Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1806-05-07 00:00:00

THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION
FOR LONDON, The Ship SHEFFIELD, John Davis, Master, will sail in all this week, has most elegant accommodations. For passage only, apply to the master, or to C. & F. Whittle. May 5. St 715
FOR CHARTER, The new American SHIP GENERAL GREEN, William Fairchild, Master, burthen 930 tons, supposed will carry about 330 hds. tobacco; she is expected here daily from Kennebec. For terms apply to Richard Blow. Who offers for SALE on reasonable terms, 500 Bbls. HERRINGS, in shipping order, 90 do. good PORK, 400 bbls. TURPENTINE, 700 do. TAR; James and York River TOBACCO, 1250 Twilled SACKS for Salt; W. Island RUM, SUGAR in barrels; coarse SALT. May 5. tf 715
THE GOOD SHIP WILLIAM P. JOHNSON, Peter Le Burton, master, 200 tons burthen, presently expected to arrive here, is offered for Charter. The Brig PEACE, Capt. E. Swain, now in port, about 1100 bbls. burthen, a good vessel, and ready to receive a cargo. Apply to Christopher Fry. May 2. St 711
FOR CHARTER, The Ship DIANA, Francis Noble, Master, burthen 150 tons. For terms apply to Moses Myers. April 28. tf 701
For Freight or Charter, The excellent new and fast sailing American Ship ONTARIO, George Hiteh, master, burthen 207 tons, or 230 hogheads, having made only two voyages, now lying in Hampton Roads (will be in three days) in complete order for the reception of a cargo—A freight to Liverpool, or any direct port will be preferred. For further particulars apply to Richard Blow. April 28. tf 703
FOR BORDEAUX, The Ship Susan and Sarah. For freight or passage, apply to Capt. Marner, or to Moses Myers. April 25. tf 657
FOR CHARTER, The American Ship FOXWELL, Mitchell, master, burthen 250 tons, and now ready to receive a cargo. Apply to the Subscriber, William Pennock. April 23. St 692
FOR CHARTER, The good Ship FAME, 315 hds. burthen, now in port and in complete order to receive a cargo—A freight to Falmouth and a Port in France will be preferred. Apply to C. & F. Whittle. April 18. tf 676
FOR LIVERPOOL, The good Ship MONTICELLO, John Drysdale, Master; two thirds of her cargo being now ready, she will positively be dispatched by the 10th. May—150 hds. tobacco and a little cotton will be taken on freight, if immediate application is made to R. Maitland & Christian, Petersburg, or to Robert Maitland, Esq. Co. The Monticello has good accommodations for passengers. Apply as above, or to the captain on board. April 18. 4w 677
FOR SALE, The new Brig BETSEY, Burthen 155 tons, now lying at Calvert's wharf—the terms will be made accommodating to the purchasers. Apply to the master on board, or to Phinehas Dana, Esq. Co. April 18. tf 678
Landing on our Wharf, for Sale, Antigua RUM, by the sch'r Mount Vernon, St. Martin's SUGARS, by the schooner Virginia, New Orleans do. in Store—With more of the articles formerly advertised, and some additions. George Murray, & Co. The schooner VIRGINIA about 700 barrels, for Sale or Charter. April 18. tf 680
FOR AMSTERDAM, The good Snow ECHO, Jacob Forman, Master, Will carry 330 hogheads.—For freight or passage, apply to the master on board, or to Moses Myers. April 15. tf 667
FOR LIVERPOOL, The fast sailing Brig MERCHANT, Samuel Read, Master, will sail in 12 or 15 days—For passage only, having good accommodations, apply on board at Gibson's wharf, or to Fisk & Catlett. April 16. tf 671
FOR TOBAGO, The Schooner ADAMS, John Hall, Master, Will sail in a few days, and will take freight on reasonable terms if offered immediately. For terms apply to Fisk & Catlett. April 16. tf 672
Wanted to Charter, Two or three VESSELS, from 50 to 100 tons burthen, to load at Nixons, N. C. for which a liberal freight will be given. Apply to James M'Clenachan. March 31. tf 728
The SHIP ECHO, 300 hogheads burthen, is offered for sale or charter; she is now ready to receive a cargo. Apply to C. & F. Whittle.
Who are landing from board said Ship a parcel of very First quality SUGARS, in large hogheads and barrels—IN STORE, BOTTLED PORTER & ALE, fit for immediate use. April 30. tf 708
1988 Sacks Liverpool filled SALT, 100 Tons loose do. 28 Casks EARTHENWARE. Just received by the Ship Huntress, from Liverpool, and for Sale by Alexander Maclure. Who will receive on board said VESSEL, if applied to immediately, 150 hogheads Tobacco on freight for Liverpool. March 14. tf 604
For Freight or Charter, The Brig EDWARD & CHARLES, Edward Pettigrew, jun. Master, burthen 1300 barrels, will be ready to receive a cargo in 6 days. For terms apply to Phinehas Dana, Esq. Co. Who have received per said brig, A few hds. and quarter casks particular Te-nante WINE, which they offer for Sale. April 10. tf 675
FOR BOSTON, The Schooner ELIZA, Capt. Hovey, Will sail in 4 or 5 days.—For freight or passage, apply on board, or to Fisk & Catlett. April 16. tf 675
A REMARKABLE COW Will be exhibited a few days in Commerce Street, next door to Little Water Street. This ANIMAL wastaken in the northern part of the state of New-Hampshire, and is supposed to be part Moose. It has six legs, four of which resemble those of ordinary Cows, and used for walking; the other two rise out of the fore shoulders in an erect posture, and can be held up from the back, where there is a hollow which will hold two quarts of water. One of these legs is large and perfect, having the hoofs complete; the other is smaller, having only half the hoof. Also to be seen, HER CALF, Which is equally remarkable for the same Phenomena. The Inhabitants of Norfolk are respectfully requested not to neglect the present opportunity of viewing these extraordinary phenomena of nature. Admittance 25 Cents—Children half price. May 2. tf 710
Landing on Gibson's Wharf, from on board the schooner Catharine Shepherd, Capt. Webb, from Surinam, a choice CARGO of MOLASSES in hogsheads and tierces, And from on board the sch'r Union, Capt. Buck, from Antigua, Antigua RUM of superior quality. In Store, Tobago RUM, Madiera and Tenerife WINE, 7 years old; Medoc CLARET in cases of 1 dozen each; A few Kegs Hogs LARD, &c. Harrison Allmand. The Sch'r Catharine Shepherd is offered for Sale. April 28. tf 704
SPRING GOODS. COOKE AND SANFORD, No. 40, Main-Street, have received per the Ships Two Brothers from Liverpool, and Demerara from London, an extensive assortment of SPRING GOODS, CONSISTING OF Irish Linens assorted, 9-4 and 5-4 Sheetings, French Cambricks and Long Lawns, Fine Pocket Handkerchiefs, 7-8 and 3-4 quarter Diapers, Table Cloths, Chamberlain Muslin, Cambric do. Cambric Dimities, Furniture do. Fashionable Shawls, Lace Veils, Black net Shawls, Superfine Cloths and Cassimires, Cotton Cassimires and Grandinells, Dimities and Parasols, Kid Gloves, Hats assorted, in cases, Seine Twine, Osnaburghs and Hempen Rolls, Cotton and Silk Hosiery, Checks and Stripes, Calicoes and Gingham, Fashionable Waistcoating, White and coloured Jars, Powder, Shot, &c. &c. ON HAND, Yellow NANKENS, first chop, Beboom GURRAHS—and 5000 wt BACON, April 25. 2m 695
SPRING GOODS, Received by the DUMFRIES from LONDON, for Sale by J. & W. Southgate. April 25. 3w 694
SPRING GOODS. RICHARD TAYLOR, Has received by the Ship Dumfries, from London, a handsome assortment of Spring and Summer GOODS, which he offers for Sale by wholesale and retail, for Cash or approved paper. April 25. 2m 696
SPRING GOODS. GILLIAT AND MACKINDER, Have received per the Ship Dumfries, from London, their Supply of Spring GOODS, which consist of a general and well selected assortment. Also, a fresh supply of Ladies' fashionable Kid SHOES. April 25. tf 698
Landing from on board the Ship Sasan and Sarah, from Bordeaux, 30 Pipes choice 4th pt. Cogniac BRANDY, 100 Cases Medoc WINE, of Poquet Canet, of the vintage of 1800, 50 Cases FRUIT in Brandy, 50 do. CAPERS, OLIVES, and ANCHOVIES. On hand of former importations, 500 Hogheads CLARET; 200 Cases do. Entitled to drawback, and for Sale by Moses Myers. March 26. tf 612
NINTH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Spanish Affairs.
MONDAY, April 7. Debate on the motion of Mr. J. Randolph to publish the President's message.
