Gazette of the United States and daily evening advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1795-02-14 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States  AND  DAILY EVENING ADVERTISER.
[No. 39 of Vol. VII.]
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1795.
[Whole No. 561.]
Eight Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the Subscriber, living near Carlisle, in Cumberland County, on the 17th instant,
A MULATTO WENCH,
Named JUDA, about 30 years of age, tall and stout made, had on and took with her one calico gown, one short gown of striped linsey, one short gown and petticoat of red and white striped cotton, two pair of shoes one pair with high heels, and a large bundle of other cloths not known. Whoever takes up said Wench and secures her in any jail so that her Master gets her again, shall receive the above reward and reasonable charges if brought home, by
William Moore.
Feb. 6.
Department of War.
JANUARY 26, 1795.
INFORMATION is hereby given, to all the Military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are entitled for their months of their annual pension, from the fourth of September, 1794, and which will become due on the fifth day of March, 1795, will be paid on that day, by the Commissioners of Loans, within the States respectively, under the usual regulations.
Applications of Executors and Administrators, must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective appointments, and of the time of the decease of the Invalids, whose pensions they may claim.
By order of the President of the United States,
Timothy Pickering, Secretary of War.
Jan. 27.
George Green,
Informs his Friends and Customers in particular, and the Public in general, that he has a New four horse Stage, for journeys, and a number of genteel and close Carriages with good horses and careful drivers to let on as moderate terms as any other person in the city. Enquire at his Livery Stables in Pine street, No. 123. Said Green follows a continuance of that share of the Public Patronage, which he has hitherto so amply experienced, and which shall be his study to merit by his close attention to business.
Jan. 15.
TO BE SOLD,
By Thomas Dobson, No. 41, south Second street, John Ormerod, No. 41, Chestnut street, and the Editor hereof,
REPORT
OF THE Secretary of the Treasury Read in the House of Representatives of the United States, January 19, 1795. Containing a PLAN for the further support of Public Credit.
James M c Alpin, Taylor,
No. 3, SOUTH FOURTH STREET, Returns his grateful acknowledgements to his Friends and the Public for their liberal encouragement, and begs leave respectfully to solicit a Continuance of their Favors.
At his Shop Gentlemen can be furnished with the best materials, and have them made up and finished in the neatest and most fashionable manner.
He will thankfully receive any orders & pay prompt and punctual attention to them.
Oct. 25.
AT THE
Card & Nail Factory, No. 59, north Front street, Webster, Adgate & White, Have constantly for sale, Cotton, Wool, Tow, and Machine Cards,
Of all Kinds,
Cut Nails of all sizes, Plan Brads, Sprigs and Tacks, Pullers Shears, Gun Flints and Wool Hairs.
A quantity of kiln dried Indian Meal in barrels.
A new Edition of Adgate's Philadelphia Harmony, containing both the first and second parts, being the most approved system of Rules and the best collection of Tunes now in use.
Also for Sale,
A COMPLETE SET OF Machinery for making Cards
Oct. 2.
For Hamburg,
The fast-sailing ship
INDUSTRY,
William Bell, master LYING at Sim's wharf, will sail in a few days, having in her fourth of her cargo on board. For freight or passage apply to JOH N BROWN, at Walnut street wharf, or
Thomas Newman,
No. 118, South Second street.
Feb. 7.
For Sale or Charter,
The SHIP MARGARET, Robert Robertson, MASTER.
She is in complete repair, and of about 3200 barrels burthen.
Jesse & Robert Waln.
Dec. 29.
PROPOSALS
For printing by subscription, a new publication, to be entitled
The American Remembrancer & Universal Tablet of Memory.
 1st. This publication will be printed on good paper, and on a good type and will contain at least 300 pages duodecimo.  2d. The price to Subscribers will be 75 cents to non-subscribers, one dollar.  3d. The Work, it is expected, will be ready for delivery, by the middle of March.  4th. Those who shall obtain 12 Subscribers, will be entitled to one copy for their trouble; to Printers and Booksellers the usual allowance will be given. 
To the PUBLIC.
THE principal design of this publication is to rescue from oblivion the many important events and transactions, which, under divine providence, have been chiefly conducive to the settlement of this country, and to the establishment of our present happy form of government; as also to transmit to posterity the names and achievements of those statesmen and heroes, to whom America is most indebted for her liberty and independence.
Should any patriotic Printer think proper to patronize this undertaking by occasionally inserting the above in his paper, and procuring Subscribers, the favour will be thankfully acknowledged by the Editor.
James Hardie.
N. B. It is requested that such persons as are entrusted with subscription papers, will be so obliging as to return them by the first of March, in order that their names may be inserted as patrons of the work.
Jan. 23.
This day is Published,
(Price a quarter of a Dollar)
Slaves in Algiers:
OR A
Struggle for Freedom:
A PLAY.
Interpersed with Songs, in three acts. Inscribed to the Citizens of the United States of North America.
By Mrs. Rowson.
As performed at the New Theatres in Philadelphia and Baltimore.
Extract from the Preface.
"My chief aim has been, to offer to the public a Dramatic Entertainment, which, while it might excite a smile, or call forth the tear of sensibility, might contain no one sentiment, in the least prejudicial, to the moral or political principles of the government under which I live. On the contrary, it has been my endeavour, to place the social virtues in the fairest point of view, and hold up to merited contempt and ridicule, their opposite vices. If, in this attempt, I have been the least successful, I shall reap the reward to which I aspire, in the smiles and approbation of a liberal public."
Sold by M. Carey, No. 118, and Rice & Co. No. 53, High street; S. Campbell, No. 54, south Second street, and Wrigley & Beriman, No. 149, Chestnut street.
Jan. 5.
Green Coffee,
In 87 bds. 40 barrels, and 200 bags, entitled to the drawback, stored on Messrs. Willing & Francis's wharf.
Bourdeaux Brandy,
30 pipes of London particular Teneriffe, and London particular Madeira WINES, in bds. pipes, and quarter casks.
