Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1805-09-06 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER.
VOL. II.]
FRIDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 6, 1805.
[NO. 23.]
WHOLESALE PRICE-CURRENT.
NORFOLK, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 6, 1805.
Table with 5 columns: ARTICLES, per, From, To, Remarks. Lists prices for various goods like Bacon, Beef, Brandy, Bread, Butter, Candles, Coal, Cocoa, Coffee, Cordage, Cotton, Duck, Flour, Fish, Fustick, Gin, Grain, Hemp, Hides, Hog's-Lard, Indigo, Iron, Logwood, Lead, Meal, Molasses, Peas, Pepper, Pimento, Pitch, Pork, Raisins, Rice, Rosin, Rum, Salt, Soap, Sugar, Shingles, Staves, Tar, Tobacco, Tallow, Turpentine, Wax, Wines.
Table with 2 columns: Premiums of Insurance on American Property, To Great-Britain, Ireland, Portugal, and Spain, without the Straights of Gibraltar.
Table with 2 columns: Prices of Stocks, Virginia Bank, no sale. Norfolk Marine Insurance Company, shares at par, no sale. United States Bank, 540 dolls. per share. Exchange on London, 423 1-3 dollars for 100l. Ster.
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION
FROM THE SALEM GAZETTE.
A view of Austria.
[The following details (translated for this Gazette) from a late number of the Journal de Soir, a Paris paper, must be extremely interesting to the political reader, as exhibiting a view of the territorial extent, the population and resources of one of the "substantive powers" of Europe, a power which seems for a time to have been broken down by the overbearing genius of Buonaparte, but which, from its physical strength, must again rise to its wonted rank in the scale of nations.]
ENVIRONED on every side by the great empires of France, Russia, Prussia, and Turkey, Austria cannot remain an unconcerned spectator of the political turmoils which at present agitate Europe. Her singular position adds immensely to the importance which her population, her armies, and her territorial wealth, have conferred upon her.
The possessions of the house of Austria do not constitute, like those of France and Spain, one of those immutable divisions of the globe, where the aim of the politician is, simply to maintain the unity previously settled by the decrees of nature. We may consider the Austrian empire as naturally divided into five grand sections. The circle of Austria, with the country of the indemnity, occupies a space of 6000 square leagues (of 25 to the degree) inhabited by 4,600,000 souls. The kingdom of Bohemia, including Moravia and Austrian Silesia, composes the second section of this great empire. Its superficies has been estimated at 3900 square leagues, and the number of inhabitants which to these provinces is continually multiplying, exceeds 4,700,000. Galicia (more properly Gallitia) comprehends the Austrian division of Poland, together with the Bukowine, heretofore a part of Moldavia: by the nearest conjecture, this immense territory covers a space of at least 8,000 square leagues; while the best received accounts hardly give a population of 4,500,000, tho' it has been increased one-fifth since the division. The fourth great section of the states of Austria takes in the kingdom of Hungary, Transylvania, Slavonia, and some other provinces; this single division is equal to the whole Prussian monarchy; for over a surface of 15,400 square leagues, is spread a population of 9,200,000 inhabitants. Lastly, the Austro-Venetian states, which, though the least extensive, are by far the fairest portion of the empire, embrace an extent of 1,900 square leagues, and a population of 2,060,000 souls. Thus, after the most scrupulous review of authorities,* and the nicest computations, we think it probable that the Austrian empire, at this period, covers a portion of the globe of 36,000 square leagues, and is inhabited by 25,000,000 of souls. By this it will be seen, that Austria is by one sixth more extensive than France, but that space, which in France, contains 100 inhabitants, in Austria contains only 66, in Prussia but 60, and in Russia not more than 14.
The great diversity of origin, language and interests, among the people of these states, is a still further check upon their political importance. We can scarcely count 7,000,000 of native Germans, whilst those nations of Sclavonick origin, as the Bohemians, the Poles, and the Slavonians of Hungary, form a total of more than 12,000,000. The native Hungarians, to the amount of 3,000,000, have not the slightest resemblance to their neighbours. They are descended, not from the Huns, but from a race of Finlanders, the same people who formerly occupied the north and north-eastern extremities of Russia. The Wallachians too, the Venetians and other nations, less numerous, preserve each their peculiar idioms, their manners, their annals of national glory and local interests: add to this, no two provinces are under the same political regulations. In the province of Transylvania alone there are three different forms of government. The nobles of Hungary have from time immemorial affected republican aristocracy. The Tyrolese (and this they owe in part to their position, as well as their courage) still preserve some semblance of a democracy. Neither the Venetians nor the Bohemians have forgotten their ancient prerogatives, though diminished by the jealous policy of Austria—that very policy which has left with the Poles a faint image of their diet. Thus, the empire of Austria is, strictly speaking, a federative monarchy. Joseph the Second felt very sensibly the inconveniences arising from such a dispersion of force and interest; but his impetuosity hurried him into measures at once violent and ill-conducted; he struck at the very root of all old prejudices; he galled the consciences of his subjects. From the old and venerable forms of divine worship down to the paltry dialect of a province, every thing was in one day to bear a character of the most rigorous uniformity. This prince-reformer thought a decree was all that was necessary to transform the Hungarian and the Belgian into philosophic Germans, and to give to an immense majority the language, manners and ideas of the minority. The consequences of so violent a system threatened the empire with a total dissolution, the Tyrolese murmured—Belgia was in arms—Poland stood collected and indignant—and the fate of Austria was committed to the Hungarians: and those same Hungarians, whose generous fidelity had once saved Maria-Theresa, now boldly told Joseph, that, as he had not deigned to be crowned in Hungary, he was not their king, but a foreign usurper. The unhappy monarch heard on his death bed the shrieks of rebellion, and the alarm of civil war, which on every side menaced his throne. The first step of his successor, Leopold the II. was to replace every thing on its ancient footing, to yield even to prejudices, and to restore to each portion of the empire what its various inhabitants looked upon as the basis of their happiness, and the palladium of their liberty.
The slow and imperceptible action of ages can alone wear away those prominent traits of character, which at present distinguish the spirited Hungarian from the cautious and phlegmatic German, or the superstitious and savage Wallachian from the industrious
* My authorities are—the works of M. de Lucca, professor at the University of Vienna, the Statistical Annals, the Archives of Schöler, Travels of Hacquet, Ferber, Hermann, Hungarian Statistics of Novoyt, Larabinsky, &c. in fine, a hundred German and other works, of which I avail myself in making description of the Austrian empire, which occupies the first 200 pages of the 4th volume of the Mathematical, Physical and Political Geography of all parts of the world published by Tardieu and Laporte. In that may be found under each province all the details of Statistics or Political Geography of which I have here given an extract.
and ingenious inhabitant of Bohemia; time alone can accustom the brave Polander and the haughty Venetian to a foreign domination, however mild and politic it may be.
Venice, the seat of elegance and refinement, as well as Prague, the protectress of literature and the arts, beholds with regret the lustre which the presence of the government shews over Vienna—over that Vienna which the people of Berlin and even of Hamburg, have loaded with so many epigrams. The inhabitants of Vienna enjoy the same reputation throughout Germany, which the Boetians formerly did in Greece, and the people of Champagne in France. Prejudices like these, which stigmatize a whole nation, are certainly unjust: but such is the fact, nevertheless, that Vienna has never acquired that empire of opinion, temper, and habits, which Paris and London exercise over the provinces; a circumstance, which to an enlightened mind cannot appear of trivial importance to the state.
