Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1805-08-23 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER.
VOL. II.]
FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 23, 1805.
[NO. 17.
WHOLESALE PRICE-CURRENT.
NORFOLK, FRIDAY, AUGUST 23, 1805.
Table with 5 columns: ARTICLES, per, From, To, Remarks. Lists prices for various goods like Bacon, Beef, Brandy, Bread, Butter, Candles, Coal, Cocoa, Coffee, Cordage, Cotton, Duck, Flour, Fish, Fustick, Gin, Grain, Hemp, Hides, Indigo, Iron, Legwood, Lead, Meal, Molasses, Peas, Pepper, Pimento, Pitch, Pork, Raisins, Rice, Rosin, Rum, Salt, Shingles, Staves, Tar, Tobacco, Tallow, Turpentine, Wax, Wines.
Premiums of Insurance on American Property. To Great-Britain, Ireland, Portugal, and Spain, without the Straights of Gibraltar. 3 1-2. France, Holland, Bremen, and Embden, 4 1-4. In the Mediterranean, 4 1-2. Madeira, Canary, Azores, and Cape Verde Islands, 3 1-2. British and Neutral Windward Islands from Barbadoes to St. Thomas, 4 1-2. Jamaica and Honduras, 10 1-2. Porto Rico, 6. Havana, 4 1-2. Cape-Francis, (unarmed) cannot. Ports in the Bay of Leogane, insured. Ports on the South side of St. Domingo, insured. Persia, India, and China, 4 1-2. Coasters, 2. Prices of Stocks. Virginia Bank, no sale. Norfolk Marine Insurance Company, shares 15 per cent. advance. United States Bank, 540 dollars, per share. Exchange on London, 418 dollars for 100l. Sterling.
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY-FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION
FOR LIVERPOOL, The good Ship MONTICELLO, to sail by the 20th of September. Tobacco or cotton, will be taken in on low freight, if immediate application is made to R. Maitland and Christian, Petersburg, or to Robert Maitland & Co.
FOR NANTZ, The good, fast sailing Ship BRUTUS, Captain PENDERGAST. Burthen 370 bds. or thereabouts—a vessel well calculated to carry tobacco to France. For freight or passage, having excellent accommodations, apply to the Master on board, lying at Mr. Bow's wharf, Portsmouth, or Thomas Payson & Co. At Mr. Fisk's Store.
FOR CHARTER, The good American Brig MARY, Burthen 152 tons; will carry about 180 hogsheads tobacco—she is ready for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to Moses Myers.
FOR LIVERPOOL, The British Ship WILLIAM, Burthen about 450 hogsheads tobacco. A fine ship about 3 years old. About half her cargo being on board, the remainder will be taken at a very low freight if offered soon. Apply to Harrison Allmand.
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The American Ship INDIA PACKET, William Rindge, Master, Burthen 400 bds. Tobacco. Apply to the master on board, or to Phinehas Dana, & Co. Who have received per said ship from St. Lucia, 139 quarter casks SHERRY WINE, for sale on moderate terms.
FOR LONDON, The good and fast sailing Ship SPY, Will be ready to receive a cargo immediately at the moderate freight of 4l. per hhd. and 5 per cent. primage. Apply to the Captain on board, Thomas and Amos Ladd, Richmond; Maitland & Christian, Petersburg; or William Hartshorne, Jun.
FOR PORT GLASGOW, The good British Ship COUNTESS OF BUTE, P. M'KELLAR, Master—Expected to sail by the 10th current—A few Bales of Cotton, or other small stowage, will be taken on freight, if immediate application is made to Robert Maitland & Co. The Countess of Bute, has excellent accommodations—For passage apply to the Master on board.
CADIZ SHIP, For Sale on board the Issy, Captain Ferris, from Cadiz, lying at my wharf, Gosport, which will be sold low, if taken from along side. Apply on board, or to William Pennock. Who offers said Brig for Charter; she carries 260 hogsheads tobacco—will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days.
ALSO—FOR CHARTER, The Copper-bottomed Ship THOMAS, Burthen three hundred hogsheads tobacco, and now ready to receive a cargo.
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The good American Ship JOHN, A. M. SPALDING, Master—257 tons burthen, a staunch, strong, tight vessel, now in complete order for the reception of a cargo—For terms apply to the Captain on board, or Richard Blow.
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The good Copper-bottomed Ship EARL OF LEICESTER, Two hundred tons burthen, will be ready to receive a cargo in three days. For terms apply to Wilson, Cunningham & Co.
FOR LIVERPOOL, The British Brig BETSEY, 300 hogsheads burthen—will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days; a large proportion of her cargo is now engaged, for the balance apply to C. & F. Whittle.
For Freight or Charter, The fine new American Ship MECHANICK, V. BAGLEY, Master, burthen 250 tons, or about 350 bds. tobacco, now ready for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to Robert Gibson.
FOR CHARTER, The American Ship REUNION, Burthen 230 tons—she will be ready for the reception of a cargo in fifteen days. Warren Ashley. WHO HAS ON BOARD SAID SHIP, 3000 Bushels Coarse SALT.
FOR LONDON, The American ship ABERDEEN, William Morgan, Master—Burthen about 450 hogsheads tobacco—Intended to sail by the 1st of August—can take on freight about 200 hogsheads tobacco, and 50 bales cotton. For terms apply to J. & W. Southgate.
FOR LONDON, The Ship MENTOR, Stephen Waterman, Master—Burthen 370 hogsheads tobacco—Will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days, and will sail by the last of this month. She is a very fine vessel of 18 months old, and well found in every respect. For freight or passage, apply to Fredland & Gillies, in Petersburg, or to N. Heron.
FOR A PORT IN FRANCE, The new Portuguese Barque MERCURIO, H. Mazzi, Master—Burthen 170 to 180 hogsheads—having part of her cargo engaged, the balance will be taken on a moderate freight, if immediate application is made to the Captain on board, or to John Newell, Jun.
FOR CHARTER, The good Ship FRANKLIN, Spooner, Master—Burthen about three hundred hogsheads—For terms apply to Moses Myers.
THE SUBSCRIBER HAS RECEIVED BY THE LAST SHIP, FROM HAVANA, 120 Tons Campaign LOG WOOD, of the 1st quality. 70 Logs of MAHOGANY. 100 Boxes White and Brown SUGAR. 50 Hogsheads MOLASSES. ALSO—A HAND, 66 Pipes, 40 Hogsheads, 25 Quarter Casks, 5 Pipes VINEGAR, 40 Barrels WANDAS, 8 Hds. 60 Bds. TENERIFFE WINE. PENNINGTON'S LOAF SUGAR. 12 Hogsheads St. Domingo MAHOGANY. The whole of which will be sold on very moderate terms, for approved paper. Edward Roberts.
WANTED, ROUGH WHITE OAK HOGSHEAD STAVES, of the best quality, for which cash will be given. Robert Maitland & Co.
FOR SALE, On board the Ship John Fox, lying at Maxwell's Wharf, 260 Barrels HERRINGS. 30 do. ROSIN. 30 do. TURPENTINE. 23 do. TAR. 16 do. VARNISH.
I intend to leave this State for some time. John Davidson.
