Lynchburg star (Lynchburg [Va.]), 1806-09-04 00:00:00

LYNCHBURG STAR.
Virginia.) PUBLISHED BY JAMES GRAHAM.....AT THREE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(Payable in advance.)
No. XLV.]
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 4.....1806.
[Vol. I.]
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Foreign News.
LONDON, June 23. American Quarrel...The violence of conduct resorted to by the government of the United States, in consequence of a late unfortunate accident, is still more inexcusable, than we at first light, supposed it to be.
To treat the commanders of his Majesty's ships of war as common fellows or pirates; to enquire and encourage, by a Proclamation of the executive government, their apprehension for the purpose of bringing them to a special punishment; to interdict all communication between their squadrons and the shore; and to seize and confiscate the provisions purchased for the refreshment of their officers and seamen, are measures of direct and acrimonious hostility, such as arrogant, nay even execrated, the rights of legitimate war.
If such acts had been the act only of a N. York mob, instigated by the emissaries of the naturalized French merchants, the partners and agents of houses in France, who notoriously conduct one half, at least, of the neutralizing trade now carried on from that port, they might have appeared natural enough; but when we find these acts sanctioned by, or emanating from the executive government of America, they reasonably excite surprise, in spite of the discovery lately made, that this same government had just before sent a tribute of two millions of dollars to Bonaparte.
We were willing, however, to believe, that the people, and even the government of the United States, might be ignorant, the alleged provocation of these outrages, if an exact in the use of our uncontroverted rights, was an exact, which this country is perfectly innocent of encouraging in her subjects and which she is on the contrary, in the habit of punishing, whenever the offence is properly brought to her notice.
But an American newspaper of April 3d, the New-York Evening Post published at the very place where the accident in question has excited such
violence, and only a week or two before it took place, precludes this charitable surmise, and shews that an unprovoked enmity to England rather than a doubt of her justice, was the true principle of conduct on this occasion.
We remind our readers that the accusation against the British Squadron is not merely the firing the shot which produced the unfortunate event in question, (for that, as the vessel had refused to bring to for examination, is an uncontested right of a belligerent at sea) but the exercising this right unduly, as is alleged, within the privileged limits of the American shores.
A council of the cabinet ministers was yesterday afternoon held at the foreign office, in Downing Street, at which the Lord Chancellor, Earl Spencer, Lord Grenville, Lord Hawkesbury, Lord Henry Petty, Lord Sidmouth, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Windham, were present.
After the council, dispatches were made up to be forwarded to the courts of St. Petersburg and Vienna, and two messengers, Mr. Dreyling and Mr. Proudman, remained under orders.
TOULON, June 4.
Capt. Internet, who commanded the Intrepid in the battle of Trafalgar, has arrived here: he was waited upon by all the naval officers in complement to his bravery. M. Internet is nephew to Marshal Malling.
PARIS, June 12.
His Excellency the minister of the marine and the colonies, has sent the following report to his Majesty.
"SIR. Captain L'Hermite, commander of one of the naval divisions which failed last winter, has sent home the brig Surveillant, with dispatches, which I have the honor to lay before your majesty."
"On the 3d of April the division had taken 21 English vessels upon the coast of Africa, amounting to 5976 tons. They carried upon the whole 228 pieces of cannon, 100,000 lbs. of powder, &c. Their crews, &c. amounting to 518 men, have been made prisoners. One thousand one hundred and thirty four negroes have been also captured in these vessels; and among these prizes, four that were laden with dry goods have been sold for 669,000 francs."
"Three out of the seventeen prizes that remain have been armed, and now make a part of our division, viz: the Favorite of 18 guns, six pounders; and 11 carronades of 12: the Otray, of 4 guns, 12 pounders, and 2 carronades of eighteens; and the Pioneers of 22 guns, 6 pounders. Five of these prizes have been despatched as prizes of truce. The Trio, one of them have been sold for the convenience of the division, and have produced 80,000 piasters; and seven have been burnt, or destroyed."
"Out of the 1134 negroes, 92 have been given away as said, or have deserted, or are dead."
"The rest of the negroes are distributed thro' the division, and remained alive on the 5th of April. At this period capt. L'Hermite retained only 34 out of the 518 prisoners he had made; the remainder of them having been sent away in flags of truce. Twenty, only have been left on board the prizes."
"This officer informs me, that he has inspected every point of the coast, which he has run down with the greatest attention, and that he has occasioned a very great loss to the English commerce: the enemy's trade he says is ruined for the present year, and in the course of the succeeding year, he supposes their losses will be considerable."
"The vessels of the division were in very good condition. M. L'Hermite speaks very highly of the conduct of his officers and their crews. Since his departure from L'Orient, he has lost no more than fifteen men, & he only had 14 sick."
FURTHER
Late Intelligence.
PRINCESS OF WALES.
LONDON June 25.—Reports of the greatest delicacy and importance respecting this illustrious personage have been in circulation some days. Her infidelity to her husband has been the subject of general conversation. This
is said to have originated in information given by Lady Douglas, in so formal and circumstantial a manner as to render it incumbent on the Prince of Wales to consult Counsel on the subject. He accordingly communicated the information to Lord Thurlow; at the same time observing that he had disclaimed paying any attention to the report until it had been urged upon him in the most forcible manner. His Lordship advised the Prince to lay the several allegations before his Majesty; which was done without comment or observation on his part.—His Majesty immediately appointed a select committee of his Privy Council to proceed to an investigation of the charge without delay. The committee is composed of the Lord Chancellor, Lord Spencer, Lord Ellenborough, and Lord Grenville. Lady Douglas has been examined on oath. The Duke of Kent went specially to inform the accused of the nature and extent of the charge, and to notify that six of her female domestics were required to appear before the Committee.—This immediately took place, and they were examined on oath. The illustrious Lady, on this occasion, observed, "I shall insist on an investigation; and lest it should be imagined I might tamper with my servants, I will discharge them all immediately."
Throughout the whole business we are able positively to state, that the Prince has behaved with the strictest decorum, and with an anxiety, that every possible means may be taken to ascertain the innocence and vindicate the character of the exalted personage. His Royal Highness, so far from being either prosecutor or accuser, has not even been a complainant in the cause.
Her Royal Highness yesterday paid Mr. Windham (Secretary of State) a visit; which also has excited attention. It is a proof that not the slightest distrust of the Cabinet is entertained upon the case, and that her Royal Highness is confident of having done nothing that can possibly call for any proceeding on the part of government, further than the present solemn enquiry, which was highly desirable, and as highly desired; by her, for the purpose of showing the total fallacy of the calumny, and those subsequent proceedings for the punishment of the Calumniators, which will become an indispensable duty upon the acquittal.
SPEECH
OF
William A. Burwell, Esq.
ON THE
Call of a Convention, IN THE
General Assembly of Virginia, (January 20th, 1806.)
M r . BURWELL, altho' he was indisposed, and extremely feeble, felt it a duty he owed to the petition he had presented, and the people he represented, to oppose the motion of postponement. It was surprising that the gentleman had attempted to dispose of a question so important without discussion. How will the people ever understand the defects of their constitution; how are they to be impressed with a necessity of a reform, unless the proposition is fairly met and fully investigated?
