations; or, secondly , if no charge of this kind had been sustained, that there must nevertheless result some benefit to the country by their removal. As to the first no charge of the kind has ever been adduced. Federalists have not been accused of mal-conduct in their office. Democratic insolence has not dared to call in question their integrity or their talents. They have been allowed by their opponents to possess both. Mr. Jefferson admits them to be attached to the constitution. In plain and explicit terms he calls them Republicans ; and yet, strange as it may appear, these are the very men marked out as victims to executive vengeance! Why is this done? If they be honest men, why remove them? If they be republicans, should they not be patronized as friends to our country? or what seems still more grateful to a Democratic ear, the friends of the people? In order to justify this measure every republican character hath thrown in his mite; and something like an apology has been made out. The howling demagogue; the mischievous disorganizer, and the former inhabitants of a dungeon, have enlisted under the banners of sophistry, instead of argument, has been employed to convince us of its propriety. We have been told that a rotation in office is essentially necessary to the well being of our government; that it is the very life and spirit of Republican institutions; that the removals were therefore in unison with the soundest policy; and upon this ground, and this alone, has the measure found advocates. Let us combat this position. It is certainly specious; but I trust I shall be able to convince you of its fallacy. 'A rotation in office,' they say, 'is essentially necessary to the well being of Republican governments.' I deny it. In order to demonstrate the non-existence of such necessity, let us suppose that ten persons have entered into a social compact, and formed a government—I would just observe that imported patriots are excluded from such supposed association, because they are generally such orderly, enlightened citizens as need not the restraint of laws. Well in this government, as in every rational one, offices must be created. To discharge the duties of these offices, talents and integrity are required. The society invests a President with full power to select characters to fill these offices. The persons appointed do not abuse the trust reposed in them. For eight years have they undergone the fatigues of public business; and during this time they have given universal satisfaction. Their talents are undoubted, their reputation untarnished with a blush;—what now should we say of the President of such a society if he were to dismiss these faithful servants of the people?—Would the measure be prudent or wise? On what ground could it be advocated?—What benefit could possibly arise to the people by a step like this? All rational men would condemn it. They would see in it the spirit of party; political intolerance would peep under the assumed garb of promoting the interest of his association—its injustice and impolicy would be evident to the meanest capacity, and all would execrate its author as an insidious foe to their best interests and prosperity. Such would be their conclusions, if one grain of common sense, or one spark of virtue existed among them. And yet it is upon this principle; this dangerous—this visionary principle of rotation in office, that Mr. Jefferson is advocated in the removals he has made! I ask why were removals made at all? Did the public interest require them? Did the offices call for greater talents than then filled them? This last question will be answered in the negative: but we are told that the removals have been made that each party might participate in the offices of our government. What mean artifice!—what despicable subterfuge! No, sir, a motive honorable like this is unknown to the pure sons of Democracy. They were removed because they were Federalists; because they venerated the character of gen. Washington, while the high priests of Democracy hired assassins to stab it: because they approved the administration of Mr. Adams, while he triumphed in the supposed pangs he occasioned that venerable character. These, these fellow-citizens, are the causes of their removal. Hostile to our constitution from its very adoption, the very moment of its adoption, this genuine republican sickened at the sight of Federalists holding offices under it. His dark soul sought every means of inflicting on those who would not fall down, worship and adore this po-
litical monster of the new world. Destitute of those ennobling qualities which almost liken man to his maker, his obdurate heart was gratified at seeing the silver headed veteran reduced to penury and want, and forced to labour with that hand which had once gallantly unsheathed his sword in the sacred cause of freedom. The services formerly rendered to one's country; the fame acquired by military exploits; the loss of health; the total deprivation of fortune; all these were but feeble barriers indeed against that spirit of persecution, which lighted up in the centre of our union, blazes destruction in the face of every federal officer. Federalists must be removed; the voice of action had denounced them: the work of reformation must be begun, and that work was reserved for the illustrious man of the people. Let us now, my countrymen, proceed to an examination of some other part of the existing administration. I trust I have proved to you that the removals made by Mr. Jefferson are unnecessary; that in making these removals he has not promoted, in the smallest degree, the interests of the people; but only gratified the dark spirit of political revenge. No interest of the nation demanded them; no supplicatory address had saluted the eye of the sage of Monticello, praying them to be made. It was therefore an arbitrary act. It was an act not called for by the public will. It was an act which must eternally tarnish the political fame of its author.
NUMBER III.
