Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-07-22 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  IN THICE ETIAM SUA PRÆMIA LATT
CORINNA.
FROM THE EMERALD.
The following Review of Corinna, or Italy; by Madam de Staël Holstein, is translated from the French, and was originally published in La Revue Philosophique, &c. for the month of June 1807.
Madam de Staël does not seek, like other writers of romances (I mean good ones) to paint scenes from life, and characters from society. Her only object is to bring to view her sentiments, her sensations and her opinions upon morals, literature, the arts, &c. and as in her every thing of this kind, quits the common sphere , it is impossible that the writings in which she displays them should not be extraordinary productions. The style of this romance is not less singular than the ideas which it contains. The same fire of the imagination, the same elevation of the mind which inspire those sentiments in which no one participates, suggest also those expressions which no one employs; and besides, with Madame de Staël, neologism of phrase appears to be a matter of calculation, an artifice of the writer—since we often see her investing with unusual forms vulgar things, which, at least, attract attention for the moment.
In this work of Mad. de Staël is united a romance & travels. The scene being almost constantly laid in Italy, the authoress has from thence taken occasion to describe nature, and the monuments of that fine country. She has spoken of the arts with that poetical, enthusiastick and inspired tone, of which President Dupaty has given a model in his Letters upon Italy, and which is not always the expression, nor even the proof of a real and correct opinion of those beauties with which she seems to be so passionately in love. The descriptions of Madame de Staël afford me but a very vague idea of those things she represents. I see in them not the form the dimension, the use, the subject and the matter of the monuments, but only the sensations which the authoress experienced in viewing them. But, not having seen Rome, Naples and Florence, I cannot compare these sensations with my own, and I have not consequently any knowledge of them; it is for those only who have enjoyed a view of the same objects, to interrogate their own recollection for the faithfulness of the narration. As to exalted style of these descriptions, or rather of these phrases, about buildings, statues, and paintings, it has been properly criticised in the work of President Dupaty, who speaks from his own knowledge; it is however but just to remark, with respect to Madame de Staël, that she puts it into the mouth of Corinna, who is an extemporaneous rhymist,* and a passionate lover.
It is then a consistent trait in the character of Corinna to cause her to speak upon the arts with this tone of imagination, of sensibility, and at the same time, of poetick pomp, which an ungovernable passion, an ardent mind, and the habit of extemporising in verse, must necessarily occasion. It would be wrong to think that the descriptive and picturesque part of the work injured the sentimental and dramatic part. The authoress is by no means ignorant of the manner of connecting both skilfully together. The descriptions besides are chiefly placed at the beginning of the romance; we see no more of them after the action is well begun and when the plot becomes more developed and concentrated.
The chief merit of a novel is without doubt its power to interest the feelings; and this one certainly contains no small portion of that merit. The last residence of Corinna in Scotland, what she there sees, suffers and acts—all work upon the strong passions of the soul; and we are finally melted into tears at her last moments. The plot is conducted with skill. The suspense in which Corinna is placed as to the history of Oswald, Oswald of the history of Corinna, and the reader, of the history of both, produces for the dramatis personæ inquiet and agitated sensations of the soul, and excites our own curiosity without rendering us too eager for its gratification. The events have sufficient probability for the characters represented; but these characters themselves are indeed very extraordinary—if not highly improbable; and from thence their misfortunes do not interest us so much as if they resembled us more. Corinna is a being such as possibly might have existed, but such also as it is to be hoped few do resemble, and she is what no virtuous or reasonable woman could wish to be. Undoubtedly she possesses a noble and generous character—she has even virtue in the sense in which that word is applied to woman; but she delivers herself up to the passion of love with that degree of impetuosity, that according to the laws which society and perhaps nature has imposed upon her sex, cannot be countenanced, and ought to be restrained. Besides Corinna lives so very singularly. Residing alone with her domesticks, she receives little other company than that of the men, declaims extemporaneous verses in publick, sings, accompanying her voice with the lyre, and dances before every stranger who requests it, with as little reluctance as an Almi or a Byadère ; in short, she is not a woman for private life, but altogether a publick one, and this is so far from the true destination of women, that custom has affixed this epithet to those who are the disgrace of the sex. Madam de Staël has herself so thoroughly experienced the effects which such conduct has produced in relation to the reputation of a woman, that few readers of romances can deceive themselves relative to the true character of Corinna, or be astonished, that the father of Oswald, who had never seen Corinna rhyming extemporaneously, singing and dancing in Italy, should take a little English freedom of comparing her to the courtesans of Greece. Madam de Staël cannot cer-
tainly have wished to propose Corinna as a model to her sex, nor even as an object of admiration: she must have solely desired to trace a being of imagination, of fancy—without drawing a character from real life: but she cannot be ignorant that, in the arts, all creatures of the imagination whose figures are only in the brain of the artist, have never succeeded in any degree, nor have they been as durable as those which offer a representation of nature herself. The first may astonish and dazzle us at their birth; but we turn to the others more frequently, and behold them without fatigue. It is now more than a century since the Princess of Clèves has been perused and reperused with increasing satisfaction.
Oswald to be sure is not that extraordinary being, or rather superior one according to Corinna. He has even prejudices and meannesses. The light in which Corinna would be viewed, in England, if she should become his wife, discommodes him not a little; and we perceive that, on his own account, he would prefer a woman who would retire at the desert , go and hold her task-kettle, uttering three or four insipid apologies to her good friends, and when the gentlemen have withdrawn from the table, pour out their tea without saying a single word more, than Corinna amusing herself with rhymes, musick, dancing, metaphysics and enthusiasm, before a numerous circle. We may pardon him those scruples which yield and ought to yield, as to the rest, to the all-powerful charms of Corinna. But how can we explain, how justify, I do not say his infatuation, sufficiently authorised by absence and the apparent neglect of Corinna, the present charms of Lucilia, and the natural inconsistency of the human heart, but that singular resolution which he forms beforehand of never marrying Corinna, whom he adores, if he discovers that it was not the wish of his father, that he should? Love is from its very nature, a sentiment, if not exclusive, at least a predominant one. It is so particularly and ought to be in works of the imagination, romances or dramas; and the reason of it is simple, it is because that love, if it do not triumph over every other affection, would make itself suspected of not being very violent, and nothing is less interesting nor more common than cool love: it would not therefore be worth while to depicture in a book and display in scene what we see every day in society.—But to the subject—in what a strange situation is Oswald placed? He knows Corinna eve to the inmost recesses of her heart: he knows every thing that the prepossessions of the world have to reproach her with, and appreciates them—that is to say, he considers them but trifles. His father less enchanted by these prepossessions, than tenderly interested in the future destiny of his son, has decided, that Corinna will not answer for his wife. But can this father know Corinna better than Oswald himself? Does he know better than Oswald what will constitute his happiness? Besides a wish, a suggestion, were they even from a dying father, is by no means a command. Because he is dead, and can no longer revoke his wish, ought Oswald therefore to dread as much not to fulfil it—as if it were to violate the express command of a living father? This may be filial respect of the first kind, but it is certainly not love, and indeed, if it were permissible to interpret the conduct of the actors, in a novel, otherwise than the writer himself has represented it, I, for myself should believe that Oswald, already tired of Corinna did not lay hold on the idea of deference to his father's will, but as a convenient pretext to get rid of her.