Whence arises the danger of grampling the constitution and convening a convention? Are we afraid that, like the Roman Decemvirs, they will declare their sittings permanent, and their powers unlimited? If this be not the danger, whence then arises all this apprehension? Against all these surmises, we had a bulwark, which would never fail us, in the information and intelligence of the people. Besides, this argument, if it proved anything at all, proves infinitely too much. It would teach us to confide no powers at all to any set of men, from an apprehension that they would abuse them. If the constitution be defective it was proper to amend it; to expunge its imperfections and retain all its valuable features. What kind of an argument then was it, to say, that we should make no effort to introduce the most positive benefits, from a vague apprehension that uncertain evils may possibly ensue? Do not our ordinary
legislatures possess the most extensive powers? Still do they not meet and transact public business, without public usurpation? They meet here to consult for the public welfare, and not to violate the rights of the people, from whom they received their power. If we have any apprehensions from the abused authority of a convention, why should we except an ordinary legislature from similar suspicion? It is not to be denied that the present assembly can divide among themselves the money in the treasury. The stock which the state owns in the bank may take the same direction. The armory; the whole of the public property of every description, may be squandered without economy, or plundered without shame. Why then is not such a scene exhibited here? It is because no man would dare to make such a proposition. It is because the public indignation; the controlling integrity of a majority of the people, is prepared to cover such a wretch with endless ruin. The people must employ agents to conduct the general affairs of society. The important concerns of the world require that confidence should be reposed in men, and happily, experience has here demonstrated that necessity is not at war with the interests of society. Why then should we dread the assembling a convention, when its members are to be appointed by the very same people who select their legislators and on far more interesting concerns? Will the superior value of the trust diminish the care and discernment employed in their selection? Is it to be expected that any agents would be preferred but those who are most completely qualified for the great purposes, which are to be confined? On such interesting questions we have a right to expect that such men only will be called to the service of their country, who have age, discretion, and talents, to recommend them. The character of the Virginians is sufficient to fortify us in that hope. Their love of peace, and the uncommon share of information diffused through the various parts of the state, are a sufficient guarantee for the virtue of the selection and the discretion of the agent. And should a convention ever be summoned, we might expect that another crisis would arrive, whose termination would serve to strengthen the principles of a republican government, and increase our confidence in the wisdom and virtue of our fellow citizens. I wish, said Mr. B. to have an opportunity of expressing my opinion of the defects of the present constitution. I wish that the people themselves should have an opportunity of understanding the subject and expressing their opinions. Let us then submit the proposition at once to their consideration.
We have been told, said Mr. B. that there are a few restless, discontented individuals, who complain, and that the fault is in them and not in the constitution. Certainly I myself enjoy the most perfect personal liberty; I am happy and contented: my property in common with that of the people at large is sacred and respected. But there is yet a class of people in the community who are differently circumstanced; men, who are divested of all political rights, and left at the mercy of their governors.—I allude, Sir, to those who are deprived of their right of suffrage.
The Bill of Rights declares, that "men cannot be deprived of their property for public uses, without their own consent, or that of their representatives, selected, nor bound by any law to which they have not in like manner, assented for the public good." Yet does not every person know, that nine tenths of the free men of the state are disfranchised, and excluded from all agency in the councils which gave the law binding upon the people of the commonwealth? Men who are thus deprived of the privilege of electing representatives, are as much enslaved as those unfortunate beings who inhabit the Turkish Empire. If they enjoy more perfect liberty: if they suffer less vexations in the management of their property; it is because their masters are more indulgent, and not that they are less absolute. This state of political existence is peculiarly oppressive, since the Bill of Rights in the clause which has been recited, promises the reverse. Upon what principle then, has this sacred and invaluable provision been violated—for what purposes? We shall be told perhaps, that these people pay no taxes, and that
they should not therefore participate in the administration of the government. But is this argument correct? are landholders the only persons who pay taxes? Men without land possess slaves, horses, and other property, subject to taxation. Even when destitute of these, they render personal services to the government? Are not these to be deducted from the little pittance allotted to themselves and a dependent family, and under this point of view may they not fairly be considered as a tax upon their own industry and subsistence? So far then as the object of taxation applies, it is obviously unfounded. But are governments instituted for the purposes of taxation alone? Let it be recollected that the laws which define crimes and punishments, and by whose influence the personal liberty of every individual is secured or endangered; the laws which regulate the mode of transferring and acquiring property; and let it also be recollected, that the laws which apportion the military services of the citizen, are interesting to every one whether he be land holder or not. No doubt it is right that society should demand some "evidence of common interest with, and attachment to the community." The qualifications of age, color, and sex, were no doubt indispensable. For in what situation should we be placed, were we to see the able race crowding round our polls and controlling our elections? For the same reasons perhaps, minors and females should be excluded from the right of suffrage, though for my own part (said Mr. B.) I have no very strong objection to the latter. But why should this pledge consist in property, or why should one species of property be preferred to another? Where is the justice of requiring 25 instead of one or 25,000 acres as the qualification of an elector? Let it be granted that some standard is necessary; but let that standard be one which embraces the greatest possible portion of the people. Can there be a more rational pledge of attachment to the community than birth? It is birth, which engenders inalienable affection, called patriotism. The poor landless Virginian feels more real love for this, his native country; a more ardent zeal to support its dignity and independence, than the wealthy foreigner, who has spread his titles over an extensive soil, and whose lofty palace rises like an exhalation to the skies. And yet what a paradox does our laws produce? Whilst the latter is admitted to all the rights of citizenship, the former is completely excluded. If we have indeed no confidence in the attachment of these people to their native country, why in times of the utmost peril, when we are threatened with foreign invasions or domestic convulsions, do we call forth, embody and arm them, in the public defence? Are you not afraid (said Mr. B.) to entrust them with weapons which may be turned against yourselves? As for my part, my mind revolts against the charge. I abhor the monstrous injustice of saying to the soldier who had impaired his constitution, waived his fortune, and spilt his blood; "you have saved your country from ruin and devastation—But you cannot be trusted even with the election of a representative!" I am a free holder myself Sir; yet rather than be guilty of such crying ingratitude, I would abridge my own power & divide with these men my portion of sovereignty.
In all republican governments, it is proper to begin by establishing as little discrimination as possible between the different members of the community. This principle is absolutely just in itself, but it becomes still more important as a practical maxim, when it is collected: that society is irresistibly progressive. As it advances in almost every country, it naturally leads to the accumulation of property in the hands of particular individuals. Such has been the history of England—such the history of Germany: such the history of every nation in Europe. The result has always been inauspicious to the cause of the people; favourable to privileged orders, and productive of evil consequences. Look at Ireland, has that gallant nation been oppressed and agitated? It was a large portion of her people excluded from a share of the franchise. What produced the dissensions in ancient Rome? Why did the people secede to the sacred Mount, and refuse to appear under the banner

of the republic? It was because they had received from that republic nothing but oppression and insult. It was because the Patricians and the Plebeians, or in other words those who are free holders and those who were not, had divided the population of Rome. Let us beware (said Mr. B.) that the same casualty does not happen to ourselves. When an enemy arises upon us; when the landless citizen is enlisted in our ranks to fight the battles of his country, let us beware that like the ancient Plebeians he may not retire to some sacred mountain, and refuse to resist the enemy. "You have denied us (he may say) the right of suffrage; you have divided among you the honors and the treasures of the government. Fight then your own battles: when our country chooses to treat us as her children, by admitting us to share in the benefits of our birthright she may then expect us to appear in the defence of her rights. But till then let the haughty landholder go forth to defend her."
We may be told however (said Mr. B.) that all this is mere idle speculation. We may be called upon for proofs of the injury, which actually results from this political discrimination. I could produce several to the consideration of the house, but a single one is sufficient for the illustration of the evil. The law appointing possessors to mark and ascertain the boundaries of land, allows to each of them a compensation, to be defrayed by the people at large, and to be collected in the shape of a poll tax. The consequence is, that an expense intended for marking and securing the landed property of the nation, is in part levied in the most grievous and oppressive manner, upon men, not in the slightest degree concerned in the arrangement.
But there are other defects in our present constitution, which must command our attention and regret.
What shall we say of the organization of the legislature? It is an admirable feature in the constitution, that it has given almost all the power to the legislature; to men annually elected by and responsible to the people, for the exercise of their authority. But even the legislature itself is by no means perfect in its structure. There are certain powers given and some restrictions imposed upon it, which a wise politician would be willing to change. The legislature, for instance, is entrusted with the power of electing the governor. What has been the consequence? Though a man of great talents be sometimes elevated to the chair of state; though a meteor may sometimes appear to illuminate the political horizon, yet at the end of three years he vanishes only to make the succeeding gloom more melancholy and impenetrable. Sometimes a Monroe is entrusted with office; but there are few governors who have possessed the qualifications and deserved the reputation of Monroe. The reason is too plain to escape observation. Candidates for offices within the gift of the legislature, have too often succeeded by solicitation, by canvassing and intrigue. A man of real talents is unwilling to go through this annual probation. He is unwilling to employ politicians, solicitation or the other instruments of success. But let the power of appointment be transferred to the people; and a new scene is likely to be developed. Men of real talents will come forth to serve the commonwealth. It is a greater balm to the feelings of a man of talents, to receive the national approbation, than that of a body of legislators. No man will be brought forward as a candidate, but one whose qualifications are so well known throughout the whole state as to entitle him to the honor of the selection. The people will be the arbiters of the choice: and before them, the usual instruments of politicians, solicitation, and intrigue will be of no avail.