Malaga Do. in quarter casks, Angriga and other RUM in bds. St. Croix SUGAR of the first quality, St. Marks MOLASSES, Hyson TEA, Jamaica SPIRITS, Holland GIN, in pipes, LOAF SUGAR, in bds. PEPPER, &c. &c.
FOR SALE BY
Levinus Clarkson,
No. 216, south Water Street.
Dec. 4.
FOR SALE,
At the STORES of
Jesse & Robert Waln,
PORT WINE in pipes, bds. and quarter casks LISBON do. in pipes and quarter casks Souichong and Congo TEA, in quarter casks A quantity of Lisbon and Cadiz SALT Soft-shelled ALMONDS in bales Velvet CORKS, in do. Russia MATS.
June 9.
FRESH Bohea Tea,
GIN in Pipes,
Now Landing from on board the ship Peggy, John Elliott master, from Amsterdam.
Also Imported by the late Arrivals,
 Kulla Hemp, full quality  Ditto Sail Duck  Ditto Ravens Duck  Brown Russia Sheeting  Ticklenburgs  Oznaburgs  Brown Flanders Sheetings  Hessians and Brown Rolls  Cotton Stripes and Checks  Flanders Bedticks  Holland Sail Duck  Seine Twine  Dutch Great Coats  Gin in Casks  Madder  Window Glass, 8 by 10  Jewett's Bark  Opium  Alfalfetida  German Steel  Mill and Cross-cut Saws  Hoes and Cutting Knives  Sythes and Skates  Coffee Mills  Black Lead Crucibles  Anchors from 3 cw. to 15 cw. 
And a General Assortment of
5-4 & 6-4 Boultng Cloth,
FOR SALE BY
Pragers & Co.
Nov. 11.
To be Sold,
A VALUABLE
Tract of Land,
BEING that part of the city of New Brunswick that lies in the county of Somerset and state of New Jersey. It contains upwards of 600 acres of very valuable land and is bounded on the south by the public road that leads from New York to Philadelphia for near two miles, on the east by the river Raritan for near a mile, and lays in a triangular form. Building Lots on several streets in this part of the town fell from five to ten dollars and two thirds a foot front, and the extension of Albany street, which the situation admits of for at least half a mile, will open a new source for very pleasant and commodious situations for dwelling houses. A considerable space along the river is well calculated for building for houses and whatever, and affords a seat for a Grift Mill on the bank of the river, which may be supplied with water from the Mile-Run by a fair erroneous passage already dug, where vessels of 300 barrels burthen may conveniently load and unload. There are now on the premises a good Farm House and two large barns, a commodious new Dwelling House two stories high, 42 by 32 feet square, intended and well calculated for a store, with very good cellars under the whole, and a kitchen 30 by 20 feet square, a new wharf of 80 feet front, and a well built store house 40 by 26 feet square and three stories high, and a quantity of building stone on the premises.
New Brunswick, one of the most flourishing places in New Jersey, lying at the head of the navigation of the river Raritan, is the magazine for the reception of the produce of a very extensive and fertile country, and is well situated for vending every kind of imported merchandise for supplying the country. The easy transportation from thence to New York by water, its situation on the post road through the states, and its vicinity to Perth Amboy, one of the best harbors in the states, render it an object worthy the attention of persons who have the means and know how to improve a situation so well calculated for commerce or manufacture.
The premises will be shown by John Parker or James Cole, at New Brunswick, and the terms and conditions of sale, made known by
James Parker,
Of Perth Amboy.
Jan. 19.
A FEW COPIES
Of the celebrated Performance under the Signature of
MANLIUS,
May be had of
John Ormerod, No. 41, Chestnut street.
PRICE—25 CENTS.
Fresh Teas,
Of SUPERIOR QUALITY, viz. Imperial, or Gunpowder Hyson Gomee, 1st quality Hyson, 2d. do. do. Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, and Souichong.
A few Boxes of each, for sale at
No. 19, Third street south.
Dec. 10.
Ticklenburgs, Oznaburgs, and Glass Ware,
Landing from on board the ship Peggy, from Amsterdam.
ALSO,
Coffee of prime Quality
In hogheads and tiersces,
Muscovado Sugars
In hogheads,
German Steel,
ASSORTED WOOLLENS,
In small Bales, &c. for sale by
Rundle & Murgatroyd,
No. 11, Walnut street wharf.
Who want to purchase 300 or 400
Casks Good Flaxseed.
Nov. 11.
gtawtf
WANTED,
An Apprentice
To the
Watch making and
Repairing Business
APPLY TO
C. Campbell,
No. 3, south Fourth street, two doors from Market street.
Jan. 19.
2awtf
In the press and speedily will
be published,
BY
THOMAS DOBSON,
No. 41, south Second street,
WOLSTONCRAFT'S
Historical & Moral View
OF THE
French Revolution,
And the effect it has produced in Europe.
N. Y. A few Copies of the London Edition, for sale at two dollars and a quarter.
Feb. 3.
2aw3w
A Morsel for the Gnawers
of the Bone!
This Day was published,
AND FOR SALE AT
T. BRADFORD'S Book-Store,
No. 8.
South Front Street,
[Price 37 cents]
Observations on the Emi-
gration of Dr. Priestley,
And on the several Addresses delivered to
him, on his arrival at New York, with
additions, containing many curious and
interesting facts on the subject, not
known here when the first edition was
published:—Together with a compre-
hensive story of a
FARMER'S BULL.
Third Edition.
At the same place may be had the following
Late Publications, viz.
1. A Bone to gnaw for the Democrats; or Observations on a late pamphlet, entitled "The Political Progress of Great Britain."
2. The Young Quaker, a comedy, by O'Keefe.
3. Haunted Tower, by Mr. Cobb.
4. Sicilian Romance, an opera, by Henry Siddons.
5. The Hapless Orphan; or Innocent victim of Revenge; a novel founded on incidents in real life. In a series of letters from Caroline Francis, to Maria B—— by an American Lady, 2 vols.
A general Assortment of Books in the different departments of literature.
T. Bradford has also for sale, the Best Superior English CARDS, and best coloured Wafers, wholesale or retail; and as usual, an assortment of STATIONARY and Blank Books, which he will sell on the lowest terms.