MR. FISK. I shall with some reluctance vote against amending the journal. It is my wish at all times to bring before the publick eye whatever is done by our publick agents, whenever the good of the country admits of it. I conceive, however, this communication to be confidential, and that it would involve a breach of faith to the other departments now to publish it. We are told to day for our consolation, that some members have voted with their eyes open to truckle to France, in order to coerce Spain, and that others have voted to the same effect ignorantly. I, however, am one of those who remain obstinate in my conviction, in spite of all the information of the gentleman from Virginia. I believe we have acted as our duty required, and as justice to our constituents demanded. We are asked what is the situation of this country with regard to Spain and Great-Britain, and where the injury towards us lies? Is it with Spain? If the gentleman from Virginia speaks the truth, we have no ground of complaint against Spain as to territorial aggression—for it will be recollected that that gentleman when our doors were shut, said that the boundary line claimed by Spain, was on this side of the country where those aggressions took place, and that when the negotiation took place between France and the United States, Spain entered a caveat against our acquiring this country. And in his opinion, by the treaty with France we acquired no territory east of the Iberville. There was, it is true, an outrage committed by the officers of Spain within the acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States. But what are the facts attending this affair? The moment representation was made to the governor of the Floridas, he declared the aggression unauthorised—and promised to make a full and strict enquiry into the circumstances attending it. Does this look like settled hostility on the part of Spain? No, it ought to be received as a sufficient disavowal of any such hostile intention. This information we have from official documents on our tables. Let me now ask what is our situation relative to G. Britain? Has she not committed lawful aggressions on our commerce and continued to impress our seamen for years past? Under these circumstances, what ought to be the policy of this government? Ought we forthwith to declare war against Spain, while we negotiate with Britain? The gentleman from Virginia says he is not for declaring war against Spain; but the resolution which he proposed contained a proposition for raising a number of troops to repel the aggressions of Spanish subjects. Let me ask then whether it is probable that the raising additional troops would be less likely to produce war than a mere commercial retaliation. But it is said that Spain is under the control of France; that she is indeed in a state of bondage to France, and it is enquired whether it would be just to receive this country from a government in such a state of vassalage? But if Spain is in this state, are we therefore to renounce our own interests? Or is our obligation to pursue that interest, by the means in our power to be lessened? If Spain sees fit to suffer herself to be controlled by France, I am not one of those who are for crossing the water to be the guardian of her rights. I am not so much of a republican yet. In this country this species of republicanism belongs exclusively to that gentleman, tho' he has not the honour of being the original inventor. The despots of Europe have long understood it. The emperors of Germany and Russia, with the king of Prussia, were actuated by it in the conquest and division of Poland, and the same would have led us to war with Spain and a conquest of the Floridas. It is said to be absolutely necessary to raise an army, as the frontiers could not be defended by militia. But I believe that this is not true. I believe on the contrary that the militia are able and ready to defend the country whenever it shall be in danger. As to the government of G. Britain, we are told we have assumed a hostile attitude to her. How? By barely going into commercial regulations? Have we not a right to do this; and has G. Britain a right to complain of what she herself daily practices? But the gentleman it seems is principally against the negotiation with Spain, because of the effect it will have on our affairs with G. Britain.
It seems then that the gentleman is not disposed to shrink from war when it would carry him to his true point. With G. Britain he sees war in all its horrors; but when we come to Spain, he says, unless we take hostile measures towards her, Britain will take umbrage. The gentleman says, he and his friends wish and are perfectly ready to resist the aggressions of both powers. But let me ask how? When measures were proposed to be taken with G. Britain, he deprecated her power and the danger of a conflict with her, with a prophetic spirit and in glowing colours he painted the dismal scene, our coasts invaded, our town in flames, our citizens flying to the mountains for shelter. Should we realise this prediction, I can tell the gentleman for his consolation that undoubtedly some guardian British angel will protect him from harm, and by the hand conduct him from the scene of destruction, to some place of safety.
I was really at a loss to discover the motives of the gentleman, when he brought so often to our view the egregious folly, weakness or wickedness of one of the heads of departments. At every turn of his discourse we met with a complaint against, or a denunciation of this officer. If there is any truth in the charges he has preferred, he ought to bring them fairly before the House and institute an enquiry. But to assault the character of a man in this side way, is a piece of cruelty and breach of good conduct which ought not to be suffered. If that character be guilty, his conduct ought to be properly enquired into; but I fear the gentleman from Virginia, in these remarks, had a different view. The other day much was said by that gentleman, of the half way house—I believe that he has engendered ideas on this subject in his own brain, until not being any longer able to keep them, he has divulged them to the House. I will say he is the only man whom I have heard say a word on the subject.
The present question is to publish the message of the President. This once effected, other documents may be called for. We shall be told it will be incomplete without the documents from our foreign agents. I believe this to be a branch of one and the same system; the effect of which will be to destroy the harmony essential to the government. When the President
dent made this communication to the two houses, he informed us that it would not in his opinion be prudent to communicate it to the publick while great national affairs were depending; nor would we be authorized to do it, in my opinion, without consulting the other branch of the legislature. Under these impressions I am decidedly against publishing it at present.
I have heard with regret the remarks of the gentleman from Virginia made this and the other day; and particularly the denunciation of one of our heads of departments, relative to a production which we have just reason to admire, and respecting a man who has served his country for thirty years in various high stations. I hold a very different opinion on this point from the gentleman from Virginia. My confidence is unshaken in the gentleman he denounces, nor do I believe the confidence of the nation is shaken.
MR. G. W. CAMPBELL. Before the question is taken, I will take the liberty of submitting a few remarks to the house. I understand the question to be to insert the message of the President of the 6th December in the journal. In the remarks which have been made on the question, the proceedings of the house while in secret sitting have been brought into view. I was opposed to making those proceedings publick; I thought then and I still think that we were thereby committing the honour of the nation. I did think when the majority had sanctioned a negotiation that no measure calculated to frustrate it should have been taken, until the negotiation had been fairly tried. It was for this reason I was opposed to removing the injunction of secrecy; and not because I was unwilling that the people of this country should be made acquainted with the proceedings which took place in this house with closed doors. My object was to prevent the interference of foreign nations, who might feel an interest in defeating the measure. The publick will judge of the propriety, under these circumstances, of making these proceedings publick. But as a part of them has been made publick, I wish the whole could be made so, consistent with the interest of the nation; though I entertain strong doubts of the propriety of the measure, I shall not, however, oppose the motion before you. But before the question is taken I beg leave to remark, that so far as relates to the observations between a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) and the head of one of the departments of this government, they have nothing to do with this; and they can have no influence on the decisions of this house. I did not expect to have heard any such conversation introduced on this floor. We did not come here to hear such conversation or to act upon communications of that kind. What may be the private opinions of a particular head of department, it is not for this house to know—they cannot officially come before us, we have nothing to do with them.
It is said, sir, that a certain communication which was calculated to affect our votes relative to the bill making appropriation for the purchase of the Floridas, was delivered some weeks after it was received from our minister abroad, before it was laid before us. I say, Mr. Speaker, that no communication made to this house was calculated, in my opinion, to alter the votes of the members of the house on that subject, certainly none that would have changed mine—but whether that communication was or was not made to us in due time after it was received, I do not pretend to say. I do not know, however, that we have any claim to it from the head of department. It was not his duty to communicate it to us, that belonged to the executive, and why the circumstance has been mentioned here, I cannot pretend to say. With regard to some other remarks made by a gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. J. Clay,) I think it proper to state that there is no communication before this house which authorises the assertion that a threat has been made by France against the United States. I deny, Sir, that there is any document, which if properly understood, can be construed to have such a meaning. I say, likewise, that there is no document before the house which authorises the assertion, that France told us, if you give Spain one blow, we will give you ten or two, as stated by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph). There is no such expression nor any other that would countenance the idea. France was not brought into the question as being concerned in our differences with Spain. She has, indeed, been lugged in, in the place of argument; and we have been charged with truckling to France, when in all our proceedings the name of France has hardly ever been mentioned, except by gentlemen in debate who will not admit that Spain exists as a nation. I deem it proper also to say, that the assertion that any member of this house voted for a measure calculated to bribe one nation, to induce another to give up her rightful property, so far as it may be applied to me, is without foundation, and not authorised by any act of mine, and that no man will undertake to say so. The word bribery ought not, indeed to enter the walls of this house, as applicable to any of its measures or proceedings. It will, Mr. Speaker, appear from the journals of the house, now made publick, who have or not supported the interests of this country. Who are willing to support just measures calculated to maintain peace; and are disposed to take a manly attitude, against those who violate our rights; and it will also appear who they are, whose proceedings tend to embarrass the nation, to bring the government into contempt, to produce schism, and to impair the confidence of the nation in the administration, at a time when I believe it is as high as it ever was; and I apprehend, deservedly so. I believe, too, the nation will not be found ready to withdraw that well placed confidence from the head of department who has been denounced in this house. It will appear, too, who have taken measures calculated to disturb the peace of the union, and to produce an alarm of danger for which there is no foundation. I solemnly wish that not only the message of the President, but every document, and every word uttered in secret might be made known to the people. I wish it, because I think it would not then be practicable to impose on the nation by a colouring given to those proceedings, unauthorised by the facts that took place.
I will state to the house while I am up, that I voted against increasing the army, because I believed that no emergency existed to require it. I saw no call for it, either in the information contained in the publick message, or in the other communications made to the house. In the publick message we were told, that congress would, in the course of the session, be enabled to determine whether it would be necessary to increase our land force, by the events which would probably take place. No events had taken place when the measure in question was before the house that changed the former state of things. It was also my opinion that we ought not on every trivial occasion, to increase our present military establishment, and abandon the ground we had taken, of reducing the number of our regular forces—act-

ing on the principle, that standing armies are dangerous to liberty, and are the most fatal scourge in the hands of an usurper or a despot. On this ground I have been always opposed to them, and ever shall be unless an extraordinary emergency should render it indispensable to resort to them. I was of opinion, that even on an emergency the militia were, in the first instance, to be resorted to, not only as the constitutional, but as the most competent and safe defence that we could provide. I know of no reason why we should not think them not competent, as we have always heretofore found them to be so. For these reasons amongst others, I was opposed to an increase of the army. I was also induced to be of this opinion from the documents on your table, from which it did not appear to me that Spain had any serious intention to commit hostilities against the United States or that her government or commanding officers had authorised any, in the territory of which we had taken possession. The inconveniences with regard to our undefined limits, and the embarrassments attending the passage of our commerce down the Mobile, together with the necessity of having those other differences existing between us and Spain amicably adjusted, induced me to vote for the principal measure adopted by this house with closed doors. I voted, Sir, for the appropriation of two million of dollars, to authorise the executive to negotiate with Spain for the purchase of the Floridas. In doing so I did not authorise the government to bribe France, to coerce Spain into this measure, nor do I believe that there is the least ground for any such allegation with regard to any member of this house. No, Sir, our object was to obtain a fair purchase of the Floridas. We believe it important to acquire them; because the acquisition would connect our disjointed territory—would give us the command of an extensive sea coast, including the outlets of many large rivers and some good harbours, and free us from the inconveniences to which we were exposed by neighbours who were likely to become more and more troublesome. In the vote I gave, I contemplated the measure to be carried into effect only in a just and legal manner, by a fair purchase. I know no other way in which a territory can be acquired, consistent with common right and principle. It was intimated, it is true, to us, that it would be easy to take possession of this country by force, and that it would be always in our power to take it, whenever we should wish to become the owners of it; but for one, I disclaim all disposition to wrest that country from its rightful owner, without any other ground of claim than superior force; so far as the country is ours by purchase, I am disposed to claim and hold possession of it, but not further.