Some objections too may be made against the present structure of the council of state. That body in fact consists of too many members. Not to speak of the article of expense, which in a republican government deserves to be considered, the responsibility is too much divided. Instead of being concentrated in the hand of a single magistrate, it is divided and scattered among eight privy councillors. Let even an occasion occur, which calls for the dismissal of these officers; we shall find there another provision in the constitution, which destroys the benefits of an entire panoply. Instead of having the authority of dismissing an obnoxious council for every year or every three years, the legislature cannot in fact exercise complete control under any term of 12 years.
The appointment of the executive at the chief magistrate to the legislature. The terms apply to each. And an objection which applies to every important officer of the legislature. When the assembly meets in the capitol, its members unacquainted with the proceedings
of the candidates who are to be brought forward. Either then the legislature must put up with the candidates, who are known to this city and supported by its influence, or it must vote for the candidates according to the representations of their respective friends. And where is the case exercised by the members of the House? Where is the responsibility imposed upon them? Their vote is not recorded! when they return to their constituents, how easy will it be for them to escape the odium of voting for an obnoxious candidate, by declaring he voted for his opponent?
There is one appointment, which the Legislature had the power of making, that would have been more properly entrusted to the Executive. The executive may choose (said Mr. B.) all the military officers of a subordinate degree: but they have no voice in the election of a general and other important military officers. What then would be the situation of the commonwealth, if in a moment of public peril, when an active, disciplined and well commanded enemy was pressing upon us, we were to send forth the militia under the orders of a general, who had obtained his commission from the Legislature, not by the force of his merits, but by dint of solicitation and favor? It was perhaps under this point of view, that Judge Tucker observed: "True it is, the inconveniences of this conduct in times of profound peace and tranquility, are neither so obvious, nor so numerous or dangerous, as in times of war or difficulty; but it should be remembered that when such times arrive, there is little leisure for reformation, however requisite. — It by any fatal event the federal union should happen to be dissolved, or broken, there is not a state in the confederacy, that would sooner feel the total inadequacy of its constitution, to support its liberty and independence, than Virginia."
The organization of the legislature itself is liable to many weighty objections. Not the least of its defects is, that it violates the great principle of a republican government, that the will of the majority ought to prevail. I say nothing (said Mr. B.) of that artificial division of interest produced, by the Blue Ridge. I say nothing as to the comparative influence possessed in this House by the people on this or that side of the mountain. My remark applies not so much to the natural division of the state into two great districts, as to its artificial distribution for the purpose of representation. Are not our counties possessed of unequal population and property? Still they are endowed with an equal right of representation in the legislature. We have reduced the representation of each county, to a standard not less arbitrary and uniform than the fabled bed of Procrustes; and whatever be its size, we allow it not more nor less than two representatives. Is not the consequence of this arrangement too obvious to be mistaken? Whenever a measure comes to be decided by the legislature, a combination of the smaller counties may decide the question in opposition to the will of the larger, however interior they may be to the latter in the number and property of its inhabitants. It is vain to say, that these smaller counties are equally diffused through every portion of the state, and are therefore incapable of combining into any distinct local interest. For this argument equally applies in favor of the rotten boroughs of England. And is any republican prepared to justify the check, which they impose upon the will of the majority of England?
There is another feature, in which the organization of the legislature is obviously at war with the great principle of a republican government. Each county sends two members to the House of Delegates. But one of these may say yes, when the other says no. Is it not however a complete solcism to say, that each county has two distinct wills? Is it not preposterous thus to neutralise the influence of a county, and to completely destroy the effect of its representation in the general vote? Who does not perceive its effect in defeating the will of the majority of the state, on deciding any legislative question? Suppose there were 100 counties in the state: 10 are neutralised by this arrangement: 46 are in favor of any proposition, and 44 against it: ten being neutralised, the question is decided by the vote of 46. But does this constitute a majority of the whole state? Does it not violate the fundamental principle of a republican government, thus to give effect to the will of the minority?
There is another defect in the legislature. It consists of too many members. Its magnitude makes it oppressive to the people, and too unwieldy to permit an easy discharge of their public duties. The principle of a deliberative body is, that it should never be so small as to endanger the public liberty, nor so large as to clog the public business. It was a remark of an ancient sage, that "a large assembly
of philosophers would degenerate into a mob." If the legislature was diminished in its numbers, the reduction of its expenses might enable them to sit twice as long, and give twice as much attention to the public concerns. Compare Virginia in this respect with the British empire. In the United Kingdom, there are not less than 15 millions of people, and not more than 600 representatives in parliament. Here there is not one million of people and nearly 200 legislators. In other words, with less than one fifteenth part of the population, we have one third of the representation. The British parliament however is not thought too small. In the United States, of which Virginia forms a competent part, there are not less than 6 millions of people; and the number of representatives does not exceed 140: and yet that body has been found too cumbrous for the orderly dispatch of business. They have adopted the ratio of one representative for every 33,000; whereas we have fixed it at one for every four thousand. There is also another reason for diminishing the number of representatives. By extending the representation over a larger compass, it would have the effect of destroying those petty local interests, which are produced by contracted districts. Let us enlarge our districts and we should see an end of that narrow interest, which springs from the influence of family and relations; an interest, which hangs, like a dead weight upon the freedom of suffrage and the liberties of the people.
Consider too the defective organization of the senate, under the present constitution. That body does by no means fairly represent the public will. A gentleman from Wythe, a few days since observed, that one senator represented as large a number of inhabitants, beyond the Blue Ridge, as six on this side of it. In other words, the inhabitants to the East of the mountain, have six times as much senatorial influence, in proportion to their numbers, as the inhabitants to the westward. This defect in the senate ought to be corrected by a different organization. Thomas Paine, for introducing whole name into that house he hoped he should be under the necessity of apologizing to but few members, has recommended a new plan for the structure of that body. He proposes that when the house of delegates assembles, they should select a committee from their own body to act as a senate. The debate in every case should be conducted separately in each house, and the decision be effected by a majority of both. A plan of this sort has obviously the effect of introducing into the deliberations of the legislature, all that leisure, calmness and maturity of diffusion, for which senates have been recommended. But it is not my design at present (said Mr. B.) either to examine the propriety of having any senate at all, or the best mode of constructing it.
As to the organization of the judiciary, Mr. B. declared it was with extreme diffidence he should express any opinion. Some opinions however he had formed on this subject, and he thought himself bound to express them. It was to this part of the constitution he had alluded, when he spoke of some improper restrictions, that had been imposed upon the legislature. The constitution unwisely prescribes the number, jurisdiction and form of our courts: an arrangement, which should be entirely entrusted to the wisdom and discretion of the representatives of the people, who were best qualified to select such a system, as might be demanded by public convenience. It was true, that by retaining the name, it was easy to introduce any new modification of the courts that might be necessary: But there are always men in the legislature, so squeamishly attached to the constitution, that they will never consent to violate its spirit and its letter, however strongly the convenience of the people might demand it.
