Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-11-25 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  ENT HIC ETIAM SUA TEMPA LABOR
VOL. IV.]
WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 25, 1807.
[NO. 57.]
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS SIX DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYA- BLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION.
The Subscriber offers for Sale at his Store in Market-Square,
20 hogsheads W. I. RUM, 10 pipes Cognac Brandy; 5 do. Country Gin, Sugar—Brown and Loaf, by the barrel or hogshead, Tea—Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson—Also, A parcel of DRY GOODS, Consisting of Woollens, Calicoes, Hats, and Hardware. In addition to the above, he intends keeping a constant supply of
PORK and BEEF. Bread—Pilot, Navy, and Ship, of the first quality—Fam- ilies may be supplied with small quantities of Pilot Bread, of a superior quality. Cottage of any size or description for negotiable notes or West-India produce. Any orders for the above articles, will be complied with at the shortest notice.
Nov. 23. Cary Selden.
Wanted to Purchase, A NEGRO BOY, about 15 or 16 years of age; one that has been brought up to wait in a pri- vate family, and can be recommended for his honesty, would be preferred, for which, a generous price will be given in cash. Apply at this office. Nov. 23. 7*c
NOTICE. WILLIAM CAMMERON is autho- rized to transact my business during my absence. B. Hathaway. Nov. 20. 3
THE SUBSCRIBER Respectfully informs the citizens of Norfolk and its vicinity, that he intends pursuing the profes- sional instruction of youth the ensuing year, to commence about the middle of January, at or near a house he has rent- ed on Free Mason-street, belonging to Richard E. Lee, Esq. The subscriber teaches the Latin and French Languages; the English Language grammatically, Geography, History, Writing, Writing, and Arithmetick. His price for tuition will be 32 dollars, to be paid quarterly, and is solicitous to pay due at- tention to the morals as well as education of the youths who may be entrusted to his care. The Subscriber, prior to his opening school, will exhibit satisfactory testimonials of his abilities as a teacher, also his assiduity and moral rectitude. Beverly Crump. Nov. 20. 4*
E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main-Street, Has received by the late arrivals from Boston, a very large addition to his assortment of
SHOES, Among which are, Ladies' American and English Kid Slip- pers; do. Green foxed Boots; do. Morocco Slippers and Boots, red and black, with cork soles; do. Boots, Pumps and Shoes, black morocco and leather; do. Morocco Slip- pers, fashionable heels, toes, and colours; do. do. Bun- wick springs; do. do. welded; do. black velvet, and black and fancy florantine do.; do. leather, Brunswick, and Slip- pers. Gentlemen's superfine, fine, and common Shoes; do. fine seal, calf, and morocco dancing Pumps; do. Boots, Phila- delphia and Baltimore manufacture. Misses' Kid Slippers, English and American; do. morocco do., red, green, blue, straw, and black; do. red morocco Boots; do. leather Slippers and Boots; do. black Velvet. Boys' fine, common, and coarse Shoes; do. leather and morocco dancing Pumps. Children's leather and morocco Boots and Pumps; do. Pumps leather and morocco. Servants' Shoes—2/00 pair neat's leather, from 5s. 6d to 3s. 3d; 5/00 do. grained neat's leather; 2/00 do. Women's strong Shoes; 2/00 do. Boys' do. 1/00 pair. Fishermen's Boots. The above Shoes, &c. being manufactured purposely for this market, can be sold on such terms as cannot fail to satis- fy purchasers; any shoes sold as above not answering the recommendation, ample satisfaction will be made. Also, 10 gross Merry Andrew, Harry St's, and Earle Playing Cards; 100 Trunks, all sizes; seal Leather, upper Leather, Boot Legs, Morocco Skins, all kinds; Webbing for boot straps; Cord for do.; Cotton and Wool Cards, &c. Liberator, 15 bales English Goods, consisting of fancy Vesting, patent Cord, Cassimere, Georgia Cloths, Gingham, Thicksets, Velvet, Velveteens, Guinea Cord, Buckskins, cotton and silk Umbrellas, Rose Blankets, Duffil do. blue, brown, and olive, Duffil, Baizes, Flannels, blue Cloths, do. Plaids— will be sold on very low terms by the package or piece. Just received, 3 bales India Cottons, 2 cases coarse Hates, 1 bale Gilla Handkerchiefs, 3 cases Straw Hats and Bonnets, latest fash- ions, 20 barrels Apples, and 2 trunks patent Shoes and Boots. November 20. 3
A Bale of MERCHANDIZE, Directed to JAMES BREAM, Norfolk, was stored with the subscriber by captain Lane, from New-York. The own- er is desired to pay charges and take it away. B. Nottingham. Nov. 20. 3
Baltimore Baker's FLOUR, of superior quality, for family use, for sale by T. & W. A. Armistead, Nov. 18. tf Campbell's wharf.
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf
Deserted from this garrison, on the 10th instant. WILLIAM FITZGERALD, a private in my company of artillery; he is twenty-three years old, five feet eight inches high, dark complexion, grey eyes, short black hair, by birth an Irishman. Ten Dollars will be paid as a reward for his delivery at this post, or information given so that he may be apprehended and brought back to his duty. John Saunders, Capt. U. S. Artillery, Commanding Fort Nelson, Nov. 18. 6
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, November 10. Debate on the bill, making further appropriation for the support of the navy, continued.
Mr. Quincy deemed it his duty to assign his rea- sons for the vote he was about to give. The house would recollect, that in the course of the proceedings which had taken place yesterday, this bill contain- ing so many appropriations, and coming before the house under such peculiar circumstances, and a mo- tion being made for the committee to rise, he had assumed the parliamentary right of asking the or- gan of the house, a few questions, in order to ascer- tain the particular objects of these appropriations— whether the amount of appropriations in the bill covered the whole extent of military stores mention- ed in the president's message, as having been pur- chased, and whether they extended over all the ex- penditures which had been made? He had conceiv- ed that all the questions he had asked, were relevant to the subject, and such as he had a right to ask: he had expressed no disapprobation of the appropri- ation or the expenditure which produced it, but merely asked for information. There was no gentleman of the committee of ways and means who pretended to illuminate the subject; on the contrary, not a col- lateral remark had been made. It had been said that he wished to overthrow the bill. Being placed in this situation, he deemed it his duty to add a few remarks to show what were the real objects of his enquiries.
He laid it down as a principle, and he called on gentlemen to contradict it, that this was a particular case on our records; unprecedented as he believed. The gentleman from Virginia had anticipated his ideas on the subject; that, though under former appropriations there had been misappropriations, there had been no instance in which there was not a preceding appropriation. This was a new case; a leading case; for which there was no precedent.— He wished to know its particular circumstances, how the faith and honor of the nation were pledged, and how it had been done? He thought he had a right to ask this. He made the enquiry for another reason — in all cases under the former administrations, although misappropriations had been made, the whole procedure had been avowed; always appear- ed on the records, from reports of the committees, or from some representation to the house. As an evidence of this, Mr. Q. referred to a report of a committee made on the 22d of May, 1794; in which the committee expressly said,
"It has occasionally happened, that the omission or delay of appropriations by law renders it im- possible to satisfy, in regular course, demands upon the treasury, which have been incurred pursuant to law, and the satisfying of which is essential to the publick service."
"In such cases, the course has been for the sec- retary of the treasury to request informal advances by the banks to the persons to whom the payments are to be made, to be reimbursed when provision is made by law. The account of such advances are distinct from that of the treasurer, and the advances are reimbursed, when provision is made by law, by warrants upon the treasurer."
If that administration were now in power, and the principles now prevailing, which were then jus- tified, he would have given them his sanction, be- cause the course was obvious. But in the report of the committee of investigation made to the house in 1802, this proceeding had been declared irregular; and the secretary of the navy in his letter to that committee, had expressly made representations of various errors in the treasury department, in appli- cations of money. This being the case, was it not proper that the house should understand the mode in which this had been done? Whether any money had been drawn out of the treasury, and how got at? Mr. Q. had meant to cast no imputation on the bill. There were two things to be considered; one, the correctness of the means to that end. He be- lieved it had been proper, under all circumstances for the Executive to take measures for providing those means; but did it follow that the house should authorise them without information on the subject? They should know the particulars; they should ask for them. Did the house know any thing about it? No. The gentleman from Maryland who had just spoke had stated that no money had been actually paid; and yet the secretary of the navy states ex- plicitly "We have consequently purchased all that has been offered for sale at a reasonable price." What payment had been made for the purchase he should like to know.
Mr. Q. said he had no objection to the object of the bill; but wished to be enabled to give his full and perfect approbation to the measure. At pre- sent he could only give a half way assent; he could not say the whole course had been correct. If any reflection were cast on this occasion, it should be on the committee who reported the bill.