But suppose, Sir, we take possession of this country by force, we should not thereby acquire a just right to it. Such a measure would not be consistent with or authorised by the law of nations, and could vest in us no valid title. It was for these reasons, that I considered the most effectual way of acquiring a just title to this country, was by entering into fair and honourable compact for it with its rightful owner. The measure was agreed to by a large majority, made by two thirds of the members of this house. It seemed to be agreed by all, we ought to acquire this country, and the principal question was, how shall we get it, or what shall we give for it? I was, Sir, of opinion, that it would be best to give money for it, that we should in this way get it cheaper than by resorting to any other means. That it was much cheaper to pay for it with money, than with the blood of our fellow citizens. I considered that the land would repay, and more than repay us for the purchase money—and that the additional revenue we should acquire, would give us a still further compensation for our trouble, and advance made in acquiring the country.
A proposition was offered about the same time, to exchange territory to the west of the Mississippi for the Floridas. I was decidedly opposed to that proposition. I protested against it then, and shall ever oppose it.
I conceived it contrary to the constitutional right of the people at large that Congress should assume the power of giving away, or disposing of a single acre of our country to a foreign nation. I considered that the territory in question as part of the union, and if so, that we might as well attempt to give away a part of a state. I considered this as establishing a principle of a most dangerous kind, which might in time lead to a dismemberment of the union.
If you can dispose of this territory to a foreign power, you can of a part or the whole of the state. You may transfer at one time, a portion of the country to the east, and at another time a portion to the south as well as to the west—and by this means, a designing majority would be enabled, if apprehensive of rivalry in power or influence, from the increasing population of any part of your country, to round off the union at pleasure, so as to suit their own particular views. I did, therefore, call upon this house to guard against such dangerous consequences. I also considered that the country in question would be settled by people of some nation. I preferred it should be possessed by those of the United States, and their posterity forever—that they might form but one great family from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean—and I did not wish on the contrary, to enable the subjects of a foreign nation to encroach and strengthen themselves in our neighbourhood, who might at some future day, not very distant, become our rivals and our enemies.
It was observed that this money would go to France. It was then stated, and it has been repeated, that there was nothing to authorise the belief that France was to get this money from us. It is true it was well known, if we behaved the publick prints, that France had got money from Spain; that Spain previous to being engaged in the present war as the ally of France, with money, and that the treasury of Spain was in a great degree the treasury of France. And suppose this to be the case, what have we to do with it? Are we to continue ourselves the guardians of the Spanish treasury? Is it material to us what Spain does with the money after she gets it? And if Spain consults France who is her ally, with regard to the sale, has she not a right to do it? Has she not a right to be as submissive to France as she pleases; Would that be any objection to our acquiring the country from Spain? I can see no objection, even should we believe that France would eventually get the money we pay to Spain, to our making the purchase in question. But is it unusual for two nations in close alliance, to consult each other as to their transactions with a third power? Is it not, on the contrary, the constant practice to do so? The alliance may be such that Spain cannot alter her territorial situation without the consent of France. And is this a reason why we should not make a fair proposition to Spain to purchase territory which she has and we want? It cannot be, there is no foundation for this objection. Mr. Speaker, I think it proper here to state that there was no part of my conduct such as to authorise any man to say the measure I voted for was calculated to bribe any nation. This was not my intention; it was not the intention of the majority of this house, and such an allegation cannot be believed by the publick or by any unprejudiced and candid individual. I have only one other observation to offer in regard to an observation made by the same gentleman from Virginia (Mr. R.) that the ground we have taken is calculated to show a dastardly spirit towards Spain or France, and to present a hostile attitude towards Britain. I do not consider it in that point of view. I do not think the conduct of Spain required from us the manifestation
of any hostile intention. That government does not appear to have authorised, and her publick officers have disavowed, the aggression alluded to. It is well known, however, that we did take an attitude towards that nation calculated to shew a determination on our part to repel aggressions. Our soldiers were ordered to patrol the country, and they did so without meeting with any hostile opposition from Spain. There is no ground then to believe either that Spain had a hostile intention towards this country, or to say that we have been disposed to shrink from taking a manly position, or that we have manifested a dastardly conduct towards her. With regard to France, I will only say that I know of no differences existing between the United States and that nation—and so far as regards Great Britain, it is fully known to the publick what her conduct was towards us, and what measures we have adopted in this house, in regard to her, on which I have already delivered my sentiments, and shall not here again repeat them.
Mr. KELLY. I did not expect to offer any arguments either in favour of or in opposition to the decision lately made, from which there has been an appeal; but as that appeal has been made, I rise not for the purpose of going into any wide argument or of accusing any set of men, but for the purpose of justifying myself and the vote which I shall now give as well as that which I have given. It has been said on this floor with open doors that the reason of giving money was to prevent the necessity of raising a standing army; and that it was better to strengthen the arm of the executive with money than by a standing force. From this it might be inferred that the reasoning on the part of the minority went to raising a standing army. As I voted with the minority on this occasion, I will briefly state some of the reasons which influenced my vote. It is not in order to say any thing relative to the confidential message, but it is perfectly in order to speak of the message delivered at the opening of the session; and I believe it is perfectly fair to say that there was no occurrence between the 3d of December, when the publick message was delivered, and the 6th when the confidential message was received to change the circumstances in which we were previously placed. I shall vote in favour of the publication of this message as being the ground work of the proceedings we have adopted in secret. I wish it published that the publick may judge whether those proceedings were consonant to this message or not. I should wish the publick to see whether the part taken by the minority, or the measures of the majority are the most consonant with it. To enable the publick accurately to judge, I think it essential that it should be published; as the executive branch of the government is presumed to be the best acquainted with our foreign relations. The message of the President at the opening of the session specially mentioned and designated Spain. It informed us that, "Inroads have been recently made into the territory of Orleans and the Mississippi, our citizens have been seized and their property plundered in the very parts of the former which had been actually delivered up by Spain, and this by the regular officers and soldiers of that government." The message also advised us that something was necessary to be done,—It said that some of these aggressions might perhaps admit of a peaceable remedy, but that others could be met by force alone. That message, it will be allowed on all hands, called loudly for some efficient measures on the part of the government—for taking against Spain, if not a hostile, at least a defensive posture; and will I undertake to say that nothing which has occurred in secret tended to inculcate the propriety of a different course; nor could there be anything, for the one message so quickly followed the other, as not to allow time for any intervening circumstances. What followed? A report of a committee stating the aggressions of this power to be of a most atrocious nature; not recommending a war to check the rising growth and prosperity of the country, but recommending that a certain number of troops should be raised at the discretion of the President of the United States, to repel the insults that be offered, and to chastise those who offered them. This measure appeared to be proper in itself, and it appeared likewise to be recommended by the tenor of the message. It appeared to be the more necessary, as we had information of the collecting of a considerable force in the provinces of Spain and at Pensacola. For these reasons it appeared to me desirable that such a force should be raised as the President might deem necessary. This was not creating a standing army.—The number of troops to be raised was to be left entirely to his discretion. The resolution proposed is as follows:
Resolved, That such number of troops not exceeding as the President of the United States shall deem sufficient to protect the southern frontiers of the United States from Spanish invasion and insult, and to chastise the same, be immediately raised.
It has been alleged that the militia would have been competent to defend the frontier. But this could not prevail on me to abandon the measure, as I could not think it proper that the militia, even if competent, should be forced out into so unnecessary a service. The resolution embraced no other idea but that the standing force in that quarter should be strengthened. I considered this safe and proper, to make provision for cases which might arise. I could not believe that the militia would be competent to defend the country. They are too remotely situated, and the country too sickly; and the only just calculation was that they would have found their graves there. It was not contended that a large army was necessary; but that it would be requisite, in case the Spanish troops should be superior to ours, to raise a few recruits.
These are the reasons that induced me to vote for the resolution. I had others. We were informed of the necessity of having additional land batteries, of putting our ports and harbours in a state of defence, and of building an additional number of gun boats. If these measures were carried into effect, I thought, as militia would not be competent to these objects, it would be requisite to have an addition made to our troops. Under all these circumstances I was in favour of empowering the President to raise a small number of troops.—But while I was in favour of this measure, I was strongly opposed, as any man on this floor, to any thing like a large standing army. I will never consent to such a measure without an urgent necessity for it.
I was opposed to the measure adopted by the House on many grounds. It appeared by the report of the secretary of the treasury, that there was not in the treasury more than a surplus million of dollars. I considered it improper, when we were threatened from every quarter, to lay a magic hand on the two millions appropriated, to anticipate the receipts of revenue by a million of dollars, and thus drain the treasury when money might soon be wanted for the most urgent purposes.
I was opposed to it on other grounds. It did not appear for what purpose it was to be applied. It is true, I heard one gentleman say it was in correspondence with the secret wishes of the President, but I could pay no regard to that declaration. We had before us no communication, either publick or private, which declared that it was either with Spain or France that the negotiation was to be carried on. Nor had we any reason for entertaining the idea that the two millions, whether they are gone or not, would make one farthing difference. It was necessary for me, voting on this occasion, to see the necessity and propriety of the measure. We had been
told in the message of the President that the negotiation with Spain had come to an issue, and that that issue was not favourable. But we had received no intimation that Spain was disposed to adjust her differences with us respecting boundaries. We had, on the contrary, different information. Neither had we any intimation that the contemplated negotiation would be agreeable to Spain, or to the President of the United States. Was it then proper for the House or myself to vote for appropriating two millions of dollars for the lord knows what, when it neither appeared from any communication from the President, or from any other official source, to be desirable.—If we had had such an intimation from the President, what security was there that the negotiation would have been made—and I am inclined to believe that I should have been opposed to its having been entered upon. What gave rise to the first purchase? The right of deposit stipulated by treaty to us had been refused. It is well known that a considerable number of vessels came down the Mississippi, which from their peculiar construction could not reach the ocean—and thence resulted the necessity of a place of deposit. The refusal of that right first gave rise to the idea of a purchase. We got possession of New Orleans and of the river, and found ourselves also possessed of a strip of land on the other side of it, after having thought we had purchased West Florida—and when I find instead of this, we have been swindled out of our money, I am unwilling to negotiate again, and give away the publick treasure. Even after this shall have been done, it will be extremely easy for France or some other government to raise a difficulty, and claim an additional sum for its adjustment. Was it not believed on the part of our government, that we had made a fair purchase, not only to the Rio Bravo in one direction, but to the Perdido in another? I had another reason against this measure. I thought this an improper time to accomplish it. Having already got the navigation of the Mississippi and the island of New Orleans, I thought it most advisable to delay the negotiation till a general peace, when we might make an engagement with Spain as an independent nation, and have some assurance that the nation which sold would be able to guarantee the country. On these grounds I voted in favour of the resolution reported by the select committee, and against the measure adopted by the House. I have thought it proper to assign these reasons, that all may understand the grounds on which I voted. And this consideration will justify me in voting to give publicity to the message, that the public may see what is the ground work of the measures we have taken. I wish the nation to see whether that message recommended taking the ground which we have assumed, or that which we refused to take.