It has not however escaped Madam de Staël that the conduct of Oswald is not conformable to the natural impulse of the heart; but she thought herself obliged to make use of this character, and in order to render it a little supportable, she has made many more efforts than were necessary to pass it off. All this has notwithstanding rendered the character of Oswald generally displeasing.
The character of Lucilia Edgemon is traced and painted with an inexpressible charm. She is a virgin of Raphael. It is not perhaps, to make our court too well, to her who has depicted both; but on many accounts we prefer Lucilia to Corinna. The mother of Lucilia offers not to our view that beautiful ideal being, under which her daughter appears; but this is a character drawn from real nature; an Englishwoman, a wife, a mother in law, and indeed a mother. We love her for the great love she bears her daughter. It is under this character that Madam de Staël has painted the manners of English women with a fidelity and delicacy of pencil that has excited universal approbation.
I take no notice of the other episodical or secondary characters such as Count D'Erfeuil , the prince of Castelford, Lord Edgemon, Madam D'Arbigny , Mr. Maltgues , &c. They are what they ought to be, and cannot give rise to a single reflection—much less to criticism.—Justice solely oblige me to remark, that the profound theory of immorality and the cool-blooded villainy which characterize Maltgues , are traits worthy of the keenest observer and the touch of the more vigorous hand.
But I have already said, that in this novel of Madam de Staël, the plot, the characters, the picture even of morals, are only accessories. The principal , are the singular opinions of the authoress in philosophy, morals, and literature. A novel is in itself nothing but the vehicle by which her opinions are conveyed to the world. These are opinions common enough; we know well enough, among other things, the great importance Mad de Staël attaches to melancholy, and the preference she from thence gives to the literature of the north of Europe, where her deep melancholy seems to be imprinted on every page. This time, without renouncing her adoration for this northern species of
literature, she renders due honours to the Italian. It is true that Dante is her favourite; Dante that dark and energetic genius, fostered in periods of difficulty and revenge, is entirely fit, by the sometimes extravagant sublimity of his thoughts, to enchant those, who, like Madam de Staël, are in raptures with Shakespeare. She does not appear to estimate so highly Tasso and Ariosto , of whom one is but a little more melancholy than Virgil , and the other than Voltaire , who, as we well know, has not been much addicted to it, particularly in la Pucelle . The opinions of Madam de Staël have been often combatated, and according to my belief, with great success. Few people accede to them; the authoress notwithstanding does not appear disposed to abandon them; there would therefore be no manner of utility in combatating them anew; and I will say as much of her philosophick and moral opinions. They astonish by their novelty, their boldness; but they convert no one: the writer and her readers alike perform their respective duties. A good refutation of them would then be superfluous, and it would besides infallibly experience the humiliation of not possessing the same splendour of style, nor receive the same successful renown as the paradoxes which it would confound. There are certain situations in which reason ought not to be compromised. We shall always regret that Madam de Staël, writing a novel, should infuse in the dogmatical and moral part more imagination than in the dramatic part: instead of painting the world, and revealing to us the secret of its passions, of its principles, of its prejudices, of its interests, of its conduct as all good writers of these productions have done, she has only traced an imaginary world, or at least a very circumscribed one, of which she constitutes herself the centre; for it is idle to dissimulate, all the world knows it and proclaims it, that Corinna, as to her sentiments and opinions, is Madam de Staël herself. It would be perhaps impossible for her to have it otherwise. Almost constantly placed, as a sovereign, in a circle of admirers, conquered by the ascendancy of her genius, or reduced to silence by the pleasure of listening to her—she talks more than she reflects—she thinks much more than she attempts to scan the thoughts of others.
This particular situation of Madam de Staël has had much influence upon her style. Living for conversation, or rather for a species of solemn discourse, in which no one, we concede, has more brilliancy and fire, she has necessarily contracted the habit of those turns and bold expressions which mankind admit—because, on these occasions the effect is the first law, and we seldom converse with those who do not think like us, and accord in our sentiments, and what matter is it, after all, if we are blamed, or are not understood in a sentence which is indeed very long, and which they cannot stop to examine, because it is followed by ten others which they have not time to investigate more. It is however quite otherwise with a book—and this difference needs no explanation.
Madam de Staël does not directly infringe the rules of grammar, she does not construct incorrectly her sentences, she does not fabricate new words; but she amplifies, and tortures the national meaning of those which already exist, and sometimes connects them together in a most ludicrous manner.
I have heard a person of much acuteness of observation, remark, that Madam de Staël thinks she has found a new idea when she caught a new and improper expression. I do not however believe this to be generally true, although it has some semblance of it—and it is for Madam de Staël to be first seduced by a confection of terms which afterwards leads others astray. She has perhaps inaptly excited ridicule in making an unbounded use, in her new work, of those words which she has been before charged of abusing: she has also enriched this singular vocabulary with a new employment of the word poetry . Every moment we meet with the poetry of life , the poetry of the heart . The environs of Rome are in unison, poetical ; but will it from thence follow, that we may call the environs of other cities prosaique ? I do not see any thing to prevent our speaking of the prose of life or of the heart , as well as of the poetry of both . It is not the word poetry alone, it is the thing, it is poetry itself that Madam de Staël has employed as indiscriminately in her prose. She has also been lavish with metaphor and personification . In her superabundance of sensibility, she has scattered it without measure upon beings who are the least susceptible of it; she has animated all the marble, and all the stones of Italy. Here "the imposing majesty of the stair-case of the capitol, seems to hail with pleasure the light steps of a woman." There "the view of a monument is like unceasing and stationary musick, which waits to enrapture you at your approach." We find in Corinna a thousand examples of this figure. Madam de Staël, undoubtedly with the desire of being poetick, has interwoven a great deal of religion in her work. Apropos, this is an ingredient, at this day universally acknowledged to be necessary; a heroine of romance must be a prodigy of devotion and love ; for this heightens the triumph. As to the rest, Madam de Staël gives an example of impartiality and of toleration, which ought to be imitated by her fellow labourers in romance.—Born a protestant, she speaks of the catholic religion and of its worship, with an unction and a charm, that would almost make proselytes among the other sects. Not content with the poetry of religion, she has also employed that of superstition. Corinna that woman of superior mind—Corinna, at the height of her happiness, perceives a cloud to obscure the moon, shews it to Oswald, as a fatal presage; and at the moment of expiring, points him to the same cloud with a gesture that seems to say, Ah! am I deceived? I have always said, that Madam de Staël has put into the mouth of Corinna
her own sentiments and opinions; but I believe it to be necessary to except from this, a belief in omens.
