Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-05-29 00:00:00

From London Papers received at the Office of the Publick Ledger by the Sheffield.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, APRIL 9.
DISMISSAL OF THE LATE MINISTERS.
Mr. Brand rose, pursuant to his notice, to submit a motion to the house upon a subject of great national moment. As the question to which his motion related, was one of vast constitutional importance, it was a matter of real and unfeigned regret to him, that such a subject had fallen into the hands of one who was peculiarly unfitted by abilities to give validity to his arguments. He had hoped, that he could have supported the feelings of anxiety which the difficulty of such a task must excite; but unaccustomed he was to publick debate, he was then conscious of his inability, and of the necessity of bespeaking the indulgence of the chair and of the house, an indulgence which was never withheld. He trusted that they would not attribute the weakness of the advocate to the cause he defended. This cause was the cause of the constitution. Previous to the recess, publicity had been given to a statement of the series of circumstances which gave rise to the late change, full luminous, and to him satisfactory. The statement had enabled him to form a judgment of the great character of the late administration, which had entitled them to the confidence of that house, and of the conduct of those who had advised his majesty to dismiss them from office. In the conduct of the ministers he saw every thing to admire, and the country he should say, felt their dismissal with the deepest regret. When he had given his notice, it was his intention to move a resolution, expressive of the sense of the house on that conduct, because he was anxious by such a resolution to stop the progress of the calumnies that were circulated with such glaring falsehood, and persevering effrontery. He felt the value of publick character, and was convinced that publick worth was publick security. His original object was to bring forward such a resolution; but when upon more mature reflection, he came to analyse the subject, and to view it in all its bearings, he thought it his duty to confine his motion within narrower limits. When he perceived that pledges had been demanded from the late ministers which were dangerous to the constitution, inimical to the interests of the country, and subversive of the prerogative of the crown, he felt himself bound to confine his motion to that point. The advice to his majesty to demand from his ministers a written pledge that they would abstain from giving him advice upon subjects of importance to the security of the empire, must have originated with persons who had no regard to the rights of that house, nor the prerogatives of the crown. His majesty had full discretion to dismiss his counsellors, and to choose others in their place, but he could not limit the range of advice which they might give him, and for which they were to be responsible according to the constitution. Where were they to look for responsibility for misrule, misconduct, or mismanagement of the publick affairs, if such a pledge were to be given? Where was blame to attach for grievances, upon which ministers might have given a pledge, not to give any advice to his majesty?—Ministers might be men of great character and exalted name, but after giving such a pledge they dare not advise their sovereign on such subjects. It would be becoming in him to delineate the outline of the constitutional principles upon this point. If they were doubtful it might be proper for him to endeavour to ascertain them; but these principles were admitted, recognized, and supported by the constitutional law of the land. The oath of a privy counsellor, as reported by sir Edward Coke, bound him to advise his majesty to the best of his judgment upon all matters connected with the interests of his realms, without exception or partiality, and also with secrecy, and not to publish by word or letter what passed in council. ( A loud cry of hear! hear! from the opposition ). The present oath, which is only a translation of the old oath, was equally binding upon the privy counsellor. But if a privy counsellor was to subscribe to any pledge to restrain his advice, he would sign judgment upon the violation of his oath to his king, his country, and his God. ( Hear! hear! ) He would be ashamed to argue what he considered as the axiomatick law of the constitution; but as there might be some who might admit the principle, whilst they advised the infraction of it, who might allow the law of the constitution, but recommend its subversion, he thought it would be right to declare that law. He had confined himself to the immediate effects and future dangers of the proceeding that had taken place, and did not mean to go into any consideration of the measures of the late administration, their attention to the liberty of the subject, and to the rights and comforts of the people, nor of the benevolence that characterised their act for the abolition of the slave-trade. When the constitution was in danger, he thought it not right to depart from the immediate question, and therefore should conclude with moving.
"That it is contrary to the first duties of the Confidential servants of the crown to restrain themselves by any pledge, expressed or implied, from offering to the King any advice which the course of circumstances may render necessary for the welfare and security of any part of his majesty's extensive Empire."
Mr. Lamb , in rising to second the motion of his hon. friend, though he should not at any time abstain from expressing his sentiments upon such a radical constitutional question, yet he should not feel it necessary to trespass long upon the attention of the house, if the statement of his hon. friend had
been less clear or less satisfactory than it had been to him. Though the question was important, it appeared to him to be in the smallest compass. He should state in what it consisted.—Before the recess it appeared, that the rumours which had agitated the publick mind, were founded in fact, and that his majesty's late ministers having expressed their intention to act as their situations and their oaths required, had been dismissed, because they refused to abdicate their duty of advising his Majesty under all circumstances, upon subjects connected with the dignity of the crown, and the safety of the country. He had regretted the adjournment, because, in his mind, the doctrine struck a blow at the constitution, and was subversive of the principles of our government, and he thought that house would renounce its rights, if it delayed to pronounce its opinion upon so unconstitutional a proceeding. But upon further consideration, he thought the adjournment was proper, because it would lead more clearly and explicitly to the adoption of the Resolution by a larger majority, and because such Resolution would have the more weight if assented to after a more mature deliberation. The King in the exercise of the functions of his government, has the aid of the Great Council of the nation—his parliament. But for the purpose of secrecy, a large discretionary power is vested in the crown, assisted by the privy council; and, on late occasions, though not necessarily so, by his most secret and confidential advisers in the Cabinet, who are responsible to the publick. This arrangement combined the secrecy and dispatch of an arbitrary government, with the publicity and responsibility of a republican government. In case of such a pledge being given as that alluded to in the resolution, what security could the people have? The truth of the resolution may be obvious, but when fundamental principles are attacked, it became necessary to declare them. The people possessed a security in the vigilance of their representatives, but under the operation of such a pledge, many erroneous measures might be adopted which parliament could not afterwards remedy, and many good measures be omitted which parliament could not supply. What security had the country that measures would not be entered into ignorantly, perversely, and blindly, but the confidence that the affairs of the government were to be carried on by ministers of virtue and integrity? The oath of secrecy kept their particular motives and conduct from view. Sir Edward Coke had said that in the quaint language of the times, it was the wish of one of the greatest tyrants that had ever sat upon the throne of England, Henry VIII. that his Privy Counsellors should leave all simulation and dissimulation to the porter's lodge, when they came to Council. In his remark upon this, he said that the truth and the whole truth alone should reach the royal ear. But what was the security of the people of this country, if the doctrines now broached should be established? The country and the parliament might say to themselves, that his majesty's ministers were carrying on their measures for reasons known to them, but which they could not divulge consistently with their oaths as privy counsellors—( Hear, Hear ).—What, however, would be the fact? Ministers might be doing that which they knew to be wrong, and omitting that which they knew to be right, because by their pledge, they would have tied up their hands and their tongues, and not be in possession of the means of fulfilling their duty, or complying with their oaths. On this ground he supported the resolution. If such a doctrine as that of the pledge required were to be allowed to pass, or to be sanctioned, the constitution would be at an end. Ministers might be men of rank and talents, but by signing such a pledge, they would resign their duty of honest counsellors of the Crown; and if the House were to sit silent on such a question, it would abandon that constitution which it was its pride, its duty, and its glory to maintain, to preserve, and to defend.