For some years past, the Poles and Hungarians have redoubled their efforts and zeal to enrich, and preserve, and bring their languages to the nearest possible degree of perfection. It is only in Bohemia and Moravia that the German language has hitherto spread. But we have dwelt long enough upon the imbecility of the Austrians; let us now turn our eyes to the brilliant tablet of her territorial wealth.
Bohemia is encompassed by mountains abounding in precious stones, copper, iron, and particularly tin. The pine and the fir, crown the lofty summits of these mountains; while the sturdy oak and the linden overhang their bold acclivities. The surface of the wide spread hills wave with "vegetable gold" and purple; and their grape distils a rich and palatable liquor, though not admitting of transportation. Their wheat, corn, flax, hemp, are all excellent; and their hops are superior to any in Europe. Great pains are taken to perfect their breed of sheep and to render the texture of their fleeces more delicate. The skins of the Bohemian hares are much esteemed in the manufacture of hats. The productions of Bohemia are similar to those of Moravia; but the cattle of Austrian Silesia are finer because they receive much more attention. These beautiful provinces, at first inhabited by indolent hordes of Sclavonians, are indebted to the colonies of Germans settled among their mountains, for their linens, cloths, muslins, hats, glass, and chrysalys; a circumstance which will always leave the balance of commerce in their favour.
The soil of Austria Proper, is much more favourable to the cultivation of the vine, than of corn. It yields many kinds of salts, but not of the finest crystallization. From a false principle of political economy, every species of manufacture, is concentrated in the capital. Those of silk, cotton, calicoes, jeans and jewels, are in the most flourishing state: clock making is likewise carried on to a great extent. But the imperial wool manufactory near Lintz, surpasses them all in real utility.
Syria furnished the Romans in ancient times with iron; and yet its mines seems inexhaustible. The lead of Carinthia is of an excellent quality, and the quick silver mine in Idria is unrivalled. In the Tyrol and in Salzburg there are enormous masses of sal-gamma stretching along the line of the northern half of these majestic Alps, which here rise to a height little below that of Mount Blanc. Mountains and islands seem throughout the world to be the native seats of courage, strength and activity. The minds of men in such situations are much more bold and daring, and their bodies of a robust make. With the assistance of a rope ladder the Tyrolese will often scale the most tremendous precipices—he breaks up the little patches of land on the cragged cliffs, and covers them with luxurious herbage, that it be enveloped in eternal snows. But the labours of the hardy Tyrolese will never vanquish a soil inimical to culture. Yet he is never discouraged. He knows how to extract aromatic waters from some alpine plants, and with a few marmots which he has accustomed to a state of captivity, (such are his simple treasures) he travels all Germany, vending little Italian gew-gaws, and returns to his humble shed considerably enriched.
The inhabitants of the Austro-Venetian States are not reduced to so painful a subsistence: The Alps for him ascend the skies, and save him from the northern blast: for him the fields of Padua nourish flocks, whose fleeces vic with those of Spain: for him the orange, the citron, and the fig, carefully sheltered at the approach of winter, display the live long summer their richest verdure and their luscious fruit: the flexible vine encircles with its tendrils the purple mulberry; and, safe beneath their natural vine props, his corn-fields never dread a burning sky. The cragged and romantic shores of Istra and Dalmatia, afford many excellent havens; and if ever a canal should be cut between the Danube and the Adriatic, they will be places of great traffick. They are even now endeavouring to render the river Kupa navigable—this stream falls into the Save, and has its source only six leagues distant from the gulf of Quarnero.
Hungary would feel the importance of such an opening more than any other portion of the Austrian dominions; and most assuredly this extensive and beautiful country deserves the most favourable regard of its government. How various, how rich, how abundant are the productions of this territory. Light are the toils of its husbandmen. So rich a soil, assisted by the genial influence of a mild and humid atmosphere, yields an almost spontaneous vegetation. Here vast herds of oxen with horns of enormous size, range majestically over plains, bounded only by the horizon: there thousands of horses bound upon the distant hills, and snuff the invigorating breeze. Thro' luxurious fields of corn and maize, are interspersed orchards of figs, of almonds, of plums, and of chestnuts. The vine of Tokay imbibes its luscious juice from a soil of decomposed basaltes; previous to their being expressed the grapes are culled and dried in the sun. The red wine of Smyrna resembles that of Montepulciana; and for the most part, the vineyards of Sclavonia and Croatia appear not unworthy of their Greek and Italian extraction. It is true some parts of Hungary present a rougher aspect—mountains where rocky summits rise in terrific grandeur above the dark and interminable forests, producing nothing but here & there a scanty blade of oats; but much treasure is concealed in their bowels—gold pure and fine, copper, in the greatest abundance and of the best quality, the only true copal, and immense quantities of sal-ammoniac.
There is not a single province under the dominion of Austria that is destitute of natural riches. Even the cold and rugged Galicia may boast of her noble herds, her luxuriant fields of wheat and rye, but especially of her salt mines, situated near Bothnia and
† The Archduke Charles, who is well versed in mineralogy and geology, with the lord bishop of Cracow and other distinguished persons, recently made a tour to the Alps. The interesting result has been published in the "Journal des Mines Allemand," by the Baron de Mole.
Wieliczka; they are too well known to require anything but a bare mention. The opening of several mines of iron, and felling of woods, as well as the breeding of sheep, may hereafter prove sources of wealth to this province. But the principal natural outlets of this country are under a foreign government. Hungary is similarly circumstanced with regard to the Danube, as is Bohemia to the Elbe. So that after all her acquisitions and extension of territory, Austria is still cramped and fettered in every direction, because she has no invulnerable side.
Let any one take a view of the military frontiers of the Austrian empire, and he will be made sensible of the inefficacy of her system of aggrandizement. Galicia, within her present limits, has not one natural barrier. If the Austrian armies should be called out to defend this country, every thing must be committed to their courage; in case of a defeat, their only safe retreat would be the Carpathian mountains. Bohemia is secure at present from a sudden invasion. Prague is covered by the fortress of Egra, of Theresienstadt, of Plessy and of Olmutz. The Tyrol is another rampart for Austria. That and Bohemia form two bastions, which the nature of things require to be connected by the famous line of the Inn, of which Austria has yet not obtained the cession. These fortifications are already erected in the territory formerly belonging to Venice; but considering the partition of Dalmatia, and drawing a line from the mouth of the Cattaro towards Orsova and Belgrade, we may easily conceive how infinitely important it must be to Austria to have her views accomplished.
It is supposed that Austria maintains in time of peace an army of 280,000 fighting men; of which 240,000 are regular infantry, 50,000 are cavalry, 12,000 artillery, and 70,000 militia stationed along the frontiers with other irregular troops. The Hungarian and Polish cavalry are the finest in the world. The Tyrolese are formidable marksmen, and the Austrians, after a seven years terrible apprenticeship to the art of war, are ranked among the finest soldiers of Europe. The disasters of their armies are to be attributed entirely to the baleful influence of the Aulic military council, which the wisdom of the archduke Charles has of late confined within a narrow compass, but not entirely destroyed. Without permission from Vienna, their generals could not strike a blow. The want of information among the subalterns has been a subject of publick reprehension with the great man above named—a prince who has obtained the glorious title of the restorer of the military discipline of the country.
The Austrian marine is yet to be created. M. de Lichtenstein asserts that in 1802 there were 24,000 national vessels in the ports of Austria, but he must have enumerated every little fishing boat. In the same manner the number of vessels arriving at Trieste in one year, has been swelled to 6000 or 7000. I believe there are about 500 vessels above 10 tons the property of Austrian subjects. The establishment of a marine, without a coast many times more extended, would be a very difficult undertaking for Austria as well as Prussia, and after all of very doubtful utility.
