Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1804-12-05 00:00:00

MR. CURRAN'S SPEECH.
[Every reader of taste, we are confident, will be highly gratified by the following abstract of the Speech of Mr. Curran, to evidence in the late CARM. CON. Trial in Ireland, MASSEY v. the Marquis of HEADFORT.]—London paper.
Never so clearly as in the present instance have I observed that safeguard of justice, which Providence has placed in the nature of man. Such is the imperious dominion with which truth and reason wave their sceptre over the human intellect, that no solicitation, however artful, no talent, however commanding, can reduce its allegiance. In proportion to the humility of our submission to its rule, do we rise into some faint emulation of that ineffable and presiding divinity, whose character inick attribute is to be coerced and bound by the inexorable laws of its own nature, so as to be all-wise and all-just from necessity rather than election. You have seen it in the Learned Advocate who has preceded me, most peculiarly and strikingly illustrated. You have seen his great talents, perhaps the first in any country, languishing under a cause too weak to carry him, and too heavy to be carried by him. He was forced to dismiss his natural candour and sincerity, and having no merits in his cause, to take refuge in the dignity of his own manner, the resources of his own ingenuity, from the overwhelming difficulties with which he was surrounded. The learned Counsel has told you that this unfortunate woman is not to be estimated at forty thousand pounds—fatal and unquestionable is the truth of this assertion. Alas! Gentlemen, she is no longer worth any thing; faded, fallen, degraded, and disgraced, she is worth less than nothing! But it is for the honour, the hope, the expectation, the tenderness, and the comforts, that have been ill-paid by the Defendant, and have fled forever, that you are to remunerate the plaintiff by the punishment of the defendant. It is not her present value which you are to weigh—but it is her value at the time when she sat basking in a husband's love, with the blessing of Heaven on her head, and its purity in her heart; when she sat amongst her family, and administered the morality of the parental board; estimate that past value—compare it with its present deplorable diminution—a滴 may lead you to form some judgment of the severity of the injury, and the extent of the compensation. The learned Counsel has referred you to other cases, and other countries, for instances of moderate verdicts. I can refer you to some authentick instances of just ones. In the next county, 15,000. against a subaltern officer. In Travers and McCarthy, 5,000. against a servant. In Tighe against Jones, 10,000. against a man not worth a shilling. What then ought to be the rule, where rank, and power, and wealth, and station, have combined to render the example of his crime more dangerous—to make his guilt more odious—to make the injury to the plaintiff more grievous, because more conspicuous? I affect no levelling familiarity when I speak of persons in the higher rank of society—distinctions of orders are necessary, and I always feel disposed to treat them with respect—but when it is my duty to speak of the crimes by which they are degraded, I am not so fastidious as to shrink from their contact, when to touch them is essential to their disaffection. However, therefore, I should feel on any other occasion, a disposition to speak of the noble defendant with the respect due to his station, and perhaps to his qualities, of which he may have many to redeem him from the odium of this transaction, I cannot so indulge myself here, I cannot betray my client, to avoid the pain of doing my duty. I cannot forget that in this action, the condition, the conduct and circumstances of the party, are justly and peculiarly the objects of your consideration. Who then are the parties? The plaintiff, young, amiable, of family and education. Of the generous disinterestedness of his heart, you can form an opinion from the evidence of the defendant, that he declined an alliance which would have added to his fortune and consideration, and which he rejected for an unproportioned union with his present wife. She too at that time young, beautiful and accomplished; and feeling her affection for her husband increase, in proportion as she remembered the ardour of his love, and the sincerity of his sacrifice. Look now to the defendant! Can you behold him without shame and indignation? With what feelings can you regard a rank that he has so tarnished, and a patent that he has so worse than cancelled? High in the army—high in the state—the hereditary counsel of the King—of wealth idealisable; and to this last I advert with an indignant and contemptuous satisfaction, because, as the only instrument of his guilt and shame, it will be the means of his punishment, and the compensation for his guilt. His learned Counsel contend that the plaintiff has been the author of his own sufferings, and ought to receive no compensation for the ill consequences of his own conduct. In what part of the evidence do you find any foundation for that assertion? He indulged her, it seems, in dress—generous and attached, he probably indulged her in that point beyond his means; and the defendant now impudently calls on you for an excuse for the adulterer in the fondness and liberality of the husband.