The Question was then put from the Chair, when
General Crawford rose, and declared himself particularly anxious to explain the motives by which his vote would be influenced. It was impossible to discuss the motion separately, from the measure that was the cause of the removal of his majesty's late ministers, because that removal had led to the present motion. He should not, however, enter into any discussion of the Catholic question, as many far more competent than him, would consider that part of the subject. He should confine himself to the present motion, and that part of the conduct of his majesty's late ministers which insidiously led to force his majesty's conscience—( Hear, Hear ).—With respect to the scruples in his majesty's breast on the Catholic Question, they were long known to rest on conscientious grounds, both in a religious and constitutional sense. His doubts existed as well as to the latitude in which his coronation oath was to be understood, as the influence it may have upon the welfare and liberties of the empire. Any measure infringing upon these scruples should not have been brought forward, but under an irresistible necessity—( Hear, Hear ).—Care should be taken that this extreme urgency existed—( A cry of hear! hear! ) It behoved his majesty's ministers to enter in the fullest possible manner into all its various views and bearings, and to render all misconception or misunderstanding impossible on the part of the crown.—If in the progress of the measure any further extension may have been deemed necessary, the same minute explanation ought to prevent the impossibility of a misconception on the royal mind. He proposed then briefly to notice, so far as a respectful regard to the time of the house would permit, how far the conduct of his majesty's late ministers had been strictly go-
verned by these principles. They had stated to the house, that their measure had been brought forward for the purpose of allaying the ferment in Ireland, and that his majesty's approbation of the measure had been respectfully solicited. Much had been said of the mischief, the absurdity, the inconvenience, and the anomaly, that the Irish act of 1793, did not extend to this country. But no case of inconvenience or of mischief had been made out, so that, though the anomaly had so long existed, as no practical inconvenience had been felt, the mischief was merely speculative. After a long and earnest discussion, his majesty at length had given a reluctant consent. Yet his reluctance had not arisen from any disinclination on the part of his majesty to do justice to any class of his subjects, or to consult the happiness of his people, but from the little appearance of necessity there was for the measure, and the apprehension of the practical mischief it would give rise to, by leading to claims and demands which he should be compelled to resist. The next stage of the business, the honourable general observed, was the dispatches to the lord lieutenant of Ireland, in which, if in any other case, the greatest accuracy should have been observed, so as to confine the terms of the dispatch to the extent of his majesty's consent, the consent of his majesty was limited, the contents of the dispatch were unlimited. He could not conceive how such an inaccuracy could have been committed by persons of such ability, who were so well versed in business. The notice of the noble lord stated the measure as opening certain commissions to the Catholics; and this was conformable to his majesty's consent, and to the Irish act of 1793. He left the house to determine what had been the cause of the difference between this notice and the dispatch. Even the Catholics could not believe that his majesty had consented to the full extent of the dispatch. When a communication had come over on the subject, the cabinet minute, to which it had given rise, was sent down to his majesty in the ordinary way, though the case was then entirely new. ( Hear! hear! hear! )—If it was necessary for ministers to explain the alteration in the first instance, it was ten thousand times more necessary then. The king either had not considered the dispatch, or withheld all observation upon it, till he should have a personal interview with his servants. When his majesty came next to town, the first communication of the new measure was made to him, and he then signified his disapproved disapprobation of it. The measure was, however, brought forward under an impression that his majesty had not withdrawn his original consent, and on his coming to town in a few days, his majesty found himself under a necessity of taking those measures which he had delayed as long as possible. He never exercised any influence over any one of his ministers, as individual members of his cabinet. He knows the constitution too well to do so. He told them they should either withdraw their countenance from the measure, or themselves from his councils—( Hear! hear! )—A deliberation ensued, in which his majesty never retracted his original consent; he was still ready to abide by that, but the ministers found it impossible to modify the bill, and to give up altogether. Here the matter might have rested—( Hear! hear! )—But no—they brought forward a stipulation—( A loud cry of hear! hear! hear! )—stipulations which his majesty could not constitutionally agree to. That part of the stipulations respecting their right to advise his majesty from time to time upon this subject, remained entire, though the bill had been withdrawn; but that part which claimed a right for ministers to come down, clothed with their ministerial character, and support the Catholic petition, required what his majesty could not do, ( hear! hear! ) It struck at that royal branch of the prerogative, which, though wisely given, ought to be seldom exercised, he meant the negative on the acts of the other branches of the legislature. This prerogative had gone into disuse from the king's ministers never countenancing any measure in the house to which his majesty would not assent, and this put an end to the contests between the crown and the parliament. But though that was not a written part of the constitution, it had grown into a principle of it by prescription. ( Hear! hear! ) He thought his majesty ought in general to refer to the sense of parliament, yet there were subjects upon which the crown was bound constitutionally to exercise its judgment. Without this the crown would be a cypher, or dead letter, and the cabinet would be a part of the crown. As to the pledge that had been demanded, it had arisen from the unconstitutional stipulations that was pressed upon his majesty—( Hear! hear! hear! )—He admitted that they had a right to refuse to give the pledge, but they should admit that their stipulations were unconstitutional. ( Hear! hear! hear! ) If they had withdrawn their stipulations, his majesty might not have demanded the pledge, and in refusing to withdraw them they were virtually their own dismissers. He thought that by their conduct they had brought the constitutional exercise of the prerogative into question, and what had never been the case till this instance, indecently made the crown responsible. He did not think they had been strictly governed by constitutional principles, and had only to lament that any circumstances should oblige him to differ with those, to many of whom he had long looked up with respect. But he was compelled to discharge a duty, which if he neglected he would be deprived of self-approbation, which he valued more than any earthly possession. They were bound to support the constitutional prerogative of the crown. If they wished to be free from the iron chains of despotism, or to avoid being tossed in the gulph of democratick fury, he trusted that they should, by their vote of that night, uphold a main
pillar of the constitution, the fall of which might involve the ruin of the whole fabric.
Mr. Hall , in the few words he had to say, proposed to follow the example of the hon. general, by abstaining from any discussion of the merits of the Catholic bill. Though he had supported that bill, he thought the consideration of it wholly irrelevant to the present question. He was sorry his majesty's late ministers had consented to withdraw it, but that bill did not appear to him to have any thing to do with their removal from office. It was their refusal to give a pledge not to advise his majesty upon that subject, that had caused their removal, and if they had signed that pledge, there was no disgrace and reproach which they would not have merited. ( Hear! hear! ) Such a pledge would have made the king absolute, and removed the responsibility of his ministers. He approved of the measures of the late ministers, and sincerely regretted their removal from office. But that regard might perhaps be lighter, if they had been succeeded by men of talents or abilities. But were not their successors the dregs of a disgraced administration? Were they not the persons who had had the seals of office for a few hours, on a former occasion, in their possession, and carried them back again in acknowledgment of their imbecility? He wished the house to consider what might be the consequence of their administration to Ireland. If they continued to act upon the principles of the system upon which they had come in, their measures would lead to a separation of the two countries. Such would be the consequence of the administration of those who professed to come into office as the supporters of the constitutional prerogatives of the crown, and the existing establishment in church and state.
Mr. Whished Keene contended that it was incompatible with the compact which placed the house of Brunswick on the throne, for his majesty to demand such a pledge from his ministers, and that it would have been unconstitutional in the late ministers to have subscribed it. The hon. gentleman urged a variety of other arguments in support of the resolution.
Mr. Walton objected to the motion on two grounds; the one, the words in which it was couched, and the other, the line of argument which the hon. seconder had taken. He could not compliment the hon. gentleman on his discretion in intimating, that although ministers ought not to consider themselves as under the controul of the King, they ought to consider themselves under the controul of the White Boys of Ireland. The hon. gentleman by whom the motion had been seconded, seemed to ground his support on the idea, that when noble lords and gentlemen were called in the councils of his majesty, they had no power to retreat, but must continue in office whether they would or not.—Another point on which he opposed the motion was, that it was incompatible with the wisdom of the house to entertain the discussion of any abstract proposition whatever. Many abstract propositions might be considered incontrovertible, except when they were applied to new cases; and surely no case could be more new, than that an administration should lend its weight in parliament to measures which had not only not received the concurrence of the King, but to which his majesty had expressed an absolute repugnance—( Hear, Hear ). He would suppose a plain and possible case—he would suppose that many years ago some hon. gentleman had moved an abstract resolution, that in any way to restrain the commerce of his majesty's subjects would be injurious to the country, and that it was the duty of parliament to prevent such an attempt. Such a proposition would have been abstractedly considered, and yet had not the legislature recently restrained and abolished one of the most important branches of commerce?—No abstract proposition was more true, than it was highly criminal in subjects to take up arms against the sovereign. But suppose that another king James II. were to arise, would they not be justified in doing so?—Any unconstitutional measure of the King to restore Popery, would justify what would otherwise be unjustifiable. Supposing that the king might have Ministers, who by advising that Papists (acknowledging the power of a foreign potentate) should be admitted to the highest offices of the state, should tacitly declare the immediate ancestors of the king usurpers, surely in that case his majesty would be perfectly right in requiring from such ministers a promise that such advice should not be repeated.
Mr. Lamb explained. Mr. Fawkes declared that in his opinion the question was simply whether or not we were any longer to adhere to the British constitution. Under all the circumstances of the case, he thought that his majesty's ministers had acted discreetly in withdrawing the Roman catholic bill; but he must at the same time say, that in abandoning the bill, they had paid all the deference that was due to the scruples of an august personage, to whose feelings the bill was repugnant. Had they proceeded one step further, had they signed any pledge for their future conduct, had they ceased for one moment to be the unfettered advisers of their sovereign in the present state of the British empire, they would have been lost beyond all hope of redemption to all sense of decency and shame, and have acted in the most unconstitutional and unjustifiable manner. The responsibility of ministers was the security of the privileges of this country, and distinguished it from every other. If then, ministers were no longer free agents, where is this responsibility to be found? If they tied themselves down to give that advice to the crown which should be only palatable to it, in what a state of danger might the country be speedily placed? He was astonished, he was terrified at the bare idea.

present day upon this subject. How different from that of the reign of William III. whose ministers were continually giving him advice that was even personally disagreeable to that monarch, such, for instance, as to discharge his Dutch guards, &c. but who were never dismissed on that account. If once a minister of the crown were heard in the house of commons to allege in defence of his conduct that he did not conceive himself justifiable in offering incompatible advice to his sovereign, adieu to the British constitution! If once this great landmark were lost, all would soon be lost. As to the uprightness of intention in an august personage, the uniform practice of his life had sufficiently manifested it; but the conviction he felt of this fact, should never induce him to surrender a single privilege of the constitution, that most valuable and inestimable legacy of our forefathers. For the last month the most unconstitutional doctrines had been generally circulated; whatever might be the fate of his hon. friends motion, he was grateful to him for having, by bringing it forward, enabled him to enter his protest against those doctrines. He had hitherto supported the measures of administration, because he thought that these measures were beneficial to the country. It had been said of that administration that they had promised much, and done nothing.—Was the abolition of the slave trade nothing?—Was the amelioration of the Scotch law nothing? In the full possession of power, was the determination to curtail patronage nothing? was the disposition so anxiously manifested to heal the wounds of Ireland, nothing? Pledges had frequently been given by publick men, which appeared to have been given only to be broken; he trusted that men would now be found, who would not barter their consciences for any consideration. For himself he had nothing to hope or fear, it was a matter of indifference to him by whom the state was governed, provided it was governed well. He acknowledged great individual talents, great individual eloquence, great individual acuteness in the new administration, but, convinced as he was of the propriety of his hon. friends motion, he felt himself bound to give his hearty assent to it.
Mr. Osborne observing that the late ministers had materially changed the measure which they at first proposed, and that they had not, as it was their duty to do, clearly explained this change to their sovereign, moved (the order of the day.)
Mr. Bastard supported the motion for passing to the order of the day. He thought the house ought not to seek for abstract principles, but confine themselves to the acts that had been committed. The requisition made by his majesty naturally arose out of the declaration of his ministers. Before he assented to the abstract question, therefore, he must be shewn its applicability to the present case.