Feb. 7.
d.
TUITION
of the
French Tongue, Mathematicks
and Drawing.
J. C. Rouffau informs the public, that he
has opened his EVENING SCHOOL, at his
house, No. 15, Brant street, between north
Third and Fourth streets, and between Race
and New streets.
He continues to wait on Ladies and Gen-
lemen, who wish to be taught at their own
houses, and intends to open a MORNING
School for young Ladies as soon as he has
got Twelve Subscribers.
Feb. 2.
cod4w
CARRIAGE
OF THE
PUBLIC MAILS.

Mr. FENNO,
I LIVE near four hundred miles from the seat of government, and receive my information of public affairs by reading the newspapers of all parties, and the proceedings of government; altho' I am, and have been, a private citizen, holding no office, and meaning to remain so, as I am now travelling down the hill of life, yet feeling anxious for the freedom and happiness of our country, for which I laboured and fought, I beg leave, once, to offer my sentiments to all America.
It is an important truth, and universally believed, that union and harmony, constitute the vital principle of liberty, strength, and prosperity in a nation. Therefore, whoever promotes discord, impairs the vital principle of society, lessens the public happiness, and thereby becomes an enemy in practice, if not in heart. If we throw fire-brands in sport, or with careless inattention, whereby the woods, or the city, is set on fire, destruction follows. I apply this to the revilers of our good rulers.
To pursue any means for selfish purposes, injurious to the public welfare, is a great crime. But those who are in the pursuit of honour, or gain, too often sacrifice every character which they suppose stands in their way; in order to give themselves undue merit, and detract from others, they propagate falsehood, publish lying paragraphs in news-papers, prefaced with their zeal for the public good, and anxiety to correct the errors in government. How many criminals of this class are to be found among the club guardians of our country? Therefore the people, should ever open their minds to truth and reason, and look more at men's actions; if the heart is right, the life will be right also. "A good tree bringeth forth good fruit." It is not difficult to know good men, whom we ought to confide in—their conduct is ever open and undisguised. Noisy, self-created rulers, who speak ill of all but their own party, deserve the censure of all; their double dealing, and selfish views, are easily seen; their homespun veil of patriotism, is too thin to cover their nakedness.
There is, what may be called, a mental itch in little minds, which stimulates them to envy, and to climb: This is the root of much evil—it produces mock patriots, lying scribblers, and howling democrats. The good sense of the people, must prevent the spreading of this political white weed in the land. It is of serious importance to the interest of the people, that good rulers should be honored with their support and approbation; otherwise they may be discouraged, and induced to resign, whereby their abusers may succeed them. This we know is ever the aim of calumniators.
The President, and Vice-President have spent a long life of labour and danger, devoted to the happiness of America, which places them far above the flight of the poisoned arrows of detraction. But many other meritorious characters in Congress, and in the Executive departments, may be injured, to the injury of our country, if the people do not diligently enquire for the truth; for there are foul streams of falsehood forever running through some news-papers in different parts of our country, designed to remove the wise and good; and to fill their places with clubiffs. This is a notorious fact; hence the unnecessary abuse of the Secretaries of the Treasury and of War, and many members of Congress—what can be the cause of this but self interest? the ambition of little minds. If the people, guided by the light of truth, do not frown upon these canker-worms of society, they may destroy the fairest fame which rises on the basis of public good. If we would cause the blessing of Independence to descend, unassailed, to our posterity, we must be "to virtue only, and her friends, a friend;" and practically know, "that virtue is the only point where human bliss stands still."
Look round our country, from east to west, from north to south, the rapid prosperity since the establishment of the Federal Government, is almost astonishing. However other causes may have contributed, it is not as evident as the clear noon-day sun, that this unexampled prosperity has been owing, under the smiles of Heaven, to the wise measures of our Federal Government? Can folly, or falsehood, deny the glorious fact? Let us pause, open our minds to the impressions of truth, lay our hands on our hearts, and join with the President, in aspirations of gratitude to God for distinguishing our country with his countless blessings!
To sweeten life, we should often pause on the journey, and recount the flowers Heaven hath strewed in our path. If we cannot all be great, we may all be good; and to be good, is to be happy: If glory lights us not to the tomb, yet when the star of fame, which beams on the most illustrious names, shall have travelled with time, until it meets the morning of eternal day—we shall be there.
AN OLD SOLDIER.
From the New-York Daily Advertiser.
AMERICA is the last great hope of the patriots and philosophers of every civilized nation in the world. But a calm observer of the several incidents which have already occurred in the course of our short existence as an independent people, would almost consider it a forlorn hope.
Never did a community enjoy a more favorable opportunity of establishing the rights of man upon a wise and permanent basis. The constitution (or the essay of one) which was formed at a time of revolution, and the din of war, was ameliorated in a season of profound tranquility, and guarded against the power of abuse, by all the wisdom and caution, natural to a once oppressed, but now jealous, and enlightened nation. We stand therefore as a fair experiment—By us it is to be decided, whether the pleasant theories of Locke, Rousseau, & others, have been only the whimsical imaginations of wild speculation, or the solid suggestions of good sense.
The eyes of the world are upon us—We are to be the glory and consummation of human wisdom and felicity, or the last sad proof, that it is really, not in the nature of mankind to be contented with a state of rational freedom—That they are only calculated to lick the dust of the earth, and bow down their necks to the sceptre of despotism.
Emperors, Kings, and Aristocrats, view us with a malignant eye. They watch our motions—glory in our dissensions;—and will no doubt embrace every opportunity, by artifice, or corruption to fan the fire of discord, and even by force to break the federal chain—Having once divided, they will next destroy. It will be then O Americans! you will too late, remember the fate of the Grecian States—The Europeans, Persians, and Macedonians, will invade your country, or make you the unnatural executioners of each other.
Of all the clouds which have cast a gloom upon our social atmosphere, the Democratic Societies seem charged with the greatest proportion of destructive matter—I shall therefore agreeably to my second position, endeavor to show, Wherein our democratic societies are dangerous.