Mr. W. Alston said, the question was as he un- derstood it, whether the house would pass a law for defraying the extraordinary expenses which had been incurred in consequence of certain events. To him the discussion which had taken place was the most extraordinary which he had ever witnessed. Instead of coming forward and opposing this mea- sure, gentlemen employ themselves in justifying their conduct on former occasions, and abusing the administration. If they wish to arraign the execu- tive or any of its acts, let them come forward in a manly manner, and lay a resolution on the table for the purpose: and not arraign their conduct, while they sanction the measure. This was the proper way, and if he were displeased with the administra- tion it was the course he wished to pursue. Was it fair for gentlemen who approved its conduct, to
propose measures which would cast a censure upon every step which had been taken? He thought not.
The gentlemen who had just sat down, had said, that he wished no concealment, he wanted informa- tion. Surely that gentleman had not read the esti- mate from the secretary of the treasury laid on their tables; for in that he might find ample informa- tion; it stated the very articles for which these expenses had been incurred. It had been said there was no law to cover this expense: no person denied that. Was it a question material to the house whe- ther they were paid for or not, or if paid for whe- ther out of any particular appropriations? The prices given for the particular articles were shown to them; there were merchants in the house who knew what the price of these articles should be; he presumed that if any extraordinary price had been given, some gentleman would have said so.
It had been said that the president should have called congress, and not have violated the laws of his country. He thought this the greatest emergency that had ever occurred, and that we were now bet- ter prepared to decide on the important question of peace or war, than at the moment when the event had taken place which called them together: The course which had been pursued would be sanctioned by all prudent men, and if by this course war had been averted, the voice of the nation would approve it. The cases which he had heard cited did not ap- ply, for in the present case there had been no im- proper application of publick money; what con- tracts had been made it was not for him to enquire, but it appeared, that not a cent of money had been drawn from the treasury without appropriation.
Mr. Chandler remarked that the gentlemen from Massachusetts and Virginia had argued much on the subject of this appropriation. Their whole ar- gument had gone to show, that it was improper to apply money to one purpose which had been appro- priated to another; or at all to apply money which had not been appropriated. It appeared to him that the present case differed very much from that of ap- plying money without previous appropriation; there had been no money applied. The exigency of the country, in the opinion of the executive, requires these contracts to be made. They had been made; but no money had been paid. The gentleman from Massachusetts wished to be told the difference be- tween paying for an article and purchasing it; the distinction was obvious—an article may be pur- chased to-day and paid for to-morrow. He must confess that in this case he could neither see mis- appropriation or misapplication.
Mr. Fisk said, he had understood that there were diseases both of body and mind, which admitted of no radical cure. The disposition to find fault was one of these. The gentleman from Massachusetts had complained that the committee of ways and means had not done their duty; he wanted to know the prices given for the several articles before he could give this bill his full assent. At present he was in Egyptian darkness; an obscurity so great as to be tangible; this being his situation, it was doubtful whether any ray of light reflected by rea- son, could reach his optical nerve; there could be no doubt but his mind was clouded, for had he read three lines more of the letter of the Secretary of the navy to the committee, a part of which he had just read, he would have found the very information he wanted: "We have consequently purchased all that has been offered for sale at a reasonable price. For that stated in the estimate we have given different prices, the lowest of which has been 16, and the highest 18 cents per lb. For powder, can- non, cannon ball, copper, canvas and cordage, we have contracted at the ordinary market prices."
Here they found the prices which were given for saltpetre; the other articles were purchased at the market price. Did the gentleman wish the house to return the letter to the secretary, to ask what the market prices were? Surely not. Mr. F. con- ceived the only question now was whether it was expedient to make the appropriation, (it was at their option) or withhold it. The money had not been paid. The president had told them that he made the purchase on his own responsibility; yet the gentleman from Massachusetts thought the mo- ney was actually paid because purchase implied payment; the gentleman might, as a professional man, have found a very plain distinction between purchase and payment. The same gentleman had said, that the executive in the present instance, had exceeded the powers delegated by the constitution much more than had been done by his favourite ad- ministration in the case cited by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph). Mr. F. thought very differently. In that case money appropriated for one object was taken from it and applied to another; in the present case no money had been drawn from the treasury; no money had been paid.
The gentleman from Virginia had reminded them of the measures adopted the first session of the 9th congress, to which he attributed the late outrage committed by a British ship on one of our publick armed vessels. Mr. F. called upon the house to de- cide whether the measures then pursued provoked, or the conduct of the then minority in congress in- vited this outrage; that minority which endeavoured to distract and weaken the counsels of our gov- ernment, who declaimed against all opposition to British usurpation, and declared, that the British navy was the only barrier between us and univer- sal despotism. These things circulated and were read with avidity in that country, and no doubt in- duced that nation to believe that there was a strong party in this country in her favour, and that she might insult us with impunity. But, thank God! said Mr. F. the indignation expressed by the coun- try on the late outrage will convince them of the error into which they had fallen.
Mr. Upham asked the patience of the committee, while he made a few remarks. He believed that
there was a general concurrence of opinion, that the executive had no right to appropriate money for any object not authorised by the legislature; the legislature had not authorised the making con- tracts or purchases; but as the general principle of appropriation was not contested, it became a ques- tion whether more good or evil would have resulted from calling congress together previous to making these preparations. Upon a whole view of the sub- ject, and as it was necessary to send a vessel with dispatches to England & allow time for its return, it was perhaps better for the president to act as he had done.
He believed that it was unanimously agreed by the nation, that if the English government had di- rected the search of a national ship, it was a cause for war; there was no question but an aggression had been committed by searching a national ship by force; and it appeared from the letter from admiral Berkeley to capt. Humphreys, that it was done by order. This being an encroachment on the laws and usages of nations, he did not wish it to be un- derstood that he thought it improper to make these preparations to resent it. But if they permitted their officers to make contracts unauthorised, if the legislature were not to examine into & scrutinize these things, they might conceive they had a right to act in this manner, and it would become a mat- ter of course for them to do so. As to the general principle then there could be no question; but he believed with the gentleman from Virginia, that there might be a case where it would be necessary to make preparations before the legislature could be called; and in that case there should be no sort of reluctance to sanction such measures; at the same time, were it possible, it might be safer to call con- gress together.
Under every circumstance of the case, however, he was inclined to believe that the executive had acted correctly in this case; at the same time that he thought there was no impropriety in making enquiries as to particulars. He concluded by declaring that he should vote for the bill.
Mr. Sloan would detain the committee but a mo- ment; he only rose to drop a few hints as to the ex- traordinary nature of this debate, in the course of which the proceedings of the first session of the ninth congress had been brought into view; as they had been brought forward so far, he would bring them still further into view. If the feelings of members were to be harrowed up, and what they had then said introduced at this time, he would inform the gentleman from Virginia, who had undertaken to quote words which had been used at that time, that he too was in possession of words then used by him. Who had been accessory to the present situation? Was it not the conduct of the minority who were then and now are in an underhand way impeaching the conduct of the executive? He would ask, and submit the question to the people of the United States whether the language which had been just quoted by the gentleman from Vermont, had not conduced to this result? Such words as these—that the battle of Trafalgar prevented the fleets of France and Spain from levying contributions on our com- merce in our own seas, that if we offended the min- ister of the British nation, he would put forth his strength, and make us feel it, that he would cover the ocean with vessels of war, that the British would burn our sea-port towns, and drive us from the sea-coast over the mountains! Let the good peo- ple of the United States say, whether it was obser- vations of this nature which he had noted down and had in his possession, coming from a member on the floor of congress, or whether the prudent mea- sures of the president had a tendency to bring about the present troubles. Mr. S. wished the publick to pronounce who were the true friends of the liber- ty and prosperity of the United States.