But you have been told that the husband connived. Odious and impudent aggravation of injury—to add calumny to insult, and outrage to dishonour? From whom but a man hackneyed in the paths of shame and vice—from whom but a man having no compunctions in his own breast to restrain him, could you expect such brutal disregard for the feelings of others? From whom but the cold-blooded seducer—from what but the exhausted mind, the habitual community with shame—from what but the habitual contempt of virtue and man, could you have expected the arrogance, the barbarity, and folly of so foul, because of so false, an imputation? He should have reflected, and have blushed, before he suffered so vile a topic of defence to have passed his lips. But ere you condemn, let him have the benefit of the excuse, if the excuse be true. You must have observed how his counsel flattered and vibrated—between what they called connivance and injudicious confidence, and how, in affecting to distinguish, they have confounded them both together. If the plaintiff has connived I freely say to you, do not reward the wretch who has prostituted his wife, and surrendered his own honour—do not compensate the pander of his own shame, and willing instrument of his own infamy. But as there is no sum so low, to which such a defence, if true, ought not to reduce your verdict, so neither is any so high to which such a charge ought not to inflame it, if such a charge be false. Where is the single fact in this case on which the remotest suspicion of connivance can be hung? Odiously has the defendant endeavoured to make the softest and most amiable feelings of the heart, the pretext for his slanderous imputations: an ancient and respectable Prelate, the husband of his wife's sister, chained down to the bed of sickness, perhaps
to the bed of death, in that distressing situation my client suffered that wife to be the bearer of consolation to the bosom of her sister—he had not the heart to refuse her—and the softness of his nature is now charged on him as a crime. He is now insolently told that he connived at his dishonour, and that he ought to have foreseen that the mansion of sickness and of sorrow would have been made the scene of assassination and of guilt. On this charge of connivance I will not further weary you, or exhaust myself; I will add nothing more, than that it is false as it is impudent—that in the evidence it has not a colour of support—and that with your verdict you should mark it with reprobation. The other subject, namely, that he was indiscreet in his confidence, does, I think, call for discussion; for, I trust, you see that I affect not any address to your passions, by which you may be led away from the subject—I presume merely to separate the parts of this affecting case, and to lay them, item by item before you, with the coldness of detail, and not with any colouring or display of fiction or of fancy. Honourable to himself was his unsuspecting confidence, but fatal must we admit it to have been, when we look to the abuse committed upon it. But where was the guilt of this indiscretion? He did admit this noble Lord to pass his threshold as his guest. Now the charge which this Noble Lord builds on his indiscretion is—“Thou fool, thou hadst confidence in my honour, and that was a guilt, indiscretion—thou simpleton, thou thoughtest that an admitted and a cherished guest would have respected the laws of honour and hospitality, and thy indiscretion was guilt—Thou thoughtest that he would have shrunk from the names and barbarity of requiting kindness with treachery, and thy indiscretion was guilt.” Gentlemen, what horrid alternative in the treatment of wives would such reasoning recommend! Are they to be immured by worse than Eastern barbarity? Are their principles to be depraved—their passions sublimated—every finer motive of action extinguished, by the inevitable consequences of thus treating them like slaves? Or is a liberal and generous confidence in them to be the passport of the adulterer, and the justification of his crimes? Monstrously, but fatally for his own repose, he was neither jealous, suspicious nor cruel. He treated the defendant with the confidence of a friend, and his wife with the tenderness of a husband. He did leave the noble Marquis the physical possibility of committing against him the greatest crime which can be perpetrated against a being of an amiable heart and refined education, and the noble defendant had the honour to avail himself of it. In the middle of day, at the moment of divine worship, when the miserable husband was on his knees, directing the prayers and thanksgiving of his congregation to their God—that moment did the remorseless adulterer chose to carry off the deluded victim from her husband—from her child—from her character—from happiness—if it is not content to leave his crime confined to its inseparable and miserable aggravations, unless he also gave it a cast and colour of factitious sacrifice and impiety.
In the most odious contempt of every personal feeling, of publick opinion, of common humanity, did he parade this woman to the sea shore, whence he transported his precious cargo to a country where her example may be less mischievous than in her own; where I agree with my learned Colleague, in heartily wishing he may remain with her for ever. We are too poor, too simple, too unadvanced a country for the example of such achievements—When the relaxation of morals is the natural growth and consequence of the great progress of arts and wealth, it is accompanied by a refinement that makes it less gross than shocking; but for such palliations we are at least a century too young. In every point of view in which I can look at the subject, I see you are called upon to give a verdict, of bold, and just, and indignant, and exemplary compensation. The injury of the plaintiff demands it from your justice. The delinquency of the defendant provokes it by its enormity. The rank on which he has relied for impunity, calls upon you to tell him, that crime does not ascend to the rank of the perpetrator, but the perpetrator sinks from his rank and descends to the level of his delinquency. The style and mode of his defence is a gross aggravation of his conduct, and a gross insult upon you.