Mr. J. CLAY. I must say that the observations which have fallen from my colleague and other gentlemen who have taken a part in this debate, have strongly impressed me with the propriety of the motion under consideration. There appears to be a material difference of opinion as to the true construction of the message and the documents communicated by the President. It is apparent that I understand those communications in one way, and my colleague in another. We have been told that one nation, France, has been improperly dragged into this discussion. The message of the President, ought, in my opinion, to be published, to shew that this is not so. There are other sources of differences of opinion which can only be understood by giving publicity to the message. Gentlemen have gone into a long detail of the motives which governed them in the votes which they have given. It is not necessary for me to imitate the example they have set. I hope when my motives are called in question, it will be before the publick and not here. I shall be ready to defend them by all the means I possess, the vote of this House notwithstanding. I believed when the injunction of secrecy was removed, it was removed from all our proceedings, and I considered all that was laid before this House as so far my property that I had a right to use it in my defence. We have been told there are some for voting against the resolution—that a standing army was proposed to be raised by it while the militia would have answered every useful purpose. This may be a very good and popular argument, but we have been within a few days told from the same quarter, that it is necessary to have a brigadier-general in the armies of the United States to defend one of these very provinces attacked by Spain. Some allusion has been made to a conversation held out of doors; and my colleague has shown some squeamishness to act on such authority. But I will ask him if he invariably makes up his votes from official documents laid on this table, and whether he does not sometimes travel out of the record. When a gentleman tells you such and such a thing, in which the honour of the nation is implicated, ought he to be considered as out of order? Was it not his duty to give that information to the House? I will say, if I had been acquainted with these things, my doubts as to the propriety of the appropriation of two millions would have been much increased. Permit me here to observe, that when a gentleman intimated that the money was already gone out of the country, no man in his senses could have dreamed that it was intended to assert that it was sent out in so many actual Spanish milled dollars. Does the secretary of the treasury, when he informs us there are so many dollars in the treasury, mean to say there are so many round silver dollars there? No. He only means to say we have a credit to such an amount. So with regard to our transactions with Spain—I understand that our credit is in Holland, and that the fund is created there from which we are to draw. Is not this to all intents and purposes, the same as transmitting the money to Holland? When a man pays a debt, is it to be supposed that he carries the actual dollars with him? To say the least of such an objection it is a mere quibble.—As there is a material difference of opinion as to the construction of the documents and the message of the President, it is a duty which we owe to ourselves, to lay before the people all the information on which we acted, that we may stand justified or condemned by it before them.
Mr. EPPES. I rejoice that the period has at length arrived, when our publick conduct is to be submitted to the people. When what we have done in our representative capacity is to be collected not from eloquent representations on this floor of what other gentlemen would not do, but from the record of our proceedings. The secret is out—the bubble has burst, and gentlemen find themselves and the publick disappointed. I consider the publication of the secret journal as an appeal to the people. I am willing to indulge gentlemen in making it as perfect as they can. I shall vote for the amendment of the gentleman from Virginia, or for any other calculated to bring this subject fairly before those to whom we are responsible for our conduct. The journal is the best answer to their speeches. Amend it as they will they cannot realize the publick expectations.—Its publication, I firmly believe, will excite no sentiment but surprise. On the day the injunction of secrecy was taken off, your doors were crowded with persons anxious to hear this tremendous secret. I witnessed nothing but disappointment. Congress has appropriated two million of dollars to buy Florida. Is this all? Have you not confiscated the publick debt? Or at any event the Louisiana stock? Most certainly you have voted money to bribe Talleyrand? No, I assure you, we have done nothing more than appropriate two millions of dollars for the purchase of Florida in a law, containing precisely the same words with the one passed for that purpose, in the
year 1803, and supported by the very persons who have denounced this measure. Gentlemen have attempted to draw a distinction between the situation of the United States in the year 1803, and in the year 1806. I am not so un candid as to say that the present differences with Spain, are precisely such as we had in the year 1803. This however, I will say—that every objection urged against the present appropriation, applies with equal force to the measure of 1803. Let us examine what was the situation of the United States with Spain at these two periods.
In the year 1803, Spain had committed spoliations on our commerce to a considerable amount, the payment of which had been either wholly or in part refused. She had cut off the whole western country, from an outlet to the ocean, by prohibiting a deposit at Orleans, and refusing to assign an equivalent elsewhere, as stipulated by treaty. The remedy adopted by the collected wisdom of the nation was holding in readiness a detachment of militia, and making a secret appropriation to buy Florida.
In the year 1806, Spain had refused an amicable adjustment of limits—had refused to pay for spoliations on our commerce—had in one instance violated our territory. The remedy resorted to, has been to hold in readiness a detachment of militia, and to appropriate money for the purchase of Florida. This was the situation of the nation at these two periods. Whether at either period, the wisest course has been pursued, I shall not attempt to prove. In both cases the nation adopted the same principle. To avoid war if possible, and to purchase territory, rather than fight for it. All the strong objections urged against the measure at present adopted, apply with equal force to the measures adopted in 1803. The two laws contain precisely the same words, and neither specify the object of appropriation. The law of 1803 was passed in secret, with closed doors. The law of 1806 was passed in the same manner. The appropriation in 1803, was not recommended by the executive, but founded on a resolution submitted by a member of the House of Representatives. The appropriation in 1806, was not recommended by the executive, but founded on a resolution submitted by a member of the House of Representatives also. The object of the appropriation in the year 1803, concealed from the people twelve months—in the year 1806, made publick in a few weeks. Gentlemen may draw nice distinctions, but they will find it difficult to make the people believe, that the measures adopted in 1803, were wise and virtuous, and the same measures in 1806, infamous. I appeal with confidence to the people, they will and must see, that this is the very same measure adopted three years ago, without noise, in a law containing the same words, passed in secret in the same manner, and supported by the very persons who have denounced this measure.
When, however, this measure shall be fairly brought before the publick, it will be found, that notwithstanding the noise & clamour which has been made, the difference between the majority and minority on this question is not very considerable. Every member of the House of Representatives admitted the necessity of doing something. What were the remedies within our reach? 1st. To declare war. 2. Either to increase our standing army for the purpose of strengthening our posts or holding in readiness a detachment of militia. 3. To exchange territory or to purchase.
As to the first of these, declaring war, no member of the House of Representatives wished to pursue that course. The gentleman from Virginia certainly did not. His report speaks only the language of peace—all the evils of war to this country, are dwelt on in that report with care and labour. If, however, we had not this proof, that he did not wish far war with Spain, he has given unequivocal proofs of it in his arguments on another question. A war with Spain, we know, must be a war with Spain and France combined. They are joined by alliance offensive and defensive. To a war against France and Spain combined, all the objections urged against war with England, would apply with full force. If war with England would have encrusted executive patronage, and endangered the constitution and the liberty of the people, so also would war with France and Spain combined—we put war aside therefore, as a course which no man wished to pursue. The next course was either to encrusted our standing troops, or to hold in readiness a detachment of militia. Here was room for an honest diversity of opinion. A majority of the House preferred depending on a militia—I was of that number. I thought the standing troops in that country sufficient for the protection of it, unless Spain determined to force a war. Subsequent events have shown the correctness of that opinion. No violation of territory has taken place since the case of the Kempers, except by twenty Spaniards, who crossed the Sabine, and were driven off by the American troops. The next course was either to exchange territory, or to purchase. A majority of the house were in favour of both. I was of that number. On the east side of the Mississippi there was territory to which Spain had an undoubted right. There was territory to which the U. States had an undoubted right—And there was territory which Spain and the United States both claimed. On the west side of the Mississippi, the situation was the same. Each nation had an undoubted right to territory, and there was territory claimed by both. It was not to be supposed that Spain while she held the territory to the east of the Perdido, would be disposed to relinquish the claim which she sets up to the country between the Perdido and Mississippi. It was necessary to purchase the territory to the east of the Perdido, to which Spain has an undoubted right, and after disposing of which, it would certainly be her interest to relinquish her claim between the Perdido and Mississippi, on obtaining an equivalent surrender on the part of the United States to claims west of the Mississippi. I see nothing dishonourable in this transaction, and really it appears to me that the difference between the majority and minority is narrowed down to this. The majority were in favour of militia. The minority of standing troops. The majority were in favour of exchange and of purchase. The minority in favour of exchange only.
On the importance of Florida to the United States I shall not say anything. The foes to this measure have admitted its importance in the fullest extent, and their willingness to acquire it on fair and honourable terms. All their objections have been made not to the purchase but to the mode. It is said we have appropriated money not for the purchase of Florida, but to induce France to bully Spain out of her right.