Mr. B. declared he could not subscribe to the doctrine, avowed in England, which rendered the judges independent of all human authority. It is certainly correct that judges should be rendered independent of the parties who came before them: and upon that account, it was certainly proper that they should be made independent of the crown of England. Consult the English writers and they will tell us that the monarch or his ministers had always been in the habit of involving some question of prerogative in judicial cases. They represent them as frequently interposing their power and influence to screen the guilty felon from the justice of the law and incarcerate the inflexible patriot in the damps of the dungeon. In England, therefore, such independence may be necessary; but in Virginia, where the commonwealth is never implicated in the decision of the courts, the same necessity cannot be supposed to exist. Possessed of unlimited power, the commonwealth would never condescend to punish them for their integrity or employ them as the instruments of op-
pression. For these reasons he wished to see the judges amenable to the legislature of the country, that for any offences which they might commit, they should be dragged to the bar of that house and receive their merited punishment. He could not perceive the propriety of exempting from responsibility a class of men, who are peculiarly liable to corruption. We have subjected (said Mr. B.) all our civil officers to a certain punishment; shall we then exempt a class of men who are proved by the history of all countries to be peculiarly addicted to corruption? It is an acknowledged fact that before the Spanish tribunals justice is actually bought and sold, and that the longest purse is always sure to carry the cause. De Lolme has told us, that more English judges have been punished for malversation than even English ministers; that there are more spots upon men clothed in Ermine, than upon the contaminated servants of the crown. We may be told perhaps that there has been a remedy provided for all these grievances, in the power of impeachment. But let experience decide upon this ineffectual provision. Warren Hastings! the man who had deluged India with blood, and plundered its oppressed inhabitants, was acquitted by the house of lords, deciding upon their honor. In our own country, we have seen that mammoth delinquent, Judge Chase, who had rendered himself obnoxious in every court where he had officiated; we have seen even him honorably acquitted. And what now is the doctrine deduced from this decision before the senate of the United States? That no judge is hereafter to be dismissed from office upon the strongest construction of tyranny and corruption from actual facts, and that overt acts alone are sufficient to condemn him. When I speak of the history of judges (added Mr. B.) it is my pride and pleasure to declare, that the Virginia bench has hitherto exhibited an honorable exception. Times however may change; and we may then lament the inefficacy of a provision under whose shelter a Hastings and a Chase have escaped with impunity.
Mr. B. next commented upon the present structure of the county court system; a system which makes the justices of the court, notwithstanding their exorbitant power, eligible to either house of assembly. He quoted a lenient extract from Tucker's Blackstone, Vol. 1. Part 1. p. 115. 116. It has besides (he observed) this unfortunate consequence that the great number of magistrates in this house will always produce an opposition to any change in the judiciary system which may affect their own interests, however it may advance the interests of the people.
Mr. B. concluded with apologizing to the house for having so long detained them by remarks, to which the feeble state of his health would not permit him to do justice.
LYNCHBURG.
THURSDAY SEPTEMBER 4, 1806.
Subscribers to the Star who live in the counties of Franklin, Patrick, and Henry, are respectfully informed that Richard Morris, Esq. Attorney at Law who practices in the Courts of these Counties, will receive subscriptions, and subscription-money, and grant receipts for the same. The want of opportunity can no longer be an excuse for non-payment, as Mr. Morris's attendance will be regular.
To punctilious subscribers who have complied with the original Star-terms, we tender our best thanks: their aid has been essential—they have our gratitude. To such as intend to pay, we invite the performance with all possible dispatch. To such as are Stoically modest, we beg leave to hint that, they shall scarcely be able to elude our grasp. Would it not then be better to affect promptitude and punctuality, and make a merit of necessity?
For payment for certain jobs and advertisements, we have been occasionally cajoled—pro tem:—bamboozled a little,—but we most solemnly protest against being the victim, either of address, management, or dupery. We proclaim that, by warrant or otherwise, in proportion to the magnitude of the claim, and the fitness of opportunity, payment shall be enforced.—This to be sure, may it please your Worship, is off-handed, point blank work, but it is as indispensable as it is just: and that no man may have pretext for complaint, timely notice is given.
The speech of William A. Burwell, noticed in our last, is given in the first page.
In Council, Augt. 19, 1806.
THE Governor submitted to the Council a letter which he had received from Christopher Clark, Esq. resigning his seat in the Congress of the United States, as a Representative of the District composed of the Counties of Bedford, Franklin, Patrick, and Henry; Whereupon it is advised, that Writs of election be issued to the
several Sheriffs of the Counties aforesaid, directing them to hold elections in their several Counties to supply the vacancy aforesaid, at the following periods, to wit—in each County composing the said district, excepting the County of Franklin, the election shall be held on the Court day of such County, which shall be in the month of October next, and in the said County of Franklin, the election shall be on the Court day of that County, which shall happen in the month of November next.
For the information of the electors, within the District aforesaid, it is ordered that a Copy of the preceding advice be published for three weeks successively in the Virginia Argus, and in the Lynchburg Star.
Extract from the Journal.
Aust,
DANIEL L. HYLTOM.
Clerk to the Council.
DISTRESSING INFORMATION!
By the Endymion, arrived at the Lazaretto from Lagura, we have received the melancholy advice, of the execution of the whole of the officers and crews, of the two Schooners belonging to Miranda's squadron. They were first hung; then their heads were taken off and exposed on poles. Among the number of the unfortunate victims to the sanguinary rage of the Spanish government, we have heard of several whose cases certainly claimed exemption from this cruel fate; one in particular, a young man belonging to New York who had been impressed by the British Frigate which boarded Miranda on his passage out from New York. He was transferred from the frigate, to one of Miranda's Schooners, and was thus forcibly enlisted in the cause, for which he has innocently forfeited his life! While we sympathize with the friends of the deceased, we also participate with them in indignation at this barbarous outrage on humanity.
Philadelphia Paper.
RATS! RATS! RATS!
FROM THE REPUBLICAN FARMER, Published in Danbury, Connecticut.
We are credibly informed, and we congratulate the public upon the event, that the hon. JOHN ALLEN, of Litchfield, has seceded from the federal cause, and publicly professed himself opposed to their principles and conduct. That he has felt displeased with the measures pursued by the federalists on Litchfield hill, we had often heard, but we were not prepared to believe that he possessed sufficient magnanimity to avow an open opposition to the cause of federalism in Connecticut. We are happily deceived. Our leading federalists exult much in what they call his apostasy, and expels great satisfaction, as they pretend he was an enemy to their cause. But, as republicans, we ought in justice to say, when men of honesty and talents "turn from the errors of their ways, let us forgive, forget, and receive." If, by possibility, our information be not correct, the friends of Mr. Allen will undoubtedly deny the above statement.
[From the Salem Register.]
Having lately noticed the resources of France from its population, we report from the latest documents we have seen, the population of the United Kingdom of G. Britain. England from Templeman's survey, contained 49,450 square miles, with 9,445,950 inhabitants, giving 191 persons to every square mile. Ireland does not suffer from a comparison with this part of the British empire in the comparative view of its extent and population. According to Bushe, in 1788, it had 4,040,000 inhabitants, and by another statement in 1799, 5,159,769 inhabitants. With 37,457 square miles by Templeman's survey, it had 5,497,500 inhabitants, giving 200 persons to every square mile. The Gazetteer of Scotland, which gives to this portion of the British empire 27,719 miles, according to a report made to the board of Agriculture, gives to this country 12,151,471 acres of cultivated land, and 14,218,224 acres of uncultivated lands. The population in 1755 is given at 1,265,380. In 1790—3,111,327. In 1801—4,604,826. An increase in 46 years of 399,446.
NORFOLK, August 15.
It is with pleasure that we notice the arrival of Mr. Pynchey, our Minister, at Liverpool, about the 20th June, he had not got to London, but would probably arrive there about the 26th.—We do not notice the departure of Lord Selkirk for this country, in any of our papers, which induces us to suppose that he has waited the arrival of Mr. Pynchey.
The English papers speak with great warmth of our non importation bill, a sample of which will be found in an article which we have selected and copied. It was ever our opinion, and is still so, that the repeal of that law, will be insisted on as a sine qua non to all friendly arrangements.
NEW YORK, August 16.
Capt. Forman, of the ship Washington.

ton, from N. Orleans, was boarded off Savannah by the British Brig Poat Mahon, the lieutenant of which vessel informed him that he had received intelligence from the commander of a New-York brig from Leghorn, that Admiral Collingwood had recently captured and sent into Gibraltar 8 French ships of the line, and that he, (the captain of the brig) saw them lying there in the road.