The novel of Corinna has its defects. I have pointed them out without any other regard than that we owe to the sex and the reputation of the authoress; but this work has also many beauties, and very many excellencies: I have sensibly felt them at the perusal; and it is only a long and cool reflection that has enabled me to discover its faults. But what work is without them? And how many would redeem their's at that price, for the same merit and distinction. There are in Corinna multitude of pages which cleave the soul with the noblest ideas, warm the heart with the most generous sentiments, and charm the mind with the most ingenious ideas and the most brilliant images. Besides the fine qualities of the authoress, the gentleness and dignity of her character, displayed throughout her work, are not among the least pleasures we experience. Other writers may preach more virtue, but they excite much less. We know them too well.—The rigidness of their writings recall us to the recollection of the irregularity of their lives; and by this inspection we lose all benefits of their lessons.—The only one we can draw from them is, that of all vices, the most hateful is that of hypocrisy.
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Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton.
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Certificate of John Gibson, Esq. one of the Directors of the Farmers' Bank of Maryland.
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Certificate of Mrs. Mary Taylor.
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* Improvisatrice.

Such of our readers as have attended to, or are interested in, Marine Intelligence, must have noticed the great number of arrivals within a few weeks past in ports of the United States, from the French and Spanish colonies, from the Mediterranean, Madeira, &c. and with valuable cargoes, which cannot be less seasonal to our merchants, than to the revenue. The most of these vessels are reported to have been visited by British ships of war, and permitted to pass without molestation. "It is enough to justify the embargo to say, that not a ship of ours can sail, which is not subject to seizure and confiscation, by one or other of the belligerents, unless she is going to the barren kingdom of Sweden. I challenge any man to deny this fact." This may be a good story in some places; but the merchant who gets his goods coming from Martinique, Guadalupe, and Havana, insured at a premium of 4 to 5 per cent. will deny that fact.
The National Intelligencer states, that by the French imperial brig arrived at Washington, it appears that provisions were very scarce at Guadalupe, and that the small supply which the people of that island had, was derived from the adjacent British Islands. Yes, Mr. Jefferson, keep on your embargo long enough, and you will find that the French and Spanish colonies will be dependent on Great-Britain for every thing.
The accounts relative to the delivery of the port of Cadiz, and the fleet in that port to the British, come in so many directions, and all nearly corresponding, that we cannot wholly discredit them. The state of Spain at the date of our last advices, was such that would lead us to expect some important change in that nation. Our wishes are always directed in favour of an oppressed nation, but when we consider Buonaparte ready with 200,000 veterans to pour upon Spain, the Spanish army in Germany, and the great want of concert in a multitude, we fear the contest will be short, and terminate by the extinction of the Bourbon line in Spain, and the establishment of dynasty more congenial to the wishes, and if possible more dependent on the will of the great Napoleon."
Captain Dickson of the brig Experiment, from Jamaica, arrived here on Wednesday, with a cargo of Rum. She is one of the vessels that went out under a license from the government. Captain D. sailed with the grand convoy for England, and parted company off Havana.
We are favoured with Jamaica papers, which contain no information interesting to an American reader. The London and Cork fleets had arrived, which had the effect of lowering provisions generally, particularly salted provisions.
In the Kingston Marine List of the 18th June, we notice the following articles, viz.—"Arrived Schooner Olive, Monroe, from Boston; American brig Bellona, from Charleston and Nassau, New Providence, bound to this island, with rice and flour; detained to the northward of St. Domingo on Thursday last by the Garland frigate, captain Bevan.—(We reported this vessel in our paper of Monday last, according to a memorandum handed us, as having been captured on the coast, she was stated to be from Charleston to Baltimore.)—The ship Wilmington, Childs, of Wilmington, from New-Orleans for this port, with 900 barrels of flour, put into Nassau, N. P. on the 22d ult. having sprung her foretopmast, and was to proceed in a few days; the brig Lyon, Callum, from New-York, with about 8000 staves and heading, entered Port Maria the 27th ultimo; brig John Adams, Shaw, from Newport, R. I. with a few staves, entered Port Antonio the 18th inst."
In our last we gave a few extracts from democratic papers and writings in 1798, with a view to show that there has long existed in this country a party devoted to France, and who would at any time sacrifice the interests of their country to that nation. Upon pursuing our investigation into this subject, we were astonished at the number and audacity of those writings. It would be a disgusting task to cite a tenth part of what was written at that time, wherefore we shall select the following only, which is given as we find it, without the alteration of point, dash, italic, or capital.
"On the Prospect of a War."
"When a nation contemplates a war, she should not only sit down and count the cost, but should consider the CAUSE which leads her into the controversy. To apply this principle, it is of importance to "the people" of the United States, to enquire into the cause which urges them to commence hostilities against France."
"By the late arrest of the government of France all British manufactures are liable to capture, found on board neutral ships. In consequence of this declaration, the Americans are urged to arming, or in other words, to war, against the republic."
"The question then naturally arises, will the people of the United States involve themselves in all the calamities of a war, for the purpose of protecting BRITISH MANUFACTURES? Will they involve themselves in a debt of 40 or 50 millions, merely to aid the British merchants and manufacturers, in the sale of all the superfluities imported into this country? Will they mortgage their farms or hazard their lives for the safety of a trunk of ribbands, a box of hats, or a case of shoes? Will they entail a debt of millions
on their children, to support British merchants and manufacturers in the destruction of our own manufactures?
"Are not the principal part of the British importations, either luxuries, or such articles as we could manufacture among ourselves? Will the Hatters of America commence war to promote the hatters of England? Will the Shoemakers (particularly of Lynn) hazard their lives, and become subject to a heavy tax, to support the shoemakers of England? Will the Glass manufacturers expose themselves to the distressing consequences of war, to enable the Bristol merchants to export the same to the United States? Will the several manufacturers in America, who are now languishing under every embarrassment from English importations, be willing to gird on the sword and fight, to maintain these Englishmen, who are living on their destruction? Will the merchants trading to France, Holland and Spain, engage in a war against those nations, for the benefit of the English trade? Will the Yeomanry be so far duped in the business, as to expose their farms to taxation, to enable a set of British residents to carry on a commerce, which not only destroys the manufacture of their wool and flax, but by which the produce of their farms are not in the least benefitted?
