Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-12-02 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER. SENT HIC ETIAM SUA PREMIA LAUD.
[VOL. V.
FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 2, 1808.
NO. 60.]
BRIG MOSES MYERS.
NOTICE—All those who had an interest in the American Brig Moses Myers...
Robert Maitland.
The Ship SHEFFIELD.
NOW LOADING FOR LIVERPOOL. will sail as soon as permission can be obtained.
Josiah Coxper.
For LIVERPOOL.
The fast-sailing coppered Ship CALEDONIAN...
Also for Freight or Sale.
The fast-sailing coppered Ship ARTIC...
Also for Freight or Sale.
The Brig EXPERIMENT...
William Dickson.
Received per Schooner Reliance.
1 package Navy, Flying Artillery and sailors' BUTTONS.
E. Sturtevant.
100 hhds. prime Muscovado SUGAR, Landing on Commerce-Street.
FOR SALE.
100 bbls. prime New-York PORK, 40 casks CHEESE.
Jesse Newcomb.
COW POCK.
DOCTOR RAFFOUR informs those persons who have not had the Small Pox...
He will take a young man as a Student of phy-sick.
Nov. 16.
NOTICE.
All persons indebted to the estate of David Patterson, deceased, are desired to make immediate payment...
D. R. WADDEY, Adm'r.
Nov. 16.
FOR SALE.
30,000 acres valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita...
CAUTION.
THE PUBLICK are cautioned against crediting any of the crew of the Ship John...
John Gilmer, Master of the Ship John.
Nov. 18.
Richard Jeffrey & Co.
No. 65, Main-Street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London...
An assortment of MEDICINES.
of the best quality. A few hundred weight refined Salt Petre...
MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use...
MACKINDER & WHITE.
OFFER FOR SALE. FOR CASH or APPROVED NOTES, 2000 barrels NAVAL STORES...
JUST RECEIVED.
And for Sale, by the Subscriber, 50 hhds. New-England RUM.
150 bbls Boston No. 1 & 2 Beef, 60 kegs Family Butter, 50 sacks Liverpool Salt...
WHO HAS IN STORE AND AFLOAT, 2000 bbls. Alexandria Superfine Flour.
fresh ground from new wheat. 50 bbls. Fine Flour, 25 do. Superfine Old Flour...
Exchange on Boston at 60 days for $2500.
FOR SALE, or will be Bartered for Tobacco, 78 puns. choice Old Demerara RUM.
James Young.
October 19.
Landing on Commerce Street, from schr. Lady Hope.
100 barrels MACKAREL, 500 GRIND STONES, 100 boxes MOULD CANDLES...
FOR SALE BY MOSES MYERS.
Nov. 25.
TO RENT.
And immediate possession given, The HOUSE and LOT, with a spacious Garden...
William Plume & Co.
Nov. 25.
TO RENT.
The LIVERY STABLES lately occupied by Lewis Armstead...
Luke Wheeler.
Nov. 25.
JUST RECEIVED.
By the Rising States, Captain Gilbert, A SUPPLY OF Withington's New York double ALE.
first quality, brewed this fall. Also on hand a quantity of Barnes' New York double ALE.
first quality, on draught and in bottles. Philadelphia PORTER.
by the barrel or dozen. Wm. Tonkin.
Nov. 23.
FOR RENT.
And possession given the 25th December, The HOUSE on Catharine Street, now in the occupancy of Mr. James Herron.
John Taylor.
Nov. 18.
TO BE RENTED.
And possession given the 1st of January, The HOUSE and LOT on Catharine Street...
John Taylor.
ALSO.
The Fire Proof WAREHOUSE on Maxwell's wharf, now in the occupancy of Mr. John Macgowan...
John Nivison.
Nov. 18.
FOR SALE, or will be Bartered, in part for Tobacco, Flour, or Naval Stores.
150,000 wt. Muscovado SUGAR, 200 hhds. MOLASSES, 500 sacks Liverpool SALT...
James Young.
October 21.
CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES.
IN SENATE.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 21.
[Debate on Mr. Hillhouse's Resolution for raising the Embargo.]
Mr. Lloyd said he considered the subject now under discussion as one of the most important which had occurred since the adoption of the constitution.
Mr. L. said he considered the motion as a naked prohibition. Subsequent measures might be taken at this passed; and he trusted that gentlemen who advocated a repeal of the embargo might not be considered as opposed to measures tending to promote the independence of the nation.
He considered this measure in three points of view:
1. As affording protection to our commerce and navigation. 2. As a co-ercive measure on France and Great-Britain. 3. As to its effects present and future on ourselves.
Mr. L. said as to the first point he should make but a few observations. He was not disposed to indulge in retrospections. If the embargo had been a wise and efficient measure, he was willing to leave to those who supported it all the credit to which it would entitle them.
With regard to its effect on foreign nations, what had been its effect on France? The gentleman from Connecticut had told them truly that in his expose the French minister calls it a wise measure; and Mr. L. said he had reason to believe that, in a late conversation between Mr. Livingston and the Emperor at Bayonne...
With regard to its effects on Great-Britain, what were they? For two months after its adoption it had been a subject of great alarm there. Engaged in an extensive commerce with this country, prosecuted on liberal terms, she had viewed it with alarm, whether considered as a measure of hostility or as a municipal regulation...
About this time had taken place the revolution in Spain. The British ministry had been too clear sighted not to see their own advantage, and therefore without any sordid stipulations, had made a common cause with her, that, if the Spaniards succeeded, they might get commercial footing in Europe...
matter of regret. The ministry had conceived correctly that it would not be advantageous to them to have competition, for they knew that the capital and spirit of America would enable her to carry on as extensive a commerce as the British could with Spain and her colonies.
Some gentlemen might argue that Great-Britain could be coerced by difficulties among her manufacturers, or by a scarcity of harvest. Ever since he had first heard of Great-Britain, he had heard of commotions among her manufacturers; but time had dissipated all apprehensions from them.
As to calculations on the harvest, all calculations of this sort must be idle in the extreme. Gentlemen must be very little acquainted with the situation of that country to entertain them for a moment. Mr. L. said that he found by advices from Great-Britain that American flour, after nine months embargo, was selling in Great-Britain at 47 shillings per barrel.
It might possibly be suggested, that the raising of the embargo would operate no advantage to the United States, as it respected Spain and Portugal; that this commerce might be considered inconsiderable, and as a trade that would be unjustly prosecuted, as respected the different portions of the union.
The effects of this measure on ourselves, gentlemen, could best state, as they occurred within the immediate circle of their own knowledge. So far as he had seen, Mr. L. said it was a measure fraught with mischief, breaking down the spirit of the people instead of preserving it; inviting foreign aggression, instead of repelling it; bearing hard on the commercial and navigating interest, and exciting opposition, which might be attended with disastrous consequences.
A motion was made for adjournment, and negatived.
Mr. SMITH (of Maryland) said he was not prepared to go so largely into this subject as it merited, having neither documents nor papers before him. He would, therefore, only take a short view of it in his way, and endeavour to rebut a part of the argument of the gentleman from Massachusetts...

plan would be extremely injurious; that possibly it could not be enforced in the United States; and that, if it could, merchants would conceive themselves highly aggrieved by it. But the gentleman's idea had no foundation. Mr. S. said he had before seen it in newspapers, but had conceived it a mere electi-encering trick; that nothing like common sense or reason was meant by it, and no body believed it. The gentleman surely did not throw out this suggestion by way of harmonizing; for nothing could be more calculated to produce heat.
