Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1806-06-23 00:00:00

THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION
For Freight or Charter, The Brig JOHN ADAMS, John Cookin, master, burthen 194 tons, will be ready to receive a cargo in three days. Apply to the master on board, or to
Phinehas Dana, & Co. Who have for SALE, on board said Brig, 20 Hogsheads Prime MOLASSES. June 20. tf 851
For AMSTERDAM, The coppered Ship ALEXANDER, John Roach, master, can take three hundred hogsheads on freight. For terms apply to Moses Myers. June 20. tf 852
For Sale, or Charter, The good Brig HARRIOT, Capt. Wells, burthen 1000 barrels, can be ready to receive a cargo in three days. Apply to the master, or to
Christopher Fry. June 20. tf 847
For Freight or Charter, The good Ship ROMULUS, Capt. Lufkin, now on her second voyage, burthen about 310 tons, laying in Hampton Roads; can be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. For terms, apply to
Christopher Fry. June 20. tf 849
FOR GLASGOW, The fast sailing American registered Brig FLORA, William Benthall, Master, having her cargo nearly all engaged; it is expected she will be ready to sail in ten days from this date. For freight of 30 or 40 hhds. tobacco, apply on board, or to
Alexander Leckie. June 18. tf 843
FOR LIVERPOOL, The fast sailing American Ship ABERDEEN, Will be ready to receive a cargo in ten days. For freight or passage, apply to
J. & W. Southgate. Who have for SALE, on board said Ship, A few thousand bushels Ise of May Salt, which will be sold low if taken from along side. June 16. tf 836
For Freight, or Charter, To a port in Spain, Portugal, or the West Indies, The Brig CATHARINE, Capt. Callahan, burthen 1400 barrels, and in a few days will be ready to receive. Apply to
Robert Dickson. Who has Stored, SUGAR in hhds. tiers and barrels, COFFEE in Bags and Casks, RUM: Madeira, Port and Teneriffe WINES, and a parcel Chipped LOGWOOD. June 16. tf 837
For Sale or Charter, The American Ship MINERVA, about 350 hhds. burthen, a port direct will be preferred. Apply to Capt. Hall on board, or to
Christopher Fry. June 11. tf 828
FOR LIVERPOOL, The fast sailing American coppered bottomed Ship CALEDONIAN, John Dickson, master, one half of her cargo engaged. For freight of the remainder, or passage, (having excellent accommodations) apply to the master, or
William Dickson. June 6. tf 811
FOR LONDON, Direct, The fine fast sailing Ship ELEANOR, B. Lord, Master, eight months old, and burthen 400 hogsheads. For freight or passage, (having elegant accommodations) apply to captain Lord on board, or to
N. HERON. June 6. tf 814
For Freight or Charter, The good American Ship SUFFOLK, John Thomas, Master, burthen about 820 hogsheads tobacco, in complete condition to receive a cargo. Apply to
T. & W. A. ARMISTEAD. Who are landing on Marsden's wharf, from on board the said ship from Boston, 20 Hhds. and 20 Barrels N. E. RUM; 30 Barrels No. 2 BEEF—50 Boxes Hayano; SEGARS, entitled to drawback. June 4. tf 803
For Freight or Charter, The Ship WILLIAM, Capt. Tucker, burthen 400 hhds. is now ready to receive a cargo. Apply to
MOSES MYERS. June 5. tf 804
WANTED TO CHARTER, A SHIP, from 200 to 300 tons burthen, to load with lumber for a port in Jamaica. Apply to
Robert Maitland, & Co. May 26. tf 764
The SHIP ECHO, 300 hogsheads burthen, is offered for sale or charter; she is now ready to receive a cargo. Apply to
C. & F. Whittle. Who are landing from on board said Ship a parcel of very First quality SUGARS, in large hogsheads and barrels. IN STORE, BOTTLED PORTER & ALE, fit for immediate use. April 30. tf 708
For CHARTER, The good Ship FAME, 317 hhds. burthen, now in port and in complete order to receive a cargo—A freight to Falmouth and a Port in France will be preferred. Apply to
C. & F. Whittle. April 18. tf 676
Wanted to Charter, Two or three VESSELS, from 50 to 100 tons burthen, to load at N. Simon, N. G. for which a liberal freight will be given. Apply to
James M'Clanahan. March 31. tf 728
FOR SALE, 4 Cases BRITTANIAS, 2 Cases PLATILLAS, 1 Case CREASE, 4 Bales German OZNABURGS, 80 Puncheons Gosport RUM, 70 Hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR. Entitled to Drawback. James Young. June 30. tf 846
WANTED, A quantity of Spars and Oak Plank, for which, if delivered immediately, a liberal price will be given by Alexander MacIure. June 18. tf 839
We have received by the brig Sumner, from Jamaica, 57 puncheons high proof RUM, 15 Hogsheads MOLASSES—which are offered for Sale on very liberal terms, by Redmon & Frith.
ON HAND, A parcel of very good W. Island RUM. June 16. tf 834
SECOND CLASS.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, For the Benefit of WILLIAM and MARY COLLEGE.
Table with 2 columns: Ticket details, Price. 5,938 Tickets at 10 dolls. each, 4,685 do. at 15 do. do. Dolls. 59,380 70,275
Table with 2 columns: Prize details, Amount. 2 Prizes of 5000 Dollars, each, 4 do. 2000 do. 16 do. 1000 do. 16 do. 500 do. 32 do. 200 do. 160 do. 100 do. 232 do. 50 do. 750 do. 20 do. 1 do. Dolls. 10,000 8,000 16,000 8,000 6,400 16,000 11,600 15,000 155
Deduct loss on 2000 Tickets renewed, 4,500 Dolls. 125,155
To float in the wheel, and come out as chance may direct. Stationary Prizes are, 1 Prize first drawn, after 1000 Tickets are out, 1 do. 2000 1 do. 3000 1 do. 4000 1 do. 5000 1 do. 6000 1 do. 7000 1 do. 8000 1 do. 9000 1 do. last drawn, a Prize
Table with 2 columns: Prize details, Amount. 1223 Prizes. 9400 Blanks. Dolls. 125,000
The superiority of this Scheme to the one first proposed, is so obvious, that little need be said in recommendation of it. Those inclined to adventure, will see that their chance for obtaining prizes is greatly increased; that pending the drawing, their small prizes may be immediately invested in other tickets, thereby giving them a chance for prizes of considerable magnitude. To those who have drawn prizes of 15 dolls. in the First Class, as well as to those who have drawn blanks, information is now given, that the prizes may at their own option be renewed by tickets in this Class, and their blanks also, but upon the payment in the latter case of 10 dollars with each blank, provided such prizes and blanks, with the cash, be remitted free of postage to Robt. Greenhow, merchant, in Williamsburg, agent and treasurer, or to William Newman, Post-Master, in Norfolk, previous to the commencement of the drawing, after which period no renewal will be made. When to the prospect of individual advantage that may result to each adventurer, is added the patriotic reasons which induced the legislature to authorise this Lottery, it is ardently hoped that the disposition of tickets, will soon enable the commissioners to certify, that the drawing has commenced; which event, the agent assures the public, shall be expedited by every means in his power.
Robt. Greenhow, Ag't & Treasurer. June 18. tf 842
All persons indebted to the estate of the late Wm. Davies, Esq. will please make payment, and those to whom the estate is indebted, will please furnish their accounts properly attested, in order that provision may be made for their payment.
Portescue Whittle, Adm'r. June 18. tf 838
I have for SALE, A Negro MAN, about 21 years of age, a Barber by trade. William Lindsay. June 16. tf 833
Landing at Murray's wharf, from on board the ship Caledonian, 1500 Liverpool filled Sacks of SALT, 409 Crates well assorted EARTHENWARE. For Sale by A. MacIure. June 9. tf 822
FOR SALE by the Subscribers, a general assortment of Ship Chandlery, Cordage, and Cables, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12 inches, English PAINTS and OIL, Sheathing PAPER, BARIRON, TOBACCO, Richmond Inspection; FLOUR, PORK, Prune and Cargo, New-York Inspection, 200 Gm CASES; 20 Boxes SEGARS. They have also on hand, an extensive and good assortment of
GROCERIES. Noble, Arbuthnot, & Co. March 31. tf 622
Landing on Commerce-Street Wharf, from on board the brig Ann, Capt. Albury, 20,000 wt. prime Carracas COCOA, 43 Tubs Company LOGWOOD—For Sale by Jas. & Thos. Tucker. June 9. tf 812
FROM THE REPERTORY.
No. III.
The sufficiency of the British finances, to supply the enormous expenditures of the war, is usually the first enquiry for its solution. We cannot, however, refrain from remarking, that the bankruptcy of the French government has been incessantly expected to prove the boundary of the French power. It has happened, on the contrary, that power has made its own resources. No government, certainly no arbitrary government, will sit still and die for want of means, when they are to be found within its grasp. It will put forth the hand of violent injustice and reach them. The rulers of France found wealth enough within and without, and they have never hesitated to use it. Their armies flourished while their artisans starved, and their farmers desponded. The decline of all employments but that of arms, so far from stopping the course of their victories, materially contributed to accelerate it.
The free government of England is less disposed and less qualified for these extremes—but then it will not be equally for the necessity of resorting to them. The wealth of individuals is incalculable, and the machinery of the English laws and government for extracting it in loans and taxes, with some degree of equality, and without popular opposition, is probably adequate to a great annual augmentation. We forbear to say what is the utmost that machinery could effect. An urgent publick necessity, so palpable as to confound all doubts and cavils, we should conceive would enable government to draw from the people larger supplies, by equal laws, than could be obtained by arbitrary violence. It is, however, we confess, a frightful prospect for an honest English minister, that he must spend for the publick defence, more than he can raise by taxes. Hitherto, we believe, he has not been able to produce by his ways and means more than 35 or 40 millions sterling, nor to bring his expenditures under seventy.