The financial system of Austria has undergone and is every day undergoing so many new changes, that it would be impossible to say any thing of it with precision. It is said that the revenues of the state, which have been very much increased for the last four years, amount to 193,000,000 of florins of Vienna, (free of expences of collection) a sum equivalent to 507,000,000 of France, reckoning the florin at its current value in Austria. But the course of exchange with other countries being very unfavourable to Austria, this sum would hardly represent 400,000,000. However the revenues of this empire are undoubtedly double those of Prussia and a little less than those of France in 1789, according to the statement of Mr. Necker.
MALTHERBURN.
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE, Norfolk, Virginia, August 31, 1805. HIS Britannick Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, hereby gives notice, to the merchants concerned in the trade to His Majesty's Dominions, that according to the terms of the Act of the 37th of the King C. 97, no British built vessel captured by His Majesty's enemies, afterwards purchased by citizens of the United States, and sailing under a Sea Letter can be admitted to entry under the said Act, as an American vessel.
114
John Hamilton.
Table with 2 columns: FOR SALE, At Reduced Prices for Cash, or approved Sixty Day Paper, 23 Puncheons Antigua, 31 do. Grenada, 10 do. Country, 8 Cases HOLLAND GIN, 10 Pipes do. do., 2 do. FRENCH BRANDY, 4 Cases CLARET, 28 Hogsheads, 13 Tierces, 150 Bags GREEN COFFEE, 20 Barrels LOAF SUGAR, 2 Quarter Casks SHERRY WINE, 4 do. do. MADEIRA do., 140 Pieces RUSSIA SHEETING, 70 do. 4-4 IRISH LINEN, 3 Trunks CALLICOES.
LLSO, A Handsome London Made PHETON, With Plated Harness. William B. Lamb. September 2. 6 117.
Table with 2 columns: FOR SALE, On board Newcomb's Packet, at Newton's Wharf, 70 Barrels New-York PRIME PORK, 40 Boxes RAISINS, 30 Jars OLIVES. September 2.
Table with 2 columns: FALL GOODS, Just received from London, per Planter, Capt. Boush. J. & W. Southgate. September 2. 2m 115.
Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, September 2, 1805.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, A FEW THOUSAND POUNDS STEELING OF Approved endorsed 60 day Bills on London, ROBERT OLIPHANT, Cashier. 116
Table with 2 columns: NEW FLOUR, Of a very superior quality, in Half Barrels, made purposely for family use.—For sale by J. & W. Southgate. September 2. 2m 118.
Table with 2 columns: 300 Barrels Superfine FLOUR, For sale by James Maurice & Co. September 2. 119.

COMBINED FLEET.—The schooner Eagle, Gross, arrived here in 48 days from Bordeaux. July 23, in lat. 43, 27, long. 12, 48, saw a fleet of 25 sail of ships of war and two brigs, steering N. E. by E. wind N. W. which capt. Gross supposed, and no doubt was, the combined fleet from the West-Indies. From the course they were steering, and with the wind at N. W. they must have been bound to France, or more to the northward. If Lord Nelson had taken the coasts of France and Spain in his way, before his arrival at Gibraltar, on the 19th July, he must have got ahead of the combined fleet.
By Captain Gross we have received Paris papers to the 10th, and Bordeaux papers to the 15th July. In these papers we perceive but few articles worth extracting, which are in this day's paper. We noted that they contained an AUTHENTIC account of the capture of Jamaica by the combined fleet, but this (as wits of Boston say of "Norfolk news") is French news. Peace appears to be a desirable object in France, as we judge from the editorial speculations on that subject, indeed; some affirm positively that peace is very near at hand. These papers do not mention the death of Talleyrand, and as our files are regular that intelligence must be premature.
To Correspondents.—QUIDAM is under consideration.—CLIO, with the extract is received; we agree with our fair correspondent, in the superior beauty and elegance of the lines, at the same time we submit to her candour the propriety of our republishing from a work which is in the hands of almost every reader of taste, indeed, we know no work more universally read, than that from which the extract is made, nor any part of that work more admired than the extract.
ANOTHER ADVENTURER came to hand as this paper was putting to press, and has not been read.
In our paper of Monday we republished from two Philadelphia papers certain queries, and made some remarks upon the manner in which they were presented to the publick, and although they came from Editors we very much respect, we could not entirely withhold our censure.
The Editor of the Philadelphia Gazette appears to have been sensible of the vague manner in which such important matter had been insinuated, & has come forward in a more explicit manner, as will appear from the article which follows.
As the letter alluded to, (if one there is) will no doubt be published, it is proper to withhold an expression of those sentiments, which it would suggest. At present we shall only say that if the letter was actually written, there is but one course left for Mr. Jefferson; and although opposed to his administration, and anxious to see the concerns of our country confided to persons of political principles more congenial with our own, we should feel little pleasure in Mr. Jefferson's retirement under such circumstances.
FROM THE PHILADELPHIA GAZETTE.
We lately proposed some interesting queries to the friends of the correspondent of Mazzei and Paine; to which we solicited answers. As none have yet appeared, and as it may probably take some time to make the necessary enquiries, it may not be amiss, in order to render the solution of the question more satisfactory, that we should be more explicit. We therefore re-state the queries in the following manner:
 1. Did Thomas Jefferson, in the year 1781, write a letter to the traitor Arnold, at that time commanding the troops of his Britannick Majesty in Virginia?—If so,  2. Did that letter express a wish to know upon what terms he, T. J. might receive the pardon and protection of his majesty?  3. Did Edward Livingston, in the year 1801, go to Canada, for the express purpose of procuring the original, or a copy, of that letter, then in the hands of an inhabitant of that country?  4. Had not Edward Livingston, previous to his appointment as District Attorney, the original, or a copy of the said letter? and does he not now possess one or the other?  5. Had the latter circumstance (if true) any influence in procuring for him the said appointment; and why are not the U. S. at this moment, in possession of the 100,000 dollars out of which they have been permitted to be swindled, to serve political purposes?  6. Is there not an authenticated copy of the letter in question, now in the hands of a gentleman of this city? 
We hope the re-publication of the following, will not be attributed to vanity, but to the real cause, a desire to satisfy ourselves upon a subject that has attracted much notice, and given occasion for much discussion.
We therefore inform the Editor of the Repertory, that the communication he mentions, has not been received, but will be, with many thanks, and under any injunctions it may be thought necessary to impose.
In the Norfolk Publick Ledger, we find the following paragraph, introducing our remarks on the Declaration of Independence.
"We republish the annexed, as it contradicts, what has long been understood to be a fact, and which is recorded as such by Judge Marshall in his Life of Washington. We have no right to question the veracity of the Editor of the Repertory, but we must confess that we have always considered Mr. Jefferson as the author of the Declaration of Independence."
Were every editor as cautious in questioning our veracity we should have less occasion to fill our paper with documents to repel unfounded abuse and confound our antagonists. Pleased with the delicacy of the above remark, we have forwarded the editor, by mail, the name of a gentleman, not very distant from Norfolk, who possesses a copy of Mr. Jefferson's draught, in his own hand writing, from which the one in our possession was carefully transcribed. In a letter accompanying the same, Mr. Jefferson
appeared to be a good deal piqued at the liberty "the critics" had taken with his production; but if eye it come before the publick, we believe no man will doubt the superior judgment of those, who had the correction of the proposed draught.— Repertory.
In our paper of the 23d last month, we republished from the American Citizen , the case submitted by the Spanish Minister to Messrs. McKean, Rawle, Du Ponceau, Ingersoll, and Livingston; the following observations on that subject are copied.