"Let the Yeomanry consider what nation in Europe has given rise to the price of their beef, and flour and other productions. The French have been the principal source, from whence we have received the advantage of our exportations. What folly must it be then, for us to enter into a war with France, with whom we have been thus happily connected, to promote the British manufactures, which drain our country of 5 or 6 millions annually, in specie? Will the Sailors enter on board American armed vessels, and subject themselves to the loss of their limbs, to help a gang of British importers?
"The question, my countrymen, simply rests here, will the FARMERS, the TRADESMEN, and MANUFACTURERS engage in a war with France, to support the manufactures of England, consisting principally of extravagancies, luxuries, and such articles as can be manufactured by our citizens? If Britain can lead America into such an absurdity, they will laugh at our folly and despise us for our ignorance."
"A REPUBLICAN."
REMARKS ON THE ABOVE.
The reader will take into his recollection the state of the United States and France in 1798. It was no fungus of a trade that France wished to deprive us of, but a direct intercourse with Great-Britain and her dominions—and yet submission was recommended! These are the same men, who would have gone to war with England two years since, for the carrying trade in colonial produce—and yet to France they would have yielded one half of all our carrying trade directly, and in effect the whole, because if our vessels were to return in ballast in compliance with the French mandate, the other half would have been relinquished as unprofitable. The subject requires no comment, the mind of every independent reflecting American will furnish it.
From the Charleston Courier, of the 9th July.
[We are sincere advocates for the Liberty of Speech, and of the Press; and as sincerely are we attached to the Laws and the Constitution of our country—while, therefore, we give place to the following communication, we must be permitted to observe, that we by no means subscribe to all the sentiments which it contains. The latter part of the fifteenth toast, we conceive to be in open violation of justice, militating against the principles of our constitution and the peace and dignity of the state. Editors.]
St. Bartholomew Parish, July 6.
Monday last being the anniversary of American independence, the members composing the Jacksonborough Troop, commanded by captain Alfred Walter, and the infantry company, commanded by capt. Wm. Oswald, assembled at Pompon Meeting-House, together with a number of other respectable citizens. An appropriate oration was delivered by Dr. John Oswald; after which, they all adjourned to the Club House near by, and partook of an excellent dinner, provided for the occasion by the officers of the two abovenamed companies. Capt. Walter presided as president, and capt. Oswald as vice-president; the following toasts, after dinner, were drunk, and the day was spent with much hilarity and ended in the greatest harmony. A committee was appointed to wait on Dr. Oswald and request he would permit his oration to be published.
The following gentlemen were appointed, also a committee, to wait on Paul Hamilton, Esq. and request him to be our next orator, at the ensuing anniversary of American Independence, viz. Major Ford, Major Walter, Captain Oswald, John Sanders, Stobo R. Perry, Richard Singleton, and Wm. Walter, Esquires.
Here follow a number of Toasts, some appropriate, and others not so, but of which, according to our custom, we shall take no notice, but insert the following which was in order, the fifteenth.
PERDITION TO THE MERCILESS CREDITOR, WHO WILL SACRIFICE THE HONEST DEBTOR'S PROPERTY DURING THE CONTINUANCE OF THE EMBARGO—HE CAN BE NO TRUE AMERICAN, CONSEQUENTLY HE IS ENTITLED TO A FEATHER-BAG AND A TAR-BUCKET, TO BE PRESENTED HIM BY A MOB.—6 CHEERS.
Those who are not acquainted with the history of toast-making, may imagine that the company were not very sober when this toast was given—this is very possible, but those who have any knowledge of this business, know that the toasts are previously prepared in cool moments by a few "choice master spirits." 'Tis true, most of the company take their wine or whiskey, and cry huzza! without hearing, knowing, or regarding what the toast is.—Upon what other principle can we account for the approbation of such a sentiment? We know none of the persons named, even from character, but we presume they are in respectable stations. If we are not mistaken, one of the persons, Paul Hamilton, Esq. was lately governor of that state.
If the Embargo is to produce the government of a mob, give us war with Britain or France, or both, but deliver us from the curse of anarchy, to which such sentiments as are contained in that toast "have an awful squinting."
LETTER III.
To the Editor of the North American.
SIR, The blessings of uninterrupted peace, and all the glorious advantages which could result to a neutral nation from the present disordered state of European politics, I have proved in my last, upon the greatest human certainty, would have been ours, by a continuance of federal principles in our general government.
But in opposition to the federal policy, must be considered the new doctrine. Upon this scale it was calculated, that justice only, towards others, would secure justice towards ourselves; that our moderation would be a sure antidote to the depravity of human nature in other government; our forbearance would draw us into the affection of all other nations; and thus we were to rest secure from the troubles and calamities of a turbulent world. It was even urged as the substance of an argument, by Mr. Jefferson, in one of his first messages to congress, that publick wealth was dangerous; that it was a temptation for us to engage in a war which we might otherwise avoid. This is true Jeffersonian philosophy. We must really admit that such might be the case, when the rulers of our country are politically mad; but there is little danger with men of discretion. A sword in the hands of a lunatick is dangerous both to himself and others, but in the hands of a wise man, it is the innocent and ready weapon of defence.
To secure complete success to the new policy, it is necessary, that the world should be virtuous and honest; and that no encroachments should be made upon our rights. But this unfortunately is not the case. We are the inhabitants of a wicked and avaricious world. To grant one privilege and to submit to one insult, is proved by a thousand instances only to be the invitation to others. To proclaim aloud that we will not defend ourselves or our property; that we will even destroy our implements of defence, is the plainest language for the assassin and the thief.
Now, what have been the proceedings of the present ruling party? To effect a change in publick men, and thereby acquire stations for themselves, the idea of a naval or military force, even to any extent, was deprecated. They loudly proclaimed, long before their ascension to power, that all such things should be destroyed; and published to the world that their calculation was made upon the correctness of their proceedings, to command the justice of all other nations.