The next objectionable feature of the existing administration is the appointment of Mr. Gallatin. To this appointment a variety of objections present themselves, but to avoid prolixity, I will confine myself to two. First, Mr. Gallatin is a foreigner, as such, will it be contended that he has as great a claim to participate in the first offices of our government, as the natives themselves? This claim can be founded only upon the ignorance or incapacity of the natives themselves. If among the large majority of democrats which the leaders of that faction so proudly boast of, no native could be found capable of filling that office which a foreigner now holds—if such be the mean and degraded state of democratic intellect, or of what they call the Sovereign People, then the appointment can be justified on the ground of necessity—and then it will become the interest of the United States to offer her most lucrative offices to foreigners, to encourage the importation of Genovese and Irish patriots. But is there a genuine American, who will admit this to be the case? Is there a genuine American, who will acknowledge his countrymen to be a pack of blockheads? Impossible! And yet, how can the appointment be advocated, except on the above assumed ground? I know it has been said, that sound policy dictates to us to encourage as much as possible, the emigration of foreigners into our country—I know that this opinion has received the sanction of some very illustrious names: but with due deference, I must confess I think the opinion fallacious.—Who are the foreigners that generally settle among us? The very outcasts from Europe—Reptiles escaped from impending justice—Convicts from a dungeon—The convicted Irish—And the revolutionizing Frenchman. I mean not to cast a reflection upon the national character of either people; nor would I have it inferred that the portrait implies without many exceptions. There are foreigners whom I respect—foreigners who have rendered services to this country, and deserve the thanks of the American people—but the fact is undeniably true, that the great bulk of emigrants who come over to this country, are so removed from civilization—so astonishingly savage in their deportment, that one is really led to regard them as a species, below even the Hottentots—nay sometimes almost to doubt whether they are a branch of the human family. Now, from the introduction of characters like these, what benefit, I ask is to result to the nation? Point it out, and my argument falls to the ground. It had been anticipated that these men would have been serviceable in cultivating our lands, in clearing our uninhabitable forests, and in draining our swamps. But has this been the case? Do we find that the vast hordes of united Irishmen and others who are continually flocking in upon us, betake themselves to agricultural pursuits? No, my friends, they concern not with these things. They infest our towns—our seaports swarm with them—and the morals of our people become corrupted.—Scarcely emerged from a state of ignorance, inferior to that of the savage of our wilds, they no sooner set their foot on American ground than they
begin an attack upon our government.—Neither talents or virtue afford a shield of protection, against their foul calumny and invective. With hands still warm and reeking with the blood of their best citizens, they dare to make sacrifices at the Temple of liberty—and set up a claim to the exercise of every privilege which government guarantees to its own citizens. Restless and factious at home, they can bear no restraint upon their conduct, but with unparalleled impudence dare to dictate to the councils of our nation. Ever foremost in intrigue, it is on the ground of an election that you see the foreigner in his native shape. No man is so busy as himself—none so ready to find fault—none so solicitous in the success of his candidate as he is—and none I may venture to assert so eager, to make black appear white to you, as this illustrious son of some enslaved or savage people! What impudence! And yet it is from these foreigners—these precious runaways from the gallows—these oppressed sons of humanity, as Mr. Jefferson emphatically calls them, that the politics of our country are to obtain their complexion—our legislatures are to be dictated to—and we are to receive with humility the maxims of polity and government. Such characters may indeed teach us that governments are only unnecessary restraints upon the conduct of mankind—that rebellion against them is therefore just—that each one having a claim upon the good things of this life, robbery is no crime, and that adultery, which crafty priests have hitherto taught us to condemn, is but a necessary exertion of the energies of population. These my countrymen are some of the advantages which we shall experience from the introduction of foreigners—but what others we shall be likely to derive from this motley crew, I have yet to learn.
I return from this digression. I have been imperceptibly led into it to a greater length than I expected, in order to refute the opinion so very generally received, that it is the sound policy of this country to encourage (or promote) the introduction of foreigners into it. I maintain that sound policy dictates a step directly the reverse: and whilst this rage for inviting them hither continues America is taking to her bosom reptiles which invigorated by the genial rays of freedom will dart the venomous poison into that very bosom which warmed and nourished them. I trust I have proven the impolicy of appointing Mr. Gallatin on the ground of his being a foreigner: but from the preceding remarks, I would not have it inferred that I am opposed to foreigners under any circumstances whatever, participating in the offices of our government. Far from it. Selfish indeed must be that heart, and narrow and contracted the powers of that mind which would harbour a sentiment like this.—When foreigners have resided some time among us; when they have given strong substantial evidence of their attachment to our constitution, and moreover, acquired some property among us; when they have distinguished themselves from their uncivilized countrymen who generally infest our shores, by their orderly conduct; their obedience to the laws;—and when necessary, their ready aid in compelling the execution of them; then, and then only, have they claim to participate in the offices of our government.—But in Mr. Gallatin's character do we discover any traits like these? Is he not openly charged in the public prints with having promoted the Western Insurrection? Was he not the secretary of a committee whose intemperate conduct certainly tended to kindle the flame of rebellion in that part of our country; of a committee that entered into a resolution that they would neither eat nor drink, nor hold fellowship with the men who advocated the excise law: that they would regard the officers appointed to collect taxes on distillation as their most inveterate enemies, and would spurn them with contempt from their doors? Did he not avail himself of the amnesty act? In a word, what services had he rendered to this country! What patriotic act had he ever performed to entitle him to that distinguished preference above all others, which Mr. Jefferson has shown him by this appointment? What an insult is this! What! Not an American qualified to fill an office which has been bestowed upon a foreigner openly charged with fomenting an insurrection in the very country whose executive now rewards him with one of her most honorable and important posts! Where was Mr. Nicholas? A gentleman whose understanding as much exceeds Mr. Gallatin's, as the huge Elephant surpasses in size the little Mouse. But even suppose for argument's sake, that Mr. Nicholas would not accept this office, (and I really believe, under existing circum-