FROM THE EVENING POST.
In the latter part of last September, a writer, who was understood to be the Marquis de Casa Yrujo, Spanish Ambassador, published in a Philadelphia newspaper and caused to be republished in all the principal parts of the United States, in three numbers, under the signature of Graviera Moment , a defence of the conduct of Spain towards the United States. One point taken by the Spanish Ambassador was that Spain was under no obligation to make any reparation to the United States for spoliations committed on our commerce by French cruisers with the assistance of French and Spanish tribunals in Spanish ports. We find the following paragraph in the first number:
"Among other circumstances that have leaked out, it was whispered that the Spanish ambassador here, had, some months before proposed to some of the most eminent lawyers in the United States, a theoretical question on this subject, exposing with accuracy and exactness all the principal and collateral circumstances, and concealing the real interested powers by a substitution of alphabetical letters. The consulted civilians, although good and true Americans, yielded notwithstanding to the impressions of truth and justice; and although belonging to different political parties, unanimously declared in substance, that the United States had not the least claim upon the Spanish Government, for the injuries of the French privateers on the coasts and ports of Spain, after we had given up the last convention with France all our rights to the said claim."
Three days after a masterly answer to Graviera Moment appeared in the Evening Post. As it is not to be supposed that the mass of readers lay up productions of this sort, we presume the following in reply to that part of the Ambassador's paper which relates to American claims and which is now again brought before the publick by the foregoing extracts from the American Citizen , will be highly acceptable.
"Now for the law opinions which the Marquis d'Yrujo had been graciously pleased to obtain at his own expense, for our information. The writer of this paper does not pretend to more knowledge than his neighbours, but he considers this as a plain thing which he thinks he can understand, and therefore believes that it will be readily and clearly comprehended by his fellow-citizens. With submission therefore to the professional gentlemen whom the ennobled Marquis has consulted, he presumes to hold a different opinion from that which they are said to have delivered. Not having a Coke or Littleton to look into, he has consulted the principles of common sense, and humbly takes leave to believe that when our demand on Spain is likened to a debt, where France is the principal and Spain only a surety, these professional gentlemen have wholly mistaken the case. It is presumed that they might have approached somewhat nearer had they drawn their similitude from men committing together a trespass or assault, but even then they could not have come half way up to the point. Two nations being at war, a third being (or pretending to be) neutral, is bound by the very force of the term to favour neither party to the prejudice of the other, and is personally and solely responsible for such favour, the same being an act wrongfully done or permitted by him. Reader, if you should see two men boxing, and in the heat of the fray a by-stander trip up one of the combatants heels, would you think it unfair that the injured man, after shaking hands with his adversary, should demand satisfaction from the fellow who had played him such a scurvy trick?"
"We all know then when two nations are at war, they may lawfully take the ships of each other on the high seas. But if, under cloak of this right, one of the parties takes the ships of his adversary into the harbours of a neutral power, he who is aggrieved may justly require the neutral to make satisfaction. But in the discussions which might take place, the general right of the belligerent to make prize could not be a subject of controversy. The question must turn solely on the protection due by the neutral in his own ports; and though the belligerent powers should make peace the next hour, it could by no means affect the claims of the injured party. These do not arise from the nature of the act considered in itself, but from the place where it was committed; neither can they be sustained against the party by whom the act was done, but only against him by whom it was permitted. Where he exercises sovereignty he owes protection, for reasons so evident and so notorious that it would be idle to repeat them."
"It is, therefore, respectfully insisted on, that if the United States had been at open war with France, a subsequent peace could not have cancelled the demands on Spain which are now under consideration. And if a distinction be taken between the case of open war, and that mongrel state in which we happened to be placed, such distinction can no otherwise apply than by making those captures unlawful even on the high seas, which in war would have been lawful. The term spoliations has, it seems, been applied to this species of taking, so as to distinguish it from a lawful prize of war. But how the neutral can be excused for suffering that to be done, within his jurisdiction, which would be unlawful even upon the high seas, is not easy to conceive. But in truth, there is no such distinction. When one nation takes the ships or goods of another upon the high seas, neutrals have no right to examine whether it is a prize or spoliations. The term to be applied, both to their relation and to its consequences, must depend on the parties concerned. If they agree to consider it merely as a misunderstanding, and to make mutual concessions and compensations, it would be strange that others should interfere, and insist that they had been at war. Or if, on the other hand, they consider their relation to be that of war, and accordingly make a treaty or convention of peace, it would be still more strange that others should insist they had constantly preserved a friendly intercourse."
"There seems, however, one circumstance resulting from the mode in which such differences are terminated, and this consequence happens, on the present occasion, to involve all our foreign relations, and to go to the bottom of our whole system. It has been held by respectable men, that treaties between nations are not dissolved by war; and in support of this doctrine, they cite clauses (now become common) which prescribe the conduct to be observed by the parties towards each other, even during the war. If, however, treaties are dissolved by war, it will be difficult to assign a reason for clauses which would be entirely void at the only moment when they could possibly operate. The relations in which government stand to each other, are according to this doctrine, determined not merely by the war, but by the treaty of peace which concludes it, and accordingly it has been unusual at a peace to take as a basis former treaties. But if war itself will not annul a treaty, still less can national compacts be dissolved by transient misunderstandings which do not amount to war, and which are adjusted by mutual concession
and compensation. A contrary doctrine would indeed be monstrous. It would reduce the most solemn transactions of mankind to the level of a child's caprice."
"That our treaty with Louis XVI. was onerous, is too well understood to be now a matter of argument. And it is equally well understood that the United States got rid of that treaty by the convention with France; to which effect the provision for leaving open the question of spoliations as a subject of future treaty, was judiciously expunged by the senate.—Accordingly to the convention with France, as finally ratified, the two nations are considered as having been previously in a state of war; and that being admitted, the legality of captures on both sides must equally be admitted. The convention, therefore, is so far from releasing a debt due by France, that it declares, by necessary implication, no such debt to have existed. There is therefore no ground either of reason or of fact for the opinion which those legal gentlemen are said to have delivered. "But the question is too important to be shuffled off on the credit of lawyers opinions, artfully taken on one side under fictitious names and with such statement of facts as best suited the views of him who consulted them."
"Whether Spain, after compensating us, will or will not have recourse to France, is a matter we have nothing to do with. Neither will such recourse relate in any manner to our convention with France. The writer above alluded to seems to suppose that we call on Spain to satisfy an injury which we have released to France, and thinks we are bound in good faith not to defeat indirectly that release. It is conceived that he mistakes the matter entirely. We call on Spain to compensate us for wrong and injury done within her jurisdiction , which she ought to have prevented, and which is therefore a wrong and injury done by her . The hostility done on her coast, is committed against her peace and dignity. She may rightfully call on the government by whose subjects or citizens the act was done, for satisfaction, or she may let it alone; but she is answerable to us. If, in the present case, she makes application to France, or if she had made it during the war, it could not then have been, neither can it be now, on our behalf . This would be the conduct of an ally not of a neutral . She must have asked then , and she must ask now , reparation for an injury done to herself ; and she may rightfully insist on it even though we should consent to forego our claims."
POLITICAL ESSAYS
ON THE ESSENTIAL AND DISTINCTIVE QUALITIES OF DEMOCRACIES AND REPUBLICS, WITH REFERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.
From the Baltimore Republican or Anti-Democrat.
ESSAY XII.