On this subject, I have never had but one opinion. I have always believed, and I still believe, that the money will be fairly employed in purchasing Florida of the rightful owner. The gentleman from Virginia will do me the justice to recollect, that I held this language with closed doors. I hold it now in the presence of the people. That France may ultimately get the money is highly probable, and why? Has not the gentleman from Virginia told us the sovereignty of Spain is annihilated, that the powers of her minister are signed Charles Maurice Talleyrand? But of what importance is it to us what becomes of the money we pay Spain? Are we to become the guardians of Spain? Shall we not purchase a territory important to the United States, because Spain may be bullied or cheated out of the money she receives from us? If Spain is really in such a degraded state that she has no will of her own, has her conduct towards the United States been such, as to induce us not to avail ourselves of the situation in which we find her? For my own part, I care not what use Spain makes of the money paid to her for

Florida. It is of no importance to me as a representative, nor to the people. That the purchase will be fairly made of Spain, or of the money paid to Spain, I have no doubt. The government dare not employ it in any other way. I shall vote for amending the journal, by inserting the message. I know, however, that this will not satisfy the gentlemen. They will next want the correspondence of our foreign ministers, and this they know cannot be printed. I am willing, with these observations, to trust my conduct with those by whom I am elected. A representative is not responsible for the wisdom of measures. All he is answerable for, is an honest exercise of his judgment. On the present, as on every other occasion, I am certain I have honestly exercised for the publick good, that understanding which God and nature has bestowed on me.
(Debate to be continued.)
The committee, to whom was referred a resolution proposing an appropriation of two millions of dollars, in addition to the sum usually appropriated for the purposes of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations, submit the following Report:
The object of this resolution is to enable the executive to commence with more effect, a negotiation with the French and Spanish governments relative to the purchase from them of the island of New Orleans, and the provinces of East and West Florida. This object is deemed highly important and has received the attentive consideration of the committee. The free and unmolested navigation of the Mississippi, is a point to which the attention of the general government has been directed, ever since the peace of 1763, by which our independence as a nation was finally acknowledged. The immense tract of country owned by the United States, which lies immediately on the Mississippi, or communicates with it by means of large navigable rivers rising within our boundaries, renders its free navigation an object, not only of inestimable advantage, but of the very first necessity. The Mississippi forms the western boundary of the United States from its source to the 31st degree of North latitude, and empties itself into the Gulf of Mexico about the 29th degree of north latitude. It furnishes the only outlet through which the produce of the Indiana territory, of the states of Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee, and of the western parts of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and a portion of the Mississippi territory, can be transported to a foreign market or to the ports of the Atlantic states. From the 31st degree of north latitude which is the southern boundary of the United States, to the mouth of the river, the territory on each side has heretofore been in possession of the Spanish government; the province of Louisiana lying to the west, and those of East Florida, with the island of New Orleans, to the east. Although the United States have insisted on an uncontrolled right to pass up and down the river, from its source to the sea, yet this right, if admitted in its most ample latitude, will not secure to them the full advantage of navigation. The strength and rapidity of the current of the Mississippi are to render its ascent so extremely difficult, that few vessels of burthen have attempted to go as far as our boundary. This circumstance obliges the citizens of the western country to carry their produce down the river in boats, from which it is put on board of ships capable of sustaining a sea voyage. It follows, therefore, that to enjoy the full benefits of navigation, some place should be fixed which sea vessels can approach without great inconvenience, where the American produce may be deposited until it is again shipped to be carried abroad. This great point was secured to us in the year 1795 by the Spanish government, who agreed in the treaty of San Ildefonso , that Americans should have the right of deposit at New Orleans. This right has been used from that time till a late period; but the conduct of the Intendant at that place, shews how liable the advantageous navigation of the river is to interruption, and strongly points out the impolicy of relying on a foreign nation for benefits which our citizens have a right to expect should be secured to them by their own government. It is hoped that the port of New Orleans may again be opened, before any very material injuries arise; but should this be the case, or if as the treaty provides, a new place of deposit should be assigned, the late occurrence shews the uncertainty of its continuance. Experience proves that the capture or the interested views of a single officer, may perpetually subject us to the alternative of submitting to injury, or of resorting to war.
The late violation of our treaty with Spain necessarily leads to the enquiry how far the western country may be affected in other points, not connected with New Orleans. The Mississippi territory extends from the confines of Georgia to the river Mississippi, and from the 31st to the 35th degree of north latitude. It is estimated to contain more than fifty millions of acres, and from its numerous advantages must one day or other possess an immense population. The variety, richness and abundance of its productions, hold out to settlers the strongest inducements to resort thither, and the United States may safely calculate on drawing a considerable revenue from the sale of land in this, as well as in other quarters of the western country. The value of these, however, may be diminished or increased, and the sale impeded or advanced by the impression made on the publick mind, by shutting the port of New Orleans, and by eventual measures which may be adopted to guard against similar injuries.
West Florida is bounded on the north by the Mississippi territory, from which it is separated by no natural boundary; on the east by the river Apalachicola which divides it from East Florida; on the west by the river Mississippi, and on the south by the Gulf of Mexico. The Mississippi territory is intersected by many large and valuable rivers which rise within its own boundaries, and meander thro' it in a general direction from north to south, but empty themselves into the Gulf of Mexico through the province of West Florida. In fact with the exception of that part of the territory which lies immediately on the Mississippi, the whole must depend on the Mobile and the Apalachicola, with their numerous branches, and on some other rivers of inferior note, for the means of sending its produce to market, and of returning to itself such foreign supplies, as the necessities or inconvenience of its inhabitants may require. In these rivers too, the eastern parts of the state of Tennessee are deeply interested, as some of the great branches of the Mobile approach very near to some of those branches on the Tennessee river, which lie above the great muscle shoals. Even if it should prove difficult to connect them, yet the land carriage will be shorter, and the route to the sea more direct, than the river Tennessee furnishes. These rivers possess likewise an advantage which is denied to the Mississippi. As their sources are not in the mountains, and their course is through a level country, their currents are gentle and the tide flows considerably above our boundary. This circumstance together with the depth of water which many of them afford, render them accessible to sea-vessels; and ships of two hundred tons burthen may ascend for several hundred miles in the heart of the Mississippi territory. These rivers, however, which run almost exclusively within our own limits, and which it would seem as if nature had intended for our own benefit, we must be indebted to others for the beneficial use of, so long as the province of West Florida shall continue in the possession of a foreign nation. If the province of West Florida were of itself an independent empire, it
would be the interest of its government to promote the freedom of trade, by laying open the mouths of rivers of all nations, this having been the policy of those powers who possess the Rhine, and Danube, the Po and the Tagus, with some others. But the system of colonization, which has always heretofore prevailed, proves, that the mother country is ever anxious to engross to itself the trade of its colonies, and affords as every reason to apprehend that Spain will not readily admit us to pass through her territory to carry on a trade either with each other or with foreign nations. This right we may insist on, and perhaps it may be conceded to us; but it is possible that it may be denied. At all events it may prove the source of endless disagreements and perpetual hostility.
In this respect East Florida may not perhaps be so important, but its acquisition is deemed desirable. From its junction with the state of Georgia at the river St. Mary's it stretches nearly four hundred miles into the sea, forming a large peninsula, and has some very fine harbours. The southern point, cape Florida, is not more than one hundred miles distant from the Havannah, and the possession of it may be beneficial to us in relation to our trade with the West Indies. It would likewise make our whole territory compact, would add considerably to our sea coast, and by giving us the Gulph of Mexico for our southern boundary, would render us less liable to attack, in what is now deemed the most vulnerable part in the union.
From the foregoing view of facts, it must be seen that the possession of New Orleans and the Floridas will not only be required for the convenience of the United States, but will be demanded by their most imperious necessities. The Mississippi and its branches, with those other rivers above referred to, drain an extensive country not less perhaps than one half of our whole territory, containing at this time one eighth of our population and progressing with a rapidity beyond the experience of any former time, or any other nation. The Floridas and New Orleans command the only outlets to the sea, and our best interests require that we should get possession of them. This requisition however arises not from a disposition to increase our territory; for neither the Floridas nor New Orleans, offer any other inducements than their mere geographical relation to the United States. But if we look forward to the free use of the Mississippi, the Mobile, the Apalachicola and the other rivers of the West, by ourselves and our posterity, New Orleans and the Floridas must become a part of the United States either by purchase or by conquest.
The great question then which presents itself is, shall we at this time lay the foundation for future peace, by offering a fair and equivalent consideration; or shall we hereafter incur the hazards and the horrors of war? The government of the United States is differently organized from any other in the world. Its object is the happiness of man; its policy and its interest, to pursue right by right means. War is the great scourge of the human race, and should never be resorted to but in cases of the most imperious necessity. A wise government will avoid it, when its views can be attained by peaceful measures. Princes fight for glory, and the blood and treasure of their subjects is the price they pay. In all nations the people bear the burthen of war, and in the United States, the people rule. Their representatives are the guardians of their rights, and it is the duty of those representatives to provide against any event, which may, even at a distant day, involve the interest and happiness of the nation. We may indeed have our rights restored to us by treaty, but there is a want of fortitude in applying temporary remedies to permanent evils; thereby imposing on our posterity a burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. If the purchase can be made, we ought not to hesitate. If the attempt should fail, we have discharged an important duty. War may be the result? but the American nation, satisfied with our conduct, will be animated by one soul, and will unite all its energies in the contest. Foreign powers will be convinced that it is not a war of aggrandizement on our part and will therefore feel no unreasonable jealousies towards us. We shall have proved that our object was justice; it will be seen that our proposition was fair; and it will be acknowledged that our cause is honourable. Should alliances be necessary they may be advantageously formed. We shall have merited and shall therefore possess general confidence. Our measures will stand justified not only to ourselves and our country, but to the world.
In another point of view, perhaps it would be preferable to make the purchase, as it is believed that a smaller sum would be required for this object, than would necessarily be expended, if we should attempt to take possession by force; the expenses of a war being indeed almost incalculable. The committee have no information before them, to ascertain the amount for which the purchase can be made, but it is hoped, that with the assistance of two millions of dollars in hand, this will not be unreasonable. A similar course was pursued for the purpose of settling our differences with the regency of Algiers, by an appropriation of one million of dollars prior to the commencement of the negotiation, and we have since experienced its beneficial effects.
Under these impressions therefore the committee recommend the adoption of the resolution referred to them in the following words, viz.