The gentleman last up, throughout his argument had gone upon the ground that it is the embargo which has prevented all our commerce; that, if the embargo were removed, we might pursue it in the same manner as if the commerce of the whole world was open to us. If the gentleman could have shown this he would have gone with him heart and hand; but it did not appear to him that, were the embargo taken off to-morrow, any commerce of moment could be pursued. Mr. S. said he was not certain that it might not be a wise measure to take off the embargo; but he was certain that some other measure should be taken before they thought of taking that. And he had hoped that gentlemen would have told them what measure should have been taken before they removed the embargo. Not so, however. A naked proposition was before them to take off the embargo; and were that agreed to, and the property of America subject to depredations by both of the belligerents, they would be foreclosed from taking any measure at all for its defence. For this reason this resolution should properly have gone originally to the committee on the resolution of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles.)
Mr. S. said as he was not prepared for a long discussion, he should take but a short view. He would not go back to see which nation had been the first offender. It was sufficient for him that both were offenders. He was not the apologist of any nation, but, he trusted, a fervent defender of the rights, honour and interest of his own country. By the decrees of France every vessel bound to or from Great Britain, was declared good prize. And still further; if spoken alone by any British vessel, they were condemned in the French prize courts. When a vessel arrived in the ports of France, Mr. S. said, bribery and corruption were made use of in order to effect her condemnation. Every sailor on board was separately examined as to what had happened in the course of the voyage; they were told, you will have one third of the vessel and cargo as your portion of the prize money, if you will say that your vessel has touched at a British port or has been boarded by a British cruiser. Of course then by the decrees of France all American property that floats is subject to condemnation by the French, if it had come in contact with British hands. Were gentlemen willing to submit to this, to raise the embargo and subject our trade to this depredation? Yes, said the gentleman from Connecticut, who was willing however, that our ships should arm and defend themselves. Mr. S. said that he hoped the honourable gentleman would have gone further and said not only that he would in this case permit our vessels to defend themselves, but to make good prize of any vessel which should impede the trade admitted by the laws of nations. But the gentleman has stopped short of this.
By the orders in council, now made law, (said Mr. S.) all neutrals—all neutrals , this is a mere word ad captandum , as it is well known there is no neutral commerce but American—all American vessels, then, bound to France or countries in alliance with her, are made good prize in the British courts. When bound to any part of the continent of Europe, or any possessions in Turkey or Asia, they are good prize, Sweden alone excepted. We are then permitted to trade—for it is a permission to trade, since we must acknowledge ourselves indebted to her for any she permits—we are graciously permitted to go to Sweden, to which country our whole exports amount to 56,157 dollars! This petty trade is generously permitted us as a boon, and this boon will be struck off the list of permission the moment any difference arises between Great Britain and Sweden. I am aware, sir, that gentlemen will say this may require explanation. I will give it to them. Great Britain says you shall not trade to any of the countries I have interdicted till you have my leave; pay me a duty, and then you may go to any port; pay me a tribute, and then you shall have my license to trade to any ports you choose. What is this tribute? Not having the documents before me, I may make an error of a fraction, but in the principle I am correct. On the article of flour, they tell us, you may bring flour to Great Britain from America, land it, and if you re-export it, pay into our treasury two dollars on every barrel. For every barrel of flour which we send to Spain, Portugal or Italy, where the gentleman from Massachusetts has correctly told us much of it is consumed, little of it being used in Great Britain or France, you must pay two dollars, besides your freight and insurance. And this tribute is to be paid for a permission to trade. Are gentlemen willing to submit to this?
On the article of wheat exported, you must pay in Great Britain a duty of, I believe, two shillings sterling a bushel, before it can be re-exported. On the important article of cotton, they have charged a duty on its exportation of nine pence sterling per lb. equal to the whole value of the article itself in Georgia or South Carolina. This is in addition to the usual import duty of two pence in the pound. Thus if we wish to go to the continent, we may go on condition of paying a tribute equal to the value of the cotton, in addition to risk or insurance. It is generally understood that two thirds of the cotton exported by us, may be consumed in England when all her manufactures are in good work. On the remaining third the people of the southern country are subject to a tribute—on twenty millions of pounds, at the rate of seventeen cents per lb. Let this be calculated, and it will be seen what tax we must pay for leave to sell that article.
But, says the gentleman from Massachusetts, we may now trade to Spain and Portugal—because Great Britain permits us. [Mr. Lloyd observed that he had not said we could trade there because Great Britain permitted it.] I know the gentleman did not say that (said Mr. S.) but it is my inference. He said we might trade there. I deny it. I beg the gentleman to recollect what passed some time ago between Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. King, and see what reliance can be placed on the promises of British ministers. On a representation made by Mr. King on the subject of the colonial trade, Lord Hawkesbury agreed that provided the vessel carrying produce from the colonies should go to the Uni-
ted States and re-land her cargo that she should not be liable to capture. What was the consequence? One year afterwards private instructions were given to the British cruisers to take such vessels, and every atom of this produce was swept from the ocean. If this is the manner in which ministerial promises have heretofore been fulfilled, what reliance can be placed on them now? By letters from my correspondents I learn that three merchants engaged in the American trade had waited on Mr. Canning to see whether American vessels might trade to Spain and Portugal? Yes, Mr. Canning answered, they might trade in the produce of their own country. But the king is authorised to vary these laws and give permission to trade with any country when he pleases. Has he given any such permission to trade with Spain? No. Is then the mere conversation of Mr. Canning a sufficient security? No. Is it any thing like as binding as that formerly officially given to Mr. King, and which was violated? Certainly not. Can this then be a safe trade? No, sir; my informant, who was one of the merchants who waited upon Mr. Canning, says that should France, now warring with Spain, over-run any part of the country, and our vessels afterwards attempt to enter, not having heard of it, they would be good prize. I am not learned in the law, but I will ask this question of those who are. Would not a British judge in this case be obliged to abide by the law instead of the conversation of Mr. Canning. He certainly would, and would give our minister in this case precisely the answer which the French council of prizes gave general Armstrong, that the opinion of an individual could not contravene the express stipulations of a positive law.
The gentleman last up told us that American flour was selling at 47 shillings a barrel in England. The gentleman knows that flour carried there and not entered for re-exportation, cannot be removed. Flour in that situation has been lying ten or twelve months in London, could not be exported, and is somewhat injured by age, having been locked up in the stores of England, without a possibility of exporting it; and it is this that sells at that price.