Mr. D. R. Williams. I have remained silent to this late period of the debate, expecting the infor- mation which I am anxious to obtain, would have been extracted by the inquiry of others; nor should I have now risen, had not the question been repeat- edly called for from several parts of the house. I am fearful it will be taken before I can be gratified with that which I solicit. To the courtesy of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Montgomery) I make my application—he is a member of the com- mittee of ways and means, appears best informed on the details of the bill, and indisputably has told us more this day, than we were favored with yesterday. I hope, sir, I am not to be marked and noted as an opponent of the administration, nor as in the remot- est degree attempting to assail the purity of execu- tive motives, in making this request; yet, it appears from expressions which have escaped the gentle- man from North-Carolina (Mr. W. Alston) and some others, this may be the fact, and that the cry of mad dog, opponent to the administration, is to be direct- ed against every one who shall be so hardy, as to ask more information relative to this momentous subject, than precisely so much as the committee has thought proper to give. In the most ordinary cases, this house has not been accustomed to act in the dark, and I hope it never will; but on a subject of the last importance, involving a sacred, a consti- tutional question, it is infinitely more important that we should proceed understandingly. The gentle- man from North-Carolina will allow me to say, it is particularly his duty, with the other members of his committee, to furnish all the information requir- ed, as he is now one of the principal characters on whom the house is made to rely for fiscal knowledge. There is one item in this bill which has escaped no- tice and which, to me, appears very extraordinary. We are about to make the appropriation for a defi- ciency of 87,500 dollars incurred by the purchase of timber for the navy, says the bill, and yet there is no responsible person making the demand, no docu- ment on the table relative to it. There is a sum si- milar to this in the estimate from the secretary it is

true, but that is alleged to have been paid for timber for gun-boats. Appropriations heretofore have been perfectly distinct, for these two objects, and so they should be now. I was much surprised yesterday, that the usual accuracy of the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) had totally failed him, while speaking of this timber for gun-boats. The gentleman improved it as an occasion of triumph, and he will permit me to say he triumphed excessively, that this measure which he had proposed at the last session of congress, but which was then rejected, was now like to pass, through the same house, with an overwhelming majority; because, as he observed, it is now presented to us under the auspices of the highest authority in the government. The gentleman is completely mistaken, there is no such recommendation in the message, no such responsibility is therein assumed. The subject of gun-boats is mentioned but twice in the message. In the first place they are thus spoken of. "The gun-boats too, already provided, have, on a like principle, been chiefly assigned to New-York, New-Orleans and the Chesapeake. Whether our moveable force on the water, so material in aid of the defensive works on the land, should be augmented in this or any other form, is left to the wisdom of the legislature." Again—"Expenses also unprovided for, arose out of the necessity of calling all our gun-boats into actual service," &c. Thus it appears, this object of expenditure is no where alluded to in the message, for it will not be contended, they are considered "supplements to our existing stock" of military stores. The chairman of the committee of ways and means has asked of the secretary of the navy, and asked loosely too, for such information as he may deem material; and the answer of the secretary which must be presumed to contain all the information required, is as silent about these 87,000 dollars worth of timber as the message itself. Upon what authority then is this item introduced, this article which no body acknowledges, which no one is responsible for? I would rather ask if it is not altogether a mistake in the estimate? It seems a mistake not less monstrous that this would be, is acknowledged to have been committed; for assuredly, it would be a less error to estimate timber for the repairs of vessels than 64,000 lbs. of sheet iron. I voted against the purchase of timber at the last session, I see no reason to change that vote, and will therefore vote against it now, as I certainly shall on all occasions, against any measure, under any circumstances which shall have for its object an increase of the navy.
Mr. Eppes said he did not rise for the purpose of entering into a discussion of questions not connected with the passage of the bill. He thought it important the publick should correctly understand the grounds on which this appropriation was called for. That money ought not to be drawn from the treasury unless previously appropriated by law was a sacred constitutional principle—a principle which he would always support, and to secure which he would go as far as any member of the house. He did not consider that on the present occasion this principle so sacred to republicans had been violated—What was the state of facts on the present occasion? At a time when the publick peace was violated, the executive on its own responsibility had authorised contracts for articles of the first necessity. Articles essential in the event of war to support the honor and maintain the independence of the nation. Among these articles—the materials for making gun-powder for which there was a pressing and urgent necessity. The contracts for the materials for powder and the contracts for timber were not authorised by any existing law. The crisis was one which demanded an immediate supply of such articles as were deemed essential for defence. Both the materials for powder and the timber were considered as absolutely necessary. The executive did not hesitate to assume the responsibility which the emergency required. Contracts were authorised for articles deemed essential for the publick safety, and on the meeting of the national legislature a communication made as to the course pursued. He had stated on a former day his ideas fully as to the other articles in the appropriation, and how far they were authorised by the existing laws. He did not consider it necessary at present to examine the question whether these articles ought at once to have been secured by contract after the outrage on the Chesapeake on the 22d of June, or whether congress ought first to have been convened. The legislature when possessed of all the circumstances which attended that transaction must decide, whether the emergency justified the course pursued; how far a sound discretion has been exercised in assuming this responsibility? And whether the engagements thus entered into ought now to be completed?
Mr. Love said he had not intended to have risen on this subject, nor should he then have been subjected to the embarrassment he felt in addressing the speaker, was it not for the apprehension he entertained, that it might be supposed by his constituents that he was influenced in the vote he was about to give by the same reasons which had been offered by gentlemen, who arguing against the passage of the bill, had yet declared their ultimate intention to vote for it.
If there is any question in this debate, said Mr. L. it is a constitutional one. The arguments of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) and those of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph), prove that this if any is the ground of opposition. In the authority introduced and relied on by these gentlemen there was, if he recollected it right, (for it was some time since he read the book) a discussion of the question arising under that section of the constitution, which declares that no money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law: He concurred with the gentleman from Virginia in the respect which is due to the opinions of the Secretary of the Treasury whose authority is quoted; and if, said Mr. L. I was satisfied that the reasoning he has advanced applied to the provisions of this bill, I would rather incur all the risk which on this or any future occasion might be the consequence, of refusing to give our aid to the executive, when it had, on a great emergency advanced its personal responsibility, than lend my voice in support of a measure I deemed unconstitutional. If the gentleman who introduced this authority had read a little further back, I think it would have been found, that the first case put by the writer in illustration of the constitutional principle, was that, where under a former administration, a sum of money had been appropriated by law to the discharge of the principal of some of our foreign debts, and it was applied in discharge of the interest. It was
certainly more advantageous to the United States to discharge the principal than the interest.—But the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) has said that in all instances under the former administration, there was a particular object for which money was appropriated; yet we find that in the case just mentioned, although the subject was the same the particular object of application was very different: It appears to me that a misunderstanding of the terms appropriation and application among us, has produced much of the present debate, they have been indiscriminately used, and for the purpose of expressing the same ideas, although in the authority relied on, the secretary of the treasury has in all the cases he has adduced in illustration, drawn the distinction. In the present case an act of hostility towards this country had called for the energies of the government. Contracts for articles of necessity have been made and the responsibility of the officers of government stands pledged for their fulfilment. I view the measures contemplated by the bill, as involving a question of expediency only.—This being the case, I need add nothing to the arguments equally urged on both sides, in support of the propriety of the expenditure from the highly aggravating cause of it. Whether indeed, the former measures of this government have had the effect of producing the causes of the great national excitement we have witnessed, as some gentlemen seem to suppose; or whether the conduct of Great-Britain has its origin in a determined spirit of hostility towards this country, is in the present discussion entirely unimportant whether the unexampled outrage she has committed on Denmark, or the unprovoked attack, on the vessels of Spain, have been invited by the pusillanimity of those countries, as is suggested was the case with us, are questions which I shall not now discuss.
Mr. Cook expressed his full approbation of the conduct of the executive, and the officers of the departments. There had been no wrong application of publick money, for none had been drawn out of the treasury. It was merely a question of expediency with the house whether they would sanction the measures which had been adopted; the President had not bound them to do it, and they were at liberty to act as they chose. Approving as he did the course pursued, he should vote in favour of the bill.
Mr. Lyon would not occupy the house long on a subject of so little importance. On the score of consistency he should vote as he had always done. When appropriations were made without authority, if he liked them he had voted for them; if he did not, he had voted against them. He thanked the president for the promptitude which he had manifested by his conduct on this occasion, and could see no harm which could arise from it. If the house approved the measures, they would vote for them; it would be immaterial to them whether the bargain were made to-day or to-morrow. And as he did like them and the house liked them, he would vote for the bill without detaining them a minute longer on the subject.
Mr. Gardiner had been much pleased with the debate which had taken place on this subject in the course of which gentlemen had an opportunity of expressing their opinion not only on this particular subject, but generally. The attack on the Chesapeake made on the 22d of June last had called from the nation one universal expression of abhorrence; one burst of execration at the daring assault, had resounded from every part of the union. It was the voice of a powerful nation, calling for satisfaction for her insulted rights: and when heard, it would be respected. In no part of the community had this expression been more sincere than in the city in which he resided (N. York); that city which would endure, if any part of the country suffered, the most dreadful calamities of war; that city, defenceless, unprovided, and exposed, whose inhabitants had been told by gentlemen on the floor of that house, that they must fly to the mountains for protection; in that city the same sentiments prevailed which existed in every part of our country.
At this period the president, feeling without doubt the same sentiments as had been unanimously manifested by the people, had thought proper to go into the expenditure for which an appropriation was now asked. Mr. G. said, it could not be doubted, but the president, when he pledged the faith of the government for the purchases which were made, had violated that article of the constitution which lodged in that house the only power of appropriation. He was not however, one of those who thought such conduct could not be justified; he thought it could, not because he would encourage liberties to be taken with the constitution, not because he held the constitution less sacred than any gentleman on the floor of that house; but because the safety of the nation is the supreme law.