Resolved, That a sum of two millions of dollars in addition to the provision heretofore made, be appropriated to defray any expenses which may be incurred in relation to the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations; to be paid out of any money that may be in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, and to be applied under the direction of the President of the United States; who if necessary is hereby authorised to borrow the same or any part thereof, an account whereof, as soon as may be, shall be laid before Congress.
* This looks as if the two millions were only so much to be paid down, how many more are to be added, and to be paid hereafter, we know not?
Note by the Ed.
Ship Woodrop Sims for Sale.
To be Sold at Publick Auction on WEDNESDAY, the 21st of May, at the Exchange Coffee-Room (if not disposed of before by private sale) the fine copper-bottomed
Ship WOODROP SIMS,
Burthen 395 tons, built at Philadelphia of live oak and cedar, now in complete order for the reception of a cargo, and well found in every material. For further particulars apply on board, or to
George McIntosh.
P. S. As it is expected a purchaser will previously examine the Ship, any further description is considered unnecessary an inventory will be seen on board.
April 30. tds 706
For Sale at this Office,
A SHORT NARRATIVE,
Of the Military and other events of the Life of
JACOB PAYNE;
Who has been blind for more than twenty years past—Taken verbatim from his own mouth, and sent to Press without transcribing—To which is subjoined,
AN ANTIDOTE,
Against the Bite of Poisonous Reptiles, &c.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIME, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 7, 1806.
COMMUNICATION.
Remarks on the Debate in the House of Representatives for publishing the President's Message, on which the secret proceedings were founded, and on some other proceedings.
The refusal to publish the message after the proceedings were made publick, is not less extraordinary than the reasons which were assigned. One gentleman says, his reasons for withholding his assent, are grounded on an apprehension, that by giving publicity to the message, it might embarrass the negotiation. There is much soundness in this argument, for certainly while a negotiation is pending, nothing ought to be done which might embarrass it. In the present case, however, the argument does not apply; because even some gentlemen who were opposed to the motion, admitted that there was no difference between the publick and the confidential messages, consequently the publicity of the latter could have no more operation on the negotiation than the former would have. But the real cause of objection proceeded from another source. The fact we believe is, and so must every one believe, who has attended to the discussion, that there was no difference in the two messages. In this case, say the opponents, why do you wish the confidential message published? The answer is very simple, why reply the advocates do you wish it kept secret.
The real object, as we understand, of the supporters of the resolution, was to shew to the people, that the house of representatives, had without any additional information from the executive, done that upon a private communication, which they did not choose to venture to do upon a publick communication, although there was no difference in the two. The advocates of the resolution wished to prove that measures were adopted in compliance with the secret wishes of the executive, expressed in that irresponsible and unconstitutional manner, which the nature of our government rejects. This is what was dreaded, for it had been expressly asserted, and was not denied, that the measures were in conformity to the secret wishes of the President, but how were those wishes expressed? in the regular constitutional mode? no, and the publication of the message would have proved that fact; gentlemen did not like that their constituents should know that they acted under the influence of the executive, expressed in a way, that had more the semblance of intrigue than a conviction of expediency.
In the course of the very desultory debate which occurred, a point of some importance was made.—Spain it was insisted was stimulated by France in her resistance of our demands, and that the only means of obtaining our object was to give money to France. This was answered by observing, that if we obtained our objects, it was of little moment to us, what Spain did with the money, and that it was of no consequence to us if Spain was dependent on France, or acted from her own impulse. The objection to treat with Spain under such circumstances, does not appear to be fully answered.
A nation which acts under the influence of another, and without consulting its own will, has no responsibility. Although nations do not always act with good faith, there is however a respect for the opinion of the world, which will not permit a gross violation of faith. But Spain does not violate her faith, when she has no will. Suppose we pay the two millions to Spain, (without knowing or caring what she does with them) what security have we that France will not again interpose? Directly we have no negotiation with France, of course we have no claim upon her. It appears that we can never say when we shall be done paying, at this rate. In referring to the original purchase of Louisiana, it must be admitted, either that we purchased a country without understanding what we had bought, or if we bought a country with fixed and known boundaries, that we are kept out of our right by some one. By whom? not by Spain—by France then, for if France can influence Spain to sell us the Floridas for two millions, she can compel Spain to give us the country for which France has already been paid, by the United States. Negotiation under such circumstances, does not promise much honour or advantage. We may flatter ourselves that this loan in disguise will pass without notice by Great-Britain, but we shall find ourselves miserably deceived. Upon a former occasion, when Talleyrand wanted money from our Commissioners, they replied that a loan to France would be considered under existing circumstances, as a just cause of war by Great-Britain. Mr. Talleyrand's agent replied, "let us have the money, and we will contrive to disguise the loan, for instance, buy of France thirty millions of Dutch rescriptions, worth fifty per cent. for which you are to give par." Our Commissioners were not, however, to be thus duped, they were determined not to commit the honour and interests of their country.
It will be remembered that one of the objections (and if it had been well founded, it was certainly the best) was, that nothing ought to be done, pending a negotiation, which might embarrass it. Consistency is not to be expected in men, who have no opinions of their own, and who have degraded the character of the representatives of free men, and become the automata of the executive. If uniformity of action had governed, a very different result to our negotiations with Great-Britain would have been witnessed, than what there is reason to apprehend. It was very well known that our minister was negotiating with Great-Britain, and with an administration, whose first act was an assurance of friendly dispositions towards the United States, and recent accounts from England confirm those assurances.—Notwithstanding these circumstances, a measure was adopted which is not only calculated to embar-
rass, but to defeat the negotiations. Will any man pretend to say, that those who were so cautious not to embarrass the negotiation in one instance, could be insensible upon another occasion? or rather, will we not conclude, that the prohibitory bill was passed with a view to defeat the negotiation? Was there any apprehension that an honorable and advantageous issue, to Mr. Monroe's negotiations might strengthen his pretensions to the Presidential chair?
Let us suppose that by this time Mr. Monroe has compromised our disputes to his satisfaction; he will be greatly astonished to perceive, that while he was instructed to meet friendly arrangements in England, with friendly dispositions, the government here was pursuing hostile measures.
Mr. Randolph has said, that we have no cabinet. This very circumstance proves the truth of the assertion.
The executive is certainly not responsible for what the legislature does, and the nature of our government is too well understood in Great-Britain, to have it supposed so there. But surely it is well understood that the executive can recommend, and he certainly has a constitutional veto upon the acts of the legislature. While a confidential agent, selected by the executive, is instructed to go into friendly explanations and arrangements with a foreign government, the executive ratifies hostile measures here. The effect which such conduct must have, not only in the present, but upon future negotiations, is obvious. To suppose a favourable result to Mr. Monroe's negotiations, we must attribute more forbearance and moderation, than we have heretofore experienced from the government with whom he has to negotiate. The best, that we have to hope for is, that all the negotiations of Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinckney will be conditioned by a stipulation for the repeal of the law. The enacting of the law will, however, leave an impression, which though policy may conceal, resentment will long cherish. We have said in so many words, that we are willing to give from fifteen to thirty per cent. more (for articles which we want) to any other nation than to Britain. When we are willing to sacrifice our interests to our resentments, our passions are wrong. That we have had cause to complain of the conduct of Britain, and that a recent event, if not atoned for, has furnished additional cause, cannot be doubted. At the same time, if we are sincerely disposed to terminate all differences, it appears to be bad policy to augment the causes of dispute.
ALEXANDRIA, May 2.
Married on Thursday, at Woodville, by the Rev. Dr. Mun, CHARLES JEFFERSON CATLETT, Esq. merchant, of Norfolk, to the amiable Miss ANN FAIRFAX, daughter of the late Lord Fairfax, of Mount Eagle, Fairfax county.
CHARLSTON, April 29.
Round-about News.
Capt. Sayre, from Havanna,* informs, that two days previous to his having left that port, the captain of a vessel, which had arrived there from Jamaica, stated that just before he sailed a British packet had arrived with accounts of the DEATH of GEORGE III. King of Great Britain. A number of letters, from respectable houses at Havanna, received in this city, communicate the same intelligence.
* Left Havanna 19th April.
April 30.
Capt. Hudson, of the brig Neptune, was boarded on the 18th Feb. at Cape Coast, by the French squadron of 7 sail, two of the line. They had then captured 17 sail of English Guineamen, and afterwards proceeded to the river Lagos, where they captured 5 sail more; one of them the Mary, capt. Adams, of Liverpool; capt. A. engaged one of the frigates, and was killed in the action—Capt. Hudson left on the Gold Coast brig Hiram, Hudson; brig Hope, Lyon; and brig Mary-Ann, Loughton, all of Newport, (R. I.)
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Sch'r Comfort, Drummond, 7 days from Charleston.
CAVALRY ATTENTION!!!
You are desired to appear on the parade ground, adjoining Wetwood, on Friday evening next, precisely at half past 4 o'clock, P. M.—By order of the Captain, Wm. Thomson, Lieut. May 7.
CASH GIVEN FOR
White Oak Barrel STAVES.
JAMES HERRON.
Wanted for a Port direct, A SHIP, of 300 to 350 bds. burthen. J. H. May 7. 3t 722
FOR PHILADELPHIA,
The fine new Brig SARAH,
F. Hall, Master, will be ready for the reception of a cargo on Monday next, 12th inst. and will positively sail in ten days.—For freight or passage, having good accommodations, apply to the master on board at Maclure's wharf, or to
D. R. Waddey, & Co. May 7. 721
A few Boxes LEMONS,
in good order, for Sale on board the schooner Dispatch, at Maclure's wharf May 7.
JAMES MITCHELL—Stone-Cutter,
RETURNS his sincere thanks to his friends and the publick in general, and begs leave to inform them that he has received a large supply of the best FREE-STONE, ever brought to this part of the union, which he intends to dispose of on the most reasonable terms.