The honourable gentleman last up has said that the exports of the United States to Spain and Portugal were 20 millions of dollars. The gentleman's arguments were applied to Spain and Portugal. The exports to Spain and Portugal and all their possessions, including the immense exports to La Vera Cruz, amounted to something near this sum. But let us take the gentleman on his own ground and see what we could carry on of this trade in our domestic product , if the embargo were removed. The whole exports of the United States in the produce of the land the year ending in October 1807, were 48,699,592 dollars; of which the proportion to Spain was 1,181,231 dollars; to Portugal 829,313 dollars. I agree with the gentleman that if the embargo was off, we might carry on a very lucrative trade with the Spanish colonies and the Brazils, if we had the materials to carry it on. They do not want our flour, but articles which can now no longer be got, goods imported from Germany, and nankens and cotton goods from India. But these are not the produce of our country, to which the gentleman alluded; and I say that the exports of our domestic produce to the colonies and islands of Spain, Cuba alone excepted, are very small. Great Britain will not let us go to Germany to get German goods, and therefore we cannot carry them as we were accustomed to do. But perhaps we shall be told that we may carry British goods. What does the gentleman say as a merchant, to paying double freight, duty and insurance, and then competing with England in the sale of her own manufactures. We have done it heretofore, because Great Britain was excluded from that trade. Continue the trade then to Spain and Portugal, supposing it to be free, and it will not amount to two and a half millions altogether. We are to say to Great Britain, if you will give us the boon of going to Spain and Portugal, (and perhaps this is but an ignus fatuus to lead us to her prize courts) we will submit to your tribute elsewhere.
The English orders had told us we might trade as usual with the West India Islands; but now, believing, no doubt, that this government has not strength or energy in itself to maintain any system long, what has she done? Proclaimed a blockade on the remaining islands of France, so that we are now confined to British islands alone. We are restricted from trading there by blockade, and what security have we that if the embargo be taken off—for I wish it off; no man suffers more from it, in proportion to his capital, than I do; but I stand here the representative of the people, and must endeavour to act in such a manner as will best secure their interests; and I pledge myself to join heart and hand with gentlemen to take it off whenever we can have a fair and honourable trade—that from our submitting to these interdictions as a right of Great Britain, she may not choose to interdict all trade, she being omnipotent, and sole mistress of the ocean, as we are told by the gentleman from Connecticut. I have seen a late English pamphlet, called "Hints to both Parties," said to be by a ministerial writer, to this effect; that Great Britain having command over all the seas, could and ought to exclude and monopolize the trade of the world to herself. This pamphlet goes critically into an examination of the subject; says that by a stroke of policy she can cut us off from our extensive trade; that she has the power, and having the power, she ought to do it.
Mr. S. concluded, by saying that he had not meant to take up so much time of the house; he had meant merely to state his ideas of the situation in which we were placed by the edicts of the two belligerents. He wished to place it in such a point of view, that gentlemen might be led to adopt such measures as might best secure the interests of the country. Mr. S. said his own private interests pressed so heavily on his mind, that he could scarcely trust himself to decide. He has, therefore, submitted those ideas to gentlemen whose feelings were not thus affected; that if they might think proper, with the honourable gentleman, to take off the embargo, he might join with them; if not, that some other measure might be adopted, which would lead to the security of our peace and honour.
Mr. Pope said, that in the observations which he had made a short time ago, he had no intention to violate the decorum of debate; and if he had discovered warmth on the general subject, he hoped no gentleman would consider his remarks as personally applied to him.
Mr. Lloyd said he rose merely for the purpose of making a single observation. He had stated, when before, that the trade to Spain, Portugal,
and their colonies, took off about twenty millions of dollars. He found, by the report of the secretary of the treasury, that the exports to these countries amounted to upwards of seventeen millions, excluding a large portion of the trade.
Mr. Smith said he understood the gentleman to apply his argument to our domestic exports to Spain and Portugal only, and not their dependencies, which the gentleman might, however, have meant to have included.
The Senate adjourned about half past 2 o'clock.
Tuesday November 22. The Senate resumed the consideration of Mr. Hillhouse's resolution.
Mr. Pope—Mr. President.—I rise with more than ordinary diffidence to address you on the interesting question under consideration. When I consider the present state of our country, embarrassed with difficulties, menaced with dangers by foreign nations, our ships captured and burnt by one power, captured, condemned, and confiscated by the other, a storm gathering in the East, which threatens to burst upon us with rebellion and despotism, the honour, independence, and best interest of the American people deeply involved in the course to be pursued, I am seriously impressed with the immense responsibility which devolves upon me, as one of their representatives at this awful crisis. The want of some documents which I had expected would before this have been furnished us, and of a more intimate acquaintance with the commercial world, renders me unable to do justice to all the topics which gentlemen have introduced in the wide range they have taken; although I shall not attempt to explore the whole ground, I will endeavour, with the best lights I possess, to notice such of the arguments of the gentlemen in opposition, as seem to demand attention.
On the 4th of July, 1776, the people of these states declared themselves free and independent, and this declaration they sealed with their blood. Their independence was soon after recognized by different powers of Europe, and finally by Great Britain herself. By this memorable and glorious event, which released them from the shackles of the British government, and gave them independence, they became entitled to all the rights and privileges on the high seas, which could be rightfully claimed by any other nation; and these rights, I presume, it will not be pretended they have either abandoned or forfeited. The high seas have been hitherto considered the common high way of nations, designed by the God of Nature for the common use of mankind, and over which no power could rightfully maintain exclusive dominion. I shall not waste the time of the Senate to enquire whether France or Great Britain has been the first aggressor on our neutral rights, or from which we have received the most injuries and indignities, because such an enquiry appears to me at this time unimportant. I am willing to view both nations with an equal eye as common enemies. Nor do I deem it necessary to retrospect injuries and insults of an ancient date, but shall confine myself to a period and circumstances more intimately connected with the present crisis. In 1805, the British government asserted that this country was not entitled to carry on trade with her enemy in time of war, nor permitted in time of peace. Under colour of this new principle, a number of American vessels were captured by British cruisers, and condemned in the British courts of admiralty. This conduct of the British government alarmed the whole commercial interest of this country, and memorials were sent to the president from the different commercial towns in the United States, protesting in strong and spirited language against this novel principle, and calling upon our government to resist by negotiation it, as well as the impressment of our seamen. I beg leave to read a part of the memorial from New Haven, in the state of Connecticut. Mr. Pope read as follows:—
"That your memorialists have observed with no common degree of surprise and solicitude, the numerous embarrassments which the commerce of the United States has suffered, during the present war in Europe and the Indies; arising from the adoption of new principles by the admiralty courts of Great Britain, as well as from the depredations committed on our unprotected trade by lawless freebooters, and the unwarrantable impressment of our seamen. Your memorialists will not attempt to discuss at large the principle, which they understand, has been adopted by the admiralty courts of Great Britain, in recent decisions respecting the rights of neutral nations; it is sufficient for them to observe, that in their opinion, the principle assumed by Great Britain, of considering all trade of a neutral nation as unlawful, which the same nation cannot carry on in time of peace, to be new and unwarrantable; a principle not authorized by the maxims of sound justice, which have long been received and respected by nations, as laws by which their mutual intercourse ought to be regulated."
The people of Boston, in their memorials, after reasoning with great ability and perspicuity to prove that this new principle assumed by the British courts of admiralty was an alarming infraction of neutral rights, solicit the government on account of the importance of the subject to send a special mission to London. Here Mr. Pope read from the Boston memorial as follows:—
"But whatever may have been the motives for the proceedings on the part of Great Britain, the effect is notorious. From her recent conduct great losses have been sustained; our commerce has been checked and embarrassed, and large quantities of produce are now remaining locked up in this country, which were purchased for foreign markets; because our merchants cannot send it abroad, without taking risk on themselves which prudence would not justify, or without paying such rates for insurance as the trade of the country cannot afford."