Your verdict will, I trust, put an end to that encouragement to guilt that is built upon impunity—the devil, it seems, has saved the Noble Marquis harmless in the past; but your verdict will tell him that the term of that impunity is expired, that his old friend and banker has no more effects in his hands, and that if he draws any more upon him, he may pay his own bills himself. You will do much good by doing so; you may not enlighten his conscience, nor touch his heart, but his frugality will understand the hint. He will adopt the prudence of age, and be deterred from pursuits, in which, though he may be insensible of shame, he will not be regardless of expense. You will do more, you will not only punish him in his tender point, but you will weaken him in his strong one, his money. There is another consideration, gentlemen, which I think most imperiously demands even a vindictive award of exemplary damages, and that is the breach of hospitality. To us peculiarly does it belong to avenge the violation of its altar. The hospitality of other countries is a matter of necessity or convention, in savage nations of the first, in polished of the latter; but the hospitality of an Irishman is not the running account of posted and ledgered courtesies, as in other countries; it springs, like all his qualities, his faults, his virtues, directly from his heart. The heart of an Irishman is by nature bold, and he confides; it is tender, and he loves; it is generous, and he gives; he is hospitable. This sacrilegious intruder has prophaned the religion of that sacred altar, so elevated in our worship, so precious to our devotion; and it is our privilege to avenge the crime. You must either pull down the altar, and abolish the worship, or you must preserve its sanctity undebased. There is no alternative between the universal exclusion of all mankind from your threshold, and the most rigorous punishment of him who is admitted and betrays. This defendant has been so trusted, he has so betrayed, and you ought to make him a most signal example. Gentlemen I am the more disposed to feel the strongest indignation and abhorrence at this odious conduct of the defendant, when I consider the deplorable condition to which he has actually reduced the plaintiff, and perhaps the still more deplorable one that he has in the prospect before him. What a progress has he to travel through before he can attain the peace and tranquillity which he has lost! How like the wounds of the body are those of the mind! How burning the fever! How painful the suppuration! How slow, how hesitating, how relapsing the process to convalescence! Through what a variety of suffering, through what new scenes and changes must my unhappy client pass, ere he can re-attain, should he ever re-attain, that health of soul of which he has been despoiled by the cold and deliberate machinations of this practised and gilded seducer? if, instead
of drawing upon his incalculable wealth for a scanty retribution, you were to stop the progress of his despicable achievements by reducing him to actual poverty, you could not, even so, punish him beyond the scope of his offence, nor reprice the plaintiff beyond the measure of his suffering. Let me remind you, that in this action the law not only empowers you, but that its policy commands you, to consider the publick example as well as the individual injury—I confess I am most anxious that you should acquit yourselves worthily upon this important occasion. I am addressing you as fathers, husbands, brothers. I am anxious that a feeling of those high relations should enter into and give dignity to your verdict. But I confess I feel a tenfold solicitude when I remember that I am addressing you as my countrymen, as Irishmen, whose characters as Jurors, as gentlemen, must find either honour or degradation in the result of your decision. Small as must be the distributive share of that national estimation that can belong to so unimportant an individual as myself, yet do I own I am tremblingly solicitous for its fate—but why stoop to think at all of myself, when I know that you, Gentlemen of that Jury, when I know that our country itself, are my clients on this day, and must abide the alternative of honour, or of infamy, as you shall decide. I will not dare to despond. I have every trust and hope, and confidence in you; and to that hope I will add my most fervent prayer to the God of all Truth and Justice, so to raise and enlighten, and fortify your minds, that you may so decide, as to preserve to yourselves, while you live, the most delightful of all recollections, that of acting justly, and to transmit to your children the most precious of all inheritances, the memory of your virtue.
Now landing on Rothery's Wharf, from board the brig Ann Elizabeth,
A CHOICE PARCEL OF ANTIGUA RUM, Which will be sold low if taken from off the Wharf. John Brown. Rothery's Wharf. Who will take a Freight for the above BRIG, Burthen 1500 barrels, if application be made in a few days. December 3. tf 268
FOR BOURDEAUX, The good Ship ECHO, Burthen 350 Hds. For terms apply to the master on board, or to Moses Myers. November 28. tf 255
THE SHIP SHEFFIELD, Josiah Couper, Master:— Will take 100 Bales of Cotton on freight for Bourdeaux on moderate terms. Will sail in three weeks. Apply to the Master, or Thomas Willock. Who wants to purchase Bees-Wax. November 28. tf 257
FOR AMSTERDAM, The regular trading Ship GOSPORT, M. Derkheim, Master:— Will positively sail in 8 days. For freight or passage apply to the master on board, or to Moses Myers. November 28. tf 256
FOR CHARTER, The American Brig FACTOR, one year old, burthen 13 tons, will carry about 1500 barrels—a freight to the West-Indies will be preferred. For terms apply to the Captain on board, or Richard Blow. 2500 bushels Lisbon SALT on board said brig, which will be sold low if taken from a long fide. November 28. tf 260
FOR CHARTER, The 300 T Ship MOSES MYERS, Burthen 350 Hds. tobacco, will be ready for the reception of a cargo in a few days. For terms apply to the master on board. November 26. tf 251
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The American Brig ELIZABETH, Robert Barclay, Master:— Burthen 1300 barrels, will be ready for a cargo in a few days. Apply to John Davis. Portsmouth, November 26. tf 247
FOR SALE ON LIBERAL CREDIT, The well found fast sailing Schooner EMELY, James Samfson, Master:— Together with her cargo on board of 600 barrels Flour. November 25. tf 252
FOR SALE, A very superior PILOT BOAT, Just launched, of the following dimensions, 33 Feet 6 inches Straight Keel. 15 do. 6 do. Beam. 6 do. Hold. Now lying at Newton's Wharf. For terms apply to Wilson, Cunningham & Co. WHO HAVE IN STORE, 25,000 lb. COFFEE. 20 Tiers Dutch LINSEED OIL. November 19. tf 253
FOR SALE or CHARTER, The good Ship PATSEY, David G. Bowles, Master, Burthen 370 tons, will carry 600 hogsheads Tobacco. For terms apply to the Master on board, or to Moses Myers. Who has for Sale, on board said ship, About 5000 bushels Isle of May SALT. November 12. tf 227
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, To Europe or the West-Indies, THE AMERICAN SHIP YORKSHIRE, William Lee, Master:— About twelve months old—burthen 290 tons, and will be ready for the reception of a cargo in ten days. For terms apply to the Captain on board, or to Warren Ashley. November 8. tf 220
LANDING From the Brig ANN MARIA, from MADEIRA, AND FOR SALE, 5 Pipes, 6 Hds. and 8 Qrs. Casks, } Fine old London P. M. Wine. Apply to Robert Maitland & Co.