A FEW TONS OF FUSTICK, For sale by William Hartshorne, Jun.
TWO HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD, TO WHITE OR BLACK. RANAWAY from me on the 10th of this month, two Negro Fellows—one by the name of SAM, about 35 years of age, black complexion, about 5 feet one inch high, has a small leg for the size of the man with a large flat foot, flat nose with a good set of white teeth, walks slow and sluggish, and is, when serious, rather a sulky look—is well as I can remember, he has one or two small scars on his nose, one on one of his legs, and one on one foot or his instep, and one on one of his hands; I do not recollect the size of these scars, or whether he has them or not, but I am informed he has—his clothing I cannot describe as he had many, but his working clothes were tow osnaburgs—he carried with him a silver watch, and I expect money; this is an artful fellow, he is by trade a ship carpenter and caulk—I expect this fellow has it in contemplation to aim for the northern state by water, or he may likely try by land, as he has often inquired the way—I have reason to believe he has a free pass, which he will try to escape with. DAVY, a slender made Negro, about the same age, about five feet ten inches high, black complexion, small legs and feet, with a pleasing countenance, and when talking, rather on the subservient order—he has a large scar on his breast, which came from the stroke of the whip when young, his teeth are rather yellow from chewing tobacco, but has a sound set—he is a caulk by trade, and works at the ship carpenter's trade also—He has many clothes, and among which, are a pair of negro cotton trousers, one pair of tow osnaburgs, and a tow osnaburg shirt, that I know of, and a hat covered with canvas, but I have no doubt but they will change their clothing—I suspect him of having a free pass, and will aim for the northern states by water, or he may likely try for the northward by land, as he has often inquired the way—I cannot give any further description, but they may have other marks. I do hereby forewarn all masters of vessels from taking on board their vessels, these negroes at the penalty of the law, I will give above reward for both, or if delivered separately, I will give one hundred dollars each, or if continued in any jail, so that I get him again, with all reasonable expenses paid. John Drew, Sen.
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER, AT HIS LUMBER YARD ON CALVERT'S WHARF, 700,000 SALE SHINGLES. 50,000 BUILDING do. 50,000 STAVES—White and Red Oak. 10,000 CYPRESS PALES. 5,000 CEDAR and CHINQUEPIN POSTS. Also shall keep a supply of PLANK and SCANTLING. Thomas H. Parker.
FROM THE BOSTON GAZETTE. The season is such, that it requires every prevention to be used, to preserve the health and lives of our fellow mortals, and more especially in sea ports and cities, where the air becomes very much impregnated by the effluvia that arises from putrid substances which are thrown into the streets and docks. The most dangerous of these is that which arises from putrid vegetables, such as salads, and the pods of peas and beans that have been kept till they have become very much withered, and soon will ferment, and become putrid when thrown from the doors, and windows of houses, and trodden in the mud. It is highly necessary, that every family should see that their yard and street be kept clean from every kind of substance, when we have not a sufficiency of rain to wash them. Whenever a person has received into his lungs any of this putrid gas, it will immediately raise a fermentation, and become so acrimonious as to destroy the crisis of the blood at once—and by the globules of the blood being broken and mixing with serous juices, it soon causes a constipation, and putrefaction will immediately take place. To remedy this, it is necessary that we make use of such kind of diet and drink, as will prevent any kind of fermentation taking place in the system. As it is common for mankind to perspire a considerable deal in hot weather; it is necessary that these vacancies should be supplied with some kind of fluid or other; and we ought to make use of the most antiseptick kind of drinks, and those that will the least ferment, when taken into the body, especially in hot weather. I have been in the study of Botany these number of years, and have travelled thro' the vegetable kingdom, in search of the virtues which they contain; and have tried many experiments to know their qualities—and I feel myself in duty bound to expose to the publick, at this hot and critical season, one of the greatest antisepticks in nature, THE HOP, OR LUPULUS, Is one of the greatest anti-putrescent that can be produced on the continent of America, or even on the heaths of the old kingdom; so much so, that even their liquor will prevent a piece of meat from putrefying in very hot weather; and of course a beer made of hops, will preserve the juices of the body more than any other liquors whatever, because the fermentation will not take place in the liquor of hops, unless something is added in order to excite it. I believe that if hop liquor was made use of in those cities and sea ports, which are so often visited with epidemic disorders and the yellow fever, that we should hear of very few that would fall victims to its virus. The virtue of hops is such, that it will very much correct the bile, and even dissolve gall stones in the liver, and cleanse the kidneys from sand and gravel and dissolve and carry off the stone in the bladder, by its lithontrip tick and diuretick quality. Those who drink freely of hop beer, will not be troubled with the jaundice or dysentery, and will have no occasion of taking emeticks or catharticks to keep themselves regular. The flower of hops is a great soporifick and easer of pain; so much so, that when opium has failed to give ease you will find by hanging them in your bed chamber, and strewing a few of the flowers between the sheets, that the patient will rest easy and quiet. I should advise to quit those fermentable liquors, such as malt beer, and virous and ardent spirits, and make use of hop beer as a substitute, and I think we should not hear of any putrid disorder prevailing amongst us, altho' the season is uncommonly hot. The quantity to make a barrel is small, 10 or 12 ounces are sufficient. I shall say nothing at present concerning hops; but will ere long, refer the publick to the Botanical Port Folio, where a general description will be given of roots and herbs for the use of the publick. HERBARUS.
FROM BELL'S WEEKLY MESSENGER. The interest which a few months ago was attached to the foreign mails has now altogether ceased. The prospect of a continental alliance has almost wholly abated; and every expectation of a campaign abroad, or indeed of any warlike operations on an extensive plan has finally subsided. This indeed is the season for military enterprizes; but by whom are they to be commenced. We were, in a measure, promised the assistance of Russia upon the opening of parliament: we mean not to assert that Russia herself made any pledge to this effect, but certainly Mr. Pitt made an indirect pledge for her, when we were told in the answer of his Majesty to Buonaparte's overtures for peace, that the British cabinet were engaged in very interesting negotiations with Russia, and could not treat without the special concurrence of that power. Six months have now elapsed, and there is no reason for thinking that these interesting negotiations have terminated favourably; in other words, there is no hope of an offensive alliance between Russia and this country, for any purpose of continental hostility towards France. It is not, therefore, unlikely that Buonaparte will again seize the moment to offer peace; he will then extort from us whether this obstacle, of consulting our allies, still exists, or whether indeed, we have any allies at all. Austria is generally despaired of; and we had occasion to mention, in our last, that there was every reason to think that, between France and Russia, something more existed than a mere neutral connexion. From the withdrawing of the Italian cordon, and the traffic and interchange of dominions in Italy, it appeared to us that there was much of what is called political friendship between these powers; and by the late movement upon the Turkish frontiers, there is more reason for apprehending an alliance with France in an attack upon that kingdom, than an alliance with us in attack upon France. The insult which France has lately suffered from Turkey she is not likely soon to forgive; and, except in Egypt, to which she has a strong propensity, she has no means of humbling the Porte. It is not, therefore, improbable but that she would join with Austria, or rather goad her on to any attack which would be the means of punishing her former ally—Meantime, Austria, who has suffered so cruel a curtailment of her dominion in Italy and on the Rhine, must naturally be desirous to make up her losses by striking a balance in the partition of the Turkish empire. In this project Prussia could not obstruct her; neither could Russia; whilst it would be the means of gaining her the protection and alliance of France, and the mind of Buonaparte would thus be eased of all apprehensions of continental attack; for it may seem superfluous to say that, without the intervention of Austria; no effectual blow could be dealt to the territorial aggrandisement of France. That something of this sort is meditating is the general opinion of the continent, and there is at least plausibility in the conjecture. Offensive war we can scarcely expect, for we have been obliged to wage defensive hostilities, as well for our own protection as for that of our colonies, and it is the policy of Buonaparte to attack us in some foreign quarters, in order to dissipate our troops, and withdraw them from our own shores.