stances he would refuse it,) was it absolutely necessary on this account that it should be bestowed on Mr. Gallatin? I do not suppose Mr. Jefferson would have appointed a federalist. When two and two make five, and a pait is greater than the whole; When the laws of nature themselves shall be reversed, and vicious principles shall be necessary to the production of virtuous actions, then and then only, may we expect Mr. Jefferson will forget his antipathies, and endeavor to be what he certainly is not; a wise statesman! But, I ask, was it prudent that Mr. Gallatin should be appointed? Was it prudent that the suspected Insurgent; the man who had but the other day raised the banner of revolt in our country; who had unfurled the flag of rebellion, and invited our peaceable citizens under its bloody colors; was it prudent, I say, that a man suspected of these, should be among the first to experience executive patronage in its most bounteous, its most extensive form; the characters of our officers should be above suspicion. They should be free from defect; they should be unsullied with a blush. The public tranquility demands it. The public interest should therefore be imperative on our President in making his appointments. But whether in this appointment he has consulted that tranquility, you my countrymen are able to judge.—You will judge; and from a perfect knowledge of your principle, I pronounce the judgment for you. You condemn this part of Mr. Jefferson's administration. Need I add any thing more? Need I enter into an examination of the pretended constitutionality of the repeal of the Judiciary, or the propriety of abolishing the Internal Taxes? This would extend my address to a greater length than I have leisure to carry or you disposition to read it. These subjects have already been ably discussed. And after the light reflected on them by the intrepid and logical Bayard, presumptuous indeed would it be in so young a person as myself to expect to offer arguments for your consideration which the prolific mind of this illustrious statesman has not already suggested. I feel my insufficiency to treat this important subject in a manner that it deserves, and I will therefore draw to a conclusion an address which has been written not to obtain popularity but to assign those reasons which have induced me to subscribe myself to the public, a decided Federalist. Reasons which to the virtuous and independent mind will, I trust, prove correct.
LATEST FOREIGN NEWS.
LONDON, March 19.
An English vessel arrived on Wednesday night from La Hague; she sailed from thence last Sunday evening in consequence of the bustle & confusion that was going on at La Hague and Cherbourg.—She was about to load oysters for London; and was heaving out ballast for that purpose; but from the warlike appearance of affairs in that neighbourhood the captain thought it most prudent to leave it as early as possible. Tickets were leaving at the houses of all those connected with the army, and the utmost confusion seemed to prevail.
The following notice was yesterday issued by Mr. Erving the American Consul.
AMERICAN CONSULATE.
London, March 18. Courier-Office, Thrid P. M.
We have just heard a rumor, which is in circulation in this city. It is, that an embargo has been laid upon our ships in the French ports.
We mention the rumor, but have not been able at this late hour to ascertain whether it be authentic or not. It produced some effect upon the funds, the 2 per cents which were at 65 for money, and 66 for account, fell to 64 1-2 for money, and 65 1-2 for the account.
Traveller Office, London, March 19, half past 3 o'clock.
We stop the Press to state, that intelligence has just reached us of an embargo having been laid upon all the British vessels in the ports of France. We do not pledge ourselves for the authenticity of this intelligence.
By a vessel arrived at Plymouth from Cherburgh, an account is received of orders having reached that place on Sunday last from Paris, for all waggons, carts, carriages and horses, to be put in requisition, for the purpose of transporting troops and baggage—in consequence of which the greatest bustle and confusion prevailed at that place.
March 20.
We are assured, from an authority on which we confidently rely, that our government, satisfied by the evidence of past experience, that further concession,

instead of consolidating the peace would only weaken its foundation and invite aggression, have resolved to resist the torrent of Republican domination, and to try the issue of another war, should their appeal to the justice and policy of France prove unsuccessful. Should the dispute be amicably adjusted, the concession must proceed from France.
On the arrival of the courier, announcing to Bonaparte the King's message to Parliament, the consul immediately sent for gen. Duroc (distinguished by his successful embassy to the Prussian Court) & after an audience, which consumed the greater part of the night, Duroc was despatched on a second mission to Berlin—and it is understood that Bonaparte waits the result of this measure, previous to his definitive reply to the remonstrances of our Cabinet.
It is stated that a vessel has arrived at Plymouth, announcing that an embargo had been imposed on all British vessels in the French ports—but this report is obviously incorrect, although some interruption to the sailing of vessels, with particular freights may have occurred, as is said to have been the case at Calais—but the intercourse by packets, &c. continues as for some time past.
A letter by the Lisbon mail announces the arrival of general Lasnes at his former hotel—it adds, that the instant of his arrival, he wrote to the prince regent, informing him that he came to resume his former functions, but that he could not appear at any levee till all the ministers who had formerly given him offence were dismissed! Extraordinary as it may appear, the prince is said to have complied with this request.
NEW-YORK, April 29.