WHO WANT TO CHARTER, A vessel of about 1500 barrels, to load for a port in Great Britain. Sept. 1. tf 109
FOR CHARTER, The excellent new ship ARCTURUS, Samuel Winsor, master:— Burthen 300 tons.—She will be ready in three days to receive a cargo. For terms apply to the master on board, or to Moses Myers. Who offers for Sale, on board said ship, 55 SPARS. 10,000 Feet 5 inch PLANK. 28 Barrels Continental RUM. Sept. 8. tf 125
FOR CHARTER, The Ship BRUTUS, John Bunce, Master:— 236 tons burthen—a stout well built vessel; three years old, and completely found in every respect. She will be ready to receive a cargo in the course of a few days. For terms apply to N. Heron. Sept. 18. tf 142
FOR LONDON, THE AMERICAN SHIP DUMFRIES, Richard Beard, Master:— To sail about the 20th November, having three-fourths of the cargo engaged. 30 or 100 Hds. tobacco will be taken on freight if offered in time—the terms 4 guineas and 5 per cent. Donaldson, Thorburn & Co. October 30. tf 199
FOR CHARTER, The good American Ship SARAH, Abel Rawson, master:— Burthen 313 tons; will carry about 450 Hds. tobacco—now in complete order for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to Richard Blow. WHO HAS FOR SALE, 39 Hds. Richmond TOBACCO. 18 do. Peterburg do. 200 Bbs. excellent PORK. 60 do. FLOUR. 10 Puncheons Antigua RUM. 20 do. Grenada do. 20 Pipes Holland GIN. A quantity of well cured BACON. Do. HOGS LARD. Do. COARSE SALT. Sept. 11. tf 123
THE SUBSCRIBERS HAVE FOR SALE, 90 hogsheads Sugar. 60 pipes Cognac Brandy. 30 puncheons Windward Island Rum. And are now Landing, 25 puncheons 3 year old W. Island Rum. ROBERTSON & BROWN. BILLS on New-York at short date. Dec. 3. tf 266
FOR SALE—Afloat in the harbour, 270 Barrels Superfine, 80 do. Fine, } FLOUR. James Herron. IN STORE, 5,000 Bushels Coarse SALT. 40 Hogsheads Richmond TOBACCO. Philadelphia LOAF SUGAR, in hds. and bbls. December 3. tf 267
NORFOLK HOTEL. THE Subscriber informs his friends and the publick, that he has opened an HOTEL in that convenient house formerly the NAVY TAVERN No. 128 Main-Street, where he hopes by his attention, to give satisfaction to those who may favour him with their company. He will always keep the best liquors: and Private Parties will be furnished with Dinners, Suppers, or Relishes, at the shortest notice. BOARDERS accommodated by the week, month, or year Henry Benbridge. October 9. tf 170
WANTED IMMEDIATELY, A QUANTITY OF Red and White Oak Drawn Staves, for which cash will be given. ALSO, White and Pitch Pine Merchantable Boards. ROBERT MAITLAND & Co. Sept. 27. tf 137
FALL AND WINTER GOODS. THE SUBSCRIBER Has received by the Brig COMMERCE, from London, and Ship BRUTUS, from LIVERPOOL, A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF FALL AND WINTER GOODS, which he offers for sale, by Wholesale or Retail, on moderate terms. Richard Taylor. ALSO—A FEW BALES BEST TWILLED SACKING. Sept. 22. tf 130

NORFOLK LIBRARY COMPANY.
The Committee appointed to collect Subscriptions from the Subscribers to the Library, give notice that they have authorized Mr. WILLIAM HUGHES to collect the same, to whom the Subscribers are requested to make payment.
WM. B. SELDEN. ALEX. WHITEHEAD. JOHN COWPER. LITT. W. TAZEWELL.
LATEST FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. —By the arrival of the remarkably fast sailing ship Thomas Wilson, captain Tompkins, we have received papers TWENTY DAYS LATER than those by the mail. Capt. T. left London on the 1st of October, but being detained at Cowes by contrary winds, until the 20th, we have been favoured by Wm. H. Sargeant, Esq. who came passenger with the London SUN STAR, and COURIER, of the 18th October, from which we extract the articles which appear in this day's LEDGER.
By those it will be seen that WAR with SPAIN has commenced with some effect. When the declaration was made, we are not, at this moment, able to state. Our regular files are on board the Thomas Wilson, but are not later, (we suppose) than the date of her departure from London. Whether they contain any precise intelligence we cannot know. But we rather think that which we should be pleased with having an opportunity to lay before our readers, is contained in some intermediate number.
An attempt, we learn, had been made to burn the flotilla in the harbour of Boulogne, but without effect; in this the British lost some of the fire-ships employed.
Affairs with Russia had not been brought to any conclusion; and the season was then so far advanced that it is not very likely any thing would be done.
We are sorry to notice such marks of renewed discontent in Ireland. But, from the nature of the account, we are much inclined to think that it must be greatly exaggerated, if not grossly mistated.
It would appear by one of the articles from the Courier, that the government of the Republick of Batavia is to be new-modelled, on some plan more consonant with the Imperial views of Buonaparte.
Since writing the above we have seen and conversed with a gentleman who arrived in the Thomas Wilson, from whom we learn that no declaration of war had been made, but orders issued to detain all Spanish vessels until the armaments in Spain should be accounted for in a satisfactory manner.—And by the COURIER we learn, that the four frigates mentioned in the extract from the SUN, were detached from the blockading squadron of Admiral Cornwallis with sealed orders. There is little doubt, however, that a formal declaration will soon ensue the capture of those frigates.
Passengers in the Thomas Wilson;—The Honourable MR. FOSTER, Secretary of the British Legation in the United States—John Mills, Junior, Esq. of Alexandria, William H. Sargeant, and John Truely, Esq's. of Petersburg.
By a gentleman from St. Thomas, we understand that just before he left that island (about 18 days ago), a vessel had arrived from Jeremie, with information that the French had abandoned the town of Saint Domingo, and had surrendered themselves prisoners to the English.
Attention to the foreign articles in this day's paper, and the length of the publication from the Evening Post, have obliged us to postpone the debates in Congress until our next.
From the New-York Evening Post.