The constitution contains the fundamental laws of the state. It is "a pledge and surety, given to all men, and to all nations, that these fundamental laws will be religiously observed. God himself is bound by promises and oaths! and shall not the people be bound by oaths and engagements, into which they have freely and voluntarily entered?—Shall they dare to exercise the reserved sovereign power for purposes other than changing, altering, or annulling their constitutions."
"It is declared in this instrument, that it belongs only to a certain description of the people, to elect a definite number of men, of a particular age, as members of the house of representatives of congress; that to the same description of the people it belongs to elect a few persons, who alone may elect the senators of congress; that to the same description of the people, or to persons elected by them, it belongs, to elect a few men, who shall elect the president: that to the president and senate, only, belong the powers of entering into treaties with foreign nations, of appointing the great officers of state, ministers, generals, and judges; that to the congress belong the powers of declaring war, and of making peace: that to the congress belongs the power of making laws, to the president the power of executing them, and to the judiciary the power of expounding them: that before any alterations can be made in the constitution, two-thirds of both houses of congress must deem them necessary, and propose them; or two-thirds of the legislatures of the several states must apply to congress to call a convention for proposing amendments; and, after amendments are proposed, and before they can become a part of the constitution, they must be ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other shall be ordered by congress."
"In none of these cases can the people act "in their original, sovereign, and unlimited capacity." (43)—In none of these cases do the people possess the supreme power of the state."
"Under what circumstances, then, may this supreme power, which the people never part with, be called into activity?"
"When congress shall transgress the bounds assigned to it, by passing acts incompatible with the constitution, whereby the liberties and welfare of the community shall be manifestly endangered, and the ends of the government perverted (44); when the judges, these acts being discussed before them, will not venture to withhold from them the sanction of judicial authority; when the president will not dare to refuse, or when he concurs, to carry them into effect; when the people, by the exercise of their elective rights, cannot displace (every second year in one branch, every sixth year in the other branch of the legislature, and every fourth year in the executive) those who act thus inconsistent with their duty; when all these modes of redress shall have proved ineffectual, then may the people resort to their "reserved, uncontrotable power," for then they stand absolved from their oaths and engagements; then "they may assume into their own hands the alteration of the constitution;" then "they may revoke the lease, the conditions being broken by the tenant" (45); then, and not before, may this mighty power, high above all height, caput inter nubila , be called into action, and perform its revolutionary functions ."
"Thus we see, the supreme power which the people never part with, is a distinct thing from the supreme power of the state ."
"Locke, from whose political writings some of our most celebrated statesmen have derived their opinions, relative to government, and whose principles of government, in consequence, have entered into our several constitutions, makes the same distinction between the supreme power of the state, and the supreme power which resides in the people."
"The Legislature (he observes) is the supreme power of the commonwealth, sacred, and unalterable where the community has once placed it; nor can any edict of any body else, in what form soever conceived, or by what power soever backed, have the force and obligation of law, which has not its sanction from that legislature, which the people have chosen and appointed; for without this the law could not have that which is absolutely necessary to its being a law, the consent of the society, over whom nobody can have power to make laws, but by their own
(43) Judge Patterson, as above quoted.
(44) Constitution of Maryland.
(45) Judge Wilson, Deb. Penn. Con. p. 53.
consent, and by authority derived from them. And therefore all the obedience, which, by the most solemn ties, any one can be obliged to pay, ultimately terminates in this supreme power, and is directed by those laws which it enacts: nor can any oath to any foreign power whatsoever, nor any domestick subordinate power, discharge any member of the society from his obedience to the legislature, acting pursuant to their trust; nor oblige him to any obedience contrary to the laws so enacted, or further than they do allow; it being ridiculous to imagine any one is tied, ultimately, to obey any power in the society which is not supreme." (46)
"Again; "though in a constituted commonwealth, standing upon its own basis, and acting according to its own nature, that is, acting for the preservation of the community, there can be but one supreme power, which is the Legislature, to which all the rest are, and must be, subordinate, yet the legislative being only a fiduciary power, to act for certain ends, there remains still in the people a supreme power to remove or alter the legislative, when they find the legislature act contrary to the trust reposed in them. For all power given with trust for the obtaining an end, being limited by that end, whenever that end is manifestly neglected or opposed, the trust must necessarily be forfeited, and the power devolve into the hands of those that gave it; who may place it anew, where they shall think best for their safety and security. And thus the community perpetually retains a supreme power of saving themselves from the attempts and designs of any body, even of their legislators, whenever they shall be so foolish, or so wicked, as to lay and carry on designs against the liberties and properties of the subject. For no man, or society of men have a power to deliver up their preservation, or consequently the means of it, to the absolute will, and arbitrary dominion of another.—Whenever any one shall go about to bring them into such a slavish condition, they will always have a right to preserve what they have not a right to part with, and to rid themselves of those who invade this fundamental, sacred, and unalterable law of self preservation, for which they entered into society. And thus the community may be said, in this respect, to be always the supreme power, but not as considered under any form of government, because this power of the people can never take place until the government be dissolved." (47)
"The conclusion from the whole, is, the SUPREME POWER which resides in the people, is a distinct and different thing from the SUPREME POWER of the state."
"Would it be possible to change this arrangement for a better? In what other government shall we find the nature, extent, and quality of every man's rights so well defined and fixed? can any thing (the practice conforming with the theory of the constitution) be better calculated to preserve to the community, union, stability, peace, order and safety? can any thing be better conceived than this harmonious assemblage of different elements? this beautiful subordination of parts! this scale of rights, ascending from the elective to the legislative, executive, and judicial; each separate yet connected, each bounded yet complete, the whole forming a perfect system, surrounded by the supreme power residing in the people, which, like the atmosphere of the earth, keeps, by its weight and influence, the several parts and powers of this wonderful work in their respective places? Who will dare to destroy this commonwealth, by a new arrangement of its parts, or a different distribution of its powers? Admirable fabric! long may it be preserved from the sacrilegious hands of Demagogues and Innovators! Long may it remain the eulogium of its Architects! The pride of a happy and a flourishing people!"
(46) Locke, of civil Government, chap. ix.
The supreme power, or sovereignty, is lodged in the legislative, executive, and judiciary establishments. Artic. P. l. v.
(47) Locke, Of civil Government, chap. xiii.
We have received Jamaica papers by the schooner Nancy, to the 30th July, in one of which we find a proclamation by the Governor to the following effect, "that as the general scarcity of provisions which prevails throughout the island, and the exigency of the case requires it, certain other articles, not enumerated in the proclamation of the 20th May, shall be permitted to be imported, in neutral vessels until the 31st December next, as sheep, hogs, poultry, small live stock of all kinds, fruit, fish, flour, corn-meal, corn, bread, rice, beans, peas, and lumber of every description."— N. Y. Daily Ad.
CHARLESTON, August 26.
Captain Taylor, of the brig Eliza, who arrived five days since in 31 days passage from Gibraltar, contradicts the reports lately made of the capture of the United States Gun Boat No. 3.
Captain Taylor lay at quarantine ground at Gibraltar at the time of the transaction, and afterwards saw captain Shaw of the frigate John Adams, and lieut. Maxwell, who commanded No. 3, and was informed by them, that she was taken possession of through a mistake, and not detained one hour. The officers of the Spanish vessels were arrested and imprisoned, and every satisfaction for the insult immediately offered. It took place off Caberete Point in sight of the John Adams.
Times.
FROM FRENCH PAPERS
Received at the Office of the Publick Ledger.
PARIS, June 15.
Report made to His Majesty the Emperor and King, by His Excellency the Minister of the Publick Treasure.
SIR, The payment of the American debts upon the fund of 20 Millions is in full activity. Among the American creditors who are paying off, there are several who receive by means of their attorneys.