Accordingly the first amongst their measures was the destruction of our progressive means of defence. It began by the reservation of a small sum annually appropriated to acquire materials for the marine defence; the sale of those materials which had been acquired; the sale of publick vessels at a great sacrifice; the neglect and consequent injury and destruction of such vessels and implements as could not be sold; and the rising of our taxes by a Mediterranean Fund. But all did not satiate their zeal for injury and destruction.—They also sold the publick bank stock. With these funds, squeezed out of the runs of our national dignity, and poured into the coffers of the nation, they ushered forth a hypocritical boast, from the highest authority, "an overflowing treasury, and the reduction of our taxes." Truly the internal taxes were repealed; but the sum raised by the Mediterranean fund, far exceeded the whole amount of them.
The consequences of such open professions and subsequent proceedings, soon became evident. Foreign nations, discovering that we were abandoning every thing which could maintain our national dignity, commenced with trifling encroachments upon our neutrality; until the different parties encouraged by the alternate success of each other, and neither of them finding, or even expecting any opposition, except the opposition of words, it was raised to a competition between them, who should be most successful upon us, who should acquire the most of our property without incurring the penalty of resentment.
From the indirect war thus commenced upon the commerce of a friendly nation in distant seas, they were encouraged by the prospect of gain, to approach nearer to our harbours, until some of them became completely blockaded by the armed vessels of foreign belligerent powers. Our vessels were finally arrested in passing from one of our ports to another, and our citizens have been seized, and some of them murdered within the jurisdiction of our own laws. Nor did they cease their experiments upon our childish forbearance without a trial of it, by an attack upon the national flag.
During these gradual encroachments on the part of the belligerents, and consequently our gradual degradation, the American feelings could not be confined to an uniform silence. The fire of resentment was kindled in the American breast on various occasions; but it was extinguished by the cold liquid of moderation and forbearance of injuries, poured out in copious abundance from the fountain head. As difficulties were made to increase upon us, and to satisfy the frequent demands of our citizens upon the government, imploring a resistance of the repeated distress and insult, the nation has been tantalized with the sham protection of gun-boats; while the government still continued their full reliance upon the main battery, erected upon the temple of reason, and discharging most powerful words and arguments against our unjust persecutors.
Proclamations were issued against certain armed vessel entering our waters, after the general indignation of our citizens had burst out in every quarter of the union; and even manifested the disposition to avenge the injuries of our country, either with or without the sanction of government. But what was the effect of these proclamations? Was there any thing in them which discovered a spirit to resist national insult? Or were they but another proof to foreign nations, that an appeal to words is our only defence? Judging from subsequent proceedings, they must have proved the latter; and thus we find, that so far from producing a relinquishment of their unjust encroachment, they have been extended by the authority of government, to the whole of our trade. Their orders and decrees have made a general sweep.
Here was the last extremity. A nation, having
abandoned the solid principles of a reliance upon her own energies for defence and protection, to pursue the delusive vision of purchasing justice by principles of human nature, has brought the world in arms upon us.—For there is no war so lucrative to our enemies as when we make no resistance; when we tamely submit to the seizure of property and the assassination of our citizens without an attempt to obtain some redress. Nor is there any thing so well calculated to invoke the oppressive injustice of the world upon an innocent people as those principles and practices, which must induce the fullest belief, that they will submit to every thing. Yet such have been the principles and practices of our own government under a delusive policy. I even regret, sir, to make this declaration respecting a government, which I should feel proud to call our own; but the force of reason has brought me to it; and to conceal the truth in times like these, must be a political sin of the deepest die.
Having brought our view, in the most general and concise terms, to that period in which the equivocal, though final declaration of war was made upon us by the European powers; and having discovered it to have grown out of our own proceedings, our anxiety will naturally lead us to enquire, whether our resistance in the shape of a perpetual embargo, is not a continuation of the same delusive policy, a continuation of the innovation to injury and insult. Consider first—When different parties are competitors for the advantages of commerce, and it is discovered that any one of them may be easily frightened to abandon its share in favour of the others, there never will be wanting a disposition to effect it. And it is another principle equally correct, that when the more powerful nations have discovered that they may calculate upon the servility of the weaker, that a demand for their services will be made as occasion require.
On the first principle, taking the pamphlet of Mr. Baring for my authority, the present British minister, under the influence of the West India and shipping interest, laid a plan for monopolizing the trade of the whole world; to be effected by their orders in council, interdicting all commerce which was not carried on through Great Britain. This, however, Mr. Baring conceives to be bad policy, and consequently must prove unsuccessful. But there is enough in it to discover the disposition of human nature, in the ministry; and that it had been such as to promote the pecuniary interest of Great Britain, perhaps Mr. Baring would not have thought of the injustice of the principle. But if the British government were made to believe, that war with America would have been the consequence of the orders in council, it can be affirmed, that they never would have been issued.
Upon the other principle, France has been abundant evidence of our obedience to the will of greater powers. She has made her calculation upon our continued servility, and has unequivocally demanded that we must assist in breaking the power of Britain. In one short paragraph of M. Champagny's letter to General Armstrong, these several points are made: "That the Emperor considers that war exists between England & the United States; that he is willing to consider us associated with him against England—That, according to our decision, will be the disposition of American property in the ports of France as security for our faithful compliance with his wishes."
The embargo system, thus lays the foundation for other countries, to raise the most abominable impositions upon us. If it be well understood, and I believe it is sufficiently so, from our present policy, that we will continue the embargo, while we are menaced with danger, other nations will readily exchange their insults in great abundance for the advantages of our commerce.
Indeed it is really a matter of doubt, if a Jeffersonian policy must regulate the exterior relations of our country, whether a total relinquishment of all commerce may not be the true interests of our citizens. A policy, calculated to invoke all the injury and oppression which may suit the interest of every nation upon earth, will certainly leave us but little rest. On the contrary it is more reasonable to suppose that our distresses must increase, as this policy becomes more permanent. Even the existence of commerce must become so uncertain to us, and its pursuit so precarious, that our labour would find perhaps more certain remuneration in pursuing those avocations in which we can more easily defend one another, without a reliance upon an administration, too weak, penurious and cowardly to protect our rights; and thus abandon the most enlightening and most profitable avocations of human life to all nations who have the impudence to demand it.
The popular objection to a moderate naval expense, is the most futile sophistry that can be offered for not defending commerce. The expense of building and maintaining publick ships, it will be admitted, must be considerable. But who would receive the amount of this expense? It must be the people who can most conveniently furnish the necessary supplies. Our own citizens are such a people; therefore our own citizens would receive nearly the whole amount of expense. And after having received it, this sum cannot be considered as lost to the nation; but must continue to revolve to the benefit of society.