The following piece of composition, the productions of no ordinary pen, will command the reader's whole attention, and well reward his earnest perusal. It is not given in the place exactly intended, as we meant to have interwoven it in our discussions on the President's Message; but as city politicians have prevented our going forward in our examination of that paper, with as much dispatch as we wished, we delay no longer the insertion of this masterly production. Let the administration read it,
"And then to dinner With what appetite they may."
To the Editor of the Evening Post.
MR. COLEMAN, It has frequently been remarked that those who gain power by courting the populace, are sure, by their conduct, to belie their professions. That our administration form no exception to this rule, we have proof in abundance. Numerous and notorious instances are fresh in every man's memory. I shall not therefore repeat them, but mention two which arrested my attention in reading Commodore Morris's pamphlet. I suppose it is not yet forgotten that the people of America, when roused by a great indignity, expressed their sense of it in the popular toast "Millions for defence, not a cent for tribute." And here let me observe that whatever may be contrived by ambitious sycophants to degrade this country, there is in the American people a nobleness of soul, the legitimate offspring of freedom, which spurns at insult. Some persons, of whom it was said (I hope unjustly) that they would submit to a tributary dependence, provided they could thereby get into power, were sorely disappointed at the change produced in the publick mind. Or, to speak more accurately, at the change which seemed to be produced; for the people had all along been sound, though a noisy populace and party Gazettes had enabled certain undertakers to promise, on their behalf, a meanness of conduct which they distained. Under these circumstances, our demagogues found out a trick to divert that torrent of indignation which threatened to overwhelm them, and pour some part of it on their opponents. Those who administered the government had deemed it advisable to follow the example of other
decent our prisoners and obtain peace. This was indeed the only means they had, for every attempt to establish a naval force was strenuously opposed. While our countrymen lay in bondage, the cruel neglect of government was a fruitful topic of abuse; and when the measure for ransoming them and preventing a similar misfortune was completed, the administration was stigmatized with paying tribute to Algiers. Every dram shop resounded with declarations against the tribute to Algiers. And the honourable contrivers of this expedient bore testimony, in the fulness of their wisdom, against such prodigal waste of publick money, and entered it as an item in their general account of federal profusion .
Before we go farther, it may be well to consider this subject. There is in the Commodore's pamphlet much valuable information, which I will not repeat, but simply observe that the greatest and proudest princes have for centuries paid this tribute to the Barbary Powers. It is well known that Europe was leagued in defence of her liberties against the house of Austria, during the reign of the Emperor Charles the fifth, and against the house of Bourbon, during the reign of Louis the Fourteenth. Each of these sovereigns had ports in the Mediterranean; each, in the zenith of his power, made attempts on the Barbary coast, and both were taught, by experience, that circumstances peculiar to that coast rendered their power, great as it was, of little avail—Britain also has taken her turn in African warfare, and has been obliged (like others) to pay this tribute . In effect, the African chiefs feel no common interest with those submitted to their authority. It is to them a matter of total indifference that hundreds or thousands of their subjects be enslaved or destroyed.—They are not, therefore, to be reached by the usual operations of war. Louis the Fourteenth threatened to bombard Algiers—the Dey asked how much it would cost, and a sum being named, "give me (said he) half the money and I'll burn it myself." With this indifference for the fate of their subjects, they know how to estimate the feelings of others. One of them said not long since to an American, "I wish to be at war with your nation, and prefer it to that I am engaged in with the king of Naples, who cares no more for his subjects than I do for mine; but you are a republick, and must therefore redeem your captives at any price." The question of war and peace, with the Dey's and Bashaws, is a mere calculation of profit and loss. They inform themselves of the commerce carried on by a Christian power, and the protection given, from whence they estimate the chance of prizes and captives, then calculating the amount of their share, make war or peace, according as the presents fall short of or exceed that amount.
This digression, though tiresome to some readers, may be useful to others. Returning from it, I repeat that one of the points on which our present rulers had committed themselves, as far as language could go, or demagogues be committed, was not to pay for peace with the Barbary powers . The Tripolic war is coeval with their administration; for to have offered money before that breach was cold which had declaimed against African Tribute , was considered as a morsel too hard of digestion, and, therefore, it became necessary to engage in hostilities. By the bye, it may be concluded from hence that due allowance was not then made for the strength of a democratick stomach. At this time the tax was to be repealed on Whiskey, Loaf Sugar, and Coaches. Economy was, therefore, the order of the day. Moreover, the Constitution was invaded, for the purpose of putting down, a few obnoxious Judges, and the honourable pretext was to save some thirty thousand dollars. To reconcile this parade of economy with the expenditure on an armament against the least of the Barbary powers, sufficient to preserve peace with them all, was no easy task. In the performance of it, the two Houses of Congress were assured, by his Excellency the President, that he had employed " the smallest force competent ." This is the force which was placed under the orders of Commodore Morris. Before that gentleman (who was sent to sea with a rotten mast and bowsprit) could leave Gibraltar, the Emperor of Morocco declared war, because certain passports had been refused; respecting which I have in my first letter noticed the sudden change in our councils. But that was not the only change produced by the Emperor's declaration. In a letter from Secretary Smith of the 13th of August, we find the following paragraph, "Captain Barron will deliver you the sum of about twenty thousand or thirty thousand dollars, to be applied in your discretion, to the co-ordinating of the Emperor of Morocco and the Dey's of Tripoli and Tunis ."