By Captain Deagle's Packet, from Baltimore, we have received from our attentive correspondent, papers of that City of Tuesday, Philadelphia of Monday last, and Boston of Thursday the 15th from which we have made copious extracts.
The United States' Frigate Adams, Capt. Murray, went to sea this morning.
OBSERVATOR, on the VIRGINIA BANK is received, the Editor wishes an interview with the Author, who has made a mistake which we wish him to correct, or signify by the Letter Box, that we may do it for him, it is in a fact, in which he is unquestionably mistaken.
ABUSE OF THE IRISH CATHOLICK CAUSE.
I have known men, to whom I am not uncharitable in saying, that they would have become Papists in order to oppress Protestants; if, being Protestants, it was not in their power to oppress Papists!—As to the Coronation oath, to which you allude, as opposed to admitting a Roman Catholick to the use of any Franchise whatsoever, I cannot think that the king would be perjured, if he gave his assent to any regulation which Parliament might think fit to make, with regard to that affair. BURKE.
LIBERTY has been, with some appearance of accuracy, said to consist in a right to do every thing, and to enjoy every thing, the performance or enjoyment of which is not prohibited by the just laws of the community in which we reside. But were this, as all definitions of such subjects ought to be, received as universally correct, it would follow that the subjects of Hesse Cassel, or any other petty tyranny of Germany, that the peasantry of the Empire of Russia, who are degraded from the rank of men and legally stigmatised by the appellation of slaves, enjoy as pure liberty as do the citizens of the United States. But to entitle this definition to respect, it is necessary that it be understood that those laws proceed from that community which is to be governed by them, either directly or indirectly; that they be enacted either by the congregation of the people themselves, or by representatives chosen from, and invested with authority by, the people. Unless this be the case, however good the laws may be, the subject of those laws cannot be said to possess liberty; inasmuch as they are liable to the passion, the ambition, the avarice, nay even to the intemperate and unaccountable caprice of an individual, or of a junto, who, in an insane or vindictive moment, may reverse the entire code, and from a state of comparative happiness precipitate a whole people into all the miseries of penurious slavery.
Of this truth, that it is necessary for a people, either personally or by representation, to consent to laws which are to govern them, in order to constitute them freemen, the citizens of the United States have ever been fully sensible; the declaration of their independence proceeded from this privilege having been denied to them; it is the broad basis on which their constitution is erected: and it is the possession of this right of self-government, alone, that makes this the freest nation at present known in the world.
But are the citizens of the United States the only people to whom the right of making their own laws is to be entrusted? Having secured their own liberty, is it to depend upon their fiat whether the same blessing is or not to be extended to others? Are they of late become so jealous of liberty that they feel its possession by any other people as an injury to themselves? Is all their boasted greatness of soul and liberality of sentiment "shrunk to this little space"? Such would seem to be the revolution in the thoughts and conduct of many of our patriots, from the discussions which the condition and claims of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland have lately undergone, in some of the papers of the United States.
The people of any other nation, when conversing of America, consider the citizen of the United States as the friend and advocate of universal liberty, and the warm patronizer of the just and social "rights of man". "He is himself happy, say they, in the possession and enjoyment of every political blessing, and his soul shudders to think that there is any portion of mankind to whom they are denied!"—How very different would be their opinions were they in the United States, and did they read the productions of some of our boasting advocates for liberty, did they hear the sentiments which many of our most noisy patriots are not ashamed to avow! Would they not call us a base and degenerate people? . . . And surely the earth cannot bear a wretch more despicable than an American who can be the advocate of political slavery, or the friend of religious intolerance.
More than once has the Ledger spoken of the oppression of the people of Ireland; but it spoke with modesty and diffidence, though the feelings which dictated its language were not only warm but indignant. The writer of what it has hitherto said on that subject was himself a native of Ireland, but wholly free from national bigotry, though not perhaps from national attachment; he is no Roman Catholick, and was not actuated by any feelings of party. In the United States he learnt to revere liberty, social, civil, and religious; wherever it appeared to hail it with gladness; and to lament the unhappy fate of those from whom it is withheld. Little could the then proprietors of the Publick Ledger imagine that for what he said, their paper could have been liable to such a denunciation as has gone forth against it.
The Norfolk Gazette and Publick Ledger has been denounced to the people of America as a Democratic Newspaper!!! Did any thing exist to give a plausible colouring to this charge, we would freely acknowledge that malignity itself could not have invented one more truly distressing to our feelings, more derogatory to our political sentiments.
Among those Editors who have lent their columns to such scribblers as have thought proper to abuse the cause of the Irish Catholicks, or who have undertaken to be themselves the revilers of that cause, some notice is due to Mr. BENJAMIN RUSSELL, the Editor of the Columbian Centinel , at Boston.
If Major Russell be not himself the author in the present instance, we have at least reason to consider him as the instigator of the person who wrote the essay signed " An American ," in his paper of the 3rd. of this month; our paper has no subscribers in Boston, and can be read there only through the medium of the Printing Offices. We shall, however, consider Major Russell as the author; and, be his abilities what they may, we apprehend he will not derive much respect from having this honour conferred on him.
He sets out by taking it as granted (a mode of reasoning frequently assumed by those who have no other) that none but Democrats have undertaken, or could undertake, to condemn the measures of the British Government with respect to Ireland. "The rejection of the Irish Roman-Catholick petition, by the British parliament, is the bone they [the democrats] are now gnawing, from New-Hampshire to Georgia"—This is according to democrats a much higher honour than we should be willing to allow them; that if being the only persons in the United States who are interested for the fate of the people of Ireland. We understand the petition of the Irish Catholicks as only asking for a participation of that liberty, of those rights and privileges, which are enjoyed by the other subjects of the British crown: may we defy any casuist to prove that they have asked more than belong to them as men, and as members of the political society, of which were justice done them they would constitute so large and so respectable a portion. And is it a fact that in the United States, in Boston, the Cradle of American liberty, there is to be found a being so warped by prejudices, so derelict in principle, as to oppose such a demand, as to abuse and stigmatize those who have the honesty to say it ought to be granted? Yes, even in Boston is to be found the person who tells us that we ought not to take any interest in what concerns the people of Ireland; that they ought to excite no greater sympathy in our breasts than we should feel for those of Japon or Crim Tartary .