Mr. Maurice Fitzgerald was of opinion that there was not a single sentence in the Resolution, nor a single part of the conduct of ministers, which derogated from the prerogative of the crown. If the prerogative had been infringed, it had been infringed by those who would destroy the responsibility of ministers. He entered into an examination of the recent proceedings of the late administration, and contended, that had they acted differently, they would have been guilty of a dereliction of their trust. It was an administration of talents, of consideration, and possessing the confidence of the country. By every man in the empire, therefore, it was to be lamented, that the services of such men should be lost to the country. He described the state of Ireland as very hazardous, deprecated the total ignorance, and even, he feared, the apathy, on this subject, and wished that he was of sufficient importance to rouse the attention of the house to the consideration of this question, namely whether they would command the services of four or five millions of people, or hazard their enemy.
Sir T. Turton said, it was impossible not to see that the prerogative of the crown was attempted to be invaded. A great deal had been said about the pledge given in 1793. Ministers, however, had not hesitated to postpone the redemption of other pledges, such as for a reform, for the general question of the catholic emancipation, &c. Was it not their duty, when they made an alteration in the measure, to explain it to the sovereign with precision and accuracy? What was the nature of those alterations, but an unequivocal and entire repeal of the Test Act; for the measure proposed by the late administration no more resembled the act of 1793 than darkness did light. By their conduct they had placed the king in an invidious situation; and by their declaration to him, had shewn their readiness to throw upon their sovereign all the obloquy which might result from future refusals to grant the catholic claim. In these circumstances was not the king justified in requiring a promise that he should not again be harassed on the subject? he was confident that an appeal to the house and the country, in support of the royal prerogative, would be successfully made. The supporters of the late administration had said, and it was not for political speculators to offer any invalid security to the country. What, then, was the aristocracy of the country solely to dictate? Why was it supposed that his majesty's present ministers would not attend to the interests of the empire at large, and particularly to the conciliation of Ireland? He did not like the prophecies on this latter subject, for prophets always felt something like a desire that their predictions should be verified. The question before the house was, whether they would support the crown against the attempts of an aristocracy, and would strike at the root of the royal prerogative? In the present reign the catholicks had little to complain of. If the measure introduced by the late administration, would, as they stated, have safely combined all the energy of the empire—it was certainly desirable, but why agitate it when it was known that it could never receive the royal approbation?
Mr. Curran heartily concurred in the motion for a resolution; not as an abstract question, but as one in which the interests of the country were materially concerned.
Mr. Tuffnell thought that the late uncalled for change in the council of his majesty could not fail of making a deep impression on our allies, and of raising the expectation of our enemy, and this at a period when a firm reliance was entertained on the assistance and on the co-operation of Great-Britain in the common cause; and could any one assert that, either at home or abroad, the slightest confidence could exist in the permanence of the present administration. The right which the crown pos-
session of appointing ministers was undoubted, but it was necessary that the ministers appointed by the crown should possess the confidence of both the aristocracy and democracy of the country. To what extent might not the principle of restraining ministers from proposing any one measure go? It must be productive of the most incalculable evils. The new administration seemed to emulate the giants, who, when they were overthrown and touched the earth, recovered their strength, for it was not long since they had doubted their power to call on the government of the country, and since that time their attempts at opposition had been repeatedly defeated.
Mr. Fuller contended that this was just a question between one set of ministers and another. As to the pledge demanded by his majesty, if any minister had advised the abrogation of the bill of rights, or the dissolution of Magna Charta, he should like to know whether the house would not have been justified in demanding from them a promise to refrain from such advice in future, and if their word was not to be trusted, to demand that promise in writing? Forty years ago, such advice as had been given to his majesty, would have been impeachable. He remembered the time, not thirty years since, when lord North gave up this point, and sent to Ireland 70,000 stand of arms, which had since been used in rebellion against this country. Some people said, the late ministry had done great things, and thought the great family of which it was chiefly composed, had been always very full of theories, and no family had been better paid for their theories. By the first theory we lost America, by the second the election act, a most contemptible court had been produced, and by the last the most fatal, the slave trade had been abolished. This last was founded on the most foolish policy; it went to lessen the growth of sugar, and also—
The Speaker requested the honourable gentleman would adhere to the question.
Mr. Fuller proceeded, but again entering on the expediency of the slave trade abolition, was again called to order, and sat down.
Mr. Plunkett, the attorney general for Ireland, in a maiden speech, supported the original motion. Alluding to what had fallen from an honorable baronet, who accused the late administration of attacking the prerogative of the crown, and of endeavouring to shift odium from their own shoulders to those of the sovereign, he expressed great anxiety to clear himself from a charge of so dishonorable a nature. It was most distinctly the sentiment of his heart that he believed his majesty totally incapable of demanding a pledge from his ministers, or of adopting any strong measure, which pledge or which measure he did not sincerely believe necessary to the welfare of his people. The persons who had endeavoured, he trusted ineffectually, to raise a cry throughout the country, that the church was in danger, had taken on themselves a serious responsibility, for the house was yet to learn by what part of the conduct of the late administration, the protestant establishment had been endangered. Feeling that the inseparable connection of Great-Britain and Ireland was the only security for the welfare of the empire, and feeling that the security of the protestant establishment was the only principle of that connection, he should certainly never have supported any measure which appeared in the slightest degree to trench upon its security. Had the alarms which had been raised been well founded, he would have echoed them, but nothing was so dangerous as unnecessary alarms—(Hear! hear! hear! from both sides of the house.)—He did not believe, that the intentions of the gentlemen opposite in raising this alarm, were wilfully erroneous, but they had at least not shown, that discretion which qualified them to hold the reins of government. As so much had been said about the act of 1793, he would call the attention of the house to that act, which seemed but ill understood. It was introduced in Ireland, not as purposely to apply to Irish catholicks, but to catholicks of all descriptions and countries, who exercised the military profession in Ireland. By the act of both the establishments of the two islands were no longer separate. The army of Ireland became the army of Great-Britain; the navy of Great-Britain became the navy of Ireland. By the union his majesty could grant any command in the army short of that of commander in chief, and any command in the army to a catholick, provided such command was exercised in Ireland alone. Thus, those who raised the alarm, raised it against the established law. Not satisfied with their placards, &c. an attempt had been made by a person for whom he entertained a high respect, the chancellor of the university of Dublin, (the duke of Cumberland) to disturb the peace of the university of Dublin, by endeavouring to procure a petition against the Roman catholick bill. Finding the first application to this effect had not been successful, a second letter had been sent, in which it was intimated that the only way to preserve the favour of the royal duke to whom he had alluded, was by signing such a petition—(Hear! hear! hear!)—He was not aware whether this latter application took place after the measure had been abandoned in parliament or before. If after, it was a political scheme to support the new administration; if while the bill was pending, it was an unconstitutional and unwarrantable interference. —(Hear! hear! hear!)—The present was not a party question, but one which involved the vital interests of the empire. He had been in the habit of considering the protestant religion as valuable as embodying every virtue and charity.—He earnestly called upon those gentlemen, who thought those virtues and charities substantial to prove by their vote of that night, their belief of the truth of the protestant doctrines, and their love of its amiable character. With regard to the pledges which had been demanded of the late administration, it was not only dangerous, constitutionally considered, as substituting secret whisperers for the known advisers of the crown, and as separating the interests of the king from the interests of the people; but it was also dangerous as affecting the state of Ireland. If there was any thing to which it was the duty of government to apply their daily and nightly attention, it was the state of the catholicks in Ireland. It was true that the catholicks of Ireland had experienced great advantages during the whole course of the present beneficent reign—(Hear! hear!)—It might be said that they ought to be content; but that was not in human nature. He put it to the members of that house, whether wealth, rank, and honour, would make them content, if they were precluded from the constitution of their country? The reser-
vations adopted in Ireland had produced an anxious gentry, and a subservient priesthood. If he were asked what remedy he would apply, he might perhaps not be able to answer. But of this he was satisfied, that things could not remain as they were—they must become either better or worse. As well might it be expected by shutting one's eyes to arrest the fall of a body irresistibly impelled to the earth by the laws of gravitation, as to suppose that by inattention to Ireland, the evils to which he alluded would of themselves subside. He spoke in the presence of persons who were well acquainted with these facts. What must be the effect of the demand upon the late administration for a pledge of the catholicks of Ireland? had ever such a pledge been before demanded as it related to any of the inhabitants of the empire? the right of the meanest individual to lay a petition to lay a petition at the foot of the throne had been long established; but here was a restriction on the claims of millions! This was not merely a novelty, it was a prodigy, an alarming appearance in the constitution. Only unbounded power or unerring wisdom ought to impose such a pledge. What must be the feelings of the catholicks of Ireland, to be told that the conscience of the crown was hermetically sealed against them. If the catholicks could not obtain their object constitutionally, they would attempt to obtain it unconstitutionally. He disdained the insinuation of an hon. baronet, that those who prophesied ill were desirous that their predictions should be verified. He must be free from every suspicion of that nature.—All that he held valuable in life was in Ireland. He owed gratitude to the crown for the confidence that had been reposed in him. He felt no hostility to the present administration; but he only discharged a solemn duty, when he declared, that in contemplating the state of Ireland, his apprehensions rose to a degree of terror which he was unable to express. Many were the incendiaries lurking about that country. Into their hands might the catholicks be flung if they were debarr'd access to the throne.
"Incedes per ignis, Suppositus emeri doloso." The danger might not be immediate, but it would still not be the less inevitable, and the existence of the protestant establishment itself might be seriously involved.
[To be continued.]
LONDON, April 6.