It is with pleasure we state that the bridge building over the Delaware at this Borough, nearly completed.—Considerable progress has already been made in the raising, and we may expect by the first of October next to have the pleasure of seeing waggons, &c. cross it, and the company receiving toll. As this bridge is on the same plan of that over the Schuylkill opposite Philadelphia, and having the same gentleman for the architect, and a number of the same workmen that assisted to build that bridge, we have reason to expect that it will not be inferior in point of workmanship to that beautiful piece of superfluous over the Schuylkill.
North Farmer.
A Qualification for a Kinsman.
Sir Nicholas Bacon, being once in his capacity of judge, was about to pass sentence on a fellow just found guilty of a robbery; the culprit greatly importuned him to save his life, and among other things alleged that he had the honor of being one of his lordship's relations. "How do you prove that?" said Sir Nicholas. "My lord (replied the man) your name is Bacon, and my name is Hog; and hog and bacon have in all ages been reckoned akin." "That is true (answered the judge) but hog is never bacon until it has been hanged, and therefore until you are hanged, you can be no relation of mine."
VERY SINGULAR.
It is a circumstance that deserves to be recorded, that the Crab-Fish have been taken in considerable numbers in the Ap-pamatux, and it is said some have been caught as high up as Pocahontas bridge. Persons at a distance can form some estimate of the dreadful drought with which Virginia has, for a long time, been scourged, when they learn, that we are distant from the Hampton Roads 150 miles by water. The oldest inhabitant does not recollect so uncommon an occurrence, as the appearance of these shell-fish. Soft Crabs have been exposed for sale at our market for several days past.
Pet. Rep.
LITERATURE.
England, in the course of the year 1805 produced 800 new literary works. France 1150, and Germany not less than 4646! although in the Leipzig catalogue for the Michaelmas fair 1000 works less were announced than in 1804; among which there are only 63 novels and 61 almanacks. The most numerous class of books are those on medicine and education.
The Death of the Pines.
It is said that since the fall 1802, a deadly disease has been spreading among the Pine trees of South Carolina. This year it appears to act with the most powerful effects—many plantations having lost all their fowing and fencing timber, and thousand of acres contiguous to each other presenting but a dreary waste. The causes of this disease have not been ascertained.
Char. Cour.
Anecdote of the late General Washington.
One Reuben Rouzy of Virginia, owed the general about one thousand pounds. While president of the United States, one of his agents brought an action for the money; judgement was obtained, and execution issued against the body of the defendant, who was taken to jail. He had a considerable landed estate; but this kind of property cannot be sold in Virginia for debt, unless at the discretion of the person. He had a large family, and for the sake of his children, preferred lying in jail, to selling his land. A friend hinted to him that probably Gen. Washington did not know any thing of the proceeding and that it might be well to send a petition to him, with a statement of the circumstances. He did so, and the very next post from Philadelphia, after the arrival of his petition in that city, brought him an order for his immediate release, together with a full discharge, and a severe reprimand to the agent for having acted in such a manner. Poor Rouzy was in consequence restored to his family, who never laid down their heads at night without presenting their prayers to heaven for their beloved Washington. Providence smiled upon the labours of the grateful family, and in a few years Rouzy enjoyed the exquisite pleasure of being able to lay the thousand pounds with interest at the feet of this truly great man. Washington reminded him the debt was discharged; Rouzy replied, that the debt of his family to the father of their country and the preserver of their father of themselves, could never be discharged; and the general to avoid the pleasing opportunity of the grateful Virginian, who would not be denied, accepted the money—only, however, to divide it among Rouzy's children, which he immediately did.
[From the Enquirer.] COMMUNICATION.
On the 9th day of the present month, at the Warm Springs, in Bath county, MEREWETHER JONES departed this life! His health had been declining for more than a year, and his body, naturally thin, was wasted away, almost to a shadow. The hand of death seemed to be upon him long before its pressure sunk him to the earth; but he retained to the last, that energy of mind, vivacity of spirit, and warmth of friendly sentiment, by which he was distinguished thro' life. He died in the 41st year of his age.
Few men among us, have been and experienced in so short a period, more than Meriwether Jones. The excellence of his understanding, the cheerfulness of his disposition, the promptitude of his wit, the frankness of his manners, the ardor and intrepidity of his temper, brought him early into life, and made him when he was but a young man, a favorite of the people. He had not completed his 22d year, when he represented in the assembly of Virginia, the county of Hanover: a county distinguished for its republican zeal from the era of our independence to the present day. In the year 1796, he was chosen a member of the council, and in 1798 became the Editor of the Examiner. He was soon after elected printer to the commonwealth, and continued in that office until he was appointed by the President of the United States, Commissioner of Loans. This office he held til his death. He has left a widow, and a son, his only child to lament his loss.
Meriwether Jones had his failings, and he suffered for them. In his whole composition there was not one particle of hypocrisy. Such as he really was, he appeared to be. He used none of the petty if not dishonorable arts by which favor is conciliated, when it is not deserved, or by which censure justly merited, may be softened or suppressed. The best and the worst parts of his character, were alike open to inspection. His zeal, his intrepidity, his services in the cause of republicanism, at a time when it was "bound hand and foot and tongue tied," almost every where but in Virginia, made him many enemies. They knew where he was vulnerable, and pursued him for a long time with an asperity and fury of reproach, almost without example. During this period, his friends never forsook him, and indeed he had occasion for all its aid. Such however was the generosity of his temper, that after the triumph of democracy was complete, Mr. Jones was as just and liberal to his political opponents, as if he had never experienced at their hands either insult or persecution.
Meriwether Jones had many excellencies. His understanding was prompt, his discernment clear, his knowledge of mankind extensive. Having the advantage of a good education, he had read much in the early part of his life; and what he had read he remembered: but his attention during his last 16 years was principally directed to the study of mankind, and their affairs. He was generous, even to the injury of his fortune; steady and sincere in friendship, and unalterably attached to the great republican principles, that he had so zealously defended. He was eminently good tempered. In point of courage, he had no superior. It was implanted in his heart, grew with his growth, strengthened with his strength, and upheld him until he died. He was not one of those, whose advances upon an adversary, are meanly regulated, by an estimate of his fears; who want a little reputation, and seek a quarrel with him from whom it may be obtained upon the cheapest terms. The writer of this feeble tribute to his memory, has witnessed the homage paid to his deliberate and exalted courage, in the humiliating retreat of an opponent, before whom it is said, many had retired, and more than one had fallen.
The republicans of this country ought not to forget the services of Meriwether Jones. He was most zealous, most active, and most enthusiastically daring and determined, precisely at the moment when their cause was in the greatest danger. There certainly was a time when the genius of American republicanism lay humbled in "dust and ashes." In Kentucky and Virginia alone, the reared her head; but she was encompassed with enemies on every side, and must have been the victim of their power and their vengeance, but for the talents, the efforts, the firmness of a few. Among those few it is no more than justice to place Meriwether Jones. The propriety of this remark will be admitted by all who are told that in the year 1799, Mr. Jones frequently superintended his press with his pistols within his reach. But his troubles and his labours are at an end. He is now where the weary are at rest, where his frailties may hope for mercy, and his virtues will receive their reward.
August.
FROM THE WITNESS.
The Junta & their barkers frequently snarl at the benevolent attentions shown to the Editor of the Witness, by his friends—Their cackered hearts will swell almost to bursting, when they reflect that he is not totally deserted—Their revenge is incomplete, if all nature does not combine against the object of their petty wrath. It is not enough for them, that he is torn from the beauties of the opening spring, from the ripe charms of summer, from the hospitable roof of friendship—it is not enough to be buried alive in the grave destined for our expiring liberties, where the sun never shines upon him; but the beams of social affection must be shut out; those chords of sympathy, on which hang all his attachments to existence, all his hopes for himself and his country, must be sundered before the vindictive spirit of persecution, can rest!
Miserable beings! than whom demons only are more malignant—Death only more insatiable—Proceed!