"I have received information from all parts, that some of these agents complained of having been obliged to make sacrifices for the purpose of being paid. It is, however, much more probable that they thus prepare for themselves means, under false pretexes, to make these deductions be supported by their employers. To disconcert these manoeuvres, I have written the annexed letter to Mr. Armstrong, the Minister of the United States. It has since been rumoured, that some creditors had been forced, previous to obtaining their liquidation, to give bills of exchange, in blank, payable at the same time that the treasury should make its payments. Though fully persuaded beforehand that nothing similar had taken place at the general liquidation, I did not judge it less necessary to put a stop to these calumnious reports. For this purpose, I determined to see all the creditors tête à tête at the moment of the payment; I told them, that I was taking measures that no deduction should be allowed them by their employers in America, that if they had passed any such bills, the payment of them should be at their own cost, and that for the remainder I should give them (the attorneys) the means of forcing those to restitution who should have extorted such bills in blank from them."
"It appears to me that these rumours have less weight since I took this step, and should they entirely cease, I shall have the certitude that these reports were impositions of covetous people, who wished to cheat their employers. I pray you, Sire, to accept the homage of my profound respect for your Majesty."
BARBE-MARBOIS.
Paris, 11th Prairial, year 13.

The Minister of the Publick Treasury to His Excellency the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.
Paris, 17th Floreal, year 13.
Sir, You and I have taken cognizance of the liquidation which has been made of each of the American debts, payable at the Publick Treasury, upon a fund specially assigned by one of the conventions of the 10th Floreal, year 11.
We have taken the measures which we judged most proper to secure to each creditor the recovery of what is due to him. Several of them are represented by assignees, or by agents with full power of attorney. It appears from what I was told by the person who presented himself in your name, that you are apprehensive of the abuses which some persons might make of the orders that will be delivered to them by you.
I have indeed received information that some attorneys or other agents intend to retain in their own hands more or less considerable portions of the sums which shall be paid to them, and that they will seek to justify this infidelity, by giving out that they have been obliged to make advances of disbursements to obtain a right to this payment. We must be upon our guard against such charges, when those who hazard to make them will name nobody, and confine themselves to vague designations.
All persons interested in these payments have had and will always have the power of recurring to us or to the upright Magistrate, Director-General, who presided at the liquidation of these debts. But independent of this power, you may acquaint all those to whom or for whose account these payments are made, that the whole of the sums paid belongs to them; that their correspondents cheat them if they attempt to make deductions, either exorbitant, as I have been informed, or even moderate. They are obliged to allow them only the commission usual in trade. All other deduction, secret or even avowed, which these correspondents should make them undergo, would indicate a malversation, for which they will have full redress in the Courts of Justice or in any other manner. In support of their reclamation, they will obtain from you and from me all necessary information. They may ask for it at any time, may return and ask for fresh information; nothing will be refused to them. We shall always look upon it as a duty to enable them to exercise their right to its full extent. I even think it proper, since you and I are to see all parties who are to receive payment, that we should give them these assurances, and that if any may have been led into error, they should know that we shall spare no pains that they may experience no loss in the amount of the sum, which shall have been acknowledged to be due to them.
I pr. you, Sir, to accept the assurance of my high consideration. (Signed) BARBE-MARBOIS.
His majesty being informed of the bravery displayed at the engagement of Fecamp by the small division of the flotilla under the orders of capt. Hamelin, of the skilful manoeuvres which it executed and of the injury it did the enemy, who were ten times more considerable in force, has order'd the minister of marine to cause a report to be made to him upon the individuals who distinguished themselves in that action, setting forth the names of the regiments embarked on board the vessels.
The two gun-schooners and the four gun-boats, which, within pistol shot, returned the fire of a large frigate, a schooner, a brig, and a cutter, carried only twelve 24 pounders, whilst the enemy had more than 120. The crews of the gun-boats amounted only to 150 men, and those of the enemy's divisions to about 700. The value of the two gun-schooners and of the four gun-boats did not amount to 200,000 fr. and the enemy's division was worth two millions. There is no frigate but would, in such an unequal conflict, have been beat; and yet the flotilla is only at its birth; its strength has not yet received its full extent. However immense too may have been its advantages as a plan of campaign, it will be attended with no less success in the field of battle. With bold seamen, who have quitted the shackles of prejudices, and brave soldiers somewhat formed to the sea, we shall see large mountains beset with guns and iron, avoiding the attack of gun-boats carrying the same number of men and guns as they.— Moniteur . July 1.
All the Pachas of Bosnia, have received Firmans from the Grand Seignor, enjoining them to furnish a certain number of oxen, for the purpose of victualling Russian troops.
A letter from Constantinople contradicts the account of Mr. Joubert having delivered the letter from the emperor of the French to the Grand Seignor, as the latter was going out on horseback. It states that Mr. Parandier, the French charge d'Affaires at that court had presented a second note to the Reis Effendi, in which he renewed his demand to present the letter to the Grand Seignor, in a private audience, stating in case of refusal that he had orders to ask for his passports and to leave the Turkish dominions immediately. Two days afterwards Mr. Joubert was requested to repair to the Villa of Kiata-na, where one of the Grand Seignor's suit, received the letter, and presented it to his highness who was walking in the garden.
Their Excellencies the marshals Berthier and Lannes are both arrived in town.
Le Vaillant, privateer of Bordeaux, and le Hoob of Marseilles have taken two English prizes, one of which a Guineaman, very richly laden, has been carried into Monte-Video.
July 10.
All parties at London announce the desire of peace; they differ among themselves only upon the manner of making it. However, to believe one of the ministerial writers, the King wishes for war, and it is for this reason that Mr. Fox cannot be admitted into the ministry. Were the assertion of this writer exact, how much a people would be to be pitied, whose general wish should be thus stifled by the caprice of their monarch! We fear to expatiate upon this subject; for it is not likely that he who ought to be the father of the people, should have sworn to be eternally their executioner, and to reduce them to wish for another reign as the only term of their calamities. Whether the question be to make war or peace, the English ministers have never done invoking the general welfare and the security of Europe. This hypocritical benevolence can no longer impose any body. Such also is the language that the governor-general of India holds out to the native princes of the country, whom he arms by turns against each other, carefully preventing all accommodation they may wish to come to without his mediation, always mistrustful of the strongest, and dreading nothing so much as a general peace, which might one day prepare their independence. But this system, which will succeed in India as long as a courageous prince, or happy circumstances shall not have determined its fall, can have no success in Europe, where the powers independent of England consult their own interests before they arm for hers.
The English ministers never cease complaining of the power of France; but they consider it less relative to Europe than to England. It is from their having too lightly believed that France could not recover the losses she sustained in the revolution, that her power now appears to them monstrous and irreconcilable with the prosperity of England. They have dreamed that France was no longer to have either industry, navy, trade, or colonies. The genius of the emperor and of the nation have dissipated
this chimerical illusion. They cannot yet habituate themselves to suffer the maritime and commercial independence which France is determined to have for herself and for all nations. They had laid the basis of a chimerical empire upon the annihilation of France; nor can they now reconcile themselves to abjure the false consequences they had drawn from a false principle.