While he expressed himself pleased with the debate, Mr. G. could not agree with the gentleman from North Carolina, who thought it an extraordinary one; for, whatever were the object, if any officer of the government had transcended his powers as limited by the constitution, it was not proper that the procedure should be treated with levity.—As such a conduct might encourage violations of the constitution, he was glad that no expenditure could take place without exciting the attention of the House; that when exercising its prerogative, the executive would not be encouraged in putting his hands into the treasury. It would shew to the president or any other officer, that the House were jealous of their constitutional rights. Mr. G. could not say with some gentlemen that it would have been imprudent, or in any degree improper to have convened Congress earlier than the day on which they had met; and though he would permit the president to do these things, he would only permit it when congress could not be convened in sufficient time. Four months had elapsed since the outrage had been committed; during what period of this interval, the expenses of the Navy Department had been incurred was unknown; but in all probability Congress might have been convened in sufficient time to have made a previous appropriation.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania had told them that it was the custom of an ancient nation to deliberate on a question twice, once when drunk and once when sober; therefore Congress should not have been convened whilst they felt the first sense of indignation. Did the gentleman mean to say that this was a drunken nation? That a nation glowing with indignation at an act of insult was in a state of intoxication? Was not this a period at which the representatives should have been assembled? Mr. G. trusted that however great the general execration, however great the excitement, the re-
presentatives would have been sufficiently cool. He did not think that these sentiments had in any degree subsided; he saw no appearance of it in the country, none in the house, none in the gentleman from Pennsylvania; the same feelings were still cherished that existed four months ago.
Upon the whole, however, Mr. G. thought the executive had on this occasion conducted fairly, with a single eye to the publick interest. He should vote for the bill, not as a precedent, or to encourage any department in the unauthorized use of the publick treasure, but because he thought the measure proper.
Mr. Smilie did not mean to insinuate that the nation was drunk; he meant that the hour of extreme feeling was not the proper time for deliberation.—Whilst he entertained that sentiment, he honoured American feelings on the occasion; he rejoiced to see that spirit shown. Since he was up, he would just take notice of the idea that seemed to have taken possession of several gentlemen as to the convention of congress at an earlier period. He had mentioned yesterday why he thought the president had acted prudently in not calling congress sooner; suppose they had been convened in the month of August; it was true they could have made an appropriation, but they could not have decided on the main subject, nor could they now. They must have waited at an enormous expense to the union, for dispatches from Europe. Under these impressions, he was one of those who believed that the president had acted properly. Many things had been said in the course of debate, irrelevant to the subject. As to a review of what had been done in 1805—6, it was improperly introduced; at another time, when the proceedings of the legislature of that day should come properly before them, he was willing to meet a discussion, and to justify those measures. On that occasion he had thought as he did now, that war was one of the worst of evils; and that no nation should engage in it when by any other means she could preserve her honour. He was now, as then, opposed to war; but if it should be forced upon the nation, he should be one of the last to shrink from it. He thought that the going to war on this aggression, under present circumstances, would be acting precipitately; as no nation should go to war till she gave her opponent an opportunity to justify her conduct.
Mr. Randolph begged leave to be indulged with a few words by way of explanation. Much had been said on a former occasion about dumb legislation. He believed they had almost reached that point at present. In the magnificent apartment in which they sat, and which was fitted for any purpose rather than that for which it was designed, it was scarcely possible to hear, or to make one's self heard. This was surely no distant approach to legislation without debate. In consequence of the effort without which he had been compelled to exert, at no small expense of constitution, his attention had been forcibly dragged from the subject before them, and he had perhaps used some expressions which fell short of his meaning, and others which did not come up to it. He wished to be clearly and explicitly understood as to the course which he thought it incumbent on the executive to have pursued, and consequently to what extent the course which had been pursued met his approbation. He thought congress ought to have been immediately convened on the capture of the Chesapeake, and our ministers at London instantly recalled, after having made an explicit and peremptory demand of redress—and that redress too by a British envoy dispatched to the United States for the especial purpose. Congress being convened, the nation should have been put in a posture of defence, waiting a reasonable time to receive redress by an envoy. That being refused, instant retaliation should have been taken on the offending party. Mr. R. would have invaded Canada and Nova Scotia, and made a descent on Jamaica. He would have seized on Canada and Nova Scotia, not with a view to their incorporation into our system of government, but as pledges to be retained against a future pacification, until we had obtained ample redress for our wrongs. Whilst he held these sentiments he entirely concurred with the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) that war was a great evil, never to be resorted to without a solemn demand of reparation from the offender, and giving him a fair opportunity to make due atonement for the injury, or insult, which he had offered: but there was a mode of demanding as well as of receiving redress.
Mr. R. said that he should forever protest, wherever it could be possibly avoided, and here it might have been avoided, against expenditure of publick money without the previous sanction of law. But condemning an expense and refusing to appropriate money to discharge it were different things. A man for instance might highly disapprove his wife's running up a large account with a merchant, without his knowledge or consent, which his honour would nevertheless compel him to pay. Incurring a debt was one thing and discharging it another. Mr. R. believed it was within the knowledge of many members of that house, that during the late war between France and England, which was terminated by the peace of Amiens, the extraordinary expenses, that is the expenses incurred without the knowledge and concurrence of Parliament, such expenses as this bill provides for; exceeded the ordinary, or authorised expenses during a single year of that war, although these last amounted to near twenty millions sterling! Ought we not then (said he) to set our faces against the introduction of a principle, which must necessarily lead to consequences so ruinous? Would any man put the additional security which we derived from a few military stores, in competition with a violation of the constitution, in a point too involving the dearest privileges of that house? Whilst he held this language, he was not insensible to the impending danger, nor unwilling to make efficient provision to meet it. Let us not (he said) deceive ourselves with the idea that we are to have a war of military parade. Sacrifices they would be called upon to make, and he was prepared to meet them. He hoped they would enter into it, if war we must have, with a full conviction of its justice and necessity, and with hearts resolutely bent to endure all its privations and abide by all its hardships. He had on a former occasion said, that if Great Britain put forth her strength we should feel it; she had put forth her strength and they had felt it—you feel it now (said he) in every fibre of your heart. It could not be expected that he should answer insinuations of a British party in that house, coming too from such persons. Neither could it be expected that he should sink into that vile and supple thing, an humble follower, a pliant tool of a
majority, and tacitly disavow the principles for which he contended, two years ago. He had then as far as in him lay, endeavoured to avert the situation of affairs which now exists, and under the same circumstances he should do so again. It had been said that it was idle to retrospect on the causes which led to that situation, and he agreed that it was, so far as related to the foreign power, but not as it related to the conduct of our own government. It was totally immaterial what were the previous points in dispute between us and Great Britain. Her conduct had put it out of our power to look back upon them, to examine into them, had precluded all deliberation. We had received a blow, and it was out of the question to enter into the merits of the dispute which had produced it. To Great Britain the door of discussion was shut, was barred, and she must knock with the light tap of solicitation before it could be opened to her. But let not gentlemen calculate upon throwing the difficulties into which the country was brought, upon those who had opposed the measures of imbecility and irritation which led to them. He could not consent to take upon himself any part of the credit which the non importation law conferred upon its supporters however anxious they might be to share it with him.
If the gentleman who had alluded to something in Gallatin on the finances (Mr. Love) and who had begun very early to instruct them in the meaning of terms which, it seemed, they had been all their lives using without understanding (a specimen of his embarrassment and modesty which Mr. R. had not expected) had read a little farther, he would have found this passage.
"It was this transaction which gave rise to the following motion made in the House of Representatives in February, 1793. viz. "Resolved, that the Secretary of the Treasury has violated the law passed the 4th of August, 1790, making appropriations of certain monies authorised to be borrowed by the same law, in the following particulars, to wit: 1st, by applying a certain portion of the principal borrowed, to the payment of the interest falling due upon that principal, which was not authorised by that or any other law, &c. Although it is now demonstrated by the official statements (from which the statements Nos. 11 and 12 are abstracted) that that resolution was strictly and literally true, it was at that time negatived by a large majority."
Now gentlemen would pardon him for not feeling that religious deference for the dicta of a majority which some of them entertained, when he saw that a resolution, demonstrated by official statements to be strictly and literally true, might nevertheless be negatived by a large majority.
There was one thing which he begged leave to notice in his desultory way, a sort of political quibbling on the terms money drawn out of the treasury . The mass of the good people of the United States did not know that in their plain, plantation sense of the word, we had no treasury —that the banks were our treasuries and their cashiers our treasurer. Thus money may be drawn out of the bank which is not drawn out of the treasury , because it is not issued agreeably to law. It is only when issued agreeably to law that it can be said to be drawn out of the treasury at all, and it may, in technical phrase be drawn out of the treasury without a single dollar being removed. For instance, one million is voted for the naval service. The head of the department applies to the Secretary of the Treasury upon whose warrant so much money is placed to the credit of the navy department at the bank. As soon as the money is liable to the order of that department, it is out of the treasury , although not a dollar has changed its place. On the contrary where a head of department wants money, purchases may be made upon credit with an understanding at the banks and with the purchaser that the notes are issued for the service of government. Discounts are obtained and the United States pay the difference, in the price of the commodity. Here although the money has gone out of the bank, it is in legal phrase still in the treasury , until congress meet and pass an appropriation law, when having been paid to take up the notes, it marches again out in official costume and parade.