"Thus circumstanced, the merchants of Boston have thought it their duty respectfully to make known their complaints to the government. Believing the citizens of the United States desirous of cultivating relations of amity with the whole human race; and particularly connected as they are with Great Britain, by habits of constant intercourse and by mutual wants, they cannot but hope, that like dispositions are entertained by the British nation towards this country, and if measures were speedily taken for the amicable discussion, by negotiation, of our complaints, that a sense of her own interest, would induce her to depart from her present measures, and to conduct towards us with justice and liberality."
"Under this persuasion, and without meaning in the smallest degree to derogate from the talents
or attention of the American minister at London, the subscribers, with deference and humility, beg leave to suggest, whether, when so important national interests are at stake, a special mission would not carry with it great influence, and be very instrumental in the accomplishment of our reasonable wishes."
This earnest and fervent call on the government by the commercial interest was promptly obeyed by the administration. The course pointed out by the memorialists was pursued—a special mission was immediately sent—this new principle as well as other violations of our maritime rights were resisted with energy and ability and every effort made to obtain a redress of injuries, and to place our commerce upon a just and honourable basis, as must be evident to every man who has read the documents communicated to congress during the last and present session. I shall pass over the different decrees and orders of the two belligerents from 1805, until the fall of 1807. I will pass over the affair of the Chesapeake, which called forth such a burst of indignation throughout this country. In December 1807, during the last session of congress, the President was officially informed, that Bonaparte had determined to extend his decree of Berlin to American commerce, and although not officially notified, had every reason to believe that the French decree had been or would be retaliated by the British orders of council. The President, thus warned of the dangers which threatened our commerce on the high seas, communicated the subject to congress by a confidential message, recommending an embargo, to secure our vessels and seamen from capture. His advice was attended to, the measure was adopted, I expected, or at least hoped at that time, that this measure, besides securing our property, by its pressure on the belligerents, aided by a conciliatory course on the part of our government, would have induced an amicable adjustment of differences with both or one of the belligerents, and thereby averted the calamities of war, that if it failed to produce this effect, it would at least afford us time to prepare to meet war, if inevitable—that our administration has used every honourable means during the existence of this measure to settle our differences amicably with the belligerents, cannot be doubted by any one who has read the documents accompanying his recent message. After the administration had pursued the course marked out by the commercial people, whose organs the gentlemen in the opposition appear to be on this occasion, after resisting the unjust pretensions of France and Great Britain—after the government had laid an embargo and brought the nation to the eve of a war for the maintenance of our maritime rights—What do we hear?—we are told by a part of these same people, to the astonishment of all America, by solemn resolutions, which are already before the publick, called the Essex resolutions, that we have no cause of war against Great Britain, and all her aggressions, if not justified, are excused; and our government is gravely told to disgrace itself by receding from the ground it has taken. The gentleman from Connecticut, whose object seems to be rather to prove this measure wrong at first than what ought now to be done; tells us that the French decree of Berlin was not sufficient to justify this measure at the time it was adopted, because France had no naval force to give it effect on the high seas. If the Berlin decree was not sufficient to justify our embargo, upon what principle can it be pretended that it justified or even palliated the British orders of council? Although at the time the embargo was laid we had every reason to believe that the orders had issued, and which turned out to be the fact, yet I will admit for the sake of argument, that the Berlin decree was not a sufficient ground for the embargo. Will gentlemen contend that the Berlin decree, British orders of council, and the French decree of Milan, all which were in force at that time, if then officially known to our government, would not have been a sufficient cause for the embargo; and if they admit, that the whole combined, would have justified the measure, at the same time that they deny it to have been wise, they are constrained to acknowledge that it was at least fortunate. If the dangers to which our commerce was then exposed rendered the measure proper, how can gentlemen seriously contend that while those dangers continue, it ought to be removed, without proposing some more efficient measure as a substitute.
We are told however that the avowed object of this measure was to secure our property and seamen from capture, and that it was represented to the two belligerents as a measure of precaution, not as a measure of coercion or hostility. It is in its nature a precautionary measure, and it was the duty of the president to represent it in that light to foreign governments, and whatever inconveniences may result to them from it, they cannot by the law of nations consider it as a measure of hostility. Yet the gentleman from Connecticut tells us triumphantly that it has not only failed to produce any effect upon foreign nations, but that it will never operate as a measure of coercion. If the gentleman does not think this measure the best that can be devised, and that some other would better suit the present state of things, it is certainly his duty to propose it, and not to press a negative proposition calculated merely to censure, to find fault. I sincerely lament that this measure has not been productive of all the good effects anticipated. But, sir, although it has not, owing to numerous evasions and violations, together with other causes, induced foreign powers to discontinue their depredations and restrictions upon our commerce; it does not necessarily follow, that if persevered in and properly executed, it would not produce this effect. It is some consolation to the friends of this measure that it has been productive of some good. It has prevented a large portion of our property from falling into the hands of the belligerents, it has preserved peace and afforded us time to prepare for war, if this sad alternative must be resorted to. The gentleman from Connecticut and the gentleman from Massachusetts do not appear to agree as to the effects of this measure. The gentleman from Connecticut contends that it had no effect, while the gentleman from Massachusetts informs us that it had a very considerable effect on Great Britain in May or June last. If it has at any time had an effect upon either of the belligerents, it proves at least that its advocates did not miscalculate as much as the gentleman from Connecticut would induce the world to believe. The gentlemen have cited a French expose, to prove that the embargo is approved by that government; this document I have never seen, and cannot therefore comment on it; and the gentleman might have proved by Mr. Qu-

ning's letter, that Great Britain is not dissatisfied with it, if the sincerity of such declarations is to be confided in.
(Mr. Pope's Speech to be continued.)
Mr. White followed in a speech of three quarters of an hour; and Mr. Moore concluded this day's debate in a speech of half an hour.
No question taken.
November 23.
Mr. Hillhouse's resolution still under consideration.
Mr. Crawford opposed it in a speech of an hour and a half.
He was followed by Mr. Mitchell in a speech of about the same length, when
The house adjourned at about half past 2 o'clock, without taking a question.
November 24.
Mr. Hillhouse's resolution still under consideration.
Mr. Giles made a speech against the resolution, of three hours and a quarter.
When the Senate adjourned.
ELIZABETH-CITY, (N. C.) November 26.
Extract of a letter from Lemuel Sawyer, Esquire, Member of Congress, to Messrs. Carter, Butler, Grice and Gregory, merchants in this city, dated
WASHINGTON, November 10, 1808.