N. B. As I am under the necessity of going to Smith's Point to do some of the U. States' work, the business will be carried on in my absence, as usual by Mr. William Gordon. May 7. 1 720
FOR SALE,
A likely Negro MAN,
about 20 years of age, not sold for any fault, but for want of employment; price 320 dollars. Apply to the Editor of this paper. May 7. 1aw3w 719
D. R. WADDEY, & Co.
Have just received per the Ship Dunfies, from London, an additional assortment of SHIP CHANDLERY, Among which are a large quantity of BUNTING, broad and narrow, of every colour, which they offer for Sale. May 7. 720
Teneriffe WINE, Holland & Country GIN,
4th Proof Cogniac BRANDY, of superior quality, HIBBERT'S BROWN STOUT, in casks of 6 1-2 dozen, Double Gloucester CHEESE, Old L. P. Madeira WINE, fit for immediate use, Muscovado SUGAR, in hls. and bbs.—LOAF do. in d. N. E. RUM and WHISKEY. May 5. 718

NEW RICE. For Sale a float on board the Schooner Comfort, capt. Drummond, from Charleston, 180 Tierces choice NEW RICE. Fisk & Catlett. March 24. tf 607
ROBERT GIBSON, Has removed to the Fire-Proof Ware-House in Wide Water-Street, nearly opposite Commerce Street. Feb. 28. tf 536
TO RENT, (And possession given immediately.) That commodious STORE on Main-Street, No. 22, near the old market-place, together with a large Cellar and other Apartments, well calculated either for Groceries or Dry Goods. Also, Two large DWELLING-HOUSES, with Stores in front, on Bank-Street.—Apply to Robert Farnar. Who has for Sale, on low terms, A few CANAL SHARES, The property of a gentleman to the Northward. April 4. tf 640
For Rent, The Store, Compting Room & Cellar, No. 41, Main-Street, lately occupied by Mr. Wm. McCutchen. Apply to Thomas Willock. March 17. tf
One Hundred Dollars Reward. WILL be given, to white or black, that will deliver to me dead or alive, a negro named DAVEY, who runs away from me on the 5th instant. He is about 5 feet 9 inches high, very black, well made, and very active, with a full face, and speaks part when spoken to. He has been a servant to a family as a carriage driver, and has been lately put to the shipcarpenter's and caulker's trade, and works well at the latter. As he is a dandy fellow, he no doubt, will attempt to live with some person as a servant. He made an attempt to run away from his former master, and made for the northward, but was apprehended in Virginia, where he is well acquainted, particularly in the towns, and I have no doubt but his intention is again to get off to the northward, either by land or water. I recollect a very notable white speck on his two upper middle foreteeth, which will be discovered on examination. He may have other marks for what I know, not having owned him more than four years. I cannot describe any particular ones about him, but make no doubt he has scars, as he has been whipped before I purchased him. He is very fond of drink, and will get drunk when he has an opportunity; plays cards, and is much given to roguery. He wore off with him black negro cotton clothing, and had second hand clothing; but no doubt he will change both his clothing and his name, as he is an artful fellow; and if taken, will fight, and when taken, if not well secured, will make his escape. I do hereby forward all masters of vessels and others from harbouring or carrying him off at their peril. The above reward, and all travelling expenses, will be paid, if the distance exceeds 75 miles. John Drew, Jr. Port-Tobacco, near Edenton. March 17. tf 587
VILLAINY EXPOSED. On the 11th of August, 1805, JOHN ROBERTS, master of the Schooner Aurora, of Baltimore, sailed from Norfolk with 500 bushels of Coal, taken at City Point from on board the ship Bellisle, John Hair, master from Glasgow. The said Coal was shipped for Mr. Merry, the British minister at Washington; but instead of proceeding to that place, the said Roberts went round to Philadelphia, and there disposed of the Coal on his own account; after which he sold the vessel, and has not been heard of since. It was stated by him at Philadelphia, that the Coal was Virginia produce, and he entered a protest on oath before Nicholas Diehl, Esq. Notary Public in Philadelphia, asserting that he sailed from North-bound to Baltimore, with the Coal on board as ballast; and having in a heavy gale of wind sprung his foremast, was drove out to sea, and compelled by stress of weather to put into that port. Being bound to an adjoining state, and the cargo under the value specified in the 14th section of the Coastal Act, he was authorized to proceed without a clearance; but on his arrival at Philadelphia, being other than a district in the same or an adjoining state, in order to his being permitted to enter he made the said protest, and reported his vessel agreeably to the 22d section of the said act, declaring at the same time that the cargo was shipped by and consigned to himself. Should the said John Roberts have returned to Baltimore, or his residence elsewhere be ascertained, it will be subserving the cause of justice to make it known to the Collector of that port, or those of Philadelphia, Norfolk or Petersburg. February 28. tf 535
30 Pipes Country GIN, 10 do. real Cognac BRANDY, 20 Puncheons W. I. RUM, 15 Quarter Casks Old Sherry WINE, 30 Barrels WHISKEY, 3 Hogsheads Apple BRANDY, 30 Bags PEPPER, 50 Boxes Mould CANDLES, 80 do. Dipped do. 2 Bales Fine CASSAS, 5 do. Beerboom GURRAHS—For Sale at reduced prices by S. Marks, jun. & Co. April 2. tf 631
Now Landing and for Sale, New-England RUM in hlds. and bbls. Malaga WINE in quarter casks, New-York Prime PORK, Russia and Raven's DUCK, Two Casks CORDAGE, Mould and Dipped CANDLES, SOAP in Boxes, Imperial and Souchong TEAS—By James M'Clanahan. Who would receive Goods on Storage, at his fire-proof Warehouse, on Marsden's Wharf. March 19. tf 595
HUNTER & GATEWOOD, Have received per Ship Jane, Captain Colley, from Liverpool, the balance of their supply of FALL AND WINTER GOODS, Which in addition to their former importation from London, makes their assortment general and complete—it consists of almost every article of useful and fashionable goods too tedious to enumerate, which they offer for sale, at their Store No. 42, Main-Street, by Wholesale and Retail, on the lowest terms for cash, or short payments. November 8. tf 262
FOR SALE, 3000 Pieces Yellow NANKEEN, 11 Boxes Imperial TEA, 6 Chests Hyson do. The above of the best quality and entitled to drawback. Apply to Robert Maitland & Co. WHO HAVE ON HAND, Hibbert's best bottled Port and Brown Stout. Also, Old L. P. Madeira Wine, fit for immediate use. March 5. tf 560
NOTICE. MARTIN FISK has taken Mr. CHARLES J. CATLETT into partnership, the business in future will be transacted under the firm of Fisk & Catlett. Who have for Sale, 4000 pieces Yellow NANKEENS first chop, Fresh Imperial Hyson and Young Hyson TEAS, 150 Crates Groceries WARE, well assorted, 8 Tons Patent SHOT, assorted, 75 Kgs English GUNPOWDER, 100 Boxes London Crown GLASS, 100 Kegs White LEAD, ground in oil, 1500 lbs. Seine TWINE, 150 Casks NAILS, assorted, cut, and wrought, 50 Boxes OZNAURGS, 200 Boxes Mould CANDLES, 25 do. Spermaceti do. 50 do. Fresh CHOCOLATE, 200 lbs. Spanish Red INDIGO, 50 Boxes fresh MUSTARD, (Dixon's Manufactory) 100 Rheams Writing PAPER, 200 do. Wrapping do. Also—This Day Landing, 50 Barrels BEEF, Boston Inspection, 50 do. MACKAREL, 12 Hogsheads choice retaining MOLASSES. Feb. 24. tf 525
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER, AT HIS LUMBER YARD ON CALVERT'S WHARF, 700,000 SALE SHINGLES. 50,000 BUILDING do. 50,000 STAVES—White and Red Oak. 10,000 CYPRESS PALES. 5,000 CEDAR and CHINQUEPIN POSTS. Also—shall keep a supply of PLANK and SCANTLING Thomas H. Parker. August 19. tf 77
FRANCIS SMITH, Has opened his Vendue and Commission Office at the Store lately occupied by Messrs. Bowman and Walker, No. 48, Main-Street. Jan. 20. tf 451
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE, Norfolk, Virg. Jan. 18, 1806. In consequence of instructions by him received from his government, takes this method of communicating to such officers on the British half-pay establishment, as are resident within his district, the following Notice from the Army Pay-Office, in London, in respect to the form of the Certificate required from British half-pay Officers, by whom it is highly essential that the regulations therein specified should be strictly complied with John Hamilton, Consul.
PAY-OFFICE, Horse-Guards, August 28, 1805. NOTICE is hereby given by direction of the right honourable the Pay-Master General of his majesty's forces, that the affidavits of Officers on half-pay and military allowances, who reside in the United States of America, commencing subsequently to the twenty-fourth day of December 1805, will not be passed at this office, unless the officer's place of residence, and also the county, district, or place for which the magistrate acts, before whom the said affidavit is made, (the competency of whom must be certified by the British Consul, if any shall be resident in the province or state, or by the governor, chief justice, or some other person in authority in the government thereof,) are therein specified, agreeable to the undermentioned form. D'nd. Thomas, Accountant.
A B. maketh oath, that he had not between the twenty-fourth day of _____ and the twenty-fifth day of _____ any other place, or employment of profit, civil or military, under his majesty besides his allowance of half pay, (or his military allowance, as the case may be) as a reduced _____ in the Officer to sign his name here, together with his place of residence.
Sworn before me at _____ this _____ day of _____ in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and _____ The Magistrate to sign his name here, and the county or place for which he acts.