In this extremity, some men have asked, whether the government ought not, without further hesitation, to sponge off their national debt. The jacobin members of our administration will wonder, why they have delayed it so long. The English government would long trust and painfully try the publick spirit of the nation, rather than destroy the debt. We have men in power among us, who would sooner destroy any debt, publick or private, than hazard their popularity; nay more, they would sponge off all debts for the sake of popularity. But in England nothing short of dire necessity will bring the rulers to touch the property, that has been so long confided to the safeguard of the publick faith and morals; nor will they of choice, withhold a penny of the interest.
It is true, necessity, though it is the tyrant's plea, is a sufficient one, when it exists, for the best government. There is no reasoning against necessity, but when there is any reasoning about its existence. It is manifest that it does not exist. It not only makes its own law, but its own evidence. It comes like the fire, or flood, or pestilence, and renders doubt as much impossible as resistance.
Admitting, then, the sufficiency of the plea of necessity to vindicate the withholding of the interest of the British national debt to the publick creditors, the fact that such necessity exists is said to be made out. We have already said that this sober argumentative making out of a necessity is inadmissible. Though it is better the national debt should perish than the nation, still it is no less true that the sponging off the national debt is a measure of violence; which needs all the justification that an irresistible necessity can afford. Necessity is a law that makes all other laws silent. It would vindicate the stoppage of the interest of the national debt. It is equally manifest that nothing short of actual necessity will justify such an act.
Now while the English government is in the regular course of paying the interest, and it is only inconvenient to proceed in that course, because new expenses arise, and it is an unpopular task to supply them, it is absolutely a relinquishment of the plea of necessity, to pretend that the government is forced to stop the interest.
We know so little of the difficulties of the English government and nation, because we feel none of them, that it is not a little hazardous for any American speculator to decide upon the proper degree of boldness with which they should impose taxes, or the measure of ability or patience of the subjects to pay them. Nevertheless we shall imagine, and we presume to hope it is the case, that by new arrangements of the land tax, by the assessed taxes, by improvements in the mode of collection of the imposts and by a reform of the all-consuming poor rates, the publick revenue may be even yet considerably augmented. The power to tax no doubt has its limits, and when a government has multiplied its taxes till it has reached them, a new imposition will only give a new form to the publick receipts, without adding to their amount. We may be mistaken, but we sincerely hope it will prove, that the wealth of the English subjects is abundantly adequate to all the enormous expenditures of this necessary war. The time, we believe, has come to justify all practicable reforms of expenditure and improvements of the revenue, rather than a resort to violent and arbitrary remedies of any sort; especially such as sponging off the debt.
For it can scarcely escape remark, that Great-Britain has been, from the first, contending against revolutionary principles. How can Great Britain, the champion of faith, and law and order, with consistency or advantage, adopt as a remedy the very measure that is the first badge and sure forerunner of the evil.
For what is revolution? What is its favourite work, but first, and with most malignant ardour, to destroy what faith, and law, and morals, have established and guarded? The English debt of six hundred millions sterling, is spread over the kingdom; it has taken root for a century. To pluck that root from the soil, we believe, would shake the security of all property, and in the event, possibly it might subvert the monarchy.
When the convenience of relieving the nation from this mountain of debt is once admitted, where will the government stop? Will not the progress be, as in France, to make one convenient sacrifice a precedent and argument for another? The clergy will stand next on the black list—the nobles will follow. Will the money continue patient under the pressure of taxes, when the plunder of the few is so familiar a substitute? In a revolution, as in a shipwreck, one part of the crew is kept alive by eating the other.
The national debt is in fact private property. We cannot see why the public should seize and appropriate to itself that description of private property, rather than the ships in the Thames, or the goods in Bond-street. The seizure may be less unpopular, and may be more surely carried into effect, than the capture of the ships or goods; but we cannot see
that the plea of necessity will better justify the act in one case than in the other. Indeed the preference seems to be due to the property in the funds, as the government has solemnly renounced its power of controul over it, and chosen to stand in no other relation to the owner of stock, than as an equal contracting party.
To those, however who may consider this last idea a mere refinement, too slimy to be examined or regarded, when the existence of the nation is at stake, another reflection may be suggested.
Many persons may be led, by their abhorrence of jacobinism and of French tyranny, to think favourably of sponging off the tremendous mass of English debt, which cripples all their exertions in the war. England once free from this mill-stone, they imagine, would be in no danger of sinking. The usefulness of such an act of injustice tolerably well reconciles them to its principle.
The most successful answer to the measure will be to question its utility. The whole taxes fall far short of the expenditures of the nation. Suppose the debt sponged off, and all the products of the present taxes applied to necessary expenses, how shall the deficiency be made up? by new loans! Shall the British chancellor of the exchequer with the sponge in one hand, hold out a subscription paper in the other? Who would lend, or escape the mad-house if he did? If loans could be obtained, a new national debt would be scored up, at the rate of 35 or 40 millions a year; and as soon as the size of the debt had begun to terrify some, by its effect to cripple the energies of the government, and to tire others by the pressure of taxes, it must be sponged off again. He it remembered, the violent remedies of great evils, are, almost always aggravations of those evils. If the minister, unable or unwilling to borrow, should raise taxes within the year equal to the expenditures of the war, what becomes of the plea of necessity?
On the whole, it is not right that the property of a nation should defend its liberty, and this to be done to the extent that the public safety may require, unless the government can obtain loans in its necessity; that it will provide for in its prosperity? A great public debt is no doubt a great evil, but the loss of liberty and independence is one infinitely greater. It is some alleviation of that evil for any government, for all that are prone enough to become corrupt, habitually to guide its measures and its counsels by the experience that its good faith is its good policy. It ought to make men better to contemplate the example of a state tried and tempted by adversity, and groaning under the load of taxes, yet still faithful to its engagements, and enjoying an ample resource in the confidence of its creditors, by deserving their confidence, and keeping their property sacred from violation. Such a state gives an illustrious lesson of morality to its subjects. It fulfils the great duty of all governments, which is, to protect property. This is not all. It will seem to some practical men, still more to the purpose, that such a state will have the controul, in the extreme exigencies of the public affairs, of the last shilling of private property. Such is the spectacle of the British government.
It is left to others to compute, how essential a part of the national wealth consists of property in the national debt, and how much poorer the nation would be by sponging it off. Such a measure would aggravate necessity, but we cannot conceive how it would supply means. As this violation of the public faith would be the most tremendous, as also the most unequal and unfair tax, that was ever levied on a state, it is natural to suppose, the dread of it and the dread of the enemy would sanction other very strong measures to get at the wealth of the subjects by taxes, and that they would cheerfully acquiesce, at least in their temporary adoption.
It is, therefore, we confess, beyond our comprehension how the stoppage of the interest of the publick debt, in other words the sponge, for such it would be, could relieve the distresses of G. Britain, or supply the resources for the prosecution of the war. It might insure an English revolution. The work of destruction may be begun by choice, but it never stops while there is any thing left to destroy. Its hostility would be felt by the British government and derided by that of France.
We know not how the British ministry can find money for their enormous charges, but nevertheless we believe they will find it, in the hands of the opulent subjects of that monarchy.
We believe, too, they justly dread the terrible and incalculable evils of a bankruptcy, and that they will find means to avoid it. If a sense of common danger unite men, the British nation will be united; and if united and wisely governed, we hope they will prove unconquerable.
Admitting, then, that Great-Britain will not be forced to submit to peace, which is to submit to the yoke of France, from the failure of her finances, it remains to enquire, how long and with what prospect of success she can pursue the war.
It does not appear that she could not prosper in commerce and in private wealth, if the war should last half a century; and to those who fear the war may last forever, and therefore seem to think a bad peace ought to be chosen now, unless some definite time or object could be proposed, as the end of the war, it is a sufficient answer to say, that war is a hard condition of national existence, but preferable to their subjugation by France. Base are Englishmen, unlike their ancestors, if they would not sooner toll for taxes to support the war, or bleed on ship's deck, than sweat under the dominion of a French prefect. Perhaps we may wonder of their ideas; but Englishmen will dread ignominy more than taxes and wounds.
Whilst the British navy continues mistress of the seas, it is scarcely possible that Buonaparte should execute his threat of an invasion. If, then, the English cannot make war on the land, nor the French on the sea, it would seem that military operations and military spirit must languish. There is reason to fear that this state of defensive languor would engender discontent in England. But through the expenses might be diminished, if Britain had no allies, and fitted out no expeditions, the would still be enormous. The distant colonies of France are venerable, and would yield to an attack. When the fashionable folly of the volunteer army shall be no longer in vogue, an efficient and large regular army would enable Great-Britain to strike her enemy in many vulnerable points. She ought to provide such an army, on which alone she could depend to expel the French, if, by chance, they should land on the island. The employment of the forces would cherish the military spirit of her subjects; and conquests are among the best expedients to preserve harmony and union in the nation.
A solicitude about the ability of Great Britain to resist France will be understood by some of the weak, and will be misrepresented by all the base and unprincipled, as implying a desire that the United States, in respect to maritime rights and national dignity, should be at the mercy of the mistress of

he mean. On the contrary, let every real American patriot insist that our government should place the nation on its proper footing, as a naval power. With a million tons of merchant shipping, and a hundred thousand seamen, equally brave and expert, it is fault of a poor spirited administration, that we are insignificant and despised. It is their fault that our harbours are blockaded by three British ships and that outrages are perpetrated within the waters that form part of our jurisdiction, such as no circumstances can justify. Can there exist a stronger proof, that our insignificance is to be ascribed to a bad administration, than this single fact—with the greatest merchant marine in the world, except one, and of consequence, capable of being soon the second naval power (in our own seas the first) we are utterly helpless; that in the opinion even of our rulers themselves, our only mode of redress when our commerce is obstructed, is to DESTROY OUR COMMERCE!!! We have the means for its protection, which our administration, unhappily, think it would prove more expensive to use, than its protection would be worth. They would provide against the violation of our territory by tribute, and of our commerce by non-importation.