"We have just got through with the reading of the despatches from Messrs. Pinkney & Armstrong, which accompanied the President's message. They consist of a regular series of letters, part of which were private extracts, and being confidential were read with closed doors. I cannot give you a thorough sketch in the compass of a letter; but the sum of these communications is, that both powers have been trifling and prevaricating with our envoys; but were determined not to relax in their monopolizing and anti-neutral measures in a single degree. I don't know which to admire most the talents or the spirit of our ministers. They discovered a share of both, highly honourable to themselves and to their government. They however seem to differ with regard to the policy of the measures of our government, particularly the embargo. Armstrong thinks the value of the measure entirely over rated; that we ought to think of some other weapons than important words; and recommends an armed commerce. His notes to Champagny in regard to some captures under the Milan decree, are severe in the extreme, though equally just. Pinkney considers the policy of the embargo unquestionable, and that it must have its desired effect. His letter of the 22d September on that subject, gives a most able and luminous exposition of the true line of conduct we should observe towards England. He advises the continuation of the embargo, and a total non-intercourse in the strongest terms. He condemns the idea of any attempt to open any trade with Spain and Portugal, in the present state of affairs. Thinks it would return no equivalent advantage. That it would create an envious distinction between our various productions: Some of the states furnishing articles suitable, and the others not: That the trade would have to go through the hands of England, and then involve us with France; and that by the time our ships and cargoes made their entries into those kingdoms, Buonaparte would be in a situation to enforce his decrees against them, and expose us to the charges of cupidity and insatiable avarice. He thinks there is no doubt but Buonaparte will carry his point before that time and advises us above all things to adhere to our present system. He declares that it pinches England very hard notwithstanding they pretended not to feel it. Their harvest is cut short, their raw materials nearly exhausted, and that they are merely buoyed up with the forlorn hope that we were incapable of a longer self-denial. Another fact he mentioned, not immediately connected with the subject, was their shipping off large quantities of cloths to Canada, for the purpose of being smuggled into the United States. Both of their opinions will be espoused by different persons on the floor; but that those of Pinkney will prevail I have not a doubt. His being on the spot, and being thought a federalist in politics will render them free from the suspicion of prejudice or error by his own party. They will be published, I trust, for your information, when you will be able to judge for yourselves. In the general scope of my conduct I shall endeavour to support the peace, without forfeiting the honour of the nation, and shall be particularly attentive to any local advantage that may occur for relieving the present privations of our district, by proposing some means to get off our present heavy stock of produce to the West Indies, all of which you shall have timely notice."
"Being engaged at present on consideration of a resolution offered by Mr. Chittenden to repeal the embargo, I have troubled my private secretary to copy my original letter of which this is a correct copy."
RALEIGH, N. C. November 24.
It is now ascertained that Mr. Madison will obtain eleven votes in this State, and Mr. Pinkney three. The Electors are Gen. Wynne, Gen. Riddick, Gov. Ashe, Col. Taylor, Mr. Plummer, Mr. Toole, Mr. Raney, Mr. Cleveland, Mr. Love, Mr. Forney, and Judge Locke, for Mr. Madison; and Mr. Gaston, Mr. Winslow, and Mr. McKenzie, for Gen. Pinkney.
CHARLESTON November 19.
[The following extract from the speech of Governor Irwin, to the Legislature of Georgia, is the first attempt, we believe, on the part of the Executive, to influence the Presidential election. It appears that the liberty of thinking for ourselves, and of acting agreeably to the dictates of our own judgments are useless, and that true liberty consists in being dictated to how we shall vote, and who shall be our next President! This is republicanism with a vengeance.]— Courier .
"To you, gentlemen, is confided the high trust of selecting the electors of president and vice president of the United States for four years, to commence on the 4th day of March next. Through the publick prints we have been acquainted with the candidates for those important offices, and I entertain not a doubt, taking into view the talents, integrity and pure republican principles of Mr. Madison, and the uniform and estimable character of Mr. Clinton, but your choice of electors will be such as to ensure them from this state an unanimous vote."
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
FRIDAY EVENING, DEC. 2. 1808.
We understand that private letters from Washington, that are entitled to credit, state that general Armstrong has in his letters to our government, advised that we should make up our differences with England as soon as possible, and on the best terms we could, and to prepare for a war with France. Mr. Armstrong has also it is further said, expressed himself in the most unequivocal terms upon the subject of the embargo, which he declares is a weak measure, and one which will not answer the end proposed.
The letter of Mr. Sawyer, which is published in this paper, has unfolded some of the secret communications, and confirms in some measure, what is stated respecting general Armstrong's opinions.
Our minister in London has it appears from Mr. Sawyer's letter a different opinion, of what will be the effects of the embargo, and recommends its continuance. We believe Mr. Pinkney has determined to shape his opinions to suit those of the administration. His despatches to our government display but little of talents, or independence, that can be boasted of either by his particular friends, or the country at large.
It is astonishing to hear persons whose situations afford the means of information betray such extreme ignorance, or practice such gross deception. The avidity with which our statesmen seize on every trifling circumstance, and magnify it into importance, would excite derision, if they did not from their official situations impose on the publick. At one time, the want of our flaxseed was to ruin Ireland; then the Manchester weavers were in rebellion; and now the crops of wheat are short, and the want of our grain is to compel Great-Britain into submission. Our readers will remember, that our last paper stated the price of wheat in London on the 28th of September, which was 86 shillings sterling, (about $18, 72 cents) per quarter of eight bushels of seventy pounds each, which is not a very high price.
We would invite those who are indulging in such trifling hopes, to examine this subject with reference to facts. If Great-Britain is to suffer by famine, it is not the surplus provisions of the United States that can afford relief. Men, who are determined to believe, will seldom support their belief by arguments and facts. It is worth the time which we shall bestow on the subject, to expose the fallacy of those hopes, which are grounded on the alleged scarcity of provisions in Great-Britain; and to present the subject in the strongest view, we will suppose that Great-Britain needed, and received all our surplus wheat and flour, how long would it last the people of Great-Britain and Ireland? Fordyce's Comitatus Anglorum , states the population of Great-Britain, including the army and navy, 10,979,389 The population of Ireland, 5,496,944 16,476,333
Taking the largest export of wheat and flour, which we have been able to find for one year, which is the year ending the 30th September, 1804, it is put down at 810,008 barrels of flour, and 127,024 bushels of wheat; to facilitate our calculation, we will convert the latter into flour, and the quantity of flour will be 835,402 barrels, or 167,838,892 pounds of flour. Allowing for the waste and extra consumption in the army and navy, one pound to each person, our whole surplus wheat and flour, would not last the people of Great-Britain and Ireland eleven days!
We feel mortified to find ourselves to be under the necessity of exposing the miserable calculations of grave legislators and profound statesmen, who, instead of drawing upon the resources of their own minds, to relieve their distressed constituents, are amusing them with the imaginary wants, and internal disorders of another country. All our present troubles, and distresses, are to be traced to a principle upon which the present party have acted ever since they came into power. They have constantly magnified the dependence of Great Britain on this country. They have been for years past, threatening non-intercourse and embargo, and at last they have carried the former partially into execution, and the latter fully. And what has been the result? Did Great Britain complain of either? Has she directly or indirectly asked a suspension of either? No—It was reserved for Mr. Jefferson, to the mortification of every independent American, to solicit relief from the inconvenience of our own measures, and which afforded Mr. Canning an opportunity of using a sarcasm, that no real American can read without blushing for the weakness of our own government.
The Executive of this Commonwealth have issued a notification, stating that the persons who compose the Madison ticket, have been elected by a majority of votes as electors for choosing President and Vice President.
A case, interesting to those persons who have brought Slaves from the French Islands into this Commonwealth, came before the Hustings Court of this Borough on Monday last. The case was this: A French negro slave, brought to this country from one of the French Islands, claimed his freedom under
the second section of the Act of 1792; which says, "Slaves which shall hereafter be brought into this Commonwealth, and kept therein one whole year together, or so long at different times as shall amount to one year, shall be free." The cause, we learn, was argued with much ingenuity and ability on both sides. The Court decided against the freedom of the slave, under the Act of 1793, which is in the following words:
An Act to prevent the Migration of Free Negroes and Mulattoes into this Commonwealth.
[Passed the 12th of December, 1793.]