"Who (continues Mr. Russell) made the hireling paragraphists of a Gazette, the guardians of the franchises of the Irish, or any other Catholicks?" We would answer, that the same being who endowed the human mind with the perception of right and wrong, gave to the writers of Gazettes, not less, than to other men, the power to know, and the heart to love, what is good, to execrate what is bad. And though the Gazettes of America can have no influence on the cause of the Catholicks of Ireland, yet seeing the iniquity of any opposition to it, we know not how any of them could be silent—Such war as virtue wages against vice, would we ever wage with the opponents of such claims, and with the arguments used to overthrow them. As to the charge of hireling , it was one about which Mr. Russell himself, at one time, affected to be very angry; we believe we are hired in the same manner that he is hired; were not our paper paid for it could not exist, either to advocate or (as Mr. Russell has preferred) to abuse the cause of the Irish Catholicks.
But our readers do not yet know why we should appropriate to ourselves the remarks of Major Russell. The following will explain—"They [the Irish] may think a people extremely meddlesome , who concern themselves so much with the affairs of a foreign nation, with whom the United States are at peace; and to whom its chief magistrate (Mr. Jefferson) has promised "an honest friendship"—But when they know the conductors of the principal Democratic papers in Baltimore, Norfolk, New-York, and Boston, are imported foreigners; and it is through their CANALS alone that this busy-body abuse is ejected ; their surprise and curiosity will cease together."—Reader what do you think of a man who, at the time he accuses us of absolute ignorance of the subject on which we were writing, is himself so absolutely ignorant of those of whom he speaks as not to know that he was so grossly exposing himself in attempting to expose them. It is the duty of the Editor of a Newspaper to be acquainted with the political character of every other similar publication in the country: this duty as respects us, Mr. Russell seems to think unnecessary. There is no democratic paper, that we know of, as yet in Norfolk; but if there were a dozen such, the Publick Ledger (the only Norfolk paper that has said any thing particular respecting the Irish petition) would never be ambitious of having itself celebrated as their LEADER!
The attempt to cast a stigma upon those who have not been born, but naturalized, citizens of the United States, is a ridiculous illiberality, which always recoils upon its author. If either can claim any particular respect from their country, merely because they are citizens, it surely ought to be the man who at mature age gave it the preference to that in which he was born; who chose it as the place of his future residence, when his judgment enabled him to form an opinion concerning its institutions, and the relative degree of happiness they were capable of affording to him. But what merit can any man assume from a circumstance over which he could have no control: his being born in this or that country is not his own act. We should hear of no distinction between native and naturalized citizens, except what is created by the constitution. If they act right or wrong they are to be equally praised or censured, as citizens of the United States, but not as natives of Massachusetts or of Ireland. On this subject the editor of this paper, being himself a native born citizen, may be allowed to give his opinion, without fear of being charged with partiality. Until it can be proved that all our good citizens are natives and that all our bad citizens are imported (as the polite phrase is), any clamour against the latter is not less unjust than unbecoming the character assumed by the former.
The sentiments heretofore expressed in the Publick Ledger respecting the state of the Irish Catholicks although not written by the present Editor, have his fullest approbation and concurrence; they do not need his justification; they speak to the heart of every lover of freedom, every friend of man; nor are they to be overthrown by any of the writers for the Boston Centinel.
We shall not enter into any minute examination of the arguments in justification of the rejection of the Catholick Petition, brought forward by Mr. Russell.—They are pirated—the reader will find them in the weak and obortive attempt of the Son of my Lord of Liverpool—Such a cause is but indifferently supported by an abstract of arguments from such an authority. An American is disgraced by resorting to them.—This liberal New-England American says "the Roman Catholicks refuse to take certain oaths," meaning we presume the test , as it is termed; this is false; his oracle, Hawksbury, does not venture to make such an assertion in the very face of truth. "They hold that good faith may be violated with hereticks; and that the Pope, as head of the Church, has power to dispense with the obligations of their oaths of allegiance; and that it is a tenet of their religion, that subjects may rise in arms and destroy a heretical Prince, or President—that is such as will not implicitly acknowledge the Pope's supremacy, and submit to his mandates." For a refutation of these ungenerous calumnies, see their Petition itself; see also the speeches of Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox, men rather better acquainted with the subject than even Major Russell, who modestly calls every one besides himself ignorant of the matter.
That the condition of the Irish Catholicks has been considerably ameliorated during the present reign, is not denied; but that is not enough; no state is free while one class of subjects enjoys rights from which another class is interdicted. The catholicks ask to be made equal to their protestant brethren: they ask their right; and they ask what must sooner or later be accorded to them. This Mr. Russell tells us that it is "a fact that the Roman Catholicks in Ireland suffer fewer incapacities than Protestants do in any country on earth, where the Roman Catholick is the predominant mode of worship." This, if a fact, is, we apprehend, what a certain great writer would call a FALSE fact . The German Empire is a contradiction. But were it true, it does not in any wise affect the justice of the Irish claims. He then tells us that being excluded from a seat in parliament does not affect the people at large, only a few rich men and nobles. Is this then an American's idea of the advantage of the Elective Franchise, that because the people at large cannot deliberate on laws, to be prohibited from being represented by men who know their wants and are interested in their condition, is no grievance?—Fye on the man who could think thus.
If the Essence of liberty consists in being governed by laws made by the people, or their immediate representatives, then, inasmuch as the Irish catholicks have no actual , and not even a virtual representation, are destitute of power over laws in their insipient state, they are destitute of political liberty.
The Boston editor who would justify the British Government for unjustly denying an equal participation of those rights and immunities which ought to be alike the property of all, to a large portion of its subjects; for making their religious tenets the plea for holding in subjection, and excluding from any share in the government of their country, a number of men equal to the entire free population of the United States; will, we hope, find the task a difficult one, in this country, to persuade any but mere bigots to unite in such opinions. The liberal Englishman disclaims them as unworthy to be entertained; little did we imagine that the American press would volunteer as their advocate. Much less could we have expected to find the abettors of Religious Tyranny in the citizens of the enlightened State of Massachusetts; in the descendents of those men who were by Religious Persecution compelled to abandon their native country; who preferred to encounter all the hardships and dangers of emigration to an unknown and barbarous land, rather than submit to be the slaves of Religious Intolerance. Yet such is the change which a few years can produce. Three-fourths of the inhabitants of a nation are refused any share in the government of their country, are kept in a state of political thralldom, are stigmatized as unworthy of authority, trust, or command, are held as aliens to the councils or even the presence of their sovereign, for no other reason than because they profess in a different mode the same religion which is the religion of all; and a citizen of America, whose boast is that all men are born equal, and that all sects of religion are alike privileged, steps forward the voluntary defender of such tyranny; and without remorse issues his anathema against every man who dares to say that it is unjust. When we merely say that such conduct is dishonourable to the character of an American, we speak of it with the utmost forbearance of which we are capable.