It has sometimes been said in parliament and by English writers, that this war is an inextinguishable one, and that England should carry it on to the last extremity; because a peace which should leave to France a free trade and a navy as numerous as she chose, would always expose England to inevitable ruin. This principle of an eternal war is too dreadful; it is replete with consequences too fatal to humanity for every generous man not to hasten to combat it and clearly demonstrate its fallacy. If, indeed, England wished, as the means of making a solid peace with France, that the latter should renounce all the advantages she possesses from the nature of her soil, from her situation, from her population and the genius of her inhabitants; it may readily be believed that the war would last until the extinction of one of the two nations. But we must first examine whether this extremity, to which it is supposed that England is reduced, be real, or be not rather the effect of a false system, of an extraordinary exaggeration and of a pretension above her strength. Here the judgement has not to hesitate. The aim of the war which France is carrying on against England is not to subjugate it; it is, on the contrary, to defend herself from subjugation, to conquer the independence of her trade and of her navy. The invasion seems to menace the existence of England; this, however, does not render the war less a defensive one on the part of France. The fault lies in those Ministers who are rash enough to stake the existence of their country against transitory advantages and an ephemeral Empire.
Thus the apparent necessity of this war is founded upon the dream of an impotent ambition. Were England willing to suffer all nations to enjoy the same rights of their industry and of their commerce, according to their means, the war would be terminated for ever. War seems to be at this day the natural state of the English government; because they are with regard to other nations in a hostile and tyrannical attitude; they wish to take from others without suffering any to oppose their usurpations. This is as if the leader of a band of robbers stationed in a wood should take it ill that travellers should refuse him their purse, and should complain of his being reduced to expose his life. In a word, Europe cannot flatter itself with a lasting peace before the English government be fully resolved to abjure the system of domination to which they have so long aspired and which they lately thought to realize. They must renounce their favourite idea of chaining other nations to their maritime fortune. The principle of independence once acknowledged, will make more solid treaties than that of Amiens.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Sch'r Eagle, Gross, 48 days from Bourdeaux, Wine & Dry Goods, John & James Galwey. —Aug. 17, in lat. 43, 51, long. 46, 50, saw a large fleet, supposed it to be one of the British homeward bound convoys. Aug. 20, lat. 44, 15, long. 50, 18, spoke brig Aurora, 15 days from New-York, bound to Cowes. Ship SUSAN, Loring, 51 days from Lisbon, Salt & Wine, Donaldson Thorburn & Co.
Sch'r Catharine Shepherd, Webb, from Antigua, via St. Bartholomew's, in 20 days, Rum, Robert C. Jennings & Co.—Ship Emily, Welch, was taken and sent into Antigua the 14th August—she was from this port, and last from Guadalupe bound to Antigua.—Aug. 31, in lat. 32, 41, long. 71, 32, fell in with the homeward bound Jamaica fleet, consisting of 64 sail, under convoy of the Vanguard of 74 guns, out 5 weeks.
Sch'r Ruby, Clark, 5 days from New-York. List of American vessels left at Bourdeaux the 15th July.
Ships Trest, Rinker, Sarah, Sutton, General Clairborne, Harris, Catharine, Butler, New-Orleans; Zulema, Alston, Missouri, Gallagher, Columbian Packet, —, Amity, Palmer, Lewis-William, Hartwell, Philadelphia; Phoebe, Abraham, Baltimore; Hazen, Watts, Bula, Gardner, Nancy, Turner, Boston; Moultrie, Crenshaw, Sarah & Susan, Marner, Nancy, Alcot, Enterprize, Thompson, Alexander, Waterson, Eugenia, Fleming, Thomas, —, New-York; Three Sisters, Clark, John & Francis, Bess, Baltick, Misroon, Charleston; Dartmouth, Sulle, Newport; Swift, —. Brigs Juno, Watson, Two Brothers, Harborough, Norfolk; Hope, Cochran, Wilmington; Caroline, Young, Eliza, Hatch, Edward, Lombard, Nereide, Bradford, Shipwright, Doak, Boston; Adventure, Stowell, Washington, Ledet, George Clinton, Seaves, Virginia, Davis, Antelope, —, New-York; Abigail, Benson, Savannah; America, Shaw, Providence; Venus, Lander, Salem; Schooners Venus, Allen, Boston; Glide, Girdler, Gloucester; Washington, Stevens. The ship Mammoth, Mork, was to have sailed from Bourdeaux the 23d July, for Norfolk.
The sch'r Suky, Gilbert, of and from this port, was left at Tortola Aug. 2, to sail in 4 days.
The Echo, Higgins, from this port was at Nantz the 15th July, under seizure, with eight more American vessels, the cause not mentioned.
CUSTOM-HOUSE—ENTERED.
Ship Susan, Loring, Lisbon.
CLEARED.
Brig Mary, Butler, Belfast. Sch'r Bellona, Wills, Barbadoes. Sloop Sisters, Johnson, New-York. Planter, Morris, Petersburg.
FERGUSON'S Packet will sail for
Baltimore on Sunday. Sept. 4.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.
At a Quarterly Session Court continued and
held the 30th day of August, 1805.
William Pennock, Com. Pt. Against Jean de St. Maria, Robert Lawrence, and Theo. Armitstead, Defts. In Chancery.
The defendant Jean de St. Maria, not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court—And it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth—On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered, that the defendant Jean de St. Maria, do appear here on the fourth Monday in November next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of the said Borough—And it is further ordered, that the defendants Robert Lawrence, and Theo. Armitstead, who have effects of the said Jean de St. Maria, in their hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court concerning the same. (A Copy) Teste, WM. SHARP, C. N. B. C
LANDING
At the Subscriber's Wharf, on board the Ship Ann, 200 Gross BOTTLES. 35 Boxes WINDOW GLASS. 3000 Bushels COALS. For sale by A. Maclure.
September 4. tf 122
THE SCHOONER EAGLE, Captain Gross;—Will take freight for Boston.—Apply to the Master on board, at Commerce Street Wharf, or John & James Galwey. September 6. tf 131
FOR BOURDEAUX, The Ship SHEFFIELD, Josiah Cowper, Master;—Will take eighty hogsheads tobacco, or other goods equivalent, on freight, the remainder of her cargo being engaged. Three passengers can be accommodated.—Apply to the Master. September 6. tf 132
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, (To a Port in France,) The fine new Ship, SUSAN, Captain Loring;—Burthen 330 hogsheads tobacco. Will be ready for the reception of a cargo in ten days. For terms, apply to Captain Loring, or Donaldson, Thorburn & Co.
WHO HAVE THE CARGO OF SAID SHIP FOR SALE, CONSISTING OF ABOUT 5,500 Bushels LISBON SALT. And some choice Old WINE, in quarter casks. September 6. tf 133
I HAVE RECEIVED, Per the Sch'r. Concord, Capt. Rogers, from Bristol, 100 Casks NAILS—assorted, and 9 do. WEEDING HOES. Which will be sold low for cash, or good paper. R. Gibson.
ON HAND, A quantity of SPIKES—assorted. WINDOW GLASS, 8 by 10, 11 by 9, 12 by 10, 14 by 12. FIG BLUE, in boxes. 50 Kgs WHITE LEAD. 30 Pipes Old L. P. MADEIRA WINE. 30 do. HOLLAND GIN. 50 Punches. ANTIGUA & GRENADA RUM. 5 Pipes FRENCH BRANDY. 20 Barrels N. E. RUM. A few tiers Brown SUGAR, super. qua. 400 Sacks SALT. A quantity of CRATES—Earthen Ware well assorted. 300 Barrels BEER. 50 do. PORK. 50 do. NAVY BREAD. 34 Hogsheads RICHMOND TOBACCO. 20 do. YORK RIVER do. September 6. 1aw3w 130
THIS DAY LANDING, From on board the Schooner Eagle, Captain Gross, from Bourdeaux, 160 Casks CLARET. 981 Cases assorted do. 66 do. do. White do. 80 Baskets SWEET OIL. 2 Trunks and 3 Cases Ladies' and Men's SHOES. 8 Cases Mens' and Children's Silk and Beaver HATS, assorted. DEMIJOHNS, ALMONDS, NUTS, &c. &c. For sale on liberal terms, by John & James Galwey, Commerce-Street Wharf.