In a letter from Secretary Madison, of the 22d of August to the Consul at Morocco, we find the following paragraph "Commodore Morris will receive for certain contingent purposes about twenty thousand dollars. Should a part of this money be indispensably required in any of your conciliatory measures, he will open the resource to you on being satisfied with the occasion of resorting to it." We do not find the odious word tribute in either of these letters. It is only a little money to conciliate. One might even be led to consider it as a charity: the scriptural direction for giving alms not to let the left hand know what the right hand doth is strictly pursued. Secretary Smith tells his right hand man, the Commodore, the money is to be applied to conciliating, the Emperor of Morocco and the Dey's of Tripoli and Tunis , but Secretary Madison, tells his left hand man, the Consul, it is sent for contingent purposes. Thus we find that our administration, after spending a large sum on the smallest force competent, abandon all their ground at the sight of a gun from Morocco, and notwithstanding their horror of African tribute , determine to procure peace (if possible) by the aid of money. The agent to be employed (Mr. Cathcart) tells Commodore Morris, "the instructions received from the President justify his having refused to make any proposals to the Bashaw of Tripoli, and confirm him in the opinion that could a peace be obtained for five thousand dollars it would be contrary to our interest," &c. What these instructions were does not appear. But if Mr. Cathcart's version be correct, they did not perfectly square with those given to Morris and Simpson. Be that as it may, an effort was made to purchase peace; but without success. On this occasion, as on that which preceded, our rulers adhered to the principles of their economy ; as they had sent the smallest force, so they sent the smallest sum " competent ." By which we are in both cases to understand means incompetent to the end. The force " competent " did not prevent the pirate from taking one of our ships, and the cash " competent " was not sufficient to conciliate the Dey. Since that period we have gone on warring, if not with force, at least with folly " competent "; and having lost a forty-four gun ship by the vigorous blockade of Tripoli, are (it is said) so far from having attained the object of peace with the Dey, that we have reason to apprehend an extension of the war, by the accession of Tunis and Morocco.
We come now to the second instance where the professions of our rulers, before they were in power, and their practice after it, stand in contradiction. It must be fresh in the recollection of all who took the trouble of listening to their declamations or reading their Gazettes, that they laid it down as a principle, " one nation has no right to meddle with the internal affairs of another ." This pretended principle was adopted for the liberal purpose of vilifying governments supposed to favour the restoration of monarchy in France. The opposition in England, with like candour, but more decency, advanced the same doctrine. Their leader, (by way of ridicule) called
against principles, and was extremely factious about fighting against principles. It may be proper, therefore, before we proceed, to examine this primary ground. I shall admit that, generally speaking, while nations are at peace, one of them should not meddle with the internal affairs of another. I shall acknowledge also that, generally speaking, every nation should be left to adopt such principles of religion and government as she may deem most conducive to her happiness. But to suppose that a nation can in no case, rightfully interfere in the domestic concerns of another, is contrary to common sense. Let those who deny this right show if they can how the various treaties of succession and guarantee in Europe, and the guarantee of republican government in American , are to operate.
As to the war against principle, notwithstanding the chime of words we shall, on examining things discover that almost all wars are, in some degree, wars against principles. Two nations entertain hostile principles and go to war. After fighting ten or a dozen years, growing weary of the contest, they adopt pacific principles, and make peace. Charles V. and Louis XIV. were actuated by ambitious principles and all Europe to secure themselves against the effect of those principles, went to war. The 1st in English of the memorials and manifestoes is this: You, Charles (or Louis) regulating your conduct by ambitious principles , aim at universal empire ; we therefore resolve (by war) to disable you from putting those principles into practice. Or, You, the Jacobins, regulating your conduct by disorganizing principles , aim at universal destruction ; we therefore resolve (by war) to disable you from putting those principles into practice—Surely no man will be so bold as to deny that self-preservation, (the first law of nature) applies as well to states as to individuals. Can it then be supposed that when a government shall find the national existence endangered by the internal arrangements and pernicious principles of a powerful and wicked neighbour, it has no right to interfere in such arrangements, and oppose such principles? This would amount almost to a contradiction in terms. But as the rights of nations are deduced from, so they are restrained by, reason and justice: what is called the law of nations being merely the application of sound sense to the circumstances in which nations may be placed, and rules drawn from general practice, which are therefore considered as the result of reason. As to this right, then, of interfering in the affairs of other nations, each particular case must be determined on the general rules of practice, and according to its special circumstances. It can neither be affirmed nor denied universally, and therefore that unlimited denial which was assumed as a principle, and the consequent abuse of the powers of Europe for warning against France, were equally unjust and indecent. I beg leave to remark that this entry against interfering in the domestic affairs of France, was one of the means used by the present, to overturn the former, administration. Now then let us look at their conduct.