Mr. Russell concludes his Essay by advising us instead of declaiming on the oppression of the Irish Papists, to turn our attention to, and endeavour to ameliorate, the condition of our own slaves. On this subject we shall only say that we, as much as he possibly can, regret that in our country it should be thought necessary to hold even one human being in slavery. It is a subject, however, which we shall not discuss; but we know not how it can be inferred that because the system of negro slavery has been tolerated by the constitution of the United States, or is fostered by particular states, we therefore should feel no sympathy for the condition of the people of Ireland. We shall quit this subject with a remark that has often occurred to us, which is that in no other country has the late struggle and present exertion of the Irish been so much censured, abused, and vilified, as in the United States, and in no part of the United States so much as in New-England, and particularly Massachusetts; the reasons which urge
the writers in that quarter to pursue this subject in the manner they do, (if indeed they have any reason whatever) are best known to themselves: their essays abound only in unfounded detraction; in scurrilous applications of the words Irish renegado, Irish Rebel, &c. &c. and in an unmeaning bandying of the word foreigner , applied by each party to stigmatize the other, with mutual acrimony, and mutual absurdity—No man is a foreigner who has been and is a Citizen of the United States.
POLITICAL ESSAYS
ON THE ESSENTIAL AND DISTINCTIVE QUALITIES OF DEMOCRACIES AND REPUBLICS, WITH REFERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.
From the Baltimore Republican or Anti-Democrat.
ESSAY VI.
I proceed to shew, from the definitions of the most accredited lexicographers, and the highest authorities, among the moderns and ancients, that a right in the people to assemble collectively and enact laws, is of the essence of democracy.
Mr. Walker in his Critical Pronouncing Dictionary (the authority quoted in the Aurora) defines democracy, "one of the three forms of government,—that in which the sovereign power is lodged in the body of the people."
Democracy, in Johnson's Dictionary, is defined—"One of the three forms of government,—that in which the sovereign power is neither lodged in one man, nor in the nobles, but in the collective body of the people."
The Dictionnaire Philosophique defines democracy, "a species of government, in which the legislative power is exercised by the people."
In the French Encyclopedie, democracy is defined—"One of the simple forms of government, in which the people in a body possess the sovereign power.—Every republiq where the sovereignty resides in the people is a democracy."
I shall now produce authorities to ascertain what is here meant by sovereign power.
Montesquieu observes (6) "When the body of the people in a republiq, are possessed of the supreme power, this is called a democracy." Libanius says that "at Athens, a stranger who intermeddled in the assemblies of the people was punished with death" this was (Montesquieu remarks) because such a man usurped the rights of sovereignty. (9) Hence the sovereign power is in the people assembled, not in the people individually.
The French Encyclopedist, under the article democracy, above quoted, as if to remove any cavil which might be raised, observes—"Before we proceed further, it is necessary to remark, that in a democracy each citizen does not possess the sovereign power, nor even a part of it; this power resides in the general assembly of the people."
Again Mr. Hume in his 2nd Essay, says, "the constitution of the Roman Republiq gave the whole legislative power to the people, without allowing a negative voice either to the nobility or consuls.—This unbounded power they possessed, in a collective, not in a representative body."
Thus we see, according to these definitions and illustrations, that, in a democracy, the sovereign power is in the people collectively or assembled to enact laws, and not in a part, or in the people individually. Hence it follows, that, the essence of a democracy, consists in a power to enact laws being lodged in the body of the people, or in the people collectively.
In further proof of this point, I shall content myself for the present, with a few authorities chiefly drawn from the ancients.
Of the authorities derived from the ancients, they will be principally those which are relied upon by the Abbé Barthélémy, in his celebrated work, entitled the Travels of Anacharsis, the younger, in Greece; more particularly those which he quotes in his chapter "of the nature of government according to Aristotle and other Philosophers;" and his chapter of "the present government of Athens."
A right in the people, collectively, to enact laws, and try offences committed against the laws of the state, is of the essence of democracy. This is the position to be further illustrated.
It may not perhaps be improper, in this place, to remark, that it is not meant to convey an idea, that the will of the people, in the enacting of laws, in a democracy, is expressed in one way only, or in an assembly where all are collected; this will may be ascertained by taking the votes of the people seriatim , or successively, in small collections, or tribes, as was sometimes practised in Athens and other cities in Greece, the majority of the whole votes deciding.
Aristotle observes (10)—"that all matters of deliberation should be decided by all the people is consonant to a democracy, but is susceptible of many variations; for all the people may be entitled to deliberate and decide either collectively or successively." Hence whether the votes or suffrages of all are given collectively or successively, still it is the majority of the votes of the whole that is to decide in the formation of laws.
Our knowledge and notions of democracy have their source in the ancient democracies, or what we find in ancient writers concerning them. All of modern date have had those for their model. To this source, therefore, we must apply for correct information, relative to their distinguishing characteristics and composition.
The general characteristics of democracy are thus described by Aristotle.
The nature of democracy requires that the supreme authority of the government should reside, not in the distinguished few, but, in the great body of the people. (11) That all the offices of the magistracy, or at least the greatest part, should be conferred, by lot, on each individual. That all the citizens be alternately distributed in the courts of justice. That a senate be instituted to prepare those affairs which are finally to be determined on in the national and sovereign assembly, at which all the citizens may be present. (12)
For a particular case I shall select the celebrated Athenian democracy.
Solon determined that the supreme power should reside in the assemblies, at which every citizen should have a right to be present; and where all ordinances respecting peace, war, alliances, laws, imposts, and all the great interests of the state, should be finally decided. (13)
The assemblies were held in the theatre of Bacchus, in the publick market, or in a spacious place near the citadel named the Pnyx. (14)
Six thousand suffrages were requisite to give the force of law to several decrees. (15) It was not however at all times practicable, it seems, to obtain this number; for during the whole course of the Peloponnesian war, it was found impossible to collect
(8) Spirit of Laws, book ii. chap. 2. (9) Idem. (10) Arist. De Rep. lib. iv. (11) Idem lib. viii. (12) Idem lib. iv. (13) Plut. in Solon. (14) Tucid. (15) Demosth.

more than five thousand citizens in the general assembly. (16)
Herodotus says that Aristagoras, ambassador from the Ionians, found it harder to deceive one Spartan than thirty thousand Athenians; meaning, in a loose way, the whole state supposed to be met in one popular assembly. (17)
With respect to the Athenian Courts of Justice. The right of protecting innocence is not acquired at Athens by either birth or riches. As all may be present at the assembly of the nation and decide on the interests of the state, all are likewise entitled to give their suffrages in the courts of justice, and to regulate the interests of individuals. (18)
There were ten tribunals at Athens, four for homicide, and six for other causes, as well criminal as civil.
These assemblies did not meet at the same time, with those of the people, being both composed nearly of the same persons. (19)
I do not take into view the Areopagus, which was a perpetual body; nor the senate and archons, which were elected for one year, and aristocratical; nor the mode of distributing the citizens among the courts of justice, as particulars not of moment to the question. Those who may desire more particulars, will be amply gratified by consulting the Travels of Anacharsis, the younger, and Aristotle's Politics.
After this description it is easy to conceive the noise, tumult, and confusion, that must prevail in democratic assemblies.
(15) Thucyd. lib. viii. chap. 72.
(16) Livy, lib. v.
(17) Plut. in Solon.
(18) Abbe Bartolommeo in Anacharsis.
(19) Abbe Bartolommeo in Anacharsis.
FROM THE AMERICAN CITIZEN.