While, therefore, we explicitly disclaim all apology, for the abuses of the British naval power; while we strongly reprobate the cowardice, or folly, or both, that leaves our country defenceless, when it is an interesting inquiry, whether England can resist France; for if she cannot, it is certain we shall not. What could France do to annoy Great Britain? Nothing but to create expense to her government,—What could Great Britain do to annoy France?—Much. Enough to make the distress of war reach her subjects; to cut off nearly all her maritime trade; and to spread want, discontent and despair from the Baltic to the Adriatic.
The colonies of the enemies of Great Britain would shrivel like plants and flowers on the Arabian desert, if they were no longer moistened by the rills of commerce. We may assist our conjectures of what Great Britain may do, by asking ourselves, what we should do, in such a case, if we possessed the British navy, and were contending, as she is, for liberty and for life, against France.
MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE.
From the following record of the proceedings in the house of representatives in Massachusetts it appears, that the democrats have been caught in their own trap. In order to deprive the people of the governor of their choice, and substitute one of their own, certain principles were adopted by them, to suit the circumstances of the case before them as they supposed; and among others, that no return could be amended, or in any manner explained, either by parole evidence or the production of the written record. This answered their purpose extremely well for several days before the senate, at length a discovery was made in the house that the returns from 2 of Sullivan's town were so very imperfect, that without some of that extraneous assistance, which they had determined to be inadmissible, they could not be made to apply to the election before them. Finding this to be the case, they made a virtue of necessity, and graciously agreed to let the people have the man of their choice.
To morrow we shall put the Protest of the minority of the senate on our file; it ought to be read and preserved, as evidence of what Democrats dare do.
MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, June 9.
Debate on the Report of the Committee of Elections. Agreeable to assignment, the house took up the consideration of the report of the joint committee on the election of governor and lieutenant governor, as it came unimpaired from the senate.
After the Speaker had read the report as far as the 5th and 6th paragraphs, which are as follows: "And your committee further report, that in the town of Isleborough, in the county of Hancock, there were given twelve votes for Caleb Stoon , as governor:"
"And that in the plantation of Davistown, in the county of Hancock, there were given thirty votes for Caleb Strong , as governor. As by the said lists may more fully appear; which votes were upon said schedule, set against the name of his excellency Caleb Strong, which ought to be taken from that column, and placed in two separate columns, so as to be counted with the scattering votes."
Mr. Bigelow, (of Groton,) rose and opened the debate. In a speech of some length, he fully maintained that these votes were improperly wrested by the committee from the candidate, for whom they were designed; and that the house were bound by every principle of justice to restore them. He contended that these returns were in every respect as perfect and correct as the constitution required—that the defect of orthography, in the town clerks returning the name of Caleb Strong, "Caleb Stoon or Caleb Strong," could not be considered as violating one little of the law laid down in that constitution; nor could any person who felt disposed to view the circumstances through the medium of a correct and impartial mirror, say that he did not think these votes were given for Caleb Strong, and for no other person in existence. On the score of precedents, Mr. Bigelow observed, that in the returns of votes which had been made of the two first officers of the government, ever since the establishment of a free constitution, innumerable blunders of the same kind had occurred; but in no instance had they been suffered to vitiate the return; he added many instances; among others, that of the name of Mr. Samuel Adams, who had filled the governor's chair; this name he observed had been variously spelt, sometimes Addoms, sometimes Addams, Adums, Adlams: the name too of Mr. Bowdoin, who had likewise filled the executive chair, had been variously &c. As but on no occasion were those trivial variations in the orthography of family names, for which there are no rules of grammar, and for which the constitution, neither in its letter or spirit makes any provision objected to. The plain and obvious intention of the returns being ascertained, they were admitted as legal, and passed to the credit of him, to whom they rightfully belonged. The variation from a correct way of spelling the name of Strong, in the return from Isleborough is less striking, than in the above mentioned cases; and therefore on no principle of precedence, of usage, of constitutional rights, or of political or moral justice, ought to be taken from Mr. Strong, and placed to the account of an imaginary candidate, as scattered.
Mr. Bigelow, then read in his place, a motion to this effect, "that the votes of Isleborough be taken from the column of scattering, and placed against the name of Caleb Strong; and that the report be so amended as to embrace this alteration."
Mr. Tift (of Uxbridge) followed Mr. Bigelow, and after some preliminary observations, tending to show the absurdity and injustice of allowing these trivial errors in orthography, to influence the free and unalienable right of suffrage, read a long list of similar cases, in the election of public officers for some years back, all of which he observed, though noted by the several committees appointed to examine them, were received as legal, and placed to the account of the candidates, for whom they were obviously intended by the unanimous consent of the legislature.
Mr. McFarland objected to the manner in which gentlemen (as he observed) appeared to take up the subject. The mode he wished to be adopted, if we
understood him, was of a very summa, kind; but of what kind or nature, we cannot repeat, as we did not distinctly hear him. We understood, however, that he expressed a wish to see his friends stand aloof from the contest of discussion; that no arguments which could be brought forward, would influence his mind; as he had made up his judgment.
Mr. Codman (of Boston) rose to explain some circumstances which occurred, while the committee (of whom he was a member) were examining the returns. He stated, that a rule of conduct, with regard to errors in the returns was proposed to the committee, before they entered upon the scrutiny; in order that they might proceed in the business, uninfluenced by party considerations; this proposition, however, he said, was over-ruled; and the committee [which consisted of five democrats, and but two federalists] proceeded to the business of counting and sorting the votes; and were by this means enabled to ascertain the result of the whole before the principle of objection was established.
Mr. Bacon (of Williamstown) stated to the house, the manner in which the committee (of which he was also a member) proceeded in the business assigned them, which was that of placing the correct returns in distinct columns, on one paper, and all those with any shade of variation from correctness, on another; after which they took from the sheet of imperfections, such as they deemed the least exceptionable, and placed them to the account of the candidates to whom they properly belonged; the rest they placed to the account of Mr. Sullivan. Mr. Strong or Stoon, (it was not mentioned in what part of Massachusetts proper or improper they belonged) and to the name or word "scattering." Mr. Bacon observed, that in adopting this mode of procedure, he was aware that the committee had no precedent to guide; but judging, from that construction of the constitution, which the committee had formed, and which he seriously believed to be correct; and having admitted the legality of all the votes, which gave, however speilt, the sound, or any thing like the sound of the name of him, for whom they appeared to be intended, he felt a strong conviction, that the committee had acted fairly and impartially in the business. The rigour, he observed, which some gentlemen appeared to think they manifested in the case of the votes from Isleborough, might possibly be thought a stretch of power, unwarranted by any precedent which had been established in that house, on a similar occasion. He was free to confess that such an opinion, was not without some colourable appearance; but gentlemen, should recollect, (he observed) that on every precedent election of the chief magistrate, the majority of the successful candidate had been so unquestionable and decided, as to render the labour of a close scrutiny, useless and unimportant. On the present occasion, they had resorted to a strict examination—they had obeyed the impulse of feeling;—of party feeling if gentlemen choose to call it such; but keeping within the limits, prescribed to them by the constitution, they confidently hope, that they shall be justified in their conduct.
Mr. Thatcher, (of Warren) advocated the motion made by Mr. Bigelow, and the principles which he had advanced in its support. He contended that the principle on which that part of the report, which relates to the Isleborough returns was founded were destructive to the constitution of the state, and to the liberties of the people; the committee, he observed, rejecting these votes, or making an improper use of them, had been guilty of an unwarrantable stretch of power; which no man, he conceived, would tamely submit to. The force of their objection to these votes, fairly implies the necessity of a man's being obliged to spell, correctly every person's name in the Commonwealth, who shall be a candidate for his suffrage, as a prerequisite to his enjoyment of the privilege of voting as a freeman;—that the pure elective franchise, for which our fathers so nobly are transmitted to their descendants as the choicest blessing of God, to man, should be rent from the sanctuary of the constitution, and after being dragged before the bar of angry and vindictive party, should be there bound down by, the most absurd and arbitrary rules. Under these impressions, he trusted that the Representatives of Massachusetts would step forward, on this occasion, to preserve it from impending destruction.
Mr. Bangs (of Worcester) spoke against the manner in which the debate appeared to be conducted.—He thought the House was not in order; that as the Senate had fully discussed the merits of the Report, it would be proper that a question of concurrence with that body, should be taken; instead of deciding on the report by paragraphs, as the senate had done. He observed, that this of course would not abridge the freedom of discussion, while much time would be saved to the house.
Mr. Upham, Bigelow, Mason, and several other gentlemen, rose in opposition to this measure. They expressed their surprise, that in a deliberative assembly, and on a subject of such importance, as that now before the house, any member should rise in his place, and suggest a mode of decision, that would completely destroy the freedom of speech; they observed, that in debating the report by sections, members were left at liberty to vote for or against each distinct section; that many gentlemen, though in favour of the general principles of the report, were opposed to some of its clauses, and felt a wish to exercise their judgment thereon in voting; whereas, by taking a question of concurrence on the whole report, they would be placed in the awkward predicament of condemning, what in part they might approve, or of approving what in part they had objected to.
A question of order was then made the subject of considerable debate, in which the opinion of the chair was finally confirmed by a vote of the house.