Be it enacted, That it shall not be lawful for any free negro or mulatto to migrate into this commonwealth, and every free negro or mulatto who shall come into this commonwealth contrary to this act, shall and may be apprehended and carried by any citizen before some justice of the peace of the county where he shall be taken; which justice is hereby authorised to examine, send and remove every such free negro or mulatto out of this commonwealth, into that state or island from whence it shall appear he or she last came; and for this purpose, the sheriff or other officer, and other persons, may by such justice be employed within the commonwealth, upon the same terms as are by law directed in the removal of criminals from one county to another. And every free negro or mulatto who shall come or be brought into this commonwealth by water from any country, state or island, may and shall be exported to the place from whence he or she came, or was brought, and the charges attending the same shall be paid by the importer; to be recovered by motion in the name of the commonwealth, upon ten days previous notice thereof in any court of record.
II. Every master of a vessel, or other person who shall bring into this commonwealth by water or by land, in any vessel, boat, land carriage, or otherwise, any free negro or mulatto, shall forfeit and pay for every such person so brought, the penalty of one hundred pounds lawful money; one half to the commonwealth, and the other half to the person who shall inform thereof; to be recovered by action of debt or information of any court of record, and the defendant in every such case shall be ruled to give special bail.
III. This act shall not extend to masters of vessels bringing into this state any free negro or mulatto employed on board and belonging to such vessel, and who shall therewith depart, nor to any person travelling into this state, having any free negro or mulatto as a servant.
IV. And be it further enacted, That in case any slave shall be brought or come into this state from Africa or the West India islands, directly or indirectly, upon information given thereof to any justice of the peace, it shall be his duty to cause such slave to be apprehended immediately and transported out of this commonwealth, and the expense attending such transportation, shall be paid by the person importing such slave, recoverable in the name of the justice directing such slave to be transported, by warrant before a single magistrate.
V. This act shall commence and be in force, from and after the first day of January next.
The negro is committed to jail until the directions of the Executive are received.
Query. How is the law to be complied with during the Embargo?
The American Aristides.—Col. Pickering served his country during the whole revolutionary war, in the most eminent stations. He was the first adjutant general under General Washington; he was a member of the Board of War; and he closed his services in the station of Quarter-Master-General.
Since the peace he has been successively the first post-master-general under the present constitution—secretary of war, secretary of state, and now a senator in congress from his native state.
He is now OLD and POOR. Such is the man, marked out for party calumny in Baltimore. Beardless boys have presumed to question others for speaking well of him; and remorseless partisans, without any merit of their own, have waged their puny warfare against his illustrious name.
We mention these things briefly, because it is the only suitable way of noticing the subject. The same infatuation is not to be found elsewhere; and it is fit, therefore, that we say no more, lest we be tempted to put even party rage to the blush.
North American.
TORIES.
Mr. Jefferson declared in 1798, that although Virginia was a Republican state, several of her most distinguished citizens were Tories. Some conspicuous patriots who were thus anathematised having occupied pre-eminent political and military stations in the revolutionary war, called on Mr. Jefferson, and demanded to know his meaning in the application he made of this offensive epithet. His excellency, with his usual adroitness, escaped the consequences of his insolence by the following explanation:
"That he meant by Tories no more than those who zealously supported an Administration, and were apologists for its conduct: That such was the definition of the word in the best Lexicographers; and that was opposed to Whig, which was an epithet usually applied to the opposers of power, and the FOMENTERS OF FACTION."
The letter containing this explanation was written to Major Wise, at that time Speaker of the house of representatives of Virginia. Take Mr. Jefferson's definition of Whig and Tory to be correct, and we ask who "zealously support the administration, and are apologists for its conduct," or, in other words, who are TORIES ? Fed. Republican.
Manufactures in Connecticut.—Three pieces of superfine broadcloth, manufactured at Humphreyville, one of full blooded Merino wool, grown in this country, and the other two pieces of the wool of the half-blooded Merinos, were exhibited to the general assembly at its late session, to the high approbation of the members. The first piece was judged to be equal in fineness and goodness to cloths now sold at $10 or $11 per yard; the others to those which are worth $6 per yard. We understand that these and some pieces of cotton cloth, from the same factory, have been sent to Philadelphia, were extraordinary encouragement for the sale of homespun cloths, is afforded by the domestick society. Connecticut Herald.
By virtue of a deed in trust, will be sold for ready money, on Tuesday the 13th instant, before the Exchange Coffee House, at 12 o'clock,
A HOUSE & LOT,
near Mr. David Pierce's, adjoining the lots of Thomas Newton, dec'd. and John Bramble.
The Trustee.
Dec. 2.
Superfine FLOUR of Gallego's Mills, For Sale, by
James Herron.
Dec. 2.
3t
Sixty Dollars Reward.
DESERTED from the United States Navy Yard, at Gosport, on the 23d of last month, three sailors, viz. JOHN MORRIS, DAVID MURRAY, and WILLIAM JOHNSTON. Morris is a short thick man, about 5 feet 6 inches high, much marked by the small pox; MURRAY is a small man about 5 feet 4 inches high, dark complexion; JOHNSTON is about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, very much knock-kneed. They deserted with a jolly boat, with a brimstone bottom, 14 feet long, branded U.S. on the stern, stem and keel. Whoever will deliver the boat at the Navy Yard, shall be compensated for their trouble, and a reward of Twenty Dollars, will be given for apprehending each of the above named deserters.
John Shaw,
Captain Commanding U. S. Naval Force at Norfolk.
Dec. 2.
3
The Members of the Dismal swamp Company, are requested to meet at Suffolk on the 28th of December. That place is preferred for a meeting, because it is a very small distance from the land, and the members will have a better opportunity of information as to the whole business of the company than at any other place—Those who may not attend will be pleased to give powers to others to act for them.
William Nelson, John Bracken, Corbin Griffin, Managers.
Dec. 2.
Norfolk Borough, At a quarterly session court held the 28th day of November, 1808.
The Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, PLAINTIFFS,
Against
Felix Corrau, Michael Corrau, Noble and Arbuthnott, & co and Theodrick Armitstead, DEFENDANTS.
THE defendant Felix Corrau not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant Felix Corrau do appear here on the fourth Monday in February next and answer the bill of the Plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough: and it is further ordered that the defendants Michael Corrau, Noble and Arbuthnott, & co. and Theodrick Armitstead, who have effects of the said Felix Corrau in their hands do not pay, convey away or secrete such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court.
A Copy,
(Teste,) Wm. Sharp, c. c.
Dec. 2.
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of BRUNET & THOMPSON, will be dissolved on the 31st instant. All persons having demands against the said firm, will present their accounts for settlement; and those indebted, will please make payment to Wm. H. Thompson, who is authorized to settle the accounts of said concern.
Henry Brunet, Wm. H. Thompson.
Norfolk, Dec. 2.
To Masters, Mates, and Mariners.
INFORMATION WANTED.
THE SCHOONER EXPERIMENT,
ROBERT LAWRENCE, Master,
Sailed from Norfolk, in Virginia, some time in the month of February, 1806, bound on a voyage to RIO JANARIO, and RIVER OF PLATE, in South-America. Information has been lately received that the said schooner was at the Island of Goree on the Coast of Africa, some time in April of the same year, from which she departed the day after her arrival there, and has not been heard of since, by information that can be relied on. Various reports have been received, that the said schooner did arrive at the River of Plate, and was there trading.—It is presumed that if the vessel went from Goree to Rio Janario, and from thence to River of Plate, that there are many persons in the United States, who have seen the said schooner, or master, at one or both of those places.