The conduct of Spain to the United States for several years back, has been a series of trials of the public patience of America. Many examples of the bad faith of that government have occurred, and it seems to me that there has been some intention to try American forbearance to the last stretch. That government seems either very ill informed, or ours has been very wickedly misrepresented by her ministers. I have been often told that her ambassador, the Marquis Yrujo, has been accustomed to meddle in our politics; and if any credit is due to the publications in certain newspapers of a neighbouring state, he has been concerned in intrigues that ought not to be suffered by our government. I might perhaps lay less stress on the reports concerning his political interference in our local political affairs; were there not in my possession evidence much more weighty than what is always to be found in newspapers, having some intimacy with some gentlemen who returned sometime ago from Cadiz, the failure of the convention or treaty entered into for the restoration of our merchandise captured and carried into Spanish ports. He told me the failure was owing not to any neglect of duty on the part of Mr. Pinckney, but to a wicked stratagem of the Spanish ambassadors, aided by some Americans, and one of them belonging to this city. Upon further conversation he put into my hand a paper, of which the following is a copy.
January 9, 1804.
(Copy.)
Abstract Questions.
The power A* lives in perfect harmony and friendship with the power B; but the power C either with reason or without, commits hostilities against the power B, takes some of their vessels, carries them into the ports of A, friends of both, where they are condemned and sold by the official agents of the power C, without power A being able to prevent it. B and C adjust their differences, and in this treaty the power B renounces and abandons to the power C the right to any claim for the injuries and losses occasioned to its subjects by the hostilities from power C.
Quere.
Has the power B any right to call upon the power A for indemnities for the losses occasioned in its ports and coasts to its subjects by those of power C, after the power B has abandoned or relinquished, by its treaty with power C, its right for the damages which could be claimed for the injuries sustained from the hostile conduct of C.
Answer.
We have considered the above case, and are of opinion, that on the general principles of the law of nations, the power A is not liable to the power B for acts done upon the vessels belonging to the subjects of the power B, by the power C, within the ports of A, the latter not being able to prevent it. Nations are not more than individuals bound to perform impossibilities. But even leaving impossibilities out of the question, and admitting that the power A could have prevented the injury which was committed by the power C, but refused or neglected to do it, we are of opinion, that the power B has released or relinquished the same injury to power C, in that case the power A is no longer liable to any responsibilities in damages on account of its acquiescence.
1st. Because it appears to us that, in the present case, the power C is to be considered as the principal party, and the power A merely an accessory, and that it is in that relation to each other that their several acts, and their respective liability to the injured party is to be considered: now it is in the nature of all accessory things, that they cannot subsist without the principal thing: and the principal trespass being done away by the release to C, the accessory offence of A must be done away likewise, according to the well known maxim of the law, accessorius sequitur principalis .
2d. Because a release or relinquishment of a right implies, in law, the receipt of satisfaction, and it is contrary to every system of jurisprudence for a party to receive a double satisfaction for the same injury: and here the injury received by B from C, and from A, is essentially the same; the act of these two powers were indeed different, but the effect which they produced was the same, and that effect only can be the object of compensation in damages.
3d. Because, if the power A could be compelled to make satisfaction to the power B for the injury which the latter has released or relinquished to C, that release or relinquishment would be defeated to every useful purpose, as the power C would be liable to the power A for the same damages from which it was intended to be discharged by the release of B. Now a release, as well as any other contract or engagement, implies that nothing shall be done by the grantor directly or indirectly to defeat its bona fide intent or effect. If, therefore, the claim proffered by B upon A will, if admitted, indirectly defeat the release granted to C; such claim must be pronounced to be illegal.
Upon the whole we are of opinion, that the release granted by the power B to the power C, operates also as release to the power A, for its participation on the enquiry which was the object of that release.
Philadelphia, 15th November, 1802.
JARED INGERSOLL, WILLIAM RAWLE, Es. Copia. J. B. M'KEAN. P. S. DUPONCEAU.
Answer of the Attorney General of the District of New-York to the same question.
According to the above statement, I should have no doubt that B, having abandoned its right to an indemnity against C, would have no claim whatever against A, more especially as the case supposes it
* Spain † United States ‡ France
out of the power of A to have prevented the transaction.
New-York, 3d November, 1802.
EDWARD LIVINGSTON, Es. Copia.
The important papers above shall hereafter be noticed.
BALTIMORE, August 20.
Combined Fleets.—By the arrival of the ship Sally, capt. Webb, at Newburyport, in 40 days from Liverpool, we learn that upon the 5th of July, in lat. 43, 30, long. 22, 30, she fell in with the combined French and Spanish fleets. They put on board the ship Sally, the lady of the governor of Montserrat, and Messrs. Drisdale and Cook, late supercargoes of two of the English merchantmen captured off Antigua, and burnt by the French fleet. The fleets were but 700 miles west of Ferrol, and steering a direct course for that port, so that their object must be to drive off, or capture the blockading vessels, form a junction with the Ferrol squadron, and then proceed to the attack of the channel fleet. Should Lord Nelson proceed to the Mediterranean or not arrive in time to check the career of his flying foe, the consequence may be of a most alarming and fatal nature to the safety and prosperity of the British isles.
CHARLESTON, August 10.
In the account published in the Times of yesterday, relative to the wreck of the ship fallen in with by capt. Lark, of the schooner Sally, a very material error occurred, which it is of consequence immediately to correct.—It was stated the letters cut upon the spar picked up were "Blenheim, G. R." but upon a close examination we find them to be "BLANCH, M. G. R." The spar also appears to be about the size of the mizen royal yard of a frigate.
Capt. Lark further states, that he plainly distinguished the British ensign, but so entangled with the rigging, that he could not get at it.
A few days before capt. Lark left Martinico, a Spanish and a French frigate sailed from Port Royal, and two days after two French frigates, a sloop of war, and a cutter brig, also sailed. These vessels were left behind when the combined fleet sailed from Martinico—their destination was not known, but supposed for Europe.
We think it not improbable, that one of the above squadrons have fallen in with and engaged a British king's ship, which has unfortunately been blown up in the action. This is rendered the more likely, from the circumstance of her colours being hoisted at the time of the explosion—in this event we hope a great part of her crew may have been saved.
Times.
The preceding article confirms the opinion we offered in our last, respecting the Blenheim. The Blanch is a frigate on the West-India station.
Ed. Ledger.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
LONDON, June 25.
An attempt will, in all probability, be shortly made by the Texel squadron to put to sea. Accounts have been received by a neutral vessel which sailed last Thursday from the Texel that all the men of war and transports there were in complete readiness for sea. The latter are stated to amount to seventy sail, with troops on board and victualled for a considerable time; the former consist of five sail of the line, two frigates, and three sloops. The intelligence brought by neutrals from the Texel, respecting the enemy's armaments, has generally proved incorrect, but this account is in a great degree confirmed by letters from our cruisers off the harbour. One of them says:—We still continue cruising off this place; yesterday we boarded a vessel under Prussian colours coming out, from the master of which we learn that the enemy's force consists of the five sail of the line and three large corvettes in the Mars Diep, one line of battle ship, which has been hove down, and put in a complete condition for sea and a large frigate, in the New Diep. The whole were preparing for sea. Several corps of French troops had of late marched in, for the purpose, it is supposed, of accelerating the works that are carrying on.