We are happy to find that the new ministers are determined to lose no time in taking the proper measures for giving every possible assistance to our allies on the continent. Orders have already been issued for sending 60,000 stand of arms, with a proportionate quantity of ball cartridges; they are to be sent in two sloops of war, and were insured last Saturday. We understand that the Russians were so much in want of arms, that great numbers of recruits were prevented from joining the army for want of them. Application was made to this country; and the late ministers did, we believe, issue orders for sending some arms; but the number that was sent was far from being sufficient—Ministers, however, have resolved upon giving our allies much more effectual assistance than that of sending arms and ammunition; a very formidable military force (not much less, we believe, than thirty thousand men) will be sent to the continent. The contract for the transports to convey this force has already been made by the transport board, upon most advantageous terms. The advantages which may be derived from such a British force on the continent, or even a much smaller one, are incalculable. It is well known that Buonaparte, in order, if possible, to overwhelm the Russians before their whole force was collected, had taken with him almost the whole of his army into Poland, and that the few troops which he left behind him in the conquered countries were not sufficient to keep the inhabitants in awe. We know that there have been insurrections in Hesse, and other countries which have been desolated, rather than conquered by the French, and if a British force had been upon the continent some time ago, there can be little doubt that the inhabitants of that part of Germany would have risen en masse, and formed a most powerful diversion in favour of the Russians. We hope it is not yet too late.
Sun.
April 8.
Dutch papers arrived last night to the 3d inst. They do not contain any intelligence of much importance. Of the movements or positions of the respective armies, they do not furnish us with any information.—Buonaparte is using every effort to prevail upon Russia and Prussia to enter into a negotiation.—Russia however, seems more disposed to continue the contest than to make peace.—Reinforcements are on their way from all parts to join general Bennigsen.—The imperial guards left Petersburg the end of February.—A skirmish has taken place in Bohemia between a Bavarian detachment and the Austrians—the Bavarians had passed the Bohemia frontier, and levied contributions—the Austrian Uhlan's came up with them, and several men were killed on both sides. The Dutch papers are anxious to prove to us that the French are making great progress in the sieges of Graudentz, Neiss, and Dantzig.
Lord Cathcart is, it is said, to have the command of the troops going to the continent.—They are to be disembarked at Memel, and to join the Russian army as soon as possible. Three battalions of the foot guards are to be sent.
April 10.
The house of commons was uncommonly crowded during the debate reported in our preceding columns. Those in the habit of attending parliament for these 30 years past, never witnessed a greater number, either of members of parliament in the house, or strangers in the galleries. The doors of the latter were thrown open so early as twelve o'clock yesterday, at which time the crowd that rushed into the gallery was immense. Many persons were nearly pressed to death in the avenues, and obliged to be carried out, while many of those who had been so fortunate to find their way into seats, being nearly suffocated by heat and pressure, were obliged to give up their places and leave the house by passing through the members' gallery.
At one time during the debate, there were upwards of 500 members present, 484 of whom remained until the division at seven o'clock this morning, when the new administration had a majority of 32, an event which seemed not to have been at all anticipated by the late ministers.
The great attention paid by the members, to one of the most animated debates we ever witnessed, was highly interesting. The principal new point
advanced respecting the pledge required from the late ministers, was put in a pretty strong light by the chancellor of the exchequer, who stated, that no pledge was required of the late administration, till they had themselves required from his majesty implied pledges and stipulations, that he would allow them to renew similar propositions when they might think it necessary so to do. We understand him to mean, that no such pledge would have been required from them, if they had simply allowed the measure to drop, without themselves taking stipulations.
Star.
SUTGARD, March 22.
A courier, which left Warsaw on the 16th March, and arrived here yesterday, announces that the French imperial head quarters were still at Osterode. Excepting some insignificant skirmishes of advanced posts, nothing new has taken place between the two armies. From the frequent and successive journeys of general Bertrand, his majesty's aide de camp, to Koningsberg and Memel, it is presumed all hopes of negotiations for peace are not vanished. The minister, prince Benevento, who had gone to the French imperial head quarters, has returned to Warsaw. The Turkish and Persian legations were still at that city at the departure of the courier; but would soon remove to Berlin, the diplomatic body having already set off for that capital.
NEW-YORK, May 23.
A passenger in the schooner Amazon, that arrived yesterday afternoon in 22 days from Trinidad, informs, that a few days before they sailed, a flag of truce arrived at Trinidad from the Main, with an account of the death of the Prince of Peace, occasioned by a kick from one of his mettled chargers. The news was received direct from Madrid.
From the Mediterranean.—Captain Atkins, arrived at Boston, on Saturday last, from Tarragonia, was boarded on the 2d April, by a British sloop of war, the lieutenant of which informed him that on the 25th March he fell in with a British schooner, 7 days from Algiers, and received from the captain the following intelligence:—That the U. S. frigate Constitution arrived at Algiers from Tunis, two days before he sailed: with information that the English under Sir Sydney Smith, and admiral Louis, had taken Alexandria, and afterwards proceeded for the Dardanelles."
PHILADELPHIA, May 22.
We have received accounts from New-Orleans to the end of last month. The report of Gen Wilkinson's being under arrest, is erroneous.
The General and Governor Claiborne, had received a summons from the President, to attend the trial of col. Burr, and would sail for the United States, early in May.
SPECKS OF WAR.
BALTIMORE, May 25.
Extract of a letter from an officer of the United States army, at Fort Stoddert, to his friend in Augusta, dated April 14th.
"The Spaniards at Mobile, have assumed a degree of insolence, altogether intolerable. In open opposition to the assurances which we last fall received from Gen. Howard of Pensacola, of the free passage of vessels and effects by Mobile, they put our people to the trouble, risk and expense of unloading every article of their cargoes, and make them pay a toll of 12 per cent. thereon. The schooner Victory, of New York, left this port a few days ago, with a cargo of Cotton, for New-Orleans, the duties on which at Mobile, amounted to 1140 dollars. The sloop Castor, laden with stores for the troops at this place, and goods for the Choctaw factory, has been detained since the middle of last month under the pretext that some of the papers are wanting to enable them to lay the duties!"
A passenger in the Vigilant, from New-Orleans, informs us, that a few days previous to his sailing, Gen. Wilkinson had dispatched maj. Sparks, with a detachment of troops, to Fort Stoddert; but the Spanish commandant would not permit them to pass the Mobile, and Gen. W. had ordered them to return.
N. Y. Com. Adv.
The schooner VENUS, Capt. Jeffers, will sail for Savannah-la-Mar, (Jam.) on Sunday morning. For passage only, apply to the master on board, or May 29. Moses Myers.
GERMAN LINEN, &c.
JOHN C. NIEMEYER, Has just received and offers for Sale, for approved paper at 4 and 6 months, 27 Packages of GERMAN LINEN, entitled to drawback—Consisting of Platillas, Dowlas, Cholets, (or brown Hollands) Common Oznaburghs, and German Rolls.
Also on Hand,
Heavy Ticklenburghs, Oznaburghs, fine Shirt Linen, &c. elegant Musquito Gauze or clear Linen, Bed Ticking two yards wide, Flanders Sheetings, &c.—Also, 160 boxes first quality Spanish Segars, elegant Glass Ware and China, 90 boxes Window Glass, 6500 best Coffee Bags, 4000 Gunny Bags. May 29. tf
SAMUEL COLEMAN,
Opposite the Market westward, has a very extensive assortment of
ENGLISH KID SHOES,
in all the variety of that article, of the latest (legal) importation, with the necessary embellishments.
An extensive assortment of Boston SHOES of a great variety of kinds.
Also, a good assortment of New-York SHOES, of which kind particularly, he is enabled to sell the best Shoes in town—since no other person here, that he knows of, is largely supplied from that place; the superiority of the workmanship of New-York is well known to many people, and will be known by all who try it.
A considerable assortment of British, New-York, Philadelphia, and Boston BOOTS—and is in expectation of a large quantity of Shoes and Boots of all descriptions from New-York, which will be sold at the prices of that place, wholesale and retail.
He has just received, New-York SHOES and BOOTS, and an assortment of Mr. Vernon's elegant Baltimore Boots, at least equal, it is believed, to any made on this continent.
Being anxious to sell off his Boston Shoes and Boots, he will take in retail for Men's finest Shoes 10s. 6d. and in the same proportion for others—Suwarow Boots at 6 dollars—He will also reduce the price of English Kid Shoes with heels, to 10s 10s 6d.; without heels to 9s.
He has for Sale, a considerable quantity of India COTTONS, very low for Cash. May 27. Sawit

The debate in the house of commons, which we have commenced in the first page of this day's paper, will be read with interest by every intelligent reader. One of the nicest principles of the British constitution is investigated with great ability and ingenuity. The want of room will not permit us to enlarge on this subject, at this time, but we must give it as our unqualified opinion, that the weight of argument was with the movers of the original resolution.
COL. BURR'S TRIAL. From the Virginia Gazette, and the Enquirer, we copy the further proceedings, with the opinion of the court on the motion of the attorney for the United States, to commit col. Burr for high treason. If, upon the examination of the witnesses, the court should be of opinion that col. Burr ought to be committed for high treason, it is probable he will not be tried this term.
The counsel on this occasion are, for the prosecution, George Hay, district attorney, William Wirt, and Alexander M'Rae; for col. Burr, Edmund Randolph, John Wickham, Benjamin Botts, and John Baker.
MARRIED last evening, by the Rev. Mr. Grigsby, Mr. LITTLEBERRY STEINBECK, of Petersburg, to Miss SALLY DRUMMOND, of this borough.
Markets at Kingston, Jamaica, 18th ult. very dull for American produce; corn excepted, which was at 2 dollars per bushel.
THE NEXT PRESIDENT.
Long and ineffectually have federalists laboured to arouse the sleeping spirit of the nation. Still a deaf ear is turned to the best reasoning of those who will not subscribe to the infallibility of our present rulers. But the pacific temper of a magnanimous people may degenerate into contemptible cowardice or imbecility; and things may arrive at such a crisis as to awaken all well disposed citizens who sleep in unreal security. We find one of the present administration's greatest idolizers on a sudden adopting the language and embracing the sentiments of the country's best friends: we find the "American Citizen," (the associate dictator, who presides, with the "Aurora," over democratick editors) speaking out in language very unlike that which belongs to his party, but which will no doubt be listened to by that party—and will have a better chance of exciting attention than would any thing that could be said by a federalist. Mr. Cheetham, (a foreigner) seems to feel like an American, and delivers his sentiments with an apparent independence of what Duane may say of him.