The Schooner was on her first voyage, Virginia built, of about 95 tons, coppered to light water mark, and had the appearance of a remarkable fast sailing vessel. Robert Lawrence is an Englishman by birth, born in the Isle of Thanet in the County of Kent, about 47 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, stout man, inclined to be fat, of a ruddy complexion, and talks much.
Any person who can give information respecting the above vessel and master, or either, will do a singular service in communicating it to THOMAS FITZSIMMONS, Esq. President of the Delaware Insurance Company, of Philadelphia; JOHN COFFIN JONES, Esq. of Boston, or to the Subscriber.
JOHN GRANBERRY, President of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk.
Norfolk, November 28, 1808. Gw
[The Editors of the following papers are desired to insert this advertisement three times a week for six weeks in their respective papers, and transmit their accounts to the Office of the Publick Ledger, viz. North American and American, Baltimore; United States Gazette and Aurora, Philadelphia; New-York Gazette and Citizen, New-York; Boston Gazette, Boston; American, Providence (R.I.) Gazette, Salem; Gazette of Maine, Portland; and the Courier of Charleston.]
Newcomb's Packet will sail for New-York TO-MORROW.
December 2.
NOTES,
According to the form lately ordered by the DIRECTORS of the VIRGINIA BANK, for Sale at the Ledger Office. Nov. 28.
NOTES OF HAND,
according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this Office.

FALL GOODS.
WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received a general assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS, Which they will sell at very reduced prices for CASH, by Wholesale and Retail, at No 76, Main-street. October 19.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store,
Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes.
Feb. 19.
FLOUR.
FOR SALE BY JOHN GRANBERY, AT HIS WARE-HOUSE ON COMMERCE-STREET, A small quantity of very excellent New Flour,
in barrels and half-barrels, now on hand, fit for family use, and a regular supply expected from the Columbian Mills— Richmond inspection.
CASH given for good new flour barrels and half-barrels. Nov. 9.
Boot and Shoe Manufactory.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Opposite the Market, (westward) has received by captain Hand, from Philadelphia, a quantity of the Highest Priced Boot Legs, Vamps, Tops, and other Materials, for his Factory—He has also Soal Leather, which has been in tan seven years; with these, the best workmen he can get, and the greatest care and punctuality, he believes the people of this place and its vicinity, may be as well served as by any factory in the union. His Stock at present is as good as this country can fur- nish, and he intends to use no other kind, the price of course must be higher, and when the Boots go the money must come, having found in a number of instances that a few days means six or twelve months, and an application even then for the money is ample cause of enmity.
He has on hand a large assortment of BOOTS and SHOES.
ALSO, SALT, LONDON PORTER, &c. &c. Fresh SHOES from New-York for Ladies, of red, green, and black Morocco, with 1, 2, and 3 ties.
JOURNEYMEN WANTED.
The best Boot and Shoe Makers, not only such as can, but such as will do the best work in all cases, may meet with as much encouragement in my factory, as in any in this state, or any state in the union north of this. October 3.
FOR SALE
On board the British ship Halliday, capt. Marshall, just arrived from Liverpool, 355 tons stoved SALT, 145 do. common do. 100 crates well assorted Earthenware, and 12 dozen Mats—by C. & F. WHITTLE. September 5.
For SALE, 3000 bushels Liverpool SALT, a-float.
In Store, At their establishment near Campbell's wharf, 100 pieces Russia Canvas, 60 do. Raven's Duck, 300 do. English do. 1 to 7.
With a general and extensive assortment of SHIP CHANDLERY, on liberal terms by Noble & Arbuthnott, & Co. October 7.
FRESH GOODS.
WOOD AND HASTINGS, Have just received, Cambricks and Common Callicoes, Cotton Shirtings, Cotton Cambricks, Irish Linens, Long Lawns, Linen Cambricks, &c.
ALSO, A few pieces of best London Superfine Broad CLOTHS, and most fashionable Coat BUTTONS, which with their Goods on hand, will be sold at very low prices for Cash. September 9.
SAMUEL J. DYCHER,
FROM LONDON, Informs the Inhabitants of this Borough and its vicinity, that he intends carrying on the following Branches of Carving and Gilding,
viz. Looking Glass and Picture Frames made to any pattern; as it is reasonable to expect that there is a num- ber of Looking-Glass, Picture Frames, Ornaments, &c. wanting repair and re-gilding, and a risk of sending such ar- ticles to the northward, the disadvantage of not being pre- sent to have such work executed to suit any particular fancy, The artist flatters himself a liberal public will encourage him in his profession. Orders from any part of the Borough or Country will be attended to.
Paints, Needle Work, and Drawings, framed in burnish gold; black and gilt Edge Frames, with glasses plain or enamelled; and gilt, oval, or square Prints and Paintings cleaned.
D. has on hand PATENT PERPETUAL ALMANACKS, the utility of these Almanacks to every description of per- sons in ascertaining the day of every month for 2300 years to come in a second of time, also to give the day that any per- son was born on; there is upwards of ten thousand already sold, the third plate is now engraving in New-York; they may be had in sheets, or framed and glazed to any price or pattern—they have been put in frames from 2, 6, and 8 dol- lars—Country Merchants or traders supplied upon liberal terms, purchasers will be taught their use in a few minutes. The likeness of GEN. JACKSON, handsomely coloured; also, the likeness of the Rev. HENRY HOLOMBE; the number of Subscribers in the different States to the above Almanacks, is hoped will induce a liberal public to encour- age the artist in his profession.
Red and Windsor CORNICE made to any pattern. N. B. One of the persons in the business is in possession of finally eradicating that dreadful malady the GRAVEL; the stone is dissolved for the magnitude of it be ever so great; by a decoction of simple roots; many valuable lives saved by the operation of cutting. The Poor cured gratis, and persons at a distance supplied with directions. Orders sent to No. 53, Main-street, opposite Mrs Street's, will be attended to. September 12.
TURK'S-ISLAND SALT,
FOR SALE, On board the Swedish Schooner Gustaf Adolph. Apply to Wilson & Cunningham. October 21.
German Linen for Exportation.
NIEMEYER & VON KAPFF,
OFFER FOR SALE
At their Warehouse in Water-Street, at the corner of
Maxwell's wharf, for cash, or approved paper only.
54 packages of German Linen,
consisting of 140 pieces Osnabrigs, 60 pieces Ticklenburgs, 500 pieces White Rolls, 900 Needens, 80 pieces Hessians,
Entitled to Drawback.
ALSO,
40 pieces best Russia Can- vass, 65 do. Topgalliant Duck, 8000 Coffee Bags, 3,500 Gunny Bags, 90 boxes best Spanish Se- gars, 50 boxes English Pipes,
700 Straws 1-2 pt. Tum- blers, 30 doz do. Decanters, 350 pieces excellent Oil Cloth, 250 pieces Paper Hanging, 3 cases Port-Wine.
And at their Store in Main-Street, a great va- riety of
Cutlery and Fancy Articles.
Apply as above. Nov. 9.