Should the Texel armament succeed in escaping, it is not unlikely that it will push for the Cape of Good Hope. On board of so great a number of transports there cannot be less than ten thousand troops; and were they landed at the Cape, they would constitute a very formidable disposable force which might, according to circumstances, be directed from that point against our dominions in India.
June 29.
The Dutch camp at Zeyst has received very considerable reinforcements, and the troops are to be embarked in the Texel as speedily as possible. A great number of stores and a considerable quantity of ammunition are also preparing for embarkation.
Intelligence is said to have reached government, of the determination of Austria to operate in a decisive and vigorous manner against France in consequence of the consolidation of the Ligurian Republic with the empire of Bonaparte, who is stated, on receiving a dispatch at Milan from Vienna, to have declared, that as Francis seemed tired of the Imperial Crown, he should take the first opportunity of adding it to his own. Those who circulate, and those who give credit, to such absurd rumours, are equally contemptible.
July 2.
A Messina article of June 17, says—That an American squadron, consisting of 13 vessels, of different sizes, of which part is in our port, and the other in Syracuse, is shortly to make a new attack on Tripoli.
Notwithstanding various reports in the publick papers, it is not ascertained that Monroe the American minister, had left Madrid on the 26th May. Whenever he leaves that city, he comes immediately here to resume his station; and then Mr. Erving, late consul and agent of the United States, and Chargé d'Affaires here, goes to Madrid, as Secretary of Legation, and Ch. des Affaires to that court. Gen. Lyman has succeeded Mr. Erving in his late employment here.
The Prussian Monarch [by a note through Baron Hardenberg] has avowed his resolution to prevent the subsidiary treaty with Great-Britain, for 25,000 Swedish troops being carried into effect.
The articles of impeachment against lord Melville were ordered to be printed on the 4th July, and to be taken into consideration on the 9th. There are eight specific charges; five of them amount to $4,000,000. deficiency; the other three regard the supposed violation of the law in drawing the naval money, &c.
There is a considerable degree of bustle at the Downs. The fleet assembled there, has been joined by no less than fourteen small fire ships; a larger number than is usually attached to such a fleet, which has given rise to many conjectures.
On the 19th June, his Britannick majesty, by message, informed his Parliament, "That the communications which had taken place between him and certain continental powers, had not yet been brought to such a point as could enable him to lay the result before Parliament, or to enter into any further explanations with the French government, consistently with the declaration made in the speech at the commencement of the session, &c."
Votes of thanks passed both houses of Parliament, and assurances of their cordial support, in enabling his majesty to adopt such steps as might be best calcu-
lated for the safety of Great Britain, and the general interests of Europe. The vote of thanks was opposed in both houses. It passed the Peers 111 to 53. The Prince of Wales was in the minority. In the Commons it passed without a division. A vote for more money to be expended in subsidies, has also passed.
July 3.
We informed the publick yesterday, that his majesty has lately been unfortunately afflicted with a complaint in his eyes. It is with deep regret we have to state to day, that that complaint is of a most serious nature.
We received this morning the Paris papers to the 26th, and Dutch to the 27th ult. The Decree for incorporating Genoa has been carried into execution, and on the 11th June that ancient Republick was finally destroyed, and the French flag hoisted upon all the fortifications and ships in the harbour!—There is in the Monitor an article, inserted we may be sure not without design, from Castiglioni, in which a pompous display is given of the French army encamped, amounting to 43 battalions of infantry, 45 squadrons of cavalry, and a large train of artillery. "Besides this army," says the article in question, "we have a division at Genoa, another at Florence, a third at Naples, and is short, more troops in Italy than we ever had, independently of the corps of Italian troops, who appear anxious to render themselves worthy of their Sovereign. In reading this article it struck us that this pompous display of military strength was made under the impression of suspicion with respect to the designs of Austria, and with a view to convince her that this was the most unreasonable time for her to undertake any thing against the French power in Italy. It would not have been necessary for Bonaparte to have had more troops in Italy than ever he had, for the mere purpose of coronation parade. Had he not been suspicious of Austria, he would have avoided pouring so many troops in Italy, in order that he might not give umbrage, or induce the court of Vienna to believe, that he viewed it with suspicion.
July 4.
M. De Novozilow's mission is considered by the Paris Journalists as likely to lead to peace between Russia and France. They observe upon it, "if Russia had unsuitable proposals to make, she would not incur the expence of an embassy, because the character of the Emperor Napoleon is now too well known in Europe, for any one to hope to impose upon him by political illusion or boasting.—Russia has neither an interest nor the means of contending with a colossal power so well established as France; and hence it is permitted to reckon upon an approximation which may be useful to the two countries."—At any rate, the Parisian Journalists will not admit of the probability of a continental war.—"At Paris, as well as Vienna," they say "every thing concurs in assuring us that peace will not be disturbed. The desire manifested by the Emperors of Germany and France to preserve the good understanding that exists between the two courts—every thing changes our hope to certainty. The result of this security is the same at Paris as at Vienna. The funds at both places have risen. At Paris they continue to rise, and the five per cent which were but at 60 when the Emperor set off for Italy, were on the 23d June at 62." The rise of the Austrian funds was certainly not produced by any pacific hopes, but by the determination of the Government to repay at fixed periods the sums lent by the Dutch to Austria during the war. We believe that so far from being on good terms with Bonaparte, she has lately presented a strong remonstrance, and demanded an explicit declaration with respect to his views in Italy.
The Boston Packet, from Boston, arrived at Plymouth the day before yesterday. The Captain reports that he passed through the homeward bound Jamaica fleet, all well, about three days since, so that their arrival may be hourly expected.
Hopes, we are happy to state, are now entertained that the catarract will not extend to both his majesty's eyes. His majesty, we are rejoiced to state, is otherwise in most excellent health.
July 5.
Intelligence was this morning received at the admiralty, by a telegraphical communication from Portsmouth, that the Desiree frigate, with the homeward bound Jamaica fleet, passed the port at 10 o'clock.
We can assure our readers, from the most respectable and undoubted authority, that the earl of Buckinghamshire, lord Sidmouth, and Mr. Vansittart have resigned the offices they held in the administration.
The emperor of the French is desirous of arranging his new establishments on the grandest possible scale. France he considers as his dwelling house and family mansion, and his numerous enlargements of territory in Germany and the low countries as so many enclosures from the publick commons. Italy is to be his villa for occasional spring and summer visits, whence he enjoys a wide view towards Turkey and Egypt; in the last of which he proposes, whenever he can call the land his own, to erect a Prospect House, commanding the interesting distant objects of Madras and Calcutta, and the whole Hindostan country. Spain and Portugal, and Etruria and Naples, are merely his surrounding tenantry. He wants Sweden for an ice house. He has not as yet, turned his imperial mind to the erection of a mausoleum. When he comes to England, he will, most probably, find there his tomb, in which he may repose gloriously, in the midst of his gallant companions in arms.
La Valient, French frigate of 50 guns, 18 pounders, and 243 men, has been captured by La Loire, of 44 guns, capt. Maitland, and sent into port.—La Valient has captured the Earl of Spencer packet for New-York.