The arrival at this port yesterday of the Ships Julianna, Ontario, and Young Factor, has put the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser in possession of London papers to the 20th March, Liverpool of the 21st, and London prices current of the 18th.
We have selected the most interesting part of their contents.
On the important question of Peace or War, between Great Britain and France, we have nothing decisive. The definitive answer of Bonaparte to the ultimatum of the British Cabinet, which was every moment expected, had not arrived in London on the morning of the 20th of March. Our extracts are principally confined to the subject. In fact, the London papers are almost wholly occupied with 'the dint of warlike preparation,' and with conjecture on what will be the probable issue.
It is mentioned as report in a paper of the 14th, that Bonaparte had written a letter to the King of England, of which the following is the substance:—"Brother, in disputes between nations of such importance as England and France, a question must necessarily arise of considerable moment, viz. Which is the greater? We of course, reciprocally, must be partial; and I have no hesitation in declaring, that if Britain does not submit to my claims, the English empire must be ecrase (destroyed)."
The probability of a renewal of hostilities, and the report of an embargo in the French ports, have caused a sensible depression of the funds at the date of our last accounts.
MARTINSBURG, May 6.
Massachusetts Election. —The returns from the Head-quarters of sound principles, received by yesterday's mail, give GOVERNOR STRONG, the Federal Candidate, a clear majority of fourteen thousand two hundred and one.
CONNECTICUT FEDERALISM.
The federalists have gained since the last election, as is already ascertained in the county of New Haven three federal representatives; in the county of New London two; in the county of Fairfield three; and in the county of Litchfield eight.—The number of democrats in the house of representatives will not exceed forty. Governor Trumbull and lieutenant governor Treadwell, the present treasurer and secretary are re-elected by great majorities. Particularly we are safe in asserting, that governor Trumbull's vote will exceed the most sanguine calculations.
(New-Haven Pap.)
We hear that Thomas Griffin, the federal candidate, is likely to be elected a Representative in Congress for the lower district. In York county he obtained a majority of 9, notwithstanding which the same county elected democratic members to the state legislature.
(Petersburg Intel.)
Mr. Attorney Lincoln's paper, the Egis, published at Worcester, has come out with a most pithy moving lamentation over the decline of democracy in Massachusetts. It is cruel to sport with the calamities of our fellow creatures even if they be democrats: we will therefore merely make an extract, and leave it without comment, otherwise we should be inclined to smile at the expedient fallen upon by the editor to save his own feelings and those of his party, by keeping out of sight, as much as possible, the particulars and the magnitude of their defeat. The Ostrich has been denominated, by the naturalists, a silly bird, because when pursued, it thrusts its head into a brake or thicket, and seems to imagine, that security consists in shutting its eyes upon the danger which threatens it. The following is the language of the Egis.
[Gaz. U. S.]
Massachusetts Election. —No apology can be necessary for declining a further detail of the votes, given in on the first Monday in April. It would exhibit nothing but disappointment and defeat. Intelligence of this sort will reach our readers in due season, without the aid of newspaper authority. It would have yielded us much pleasure to have been the harbingers of better tidings. We have now only to recommend to them patience, resignation, and a steady perseverance in the ways of well doing.
It is difficult to decide, whether the event has happened from an unusual lassitude on the part of the republicans, or from an unprecedented industry and vigilance of the federal party. Whatever may be the cause, it is unquestionably true, we believe, that the federal majority in Massachusetts, has increased since the last election.
A letter from a gentleman in an official capacity at Berlin, (Prussia) to his correspondent in N. York, dated the last of February says, that "war is inevitable."
A letter of the 2d inst. from Cape Francois received at Bryden's coffee house, (Baltimore) by the ship Elk, mentions that the blood hounds lately imported into St. Domingo, from Cuba, have spread great terror among the negroes.—Several black prisoners, who would have expiated their guilt upon the gallows, have been turned defenceless and naked upon the plains, and torn to pieces by those dogs! A number of the chief officers of the brigands lately held a conference, by a flag of truce, with the commanding officers of Cape Francois. The result was not known, but the report prevailed that they offered to lay down their arms and return to their plantations provided they could be treated as hirelings and not as slaves.
(Federal Gazette.)
TOM PAINE has re-commenced his "useful labours," and again addressed the citizens of the United States, through the medium of the Aurora. In that paper of this morning we are favored with his "Letter the sixth," to the citizens of the United States. This letter, like most of his other productions since his arrival in the country, is composed principally of encomiums upon himself and upon his projects for reforming the world, and abuse of general Washington's administration. The only thing worthy of notice, in this publication, is a copy of the invitation to Paine. we have marked in Italics, that part of it which was last summer published in this country from European newspapers. Several things in this affectionate letter from the greatest Philosopher to the greatest Blasphemer in the world, deserve the serious attention of the people of the United States. As it will no longer be a question with any one whether Mr. Jefferson really wrote such a letter to his table companion and bosom friend; we presume the democrats, especially those of them who profess christianity, will find much edification in perusing this brotherly epistle. It will be noticed that Mr. Jefferson became President of the United States on the 4th of March, 1801, and that he delayed no longer than till the 18th of the same month, before he gave orders to one of the ships of the navy to "receive and accommodate" his friend and correspondent. By the first sentence of the letter it appears that these loving and congenial spirits had been previously in habits of uninterrupted correspondence. No less than four kind epistles between the 1st and the 16th of October! By the part immediately subsequent, it is evident that they had been plotting some vast schemes of reform, which, instead of "wasting the energies of the people," will probably contribute to the "multiplication of the human race," and to the extinction
of a perdition and priest-craft throughout the world. But we keep the reader too long from the letter itself.—Here it follows. We know not in what fit of intoxication the Blasphemer was induced to make it public. His friend, the philosopher, will not thank him for it.