Whether Mr. Cheetham wishes to see Mr. Clinton in the presidential chair, and deems this the best expedient for effecting his purpose; whether he really sees in its proper light the degraded state of America, subjected as she is to the insults and contumely of every assailant, or whether he really and at last speaks the fair language of his heart, we have no right to enquire.
The following remarks on the procedure of the Driver sloop of war, we re-publish with but one objection—it is this—we will not acknowledge that "all our administrations were alike inefficient," as we have not forgotten the anxiety of Washington to place the country in a proper state of defence, nor the desire of Adams to extend the works commenced by his great predecessor. Fed. Gaz.
From the New York American Citizen.
"I know not, and care but little, how the remarks which I am now about to make will be received. During my seven years editorship I have expressed my opinions of passing events independently, leaving the reader to judge of them as he may think fit.
"If the letter of capt. Love does not raise the indignation of every man that reads it to the highest pitch, our prospect of remaining long an INDEPENDENT NATION is not very flattering. I have no recollection of ever having read any thing so insolent and insulting.
"But what better can we expect? Nations are like individuals. This is an old doctrine; and new doctrines at this old time, however they may flatter the multitude, will not pass with the reflecting. If individual A. will suffer individual B. to kick and maltreat him without due resistance, he can hardly imagine any limit to suffering.
"Cool calculations of pecuniary benefits, or other considerations equally mean, have induced us to bear not a little kicking with Job-like patience. The Spanish jackall has contemptuously "spit upon our gaberdine," and we have very admirably and almost without a murmur, wiped it off. The British lion, more daring, has preyed upon us in our very houses, without meeting with the resistance which self preservation requires. Insult, borne patiently and without resistance, invites insult.—We know it theoretically, and we witness it in practice.
"One of the ends of political society is to defend itself by the means of its union, from all insults or violence from without. If the society is not in a condition to repulse an aggression, it is very imperfect; it wants its principal support and cannot long subsist. The nation ought to put itself in such a state as to be able to repel and humble any unjust enemy. This is an important duty, which the care of its perfection, and even preservation itself imposes both on state and its conductor."
"Are we in a condition to repulse an enemy from without? Certainly not, generally speaking, and particularly in this quarter. We are not placed in a condition by government to enable us to defend ourselves. This important fact, which stares us in the face, and brings insults upon us, should induce us to prevail with government to do us justice. I make no invidious comparisons. All our administrations have been alike inefficient and indifferent in that particular; it is a fault common to all parties; and if, as I suspect, it is principally owing to the great influence of Virginia in congress, I may be allowed to say that that influence should be diminished."
Remarks on the above, from the People's Friend.
It were superfluous to say that we concur with the Citizen in the far greater part of this statement—since it is the very doctrine with which we have for several years laboured to impress the people of America; the doctrine for which we have been infamously reviled and abused—the doctrine for insisting upon which we were accused of a sinister design to plunge this country into war; the doctrine for which we have been attacked by some of the Citizen's correspondents; and the doctrine to which we will ever strenuously adhere. Vas est et ab hoste do ceri. It does honour to the Citizen candidly to avow a correct opinion, even though it be that held by a political adversary.
While we feel that the language of capt. Love's letter is highly reprehensible, because extra-official, and that he has shown in it more spirit than prudence or propriety, we cannot impeach the truth of it. As the commander of a British man of war, he went out of his way in remarking upon the proclamation. Such opinions and language might become capt. Love in conversation with his friends, or at the table of the Ward-room. But in his letter to the American officer, he was speaking words for his sovereign, and ought not to have let the feelings of his heart, or his private opinions, mix with them. That part of his letter was fitter for a political disputant than for a naval officer, as such. But honest indignation made him forget himself. However, it may have its use, if the people of America will apply it. It is admirable as a diagnostic to indicate the disgraceful disease that lurks in the veins of their state, and to shew what a contemptible light the governors of their choice are held in by the world.
We heartily regret that the honourable and candid statement of the Citizen should be dashed by any alloy. Assuredly it was his party passions, not his reason, nor his memory, which dictated to the Citizen the assertion near the end of his observations, that "All our administrations have been alike inefficient and indifferent in that particular"—(meaning the defence of the country). How can he say that, when he recollects, as recollect he must, that the strenuous efforts of the federal administration to establish a defence for the country, has, for years been the theme of democratick reproach.
Who was it fitted out naval armaments to repel the aggression of foreign nations, and under what administration was it that the gallant Truxton scourged the French?—The federal.
Who built the foundation of a navy, and set on foot the building of ships of the line?—The federal administration.
Who impeached the federal administration for attempting to build a navy, and made it part of the base artifices by which that administration was removed?—The present administration.
Who laid up the ships to rot in the mud of the Potomack; who sold the naval stores collected by the federal administration for our defence?
Who thanked God thanked God in congress, that so far from having a navy, the wood was still growing in the forest with which it was intended to build it?
One of Mr. Jefferson's favourites—Mr. Giles.
When the federal prints impeached the present executive of criminal impolicy, in putting down the navy, who supported that measure against them? Who applauded Mr. Jefferson for doing so? Who defended him for it publicly and warmly?
The democratick editors, and among the rest THE CITIZEN himself.
TRIAL OF COL. BURR.
MONDAY, 25th May.
The names of the witnesses were first called—those of the grand jury next, who were all present except John Ambler, who was absent for half an hour after the list was called.
When the grand jury had retired, Mr. Hay informed the court that he had a motion to make regarding the commitment of col. Burr for high treason. A short conversation having in consequence taken place between Mr. Hay and the counsel of col. Burr, he addressed the court—"I now move that Aaron Burr stand committed for the crime of high treason against the United States."
Mr. Botts spoke against the motion nearly as follows: "We have much occasion to complain that we have not been previously advised or made acquainted with the motion now submitted to the court. We have hitherto expected that the prosecution and defence would have been conducted on terms of mutual intercourse and an exchange of mutual information. An application of this sort is so entirely unfounded by precedent or example of any kind in this state or any other I know, and involves questions of such deep consideration and weighty importance, that we might have reason to expect some previous notice on the subject, particularly sir, when there was such an interchange of information on points of less moment than that which the gentleman for the prosecution has at present, submitted for your opinion."
Mr. Hay here interrupted Mr. Botts: "Since the gentleman complains of being taken by surprise, I am willing to postpone the motion."
Mr. Botts. "Not a moment's postponement—although we sustain considerable inconvenience by the manner in which it has been brought forward, without being any ways prepared, or having the least expectation of such a measure being adopted; yet, we should sustain much more inconvenience from its delay or postponement. I shall, therefore, beg leave to make a few remarks on the extraordinary application, and the pernicious effects such an extraordinary measure, were it generally practised, would inevitably produce. The organ particularly appropriated for the consideration of the evidence which this motion calls for, is the grand jury, and to vest that power in one which from its nature is so very distinct and different, would be productive of the most inconvenient and even dangerous consequences. The grand juror's oath, is to inquire into all the crimes and misdemeanors committed within the district of the state, of which they are freeholders.—Their office is to perform that, which the court is now called upon to perform. To them, belongs the exclusive duty of enquiring and examining into all species of evidence which may lead to a conviction for the crime of which col. Burr is now charged. It is most true, that when a grand jury cannot be had, that in order to avoid a bare of justice, and to prevent the guilty from escaping, the measure which the gentleman now proposes, would not only be proper but highly necessary.—But then, it is because the proper and appropriate body of inquest is not empanelled to perform the office. Besides, when a judge is called upon to
pass upon the question, whatever may be the cause of commitment, will it not be granted by the gentleman on the other side, that it is an object of the last importance that he should have a pure and unbiased from prejudices of any sort, or impressions of any description, either for, or against the accused. Have I then not said enough to satisfy the court, that although in the absence of a grand jury, it might be proper for them to determine a question of commitment, and to examine evidence regarding the object of commitment; yet, when a grand jury is in session, such a procedure is not only without precedent, but would seem to be improper even to admit a precedent of the sort."
"I did expect, sir, that some solitary reason should have been given by the gentleman for the prosecution, in support of his motion. I did expect, sir, that all the law books of England would have been ransacked on this occasion. I did suppose, sir, that the musty pages of folios and quartos would have been opened to support his argument. I did expect at least, sir, that one case of state practice would have been produced. I say then, sir, that the motion before the court is without precedent, unreasonable in its nature, inconvenient in its effects, and oppressive in its end, of a power with that species of oppression which has been exercised with respect to col. Burr, in a manner hitherto unknown in this country, unheard of in any country which enjoys the blessings of freedom, and which I trust will not again be repeated in these states."
"Col. Burr appears in this court ready to go on with his trial. He wishes for no delay; he is opposed to every measure which may occasion delay or procrastinate the business. His great object is to satisfy his country, the minds of his fellow-citizens, and the will of the prosecutors. We have suffered already two or three days to pass away in idle discussion, or without any thing being done; and what are we told at last? that, after a lapse of several months; after a grand jury have been convened and sent into their room; after a crowd of witnesses who have been summoned, attending with great inconvenience to themselves and expense to the state; after all this, we are told that the same business of commitment is again to be gone over. That the evidence which ought to be given to the grand jury, the only proper tribunal at this time for its consideration, is to be submitted to the court."