All political distinctions undescrptive of offices created by law, are inconsistent with the principles of republicanism—Every thing that divides weakens.—Virtue—Love of our country—Detestation of Inequalities, are among the characteristics of real republicans or democrats. Whoever pretends to possess them exclusively, or in a superior degree, injures, and insults, the rest of the society.
If these ideas are just, then the societies are not only incompatible with the leading traits of democracy, but are dangerous.—For they create jealousies—inflame the passions—and lay the ground work of powerful parties. The duration and fatal consequences of these, every man may see by looking into history, and observe the rise & progress of distinctions, much more trivial in their origin—or in the events of the present day.—He will find, that implacable animosities, undue influence, and anarchy or final ruin have been the result.
These societies are dangerous from the number of their members.
In this light they are much more to be dreaded than the aristocracies of Europe. they consist mostly of individuals forming no constituent part of Government—they are not organized associations (tho' in this the peerage of Great Britain, are something of an exception). They are comparatively few in number—They act upon individuals—They make no specified combination either for, or against the Government—Their badges of distinction are the reward of merit, or of favoritism. Our Societies on the contrary already perhaps comprehend some thousands. In one week, or a day they may install thousands more—and it is to be supposed they will always elect those of their own principles, and best calculated to answer their designs. And the ostensible designs are to intermeddle with the affairs of our common government, and with the constitutional representation of the nation—a professed object also, is the diffusion of knowledge. To diffuse this knowledge, they shut themselves up by night, and shut out their fellow-citizens who would be glad to get instruction. Why do they not keep open doors, and oblige their Presidents who must be imagined learned men to give lectures upon political subjects, or institute forensic debates.—This would look as if they were sincere in their engagements. Their conduct raises rather suspicion of the wisdom or purity of their first establishment, both as to principle and design. What may not be apprehended from thousands of men,
combined and disciplined from one end of the continent to the other. What could they not accomplish, or what might they not attempt? Who can assure us, they will always be directed by the calm lights of mild philosophy—Who does not know, what mischiefs have been brought upon the human race, by the exertion of a single individual of artifice and ambition? Who does not know how subject the people are to deception—how frequently they without thought, are made the instruments of the most unwarrantable pursuits, and become themselves the victims of their rash credulity towards artful sycophants, or wealthy desperadoes? It is idle to say our self constituted democrats are good whigs and could never harbour designs unfriendly to their country. What has been, may be again—If the government, or their profcribed fellow-citizens should interfere with them, a contest must ensue—Who can say how it would proceed, or where or when, it would be terminated? Hope gives some relief, but well grounded fear, obliges me to conclude from these considerations, the societies are dangerous at least.
These societies are real aristocracies, and in this view dangerous of course.
What is aristocracy? A set of men having or assuming privileges, and a superiority over their fellow-citizens. 'Tis true our societies are not incorporated, or known in the law—but they have created to themselves, rank, distinction, superior merit, exclusively of others. Their rights and powers are undefined and unbounded. Had they been established by law, they would be more tolerable, because then the community might have made some terms, and circumscribed their jurisdictions. They have not as yet claimed hereditary succession—but they may be perpetual by elective succession—They have not as yet, assumed a badge of distinction, or established funds; but who can say what they may, or may not do. By the same authority, they exhibit themselves as the only or most worthy democrats in America; they may assume any other prerogatives. If they chuse to-morrow to pass a decree, that they shall be filed the order of democrats in North-America; that their members shall wear the insignia of the order at the button-hole, and receive pompous diplomas of their fraternization, who shall gainsay or prevent it?
Names are non-essential. 'Tis principles which constitute real aristocracy: 'tis therefore immaterial whether they are called Knights of the Order of St. Lewis, the Holy Ghost, or Malta, or Knights of the order of Democracy.—The claim of exclusive power, privilege, merit and superiority, constitutes the essence of aristocracy. If they should chuse to establish funds, and to erect banks, who can constrain them? Who could limit the capital? And who but themselves direct the application? A horrid scene is opened to conjecture!! If the legislature interfere, they would complain and bellow forth to the people the captivating and too much prostituted name of Liberty. If their fellow-citizens should endeavor to repress them, they would resist—judge who what might be the result; probably a contest for supremacy, between the constituted authorities, and the self-created assemblies. In short, there is not a single misfortune attendant upon the aristocracies of Europe, which do not apply to our societies; only with many and great differences against the latter. They set themselves up as the fages of the country—the Roman patriciate—a self-created kind of nobility. A minority in the community undertaking to act, speak, judge, and dictate, for the majority; and even attempting to controul the national representation, which being elective, should be independent and unbiased.
For shame, my fellow democrats—You must be sensible of the inconsistency and impropriety of all this. There are some few among you, who would wish to keep up the delusion, because it is to them a ladder for preferment. But I am confident the most of you will shake off this delusion, and untrammel your minds of prejudice, and the artful deceptions of interested leaders. If twenty men gave a power of attorney to half a dozen, to transact certain business, would it not be deemed very absurd, officious and offensive, if two of the twenty should hold private meetings, and shutting their doors against the others concerned, undertake exclusively to judge, censure, and direct their agents? And yet such is precisely the conduct of our democrats.
Who then are the aristocrats of America? It can't be that immense class of citizens who are content with being upon an equal footing with their fellow-citizens—being satisfied that they are of the common family of national
democrats, as contemplated by law? It can't surely be our representatives in Congress, or the officers of our government? It would be absurd and cruel indeed, for us first to create offices, and abuse the poor fellows we put into those offices as being aristocrats, because they are in these offices? No, in plain English, if there can be such a thing as aristocracy in this country the Members of the Democratic Societies are the only Aristocrats in America.
And yet I don't believe nine tenths of the members have any such conception or intention. I am persuaded very few have seriously reflected upon the nature, true design, and hazardous consequences of these institutions. Much less searched the records of history—or even dispassionately contemplated the passing scenes of the French republic.
WM. WILCOCKS.
New-York, February 7, 1795.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, 6th February.
An act for erecting a light house at George-town in South-Carolina was read a third time, the blanks filled up, and the bill passed.
There was read a report from the select committee relative to the salaries and numbers of clerks in public offices. The report was referred to a committee of the whole House, and ordered to be printed.