There is a strange inconsistency in a policy, that would thus withhold from the hand of labour a few dollars, to be appropriated to national defence; while it would sink twenty or thirty millions in one year by an embargo. There is another remarkable circumstance attending our present publick arrangements: that is, since our commerce has been driven from the ocean, the gun boats, the two schooners, and the frigate, have been out to protect it; and all this, upon the most economical plan; for the bands have been changed from one vessel to another, to avoid expense.
Having portrayed these circumstances, which brought us to the present political confusion, it will be unnecessary to recite the publick and private distresses of our country; these are sufficiently known by fatal experience. But the question naturally arises—How shall we extricate ourselves? It is in vain to look for redress out of that system which has brought us thus far in the road to destruction. A perpetual embargo, for instance, has no more tendency to raise our national dignity, than the amputation of the head would be to save life.—It cannot be denied, however, that a temporary embargo, in certain cases might answer very well as an auxiliary measure; but as a primary one, it bears but little weight; and to make the most of it, it is always a punishment on both sides.

If then we are to resume our original standing among the nations of the world, it must be by a direct change of our present policy. We must resume those bold and dauntless measures which bought our independence, and maintained our prosperity, even for a time after we had changed the politics of our general government.
Amongst other advantages, acquired by the Federal administration, was a national dignity, which upheld our thriving commerce, after they were driven from office, even then continuing their credit to their unjust persecutors. The honest men of all parties are therefore invited to a candid consideration of a subject on which our existence as a nation or destruction depends.
In my next I expect to prove that the change in politics was effected more by grovelling ambition, and habitual discontentment, than by any the least semblance of true reason.
VALUES.
From the Worcester (Ms.) Spy.
Voice of the Yearman!—The spirit displayed in the following resolutions, (unanimously adopted at the celebration in Barre,) it is hoped will convince the Government of the United States, that the people of this commonwealth, while enjoying the blessing of independence are not altogether indifferent as to means of preserving it. To rescue us from the evils which now beset us, it is only necessary for the agricultural portion of the people to rouse from their slumber, and speak in the same bold and decided language, which has been adopted on this occasion.—Let the example be imitated, and the effect will soon be recalled in a change of men and measures, which will save our country from impending destruction.
RESOLUTIONS.
As it is the right of the citizens of a free Republic, on every proper occasion to express without restraint, their opinion of the measures of their government, and the political conduct and character of their rulers; and the anniversary of the DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, being the season most suitable and appropriate for the public declaration of our sentiments, & also for considering and endeavouring to correct the abuses by which our INDEPENDENCE may be endangered; and as the alarming and distressing state of our country imperiously demands from us a bold, energetic and unequivocal expression of our feelings and opinions, and requires of us collectively and individually, as a solemn and sacred duty, every peaceful and constitutional effort to remedy the evils we already experience; and to guard against their further extension, by removing the causes from whence they have arisen; therefore
1st. Resolved, As the sense of this meeting, that the National Government can only be administered in its purity, and the prosperity of the people permanently promoted, by a conformity, in every essential particular, to the system adopted and recommended by our beloved WASHINGTON, by a frequent recurrence to his precepts, and a solemn reverence for his example.
2nd. Resolved, That the course pursued by the present administration has been, in our opinion, a series of alarming innovations and dangerous experiments; in which our rulers have constantly attempted to allure the popular taste for novelty, by a studied and systematic departure from the principles and practices of their predecessors.
3rd. Resolved, That amongst these innovations, we have viewed with peculiar concern their decided hostility to commerce, (under the false pretence of economy) evinced by their strenuous opposition to all the measures for its defence and protection at our sea coast, commercial cities, so earnestly pursued by former administration, and so zealously urged by men of tried patriotism and long experience.
4th. Resolved, That we consider the interest of Agriculture and Commerce as inseparable; and every attempt to create a belief that the former can flourish, while the latter is neglected and depressed, as a gross imposition upon the understandings of the people, and an insidious effort to detach from each other, different classes of the community who are united by the strongest ties of reciprocal interest and advantage.
5th. Resolved, That the alarming experiment now in operation, has already furnished to the advocates of a fallacious theory demonstrative and melancholy proof, that the annihilation of Commerce, is certain and inevitable destruction to the agricultural portion of the People.
6th. Resolved, That the recent acts of the National Government, interdicting to a Commercial People the free use of the ocean, without limitation of time; prohibiting all intercourse by land with the inhabitants of provinces on our borders, who have hitherto been accustomed to a traffic with us highly profitable to our citizens; and also restraining commercial intercourse between the different States, by novel and oppressive regulations—even if they are measures warranted by the Constitution, are yet to be considered as of the last necessity, and only to be resorted to in such a crisis of our national affairs, as will admit of no other expedient or relief.
7th. Resolved, That from any disclosures that have been made by the Government, the present crisis does not, in our opinion, sanction an expedient of such distressing tendency; and that if it has been adopted from any cause which is concealed, this concealment evinces either a want of confidence highly reproachful to the People; or a consciousness of error highly disgraceful to the administration.
8th. Resolved, That if the perplexities in our Foreign Relations have left to the government no other alternative than to preserve our "essential resources," by the total suspension of our Commerce; we yet consider those perplexities as resulting, in a great degree, from the former feeble and impotent policy of our Rulers; or former unjustifiable predilection for one of the Belligerent Powers, and an equally unjustifiable hatred of the other; a predilection and hatred altogether incompatible with our neutral position, and highly repugnant to the character of an independent nation.
9th. Resolved, That from the precipitancy from which the Embargo laws were enacted—from the temper manifested by a majority of Congress on that occasion—from the pointed tendency of some of the supplemental acts—and from the partial operation of all, as well as from events which have recently transpired, we have strong reason to believe that they were intended as a virtual and servile compliance with the imperious requisitions of the French government; suspending all commercial in-
tercourse with Great Britain and her colonies, under pretence of equally protecting "our resources" from the depredations of the different Belligerent Powers.
10th. Resolved, That the Administration of the National Government having thus forfeited every just claim to our confidence, we feel ourselves pledged to each other, to use every fair and honourable exertion, in a manner conformable to the Constitution, to produce a change of men as the only means of producing a radical change of measures; and thereby restoring our country to the rank and dignity among nations, from which she has so rapidly descended.
11th. Resolved, That to accomplish this purpose, it is in our opinion of the highest importance that Massachusetts, the first to shed the blood of her citizens, in support of our independence, and the last to tarnish her glory by revolting from her antient faith, should more effectually recover the exalted character she had lost for a season, and return from her errors to the wisdom which once presided in her councils.
12th. Resolved, That from this day we will consider ourselves pledged to a zealous and cordial co-operation with our brethren in every part of the commonwealth; and by a more efficient organization of our strength within the county, not only to maintain and render permanent the ascendancy already acquired by the friends of the constitution in the legislature of the commonwealth, but to finish the work of reformation by harmonizing the executive with the legislative department of the government.