[Gaz. U. States.]
Washington, March 18, 1801. DEAR SIR, Your letters of Oct. 28, 4th, 6th, 16th, came duly to hand, and the papers which they covered were, according to your permission, published in the news papers and in a pamphlet, and under your own name. These papers contain precisely our principles, and I hope they will be generally recognized here. Determined as we are to avoid, if possible, wounding the energies of our people in war and destruction, we shall avoid implicating ourselves with the powers of Europe, even in pursuit of principles which we mean to pursue. They have so many other interests different from ours that we must avoid being entangled in them. We believe we can enforce those principles as to ourselves by peaceful means; now that we are likely to have our public councils detached from foreign views. The return of our citizens from the phrensy into which they had been wrought, partly by ill conduct in France, partly by artifices practiced upon them, is almost unexampled, and will, I believe, become quite so. But these details, too minute and long for a letter, will be better developed by Mr. Dawson, the bearer of this, a member of the late congress, to whom I refer you for them. He goes in the Maryland ship of war, which will sit a few days at Havre to receive his letters to be written on his arrival at Paris.
You expressed a wish to get a passage to this country in a public vessel. Mr. Dawson is charged with orders to the captain of the Maryland to receive and accommodate you back if you can be ready to depart at such a short warning.
Robt. R. Livingston is appointed minister plenipotentiary to the republic of France, but will not leave here, till we receive the ratification of the convention by Mr. Dawson.
I am in hopes you will find us returned generally to sentiments worthy of former times. In these it will be your glory to have steadily laboured, and with as much effect as any man living. That you may live to continue your useful labours and to reap the reward in the thankfulness of nations, is my sincere prayer. Accept assurances of my high esteem and affectionate attachments.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
The plan, with the papers accompanying it, were published by S. H. Smith of the Federal City.
To the above letter Paine subjoins the following remarks.
"This, citizens of the United States, is the letter about which the leaders and tools of the federal faction, without knowing its contents, or the occasion of writing it, have wasted so many malignant falsehoods. It is a letter, which on account of its wise economy, and peaceable principles, and its forbearance to reproach, will be read by every good man, and every good citizen with pleasure, and the faction, mortified at its appearance, will have to regret that they forced it into publication. The least atonement they can now offer is to make the letter as public as they have made their own infamy, and learn to lie no more."
It is currently reported that the Spanish Minister, the day after he had sent his letter and dispatches to the Secretary of State to be forwarded to New Orleans, delivered another set of dispatches to our government, in which were contained an official account of the transfer of Louisiana to France, and of the orders for delivering the same accordingly. From these dispatches it officially appears, that our conjecture concerning this business was correct, and that Spain had no right to issue the orders as published. It is said these dispatches were communicated for the purpose of having them published—but the President thinks it would be better to delay that a while. Not enjoying the privilege of Duane, in peeping into the cabinet and searching the records of state, we cannot vouch for its correctness—but it is generally believed to be true.
(Washington Federalist.)
We, the Subscribers, Physicians of Philadelphia, having carefully considered the nature and effects of the newly-discovered means of preventing, by Vaccination , the fatal consequences of the Small-pox, think it a duty thus publicly to declare our opinion, that Inoculation for the Kine or Cow-pox, is a certain preventative of the Small-pox ; that it is attended with no danger, may be practiced at all ages and seasons of the year; and we do therefore recommend it to general use.
[The above is subscribed by 50 of the most respectable Physicians in Philadelphia.]
RICHMOND, April 23.
Shooting Stars.
This electrical phenomenon was observed on Wednesday morning last at Richmond, and its vicinity, in a manner that alarmed many, and astonished every person who beheld it. From one until three in the morning, those starry meteors seemed to fall from every point in
the heavens, in such numbers as to resemble a shower of sky rockets. The inhabitants happened at the same hour to be called from their houses by the fire bell, which was rung on account of a fire that broke out in one of the rooms of the Armoury, but which was speedily extinguished. Every one, therefore, had an opportunity of witnessing a scene of nature, which never before was displayed in this part of the globe, and which, probably, will never appear again. Several of those shooting meteors were accompanied with a train of fire, that illuminated the sky for a considerable distance. One, in particular, to fall from the Zenith of the apparent size of a ball of eighteen inches diameter, that lighted for several seconds the whole hemisphere. During the continuance of this remarkable phenomenon a hissing noise in the air was plainly heard, and several reports, resembling the discharge of a pistol.—Had the city bell not been ringing, these reports would probably have been much louder. The sky was remarkably clear and serene, and the visible fixed stars numerous the whole night. We are anxious to know at what distance from Richmond this phenomenon has extended. It is hoped that persons who have remarked it in other places, will not neglect to inform the public of the particulars—as such information may add, in a great degree, to the knowledge of Meteorology.