Gentlemen had indulged themselves in the course of this extraordinary debate—extraordinary he must call it—he had tumbled head long into it, by expressing the most rigid attachment to the strictest principles of financial policy, and in return all they asked was, that in this, or any other case, where it might suit them, people would not be unreasonable enough to expect from them an adherence to those principles—like some other secretaries they made a sort of commutation between the rigor of their public professions and the laxity of their private morals. But Mr. R. would not agree that the austerity of their principles should cover the looseness of their practice. If their former professions now called for more than they found themselves able to perform, it would be more fair and manly, honestly to confess it, to abjure their old faith and take up one better suited to their frail and imperfect condition.
One of the observations of the gentleman from Pennsylvania was thrown away upon him—he could not feel it. If the expense of convening Congress were to be made a pretext for acting without its authority we might as well give the executive a power of attorney at once to legislate for us. He scouted such an idea. It would have been better to have convened congress at the expense of half a million than that a single cent should have been drawn out of the treasury without a previous appropriation by law.
When the question was taken by yeas and nays on the passage of the bill—Yeas 124—Nays, Messrs. Hoge, D. R. Williams.
TUESDAY, November 17.
Mr. Blount from the committee to whom was referred so much of the message of the president as relates to aggressions, &c. made a report. The report commences with an expression of sensibility at the outrage committed on the Chesapeake, states the receipt of information relative thereto from the state and navy departments, presents a general view of the circumstances, observes that it might be said to have been incontestibly proved that Wm. Ware, John Strachan, and Daniel Martin are citizens of the United States; but the committee add that they conceive it unnecessary for them or the house, to go into any enquiry on that part of the subject, as in their opinion whether the men taken from the Chesapeake were or were not citizens of the United States, and whether the Chesapeake was or was not within the acknowledged limits of the

United States at the time they were taken the character of the act of taking them remains the same.
From the foregoing facts it appears to your committee that the outrage committed on the frigate Chesapeake has been stamped with circumstances of indignity and insult of which there is scarcely to be found a parallel in the history of civilized nations, and requires only the sanction of the government under colour of whose authority it was perpetrated to make it just cause of, if not an irresistible call for instant and severe retaliation. Whether it will receive the sanction or be disavowed and declared an unauthorised act of a subordinate officer remains to be determined by the answer which shall be given to the demand of explanation, that answer, now daily expected, will either sink the detestable act into piracy, or expand it to the magnitude of premeditated hostility against the sovereignty and independence of this nation, and until its true character shall be fixed and known, your committee deem it expedient to decline expressing any opinion as to the measures proper to be adopted in relation to it. But as other acts of aggression have been committed within our ports and waters by British ships of war as well anterior as posterior to this, some of them manifesting the same disregard of our national rights and seeming to flow from the same contempt for the authority of our laws, and especially as the British squadron, of which the Leopard was one, after being notified of the president's proclamation ordering them to depart from the waters of the United States, which they knew had been published in conformity to an act of congress, anchored within the capes of Chesapeake Bay, and in that situation remained capturing American vessels even within our acknowledged territorial limits, and sending them to Halifax for adjudication—impressing seamen on board American vessels and boats of all descriptions, having occasion to pass near them in pursuit of their lawful trade, and occasionally denouncing threats, calculated to alarm and irritate the good people of the United States, particularly the inhabitants of Norfolk and Hampton, all which facts are substantiated by the accompanying documents No. 1 to 6, the committee are of opinion that it is expedient to provide more effectually for the protection of our ports and harbours, but not being prepared to report specifically on that subject, they ask farther indulgence of the house, and beg leave to submit for their consideration the following resolution:
Resolved, That the attack of the British ship of war Leopard on the United States frigate Chesapeake, was a flagrant violation of the jurisdiction of the United States, and that the continuance of the British squadron (of which the Leopard was one) in their waters, after being notified of the proclamation of the President of the United States, ordering them then to depart the same, was a farther violation thereof.
The report was referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 17.
A letter from Capt. Field, at Leghorn, received at Salem, mentions the massacre at Constantinople of fifteen thousand Christians by the Turks.
WASHINGTON, Nov. 13.
Yesterday on the opening of the house of representatives, Mr. Lyon said some proceedings had come to his knowledge which he wished to expose, which he thought should be done with closed doors: on which the galleries were immediately cleared conformably to a standing rule of the house.
Mr. Lyon then submitted the following resolution:
Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law, forbidding all transfers of rights of action, and of all monies and other property either real or personal to or by any subject of the crown of Great Britain, and also forbidding any citizen or resident in the United States paying any debt or demand to any such subject.
Mr. Lyon, on offering this resolution, observed that he had understood that Mr. Erskine, the British minister, had recently transferred stock possessed by his father to a large amount in the American funds. He said he considered this as a strong indication of hostility on the part of England towards this country. He expressed the opinion that Britain had in numerous instances so interpreted the treaty between the two countries that it could no longer be considered as obligatory on the U. States, who consequently possessed the moral right of declining on her part, to respect those stipulations, whose observance might be injurious to her. He said that he thought it became the U. States in the present state of affairs to hold such pledges as she possessed against the acts of injustice which might be committed by Britain, and that by adopting this resolution, she would retain in her hands the means of indemnity, in case such acts should be committed; and if they should not, no injury could ensue from its adoption.
A universal sentiment was unreservedly expressed that such a step at this time was improper. Not a single member supported the resolution; but all censured its imprudence. The general opinion was that if persisted in by the mover, the doors should be instantly opened, and the resolution rejected in publick. Mr. Lyon then withdrew the resolution, and the galleries were opened under the understanding that all secrecy was at an end.
The foregoing contains, we believe, a faithful statement of the substance of the discussion if such indeed it can be called. More cannot be expected.
ALEXANDRIA, Nov. 21.
A messenger is said to have passed thro' Baltimore on Thursday, on his way to Washington, with dispatches from our ministers at London to the secretary of state. These dispatches arrived at New-York, in the ship Swift, capt. Taber from Liverpool.
At Private Sale,
By S. MARKS, Jun.
Corner of Commerce and Water-street,
10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50
barrels do. RUM,
30 hhds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Moul. Candles, 8 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales Striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffs; 1 do fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check-Shirts, 54 do. Ticklenburgs and Osnaburgs; 2 do. Hefians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs.
October 24.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOV. 25, 1807.
AMERICAN INTEGRITY TRIUMPHANT. The fate of the resolution proposed by Lyon, is not less honourable to the members of the House of Representatives, than it will ever remain an everlasting record of the disgrace of the mover.
In speaking of this Lyon, it brings to our recollection an anecdote of a friend of ours, and a countryman of Lyon's, but very unlike him. Some Americans rallying this honest Hibernian about his countryman Lyon, (who for the sins of this country was then, as he now is, a member of Congress), "Gentlemen (said he) without meaning any disrespect to your honourable representative, I agree that Ireland may produce a great many knaves, and it is what I am sorry to say, but it is reserved for you Americans to honour them, and let me tell you, Matt. Lyon would have remained a great long while in his own country, before he would have been made a member of Parliament." A retort so just, and so pertinent, produced an effect that may be well imagined, and would apply to many of our foreign patriots in office and confidence.
INDIAN WAR.—The last National Intelligencer contains an official account of an attack made by a party of Indians upon an American party, who were reconveying the Mandane Chief to his nation, and compelling the Americans to return to St. Louis. The detail of this affair has occasioned some remarks from Mr. Mitchell in the senate.
We do not profess to be well acquainted with the topography of that part of the country, and we have not a map by us, but we presume this attack has been made by some Indians on the Missouri, or some of its branches. The Indians were of the Sioux and Ricaras tribes or nations.
It is insinuated that some European nation is at the bottom of this business. As the Spaniards are neighbours to these Indians, they may be alluded to, but it would be indecorous to name them upon suspicion only. It is pleasing to observe how delicate and reserved our statesmen are in matters concerning Spain or France.
MR. RANDOLPH. When this gentleman talks of making a descent upon Jamaica, he forgets that without a Navy, to which he has always been, and still is opposed, such an enterprise is next to an impossibility. Perhaps Mr. R. does not know that upon what is termed the Jamaica station, there are nearly thirty vessels of war, from brigs to line of battle ships. He forgets too that there are seven or eight thousand regular troops, and fifteen to twenty thousand militia on the island. Now without ships how are troops to be transported to Jamaica. Nemo omnibus sapit horis.
In the revolutionary war, when Jamaica was not so strong as it is now, the French and Spaniards contemplated an attack upon it, but the force prepared for that object was thirty-four sail of the line, and twenty thousand troops. Rodney's victory prevented the publick from knowing what would have been the fate of the expedition.