The House then went into a Committee on the unfinished business of yesterday; the amendment of Mr. S. Smith was before them for striking out the second resolution in the report of the select committee on the means of reducing the national debt; Mr. Cobb in the chair.
Mr. Tracy said, that when he was up before on this question, he had stated, that some of the sugar bakers in New-York were not, in their own opinions, oppressed by the excise on loaf sugar, and that the raw material had been cheaper there, than usual; this had, in part been contradicted by a gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. S. Smith) who had said that the low price alluded to, was an accidental and single purchase. Mr. Tracy said, he was now furnished with ample documents to show that the raw material in New-York had been at least ten per cent. cheaper for a number of months back than usual, which enabled the refiners to sell loaf sugar at the same price which they did before, and yet collect the excise from the consumer. He had asked, when up before, if the manufacturers complained any where but in Philadelphia: He now was ready to assert, that they did not complain, excepting in Philadelphia and Baltimore. The principal ground of complaint, contained in the petition now before the committee, from the refiners in Baltimore, was, that they had not the advantages of speedy sale, as those had who lived in larger towns. This, Mr. Tracy said, could not apply to the manufacturers in Philadelphia. And as the chief complaint before the committee was from the city of Philadelphia, which was quoted by those in favour of the motion, for striking out the resolution, he wished to be indulged in a few remarks, upon the weight, which, in his opinion, the complaints of the Philadelphia refiners ought to have. It was said, by a gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Nicholas) that the manufacturers in this city declared they paid the excise themselves and could not collect it from the purchaser; and that we ought to believe them. To this he answered, that the respectability of the sugar-bakers in Philadelphia was unquestionable, yet, before their opinions and declarations ought to influence the committee, he thought a fair examination of their opinions and conduct, and a comparison of them with the opinions and conduct of the sugar-bakers of New-York, &c. ought to be had. Upon the first idea, in Congress, of laying an excise on loaf sugar, &c. the manufacturers in this city had been constantly opposing the motions of government. This opposition had been kept up, until the law had passed through all its stages; and, as if they meant to move heaven and earth against it, when the legislature of Pennsylvania sat last summer, in that most critical period, they petitioned the legislature to interfere officially, and, if possible, induce Congress to repeal the excise law. This was done in such terms, and by some persons at least, from whom we had a right to expect such support to the laws; that it could not fail, powerfully to attract the attention of every person, who regarded the peace and happiness of his
country. And yet a part of the impropriety of this conduct seems not to have found its way to the minds of the manufacturers in this city; excepting Peter and Henry Markoe, who, Mr. Tracy said, formed a very honorable exception; but the exception was a very solitary one. They publicly declared against the propriety of such a step. Now the manufacturers tell us that they must pay the whole excise themselves, and its operations are ruinous to them. And they had, loaf sugar is at the same price now that it was before the excise was laid, and that the excise prevents the consumption. It was a well known fact, Mr. Tracy said, that large purchases were made antecedent to the excise law taking place; perhaps the grocers did it on purpose to avoid paying the excise; this might be one reason why the price was not increased; another was, the diminished price of raw sugars. It was the case, when the excise was laid on spirits. An over purchase kept the price where it had been for some time after the law took effect; but very soon the excise, and a profit on it was added; so it would be in this case. Mr. Tracy said the consumption of loaf sugar was not lessened by the excise. He had authority to say that from all the information he had from the grocers in this city, in New-York and elsewhere, and if the manufacturers of this city were accurate, in saying that they paid the excise themselves, he asked how it could possibly lessen the consumption? and he said he believed he was stating with accuracy, when he said that one sugar baker at least in this city actually did, or at least proposed, to make out bills to his purchasers, in three columns, one containing the price of the sugar, the next the excise, and the third the whole amount, but this he did not know that he could prove. If this were true, he asked who paid the excise, and why should such a thing be done, but to throw up uneasiness in purchasers, that the burden was thrown on them; now the cry was, the purchaser or consumer did not pay the duty; but it fell on the poor depressed manufacturer.—Mr. Tracy agreed that it would be no more just, wantonly to take money from a rich man than a poor one, but humanity called with more force in favour of the latter; how, was it in this case, were the manufacturers in this city poor and depressed? He said, he remembered a petition of these very manufacturers, but lately read in Congress, in which they say that they will immediately pay their proportion of the public debt, if we will let them know the sum; yet they cannot pay a small excise without utter ruin. They deny their ability or will to pay, even in the first instance, a small excise, and yet wish to pay down their proportion of 80 or 90 millions of dollars, and from every appearance this proportion must be made, out on very ample fortunes; so that the sum which they offer to pay down must be large! We have been told in this house of a dangerous monied influence, of paper noblemen, and purse-proud aristocrats; but what is this conduct the result of? Not of poverty, to say no more of it. Mr. Tracy was not confident, but he was tolerably certain, that the dry-goods merchants of this city remonstrated against the impact when it was first established; the manufacturers are now complaining of the excise; is there any thing peculiar in Pennsylvania that the laws of this government can never go down quietly with its inhabitants?—He was willing to appreciate the state, and the manufacturers, and think very highly of them; but he was as willing to think well of the manufacturers in New-York and elsewhere, and to give as much credit to their statements. He declared, if he were convinced, the tax would eventually fall on the manufacturer, and not on the consumer, he would vote for striking out the resolve; but he said it could not be determined yet by experiment, which was the only proper test of a tax. He declared, he thought that even the manufacturers themselves could not tell, without the taxes were kept in being for a longer time than two years. He believed, to continue the Excises laid last session of Congress until 1801, would give us the experimental test much better than to try it only for so short a time, and that he was opposed to the limitation when the taxes were first laid; but the limitation was moved by a gentleman, who had opposed the excises, in every step; and Mr. Tracy understood, that an accommodation was to take place in consequence of the limitation, but after the limitation was added, not a man voted for the bills, who had, before that addition, opposed them. He very much regretted then, that the limitation was admitted at all; and should have opposed it, but from a misunderstanding of the word accommodation. He had

taken in its ordinary sense, but he found it was used in an appropriate and technical sense, that is, "if you will adopt my sentiments exactly, I will be so accommodating, as never to adopt your's in return." It had been said that this attempt to collect revenue by excise was the first. The gentleman who said this, must have forgot the excise on spirits, which was of much more ancient date. A gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) had said that no opposition was made to the impost. Mr. Tracy was confident the gentleman had not stated with his usual accuracy. There certainly were murmurs against the impost, and possibly at the first operation of all taxes, they more or less, affect the people unequally; but if you will give them time enough to work their own level, they will become equal, and will systematize in such a manner that the consumer will forever pay.
A gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) had complained of some opinions which had been given in the committee, that a vote on this subject would be a political test and by each man's vote his wishes, honestly to pay off the public debt, or not would be discovered. The same gentleman had soon after declared, that all persons who voted to strike out the resolve, would evince a confidence in the virtue of the next Congress or future Congresses; and all also who voted against striking out, would evince a distrust of the virtue, &c. This declaration Mr. Tracy thought not so well founded, and not so candid, as the declarations of the gentleman generally were. He asked if it was a greater evidence of distrust in the virtue of future legislatures, to suppose they will not repeal a bad act, when found to be experiment, than any thing which can be derived from prolonging an act, for the purpose of giving it a fair chance to be tried by experience: and would it not carry an impeachment on the wisdom of this branch of the legislature, to leave an act, in a situation, which never will give it a fair experiment? Mr. Tracy thought the arguments made use of by the gentlemen from Massachusetts (Mr. Lyman) could not apply; he had argued entirely on the ground that our manufactures should not be taxed at all. If so, why not repeal the whole? The question now is, shall we prolong these taxes a sufficient length of time, to discover, by experiment whether the excise will injure the manufacturer, or shall we not? If by fair experiment, the excise is found to injure the manufacturer, no man can with a further continuance; but at least give time enough for that experiment. As to the argument, that all taxes ought to be annual or biennial, Mr. Tracy said, no man could soberly think, that such uncertainty in the mode and duration of taxes, could be eligible; let the people know that a mode of taxation is to be permanent, or at least sufficiently so, to determine its merit by experiment, and they know how to meet the taxation, and will systematize it: but keep your mode of taxation in uncertainty and fluctuation, and your taxes will be truly oppressive, which no man can with, unless the new-fangled principle, that to preserve the liberties of the people, you ought to make them as light as possible, the inconvenience of paying taxes, should be general; which is in fact, saying it is best for the purpose of securing liberty, peace and happiness to mankind, for the legislature to contrive their mode of taxation, as to effectually prevent the voluntary, and enforce an involuntary payment, and that, at a time, and in a manner the best calculated to destroy the peace and interrupt the happiness of the person paying. This he thought a fair result of the doctrine which had been mentioned in the Committee, "that direct taxes were preferable to indirect, for the purpose of preserving liberty." Mr. Tracy said he should have no great objection to strike out the carriage tax, not that he disliked it; but many persons thought it unconstitutional. He had no doubt on that ground & believed it would be determined by the federal court to be constitutional; if so, it was agreed on all hands to be a good tax. The resolve must be amended, if it was not struck out; but he concurred, by the rules of the House, if the whole resolution was struck out, that not one of the taxes could be brought forward for a continuance, or, in other words, it would not be in order to move a repeal of the limitation. If he was right in this idea, he hoped no person would vote to strike out the resolution, as he was confident it might be amended, so as to meet the minds of a majority.
Mr. Montgomery. I am so seriously disposed in favor of the reduction of the debt, that I rise at this time, more to give my reasons for the vote I intend to give, than that I believe my arguments will be so clear or convincing, as that I shall have much influence on the opinions of this committee. There has been, in the course of investigation, much said, on the one hand to show the sufficiency of the existing revenues for the purpose expressed in the resolution; and as much on the other, proving, that without the continuation of the taxes or duties in question, it would be deceptive and very fallacious to attempt the object in view. Without going into the minutiae of calculation on the one side or the other; nor indeed do I believe it is very important as to the determination of my mind, which of the calculations are the most just; it is sufficient for me to observe that the resolution in question, taken in conjunction with a subsequent one, appropriates the whole of the taxes in question together with the surplus of revenue which may hereafter exist—after satisfying all legal appropriations to the positive discharge in the first place, of the redeemable debt, and in the next place to the increase of the sinking fund for the purpose of purchasing the residue. Now it is impossible for me to doubt, but, that the legislature will at every future period, upon having once established a plan for the reduction of the debt, abide by the same, till the object is accomplished; and all the revenues once solemnly pledged for this purpose will be faithfully applied. If there is no reason to doubt of this, it is very unimportant whether there is a greater or lesser surplus yearly, provided only that there should not be so little as to derange the proposed plan; and that does not seem to be feared by either side, and the greater the yearly surplus, so much the more will the final redemption be accelerated. As to the idea that we may appropriate as much of the present revenues as may be necessary for the purpose of the redemption of the six per cent. stock, as is directed by law, and at the end of two years, if these taxes prove themselves good ones, the house will then, no doubt, continue them; and it is a kind of charge on the virtue of that house to suppose they will not. But in answer to this, the reduction of the national debt is a great object, and if ever it is accomplished, it must be the result of a plan. Now the argument for beginning this work without a plan contemplating a permanent revenue, would be just as strong two years hence that we should go on so, as it is now that we should begin without it. And so on, from one period of two years to another, till the whole was completed. Would any man, or set of men, in their senses, undertake such a mighty task. If such could be found they would, I believe, be certainly defeated; and the object would never be accomplished: therefore, as I am in earnest about the redemption, I am for a plan, the best and most stable that the nature of the case will admit. And I cannot hesitate in approving for the present, of the one proposed, as it is provided in the resolution, that if other taxes are substituted, the present may at any time be abolished. This, I think, should satisfy gentlemen who wish to substitute other and direct taxes in the room of those. But I really believe the mode of collecting money from the people by impost duties and excises, provided they are well regulated, are preferable to any direct tax, and the people pay them with greater facility. To illustrate this fact, only suppose that the whole amount of our present revenue was laid on real property, or by direct tax, would it be possible that the people could long bear up under such an enormous burden? I really believe not. Whereas they now pay it almost insensibly; and I really believe, it is a great measure, brings its own ability to pay, by stimulating every part of the community to industry and exertion. I would just observe an idea nor not so well expressed, which I have touched on before, viz. that in the first place, positive provision is hereby proposed to be made for the redemption yearly of so much as the law admits, exclusive and previous to any other appropriations which may have any claim on this fund.