Admiral Cornwallis has resumed the command of the channel fleet. He has hoisted his flag at the main of the Ville de Paris, of 110 guns, who has also on board vice admiral Nugent, and capt. Whibby.
Lord Gardner resumes his command on the coast of Ireland. Admiral Cornwallis is the oldest flag officer in service.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Sch'r Lydia, Beatie, 14 days from Boston. Brig Jane, Leetson, from Antigua, via Tortola, 21 days. Sugar, C. & F. Whittle. Sch'r Charlotte, Block, 4 days from New-York.
New-York, Aug. 17.
The brig Success, capt. Brum, of this port sailed from Kingston, Jamaica, for New-York, on the 6th July. On the 13th, she was captured two leagues from Cape St. Antonio by a Spanish galley (belonging to Havanna) without deck, with two masts and two square sails, and called La Bonne Union. The galley was commanded by capt. Cesar, and manned with 50 or 40 Spaniards and Frenchmen, with one Irishman, who served as an interpreter. Three days after they were taken, captain Brum, the passengers, (8 in number) and the hands, were ordered below, and the hatches shut upon them. In this situation they were kept thro' the night. In the morning, the pirates prepared their knives, cutlasses and clubs, opened the forecastle, and called for the captain. One of the seamen (Peter Duchemin) with the view of preserving the captain's life, stepped forward, and ascended to the deck. The ruffians, with their instruments of slaughter, having arranged themselves in two ranks, compelled the seamen to run the gauntlet, while each gave him a blow, a gash, or a stab as he
passed. Captain Brum and his passengers and crew were all in succession taken from the hold and treated with the same horrid cruelty, excepting 5 French passengers. An English gentleman, by the name of Smith who was one of the passengers, was beaten with such severity, that he sprang into the long boat and broke his ankle in two places. The mate of the brig, two English passengers and two seamen, were put in irons on board the galley, and three days afterwards were sent ashore at Cougabouta, about 180 miles from Havanna, and the brig with the captain and remainder of the crew, were sent to Campeachy. These facts we have received from Peter Duchemin, one of the seamen who were sent on shore in irons. He made his escape from Cougabouta, proceeded to Mariel, put himself on board the ship Cato, and arrived at this port on Monday last. The object of these barbarous wretches was money. They offered to release the captain and the ship on receiving 6000 dollars.
Salem, August 10.
The ship Janus, capt. Endicott arrived from Batavia—all well, July 28, fell in with an English squadron of the line, from Jamaica, bound to reinforce Lord Nelson—was boarded by the Centaur, a 74, and treated with much politeness, then in lat. 26, lon. 38.
Charleston, August 13.
Captain Brown, of the schooner Dwyer, arrived in 16 days from Liguiria—Left there, ship Cloother, of Philadelphia, to sail in 5 days; ship Active, of do. discharged; ship Stranger, Waterman, for New-York, in 22 days; a ship in the same employ with the Stranger, began to load; brig Friendship, Harrington, for Salem, in 10 days; brig Union, Tucker, for New-York, in 14 days; sch'r Gould, Lockwood, for New-York, in 3 days; sch'r Gould, of Baltimore, had been in port 14 days, and not obtained permission to discharge.
The British ship Jack Park, capt. Rimmer, bound for Liverpool, in crossing the Bar yesterday morning, struck on it, and soon after drifted on the North Breaker. Notwithstanding all the assistance in the power of the pilots to give was afforded to her, she bilged, and will be lost. The passengers and crew left her last evening. She had on board a valuable cargo of rice and cotton.
Capt. Riley, in 25 days from Madeira, informs, that the day before he sailed a British brig arrived there the captain of which reported that he saw a French fleet consisting of 25 sail, on the 8th of July, in lat. 58, long. 40. An American brig which was in company spoke the fleet, and afterwards informed him that it was the French fleet from the West-Indies.
Capt. Riley sailed from Belfast June 21, No News—and arrived at Madeira July 8—Left no American vessels at Madeira; several had sailed a short time before, among them ship Two Generals, for Norfolk, on the 10th July—August 1, lat. 24, 19, long. 55, spoke brig Paragon, from New-York for Martinique, 13 days out. August 7, lat. 28, 21, long. 67, spoke brig Mars, from Berbice for Portland, 19 days out.
Capt. Hill, in the ship Grace, of Boston, touched at Madeira July 4, ten days from Cadiz—he informed that one of the American Gun Boats had been cut out of Gibraltar, and carried to Cadiz, where she was detained two days—the Spaniards alleging that she must be English, as no such things could possibly cross the Atlantic.
CUSTOM-HOUSE—ENTERED.
Ship William, Bacon, Alexandria. Sloop Sisters, Johnson, New-York.
CLEARED.
Brig Thomas & Sarah, Deschamps, Guernsey. Sloop Juliet, Denike, Elizabeth City.
A correct list of Arrivals is kept at the Exchange Coffee House.
FOR SALE.
THE REMAINDER OF THE CARGO OF THE BRIG NANCY, From the Cape of Good Hope, consisting of the following articles
VIZ: 100 Casks CAPE WINE. 13 do. CONSTANTIA do. 1 do. STEEN do. 5 do. MUSCAT do. 19 do. TAMARINDS. 4 do. BRANDY. 44 do. ALOES.
A liberal credit will be given, and if the whole is taken, the above articles will be sold a bargain—Any person inclined to purchase, may rely that the articles on hand, were not the refuse of the Cargo, which was sold by showing one cask of each quality, and were delivered as they came to hand.
John Granbery.
August 23 tf 92
WANTED IMMEDIATELY,
Rough White Oak Hhd. and Bbl. STAVES,
AND A FEW TONS
SASSAFRAS ROOT.
Apply to Moses Myers.
August 23. sw 91
FOR LONDON,
The American Ship
RE-UNION.
Two thirds of her cargo being engaged, it is expected she will sail by the 10th next month. For freight or passage, apply to
Warren Ashley.
August 23 tf 88
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER,
(To any Port in Europe)
The staunch, fast sailing Portuguese Ship
PAZ TRIUNPHO,
Philip Trinidad, Master:
Burthen 350 tons, will be ready in 3 days for the reception of a cargo. For terms, apply to
Oliveira, Fernandes & Co.
August 23. 6 89
FOR SALE,
The British built Brig
JANE,
Burthen 196 tons per Register—coppered
and sails uncommonly fast. The inventory
to be seen at our counting house—a liberal credit will be given. Also,
38 Hogheads, 28 Tierces, 56 Barrels, } PRIME ANTIGUA SUGARS.
Lauding this day, from on board the said Brig.
C. & F. Whittle.
August 23. tf 90
SALE AT AUCTION.
TO BE SOLD,
On Wednesday the 28th inst on Wheeler's Wharf,
THE CARGO OF THE SHIP ELIZA—CONSISTING OF
60 Puncheons Jamaica RUM.
Sale to commence at 10 o'clock—Terms, 3 and 6 months, notes with approved indorsers—all sums under 150 dollars, cash.
AT THE SAME TIME, WILL BE SOLD,
The said Ship
ELIZA,
As she arrived from sea—burthen about 490
Hogheads Tobacco—Terms, 3, 6, and 9
months—approved notes.
James Taylor, V. M.
August 19. 86