Mr. Whitman (of Boston) then rose and entered upon the subject of that part of the report, then before the house. He spoke a considerable time, and in a very candid, able, and spirited manner, and proved, to the satisfaction, it was hoped, of every man who heard him, that the name of Strong, which was very clearly the word written, and not Stoon, could in no way be viewed, (if judged by any sense whatever, with which man was endowed, as a guide to his understanding, and a director to his heart) other than as a full, clear, and distinct designation of the name of Caleb Strong; that the committee in taking those votes from the column assigned to Caleb Strong, and placing them among the scattering votes, were guilty of an arbitrary stretch of power, which neither the constitution, the accustomed usage of that honourable body, nor the suggestions of correct and ingenious minds, could possibly justify. Party feelings, he observed, may, and do often impel men, in the fervour of their zeal, to the adoption of things, which, in their cooler moments, they will reject as unsound; the instances, however, he was sorry to say, were not numerous; but hoped and trusted, that such results would follow the discussion, on this interesting and all important subject, as shall reflect the highest honour on the deliberations of that house. [Mr. Whitman, in the course of this speech, gave to his auditory, the most convincing proofs of his ability in arguing a cause—of the strength and resources of his mind in stating and defending the points which he assumes; of his candour in appealing to the judgment and understanding of men, and of manly and persuasive eloquence. We regret the inability we feel of giving any thing like a sketch of his arguments; not having taken any notes of the same, nor committed to paper, what the memory might have returned immediately after their delivery.]
At 9 o'clock the House met agreeable to adjournment, and proceeded to the further discussion of the subject before the House yesterday.
Mr. Upham, of Brookfield, commenced the debate, and in a very able and handsome manner enforced the arguments which had been previously laid down by himself and other federal gentlemen. He contended that the usages in courts of law, the manner of considering evidence before grand jurors, the records of ancestry by which important questions of property were decided, and in courts of justice, where the life of a fellow-citizen might be depending, nothing more was required in evidence than obvious intention of the act or performance; will any gentleman therefore say, that in his conscience he believes these votes returned from Isleborough were not intended for Caleb Strong? he trusted they would not. Errors of this kind, he observed, were frequently detected in cases at law; but were always deemed beneath the notice of any man, who set a value on his reputation for candor, or was capable of appreciating the sentiment of public as well as self esteem. If this section of the report should be adopted by the House, he was bold to say, as he should consider that decision as indicative of the sense, or determination of the majority on every other part of it, that the fair fame of Massachusetts was gone forever.
Messrs. Wheaton & Sargent (of Boston) Livermore Goodwin (of Charlestown) followed Mr. Upham, in defence of the motion for legalising the votes given for Caleb Strong. The candid and able manner with which these gentlemen supported the doctrines they advanced, and the fair and honourable motives which governed their conduct, made an evident impression on the minds of this House. The obstinacy of party spirit seemed to yield something of its asperity; and for a moment there appeared to be on every side, a temperate and ingenious disposition prevailing. After some observations, however, on the part of Mr. Story of Salem, Mr. Slocum and Mr. Bangs, the question of agreeing to the 5th paragraph of the report, as proposed to be amended by Mr. Bigelow, was taken by yeas and nays, and negatived—yeas 195—nays 234.
Among the yeas, we found with pleasure, the names of Messrs. Bridge, Harris and Goodwin (of Charlestown) capt. John Prince, (of Marblehead) and three other gentlemen, (whose names we do not recollect) but who are considered on the list of party politics, as democrats.
June 11—forenoon.
After the house had proceeded in the disposal of some private petitions; and ordering, that the respective chaplains of the legislature, officiate alternately in the two houses; they entered on the discussion of the report of the joint committee, on the election of governor and lieut. governor.
The debate was commenced and continued for some time, with unabated zeal and spirit; when a motion was made by Mr. King (of Bath) that the further discussion of the subject subside, as he had been made acquainted with a fact that would render any future discussion on this point, unnecessary, inasmuch as it would fully substantiate the election of Caleb Strong as governor of this commonwealth. He alluded to the circumstance mentioned on Monday, by Mr. Bigelow, respecting the return of votes from Lincolnville, in the county of Hancock.
It appeared that Mr. Bigelow, in examining the returns, found that the one from Lincolnville, in the county of Hancock, was completely informal, having no date thereon, nor any specification of the time when said votes were given. Mr. Bacon also found on examination, that the return from Cambridge was not dated in the manner prescribed by the constitution.
On motion of Mr. Bigelow, ordered, unanimously, that all the votes for governor and lieutenant-governor, said to have been returned from the town of Lincolnville, in the county of Hancock, be rejected from the schedule of votes annexed to the report of the committee, there being no date to said return, nor any specification of the time when said votes were given; and that the said report to be amended accordingly.
On motion of Mr. Bacon, of Williamstown, that whereas it appears from the date of the certificate affixed to the return of votes from the town of Cambridge, in the county of Middlesex, which is on the 29th day of April, 1806, that the same was not sealed up in the presence of the inhabitants of said town, in open town meeting assembled, agreeable to the requirements of the constitution;—Ordered, unanimously, that the votes for governor and lieutenant governor, in said return, be wholly rejected: and that the report of the committee be amended accordingly.
Ordered, that the report of the committee on the returns for votes for governor and lieutenant governor, be committed to Mr. King, Mr. Bigelow, Mr. Parsons, colonel Turner, and Mr. Kinsley, for the purpose of considering and reporting amendments conformably to the case of this house, and that they be requested and enjoined to sit forthwith.
A short time after the house assembled, the committee appointed to amend the report of the joint committee on elections, reported a new draught, in substitution of the above mentioned report.
The following is the report.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. In the house of representatives, June 11, 1806.—The committee of this house, to whom was committed the report of the committee of both houses, relative to the election of governor and lieutenant governor for the year ensuing, have attended to the duty assigned them, and find that by deducting from the whole number of votes for governor stated in said report to be 73410, all the votes for governor, viz, 686 expressed to have been given in the towns of Cambridge and Lincolnville, in the schedule attending said report, which have been ordered to be rejected, by votes of this house, the whole number of votes for governor remaining is 72,734, that 36,393 make a choice; and that deducting from the number of said votes in said report, stated to have been given for his excellency Caleb Strong, Esq. viz, 36,682, all the votes in said schedule, set against his name, as given for him in said towns, viz, 259, it appears that his said excellency Caleb Strong, Esq. has 36,433 votes, and is therefore elected.
They also find, that by deducting from the whole number of votes, in said report stated to have been for lieutenant-governor, viz, 71,807, all the votes for lieutenant governor, 615, expressed in said schedule, to have been given in said towns of Cambridge and Lincolnville, the whole number of votes remaining is 71,191, that 35,597 make a choice; and that deducting from the number of said votes in said report, stated to have been given for the hon. William Heath, Esq. viz, 36,330, all the votes in said schedule set against his name, as given for him in said towns, viz, 357, that the said hon. William Heath, Esq. has 36,523, and is therefore elected.
And because that your committee are of opinion, that there are several other matters contained in said report; which may occasion much discussion & controversy in this House, which nevertheless cannot affect either of the said elections, except as to the amount of said majorities, and that it is therefore not expedient that this house should express any opinion with respect to said other matter, they therefore asked leave to report as their opinion, that it is expedient that this house should concur with the hon. senate, in accepting the said report, as taken into a new draught, as follows, viz, &c.
WILLIAM KING, pr. order.
It was then sent to the senate for concurrence; when after a few observations it was committed to a committee consisting of Messrs. Tifft, Hill and How, who entered on the business assigned them immediately.
After a few moments examination of the papers the above committee returned to the senate chamber, and reported their concurrence with the house, which was agreed to by the senate unanimously .
A joint committee was then appointed to wait on his excellency governor Strong, and on his honour lieutenant governor Heath, and acquaint them with their election; with a request that they would inform the legislature, when it would be convenient for them to attend, and take the oath of office.
The committee had not reported when the two houses rose this evening; but it is expected the government will be completely organised tomorrow [this day.]
Yesterday the senate and house of representatives assembled in convention, when his excellency gov. Strong, attended by the council, entered the representatives' chamber, and his excellency the governor took the oaths of office, and declaration of his election was made by the sheriff of Suffolk; after which the governor and council withdrew. The convention then proceeded to the choice of counsellors when the hon. Messrs. Howe, Maynard, Hill, Deane, Coffin, Childs, Woodman, Farley, and Wyllis, were chosen. The members of the senate then withdrew.
It is supposed the gentlemen now chosen to the council will resign, and that an election will be made at large this day.
The following letter was received from the hon. William Heath:
To the honourable senate and the honourable house of representatives of the commonwealth of Massachusetts.
GENTLEMEN, I have been notified by a very respectable committee of both houses, that I have been elected lieutenant governor of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, for the year ensuing, by a majority of the votes of the electors.
Impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude, for this mark of confidence and esteem, I present to you, and through you to your fellow citizens, my most sincere and hearty thanks. Having been more than forty years in publick life, contemporary with the early assertions of American rights, and the adoption of measures for their defence, and near the illustrious Washington, during the revolutionary war, in the most difficult, perilous and interesting periods our country has as yet experienced, the prime of my life has passed away, and I have arrived at nearly the common age of man, when the vigour of the mind abates, and the most splendid offices cease to charm.
I have seen my beloved country in deep distress, struggling to retain the life of that equal liberty which heaven has given as an unalienable legacy to man; I have seen her triumph in peace, sovereignty and independence; forming constitutions of civil government, selected and combined of principles calculated for durability, superior to those found in any other republics yet seen. I now see her under a wise and prudent administration of the general government, respected abroad, and prosperous at home, beyond a parallel in any other nation: and this, my native state, whose prosperity is the unceasing wish of my breast, one of the most respectable and prosperous among her sisters.
Pausing, at this point of view, with thankful admiration, although a laudable ambition to serve my country, and a long publick life, which has rendered its duties familiar, tend to excite a wish for continuance in it, reason points me to retirement, rather than to the acceptance of a new station. I do therefore, decline qualifying myself to attempt a discharge of the honourable office to which I have been elected.
Beseching the all wise counsellor to guide and direct the legislature in all the important business which may come before them, and that this commonwealth, and the United States, may be a name and a praise in the earth, so long as time shall endure.
I have the honour to be, with the most profound respect, gentlemen, your most obedient servant.
W. HEATH.
Roxbury, June 12, 1806.
MASSACHUSETTS.
On Tuesday the 10th instant, the minority of the Senate, on the question to accept the report of the joint committee on the gubernatorial returns, offered to the Senate the following protest, which they moved should be entered on the journals.