Again, as to the necessity of experience, with respect to these taxes—If we mean seriously to undertake the redemption of the debt; what experience will we wish to obtain. Two years will turnish little; and that not so fair an experiment as a longer trial on an established plan; and if we should not like this very well, at the end of two years, what then? try another: would not that also need two years, for an experiment? and so on, till our whole plan would tumble into ruin, and as a nation we should suffer disgrace. For the fact is, having begun we must not look back; and this, or some other tax must be continued till the whole debt is extinguished: and I really believe, if we adhere to the present plan, the system will, in time, reconcile itself to the people; and our debt will be paid in a manner, by which none will be distressed—and within a time that many of us may reasonably hope to be the living witnesses of.
Thus have I given the reason why I shall govern my votes on this occasion, as concisely as it was in my power; and I believe I should not, even now have trespassed so long on the patience of the committee, only I am most sincerely, and ardently disposed to promote, by every mite of mine, the object proposed and the more especially so, as I believe it will be the last Congress in which I shall ever have the opportunity of gi-
ving my sentiments on the question—I submit them to the committee—They will give them the weight which they merit, and no more.
Mr. S. Smith spoke as follows.
Mr. Chairman,
I agree with the gentleman of S. Carolina, (Mr. W. Smith) that the subject before you is of great importance.—no less than the continuing of a system by which you are to establish excises on the growing manufactures of the union. It is not the 2 cents per lb. on sugar, or the 8 cents on snuff, but the principle we combat. We are told these are luxuries. The same insidious policy was pursued by Great Britain. It was not the trifling duty on tea, (a luxury) but the principle of taxation that united America successfully to oppose her.
The same gentleman has said, Why should not refined sugar pay a duty, when salt, coffee, &c. &c. pay. This kind of argument, is seldom used, by that gentleman. It is merely ad captandum vulgus , for he well knows, that every pound of refined sugar that is consumed, has already paid a duty of at least 3 cents per pound in the raw material. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Sedgwick) has said, that we must either continue those taxes, or lay a direct tax. This argument is meant merely to deceive, for he cannot believe the continuing those taxes necessary to the object in question. He must know, that the revenues, independent of those taxes, are fully adequate. Nay, Sir, so certain am I on this subject, that I would vote against any motion for a land tax, it being, in my opinion, wholly unnecessary.
The gentleman says, that the mistakes in all the statements made by the members of this House, have been palpable; and that he will rest his confidence, implicitly, on the report of the late Secretary. We are not accountable for the mistakes of others. They were indeed palpable. The Secretary has proved some of ours. I stated the revenue which would arise from additional duties at 750,000 dollars. The Secretary says, that they will be 769,000, but he deducts therefrom ten per cent. for drawbacks and expenses. There he is wrong. The drawbacks, &c. &c. in 1792 (the year he calculates on) were but six per cent. And the additional duties being principally on dry goods, of which a trifle is exported, he ought not to have charged more than two per cent. for drawbacks and expenses, which would have conformed my statement of 750,000. Having observed this mistake, I was led to examine more minutely, and I thought I could discover other errors. For instance, in the result, mark F, for 1793, the drawback is estimated at 1,500,000 dollars, when already there had been charged thereon 279,000 dollars; this is 500,000 dollars more than heretofore calculated on, and that much more than will probably arise on that year. The civil list is charged with 117,000 dollars more than any year has actually cost; the military at 99,000 dollars more than it cost in 1793, and no person can suppose that our military expenses will increase. Nay some contemplate a reduction.
My habits have been to examine; and I am certain that the late Secretary (for whose abilities, as well as personal character, I have the greatest respect) will pardon my having pointed out what I conceive to be errors. Those sums, together with 65,000 dollars overcharged for drawbacks on additional duties, will make 781,000 dollars. Deduct therefrom 380,000, supposed to be raised by the new duties, and there will remain 501,000 dollars for contingencies, and for purchase of the debt. I have not taken into calculation the surplus, made by the Secretary, of 142,000 dollars, in his result F, because I do believe, that nearly the whole of that will be lost in the estimate of 400,000 expected from the excise on domestic distilled spirits. My calculation makes that item (which has always been estimated at 400,000) to yield less than 300,000 dollars to the Treasury.
I shall not pretend to follow the gentleman from Connecticut through that vein of ridicule that he has thrown upon the Memorialists. They are citizens, had a right to petition, and deserve to be treated with decency—they neither want his pity nor that of the House—they ask a redress of grievances. He has said we want experience on those laws—but we may test them by the existing excise. It was by it I meant to test the new excises, but the report demanded thereon has not been made, and I must risk my calculation, which I firmly believe in myself. In 1792 the nett amount of duties of excise paid to the
treasury, all expenses of collection deducted was,
Dollars 383,229 Deduct drawbacks paid by the collectors of customs on exportation, 136,428, with 75 for molasses 27,285, 109,133 Leaving an actual net revenue of 274,076 dollars for the year 1792.
The returns for 1793 are not complete, but add to those made, a lik. sum for each of the states that have not returned their accounts to those for 1792, and you will find that you will lose between the years 1792 and 1793 near 100,000 dollars—a prodigious decrease for one year. Should that excise continue thus to decrease, you must find funds to pay the officers from some other revenue.