The transfer of the stock lately held in the American funds by Lord Erskine, is certainly an evidence of some alarm in the mind of Lord Erskine and nothing more. It must be observed that Lord Erskine is not at this time a member of the British Administration.
Extract of a letter from St. Ubes, to a gentleman in this town, dated September 29.
"I was at Lisbon last week, the English merchants were preparing for a sudden departure; six sail of the line, Portuguese, are now nearly fitted to carry the Prince Regent and suite, together with as many subjects as may please to follow him to Brazil, and leave this little spot to its merciless invaders."
The United States' brig Hornet, has been spoken off the Western Islands, on her way home from the Mediterranean.
Queries. Of the number of persons who paraded the Chief Justice in effigy, how many were Americans? How many could read the opinion of the Judge? How many ever did read it? And how many could comprehend it?
FRENCH DECREE.
It seems now to be pretty well ascertained, tho' not officially, that Buonaparte is resolved to enforce his blockading decree against our commerce. As congress have been called together to take into consideration the hostile aggressions of one of the belligerent powers, we hope that executive partiality will not induce them entirely to overlook those of another. To shew our readers that this decree is a direct violation of a solemn compact stipulated in the convention of 1800 signed by Buonaparte himself, we subjoin the 12th article of that convention, from which it appears that to enforce such a decree as that of November last, is such an aggression as amounts to a cause of war, and is at once equally insuring, and injurious. Whether the resentment of our government is already so exclusively engrossed with the injuries received from G. Britain that they have none to spare for such outrageous violations of solemn treaty, remains to be seen.
Art. 12. It shall be lawful for the citizens of either country to sail with their ships and merchandise (contraband goods always excepted) from any
port whatever, to any port of the enemy of the other, and sail and trade with their ships and merchandise, with perfect security and liberty, from the country, ports, places of those who are enemies of both, or of either party without any opposition or disturbance whatsoever, and to pass not only directly from the places and ports of the enemy aforementioned, to neutral ports and places, but also from one place belonging to an enemy to another place belonging to an enemy whether they be under the jurisdiction of the same power, or under several; unless such ports or places shall be actually blockaded, besieged or invested.
And whereas it frequently happens, that vessels sail for a port or place belonging to an enemy, without knowing that the same is either besieged or invested, it is agreed that every vessel so circumstanced may be turned away from such ports or place, but she shall not be detained, nor any part of her cargo if not contraband, be confiscated, unless, after notice of such blockade or investment, she shall again attempt to enter, but shall be permitted to go to any other port or place she shall think proper. Nor shall any vessel of either that may have entered into such port before the same was actually besieged, blockaded or invested by the other, be restrained from quitting such place with her cargo, nor, if found therein after the reduction and surrender of such place, shall such vessel or her cargo be liable to confiscation, but they, shall be restored to the owners thereof. (U. S. Gaz.)
The intelligence received from France Via Boston, is peculiarly interesting at the moment, when the legislature of the union is deliberating on our relations with foreign powers; and when the result of its deliberations must involve the decision of peace or war.
It is within the recollection of every one that the decree of the emperor Napoleon, of November 21st, 1806, declaring the British Islands and their dependencies in a state of blockade, was the first announcement of the most extraordinary principle ever raised by a belligerent against the rights of neutral nations—a principle so extraordinary called for the immediate resistance of every neutral power; and it became peculiarly incumbent on the executive of the United States to whose superintendence our foreign relations are immediately confided to have withstood this gigantic stride of belligerent pretention. It was a fit occasion to have exemplified our claims and to have evinced our impartiality towards Great Britain and France. To have met the declaration of such a principle at the threshold was the true and only effectual mean of preventing the practice under it by either of those powers. Was this the conduct pursued by Mr. Jefferson; was the occasion seized to evidence a strict impartiality, and a dignified resistance to such encroachment? Where are the indignant remonstrances of our government against such monstrous despotism?
Was not the whole representation on the subject confined to a "Je pense," and a "Je crois," "an opinion and a belief" neither formal nor conclusive, between Mr. Armstrong and Mr. Decres, who declared himself unauthorised and incompetent to say any thing on the subject. And has not the neglect of this important duty, this dereliction of our best interests, induced the British to practice under the principle, which France first declared, and which she now determines to enforce against us? and, are we not plunged into our present deep, and almost inextricable embarrassment, by this weak, this wicked desertion of duty; on the part of those, to whom it was specially confided?
Let the legislature examine the facts in the manner which its duty prescribes, and the people will be correctly informed whether the defect has been in the constitutional powers, "or the administration," of them.
How much confidence must it have required to state the suffering of our commerce in the Mediterranean in the embittered manner in which it was given to congress against one of the belligerents, when the very cause of complaint was justified by the total neglect of the administration to remonstrate against, and firmly to withstand the principle (declared by the other belligerent) on which that practice was grounded.
We hesitate not to say, that such neglect or partiality, we care not by what name it is called, tends to the disgrace and ruin of any nation, where it prevails.
Whether the declaration of France, "that she will enforce the principles of her decree against the United States" will have any tendency to correct the executive partiality we pretend not to say. That it will have its due influence on the publick opinion, and the decisions of the legislature we trust and believe. (Jackson.)
Sporting Intelligence for October 1807.
The Fredericksburg Races, advertised for the 19th day of October, in consequence of the Fire were postponed until the 20th, when the Zigzag Sweepstakes and the first day's Jockey Club Purse were run.
Zigzag Stakes—15 colts entered, only 9 started—Purse 1200 Dollars.
Hay Bataille's bay filly, by Bedford, 1 1 James Smock's colt Vanguard by Bedford, 3 2 Richard Johnson's bay Bedford, 2 3 John Hoomes's bay filly Mog of Wapping, 4 dis. John Taliaferro, jr's bay colt, dis. Byrd C. Willis's Post Master, dis. Warner Washington's sorrel colt, dis. Robert Henning's bay filly, bolt. Laurence Washington's bay filly A. C. S. dis. First Day's Jockey Club—4 mile heats—Purse 450 Dollars.
Ralph Wormley's horse Stump the Dealer, 1 1 William Taliaferro's horse Kat, 2 2 Byrd C. Willis's horse Spread Eagle, 3 dis. Second day—2 mile heats—Purse 225 dollars.
John Hoomes's horse Young Peace Maker, 1 1 John Stith's horse Dean Swift, 2 dis. Turner Dixon's bay mare Cora, 3 2 Wm. O. Flood's horse Chief Justice Marshall, 4 dis. Wm. Taliaferro's sorrel mare, 5 dis. Robert Henning's bay filly, dis. Byrd C. Willis's horse Tom Shuffleton, dis. Third Day—3 mile heats—Purse 350 dollars. Wm Taliaferro's horse Monticello, 1 1 Byrd C. Willis's sorrel horse American Eagle, 2 dis. James G. Taliaferro's mare Queen Mab, 3 2
Anecdote of the celebrated Whitfield,
In the early part of his life, this gentleman was preaching in the open fields, when a drummer happened to be present, who was determined to inter-
rupt his pious business, and rudely beat his drum in a violent manner, in order to drown the preacher's voice. Mr. Whitfield spoke very loud, but was not so powerful as the instrument—he therefore called out to the drummer in these words, "Friend, you and I serve the two greatest masters existing, but in different capacities: you may be beating for volunteers for King George—I for the Lord Jesus Christ; in God's name then, don't let us interrupt each other; the world is wide enough for us both, and we may get recruits in abundance." This speech had such an effect, that the drummer went away in great good humour, and left the preacher in full possession of the field. London paper.
FROM A LONDON PAPER.
FASHIONS FOR OCTOBER.
English and Parisian Fashions for October, 1807, as represented by prints in "La Belle Assemblee," or BELL's Court and Fashionable Magazine for the present month.
ENGLISH FASHIONS.
A lady and her child, attired in the most elegant fashions of the season.
LADY'S DRESS.—A round gown with short train, ornamented at the feet with fittings of muslin or needle work; a long sleeve rucked, with full top; a rock back, and lapelled bosom cut low, and trimmed with scalloped lace. A chapeau a la bocage, of imperial chip or sarsnet, ornamented with a wreath of ivy or junquille; a single sprig of the same in front of the bosom in lieu of a brooch. A shawl of Chinese silk, thrown negligently over the shoulders. Hair in a single band across the forehead, relieved by loose curls in front and at the sides. Hoop ear-rings of amber or cornelian. Straw coloured kid gloves and shoes.
CHILD'S DRESS.—A frock and trowsers of fine cambric, bordered at the bottom in rich fancy van dyke; French back, and bosom cut very low; and ornamented with the same; Circassian sleeve very short. The Moorish boot, or high pomposo, of bright yellow kid, laced with purple. Sash to correspond, tied in short bows and ends behind.
PARISIAN COSTUME.
A PARISIAN DANCING FIGURE.