"We have, sir, made enough of sacrifices; we have submitted to enough of opinions; we have been deprived of our legal rights; we have been subjected to a military persecution unparalleled in this country, given into the custody of the satellites of military despotism, and guarded by the rigid forms of military law. We come now before you to ask a legal trial; an examination into the charges which have been preferred against us and what we know will be the result of this investigation, a discharge from those grievances which we have so long borne.—Permit me, sir, to advert for a solitary moment to one circumstance.—If we had sought every legal advantage, our motion would have preceded theirs; our motion would have been, that if they were not ready to present their evidence before the grand jury, that col. Burr should be relieved of his recognizance."
"In cases of misdemeanor it is the state practice invariably to issue a summons. A summons, and not bail, must precede an indictment. And it is well known, sir, that the practice of the federal courts must always be governed by that of the state. Upon a former occasion which made a great noise in this country, that was contended for; I mean before judge Chase, and it formed one of the articles against Chase that he did not conform to the state law. The practice of this court, sir, is always to be governed by that of the state, and you know, sir, it is the state practice invariably to issue a summons."
"I said, sir, that col. Burr had been oppressed, most grievously oppressed.—I know, sir, that the question of commitment is a subject of investigation before you. But it is utterly impossible that the proceeding could be carried on without reaching the publick ear, and without publick prejudice bearing hard upon him. I do not charge the attorney of the United States with this intention, or that he has that design in view; but I know that unless we take some care to shew that the publick clamour has been rumoured and groundless, that these prejudices will be excited. I take it then, sir, for granted that after this short view of the subject; after viewing it in that light, whatever motives might have dictated the application, that it will now be abandoned, and that the gentleman will withdraw his motion. I am done, sir; I will not occupy more of the court's time; but saying that I am done, I shall also say that I hope those grievances we have to complain of may not be further extended."
[The preceding is copied from the Virginia Gazette, in which a continuation is promised; meantime we offer our readers the opinion of the court on the motion of Mr. Hay, copied from the Enquirer.]
Opinion of the Federal Court, delivered by Chief Justice Marshall, on the motion of the Attorney of the United States, to commit Aaron Burr for high treason against the U. S.
In considering the question which was argued yesterday, it appears to be necessary to decide:
1st, Whether the court sitting as a court, possesses the power to commit any person charged with an offence against the United States.
2dly, If this power be possessed, whether circumstances exist in this case which ought to restrain its exercise.
The first point was not made in the argument, and would, if decided against the attorney for the United States, only change the mode of proceeding. If a doubt can exist respecting it, that doubt arises from the omission in the laws of the U. States to invest their courts, sitting as courts, with the power in question. It is expressly given to every justice and judge, but not to a court.
This objection was not made on the part of Col. Burr and is now mentioned, not because it is believed to present any intrinsic difficulty, but to show that it has been considered.
This power is necessarily exercised by courts in discharge of their functions, and seems not to have been expressly given, because it is implied in the duties which a court must perform, and the judicial act contemplates it in this light. They have cognizance of all crimes against the United States; they are composed of the persons who can commit for those crimes; and it is obviously understood, by the legislature, that the judges may exercise collectively the power which they possess individually, so far as is necessary to enable them to retain a person charged with an offence in order to receive the judgment which may finally be rendered in his case. The court say this is obviously understood by the legislature, because there is no clause expressly giving to the court the power to bail or to commit a person, who appears in discharge of his recognizance, and against whom the attorney for the United States does not chuse to proceed, and yet the 33d sec. of the judicial act evinces a clear understanding in the legislature, that the power to take bail is in possession of the court.
If a person shall appear in conformity with his recognizance, and the court passes away without taking any order respecting him, he is discharged. A new recognizance, therefore, or a commitment on the failure to enter into one, is in the nature of an original commitment, and this power has been uniformly exercised.
It is believed to be a correct position, that the power to commit for offences of which it has cognizance, is exercised by every court of criminal jurisdiction, and that courts as well as individual magistrates are conservators of the peace.
Were it otherwise the consequence would only be that it would become the duty of the judge to descend from the bench, and in his character as an individual magistrate, to do that which the court is asked to do.
If the court possesses the power, it is certainly its duty to hear the motion which has been made on the part of the United States, for in cases of the character of that under consideration, its duty and its power are co-extensive with each other. It was observed when the motion was made, and the observation may now be repeated, that the arguments urged on the part of the accused rather prove the motion on the part of the United States unnecessary, or that inconveniences may result from it, than the want of a legal right to make it.
The first is, that the grand jury being now in session, ready to receive an indictment, the attorney for the United States ought to proceed by bill instead of applying to the court, since the only purpose of a commitment is to bring the accused before a grand jury. This statement contains an intrinsic error which destroys its operation. The commitment is not made for the sole purpose of bringing the accused before a grand jury; it is made for the purpose of subjecting him personally to the judgment of the law, and the grand jury is only the first step towards that judgment.
If, as has been argued, the commitment was simply to detain the person until a grand jury could be obtained, then its operation would cease on the assembling of a grand jury; but such is not the fact. The order of commitment retains its force while the jury is in session, and if the prosecutor does not proceed, the court is accustomed to retain a prisoner in confinement, or to renew his recognizance to a subsequent term.
The arguments drawn from the general policy of our laws, from the attention which should be bestowed on prosecutions, instituted by special order of the executive, from the peculiar inconveniences and hardships of this particular case, from the improper effects which inevitably result from this examination, are some of them subject for the consideration of those who make the motion, rather than of the court, and others go to the circumvention with which the testimony in support of the motion ought to be weighed, rather than to the duty of hearing it.
It has been said that col. Burr already stands charged with treason, and that, therefore, a motion to commit him for the same offence is improper. But the fact is not so understood by the court. The application to charge him with treason was rejected by the judge to whom it was made, because the testimony offered in support of the charge did not furnish probable cause for the opinion, that the crime had been committed. After this rejection, col. Burr stood so far as respected his legal liability to have the charge repeated, in precisely the same situation as if it had never been made. He appears in court now as if the crime of treason had never before been alleged against him. That it has been alleged, that the government had had time to collect testimony for the establishment of the fact, that an immense crowd of witnesses are attending for the purpose, that the prosecutor in his own judgment has testimony to support the indictment, are circumstances which may have their influence on the motion for a commitment, or on a continuance, but which cannot deprive the attorney for the United States of the right to make his motion. If he was about to send up a bill to the grand jury, he might move that the person designated to accuse, should be ordered into custody, and it would be in the discretion of the court to grant or to reject the motion.
The court perceives and regrets that the result of this motion, may be unfavourable to the justice, and to the right decision of the case; but if this consequence is to be prevented, it must be by other means, than by refusing to hear the motion. No man feeling a correct sense of the importance which ought to be attached by all to a fair and impartial administration of justice; especially in criminal prosecutions, can view, without extreme solicitude, any attempt which may be made to prejudice the publick judgment, and to try any person, not by the laws of his country and the testimony exhibited against him, but by publick feelings, which may be, and often are artificially excited against the innocent as well as the guilty. But the remedy, for a practice not less dangerous than it is criminal, is not to be obtained by suppressing motions, which either party may have a legal right to make.
If it is the choice of the prosecutor on the part of the U. States to proceed with this motion, it is the opinion of the court that he may open his testimony.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Ship Franklin, Quvesberg, 20 days from Matanzas, Sugar & Molasses, T. & W. A. Armistead—Sailed in company with the ship Hope of Charleston, bound to Philadelphia.—Left there, sch's Belvidera, of Charleston, and Two Friends, of and for Boston, to sail in 5 or 6 days. Sch's Louisa Adeline, Lyons, 6 days from Philadelphia.
For FALMOUTH, The Ship DUMFRIES, R. Beard, master, will be ready for sea on the 2d of June, and can accommodate a few passengers. Apply to captain Beard, or Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. Who have for Sale,
Liverpool SALT, loose and in sacks.
May 29 Wanted for a Port in Ireland, A SHIP of about 200 tons burthen. JAMES HERRON. May 29.
For Freight or Charter, The good Ship FRANKLIN, Thomas L. Quvesberg, master, burthen about 15 to 1600 barrels, and will be ready for the reception of a cargo in a few days—a freight to Bordeaux or to the Havanna would be preferred. Apply to Wilson, Cunningham, & Co. May 29.
Just received an additional supply of SUMMER GOODS,
Among which are Mens' best London Beaver HATS, do. do. Japanned do. 25 groce black and coloured Hat Linings, Green and plaid silk Parasols, French Lustrings & Sarcenets, Elegant long French silk Shawls, Lingen Cambricks, Black silk Florentine, fancy Muslins, Japanned and tambored Shawls, fine Dimities, Musquito Netting, Threads, Pins, sewing Silks, &c. &c. One case fashionable Bonnets, Tea Trays, &c.—For Sale at No. 41, Main-street, by May 29. Wood & Hastings.
For RENT,
A TENEMENT, calculated for a small family, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Apply to J. Palmer, adjoicing the premises. May 29.
We offer for Sale,
The entire Cargo of the ship Franklin, capt. Quvesberg, from Matanzas, consisting of 217 hhds. Muscovado SUGAR, and 100 do. retailing Molasses, on accommodating terms for good paper, with approved endorers. T. & W. A. Armistead. May 29.
FRESH TEAS.
116 boxes Imperial, 26 do. Hyson, 56 do. Young Hyson, 10 do. Souchong. The above are of the very first quality, and are all entitled to drawback of duties if exported, will be sold low for cash or short credit, by May 29. Mackinder & White.

For LONDON, direct, (Will sail by positive agreement the first week in July, or sooner.) The Ship ALMIRA , Job Whipple, master, having two thirds of her cargo engaged. For freight of the remainder or passage, having excellent accommodations, apply to the master on board, or N. Heron. May 27.
For Freight or Charter, The Schooner HULDAH and ANNA , George Fitchhugh, Master, which has lately run as a packet between Norfolk and New-York; a freight to the West-Indies would be preferred. Apply to the master on board, or Moses Myers. May 27.