We find in a letter from Secretary Madison (of the same date with one already noticed, viz. the 22d Aug. 1803) to Mr. Eaton, the following clause. "Not having your last letters by me, I cannot refer to their dates nor particularly to their contents. The most important part of them communicated the plan concerted with the brother of the Bashaw of Tripoli, for making use of him against the latter, in favour of the United States. Although it does not accord with the general sentiments or views of the United States , or intermeddle in the domestic contests of other countries , it cannot be unfair in the prosecution of a just war , or the accomplishment of a reasonable peace , to turn to their advantage the enmity and pretensions of others against a common foe." Should this rival brother be disappointed in his object, it will be due to the honour of the United States to treat his misfortune with the utmost tenderness , and restore him as nearly as may be to the situation from which he may be drawn , unless some other proper arrangement should be more acceptable to him.—The wish of the President will be conveyed to Commodore Morris and Mr. Cathcart, with a suggestion that, in the event of peace with the ruling Bashaw, an attempt should be made to insert some provision favourable to his brother ." In a letter from the same gentleman, and of the same date, to Mr. Cathcart, we find, the following paragraph: "According to information given by Mr. Eaton, he has prevailed on the BROTHER of the Bashaw of Tripoli to repair to Malta with a view to be with our squadron before Tripoli, and to be made use of against the Bashaw . At this distance, it is difficult to judge accurately of the project, or to give particular instructions for the management of it. Although it does not accord with the general sentiments or views of the United States to intermeddle in the domestic contests of other countries , it cannot be unfair, in the prosecution of a just war , or the accomplishment of a reasonable peace , to take advantage of the hostile co-operation of others. As far, therefore, as the views of the brother may contribute to our success, the aid of them may be used for the purpose. Should this aid be found inapplicable, or his own personal object unattainable, it will be due to the honour of the United States , and to the expectations he will naturally have formed, to treat his disappointment with much tenderness , and to restore him (as nearly as may be) to the situation from which he was drawn , or to some other convenient arrangement that may be more eligible to him. In case of a treaty of peace with the ruling Bashaw of Tripoli, perhaps it may be possible to make some stipulation, formal or informal, in favour of the brother , which may be a desirable alleviation of his misfortune ."
It appears that this brother was governor of Dinnah, under the Bashaw's authority, and had been prevailed on to become a pretender to his brother's throne; in which loyal and pious project he was to be assisted by the United States, as far as his views might contribute to their success .—Let us for a moment compare this with the project imputed to British ministers, and against which these very gentlemen raised so much clamour. The legitimate monarch of France had been dethroned and murdered, whereby his brother (an infant son having perished in prison) became entitled to the throne, according to the principles received and acknowledged for many centuries, and it was supposed that the British ministry favoured this claim.—The Bashaw of Tripoli being in quiet possession of sovereign power, his brother and subject had accepted an office under him, but it is acknowledged that the American ministry persuaded him to set up pretensions to his brother's throne. In every leading feature of the two cases, we find a difference which justifies the British and condemns the American administration.
But it becomes us to look a little more nearly at the doctrine of Secretary Madison. He declares that to intermeddle in the domestic contests or controversies of other countries does not accord with the general sentiments or views of the United States. He then proceeds to state cases in which such interference is proper, or to use his own term, fair , which I take to be the meaning of the words not unfair . These cases are the prosecution of a just war , and the accomplishment of a reasonable peace . Now as it is an acknowledged principle that, nations having no common judge, each must be believed as to the motives of his own conduct; and as it cannot be expected that any one will acknowledge himself guilty of waging an unjust war to obtain an unreasonable peace; so it follows that the Secretary's cases comprise all the wars that ever have been or ever will
be; wherefore the rule not to interfere in the domestic concerns of others, which some years ago was laid down as a principle , and which the Secretary has now whittled to a sentiment or view , can never apply in time of war. Thus the declaration against the powers of Europe for interfering in the domestic concerns of France, is wholly condemned, and those powers fully justified, by Mr. Secretary Madison. Nay he goes far beyond any of them; for they only asserted a right to interfere in favour of a just claim , but he declares it is fair to turn to advantage the pretensions of others : we look in vain for the little word just .
The powers of Europe conceived that Louis the Sixteenth had just pretensions; and yet they were execrated as a set of abominable tyrants for supporting him. But now Mr. Secretary Madison says it is fair to take advantage of any pretensions whatever. Commodore Morris properly observes that "this principle is broad enough", yet broad as it is (and the Secretary has taken care to stretch the stuff to its utmost bearing) it will not cover his case. The question is not whether it be fair to take advantage of pretensions , but whether it is fair to set up a pretender . Whether it be justifiable to seduce a subject from his allegiance, and stimulate him to rebellion.—Whether it be not a breach of all laws, human and divine, to instigate and assist the wretch who would imbrue his hands in a brother's blood. There is scarce a tint of a trait in the black catalogue of crimes, but what may be found in this act which the secretary's doctrine is intended to justify. Taken together, they amount to a declaration that the state of War cancels all moral obligations, cuts asunder every human tie, severs the dearest bonds of nature, and justifies the primeval sin. Yet these are gentlemen who, in the height and depths of their philosophy, discovered and declared, that one nation has no right to meddle with the internal affairs of another.
But this project, immoral as it is, will, on examination, appear to be not less impolitic. What security could be given for the performance of his promises, by a wretch who, in the very act of making them, proved himself to be unlettered by the principles of honour, the sanctity of oaths, and the charities of nature? Admitting, for a moment, that the project did fair to succeed, was it not to be expected that Sidi Hamet Caramanli would, when his end was answered, laugh at those who had the folly to trust a traitor? But further, what reason have we to suppose that he was sincere even in his professions? He was, probably faithful to his brother, and meant merely to make us the dopes of our own fraud. If so, when he had received the desired arms, ammunition and money, he would have pocketed the last, and delivered the others to his prince. Indeed it is hard to imagine, much less to believe, that the slender means we could afford would materially contribute to a revolution in Tripoli. We could furnish no troops, neither could our ships be of service, since the business must, of course, have been decided on land.—If Sidi was a man of sense, he would not risk himself on a foundation so slight as supplies to be received from America. Considering the distance, co-operation at a fixed time could not be expected; and to extend a plot so as to embrace an army (upon a vague contingency) is next to madness. Yet this must be pre-supposed, on the present occasion, because if the conspiracy was not ripe when the succours arrived, they would be thrown away. Hence it follows, that if Sidi was a man of sense, he could not have been sincere. I should not be surprised, therefore, if it should hereafter appear that he played a double game, and that our attempt to excite a rebellion in Tripoli, has been used as an argument with Tunis and Morocco to join in the war.