A round frock of Italian crape, over a white satin slip, ornamented at the bottom with a pink and silver ribband. Long waist, laced up the back with pink or silver cord; a plain bosom cut very low, trimmed tel que la robe. The melon sleeve, formed of alternate stripes of pink satin and white crape; a narrow sash of pink ribband, tied loosely behind. Hair combed straight from the temples, and leaving a few simple curls on the forehead, is formed in thick braids at the back of the head, confined with a coronet comb of pearl, and ornamented with a bunch of auricula or clove carnation. A bouquet composed of the rose and myrtle. Necklace, earrings, and bracelets of fine Chinese pearl. Gloves of French kid, and slippers of pink satin, tied round the ankles with silver ribband. Plain silk stockings, a French white.
On FRIDAY the 27th instant, at 11 o'clock, will be Sold before my Office, for approved endorsed notes at 90 and 120 days,
13 pipes L. P. Madeira WINE, 6 years old, and fit for immediate use, 6 pipes French Brandy, 30 cases Pepper.
And for Cash, Blankets, Blue Plains, Duffs, and fine Cloths.
S. Marks, jun.
Nov. 25.
For NEW-YORK, The Schooner LAUREL, Capt. Hopkins, will sail on Sunday next. For freight or passage, apply on board at Marsden's wharf. Nov. 25.
FLOUR Afloat. 500 bbls. choice superfine FLOUR, from Alexandria. For sale by Fisk & Catlett.
Who have just received, 300 pieces Bandanna Handkerchiefs, of a superior quality, 20 small chests fresh Imperial Teas, 10 cases best double refined Salt Petre. November 25.
FANCY FURNITURE,
Japanned and Gilt—viz.
Cain Seat, Rush and Windsor Chairs; Recess Seats; Settees and Window Stools; Card, Pier, and Tea Tables; Work, Wash, and Candle Stands; Bedstead, Bed, and Window Cornice
Likewise,
Pictures framed and regilt, and articles in fancy line made to order.
Also,
Coach, Sign, and Ornamental Painting; Freemason and Military Flags done in the best manner, by J. & W. Cook. Nov. 25.
FOR RENT,
And possession given the 1st of Jan. next, that commodious three story brick DWELLING HOUSE in Church-street, at present occupied by Mr. Barth. Redman. And a convenient two story DWELLING HOUSE, with a fine extensive garden, in the Fields near Smith's Point, at present occupied by Mr. Stratton, possession of which may be had the 1st of January—Application to be made to Wm. Plume & Co. Nov. 18.
NOTICE.
Those who have claims against the estate of CHARLES WILLETT, deceased, are requested to bring their accounts properly authenticated; and those who are indebted are particularly requested to make payment as no indulgence can be given.
William Storrs, } Executors. Thomas Davis, } Lawsm.
September 30.
Richard Jeffrey & Co.
No 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter,
An assortment of MEDICINES,
of the first quality also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hartman's Snuff, No 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters,
Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Man's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c.
They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries.
MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5.

For LONDON. The Ship LIVE OAK, Gerrard Yarrell, master, will sail in 15 days. For passage only, apply to the master on board at my wharf at Gosport, or the subscriber
William Pennock. Who wants to Charter. A fast sailing SCHOONER, of about 150 tons, to load for a southern port in Europe Nov 20.
For Sale, Freight, or Charter. The fast-sailing brig ANN ELIZABETH, burthen 173 tons, in complete order for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to John Brown, Marsden's wharf. November 13.
For Sale, Freight, or Charter. The Ship WILLIAM & MARY, burthen 230 tons, or 2100 barrels, now ready for the reception of a cargo. Apply to Solomon Bedinger. October 28.
Scotch Coals and Empty Bottles. 100 tons of the former and 200 crates of the latter, imported in the ship industry from Glasgow—For Sale by William Pennock. Who offers The said SHIP, burthen 260 tons, for Charter. October 7.
Liverpool SALT and COAL. For sale on board the ship Jane, William Colley, master—Apply to the subscriber, William Pennock. Who offers said SHIP, burthen 420 tons, and the ship COURTNEY, burthen 200 tons for charter. October 5.
For Freight or Charter. The Ship THOMAS, captain Boush, will be ready immediately. GEO MURRAY, & CO. Who have for Sale, Old Antigua, Jamaica, & W. I. Rum, Madeira, Port, and Cape Wine, Sugar in hogsheads and barrels, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware. September 23.
For SALE, or will be bartered for Staves, Corn, or Flour. 5000 bushels Liverpool SALT, loose and in sacks, 1 ton Shot, assorted; 2 ton German Steel. James Young. November 13.
For SALE, by the Subscriber, 34 hogsheads WHISKEY, 50 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do. 65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 16 gross Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castle Sean, 1 hogshead and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 10 hds Petersburg, 2 do Richmond, and 4 do York River Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton, 38 whole and 9 half tierces Rice. A. Maclure. November 13.
For SALE, 80 hhds. choice retailing Molasses, 34 tierces Currants; 20 kegs Capers, in very fine order. James Young. November 11.
Wanted on Hire, A NEGRO MAN, accustomed to wait in a house; and a NEGRO WOMAN, who can cook, wash, and iron. Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Nov. 9.
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never failing stream; although she works at present only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abundant supply for ten pair—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's Mills) about two miles farther, now in complete order, running one pair of stones and two saws—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not superior to any in that part of the country—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently believes, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia—Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a red swamp within three miles of it, in which any number of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5.
Received per schooner Traveller, from Boston, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hds. and 6 bbls Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls. Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31.
Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A PARCEL OF Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. September 28.
Wood and Hastings, No. 76, Main Street, Have received from London and Liver, ool, via Baltimore, 60 packages composing a complete assortment of Fall and Winter GOODS; Among which are Best blue, black, bottle green, and olive broad Cloths; fashionable Caffimere; coarse Cloths; coarse and fine Coatings; Flannels and Baizes; Kendal Cottons; blue and white Kerseys and Halfthicks; blue and drab Plains; Flushings; Rose and striped Blankets; Carpets; Swansdown; Bennett's Cord and Toilette; Velling; Durants; Calimancos; Russells and Bumbazets; Manchester Cords and Velvets; silver Cords and tabby Velvets; Irish Linens; Sheetings; Diapers and bed Ticks; Calicoes; Dimities; Cambric Muffs; Ginghams; fancy Muffs; Hosen; Pins; Thread, &c. &c. Also, an assortment of French Lustrings; silk Velvets; black and white silk Hose; silk Gloves, assorted colours; fancy silk Handkerchiefs; white kid Gloves; leather do.; Crapes; silk Cords and Taffels; Gauze and Cotton Trimmings, &c. &c.
10 bales India Cottons, 2 do. Coarse Linens; 1 cheft white Rolls. October 5.
J. & W. SOUTHGATE, Have now received the whole of their Fall Affortment from London and Liverpool, amongst which are the following: Best superfine Navy Blue, London Brown and Bottle Green Cloths, fashionable Caffimere, Coarse Cloths of every description, Superfine white and scarlet Flannels, Hosen of every description, 3-4, 7-8, and 4-4 Irish Linens, Superfine Hollands for Shirting, Oznaburgs, Tow and Flaxen, Kendal Cottons in small assorted bales, Manchester Goods of every description, Best London Seine Twine, Nails 4d, 6d, 8d, 10d, 12d, & 20d, Diamond head Spikes, all sizes, Glazed Gun Powder and Shot.
10 packages of German LINENS, Consisting of Ticklenburgs, Oznaburgs, Hessens, Heedens, Flaxen Rolls, Plaillas, &c. entitled to debenture, all of which will be sold for cash, or on liberal credit for good paper. September 28.
Fall and Winter GOODS. The Subscribers have received by the ship Nabby, from Liverpool, and Planter, from London, an extensive and general assortment of Seasonable and Fancy GOODS, Among which are 20 bales Negro Cottons and Kerseys, 10 do. Rose and Dutch Blankets, 6 do. Plains and Halfthicks, 15 do. Cloths, Coatings, Fearnoughts, &c 6 do. Flannels and Baizes, 2 do. superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 10 do. Twilled Sackings, 5 do. British Oznaburgs, 10 cases Hats, 5 do. Irish Linens and Sheetings, 20 trunks fashionable Goods, 4 casks Seine Twine, 6 tons Shot, 50 kegs F and F Gun Powder, also an assortment of Hardware, Cutlery, Nails, &c. All of which they offer for sale by the piece or package, on the lowest terms for approved paper. Richard & John Taylor. September 25.
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter, and Nabby, from Liverpool, their Fall and Winter GOODS. The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths, Caffimere, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; Ladies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Childrens' beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epaulets; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin for dresses; Calicoes, Chambrays, and Ginghams; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cottons; strong white Plains; mixed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plains; Dimities and Marseilles; 4-4 Irish Linens; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheetings; Hosen; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c. The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper. September 25.