For Freight or Charter, The fine fast sailing Schooner VIRGINIA ANN, Wm. Hodson, master, burthen 750 barrels. For terms apply to the master on board, or to Daniel R. Waddey, & Co. May 27.
For SALE, The Cargo of the brig Nancy , capt. Muren, consisting of 90 puncheons high proof SPIRITS, 14 hogheads choice retailing Molasses, 9 puncheons Castor Oil, containing each about 15 dozen bottles, 6 tierces Pimento. The brig NANCY , is offered for Sale; she is a remarkable strong well found vessel, burthen about 1600 bbls. JAMES YOUNG. May 27.
For Charter, The good Ship UNION , P. Remington, master, burthen 215 tons. For terms, apply to Moses Myers. May 20.
For Sale, Freight, or Charter, The good brig JOHN ADAMS , Winslow, master, burthen 166 tons, or 1300 barrels, can be ready to receive a cargo immediately. For terms apply to the master on board, or to Christopher Fry. Who has for Sale on board, 30 casks Stone LIME, and 14 puncheons New-England Rum. May 11.
For Sale on board the Ship Huntress, from Liverpool, 6500 bushels coarse SALT, 80 crates Earthenware; 64 do. Glass Bottles, 650 bushels Coals. The HUNTRESS , will return direct to Liverpool, and will be ready to receive freight in 10 days, considerable part of her cargo being already engaged, for the balance apply to A. Maclure. April 17.
FOR SALE, 30 casks Oil; 10 boxes Candles, 10 boxes Wax Candles; superfine and fine Flour. I want to Purchase, A fast-sailing VESSEL, from 130 to 140 tons. April 17.
For AMSTERDAM, The Ship INTREPID , Miles King, master, three fourths of her load engaged. For freight of the balance apply to J. & W. Southgate. April 15.
For FREIGHT or CHARTER, The Phil a built Ship William Penn , coppered, burthen 360 tons, now ready to receive a cargo. Apply to Edward Watson. Who has for Sale, 3 Trunks excellent Linen; 7 doz. Chairs; 1 case Umbrellas, well assorted. March 23.
For Freight or Charter, The Brig ROEBUCK , Tho's Bolan, master, burthen 270 bds. tobacco; a freight to France would be preferred. Apply to Noble, & Arbuthnott, & Co. April 3.
Office of Discount and Deposit, U. S. Bank, Norfolk, May 20, 1807. WANTED TO PURCHASE, A few Thousand Pounds Sterling, in approved endorsed Bills on, or payable in London at Sixty Days sight. Robert Oliphant, Cashier. May 20.
The subscribers have just received by the latest arrivals from Europe, and now opening at their Store on Market-square, a handsome assortment of Dutch and English GLASS, consisting of
Wine, } GLASSES. Punch, } Cordial } Tumblers, Cordial Bottles, } Pint Decanters, } Plain, Festooned, and Cut. 1-2 pint do. } Quart do. } Salt Cellars, } Glass Bowls, &c. &c. } Looking Glasses of various sizes. An assortment of Marble, consisting of Chimney Pieces, Table ends of coloured do. Slabs, Brackets &c. On hand, in Store, 50 puncheons Tobacco Rum, 15 bds. Muscovado Sugars, 10 barrels Loaf Sugar, 5000 wt. Green Coffee, 25 barrels Whiskey, 15 barrels Apple Brandy, 50 boxes Soap, 180 boxes Candles, 120 do. Herrings, 150 reams Wrapping Paper, 100 do. writing do. 200 casks Lime, 6 boxes Chocolate, 12 quarter chests Imperial Tea, 4 chests Hyson do. Also landing This Day, 4 cases assorted French Cambrics. Selden & Clark. May 22.
ICE.
A constant supply of this article during the season is expected from Mr. Nivison's Ice-House, and will be sold at the customary price, in the cellar under Major Coleman's Shoe Store, opposite the market. Persons wishing to be daily customers, commencing with the season, (if a sufficient number be obtained) and supplying bags, will be furnished on moderate terms. Robert Wilson. May 22.
CASH Will be given for Thirty or Forty SHARES of Virginia Bank Stock. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Nov. 5.
300 dozen empty BOTTLES, will be sold low if applied for immediately. John C. Niemeyer. ALSO, An invoice of fine Linen GAUZE, for Musquito Curtains. May 27.
NOTICE. The creditors of Gilbert Robertson Co. and of Robertson & Brown, who have executed the Deed of Trust, and the creditors of Gilbert Robertson and James Brown insolvent debtors, are requested to exhibit their accounts to Alexander Van Pfister without delay, as it is intended to make the first dividend of the estate on the twentieth day of June next. James M'Evans, Alex r Van Pfister, } Assignees. John Jones, jun. }
New-York, May 13, 1807. The creditors designated in the foregoing notice, residing in Norfolk, or whose accounts are against the firm of Robertson & Brown, are requested to exhibit the same to the subscribers. Theo. Armistead, James Taylor, } Assignees. Robert Dickson, }
Norfolk, May 27. 20th J. Cambric Handkerchiefs and Cravats, For Sale by COCKE & SANFORD. May 25.
For SALE, 230 Barrels of PORK. Apply to Richard & John Taylor. May 25.
For SALE, 500 bbls. Corn, 40 do. sup. Flour, 20 do. fine do. 6 do. Ship Stuff; and a few hampers Double Gloucester CHEESE. FRANCIS SMITH. May 25.
Valuable PROPERTY for Sale. One Lot of Land on Smith's Point, opposite Mr. Collins' house, containing 107 feet front, and 199 feet deep, bounded on the South by Bute-street, North by York-street, and East by Dunmore-street. ALSO, The Water LOT, where the old ship Tom lies, containing about 200 feet on the front of the channel, and running back about 700 feet to Henry-street, agreeable to Moore's plan. Terms, 4, 8, and 12 months credit. Daniel R. Waddey, & Co. May 25.
Landing on Newton's wharf, from on board the schr Experiment, from Tobago, and for Sale by the Subscribers, 17 tierces Molasses, 1 hhd. Rum. AND IN STORE, 13 tierces prime Green Coffee, and 6 hogheads prime Sugars. Wilson, Cunningham, & Co. May 20.
We want to Purchase, A few Shares of STOCK in the Virginia Bank. Campbell & Wheeler. May 22.
LOST, On Sunday evening, either in Church or Bermuda street, a large Gold EAR-RING—The finder will be rewarded to its full value, on leaving it at the Office of the Publick Ledger. May 20.
For RENT, (and possession given immediately.) MY WHARF and WARE-HOUSES, at present occupied by Mr. John Moore, and others—It is the best situation in the Borough for a Lumber Yard, and will be let low to a good tenant. Also to Lease, That convenient Lot of LAND, on Commerce and Little Water-Street. For terms apply to James Tucker. May 20.
For RENT, The Fire-Proof HOUSE on Market-Street, occupied by Mr. S. Marks, jun. possession to be had on the 1st June next. George Vashon. Feb. 23.
For Sale by the Subscriber, 5 hogheads Loaf SUGAR, 42 boxes Window Glass 10 by 12, 83 pieces twilled Sacking. A. Maclure. April 27.
Wanted by the Subscribers, A quantity of OAK BARK, For which the following prices will be given in Cash, delivered at their Tan-Yard, For Spanish Oak Bark, $10 per cord, Willow or Water Oak, 9 Red Oak, 8 Young White Oak, 7 It is recommended to those who get Bark, to bring it in early in the season, for if kept out and exposed to heavy rains, it will not be received. William Plume, & Co. April 10.
I wish to purchase from 3 to 400 cords of Oak & Beach Bark, to be delivered at my Tan-Yard, for which cash will be paid at the usual prices. Complaints having been frequently made by persons who procure Bark, and are too careless to preserve it, that oppressive deductions are made for that which may be damaged, thereby subjecting them to the alternative of carrying it home, where it is of no value, or of submitting to what they think an imposition. It is necessary to apprise them, that it is my determination to receive hereafter no Bark which may be injured at any deduction whatever. THEO. ARMISTEAD. April 13.
For Sale by the Subscriber at his Soap Manufactory, in Bank-Street, 150 Boxes of Mould CANDLES, warranted to answer the warmest climate, 4000 wt. of Brown SOAP, for family use, or can be put up in boxes on the shortest notice for exportation, 100 Kegs of BUTTER, and a quantity of ROSIN—all of which will be sold low for cash or good paper. Henry M'Dowell. May 6.
For Sale by the Subscriber, 150 Boxes of Mould CANDLES, warranted to answer the warmest climate, 4000 wt. of Brown SOAP, for family use, or can be put up in boxes on the shortest notice for exportation, 100 Kegs of BUTTER, and a quantity of ROSIN—all of which will be sold low for cash or good paper. Henry M'Dowell. May 6.
For Sale by the Subscriber, 150 Boxes of Mould CANDLES, warranted to answer the warmest climate, 4000 wt. of Brown SOAP, for family use, or can be put up in boxes on the shortest notice for exportation, 100 Kegs of BUTTER, and a quantity of ROSIN—all of which will be sold low for cash or good paper. Henry M'Dowell. May 6.