PROTEST.
We, the undersigned members of the Senate of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, do hereby protest against the acceptance of the report of a joint committee appointed to examine the returns of votes for governor and lieutenant governor of the said Commonwealth, and against the proceedings of the Senate thereon, for the following reasons:—
Because it is provided by the constitution of this Commonwealth, that the returns of votes for governor and lieutenant governor, received in open town-meeting, and sealed up in presence of the inhabitants, attested by the selectmen and town clerks of the several towns and transmitted to the office of the secretary of the commonwealth seventeen days, at least, before the last Wednesday in May, annually, are the only evidence of the election of those officers, which the legislature is competent to receive or examine. Yet it appears from the report of the committee, and from the statements of one of its members, that they did receive and examine evidence both written and oral, other than said returns, and have admitted such evidence in some instances to verify and in others to invalidate said returns.
Because this unconstitutional & unprecedented proceeding of the committee now adopted by the Senate, amounts to a gross and flagrant violation of the rights of the people, and transfers from them to the legislature the election of a governor, although a choice has been made by the people.
Because it was manifestly the object of the constitution to provide for a perfect organization of the government at the earliest possible period after the commencement of the political year, and to prevent any suspension of the executive power by a vacancy in that department;—and this wise provision has been hitherto effectually enforced by the uniform adherence of our predecessors to the rules of evidence, established by the constitution, from the time of its adoption. But the bold and dangerous innovation now attempted, tends to procrastinate the declaration of the choice of governor to a late and indefinite period of the political year, and to effect a vacancy in the office of chief magistrate, whenever the spirit of intrigue or faction shall become predominant in either branch of the legislature. If other evidence than the returns specified in the constitution may be examined, no limits can be prescribed to it. If it be competent to a committee to receive testimony relative to the elections of towns in the vicinity of the seat of government, it is not less their right and their duty to scrutinize the votes and proceedings of towns the most remote. To this power is incident the right of sending for persons, books and papers. Parties must be heard; witnesses must be confronted, and scenes of disgraceful strife and contention will ensue while the executive functions are suspended, and the whole system of government is of consequence impeded and finally involved in confusion and ruin.

Because it rejects the vote of the town of Iseborough for Caleb Strong, merely for the accidental omission of the letter g; the name being spelt Stron; and it also rejects the votes of Davistown, for Caleb Strong, for the omission of the letter t; the name being spelt Srong; whereas there being no person in this Commonwealth known by the name of Caleb Stron, or Caleb Srong, the presumption is irresistible, that the aforesaid votes were meant and intended for his excellency Caleb Strong, Esquire.
Because the said vote, if disallowed to Caleb Strong, should have been altogether rejected—there not being in existence any persons by the name of Stron or Srong, who are eligible to the office of governor:—Yet by the said report, the said votes are carried to the aggregate amount of votes merely to increase the whole number; that by this false pretence the election of the said Strong might be defeated.—And by the operation of this strange principle, the said towns of Iseborough and Davistown, are not only deprived of their Constitutional right in the choice of a governor; but the election of the said Strong, who is rightfully chosen by a majority of the vote of the people, is annulled, and the right of election is by a forced, unnatural and ridiculous construction, taken from the people, and assumed by the legislature.
Because, if the omission of a letter in one proper name be admitted to vitiate a return, the same exception ought to be fatal to other proper names; but on the face of said return from Davistown, it is stated that the said town is in the county of Haccok; (there being no such county in the Commonwealth, and it being uncertain in what county Davistown is included, as is manifest from their own petition now pending before the legislature); yet the same members of the Senate who disallow, to Caleb Strong, the votes given in Davistown, for Caleb Strong; refuse to reject the votes of that town altogether for a similar omission in the name of the county, thus established the inconsistent and arbitrary principle, that the variance of a letter in the name of an individual is fatal, but that variance of the same species in the name of a county, upon the face of the same document is wholly immaterial.
Besides the votes of the town of Lynn, for James Sullivan, are disallowed to James Sullivan, Esq. for the omission of two letters, li, and allowed to James Sullivan, whereas it is not even pretended that any person exists under that name, which is a mere artifice, intended under the appearance of impartiality to give colour to the rejection of the votes for Caleb Strong, and to the intended assumption of power by the legislature. For it appears from the returns of votes that James Sullivan, Esq. is not UNDER ANY NAME, PRETENCE OR POSSIBILITY, elected by the people; and consequently the subtraction of the votes from his total amount, and the addition of them to the aggregate amount, is equally as beneficial to said Sullivan and to the views of those who would promote his election, as placing them exclusively to his credit.—It equally increases the whole number of votes and annuls the choice of the people.
Because, nineteen hundred and ten votes are by the said report allowed to the said James Sullivan, which contain variances from one or two letters, many of which effect a greater difference in sound and orthography than exists between Sullivan and Sulivan.—Yet the votes for James Sullivan, are selected from these, for the purpose of making a more nominal candidate who does not exist.
Because, in certain returns, after a list of persons voted for; the word scattering is written, and this word with the numbers annexed is in all instances carried out into a separate column to increase the aggregate number, thus to give further colour to the pretext that Caleb Strong has not a majority of all the votes: Whereas it is manifest from the express letter of the Constitution, that persons known to possess the requisite qualifications, can alone be returned or considered as candidates for the office of governor, and consequently that votes descriptive of no person cannot be admitted. But upon the construction adopted by the committee and the senate, the legislature may be engaged in the force of voting, not for eligible candidates, but for the names of things or ideas personified; and it must happen if the report be accepted in both branches, that they will actually be employed in voting for James Sullivan, a candidate, not known to any person to be qualified nor believed by any person to exist. By these means the most important official duty will be discharged with solemn mockery, and the constitution be exhibited to the disgrace of the legislature, the contempt of the people, and the derision of the world.
Because, the votes of the towns of Parsonsfield, in the county of York, being 145, for James Sullivan, are received and allowed to him, though the return contains upon its face, the following certificate, viz. "By reason of the Town Clerk being sick, the votes were not sealed up in Town Meeting." As this defect is repugnant to the express letter of the constitution; it is suggested by the report, that the said certificate appears to be an interpolation. But no evidence was offered to support a suggestion.—On the contrary one of the Selectmen who signed the return, and who is a Member of the House of Representatives, was not admitted. Thus fraud was presumed not for the purpose of invalidating, but of supporting a return; and the evidence of a returning officer who was interested in proving the fraud, if any, was offered to disprove it, and rejected. And thus mere conjecture was admitted to contradict the return, and positive proof refused to confirm it.
Because, by the same return from the town of Parsonsfield, it appears that the town clerk was also a selectman, and that he, with only one other selectman, signed the return, and as the said town clerk was sick, and not at the meeting when he sealed up the votes, it is presumable that he was not present at any stage of the proceedings; but that the meeting was held by one selectman only, and is therefore manifestly illegal.
Because, the votes of the town of New-Bedford are rejected on the pretence of uncertainty arising from two several returns, certified by the same officers; whereas one of them ought to be admitted and allowed for the following reasons:
First, both said returns are made and received by the secretary of the commonwealth, within the time prescribed by the constitution; both are conformable in all particulars to the requisites of that instrument, and they both agree in the number of votes given to Caleb Strong, which was the only material fact, that could affect the choice of governor, by the people.
Secondly, it appeared by a letter inclosing one of said returns signed by the town clerk, and addressed to the secretary of the commonwealth, that the same contained a true return, with the correction of a clerical error made by him in a former return. By taking this letter in connection with the return which it contained, the return itself was verified beyond all doubt. By rejecting this paper, the first return appeared also to be genuine. But in order to make the returns destructive of each other, the last return was separated from the letter which contained it, and thus that evidence which would have removed all doubt, was severed from the return which it accompanied; and of which it made a part, merely to create a doubt.
Thirdly, The senate refused to inspect the original record of the town of New-Bedford, which was produced at the board, brought up by the town clerk, and which would have verified one of said returns, and the same town clerk would also have verified, which was the return first transmitted to the secretary's office.
Because after rejecting the returns of New-Bedford, which gave a majority of votes to Caleb Strong, though both certified by the same officers, and not repugnant to each other in the material question, the senate have selected and allowed, a return from the town of Troy, which gave 68 votes exclusively, to James Sullivan, as governor, although there are two returns from said town, repugnant to each other in all particulars, certified by different persons and appearing on the face of them to be equally authentic, and one of them giving 59 votes exclusively to Caleb Strong, and although no evidence whatever was examined by the senate to verify either of said returns. But on the contrary a motion was made in senate, by one of the majority of said committee to examine the evidence on one side was withdrawn merely because an amendment was moved, which if adopted would have let in evidence on the other side, and thus upon mere conjecture, without a shadow or pretence of evidence or any criterion whereby to test the authenticity of either of said returns; the same majority of the hon. senate, that had just rejected the returns of New-Bedford, which could have been verified by the record; admitted one of the returns from Troy and rejected the other, though both were in a state which rendered it impossible to verify either.
Because the report admits the votes of persons for governor and lieutenant-governor, living in unincorporated plantations; which description of persons are not qualified to vote for those officers by the constitution.
Because the unprecedented principles adopted by the committee, five of whom out of seven are the political opponents of Caleb Strong; were not established by them previous to any scrutiny or examination of the votes; nor until after ample means and opportunity had been afforded to them for ascertaining the result of the application of those principles. By which course of proceeding, strong temptations and inducements must have arisen, to confound principles with inclinations, and to establish premises with a view to the results. And whatever were the motives of the committee, which we do not undertake to criminate, it unfortunately happens that without a reliance upon all the new and exceptional principles contained in the report, his excellency Caleb Strong, Esq. must have been reported to be chosen by the people, as by the report he is deficient only fourteen votes, of a majority, which number would have been restored by the admission of any one of the objections contained in this protest. Finally, because we consider the acceptance of the report to be, in its operation, a direct and palpable infringement of the constitution; and an open usurpation of the rights of the people, calculated to prostrate the executive department, by reducing the chief magistrate to a humiliating dependence upon the legislature; and to invest with powers paramount to the constitution, the accidental majorities of political sects, & entirely to wrest from the great body of the people the right of electing their own governor; and for the sincerity and truth of our opinions we solemnly appeal to the great searcher of hearts, and to the impartial judgment of our fellow citizens and of posterity.