German Winter GOODS. 65 dozen Men's Thick Fuled Stockings, 20 do. Children's do. do. 50 do. Men's half do. do. 110 do. Men's and Boys' Gloves, 25 do. do. Caps and Mitts, 25 do. Travelling Socks, 10 do. Ladies' House Socks.—Just received and for sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. November 20.
73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES; 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4.
200 barrels FLOUR, of superior quality for family use, 10 hogsheads Tobacco, suitable for the West-India Markets. 100 barrels New-York Pork, city inspection, 50 do. Carolina do. 50 hhds 25 barrels Antigua Sugars, 40,000 wt Green Coffee, Madeira Wine, London Brown Stout, Philadelphia Porter, Clarets, Hermitage, Burgundy, &c. &c.—For sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. November 11.
FOR SALE, 50,000 white oak hogshead draw Staves 50,000 red do. 90,000 rough do. 20,000 Cypress Pales 2,000 Cedar and Chinquepin Posts 50,000 building Shingles. Proby, Harmanson & Co. March 2.
FOR SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune, captain Norton, from Teffé, 100 pipes and 90 hhds. L. P. Tene-rifle WINE, of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. September 28.
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. Who has on hand, Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16.
St. Mary's College. GRAND LOTTERY, BALTIMORE. Authorised by the General Assembly of the State of Maryland; the Scheme of which Lottery is the most brilliant ever offered to the citizens of the United States, containing besides a large number of other good prizes, 1 prize of - - 30,000 Dollars, 1 do. of - - 15,000 3 do. of - - 10,000 2 do. of - - 5,000 8 do. of - - 1 500 7 do. of - - 1,000 Not two blanks to a prize, and the lowest prize twelve dollars. The Scheme contains only 21,500 Tickets; 10,000 of which are actually sold to a company of gentlemen in New-York, to whom the managers have obligated themselves to commence the drawing in the City of Baltimore, on THURSDAY, the 31st day of December next, and to draw 500 tickets per day. Tickets and Shares are now selling in a variety of numbers, and very rapidly at Ten Dollars and an half each, for a very short time, at G & R WAITE'S truly fortunate Lottery Office, corner of Market-street and Charles-street, Baltimore. The grandeur of the Scheme of the above Lottery, together with an assurance from the managers that it will positively commence drawing on the 31st day of December next, have been a sufficient inducement for the subscribers to come to the city of Baltimore, for the express purpose of facilitating the sale of the Tickets. G. & R. Waite.
One of the above firm will personally attend the drawing daily to take down the numbers correctly, as will also one of their clerks. The next New-York Lottery will not commence drawing till April next. Tickets of which Lottery may be had at Waite's Offices, in Maiden Lane, New-York. N. B. Distant adventurers accompanying their orders with Bank Notes of any description, to either of Waite's Offices in Baltimore or New-York, may have Tickets and Shares forwarded to any amount with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent them of their success. All prizes sold by G. & R. Waite will be paid by them. A list of all prizes drawn will be sent to the Printer of this Paper, for the inspection of adventurers. October 14.
We want to Purchase, A few Shares of STOCK in the Virginia Bank. Campbell & Wheeler. May 22.
St. Mary's College Lottery of Baltimore. TICKETS for Sale by Rowland & Triplett. October 16. For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5.
For RENT, The STORE, No. 86, Main-Street, with or without the house. Thomas Blanchard. September 28.
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 50, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
REMOVAL. WOOD & HASTINGS, Have removed to No. 76, Main street, opposite Market-square, (lately occupied by CATON & VEALL) They have on hand a general assortment of English, India and French Goods. September 11.
For RENT, That commodious Dwelling-House, adjoining the Subscriber's, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes;—also a convenient Dwelling-House near the Bridge, adjoining Mrs. Archer's, at present occupied by Mr. Nicholson;—also that pleasant retired House on Brewer-street, occupied by Stephen Harris; and some Ware-Houses on my wharf, with or without the wharf. For further particulars apply to James Tucker. October 12.
Forty Dollars Reward, Will be given to any person who will apprehend and deliver to Warren Ashley, Esq. of Norfolk, or the subscriber, two runaway Negro Men, named JEMMY and JEFFERY, purchased a short time since as part of the Glebe property in Hampton. Jemmy is about 22 years of age, very strong and well built, and about 5 feet 9 inches high—Jeffery is at least 6 feet high, about 21 years of age, very black and likely. These Negroes absconded from the subscriber with a wish to be sold in Norfolk or Hampton, where they have been seen frequently since their having quitted my plantation. All captains and masters of vessels are hereby cautioned against receiving them on board, or employing them in any way. Henry Heffernan. Glebe, Middlesex, July 4.
NOTICE. Those who have claims against the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceased, are requested to bring them to the subscriber properly authenticated: and those indebted, are requested to make immediate payment, otherwise suits will be commenced against them, as the situation of the estate will not admit of any indulgence. Jane Collins, Admr x . October 28.
400 barrels Tar, 20,000 pipe Staves, 30,000 White Oak Hogshead do. 50,000 Red do. do. 100 Barrels Flour.—For Sale by L. Mansfield. Portsmouth, May 8.
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castle Marble Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hhds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12.
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25.
To RENT, That commodious TAVERN opposite the Borough Court-House, at present occupied by Mr. Thomas Holliday, and possession given the 10th of next month. Also for Lease, That vacant LOT on Commerce and Little Water-Str. etc. For terms apply to James Tucker. July 22.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. Feb. 20.
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 boxes Coffee, 5 tierces do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks old Sherry Wine, 2 hhds old L. P. Madeira do. 3 hhds Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hds and pipes—For Sale by Phinehas Dana. June 8.
NOTICE. A petition will be presented to the next General Assembly, to counteract the operations of that of George Whitfield, as relates to a divorce from his wife Elizabeth, on account of a division of the property Elizabeth Whitfield. November 13.
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York. 17 hhds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hhds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-street to William Hull, Jun. October 16.
GERMAN LINENS, &c. 16 bales coarse Linen, 4 do. Ruffia Sheetings, 3 boxes German Pails, 2 do. Roman Sheetings, 1 do. fine Flanders do, 3 do. Platillas, 1 do. fine Dowlas, 2 do. Table Cloth, 1 do. common Shirt Linen, 1 do. extra fine do. 1 do. Bed Tick 2 yards wide, 450 pieces Paper Hangings, 80 boxes Window Glass, 100 do. Sh. rt Pipes, 20 do. Spanish Ségars, from 8 to 20 dols. per box, 300 doz. empty Bottles, 200 wt. ream bottling Wire, 800 do. Glue, 11,000 best Coffee bags, 4,500 cheap Gunny Bags, 5 boxes Tumblers, Decanters, &c. Also, 6 elegant Terefler Globes, 3 pair large Looking Glasses, in gilt frames, of the first elegance, Elegant marble Statues, Urns and Vases, Liquor Casks, Oil Cloth, Wafer and Waffle Irons, Coffee Mills and Toasters, Velvet Ribbons, Fine Thread Stockings, Elegant Cutlery, An invoice of Watches, Watch Chrystals and Beads, A large invoice of Lace, Jewellery and Dice, Elegant Chessmen, Flageolets and Clarinets, Violins, Bows, and Fifes, Flutes with four and six keys, do. pat. it lined, Ladies' Dressing Boxes, Toilet Looking Glasses, Shaving Cuffs, Elegant Writing Desks, Scarlet Plush for Saddles, Sine and Sewing Twine, For sale by Niemeyer & Von K. pff. September 11.
For SALE, A Valuable PLANTATION, lying on Fleet's Creek, Lancaster county, and on the borders of the Chesapeake Bay, mouth of the Rappahannock, containing about 2,000 acres of rich well timbered Land; 50 of which is in cultivation—attached to it is an island of 31 1-2 acres, with a comfortable settlement now tenanted out; the improvements on the manor are a Dwelling-House, Kitchen, Barn, Dairy, &c. The distance from Norfolk is but an easy day's sail; this Plantation possesses the best range for cattle in the country, with an excellent thad and herring fishery, good oysters, two good orchards one peach and the other apple. Any person inclined to purchase, will apply to William Dawson, or to the subscriber in Norfolk, who will at any time take a run to this valuable place to view the premises. It will be further observed, that the above place will be sold a great bargain. H. Prescott. I do likewise offer for Sale, my right and title to a valuable part of Willoughby Point ESTATE, containing 217 acres, and a probability of 400 acres, low for cash, or any article of produce which will command a trade, as I am determined to get clear of it as soon as possible; the land lays dry, is rich, well timbered, and is within 300 yards of the Chesapeake shore—I have likewise constantly on hand, a quantity of Manufactured TOBACCO, of an excellent quality. H. P. September 18. Iawtf
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2 lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d Sheathing, do. 7 1-2d 6d. Sprigs, 4s 6d per M. 6d. do. 2s 9d 2d. and 3d. do. 2s 3d He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman. May 25.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.