WHO HAVE ON HAND, 75 Boxes White & Brown Havanna SUGAR. September 6. tf 128
TO RENT OR LEASE, (And possession given immediately,) THAT convenient Dwelling House, formerly occupied by Mr. John Davidson, on Brewer-Street—together with a large Garden, and all convenient out houses. For terms, apply to James Tucker.
WHO HAS FOR LEASE, A VALUABLE LOT OF GROUND, On Commerce and Little Water Streets. September 6. tf 129
TO RENT, (And possession given the 1st day of October,) TWO VERY CONVENIENT WAREHOUSES, at present occupied by Mr. J. Proudft. For terms, apply to Robert Gibson. September 6. tf 134
BUENOS AIRES HIDES, Now landing from on board the Ship Nancy, Capt. Laurence, from Rio de la Plata. For sale by William Pennock. September 4. tf 123
IRISH LINEN.
TWELVE BOXES BROWN LINEN, For sale at my Office. William B. Lamb. September 4. 6 124
NORFOLK BOROUGH: At a Quarterly Session Court, continued and held the 30th day of August, 1805. Alexander Maclure, John Robinson, and Daniel R. Waddy, trading under the firm of Daniel R. Waddy & Co. Compts. Against, Gilbert Robinson, and James Brown, Merchants, trading as partners under the firm of Robertson & Brown, and Robert Dickson, Administrator of Henry Cavan. Defrs.
THE Defendants Robertson and Brown, not having entered their appearance, and given security according to the Act of Congress, and the Rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of this Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth: On the motion of the Complainant by their Counsel, it is ordered, That the said Defendants Robertson and Brown, do appear here on the fourth Monday in November next, and answer the Bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in this Borough, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Courthouse of the said Borough: And it is further ordered, That the Defendant Robert Dickson, Administrator of Henry Cavan, deceased, who hath effects of the said Robertson and Brown, in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this Court, concerning the same. (A Copy, Teste,) 127 WILLIAM SHARP, C. N. B. C.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS some unhappy difference has lately arisen between me and my Wife Jane, in consequence of which we have mutually agreed to live separate.—I think it necessary to give this publick notice that no person may give credit to the said Jane, or any other person on my account, without a written order from me. Christian Miller. September 4. 3t 128
LOST ON MONDAY LAST, A NOTE of Mr. William Pennock, in favour of Captain W. J. Richardson, payable at the United States Bank, for Eight Hundred Dollars, at 60 days, and dated 25th July. As payment is stopped, it cannot be of service to any person, if found I should be obliged by its being returned. Edward Roberts. August 14. tf 73
300 Barrels INDIAN CORN, Deliverable at short notice—for sale by James Maurice & Co. July 29. tf 24
NOW LANDING, 90 Bags Prime Green COFFEE. For sale by Moses Myers. July 22. tf 14
FOR SALE, THE REMAINDER OF THE CARGO OF THE BRIG NANCY, From the Cape of Good Hope, consisting of the following articles, viz:— 100 Casks CAPE WINE. 13 do. CONSTANTIA do. 1 do. STEEN do. 5 do. MUSCAT do. 19 do. TAMARINDS do. 4 do. BRANDY. 44 do. ALOES. A liberal credit will be given, and if the whole is taken, the above articles will be sold a bargain.—Any person inclined to purchase, may rely that the articles on hand, were not the refuse of the Cargo, which was sold by shewing one cask of each quality, and were delivered as they came to hand. John Granbery. August 23. tf 92
NOW LANDING ON NEWTON'S WHARF, From on board the Brig Brothers, Capt. Dunn, from Jamaica, 124 Hogsheads, } PRIME JAMAICA SUGARS. 11 Barrels, } For sale by William Pennock. August 2. tf 37
TO RENT. THE Store, Cellar, and Compting Room, No. 41, Main-Street, at present occupied by Messrs. GILLIAT & MACKINDER. Apply to Thomas Willock. April 1. tf 547
GILLIAT & MACKINDER, HAVE JUST RECEIVED THEIR SUPPLY OF FALL GOODS, From London, in the Ship PLATTEA, Captain Bussn, And are in daily expectation of the arrival of the Ship Fredonia from Liverpool, when their assortment will be complete and extensive, which they will sell at a low advance, for Cash, or approved Notes. August 30. tf 107
THE SUBSCRIBER Having opened Tavern in the EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE, will be glad to take in TEN OR TWELVE GENTLE BOARDERS by the year. Peter Kemp. 654
LANDING AT COMMERCE-STREET WHARF, FROM BRIG MILTON, 27 Puncheons High Proof Jamaica RUM, 7 do. MOLASSES. AND FROM SCHOONER BRILLIANT, A few Puncheons choice Windward Island RUM. For sale by Redmon & Friib. August 7. tf 52
TAKEN from along side the Brig Milton, on the night of the 25th Instant, a CLINKER BUILT YAWL, about twelve feet long, yellow bottom and painted green inside—Milton of Suffolk, marked on her stern. A liberal reward will be given to any person who will give information of her, so that I get her again. Tudor Friib. August 28. tf 104
I intend to leave this State for some time. John Davidson. August 19. tf 80
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER, AT HIS LUMBER YARD ON CALVERT'S WHARF, 700,000 SALE SHINGLES. 50,000 BUILDING do. 50,000 STAVES—White and Red Oak. 10,000 CYPRESS PALES. 5,000 CEDAR and CHINQUEPIN POSTS. Also—shall keep a supply of PLANK AND SCANTLING. Thomas H. Parker. August 19. tf 77
NOW LANDING, From on board the Ship Marcella, Captain Laughon, 50 Hogsheads Havanna MOLASSES. And from on board the Schooner Hope, Captain Sprague, 70 Hogsheads Jamaica RUM. For sale by William Pennock. August 14. 3w 70
DELACOSTE, RESPECTFULLY informs the publick, that he intends opening a School for tuition of the French Language, and of Book-Keeping in the Italian way, with double entries, as soon as a sufficient number of Gentlemen will have agreed to attend the same. He will, in the mean time, give private lessons, at their houses, to such Ladies and Gentlemen, as may be pleased to confide in his abilities. Orders left at Mr. Rifaud's Boarding-house, will be duly attended to. English, French and Dutch, translated with accuracy and despatch.—Apply as above. August 26. 6* 95
CHOICE FLOUR OF NEW WHEAT, From Mayo's Mills—for Family use. 300 Whole and 300 Half Barrels. For sale by Moses Myers. August 12. tf 66
40 Puncheons Antigua RUM, Just received per Schooner Stranger, and for sale by Warren Ashley. August 12. tf 67
MARTIN FISK, Has this day landed from the Ship Glory, from Liverpool, AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF CUT GLASS, For family use—such as Decanters, Wine Glasses, & Tumblers. July 5. tf 795
HIBBERT'S PORTER AND BROWN STOUT Just received per the Ship Planter, from London, A QUANTITY OF Hibbert's best bottled Porter & Brown Stout. Apply to ROBERT MAITLAND & CO. August 28. 6w 103
NOW LANDING From on board the Brig Pama, from Havana, and Schooner Lydia, from Antigua, 170 Hogsheads MOLASSES. 129 do. RUM. For sale by William Pennock. May 27. tf 710