John Hastings, Salem Town, Daniel Biglow, Elijah Brigham, Thomas Hale, Ezra S. K. Walker, Hugh McClean, John Heard, Elias Hasket Derby, John Phillips, Jun., H. G. Otis, John Phillips, George Bliss, C. Gore, Nathl. Thurston, John Ropes, William Spooner, Peter C. Brooks, Enich Titcomb.
After Mr. Otis had read the report, a motion was made to adjourn, and carried by the usual majority of one.
GREAT BRITAIN.
PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS.
It appears from an account laid before the house of commons, that the total estimate of the duties under the head of excise, charged and outstanding on the 5th of January, 1805, amounted to 4,215,861. 1s. 6 d. and on the 5th of Jan. 1806, to 3,501,249. 17s. 4d.
That the nett produce of the war duties, on goods and merchandise, by acts 43 and 44, Geo. III. from the commencement of each to the 9th Jan. 1806. respectively, were, war duty commencing 5th July, 1803, 749,695. 12s. 7 1-2d. ditto 1804, 1,636,621. 5. 2d. ditto 1805, 1,603,921. 6s. 8 1-2d. ditto commencing 12th June, 1804, 509,717. 19s. 7 1-2d. ditto 1805, 731,619. 5. 3d.
That the quantity of tobacco imported and warehoused, averaged for the last six years, amounted to 31,187,415lb. a year. Ditto exported in a raw state, 20,637,682lb. Ditto delivered out for home manufacture, 13,122,695lb. Ditto exported in a manufactured state, 1,184,024lb. Ditto retained for home consumption, 14,988,671lb.
That the quantity of British plantation sugar imported for three years, ending the 5th of January, 1806, averaged in each year, 2,947,330 cwt. 2 qrs. 21lb. Average exportations of the same, for same period, 1,126,946 cwt. 2 qrs. 9lb. Ditto retained, 1,688,946 cwt. 1 qr. 19lb.
That the sums remaining in the exchequer, on the 1st January 1806, on account of the grant for services performed by the office of ordinance for the year 1805, and not provided for by Parliament, in the said year, amounted to 304,000l. and the balance in the hands of the treasurer of the ordnance, and unappropriated on the 1st January, 1806, to 19,002. 19s. 9d.
That the number of vessels, with the amount of their tonnage, annually built and registered in the several ports of the British empire, amounted to in the year
Table with 2 columns: Vessels, Tonnage. Rows for years 1793-1804.
That the total number of vessels, with the amount of their tonnage registered in his majesty's dominions on the 30th of September, in the year 1803, including British built, for foreign European trade, and prizes made free, amounted to, ships 20,393, tonnage 3,167,863, do. including do. on 30th of September, 1804, ships 21,774, tonnage 3,269,370.
That the quantity of British unmanufactured iron exported, averaged for the last 6 years, ending 5th January, 1806, bar iron, 91,797 cwt. 2 qrs. 16lb. value 23,647. 15s. 9d. each year. Do. pig iron, for same period, 401,66 cwt. 2 qrs. 1lb. value 16,074. 12s.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIME, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
MONDAY EVENING, JUNE 23, 1806.
Communication from the National Intelligencer, respecting Commodore Truxtun, and remarks by a correspondent in our next.
Massachusetts protest—We present to our readers, in the preceding columns, a firm, manly and temperate protest of the federal minority of the Massachusetts Senate, against the violent and unprincipled conduct of the majority.
This document furnishes a striking view of the lengths to which New England democrats, "feeling power and forgetting [disregarding] right" can hurry its dishonest votaries. It is, indeed, a melancholy scene to behold, in a free government, grave Senators, assembled under oath, guilty of the basest inconsistency of conduct, sporting with the feelings & trampling under foot the rights of the people, shutting their ears to the voice of truth, and grossly attacking the very vital of that constitution which they had sworn to support. A more disgraceful scene was never exhibited in the assemblies of regenerated France. Let the people of America mark the men who have thus publicly violated the principles of honour, of justice and integrity. Let them beware of the party, who while they are perpetually prating about liberty, while they are eternally boasting of their love of the people, are setting at defiance the sacred rights of suffrage, and grasping at arbitrary and absolute controul. Com. Adv.
The Eclipse.—Our distant readers may perhaps expect some account of the appearance of the Eclipse, in this city. We shall not, however, attempt to give a learned or scientific statement. It is sufficient to mention, that the different stages of the eclipse corresponded very nearly with the previous calculations published in the Almanacks, and in many of the publick papers. A little more than eleven digits of the Sun's disk was obscured. The morning was unusually pleasant, and the atmosphere perfectly clear. The gradual approach of darkness, the pale and sickly hue given to the objects around us, the brilliant appearance of a few stars, the general suspension of business, the streets lined with inhabitants, all anxiously viewing the appearance and the progress of this sublime phenomenon, and the recollection that many generations must pass away before so grand an exhibition of the kind will occur, all conspired to produce an effect on the mind, which cannot be described. It is difficult to measure degrees of darkness. To us, the atmosphere, although direct rays of the sun still shone upon us, appeared, at the time of greatest obscuration, as dark as it usually does, in clear sky, half an hour after the setting of the sun. It was found necessary to light candles in our banks and publick offices. The most beautiful appearance was exhibited by the shadows of the trees, the shadow of each leaf marking, on the pavement the exact state of the eclipse. Ibid.
Extract from the Miscellaneous Companion by William Matthews.
MAXIMS AND THOUGHTS.
Among the numerous objects that strongly attach us to this world, and make us look with reluctance towards another, perhaps none is more strong, because none more fully absorbent of the mental powers, than the love of learning.
The love of many other things becomes gradually weakened by the lessening of the powers of enjoyment. The love of money, perhaps, may be as strong as that of literature, if not more so—and as constant a companion to the grave. But literature, to persons of fine taste and judgment, has charms superior to almost every other subject; and, perhaps, in proportion as activity becomes irksome to studious persons, the love of tranquility or silent conversation, becomes naturally more grateful.
Neither are we to wonder at the proofs which learned men sometimes give, of strong reluctance to quitting this world. They may have as strong a belief as the most illiterate, in the doctrine of a future state, and the happiness of immortality. And they may feel, as powerfully, the mortifications attendant on this state of being. But having been accustomed to place their affections on those things, which to them have been the means of wisdom, and a brilliant species of entertainment—the perpetual feast of sober reason, instead of the gratification of disorderly passions; such men are less affected by the decay of the body, because the mind remains clear and vigorous.
Add to this, that whatever men have been long accustomed to dwell upon with delight, must necessarily appear a matter of durable importance to them; the improvement of letters and philosophy, which a regular student has delighted to consider as a good, he has generally been accustomed to pursue with fondness, and progress, &c. admiration.
Those improvements become objects of a kind of paternal concern; and such a student knowing that the ne plus ultra of improvement is yet to be discovered, naturally feels a reluctance at the thought of being taken from the objects of his attention, before they have received their complete display of usefulness and of beauty. And it cannot but be in some degree mortifying, that the fullness of discovery, like the entrance of the promised land to Moses, must be reserved for others, perhaps less laborious in the literary travel!
The advantage mainly to be proposed to ourselves, in the commencement and pursuit of learning, is, simply to desire to extract so much of its essence, as may be suited to the peculiar scope of our faculties and our present state; which to enjoy and be content with, in the limitation of our mortal powers, is equally as rational as our being content with our sufficient share of meat and drink—the future abundance of which will be as much the natural right, as the temporary comfort of succeeding generations.
And lastly—to cultivate a persuasion, that whatever can be valuable in the essence of wisdom, is capable of being more augmented when our state shall become changed from temporal imperfection into the unembarrassed and permanent privileges of eternity.
NEW-YORK, June 17.
By the brig William, capt. Warner, which arrived at this port last evening from Liverpool, the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has been favoured with London papers to the 3d of May, two days later than any previously received; but no event of magnitude has occurred on the European continent in the intermediate space between the date of our former & present advices from that quarter, these papers are almost without interest. We have selected all the leading articles. The trial of lord Melville was progressing; and it was supposed would not terminate in less than 4 or 5 weeks.
LONDON, May 3.
The letters from the Lisbon mail are very contradictory. Some of them express great apprehensions with respect to the designs of Spain and France, while others say that the fears upon this head had greatly subsided. The Tiptaze, French frigate, which had been so long in the Tagus, had slipped out.
and passed the British sloop of war Star in safety; the latter being prevented from immediately following the frigate by the latter on shore; a circumstance which is considered by some as a hostile interference on the part of the Portuguese; but which we cannot view in this light when we consider that the neutrality of Portugal binds her to protect alike the ships of all nations within her several ports and harbours.
An order has been issued by the Spanish government for removing all restraint from American vessels trading to the ports of South America.
The surrender of Cattaro to the Russians continues to be an object of complaint on the part of Buonaparte against the court of Vienna. Though the number of troops in Istria and Dalmatia is represented as not less than 30,000, and of course capable of expelling with ease the Russians at Cattaro, who are said to be but a few hundreds, the burthen of this expulsion is thrown on the Austrian government, from whose hands alone Buonaparte will receive the possession, and who are called upon to expel the Russians by force, a proceeding which has a direct tendency to involve Austria in a war with France.
A letter from Deal states, that a very heavy cannonade was distinctly heard there about five o'clock on Thursday morning. As the sound came in a direction off Boulogne, it is conjectured that commodore Owen's squadron has begun his spring plan of annoying the French batteries.
The peace establishment of France, is estimated by a report on that subject, presented by Gaudin to Buonaparte, to be six hundred millions of livres, and the expense for the current year 894 millions.