F. & W. SOUTHGATE,
OFFER FOR SALE,
For Cash or short credit, at their Store, No. 1, corner of
Commerce and Main-Streets,
A General Assortment of GOODS,
suitable to the present and approaching season;
AMONG WHICH ARE,
Superfine Cloths and Cassimeres,
6-4 and 7-4 coarse Cloths, Fannels, Baizes, Coatings, Thicksets, Corduroys, Blankets, Plains, Halfblacks Scarlet Cardinals, &c. &c. Kenal Cottons in assorted bales, Coarse Hats in assorted boxes, Nails and Spikes of all sizes, F and FF glazed Powder and Shot—ALSO, 200 good Bacon Hams, 50 Kegs Lard, 60 Barrels Smithfield Apple Brandy, 100 Sacks Liverpool fine Salt, 60 Barrels very white Alum Salt, 80 Barrels good Coffee, Likewise,
2 grand and 6 small fine toned PIANO FORTES, And a handsome English made GIG and HARNESS, almost new September 21
Phoenix Fire-Office, Norfolk.
NOTICE.
The following Policies issued from this Office
expire in the month of November, viz.
 283,156 283,160 283,164  157 161 165  158 162 166  159 163 167 
168
Richard Taylor, Agent. November 4.
Female Education.
MISS FLETCHER has removed her School to the house formerly occupied by Mr. Kirk as a School-House, (probably better known as the Old Methodist Meeting- House) where she continues to teach Young Ladies the fol- lowing useful and ornamental branches of Female Education, viz. Reading, Writing, Grammar, Geography, and the El- ements of General History. Also, a variety of Needle Works, Tambouring, Embroidering, and Filigree. All these branches are taught by Miss F. for 32 dollars per an- num. The French Language, Music, Drawing and Paint- ing, are taught if required; for which an extra charge of 2 dollars per quarter, is made, for each branch. Nov. 11.
FOR SALE
In our Ware-House, where the largest vessel
can come along side,
15,000 bushels of CORN,
2000 do. do. white,
30 bales Cotton.
ALSO,
4000 bushels coarse SALT,
150 sacks Ground Alum do.
45 hogsheads old Antigua Rum,
do. Jamaica do.
40 hogsheads Sugar, 80 barrels do.
A few casks excellent Port Wine, Coffee in hogsheads,
Madeira Wine, 45 crates Earthenware,
Tobacco from several inspections.
GEO. MURRAY, & Co. September 9.
THE SUBSCRIBER
Wishes to Sell, and will Sell or Rent on moderate
terms,
That very excellent Wharf and Lot,
in the town of Gosport, at present occupied by William
Smith; the Wharf, Ware-Houses, and Dwelling-House
are all in good repair.
Thirteen Lots in the Town of Suffolk;
And the following Property in Norfolk,
Two good Fire-Proof Warehouses
on the Eastern side of Commerce-Street, Nos 4 and 6.
Two Dwelling-Houses and Lots
on Boush-street, in good repair, and very pleasantly situated
Apply to
John Granbery. September 14.
NOW LANDING
On our Wharf, and for Sale on a liberal credit, from
board the British Schooner Commerce, Capt. Collins,
from Jamaica,
A Cargo of high proof RUM.
C. & F. Whittle. September 2.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar.
The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale
at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of
the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or
on short credits only.
Theo. Armistead.
He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at
the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
JOHN PENDRED'S
Boot and Shoe Manufactory,
No. 70, MAIN-STREET.
The publick are respectfully informed, that
he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest ma- terials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long ex- perienced in the business himself, his factory will not be con- ducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give sa- tisfaction to those who favour him with their commands. N. B. Orders for Double Backstraps, single do. and Cos- sacks, executed with the greatest dispatch. August 1.
FRESH SHOES.
E. STURTEVANT,
No. 77, MAIN-STREET,
Has now Landing from the Schooner Lady Hope,
A Large Assortment of SHOES, &c.
Ladies' Kid Slippers, all colours, do. with ties, do. with heels,
do. Morocco, do. and ties, with Spring, Winternburg,
Wedge and Italian heels.
do. Black and coloured Velvet Slippers and Ties, do. Flo-
rentine Slippers,
do. Morocco Bootees and Slippers with cork soles, do. do.
Bootees, with shoe and pump soles, do. Leather
Bootees with thick and thin soles.
Womens' Leather Slippers and Ties, &c.
Gentlemen's Shoes of various descriptions.
Morocco Slippers and Ties, all colours.
do. Velvet Slippers; do. Leather Slippers and Ties;
do. Leather Bootees, thick and thin soles, &c.
Servants' Shoes of every quality and price.
30 pairs Fishermens' Boots—Also,
1 bale Duffels; 1 do. Duffel Blankets;
A constant supply of American Bed Ticking;
2 bales American Factory Cotton; 1 bale Gilla Handkerchiefs;
50 Trunks; Boot Legs;
Upper Leather, Calfskins, and Sole Leather;
1 case best Chappel Needles; Pinning Wires and Brushes;
Eagle, Harry 8th, Merry Andrew, and Highlander Playing
Cards; 100 reams Wrapping Paper, first quality;
Shoe-Makers' Tools, Morocco Skins, all colours; Hatters'
Trimmings, &c. &c.—For Sale Cheap!
November 23
FOR SALE,
On board the British ship John, capt. Gilmer, just
arrived from Liverpool,
250 Tons STOVE SALT, loose and
in sacks,
50 crates QUEEN'S WARE—By
C. & F. Whittle. October 24
FOR RENT,
That convenient Dwelling-House, on
Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at pre-
sent occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris.
Also,
That commodious House on Catha-
rine-street, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes, ad-
joining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all
convenient out-houses.
Also,
A very convenient Dwelling-House,
just finished, on Commerce-street. For terms apply to
James Tucker.
Who has in Store,
A few thousand bushels Liverpool
stoved SALT, loose and in sacks, that will be delivered in
small or large quantities to suit the purchasers. August 15.
FOR SALE on our Wharf,
200 hogsheads MOLASSES,
53 do. do. superior quality Muscovado Sugars,
37 do. do. inferior do.
255 bags Gurdaspore Coffee; 10 puncheons Rum,
60,000 wt. Jamaica Coffee, in hds, barrels and bags,
10,000 do. Laguira do. 80 Kegs Raisins,
20 cases superior quality Claret,
6000 bushels Iva, 5500 do. St. Ubes, 2500 do. Turks-Is-
land, 5000 do. coarse Liverpool Salt,
10 pipes old Madeira Wine; 4 do. Country Gin,
50 barrels Rye Whiskey; 20 hds. Philadelphia Porter,
1 new 14 inch Cable 120 fathoms.
C. & F. Whittle. July 13.
FOR RENT,
And immediate possession given, that commodious
Fire Proof Dwelling House,
situated at the corner of Commerce and Wide Water Streets,
now in the occupancy of the subscriber as a tavern and
boarding house, and formerly occupied by Mrs. Bryan in
the same line.
The house is in good order and clear of all incumbrances
and will be rented on very moderate terms.
The person who takes the house can have a part of the
furniture at a low price with a liberal credit.
Likewise will be rented with the upper part of the house if
wished for, the Beer and Porter House, which is fitted up in
a neat and handsome manner. For terms apply to the Sub-
scriber upon the premises.
Wm. Tonkin. ALSO, will be rented a Lot on Town Point, well enclosed,
with a dwelling house in good order, calculated for two
families, with Kitchens and other out houses—also a large
shed, which may be converted into a carpenter's or cooper's
work shop. The terms will be