The crisis is near which shall resign you to private life—when you may have leisure, and God grant you may have grace to repent.
[FROM THE BOSTON CHRONICLE.]
When the beauty of youth, blooming in the science excellent in virtue, and rich in expectations is taken from life in the ordinary course of mortality, the tears of sympathy flow spontaneously; but when the grave reluctantly receives its untimely prey from the hand of violence, gloomy silence, burdened with astonishment, denies to sorrow its usual utterance.
The funeral of Mr. Charles Austin, the oldest son of the hon. Benj. Austin, Esq., was attended yesterday by a vast multitude, from this, and other towns. On Monday last, T. O. Selfridge, a lawyer of this town, about 34 years of age, was committed by Justice Gorham, for murder, perpetrated on the same day, a little after one o'clock. We do not mean to anticipate a trial, which will be more affecting and interesting than any one which has taken place in our country; but the public anxiety demands a statement of this unhappy affair, so far as it can be given with propriety.
The Coroner's Jury, who were very respectable men, formed and signed an inquest of murder. The witnesses, sworn before the justice on the examination, testified, that a few minutes after one o'clock, they saw Selfridge and Austin meet in State Street, on the side path, near the shop of Mr. Townsend, goldsmith. No witness was sworn, who was nigh enough to hear any words that passed. Within less than a minute after they met, the witnesses saw Selfridge take a pistol from a side pocket, and discharge it upon Austin. Austin instantly struck him, or at him, with a small stick he had in his hand; Selfridge threw the pistol with great violence at his head, and snatched the stick from his hand; Austin fell from the side path on the pavement; Selfridge beat him with the stick, and continued to beat him until some person came up, and with great force prevented his proceeding further. Austin never spoke, but expired instantly. The blood was gushing from his mouth. The Coroner was sworn, who said the ball entered his breast just below the left pap, and passed through his body. No evidence was offered by the prisoner; but at an impartial and interesting trial, the circumstances of mitigation, if there are any, will appear; and justice will, we trust, have its course.
Mr. Austin was in the 19th year of his age; he was to have taken his first degree at Cambridge College the ensuing commencement. He was respected by the scholars there, and beloved by his class. The government college had assigned him an honorable part in the literary exhibitions, on that day. His fond parents were providing an entertainment on the occasion, for a large number of his and their friends; the guests were invited, and the agreeable topic of commencement day, floated spontaneously on all their language.
Selfridge had the same day published in the Boston Gazette, that Mr. Austin's father was "a liar, a villain, and a coward," and signed it.—The young man visited a number of his friends, and families where he was acquainted, in the forenoon, as usual, and appeared very cheerful and gay; he left one of their houses about ten minutes be-
fore he was killed. His breast, glowing with filial piety, received the fatal ball, which probably had been prepared for the fond bosom of his father!
Miranda again.
[From the Boston Gazette.]
In a late English paper (Bell's Messenger) we find a lengthy article on the character and views of Gen. Miranda. Our readers have been furnished with the more prominent parts of the character of this distinguished adventurer; but the following extracts contain we believe, a course of remark and observation, that will not be read without interest. But what is the effect of the present system of government in Spain, which is decidedly arbitrary—a government whose fundamental principle excludes all but the privileged class, from the offices and honors of the state. What we say, is the effect of this system upon the others of the people? Why simply, that having nothing to look to as a reward they have no spur to an extraordinary exertion. There is no effort. The whole mind of the State is palsied: the great remain in indolence, because they can attain the ordinary objects of desire without exertion, and the lower class will not toil where their toil will not raise them from their destined obscurity.
"Such is the condition of the Spanish monarchy at this moment, with regard to the production of those eminent men whose aid is so much required in this season of need. Will it not appear almost a paradox to say, that Spain can only be preserved by a revolution? Yet it is only by this event that her latent powers can be called forth—that the dormant and not extinguished spark of her former national character can be re-animated. The season of peril and high reward will call this spirit forth. The necessity of the times will shake of those who are inferior to its demands. Rank and place—the slaves of a court or a minister—the generals of a parade, and admirals ex officio, must then retire, and make room for merit of more efficiency."
"The monopoly of Spain, and the regulations to which in common with every parent country, she has subjected her colonies, has long hung a heavy yoke upon the necks of the colonists. The weight of this yoke has not been alleviated by the sense of the superiority of the mother country. The colonists have not the consolation that their servitude is the tribute for their protection—as incapable of protecting as governing them, the mother country hangs a dead burthen upon her colonies. Like Anchises, in the fable, she is supported on the back of her children, but her children, unlike Aeneas, are not much pleased with the weight. In the language of the same fable, travelled, "they care not how soon they shuffle off the old woman."
"Thus it is at present, and thus it has been long with Spain and her colonies. Her claim to the monopoly must be urged upon her former services and not upon her present protection. But it is the persuasion of the colonies that this debt of former protection has been paid off by former servitude, and that the service of protection having ceased, the colonial reditus, the monopoly and subjection, should cease with it. In a word, that they should be no longer subjects to a power, which can neither give them an intercourse of commerce to mutual advantage in peace, nor probable protection in war."
"The independence of North America gave birth to those principles—the French revolution has confirmed them. South America is now restrained by two cars only—a very weak military force, and a militia already corrupted, being in fact but the country itself."
"It was in this situation Gen. Miranda conceived his design of effecting his favourite purpose."
"He promised Mr. Pitt that with ten thousand men he would scour S. America and effect her independence."
"Mr. Pitt listened to him but there were two impediments—the state of our armies, and the positive refusal of Geo. Miranda to have any thing to do in the expedition if he were not at least second in command. There was indeed a third—a doubt as to the policy of throwing Spain into the already overwhelming monarchy of France if France hesitated to incorporate Spain it was in the apprehension that England would immediately seize her colonies. If the colonies were become independent, Spain would in the same instant become a province of France."
"General Miranda, however received certain promises, which had the late minister lived, would have been fulfilled. Mr. Pitt had a great mind. He was not to be daunted by inconceivable dangers. We are persuaded that his views were latterly directed to Spanish America—but we cannot say that he intended to act as
subornate to the designs of Miranda. "What has been the subsequent course of Miranda?—He had a mind above servility; he accordingly adopted the singular purpose of attempting this boundless enterprise, the conquest of half a world, upon his own single resources."
NOTICE.
ON Thursday the 16th October, will be exposed to public sale, on the premises the tract of
LAND
whereon the subscriber now lives containing one thousand and sixty-six acres situate in the county of Amherst, on Pedlar River, sixteen miles from Bethel Inspection—in point of soil inferior to none on said River—its improvements in orchards of valuable fruit, and advantages in raising stock, are equalled by few in this part of the state.—ALSO will be sold at the same time
STOCK
of various kinds, among which are several valuable Brood Mares and Colts, Yokes of Oxen, &c. Carts, a Sill, a Set of Smith's Tools, some Household Furniture, several hundred bushels of Grain, the produce of its Orchard the present year, &c. A credit will be given of eighteen months for one moiety of the purchase money, the balance will be required in six months.
JOHN WARE, Sr.
Sept. 1. 1806.
PURSUANT to the above warrant to us directed, We have this day viewed an ekray STEER shown to us by Nicholas Johnson of this county, and do find the same to be a brindled Steer, about three years old, marked with a crop and a nick in the right ear, and a crop and slit in the left, and we do appraise him to the sum of four dollars
Certified under our hands this 31 day of March, 1806.
VALENTINE COX, JOHN GILLS, S. POINDEXTER.
A Copy
Teste.
J. SEPTOE C. B. C.
For Sale,
WILL be sold to the highest bidder on Saturday the eighteenth day of October next, at the Poll Office in the town of Lynchburg, all the personal estate of Josiah Leake, dec'd, consisting of a number of valuable LAW BOOKS, one bed &c. and several other articles of house hold furniture:—A credit of nine months will be given on all sums above ten Dollars, on the purchasers giving bond with approved security, bearing interest from the date if not punctually paid, for all sums under ten dollars cash will be required.
WALTER LEAKE, Adm. Lynchburg, September 3—1806.