The great commercial house of Bogle, French, Burrows, and Canning, stopped payment yesterday. Consols 60 3-4. Omnim 2 1-2.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Danish sloop Matilda, Yates, 15 days from St. Thomas, Rum & Sugar, Pinchas Dana & Co. June 14, in lat. 29, 23, long. 70, 26, spoke sch'r Sally, of and from Boston, bound to Havana—18th, lat. 33, 10, long. 72, 05, brig Two Brothers, Foster, from Tortola bound to New-York, 10 days out. Sch'r Brother's Return, Scott, 5 days from New-Providence, Salt, Sugar, Turtle & Fruit, to the Master. Sch'r Richmond, Seaman, 4 days from New-York. Sloop Ann, Smith, 5 days from Philadelphia, bound to New-Orleans, in distress—Cargo Naval Stores, &c.
CUSTOM-HOUSE—ENTERED.
Brig John Adams, Gookin, Portsmouth. Sch'r Brother's Return, Scott, New-Providence. Richmond, Seaman, New-York. Sloop Ann, Smith, Philadelphia.
CLEARED.
Ship Dean, Vibert, Gibraltar. Brig Milton, Chamberlaine, Guelva. Sch'r Montezuma, Gould, Baltimore.
FERGUSON's Packet will sail for Baltimore on Wednesday next. June 23.
Herbert's Packet will sail for Alexandria on Thursday next. June 23.
AUCTION.
On Saturday, 28th inst. at 10 o'Clock, Will be Sold, without reserve, before the New Market, 30,000 lbs. first quality Carracas Cocoa, entitled to Drawback. For all sums over 300 dollars, approved endorsed notes at 4 & 6 months—under 300 dollars. 60 days. S. Marks, Jun. & Co. June 23. 856
SALE AT AUCTION.
To be Sold at Auction, on Saturday, the 28th inst. at 12 o'Clock, at Willock's Wharf, The Brig CATILARINE, of the burthen of 198 tons per register, between three and four years old, live oak and cedar built.—Terms 9, 6, and 9 months, for approved Notes. Thomas Willock, V. M. June 9. 818
For Sale, Freight, or Charter, The Schooner FAIR AMERICAN, Burthen about 500 barrels, now in complete order to receive a cargo. Apply to James Wallace. June 23. 853
A YOUNG MAN, who writes a fair hand, is well acquainted with accounts, and who can be well recommended forstately application to business. None need apply, who is not prepared to submit to a rigid confinement, and close application. Enquire of the Editor of this Paper. June 23.
NOTICE. The subscriber intending to leave the country for a few months, requests those persons having claims upon him to call on Theo. Armistead, Esq. for settlement. John Newell, Jun. June 23. 854
Landing this day, from on board the sch'r Richmond, Capt. Seaman, 10 Pipes Old Cogniac BRANDY, Which will be Sold low by applying to John Brown, June 23. 855
FOR SALE, A quantity of New-York and English SLATE, of superior quality. Reilly & Tunis. June 23. 857.
I intend to leave the state for a few months, and have appointed Mr. Richard C. Jennings, my attorney during my absence. There will be a careful young man to attend to my Warehouse and Lumber Yard, and other business. John Cox. June 9. 853
NOTICE. The Subscriber has taken into partnership Mr. Paul Proby, and Mr. Patrick Harmanon. The business in future will be carried on under the firm of Proby, Harmanon, & Co. Thomas H. Parker. May 30. 779
For Rent, The Store, Compting Room & Cellar No. 41, Main-Street, lately occupied by Mr. Wm. McCuschen. Apply to Thomas Willock. March 17. 858
J. MORAN, Requests the Subscribers to the Monthly Register and Review of the United States, to call for their respective copies of the 7th, 8th, and 9th numbers, paying the several subscriptions, in conformity to the original terms of the work. June 23. 859

I will Purchase THIRTY NEGROES,
If offered immediately.
William Jones.
June 11.
tf
825
CUT-NAIL MANUFACTORY.
EPHRAIM WELCH,
No. 33, MAIN-STREET,
WITH gratitude acknowledges the liberal encouragement the citizens of Norfolk, Portsmouth, and the Public have been pleased to offer since the introduction of his Nail Manufactory in this Borough, and informs them that he has erected all his Machines new, which are very considerably improved, and continues to manufacture the best quality. And has on hand for SALE, a constant supply of
Patent NAILS and BRADS,
Which is of cut length ways of the hoop, and to accommodate his customers, has thought proper to reduce the prices as follows, by the keg for Cash, viz.
8d. 10d. 12d. and 20d. Nails at 7d. 1-2 per lb. 8d. 10d. 12d. and 20d. Brads at 7d. 1-2 per lb. 6d. Nails at 9d. 1-2 per lb. Sheathing Nails at 7d. 1-2 per lb. 6d. Brads at 4s. 6d. per M 4d. do. at 2s. 9d. per M 3d. do. at 2s. 3d. per M 4d. Nails at 2s. 9d. per M 2d. and 2d. do. at 2s. 3d. per M
ALSO FOR SALE,
Crowley and German Steel Hoop IRON.—Nail Machines made and warranted good, on short notice. N. B. All of the Nails, Brads, and Articles, sold at the Manufactory. June 13 tf 831
Just landed from on board the sch'r Fair American, from Jamaica,
53 Puncheons high proof RUM,
Also—from the Ship Caledonian, from Liverpool, via Belfast,
A few Boxes Irish LINEN,
well assorted, from 16d. to 4s. 6d. sterling per yard—For Sale by
Conway & F. Whittle.
June 11.
tf
829
FOR SALE,
The CARGO of the Brig Hannah, Captain Knapp, from Port Cavenness—consisting of
214 hhds. & 60 tierces prime Molasses.
T. & W. A. Armistead,
June 11.
3w
830
Marsden's wharf.
ROBERT GIBSON,
Has removed to the Fire-Proof Ware-House in Wide Water-Street, nearly opposite Commerce Street. Feb. 28. tf 536
The Subscriber having retained half of his Lumber Yard on Calvert's wharf, will have constantly for
SALE, Plank, Scantling, & Fire Wood, Frames for Houses, &c. cut and provided on the shortest notice.
Thomas H. Parker.
WHO HAS FOR SALE,
Two excellent MULES.
June 4.
tf
797
Now Landing from on board the sch'mer Alliance, from New-York,
5 Pipes Cogniac BRANDY,
3 Hhds. Lump SUGAR; 37 Bales CASSIA,
A few kegs family BUTTER—And in Store,
Young Hyson and Hyson Skin TEAS,
200 Barrels Potomac Herring—For Sale by
James M'Clenachan.
June 6.
tf
810
At a Chancery District Court, held in Williamsburg, the 21st day of April, 1806.
Alexander Love, Plaintiff,
William Crammond, John Lemay, and Hugh Holmes, Ex'rs of David Cay, surviving partner of Andrew Clow, & co. Messrs Hugh Holmes, and Robert Rainey, and Arthur Jones, Defendants.
On the motion of the Plaintiff, his counsel, leave is given to amend his bill, by making Holder Hudgens, and Sarah his wife, late Sarah Moore, executrix of John Moore, deceased, Miles King, George Lang, John Darby, Robert Armistead, and Worthing Westwood, defendants. Whereupon the plaintiff filed his amended bill, and subpoenas are awarded him against the said defendants. On which the Clerk of this Court is directed to make the endorsements required in the said bill, and on the further motion of the plaintiff, the Court doth refer the accounts between him and Andrew Clow, & co. and William Crammond, John Lemay, and Hugh Holmes, in their own right, and Messrs. Hugh Holmes and Robert Rainey, to Master Commissioner Murchison, to be by him examined, stated, settled, and to the Court reported, with any matters specially stated, thought pertinent by himself, or required by the parties.
A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
Commissioner's Office, Portsmouth, May 29th, 1806.
I appoint the 29th day of June, 1806, for carrying the above order into effect, on which day the parties are requested to attend at my Office, with their papers and documents. (Signed) J. W. Murchison, M. C. June 4. tf 796
The Subscribers offer for SALE, 500,000 sale Shingles; 400,000 building do. 20,000 three feet do. 20,000 Cypress PALES, 2,000 Cedar and Chincapin POSTS, 40,000 White Oak drawn and rough hoghead STAVES.
ALSO, IN STORE, W. I. and N. E. RUM, in hhds. & bbls. MOLASSES in hhds.; SUGAR in hhds. & barrels, Superior FLOUR in bbls.; TOBACCO in kegs, 80 barrels HERRINGS.
Broby, Harmanson, & Co.
May 26.
tf
780
Now landing on Gibson's Wharf, from the brig Ann, Capt. Forsyth, from Marseilles,
French Brandy in pipes, Claret in hogheads, Claret in cases, Olive Oil in boxes and baskets, Olives, Capers and Anchovies in boxes, Preserved Fruit in Brandy, Prunes, Raisins, and Almonds, Cordials in boxes & baskets, Candles and Castile Soap, Senna, Manna, & Cream of Tartar, Corrs, Hais, and Leather Caps—Also in Store,
Antigua Rum, and Campeachy Logwood. The whole of which will be sold on reasonable terms.
The said BRIG is offered for Sale or Charter. June 4. tf 805
EDWARD ROBERTS.
SPRING GOODS.
GELLAT AND MACKINDER, Have received per the Ship Dumfries, from London, their
Supply of Spring GOODS,
which consist of a general and well selected assortment. Ladies' fashionable Kid SHOES.
April 25.
tf
698
I will give the following prices for 200 Cords of Oak BARK, to be delivered at Satter's, free of damage. Spanish Oak, 10 dols. per Cord, Willow do. 9 do. do. Red do. 8 do. do. Young White do. 7 do. do.
April 25.
tf
697
Theo. Armistead.
GERMAN GOODS.
JOHN C. NIEMEYER,
Offers for Sale the following GOODS, for Cash or on convenient credit, for approved Bills only, viz.