13th. Resolved, That we sincerely approve the determination of the legislature to exercise a privilege clearly vested in them by the federal constitution, (and exercised by the legislatures of a majority of the states in the union) in the choice of electors for the two first offices of the national government—a mode of choice which will, in our opinion, conduct to a more fair and unbiased expression of the publick will than any other which can be adopted in these times of party influence and political intrigue.
14th. Resolved, That we as cordially and sincerely deprecate the base and outrageous attempt of a minority in the legislature at the close of their late session, by intrigue and management to usurp the power of the majority in deciding upon this important subject; and that this attempt, as it furnishes a striking example of the acts which would be more extensively used among the people in the choice of electors, furnishes also a strong and powerful reason for retaining the choice in the control of the legislature.
WASHINGTON CITY, July 18.
Mr. Erskine left this city on Friday for Philadelphia.
On Saturday arrived at the Navy-Yard, the French national brig Surveillante , of eighteen guns. She is fast from Guadalupe, having made her passage in twelve days. On casting an anchor she fired a salute, which was returned from the yard. She brings no European news. The commander states the price of flour at Guadalupe to have been forty dollars a barrel, and beef the same price. Coffee was at thirteen cents the pound, and sugar at four dollars the cwt. The quantity of flour on hand was considerable, and the last supply had been obtained from the British islands in the neighbourhood.
Nat. Intelligencer.
Extract of a letter of 14th April, from Tangiers. "Sixteen American vessels have lately anchored at this port from England, provided with licenses to take cargoes in Spain and return. I was extremely sorry to see so many engaged in that hazardous trade. The consequences have already justified my apprehensions. Seven of them at Alicante and two at Malaga, have been detained by the Spaniards or taken by the French privateers, and I much fear but few of the others will escape sharing a like fate."
PHILADELPHIA, July 14.
We yesterday mentioned the arrival of the British June Packet at Halifax. Captain Carman, arrived at this port from Passamaquoddy, says, that he there saw a London paper brought by the packet, which stated that Mr. Rose was to return to America, with plenipotentiary powers, in the Latona frigate; and that Copenhagen had been again taken possession of by the British. Captain Carman is well known in this city, as a man of veracity. It is said that the packet arrived in the short passage of seventeen days.
Our readers will recollect that in Saturday's Gazette, we stated that the Spaniards had risen, attacked, and beat the French army that had entered Spain; that the British squadron off Cadiz was hourly expected to join the Spanish fleet there, to protect and convoy the king of Spain and royal family to South America.
This news was communicated to us by captain Van Beuren, of the brig Thomas Jefferson, from Madeira, which place she left the 26th May, and he received it from a respectable Mercantile house in that place. At first we were inclined to believe that this was a mere report, and not entitled to much credit. But, from the following intelligence, which we yesterday received by capt. Sheffield, of the schooner Mary-Ann, we are induced to believe there is some foundation for the news per captain Van Beuren. Hear what capt. Sheffield says:
Capt. Sheffield, on his arrival at Gibraltar, the 14th May, found 23 sail of British transports full of troops, getting under weigh, and was informed by an officer in the health office boat, which boarded him, that they were bound to Cadiz to take possession of that place, which, he said, the Spaniards had given up to the British.—Capt. S. came through the Gut with the above fleet, and left them steering for Cadiz.
NEW-YORK, July 14.
IMPORTANT.
The following extract of a letter from St. Croix is from a gentleman of the first respectability at that place, to his friend in this city. It confirms, beyond all doubt, the intelligence before received on this important subject.
EXTRACT—St. Croix, June 23.
"By a vessel arrived at Trinidad which left Gibraltar about the 20th May, it is reported that violent commotions had taken place in Spain in consequence of the French having attempted to carry the Prince of Asturias lately declared King, as a
prisoner to France, and that a number of French troops had been massacred in different places; in consequence of which Buonaparte was carrying, fire and sword through that devoted country. Such was the consternation, it is said, that the people of Cadiz were in, that they had sent an offer to Gibraltar to deliver up the city and fleet to us, and that Lord Collingwood and gen. Spencer had actually left that fortress with a competent number of ships, and five thousand men to carry into effect this important measure."
"It is not at all surprising that the state of extreme wretchedness to which the people of Spain are reduced by the detestable tyrant and his minions, should drive them to acts of the highest desperation."
"Flour was down to 12 and 15 dollars per barrel."
CHARLESTON, July 11.
Capt. Curtis informs us that provisions were very plenty in St. Thomas owing to a number of arrivals from the United States—one schooner with 800 barrels of provisions from New York, and another from St. Mary's, with 200 barrels arrived a few days before he sailed. Letters had been received at St. Thomas via Trinidad, from Gibraltar, dated about the middle of May, stating that in consequence of a number of French troops having been massacred by the Spaniards, in the vicinity of Madrid, Buonaparte had ordered his troops to enter that city and put the inhabitants indiscriminately to the sword. When this news reached Cadiz, the Spaniards immediately hoisted the British flag on the forts and arsenals at that place, and sent an express to admiral Purvis, who commanded the British blocking squadron, insisting on him to come in and take possession of the ships of war, in that port; which he HAD DONE, and that they are united to upwards of TEN SAIL OF THE LINE and frigates, &c.—This news was very generally believed in the West Indies. Our dates from Gibraltar are to the 14th May, and from the situation of Spain, at the last dates, we should not be astonished if something of the kind should take place—we think it probable, however, that the account is premature.
SAVANNAH, July 7.
FIRE!—A dreadful fire happened in this place on Tuesday evening last, about half past eight o'clock. The lower part of Messrs. S. & C. Howard's store under the bluff, occupied by Wm. J. Scott, was struck by a flash of lightning, which communicated to some hogsheads of spirits lodged in the second story, forced the roof upward, and in an instant enveloped the whole building in flames.