WOOD and HASTINGS Have received by the late arrivals at Baltimore from London and Liverpool, an elegant assortment of Seasonable GOODS, For sale at No. 41, Main street, by wholesale and retail, at very reduced prices for cash, or approved credit, AMONG WHICH ARE, 5 Cases 7-8 and 4-4 Irish linens; 1 do. 5-4 sheeting, do. and diaper table cloths; 1 do. dowlas; 3 do. 9-8 and 6-4 white cambric muslins; do. black; 2 do. buff, blue and pink gingham; 1 trunk elegant printed furnitures; 3tures; 3 do. common and fine calicoes; 1 do. rich mull-seeded and worked dresses; imperial shawls; do. mantles; Spanish do.; 6-4 plain spotted and checked Leno muslins; 4-4 seeded and worked mull muslins, and elegant printed dresses and bordering; 1 do. plain and figured silk Chambery muslins and shawls; 1 do. ladies' and gentlemen's elegant silk hose, with embroidered clocks; embroidered and lace do.; silk lace sleeves; silk gloves; pic-nic gloves and mits; black lace cloaks, &c. 20 gross common and elegant fans; fashionable ribbons; velvet bindings; men's leather gloves; women's extra long kid do.; cotton gloves and mits; Leno shawls and handkerchiefs; linen cambricks; Madras handkerchiefs; black and fancy silk handkerchiefs and shawls, &c. Cambric and other dimities; fancy vestings; silk and cotton umbrellas; a variety of fancy muslins; 2 cases men's and women's cotton hose assorted; a few doz. thread hose; 2 do. blue, black, buff and mixt cotton cassimeres and gromdresses; 7-8 wide olive, do. and fancy cords; 1 bale real superfine broad cloths, fashionable colours; 1 case fashionable cassimeres; do. Musquito netting; India cottons, &c. May 4.
Spring and Summer GOODS. The Subscribers have received by the Ship Hunter, from London, their supply of Fancy and Fashionable GOODS, which they offer on reasonable terms for cash, or approved notes. Mackinder & White. May 1.
NEW STORE. KIDD AND OWEN, Have just received at their Store, No. 39, Main-street, by captain Walker, from Baltimore, a handsome collection Of Seasonable GOODS, Amongst which are A few pieces 7-4 wide black and blue superfine Cloths; 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen; 7-8 wide Cotton Cassimere; narrow do.; 6-4 wide Leno Shawls; 4-4 and 6-4 figured and plain Leno; Dimities; 4-4 wide pink coloured Gingham; 6-4 wide pink plaid Muslin; Linen Cambric; Calicoes; and a variety of other GOODS in their line, which being chosen out of the first spring arrivals in Baltimore, and purchased on the best terms, will be sold low for cash. April 29.
John & Wright Southgate, Have received by the Hunter, from London, an assortment of GOODS, suited for the season. ALSO, A few patent and grand Piano FORTES. May 1.
For RENT, The Store and Dwelling-House, on Market-Square, at present occupied by Messrs. Quemper & Duon. Apply to William B. Lamb. WANTED, A few Shares Virginia Bank Stock. April 13.
For Sale by the Subscriber, 150 barrels Pilot BREAD, 300 do. Navy do. 100 do. Ship do. All of superior quality, which I will sell low for cash or good paper. Stephen Harris. April 24.
Saddle and Harness Manufactory. The inhabitants of Norfolk, and the publick in general are respectfully informed, that ROBERT Y. M'BRIDE, & CO. have just commenced the SADDLING BUSINESS in this place, at No. 10, Church-street, where they intend carrying it on in all its variety; they make all kinds of Ladies' and Gentlemen's Saddles in the newest fashion; Coach and Gig Harness of all descriptions, with every other article in the Saddlery Business, and they take this opportunity of informing the publick that their work will be executed in a style of neatness and utility, equal to any imported from London or any other place, and far superior to any thing of the kind ever done in Norfolk; their materials will be of the very best quality, and every attention paid to give satisfaction; from these considerations, and in the hope that the best work will always command the preference, they rely on the publick for encouragement. Those who have been in the habit of importing, or sending to Richmond, Petersburg, &c. for Saddles and Harness, will now have an opportunity of being supplied in their own neighbourhood. May 13.
NOTICE. The Street Commissioners will allow to all Craft from the rivers and shores of the bay, One Dollar per ton for every ton of good round paving Stone, which may be delivered upon their wharf in Norfolk, between this time and the 20th June next. May 11.
The Subscribers in addition to their general assortment of SHIP CHANDLERY and GROCERIES, have received by the John and Alice, from London, 100 casks Kemp and Hoyt's Brown STOUT, 100 pieces English Canvas, assorted; 2 cases of Buntins, 50 casks of Gunpowder; half ton of Salt Petre—which they will sell low, and on a liberal credit. Noble, Arbuthnott, & Co. October.
400 barrels Tar, 20,000 pipe Staves, 30,000 White Oak Hoghead do. 50,000 Red do. do. 100 Barrels Flour.—For Sale by L. Mansfield. Portsmouth, May 8.
FOR SALE, 50,000 white oak hoghead draw Staves 50,000 red do. 50,000 rough do. 20,000 Cypress Pales 2,000 Cedar and Chinquapin Posts 50,000 building Shingles. Proby, Harmanson & Co. March 2.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given) That commodious Fire-Proof WARE-HOUSE, on the North side of Wide Water-street, a few doors West of Commerce-street, at present in the occupancy of Mr. R. Gibson. David Patterson. January 16.
FOR SALE, 50,000 white oak hoghead draw Staves 50,000 red do. 50,000 rough do. 20,000 Cypress Pales 2,000 Cedar and Chinquapin Posts 50,000 building Shingles. Proby, Harmanson & Co. March 2.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given) That commodious Fire-Proof WARE-HOUSE, on the North side of Wide Water-street, a few doors West of Commerce-street, at present in the occupancy of Mr. R. Gibson. David Patterson. January 16.
A WORK That ought to be in the possession of every MAN.
THE LIFE OF GENERAL WASHINGTON, Complete in 5 volumes 8vo. with an elegant PORTRAIT, and a variety of MAPS, is now ready for subscribers, and a few copies for Sale by JAMES TUCKER.
The following remarks from a late London publication, attest the high opinion entertained of this authentic and interesting work.
"The publick will learn with interest that the literary monument which has long been projected to the memory of the most illustrious character of modern times, is at length completed. No apology can be requisite for erecting such a monument to him, who was the first in war, the first in peace, and the first in the hearts of his fellow citizens: to him who was the founder of a great and prosperous empire, and whose moderation and pure patriotism challenge the imitation of all statesmen. This performance of judge Marshall has already been distinguished by the most honorable & unequivocal testimonies; it has been hailed as an acquisition to standard literature; and it has been considered as deserving, in point of execution, a place by the side of Robertson's Charles the Fifth, and as unrivalled in the authenticity of its materials, by any work in the entire compass of history and biography." April 1.
145,000 wt. prime COFFEE. We will commence landing the above quantity from on board the ship Rebecca, to-morrow; it is offered for sale on liberal terms, by C. & F. Whittle. April 13.
Just received from Philadelphia, 6 hogheads of Rye WHISKEY, 1 pipe and 4 bbls. Country Gin, 8 boxes first quality Chocolate; 15 do. do. Mustard, 10 kegs best Gun Powder; 14 doz. Wax and Grain Calfskins, 2 dozen Boot Legs; 500 lbs. Sole Leather, 50 pieces Russia Canvas; 50 do. Ravens Duck, Bar Iron and Castings—For Sale by John D. Haldane. April 27.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hoghead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13.
EDUCATION.
Notice is hereby given that the trustees of Margaret Academy, in the County of Accomack, have engaged Teachers and made the necessary arrangements to commence said School on the 8th day of June next.—In this Seminary will be taught the English, Latin, and Greek Languages, Geography and the Mathematics. The Teachers are graduates of Yale College, in Connecticut, and come highly recommended as gentlemen of learning and irreproachable moral characters. The buildings are erected on an eminence which commands a fine prospect of Pungoteague river and the Chesapeake, and is supposed to be inferior, in point of health, to no situation on the Eastern-Shore. The Scholars who board in the School must find their own bedding, and also make an advance to the steward of Twenty-five Dollars. May 25.
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court, held at the former capitol in the city of Williamsburg, the 28th day of April, 1807, Josiah Riddick, } vs. } Michael and John Wallace, and Barnet Pulliam, defts. } The defendant, Barnet Pulliam, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country; on the motion of the plaintiff, by his counsel, It is ordered , that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers published in the borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A copy. Anthony Robinson, C. C. May 18.
DESERTERS!!!
Deserted on the 12th instant, from the Sloop Hammony , of Philadelphia, bound to Washington City, with recruits for the Chesapeake frigate: CHARLES WALKER , SAMUEL FRANCIS , THOMAS PENDLETON , and PERRY POULSON . C. Walker is 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, aged 32 years, the skin on his left ear is contracted, on his left breast he has the figure of a man and woman printed with India ink.
SAMUEL FRANCIS , is 5 feet 1 and an 1-2 inches high, aged 17 or 18 years, sturdy built and flat nosed; the first joint of the fore finger on his right hand is cut off; speaks Creole occasionally.
THOMAS PENDLETON , 5 feet 2 inches high, aged 18 years, sturdy built, light complexion.
PERRY POULSON , a mulatto, 5 feet 9 inches high, curly hair and black eyes; his right thumb nail has been injured. Ten dollars reward will be given by the subscriber for either of the above mentioned men being secured so that I get them again.
Also, escaped from the rendezvous in Norfolk, on Friday night, April 19th, JOHN BROOKS , shipped in the United States service; he is aged about 25 years, 5 feet 10 inches high, light complexion, light hair and grey eyes, and is pock-marked. The subscriber will pay 15 dollars to any person who will deliver the said Brooks at the rendezvous, with all expenses paid. Sidney Smith, Recruiting Officer. April 20.
FOR RENT, (And immediate possession given,) CEDAR GROVE. That handsome situation either for a private residence, or a place of publick resort, which the subscriber has lately been improving on the Southern Branch, between the two bridges. The river affords Fish and Oysters at the door, and a bold sandy beach; a delightful sea or salt bathing. The open grounds in front of the house are laid down in oats and white clover, and behind is a very fertile spot for a garden, which the tenant may lay out to his own taste. For terms apply to William Cammack. May 6.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. Feb. 20.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Price Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.