5000 Bags 2 & 3 bushels, loose and in bales, 6000 East-India Gunny Bags, 330 pieces Hessian and brown Rolls, 325 pieces white Rolls, of four qualities, 140 pieces Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs, 160 pieces Platillas, white and brown, 15 pieces Dowlas, 20 do. Checks, 40 do. Britannias, 40 do. Rowans, 45 do. best Flemish Sheeting, 20 do. fine Bed ticking, 24 do. Mattress Ticking, 18 do. German Canvas, 15 do. do. Shirt Linen, 44 yards each, from 65 to 110 dols. per piece, 14 do. do. 37 yds. each, at 36 to 75 dols. per piece, 24 do. Velvet Ribbons, assorted, 40 boxes English crown window Glass, 70 do. Baltimore window Glass assorted, at the manufactory prices, for cash, 2000 wt. Lamb's Wool, superior quality, 5000 doz. German Phials, very cheap, 2000 bunches red Garnet Beads, Also a complete assortment of the following Articles, viz.
Fifty assorted Trunks, Oil Cloth, Coffee Mills, German Razor Hones, Morocco Shaving Cases, do. Pocket Books, do. Sagar Boxes, Spectacle Cases, Windsor Soap, Hand Lanthorns, best Tortoise Shell Combs, Ivory & Horn do. fine Razors & Penknives, Pocket Knives of all kinds, Knives and Forks, Snuffers very elegant, Brass Candlesticks, Coffee Toasters, Shoe Brushes, Cloth do. Mill Saws, Frying Pans, Shovels, Tongs, and Pokers, Fish Hooks, Table Mats, Battle Doors and Birls, Bell Metal Kettles, Waffle Irons, Water Irons, German Lace & Thread, Bird Cages & Baskets, Black Silk Velvet, 2000 Agate Flints, Jewellery and Crystal Beets, Toilet Looking Glasses, common do. assorted, Snuff Boxes, Umbrellas, Plush for Saddles, Passage Lamps, Chamber Lamps and Wicks, Backgammon Tables, 800 Dice, elegant Chess Men, and Cribbage Boards. Apply as above. May 16. tf 744
SPRING GOODS.
COCKE AND SANFORD,
No. 40, Main-Street, have received per the Ships Two Brothers from Liverpool, and Dumfries from London, an extensive assortment of
SPRING GOODS,
consisting of Irish Linens assorted, 5-4 and 6-4 Sheeting, French Cambricks and Long Lawns, Fine Pocket Handkerchiefs, 7-8 and 8-4 quarter Diapers, Table Cloths, Chamberbray Muslin, Cambric do. Cambric Dimities, Furniture do. Fashionable Shawls, Lace Veils, Black net Shawls, Superfine Cloths and Cassimere, Cotton Cassimere and Grandells, Umbrellas and Parasols, Kid Shoes, Hats assorted, in cases, Seine Twine, Oznaburgs and Hempen Rolls, Cotton and Silk Hosiery, Checks and Stripes, Calicoes and Ginghams, Fashionable Waistcoating, White and coloured Janes, Powder, Shot, &c. &c. ON HAND, Yellow NANCHEENS, first chop, Beerboom GURRAHS and 8000 wt. BACON, April 25. 2m 695
D. R. WADDEY, & Co.
Have just received per the Ship Dumfries, from London, an additional assortment of
SHIP CHANDLERY,
Among which are a large quantity of BUNTING, broad and narrow, of every colour, which they offer for Sale. ALSO ON HAND,
Teneriffe WINE, Holland & Country GIN, 4th Proof Cogniac BRANDY, of superior quality, Hibbert's Brown STOUT, in casks of 6 & 12 dozen, Double Gloucester CHEESE, Old L. P. Madeira WINE, fit for immediate use, Muscovado SUGAR, in hhds. and bbls.—LOAF do. in do. N. E. RUM and WHISKEY. May 5. tf 718
SPRING GOODS.
RICHARD TAYLOR,
Has received by the Ship Dumfries, from London, a handsome assortment of
Spring and Summer GOODS,
which he offers for Sale by wholesale and retail, for Cash or approved paper. April 25. 2m 696
Landing on Gibson's Wharf, from on board the schooner Catherine Shepherd, Capt. Webb, from Surinam, a choice
CARGO of
MOLASSES in hogheads and tierces, and from on board the sch'r Union, Capt. Buck, from Antigua,
Antigua RUM of superior quality. In Store,
Tobacco RUM, Madeira and Teneriffe WINE, 7 years old; Madoc CLARET in cases of 1 dozen each; A few kegs Hog's LAND, &c. April 26. tf 704
135,000 wt. Prime Green COFFEE, Landing this day on our wharf, for sale on liberal terms. C. & F. Whittle. April 16. 668
Landing from on board the ship Sheffield, and for Sale by the Subscribers, on their Wharf,
282 Hogheads CLARET,
50 Cases do. 6 do. BURGUNDY, 36 do. HERMITAGE, 23 do. Sallad OIL, 25 do. Preserved FRUITS, 25 do. OLIVES and ANCHOVIES. All of very superior quality, and entitled to drawback. C. & F. Whittle. March 24. tf 801
FRESH TEAS.
Just received from Philadelphia, in whole, half, and quarter chests,
Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson TEAS. all of this Spring-importation, and we warrant them of the very best quality imported, by wholesale or retail. Fisk & Catlett. Who have this day Landing,
75 tierces choice New RICE, in whole and half tierces. April 21. tf 693
WANTED TO PURCHASE,
A NEGRO WOMAN, who is a
good House Servant and Sempress; one without children will be preferred. For one well recommended, a liberal price will be given. Apply to the Editor. Feb. 3. tf 479
FOR SALE,
3000 Pieces Yellow NANCHEEN,
11 Boxes Imperial TEA, 6 Chests Hyson do. The above of the best quality and entitled to drawback. Apply to
Robert Maitland & Co. WHO HAVE ON HAND,
Hibbert's best bottled Porter and Brown Stout.
Also, Old L. P. Madeira Wine, fit for immediate use. March 5. tf 560
IRISH LINENS, &c.
The Subscriber has received from Dublin, by the Ship Intrepid, a choice assortment of
Irish Linens, Sheeting, Diapers, &c.
which he offers for Sale on moderate terms. Richard Taylor. May 10. 2m 747
At a Hastings' Court, continued and held
the 29th day of April, 1806—Moses Myers, James Taylor, jun. and John Camp, are appointed to hold the Election for Common Council-Men, for the present year, in ward No. 2. A Copy, Teste, WM. SHARP, Clerk. Pursuant to the above order, an Election will be held at the house of Moses Myers, on the 24th next month. Moses Myers, James Taylor, jun. John Camp. May 23. tde 761
FOR SALE,
The HOUSE and appurtenances adjoining
Mr. Robert Boush's, and at present occupied by Mr. Alexander Wilson—Part of the purchase money must be paid down, and the remainder secured by a deed of trust upon the property, payable at 6, 9, and 12 months. The House is under lease to the present proprietor until April next. June 2. 2w 820
ROBERT MAITLAND, & Co.
HAVE IN STORE FOR SALE,
14 Pipes Pierpont's New-York Anchor
GIN, of a superior quality,
10 Chests Young Hyson TEA; 4 chests Hyson do.
2000 Pieces Yellow NANCHEEN, first chop,
10 Pipes French BRANDY; 72 doz. CLARET in cases,
2 Hhds. Lump SUGAR; 8 hhds. West-India RUM,
Hibbert's Bottled PORTER, and Brown STOUT, and choice
old Madeira WINE, in pipes, hhds. and qr. casks. June 11. 6w 827
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE.
Norfolk, Virg. Jan. 18, 1806,
HIS Britannick Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia,
in consequence of instructions by him received from
his government, takes this method of communicating to
such officers on the British half-pay establishment, as are re-
sidet within his district, the following Notice from the Ar-
my Pay-Office, in London, in respect to the form of the Cer-
tificate required from British half-pay Officers, by whom it is
highly essential that the regulations therein specified should
be strictly complied with
John Hamilton, Consul.
PAY-OFFICE, Horse-Guards,
August 28, 1805.
NOTICE is hereby given by direction of the right honour-
able the Pay-Master General of his majesty's forces, that
the affidavits of Officers on half-pay and military allowances,
who reside in the United States of America, commencing
subsequently to the twenty-fourth day of December 1805,
will not be passed at this office, unless the officer's place of
residence, and also the county, district, or place for which
the magistrate acts, before whom the said affidavit is made,
the competency of whom must be certified by the British
Consul, if any shall be resident in the province or state, or
by the governor, chief justice, or some other person in au-
thority in the government thereof, are therein specified,
agreeable to the undermentioned form.
D'd. Thomas, Accountant.
A. B. maketh oath, that he had not between the twenty-
fourth day of _____ and the twenty-fifth day of _____
any other place, or employment of profit, civil or military,
under his majesty besides his allowance of half-pay, (or his
military allowance, as the case may be) as a reduced _____ in
{ Here Officer to sign his name
{ there, together with his
{ place of residence.
Sworn before me at _____
this _____ day of _____ in
the year of our Lord _____
The Magistrate to sign his
name here, and the coun-
try or place for which he
acts.
N. B. Chaplains must insert in their affidavits the following
words between the words "Majesty," and "besides," viz
"or any Ecclesiastical Benefice in Great-Britain or Ire-
land."
No alterations or interlineations of any sort will be allowed
to be made in the above mentioned affidavit. January 20. tf 446
30 Pipes Country GIN,
20 Puncheons W. I. RUM,
15 Quarter Casks Old Sherry WINE,
30 Barrels WHISKEY,
30 Hogheads Apple BRANDY,
30 Bgs PEPPER,
50 Boxes Mould CANDLES,
30 do. Dipped do.
2 Bales Fine CASSAS,
5 do Beerboom GURRAHS—For Sale at
reduced prices by S. Marks, jun. & Co. April 2. tf 631