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Court held for Pittsylvania County the sixteenth day of June, 1806. John Morrice, Pst.
AGAINST Joseph Matherley, and Zaccheus Seal, and Rachel Cook, Josiah Cook, Elizabeth Cook, Samuel Cook, and Nancy Cook, children and heirs of Josiah Cook deceased. IN Chancery. Dels.
THE Defendants not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are not inhabitants of this State, on the motion of the Plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants do appear here on the third Monday in September next, and answer the Plaintiffs Bill, & that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some news paper of this State for eight weeks successively, and posted up at the front door of the Court house of this County on some court day.
A Copy,
Teste.
WILL. P. HARRISON, D. C. P. C.
To Rent,
FOR a year or term of years, and possession given on the first of January next, the
STONE TAVERN
in the Town of Warren, in Albemarle County, which is at present occupied by the subscriber; the tenement is in good repair, and there is attached to it, about fifteen acres of excellent land inclosed and in cultivation; it is an eligible stand, there being no other tavern in the place, and terms will be made easy.
JOHN STAPLES.

Miscellany.
From a London Paper.
Kris Narrative of a Secret Robbery. FROM NATURE.
Honey, lend me your ears, and a tale I'll recite, Of some comical matters that happened last night. Just at two in the morn, a friend had well met me, So keeping my legs, faith, as well as they'd let me, Safe and sound to St. Giles' my carcass I bro't, And was travelling to bed as a sober man ought. When all of a sudden, faith just like a flash, From a garret or cellar, I can't well say which, A grim-looking Thief, about six feet or more, Grip'd my throat in his fist, till the joke made me roar. "Ah! thou gay tender lad, (says I) what do you mean, If you choke me, who knows but I'll die with the pain?" "Oh! honey, says he, let us do the thing quiet, It's your money I want so don't breed a riot, But keep the King's peace and surrender your cash, Or each inch of your hide I'll contrive well to thrash. So seeing how things stood in this evil hour, And fearing hard blows would come down in a shower, So says I to myself, I don't like to be banged, So I'll presently threaten this thief with being banged." For may be he's simple, and don't know the laws, And by way of reward, I'll escape from his claws. So, says I, "Honest man, you're a robber I guess, And your neck will be stretch'd, faith, you can't expect less, For the Witch, and the Justice, the Jury, and Judge, Sheriff, Hangman, and Surgeon, all bear you a grudge; And in my honest darling, don't hazard their scoff, But if you must steal, honey, steal yourself off." Now who would suppose that for counsel to meat, That thief whack'd my body, my sides, & my pate? By my thumb but he did, till being grievously hurt, I begg'd leave to tumble quite clean in the dirt. Where taking advantage of this my hard case, My throttle he squeezed, until blue in the face, I found my breath wasted, my strength quite decay'd, And no man or mortal to come to my aid; I reliev'd then to yield—so I loosen'd my fist, And for mercy I roar'd till I made him desist. "Oh! says I, you curst thief, since the truth I must own, Here, take all I have—so for J— I've none."
SWEET MISS LILLY OF THE FAL-LEY. In constant Bloom on the Southside of Corn-Wall.
FAIR MISS.
Lovers have been long privileged to do pretty, playful phrases. Tho' I may not prove myself among the former, I will avail myself of the latter, knowing that you are partial to pleasantries. Gardens are as old as per-dile, and Flowers nearly as old as gardens. Among the numerous plants & flowers cultivated in that retreat of odorous delights, Woman was unquestionably the very pink of the place; and Miss Eve was the Miss Lilly taken: for she was a Mistress without passing her seventeen —and Dame Eve was confessed to be the first sweet Flower in the garden. If you doubt my assertion, look at Milton ; look at Indeed , look at the glade —and then behold the Po-ly-ann-shus of the West. Had I time to range thro' my garden, I would send you a little boy's love ; for I am informed that it is often considered Maids' Delight . Add it to which I would entwine it with honey-suckle , and make you a complete safe gay with the sweet violer , the blushing carnation , the presuming sweet briar , and various other sweets and flowers the parterre. Then you might treat your senses; seeing, smelling, and hearing. The first in existence, which would also affect the olfactory nerves: should you carefully handle the sweet briar, you would probably feel the effects of my present. But you ask how should I gratify the fourth sense? By hearing from me; and hearing that all I request of your flour-gar-
den, in return is a treat for one of my senses; I mean the taste . Thus do not think me unreasonable, nor call up the ross bluffs , if I ask for a few buds of your favourite cowslips —No, I beg pardon, I mean my favourite—your TWO LIPS . Yours sincerely and affectionately, KISS J. FUNNIDOSE.
THE SAILOR'S MARRIAGE.
Entering the only house of entertainment in M—, I was almost stunned with the rude and boisterous gaiety of the company it contained. At the head of a number of peasants, who were seated around a table, on which was a large bowl of punch, presided one of Neptune's sons, and by his side sat a plump rosy faced girl, covered with ribbons, medals and rings. As I entered, the landlord rose to welcome me; and I desired him to let me have a mug of ale, and something to eat.
"Avast, there! (cried the sailor,) and bring to: Shiver me if any man has any thing aboard that I don't pay for. Come my lad, bring yourself to an anchor; you shall mess with me to day."
I was seated at the table, and compelled to drink a bumper to the health of the couple that were to be married. "Yes," exclaimed the tar, throwing his arm around his neighbour's neck, and giving a smack that went off as loud as a fourteen pounder: "Yes, Bet and I are going to grapple; we only wait for the parson to give us the signal, and!"
Here he was interrupted by the clerk who came to let them know that the clergyman was waiting for them in the church: I followed the procession, and witnessed the scene that ensued in the church between the parson and the tar. Every thing being quiet and orderly, the parson began, and presently came to—"I Richard Sprite take thee Elizabeth Bumfield, to be my wedded wife, to have and to hold from this day forward, for better or for worse, for richer or poorer, At these last words, the sailor made a dead stand.
"Say after me" said the parson. "Shiver me if I do," cried he. "A vast there; what do you think I am such a lubber as all that comes to?" "Well," said the other, "if you don't say you will do this, I can't marry you." "Well I won't then," he replied; "for better or richer, if you will; but shiver me if I have any thing to do with poorer and worse." "Then we have done," said the parson. When the sailor very sulkily agreed to go through the ceremony.
LAMENTATION for a WIFE.
Well, God's will be done. I must bear it with christian fortitude:— Mors omnibus communis . Here the husband took out his handkerchief in conformity with custom on such occasions, and applied it to his eyes; where, if there had been a tear, no doubt the aforesaid handkerchief would have done its duty, and disposed of it. To be sure, (said he) he had her failings, and who has not? but custom familiarized me to them. She certainly made some trips in point of fidelity to my bed; but then she was over partial to the brandy bottle, and that accounts for her incontinence, you know, very naturally. She was a little over righteous, it must be owned, and faddled me with the saints rather more than was agreeable; but then her religion was mere hypocrisy, so that I could not quarrel with her on that account. She was something of a termagant, I cannot deny;—trod a pretty many entrusts, and bred a pretty many disturbances in my family; but then she did the same by all her neighbours as by me, so that I had no cause in particular to complain of her; and, upon the whole, have as much reason to lament the loss of my wife, as generally falls to one man's share.
HYMNS.
Just published and for sale at the Star Office. (Price, Twenty-Five Cents.) A choice selection of Hymns: This first part, contains the newest and most admired Spiritual Songs practiced with such beneficial effects, during the late Camp, and other Meetings, in the counties of Amherst, and Bedford, and in the vicinity of Lynchburg.
GAMUTS
ALSO for sale at this Office.
PROPOSALS. FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, THE WORKS OF Dr. Benjamin Franklin, Philosophical, Political, and Literary. ( Hominum ceramque reporter. )
The publication of the writings of Dr. Franklin, in a complete edition, was long contemplated by the late Benjamin Franklin Bache , his Grandson, who transcribed the copy which was devolved to Mrs. W. Temple Franklin, for the purpose. It was originally designed that the corrected edition should appear in three languages, and in England, Germany, France and America, at the same time; this design was frustrated by the devisee (W. Temple Franklin) who it is now believed sacrificed the work and the honorable trust reposed in him, for money, to the immortal hatred of the English Ministry against the deceased sage.