N. B. Chaplains must insert in their affidavits the following words between the words "Majesty," and "besides," viz "or any Ecclesiastical Benefice in Great Britain or Ireland." No alterations or interlineations of any sort will be allowed to be made in the above mentioned affidavit. January 20. tf 446
NEW CUT-NAIL MANUFACTORY, ON TOWN POINT, A small distance below County Wharf, Wide Water Street. THE Subscriber has, at a considerable expense, fitted up, in addition to his other business, a complete set of machinery, adequate to finish 500 to 600 lbs. of Nails daily. He is also provided with a good stock of Iron; and with a sufficient number of skillful workmen. He has on hand a constant supply of Nails, Flooring Brads, and Sprigs, which he offers for Sale at the reduced prices as follows, by the keg, viz. 10d, 12d, 20d, Nails, 8d per lb. 8d. do. 9d per lb. Sheathing do. 7 1-2d per lb. 6d. do. 10d per lb. 4d. do. 3s. per M. 3d. do. 2s 7 1-2d do. 8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d, Brads, 8d per lb. 6d. do. 4s 6d per M. 4d. do. 3s. do. 3d. do. 2s 7 1-2d do. 2d. do. 2s 7 1-2d do. ALSO—HOOP AND BAR-IRON ASSORTED. LEVIN DORSEY. March 18. tf 350
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE, Norfolk, Virginia, August 31, 1805. HIS Britannic Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, hereby gives notice, to the merchants concerned in the trade to His Majesty's Dominions, that according to the terms of the Act of the 37th of the King C. 97, no British built vessel captured by His Majesty's enemies, afterwards purchased by citizens of the United States, and sailing under a Sea Letter can be admitted to entry under the said Act, as an American vessel. 114 John Hamilton.
COW-POX. The subscriber informs the publick, that some VACCINE MATTER which he has received from Philadelphia, has succeeded; and that those persons who have been prevented taking the disease from the loss of the infection here, can now be inoculated. George Balfour. Feb. 12. tf 505
WANTED, 25 Shares of Virginia Bank STOCK. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. April 4. tf 643
For SALE by the Subscribers, a general assortment of Ship Chandlery, Cordage, and Cables, 8, 10, 12, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30, 32, 34, 36, 38, 40, 42, 44, 46, 48, 50, 52, 54, 56, 58, 60, 62, 64, 66, 68, 70, 72, 74, 76, 78, 80, 82, 84, 86, 88, 90, 92, 94, 96, 98, 100. English PAINTS and OILS, Sheathing PAPER, Bar IRON, TOBACCO, Richmond Inspection; FLOUR, PORK, Prime and Cask, New-York Inspection, 200 Gin CASES; 20 Boxes SEGARS. They have also on hand, an extensive and good assortment of GROCERIES. Noble, Arbuthnot, & Co. March 31. tf 623
FOR RENT, The three large and commodious Ware Houses on the lower end of Gibson's Wharf.—Possession may be had immediately, by applying to John Southgate, or William Dickson. Feb. 26. tf 554
Now landing from on board the Ship Eliza Ann, captain Herbert, from Guadalupe, 64 hogsheads Prime Sugar, 10 Tierces 65 Barrels } Best Green COFFEE. 43 Bags } For Sale by William Pennock. April 30. tf 709
For Sale by the Subscriber, 10 Chests Young Hyson TEA, 5 do. Imperial do. 12 do. Gunpowder do. Moses Myers. April 28. tf 700
100 Tons Liverpool coarse SALT, on board the brig Diligent, will be sold low if taken from along side.—Also, 450 Liverpool filled sacks of fine SALT—by Alexander Macphie. April 28. tf 702
135,000 wt. Prime Green COFFEE, Landing this day on our wharf, for sale on liberal terms. C. & F. Whittle. April 16. tf 663
Landing from on board the ship Sheffield, and for Sale by the Subscribers, on their Wharf, 282 Hogsheads CLARET, 50 Cases do. 6 do. BURGUNDY, 56 do. HERMITAGE, 25 do. Sallad OIL, 25 do. Preserved FRUITS, 25 do. OLIVES and ANCHOVIES.—All of very superior quality, and entitled to drawback. C. & F. Whittle. March 24. tf 601
I wish to Purchase, Six or Eight Negro BOYS, from 15 to 18 years of age. Thomas Warren. April 15. tf 661
We have received by the brig Fame, Capt. Cox, from Jamaica, 75 Puncheons high proof RUM, 4 Hogsheads MOLASSES.—For Sale by Redmond & Frith. Feb. 24. tf 525
All persons having claims against the Estate of ROBERT WARREN, deceased, either by bond or open account are desired to bring them forward for settlement, and those indebted to make immediate payment to Warren Ashley, Administrator. December 9. tf 339
I will give the following prices for 200 Cords of Oak BARK, to be delivered at Salters, free of damage. Spanish Oak, - - 10 dolls. per Cord. Willow do. - - 9 do. do. Red do. - - 8 do. do. Young White do. - - 7 do. do. Theo. Armistead. April 23. tf 687
TO LEASE, A convenient Building LOT, advantageously situated on Main-Street, not far from the Old Market place. Also, Two WARE-HOUSES, on Maxwell's wharf, upon moderate terms. Helen Read. April 23. tf 689
FRESH TEAS. Just received from Philadelphia, in whole, half, and quarter chests, Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson } TEAS. all of this Spring importation, and we warrant them of the very first quality imported, by wholesale or retail. Fisk & Catlett. Who have this day landing, 75 tierces choice New RICE, in whole and half tierces. April 21. tf 683
WANTED TO PURCHASE, A NEGRO WOMAN, who is a good House Servant and Sempstress; one without children will be preferred. For one well recommended, a liberal price will be given. Apply to the Editor. Feb. 3. tf 479
MRS. MACDOUGAL, INFORMS her friends and the publick, that she has taken that handsome house belonging to Mr. Roberts, in the centre of Market Square, where she will receive Boarders on moderate terms—the strictest attention will always be paid to the diet rooms, and lodging, and every endeavour used to render a transient or permanent abode at her house satisfactory. September 25. tf 169
Will be landed Tomorrow on Commerce-Street Wharf, 118 Bags Caracas COCOA, 18 Barrels } Superior quality SUGAR, 1 Tierce } 9 Bales COTTON —For Sale by Jas. & Thos. Tucker. April 16. tf 661
FAMILY FLOUR Of a superior quality, and Alexandria CRACKERS. For Sale by Thos. H. Parker. April 16. tf 670
PROPOSALS For Publishing by Subscription, in London and Philadelphia, A Monthly Magazine, On an Entire New Plan—And to be entitled THE BRITISH GLIO; AND NORTH AMERICAN MUSEUM.
This work is intended to be equally useful and entertaining, to the readers of both nations. It is commenced with a hope of concentrating their literary taste—of forming an union and co-operation of classical talents; and thus rendering it a depository of general information. An union of this description, abstracted from political disquisition, should prevail throughout the civilized world. It will be interspersed with a variety of curious anecdotes and information, respecting the manners and customs of the interior parts of Britain and America. For this purpose, a considerable part will be appropriated, to the present state of the United States—comprising the gleanings of a fifteen years residence therein. It was intended to publish this in volumes, as a distinct work, in the manner of CARR'S "Stranger in France," and "Northern Summer;" but it is now reserved for the body of this work, which would have cost a reader, perhaps four to the price of his subscription to this MAGAZINE. In addition will be given, the occurrences of both Countries—An Impartial Account of the Political and Commercial State of Affairs—Literary, Law, Agricultural, Theatrical, and Miscellaneous Occurrences—New Publications, and discoveries—in fine, whatever may be worthy of information. In the selections, the best Authors shall be carefully reserved to, and no pains spared to render the whole worthy of patronage, on each side of the Atlantic. From a plan like this, the American Citizen, will be furnished Monthly—with the Literary, Commercial, and Political State of Great Britain; while, in the same number, he may meet with Domestic Occurrences, which have not been noticed, even by his own Domestic Press. The English Reader, too, far removed from his Native Land, may calculate upon equal advantages for, besides every thing necessary for his formation, can be found in a London Periodical Publication, he will be gratified with a minute description of a country, rapidly advancing in Commerce, Literature, and the Arts and Sciences.
CONDITIONS. This work will contain the same number of pages, as the London or American Literary Magazines; and each number, in case of adequate support, will be ornamented with Copper Plate Engravings, by the best Artists, descriptive of some memorable transaction interesting to both countries; or, Portraits of such eminent Characters, as may, from time to time, be brought forward in the course of the publication. Subscriptions for not less than one year, at FIFTY CENTS per number, which it is hoped will cover expenses. All events the price shall not exceed Fifty-two and a half cents. Received by the EDITOR OF THE PUBLIC LEDGER, and generally, at the Book stores throughout the United States. Those inclined to Pitches, will please to make immediate application; that the Editor may form some judgement as to the Embellishments of the work. Subscription papers to be returned, previous to the first of November next. April 25. tf 693
CHASE'S TRIAL. THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, By SAMUEL H. SMITH, Trial of Samuel Chase, An Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, IMPEACHED By the House of Representatives, for high crimes and misdemeanors, before the Senate of the United States. TAKEN IN SHORT HAND, By Samuel H. Smith & Thomas Lloyd.
In two large octavo volumes—in boards, price—to subscribers four dollars and a half—and to non subscribers five dollars. A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this trial than the editor contemplated. He has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the publick at an early period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the managers and counsel. The publication might long since have been made in a less perfect dress; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be a precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the publick with the expectation of the editor that it will be considered as meriting the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised and inserted at length, in connexion with whatever else formed a part of the trial. Editors of other prints will confer a benefit by inserting this advertisement a few times in their papers. March 24. tf 38
JUST RECEIVED, By the ship Robt & Betsy, Capt. Richardson from London, and for sale by the Subscriber, A LARGE SUPPLY OF DRUGS AND MEDICINES, of all kinds. Patent Medicines, Perfumery, &c. &c. Also received by the ship Almina, Capt. Stover A LARGE ASSORTMENT OF SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS, Consisting of Amputating, Trepanning, Cupping, Midwifery, Tooth of different sorts, Crown and Common Lancets, and Surgical Pocket Instruments &c. &c.
HARDHAM'S SNUFF, No. 9. Also, by the ship Olive Branch, Capt. Le Breton from Bristol, A LARGE & EXTENSIVE ASSORTMENT OF GLASS & FURNITURE, For Apothecary's and Practitioner's Shops. Those who favour us with their orders will be supplied on the most reasonable terms, and the articles of the best and freshest quality, as our importations are regularly twice a year, and laid in with cash, from the most respectable Druggists in London. MEDICINE CHESTS made up as usual. Also, a few elegant Mahogany Chests of the newest construction, with furniture complete, PERRY'S ANTI-BILLIOUS PILLS. Frederick Heermann & Son.
BLANK NOTES AND CHECKS for both Banks, for Sale at this Office.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Price Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.