In the year 1792, the spirits from Molasses produced 174,152 dollars; from grain and fruit, 72,170 dollars. To collect that from Molasses, requires not more than 20 persons. To collect the residue, about two hundred and thirty officers. Supposing other states have officers equal to the number in Maryland, where twenty-five are employed to collect a nett revenue of 15,591 dollars. Why Sir, if the whole was divided among the officers, it would not be too much for their services. Thus you have at least two hundred and thirty officers spread over the whole face of America, to pay the immense sum of 72,000 dollars per annum to the Treasury. The state of Virginia, paid of nett revenue, in 1792, from the excise, 15,186 dollars; the cost of collection is charged at 5258 dollars: So that 20s. collected from the people, pays but 15s. to the Treasury; and yet the officers not half paid. Those of Maryland must resign, unless their pay is increased, for, on an average, they receive but about seventy-five dollars per annum. I agree with the gentleman, that the people pay taxes by excise, more pleasantly than by direct taxation. But, Sir, I believe the temper of our people is not prepared for a general excise system; that excises cannot be collected without an host of officers, who being paid as they ought to be, would swallow up the revenue. Whence arises this decrease? From the gradual corruption of the morals of the people, occasioned by the excise system.
By this Day's Mail.
NEW-YORK, February 13.
Extra of a letter from Boston of the 15th inst. to a respectable house in this city.
"There is an arrival, at Newbury Port from Holland in 40 days; there is but one letter come up yet: it is said that the French (the 18th Dec.) had not advanced any further into Holland since the last account."
ARRIVED.
Brig Patterson, Blackington, Bourdeaux. Schooner Friendship, Short, Edenton. (N. C.) Republican, Stafford, Little York, (Virginia.)
NORFOLK, January 31.
Just as this paper was going to press, an account arrived in town, that an English frigate was blown on shore at Smith's island; but we cannot learn any particulars. We also understand that there is a ship on shore in the roads, but do not know her name. The brig Two Sisters, capt. Davis, from Liverpool, got into the capes on Thursday night, and is now in the Roads; all her hands are dead but 3; she unfortunately run down a floop at sea, and sunk her; the crew were saved, and are on board the brig.
Library Company of Philadelphia.
A General Meeting of the Members of the Library Company of Philadelphia is requested, at their Hall, on the ninth day of March next, at four o'clock in the afternoon, to take into consideration the propriety of increasing the Annual Payments, and repealing so much of their Bye Laws, as authorise the Directors to dispose of the real Estate of the Company.
By order of the Directors. Benjamin R. Morgan, Sec'y. Feb. 14.
To the Public.
THE Founders of the COLUMBIANUM (w. whom the name originated,) after experiencing considerable interruption, retired from Peale's Museum; and having since discovered in the present Leader of that party a latent intention of perverting and cramping the original idea of a National College into a contracted plan of an Academical Drawing-School, hold their meetings for the present at Mr. Groombridge's house, with a positive determination of persevering, until the genuine purposes of their association are ultimately accomplished.
At a Meeting of the Fellow-Artists of the Columbianum at Mr. Groombridge's aforesaid, Mr. Robertson in the chair.
Resolved, That the word decoy (mentioned in the advertisement from Peale's Museum, in the Philadelphia Gazette, and in the Gazette of the United States of the 15th ult. and in the American Daily Advertiser of this morning) is the highest possible compliment that could have been paid, if the talents of an artist are to be appreciated by the comparative standard of the members of the National Institution with those of the members of the Associate Body, that is ambitious of acquiring the name of their opponents.
Resolved, That the terms Impostion, Assumption, and Spurious (in the advertisement before alluded to) are epithets which can operate no change on the independent minds of the original Founders, who know no legislator in the instance adverted to, but their own will, and who acknowledge no dictator, but good manners:—And, that phraseology of the same complexion, from whatever quarter it may proceed, shall never decoy them into a forgetfulness of that respect, which they owe to their own characters.
Resolved, That the Constitution shall be read a third and last time on Monday next, at 6 o'clock, P. M.
Resolved, That all Artists may be admitted members of the Columbianum through the medium of the Committee of Examination; and that applicants shall be requested to transmit their certificates of recommendation, inclosed to Mr. Groombridge, at his house adjoining the Bank of Pennsylvania, and addressed to the Chairman. By order, P. P. PRICE, Secretary pro tem. Philad. Feb. 14
February 21b, 1794.
At a meeting of the Columbianum, held at Peale's Museum, Resolved unanimously, That this Association being the original Institution, in the United States, which commenced the 11th day of January, 1795—That every attempt to qualify it to the contrary is a decoy to Artists and an imposition on the Public—Resolved, That the COLUMBIANUM is held at Peale's Museum only, and that any denomination thereof, at any other place, is an assumption—Resolved, That an Advertisement published in the Evening Papers of the 12th instant, signed P. P. Price, is spurious , as there is no such member in the Institution—Resolved, That all the Proceedings of the COLUMBIANUM be published in the Newpapers immediately. By order of the Association. C. W. PEALE, Chairman. R. CLAIBORNE, Secretary.
Notice is hereby given
THAT a Committee of the COLUMBIANUM or National College of Painting, Sculpture, Architecture, and Engraving, has been this day appointed for the examination of the talents and pretensions of such persons as wish to offer themselves as Candidates under the recommendation of the Federative School or Academy of Artists of Philadelphia, held for the present at Mr. Peale's Museum, and those Artists, who are desirous of becoming Members of this National Institution, are requested to send in their recommendations signed by three Artists at least, of known abilities inclosed to Mr. Groombridge, adjoining the Bank of Pennsylvania, and addressed to the Chairman of the Columbianum. By order of the General Meeting, P. P. PRICE, Secretary pro Tem. February 11.
NEW THEATRE.
THIS EVENING, FEBRUARY 14. Will be Presented
A COMIC OPERA, (not acted this Season,) called
ROBIN HOOD, OR Sherwood Forest.
*** Theatre February 14, 1795. The public are respectfully acquainted that on account of the indisposition of Mr. Moreton and Mrs. Shaw, Ways and Means—was unavoidably postponed and the Pantomime of ROBINSON CRUSOE will be performed this Evening.
CITY DANCING ASSEMBLY.
THURSDAY next being Thanksgiving Day, there will be no Assembly that evening SUNDAY, the 22d, being the Birth Day of the President of the United States, there will be a BALL on the evening of the 23d. No rickets will be sold for that night; and the Subscribers are requested to apply to the Managers for Tickets, for Strangers, previous to the night of the Ball. Feb. 13