All the buildings, (principally stores and warehouses) on Howard's, Hardin's and Smith's wharves, with a large quantity of merchandise and produce contained therein, the property of different persons, are destroyed—and the store occupied by Messrs. Lord and Hall, on Jones's wharf, is much torn to pieces. The loss of property on this occasion is estimated, as nearly as can be ascertained, at upwards of one hundred thousand dollars. The following is a list of the principal sufferers:
 S. & C. Howard, $ 15,000  William J. Scott, 7,000  Jacob Idler & Co. 10,000  John Mingledorf, 500  Christopher Gun, 1,000  Col. Habersham, 1,500  Sundry stores with Col. Habersham, 7 to 8,000  Edward Swarbrick, 1,500  J. Y. White & Co. 12 to 1500  Estate of Edward Harden, 15,000  Areibald Smith, 15 to 20,000  Smith and Bourke, 1,000  Bullock & Glenn—publick property $ 700; private $ 600  G. & F. Penny, 2,000  Small and McNish, 5 to 600  Stannett & Co. 4,500 to 5,000  Z. Whippy, 2,500  A. G. Oemler & Co. 1,000  William Sawyer, 1,000  Beege & Groves, 400  Lord & Hall, 1,500 
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Brig Experiment, Dickson, 25 days from Jamaica, Runa and Fruit, Warren Ashley. Sailed from Negril Bay on the 25th June in company with the homeward bound fleet from Jamaica, consisting of near two hundred sail of ships, under the convoy of H. B. M's ship Veteran of 74 guns, Admiral Dacres, and three sloops of war.—The following is a list of American vessels which sailed under the protection of the fleet—Ships Fancy, Matthews; New-York, Monreall; Numa, Brigs Ohio, Rust; Washington, Wadges; Edward, Hall, all of and for New-York—Ship Eliza, Dawson, for Philadelphia—Brig Endeavour, Stackpole, of and for Portland—On the 7th July parted with the fleet 25 leagues N. E. of the Havanna, all well.
Deagle's Packet will sail for Baltimore TOMORROW. July 22.
Palmer's Packet will sail for Alexandria TOMORROW. July 22.
NOTICE.
All persons indebted to the estate of WILLIAM DAVIS, deceased, are requested to come forward and make payment; those to whom said estate is indebted are desired to bring in their claims authenticated. William Dickson, Executor. Portsmouth, July 22
Twenty Five Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the Subscriber yesterday (without the smallest provocation,) a young fellow called BILL, of a yellowish complexion, about 21 or 22 years of age, he has a little impediment in his speech, and has a horrid countenance. He took with him sundry articles of clothing among which was an old blue frize suit—I suppose the height of this fellow may be about 5 feet 8 or 10 inches. The above reward will be given if taken 25 miles from my house and delivered to me; but if taken a less distance or only secured to jail, Fifteen Dollars. I do hereby caution all persons from harbouring or carrying him off at their peril, as I am determined to prosecute with the utmost rigour of the law. Simon Boykin. In*
Southampton, July 19. FOR SALE, A good House Servant, Gardener, and Carriage Driver. Apply at the Ledger Office. July 18.
On Saturday the 6th of August next, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, will be sold at Publick Auction for ready money, at the Store of Nathaniel Denny.
Two likely NEGRO MEN.
By virtue of a Deed in Trust executed by James Paxton, deceased, to secure the payment of a debt due to Nathaniel Denny.
The Trustees.
Nansonmont, July 20
On Saturday the 23d instant, before
the New-Market, will be Sold, 5 pipes 4th proof French Brandy, 3 do Country Gin, 5 hogsheads and 3 barrels Loaf Sugar, 24 tierces Rice. Also for Cash,
50 cases choice Bordeaux CLARET.
And at the same time and place,
12,000 R. O. Hogshoad Staves,
900 W. O. do 5000 Hogsheads, and 25,000 Shingles—lying on Frost's Wharf. Terms of sale, 60 day for all sums over 500 dollars, with approved endorser, under cash.
S. Marks, Jun.
July 20.
On Monday the 1st of August, at 11
o'clock, will be Sold at my Office for Cash,
Four Valuable SLAVES,
Lydia, Charles, Frank, and Hannah, sold under a conveyance of Edward McGuire and Daniel Morley to Shanks and Binford, to satisfy a debt due by Michael Corran
William B. Lamb.
July 20.
NEW FLOUR.
A few Barrels and Half Barrels for Family use. For Sale by
A. Maclure.
July 22.
FOR PHILADELPHIA, The Schooner KITTY ANN, Edmund Richardson, master. For freight or passage apply to A. MACLURE, or to the master on board lying at Macun's wharf.
Who has for Sale,
4 boxes Havanna SUGAR,
1 barrel LIME JUICE. July 18
FOR RENT,
That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris.
Also,
That commodious House on Catharine-street, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes, adjoining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses. For terms apply to
James Tucker.
July 20.
FOR SALE
On board the Schooner Bartholomew, lying at Newton's wharf,
75,000 feet Northern BOARDS.
For terms, apply to Captain Crawford on board, or to Christopher Fry. July 20
JUST RECEIVED
Just received from New-York, a fresh supply of BARNE'S DOUBLE ALE,
which will be sold at the rate of thirty seven and a half cents per gallon out of the house; the same and no other on draught in the house at the usual price.
Families or Masters of Vessels can be furnished with barrels, half barrels, or small kegs of the above at a shilling notice. William Tonkin,
Corner of Wid Water and Commerce-Streets. N. B. Will be kept for the accommodation of customers, a constant supply of BARNE'S DOUBLE ALE and rhia eiph a PORTER in bottles. July 1.
NOTICE.
The partnership of Wilson, Cunningham & Co. having been dissolved by mutual consent—all those indebted, as well as those who have claims against them, are requested to settle the same with Alexander Wilson or J. B. Cunningham, who are fully authorised to liquidate the business of said concern.
William Pennock, Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
Norfolk, July 15, 1808.
The business heretofore carried on by the above firm will be continued by the Subscribers, under the firm of Wilson & Cunningham
Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
ADVERTISEMENT.
To a Gentleman who has not been seen or heard of by his friends in his native country since March, 1806.
This gentleman may with perfect safety, both as to publick and private concerns, impart his situation and place of residence to THE EDITOR OF THIS PAPER, who can give him any information upon his family. This advertisement is made by those most interested in him, and the reference may be considered as the gentleman to whom it is addressed, will know it by these circumstances. He left his native country in March 1806. He was the only surviving son of his father, whose name was Thomas, born 1740 and married M. E. His brother John who was older than him, had died before. His two sisters were C. & A. of whom the former was dead before 1806. He was born in the parish of B where the estate of his ancestors is situated at 1 in the county of R. and taken care of by his aunt Cecilia. July 15
Collector's Office, Norfolk, 11th July, 1808.
THE President of the United States having granted permission to send vessels in ballast to places in the West-Indies, or to any part of America North of the line, for the purpose of bringing property into the United States, under the 7th section of the act of 12th March last, Notice is hereby given that permission will be granted at this office on the principles pointed out by the law, provided that application be made prior to the first day of August next, as no permission will afterwards be granted.
WM. THOMSON, D. C. For LARKIN SMITH, COLLECTOR.