Since writing the above, we have been informed, that several of the largest of these shooting meteors, were observed to descend almost to the ground before they exploded. Indeed, many of those which we saw, appeared to approach within a few yards of the house tops, and then suddenly to vanish. Some persons, we are told, were so alarmed, that they imagined the fire in the Armoury was occasioned by one of these meteors, and in place of repairing to extinguish the earthly flames, they busied themselves in contriving to protect the roofs of their houses from the fire of Heaven.
This circumstance of the shooting stars descending within a short distance of the ground, is however, a fact highly important to be known; as it has been generally supposed, that meteors only proceed in a horizontal direction, and never fly perpendicularly upwards or downwards. Those which we particularly remarked, appeared to descend in an angle of sixty degrees with the horizon—but as the smaller ones were so numerous and crossed each other in different directions, it was only possible to ascertain with any precision, the paths of the largest and most brilliant.
FOR SALE,
AT the Subscribers Black Smith Shop, opposite Capt. John Robinson's Tavern, a LARGE and GENERAL ASSORTMENT of IRON, OF the best quality, which he will sell low for CASH. JOSEPH CHAMBERS, Martinsburg, } May 6, 1803. }
NOTICE.
THE subscriber having formed a resolution to close all his accounts up to the 1st instant, requests all those that are in any manner indebted to him, to make immediate payment, as he is determined to give no longer indulgence. JAMES FAULKNER. Martinsburg, May 6, 1803.
Will be sold at public Vendue, on the first day of May Court, at the Court-House in this town, the effects of Mrs. Susanah Wolgamott, deceased, consisting of
BED furniture, a large stove and pipe, together with Household and Kitchen furniture too tedious to innumerate.—The sale will begin at 10 o'clock in the Fore noon on the said day, when due attendance and a reasonable credit will be given by WILLIAM MACKEY, Administrator.
N. B. All those who are indebted to the estate aforesaid, either by bond note or open account, are requested to pay off the same to the said Administrator on or before the said first day of May Court, as no longer indulgence need be expected. It is also requested, that all who have any demands against the said estate, will forward them to the said Administrator, properly attested, within three month from this date, otherwise they will not be accepted. W. M. Martinsburg, May 6, 1803.

SPRING GOODS. THE subscriber has just received from PHILADELPHIA , a very hand- some Assortment of SPRING and SUMMER GOODS.
AMONGST which are Chintzes, Callicoes, Lappett, Tambor'd, Cambric, and India Muslins, Dimmities, Fancy Shawls, Extra Silk Gloves, IRISH and GERMAN Linens, India and English Nankenees, Men and Women's Hosiery, Bed-Ticking, &c.—All of which he is fully determined to sell unusually low for Cash or suitable Country Produce.
W. W. LANE. Charles-Town, April 29, 1803.
NEW STORE.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the public in general, that he has just opened a general assortment of FRESH DRY GOODS , Groceries, &c. at the House formerly occupied by Messrs. Edward Beeson & Sons, which he will sell on reasonable terms for CASH .
JEREMIAH EVANS.
April 29, 1803.
N. B. THE co-partnership of Isaac Evans & Son, has been dissolved by mutual consent. All persons indebted to said firm are requested to make payment to JEREMIAH EVANS.
THE co-partnership of Alfred & Robert Gustin of the town of Bath, is dissolved by mutual consent. All persons indebted to the said firm are requested to come forward and discharge the same, and those to whom the firm stands indebted will please present their accounts to either of the subscribers for payment.
ALFRED GUSTIN. ROBERT GUSTIN.
April 29, 1803.
STRAYED from the subscriber living in Martinsburg, about the 16th inst. a Black Horse, with a star in his forehead, about 15 1-2 hands high, six years old, is rubbed with the gears, shod all round, has one small saddle mark, and the under part of his mane cut off. A generous reward will be given to any person who will take up and return the said horse to
MATTHEW RANSONE.
April 29, 1803.
STRAYED from the subscriber, living in Middletown, A Black Mare, four years old this spring, 14 1-2 hands high, has been docked and carries her tail very crooked, rather to the off side, has a number of saddle marks. A generous reward will be given if brought home, or information given so that the subscriber may procure her again.
MORRIS JOB.
April 29, 1803.
Valuable PROPERTY for sale. TO be sold or rented, the Plantation whereon I now live, containing 267 acres, a part of which is sown down with wheat and rye. There are several springs in convenient situations, two of which are strongly impregnated with sulphur. On this place are a good Apple Orchard, and about 12 acres of Timothy Meadow, and more can be made. Two convenient dwelling houses, one of them two stories high, the other one and an half. Also a new Merchant Mill, and Saw Mill, working under a 19 feet fall on Sleepy Creek, with two overshot water wheels; the Grist Mill has one pair of French Burrs, and one pair of Alleghany stones, 4 1-2 feet diameter. The stream on which the Mill stands is navigable. Timber is floated down to the Mill, from the upper country, and plank, &c. can be rafted from the Mill down to the river Potomak. This property is situate 6 miles from the Potomak river, and 4 miles from Bath, Berkeley County, Virginia. The terms, &c. may be known by applying to the subscriber.