As soon as this fact was known, the present editor of the Aurora turned his attention to the collection of every paper and circumstance which could tend to preserve and do honor to the memory of a man whom America is so much indebted to; and who as he was the first that from his genius and talents reflected back lustre on his native country, must continue to be ranked to the latest posterity, among its greatest benefactors and ornaments.
This edition will be published from the copies revised and corrected by Dr. Franklin, the corrections of which are in the hand writing of the author, and may be seen by any gentleman, in the possession of the editor of the Aurora .
Early admiration of Dr. Franklin; educated in veneration and reverence of his character—combined with other incidental circumstances not necessary to be pointed out, have concurred to favour the collection by the present editor, of the best materials that could be obtained after the fact, since of the work by the devisee.
With some months and with some experience he has possessed himself, not only of the copy with the corrections and additions in Dr. Franklin's hand writing; but also of several articles which have never appeared in any former collection, and of several which have never appeared in print.
Proposals would have appeared long since at this city, had not an advertisement of an intended edition, been published in the English prints; the present editor, thought it might yet be possible that the edition advertised, was that which Mr. Temple Franklin was entitled with; but it now appears that the English edition is only a republication of the former compilation with some small additions; but still very deficient, on a comparison with the corrected papers in the hands of the editor.
The whole will now be carefully collected, and the work executed in a style worthy of the great patriarch of American liberty, and capable of the American press.
The additional papers will form at least a volume, perhaps more—the authentic papers already printed, form three volumes, which will be put to press immediately; and to publish the Biography last, so that such additional particulars as may throw any useful light on the life of this great man, may be engraven on his monument; to which which, and other important materials, the editor will spare neither pains nor expense.
Gentlemen who may be possessed of authentic or original papers, or correspondence of Dr. F., or who can give information where any are to be found, will render public service by communicating them to the editor.
CONDITIONS.
The work will be elegantly printed, on a new small pica type, and four volume paper in large octavo.
The work will be ornamented with numerous engravings, a vignette to each volume—a whole length portrait from the best likeness also to be in existence, now in the possession of the editor.
The price of each volume will be 2 dollars 50 cents, payable on delivery only.
Subscriptions will be received at the Bookstore of Wm. Duane, No. 106, Market Street, Philadelphia, and in Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington City; and by other booksellers and private gentlemen, whose names will be notified in the several issues of the union, in due time.
10 Dollars Reward
R ANAWAY from the subscriber in Bedford County, six miles above the Court house, State of Virginia, on the first of this inst. a NEGRO MAN BOB, about 30 years of age, five feet nine or ten inches high, stout made, of a sallow complexion, and has a small piece taken off each ear—It is supposed he will make for the State of Ohio, or some other route northerly—His clothing of various description, among which are a calico round about coat, and a dimity vest.—The above reward will be given to any person delivering said Negro to me in Bedford County, or a reasonable one for securing him in any Jail of the commonwealth, and giving me word so that I get him again.
JOHN P. GRAY.
August 16th, 1806. 600W
Just received and for sale at the Star-Office—Price 50 cents PAMPHLET entitled SKETCHES of the History of France FROM THE EARLIEST HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS To the present time....1806: With some remarks concerning the Life and Achievements of the celebrated NAPOLEON BO-NAPARTE, now Emperor of France. [By an American.]
Of this very interesting Pamphlet, notice has already been taken in the Star.—It contains a correct and succinct detail of the principal facts and occurrences during the period specified, and the greater and most important part of Bonaparte's official communications, as French General, Consul, and Emperor. The style is energetic, concise, and classical.
At a Court held for Amherst County at the Court house the eighteenth day of June, eighteen hundred and six.
Major James Benjamin } Coffland, Compt. } In Chancery AGAINST John Smith, Deft. }
THE defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly, and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this State, and without the jurisdiction of this Court, on the motion of the complainant by his Counsel, it is ordered that the defendant do appear here on the third Monday in October next, and answer the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Lynchburg Star for eight weeks successively and posted up at the front door of the Court house of this County, on some Court day.
A Copy, Teste, W. S. CRAWFORD C.A.C.
NOTICE.
AGREEABLE to a Decree of the County Court of Bedford, will be exposed to sale on the 10th day of October next, for ready money, a
TRACT OF LAND,
the property of Sandford Holley, lying in the County of Bedford, and containing 254 acres, to satisfy a debt due from the said Sandford Holley to Holley's administrators:—he fails to take place on the premises.
Julius Hatcher, } Charles Stewart, } Benj. Robertson, } Compt. William Rucker, } David North, } July 29th, 1806. 8w.
NOTICE.
A PETITION will be presented to the next General Assembly of Virginia praying the establishment of a FERRY across James River, from the lands of James Waugh, in Amherst County to the lands of Tamberlane W. W. Davis, in Bedford County. JAMES WAUGH.
July 19, 1806. 3m
Lynchburg, Augt. 25, 1806. Amherst, June Court, 1806.
James Wills, jun. Plff. } AGAINST } IN John Johnson and John } Chancery. Higginbotham, jun. Dfs }
THE defendant John Johnson not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country: On the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney. It is ordered that he appear here on the third Monday in October next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be inserted in the Lynchburg Star for two months successively, and posted up at the front door of the court house of our said county on two successive court days.
A Copy, Teste, W. S. CRAWFORD, C. A. C.
31st July, 1806.
An apprentice wanted.
A LAD of about 12 or 15 years of age, brisk and well disposed, will be taken as an apprentice to the Printing Business. Star Office—Lynchburg.
Black Smith.
FROM the pressure of employment in the HOUSE SHOEING line, and from the encouragement of my friends and the public in general in the BLACKSMITH'S BUSINESS I would wish to employ a sober, well disposed and good journeyman to the said trade.
TWO brisk apprentices will be taken to the above business. GEORGE ROBERTS, Lynchburg. August 26th, 1806.
Notice.
A PETITION will be presented to the next General Assembly of Virginia praying for the division of Amherst County. A FREEHOLDER of Amherst.
TAKEN up by Robert Scott of Campbell County on the Otter river, a red heifer marked in the following manner, viz. with an under keel in the right ear, and a half space in the left, the end of her tail is white—and about two years old.—From the information of said Scott the said heifer came on his plantation last summer. The above estay is appraised to four dollars—was posted and the appraisers was duly qualified before me this 12th day June 1806. BENJ. W. PORTER. HENRY BELL. JAMES DERRING. A Copy, Teste, JOHN ALEXANDER, D. C.
NOTICE.
I SHALL Petition the next General Assembly of Virginia, for leave to build a WAREHOUSE, for the reception and inspection of Tobacco, on my lots in the Town of Lynchburg. ROWLAND JONES, 30th July, 1806. 1f.
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Court continued and held for Pittsylvania County the 22nd day of July, 1806. John Wilton, Plff. } AGAINST } John Owen, Glen Owen, } George Owen, } James Rutledge, and } IN his wife, for } Chancery. merly } Owen, } and Jenney Mulgrove } formerly Jenney Owen, } Dfts. }
THE Defendants not having entered their appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are not inhabitants of this State: On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants do appear here on the third Monday in October next, and answer the Bill of the Plaintiff, and that copy of this order be forthwith published in some newspaper of this State for eight weeks successively, and posted up at the front door of the Court house of this county on some court day.
A Copy, Teste, WILL. TUNSTALL, C. P. C.
IN conformity to a Decree of Bedford Court (Word vs Millerus) we shall proceed to sell on the premises for ready money, on Saturday 20 Sept. next, the LAND and its appurtenances, mentioned in the said Decree, lying in Bedford County, on the waters of M c Daniel's Creek, adjoining the Lands of Col. Thomas Leitwick, George Hackworth, &c.
Thomas Leitwick, } John Clayton, } Mark Anthony, } Compt. Samuel Smith, }
31st July, 1806.