FREDERICK SNYDER.
April 29, 1803.
A FRESH SUPPLY of LEE and CO'S highly approved and valuable PATENT MEDICINE , is just received and may be had at the office of the Intelligencer .
PRINTING, In all its variety, executed at this Office, with correctness and expedition.
RENTERS TAKE NOTICE.
THE subscriber will rent for a term, not exceeding three years, all that large Farm situate on Back Creek, formerly the property of Capt. James Blue; there are upwards of two hundred acres cleared, one hundred of which is now ready for the plough (of which forty acres are prime bottom). There are on the place three separate tenements, by which two tenants can be well accommodated, and if agreeable to the renters, they may have the crop now in the ground (which looks very well) on a credit of twelve months. Immediate possession may be had of the whole, except one of the dwelling houses, which will be occupied until the 1st of May, by Capt. Blue. This place is never injured by freshes, the land being high. For terms apply to
WILLIAM WILSON.
April 8, 1803.
The Famous Stud Horse YOUNG SNAP,
WILL stand the ensuing season, on the three first days in each week, at my stable in Martinsburg, and the three last days in each week, at Capt. Alexander Miller's stable in Buckles Town, and cover mares at the moderate price of four dollars and one bushel of grain the season, one dollar and a half cash the single leap, and seven dollars to insure a foal. YOUNG SNAP was got by the noted horse Old Snap, the property of Jacob Vandoren, his dam was got by the imported horse Old Arabian, his grand dam by the noted horse Goliath, his great grand dam by Sampson. Young Snap is a handsome black, full sixteen hands high, rising eleven years this spring—his carriage, movement and figure, will recommend him to the eye of every impartial judge. It is needless to give a longer history of his pedigree, as his colts are well known. The money for the season must be paid on the 15th of October next. The season will commence the 29th instant and end on the 1st of July.
ABRAHAM GORRELL.
March 18, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss.
February Court, 1803.
ROBERT WILCOX, Complainant,
vs.
JACOB ONG, Defendant.
In CHANCERY.
THE Defendant, Jacob Ong, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said Defendant do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in May next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of the said County.
A Copy.
Teste,
H. BEDINGER, c. s. c.
The full-bred Fox Hunter LOFTY,
WILL stand this season on Mondays, Tuesdays and Wednesdays, at the stable of Mr. Jarvis Jeffries in Martinsburg, and the three last days in the week at Mr. Philip Shutt's tavern in Shepherd's Town, and be let to mares at five dollars the season (two shillings and six pence to the groom, to be paid when the mares are brought) two dollars and an half, cash, the single leap, and nine dollars to insure a colt—the money to be paid the first of September.
LOFTY is a chesnut sorrel, full 16 hands high, with a small blaze—stout and handsomely formed, five years old this spring; he was got by my horse Paymaster, for which I was offered 1200 dollars, his dam was the brown Filly, got by Mr. Filpot's Horse, which was sold at fifteen years old for 800 dollars—Lofty's grand dam was Portley, her sire was Stewart's full bred horse, bred by Samuel Ringold, Esq. which was sold in South Carolina for Five Hundred Pounds. For a colt of Lofty's I was offered 100 dollars, at one year old. The season has commenced, and will end the first of July. Good pasturage may be had, but I will not be answerable for accidents or escapes.
JAMES BREATHED.
Washington County, April 15, 1803.
The YOUNG MILL-WRIGHT AND MILLER'S GUIDE , for sale at this Office.
PARTNERSHIP DISSOLVED.
THE partnership of Mines & Kearsley being this day dissolved by mutual consent, the business will, in future, be carried on by John Mines, who only has full power to collect the debts due to the late firm, and to settle all business respecting it. Those who have accounts open are respectfully and earnestly requested to come forward and close them.
JOHN MINES.
JONATHAN KEARSLEY.
Charles Town, Jefferson County, April 1, 1803.
N. B. The subscriber has on hand an assortment of well chosen GOODS , which he is determined to sell uncommonly cheap for cash.
JOHN MINES.
JOHN BOND, RESPECTFULLY informs the inhabitants of Martinsburg and its vicinity, that if suitable encouragement is given, he will open a SCHOOL in the said town of Martinsburg, for the instruction of youth in the English language, grammatically, Arithmetic at large and several useful branches of the Mathematics.—His wife, Mrs. Bond, will attend if requested, a female School, in which young ladies will be taught plain and other Sewing, Reading, Writing, &c. J. Bond has taught school in Winchester for 12 years past, and has certificates from the most respectable persons in the state of Virginia of his capability and moral conduct, which certificates are lodged with J. Alburris for the inspection of all who may wish to enquire into his character. A subscription paper is also left with the said Alburris for the signature of such as may please to patronize his undertaking.—He will open his school as soon as 25 scholars are subscribed for.
April 22, 1803.
THE SUBSCRIBER
WISHES to inform the public and his friends in general, that he has removed his shop to the house of Mr. John Blackford, lately occupied by Evans & Jamieson, where he means to pay the same attention to the practice of Physic, Surgery, &c. as he heretofore has done.
I cannot think that it is in my power to pay those friends who have honored me with their confidence and partiality, too great a compliment; my heart is penetrated with the most lively sense of gratitude for the distinguished patronage and encouragement which I have met with in the line of my profession, and hope the exultation is no ways culpable that springs from the reflection, that none have reason to repent of the confidence reposed in me. It has been by several years extensive practice, great labor, and close application, that has enabled me to obtain your confidence, which it shall be my ambition to preserve through life.
J. D. WILLIAMSON.
Shepherd's Town, April 8, 1803.
SPRING GOODS.
WALTER B. SELBY, HAS just received from Philadelphia, and is now opening, a considerable supply of fresh SPRING
GOODS,
Which he offers for sale at very reduced prices for Cash or Country Produce. Shepherd's Town, April 8, 1803.
FARMERS TAKE NOTICE,
THAT I have now taken in possession the Lower Mill in Martinsburg, belonging to the heirs of Moses Hunter, dec'd. and am ready to receive and manufacture all kinds of grain agreeable to the terms hereafter mentioned:—Out of every Five Bushels of Merchantable WHEAT , weighing 60 lbs. to the bushel, I will make a barrel of Superfine Flour, and stand the Inspection of the same in any market within the United States.—All Grist Work will be particularly attended to. Being determined to use every exertion within the compass of my knowledge, aided by the judgment of an ample assistant, I hope to merit the favors of the people at large.
JOHN WEST.
April 15, 1803.
THE Light Infantry Company commanded by capt. JACOB HAINES, are requested to attend muster in Shepherd's Town, at the usual place of parade on the 2nd Saturday in May. A punctual attendance will be expected.
ELIJAH OWDEN, 1st sergt.
April 15, 1803.
STRAY CATTLE.
CAME to the Plantation of the subscriber, some time last winter, three Estray Calves, two Heifers, and a Bull, one of the heifers is of a whitish brindie colour, two years old this spring, the other two are yearlings of a reddish brindie colour. No brand or ear mark.—They have been appraised according to law. The owner is desired to prove property, pay charges, and take them away.
JOHN BUTLER.
Buckles-Town, April 29, 1803.
SPRING and SUMMER
GOODS.
THE subscribers are just opening a large and general assortment of Prime Goods , suitable to the present and approaching seasons: And having long seen the advantages that would arise to their friends and the public in general, was a suitable person, with a good capital, to attend the markets of New-York, Philadelphia and Baltimore , and purchase all the cheap things sold at Vendue or elsewhere, they have been induced to embark in it, (one of the concern is now employed in the above business,) and we take this method of informing the Public, that we now have a valuable assortment of Cheap Goods , and solicit their early communication either personally or otherwise.
JAMES S. LANE, & Co.
Shepherd's-Town, April 15, 1803.
LAND FOR SALE.
AGREEABLY to the last Will and Testament of Lewis Wisenall, dec., and pursuant to a decree of the Court of Jefferson County, will be sold at public sale on Friday the 20th day of next month, a tract or parcel of land, containing about two hundred and sixty eight acres, late the property of said Wisenall, dec. situate in Jefferson County, Virginia, near the Potomak river, and adjoining lands of Joseph McMurrain, Adam Moler, & others. Mrs. Mary Wisenall has a right of dower in eighty nine acres of said land, but the whole will be sold subject to that right. It is said that this land is of the first quality, and abounds in fine timber, and only about one third of it cleared.—One third of the purchase money will be required in hand, and for the remainder the purchaser will receive a credit of one, two and three years, on giving security for the payment. The sale will commence at 12 o'clock on the premises, at the house of William Addy, where more particulars of the sale will be made known, by
JOHN BAKER.
Executor of L. Wisenall.
April 8, 1803.
LOST
BETWEEN Martinsburg and the Falling-Waters, a large Linnen POCKET BOOK , with 8 or 9 pockets, alphabetically lettered, containing a number of Clerk's and Sheriff's Notes, and some other papers of no use to any person but the subscriber. Any person finding the same and so contriving that I get them, shall receive a generous reward, and be entitled to the thanks of their very humble serv't.
JOHN McCLEARY.
April 15, 1803.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a HOUSE OF PUBLIC ENTERTAINMENT , at the sign of the Bull's Head, in the house formerly occupied by Mrs. Susannah Wolgamot, where he is well provided with every thing necessary for the agreeable and genteel accommodation of all those who may please to favor him with their custom.
He will always keep a quantity of chopped Rye, Corn, Hay and cut Straw, for the purpose of supplying waggoners and other travellers, for whom this will be an excellent stand, as it lies on the main street (through which all the principal roads pass) and has a well of excellent water at the door.
JARVIS JEFFRIES.
Martinsburg, April 15, 1803.
Terms of the Intelligencer.
THE price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance, after that time 25 cents per week; Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their advertisements.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published, by JOHN ALBURTIS.