How often have we heard our rulers (before they were in power) declaim against sending abroad foreign ministers, gravely observing that it might involve us in the maze of European politics. Yet here we find them running headlong into the more intricate maze of African politics. And if we may estimate their knowledge of African cabinets and African character, by that which they have displayed in respect to the African coast and climate, we shall have no reason to hope for a more prosperous issue to their dealings with the Dey's, than has attended their conventions with the most Christian Consul and Catholic King. Of all the mischiefs which might result from their crooked policy, one only seems to have struck their attention, viz. that Sidi Hamet Caramanli might not succeed in his rebellion. Secretary Madison considers his failure as a " misfortune which is to be treated with the utmost tenderness , and that the United States would be bound in honour to provide for him ." The kind of provision is not indeed clearly ascertained, except an " attempt to restore him to the situation from which he was drawn "; that is, persuading the Bashaw of Tripoli to make him again the Governor of Dinnah, as a reward for his fidelity in the execution of that trust. This would no doubt be a strong inducement with certain people; but it was foreseen that his dull African intellect might not comprehend the reasons for such an arrangement. Had he been well acquainted with our affairs, he would indeed have known the wisdom of committing the powers of a government to its mortal foes. But being a poor bigot, unenlightened by the bright rays of philosophy, it was to be apprehended that he might be so blind as to prefer his friends to his enemies. In condescension, therefore, to such vulgar prejudice, Secretary Madison suggests the propriety of making some OTHER PROPER ARRANGEMENTS which might be MORE ACCEPTABLE to his worthy friend Sidi.—This arrangement is not expressed; but with the Secretary's wonted sagacity and candour, is left to the discretion and responsibility of the negotiators. It can hardly be supposed that after a rebellion and civil war, either of the brothers would trust the other; and it is evident that whatever stipulations should be made, in favour of the rebel, must be paid for by the United States. The safest and cheapest mode, therefore, would be to compensate Sidi, directly, from the Treasury of the United States, and the most convenient method of arranging such matters as might occasion perplexing debates is (as exemplified in the conventions for Louisiana) by inserting them in a treaty. The administration have then only the Senate to deal with, which saves at least one half the trouble. Moreover the necessity of accepting or rejecting certain treaties, in mass, may bring through disgraceful articles in a jerk. Hence it is not unfair to conclude that the proper arrangement alluded to, as more eligible and more acceptable than his former situation, was a good handsome pension; such as would enable honest Sidi to live in a manner suitable to his former rank, and consistent with his ancient habits. Fifteen or twenty thousand dollars a year would, it is presumed, be the smallest sum " competent ". But he might in the " harmony of social intercourse " with our excellent President, acquire some knowledge of economy, and as the Marine Barracks at Washington are now empty, they might conveniently be applied to the uses of his seraglio; an establishment said to be much wanting in that splendid capital; not to mention the salutary influence of Sidi's example on the rising generation, teaching them the advantages to be derived from the philosophical sacrifice of moral sentiment.
Stipulations of this sort would have been more convenient also in an other respect. It is to be presumed that they would be readily assented to by the ruling Bashaw; whereas an attempt to insert provisions of any other kind must have delayed, if not wholly pre-

LATEST FOREIGN NEWS. Received by the ship Thomas-Wilson, Capt. Tompkins, arrived yesterday, from London.
LONDON, October 18. Advices were received this day, stating that on the 5th instant, the Medusa, Indefatigable, Amphion, and Lively, fell in with four Spanish frigates, off St. Mary's, from Rio de la Plata bound to Cadiz, with treasure. As they resisted the orders which, our frigates were under, to detain all Spanish ships of war till a satisfactory explanation should be given in regard to the present armaments in the ports of Spain, an engagement took place; in which after a few broadsides, one of the Spanish vessels blew up, two others, one with a Rear-Admiral's flag, struck, the fourth endeavouring to make her escape, was overtaken by the Lively, and after a short action struck, also. She proved to be La Pampa, of 34 guns and 300 men, had 12 killed and 50 wounded; she was commanded by a commodore. The Lively has arrived at Portsmouth, with La Pampa; the two others, La Medea and La Clara, are hourly expected. The treasure on board is estimated at TWENTY MILLIONS OF DOLLARS. The whole of the crew perished in the ship that was blown up. (SUN.)
DUBLIN, October 13. At this very moment, 3 o'clock, a letter has been put into my hands from Leighlin Bridge, in the county of Kildare, which comes from a person with whom I am well acquainted, and whose veracity I have never had reason to doubt. The letter states that they are all in consternation at Leighlin Bridge in consequence of having discovered a horrid plot. One of the conspirators has made a discovery, and has declared that the number of persons organised is very considerable, 50,000, but that number is probably much exaggerated.
The letter adds, what we have certainly no knowledge of here, that a Committee of 70 of the ringleaders has been sitting in Dublin. The person who has made the discovery has pointed out a wood, which was to be cut down, to be manufactured into pikes. The intelligence from Leighlin Bridge has been transmitted to government, who are not ignorant of the particulars, but who do not participate in the alarm which seems to have occupied the minds of the persons by whom the account of the plot was sent.
Such is the substance of the letter that has been received from Dublin. We must believe that the account has been greatly exaggerated. At any rate, as government are in possession of the intelligence, they will of course take every step to defeat any treasonable attempt that may be made. (Courier.)
On Saturday next, we have been given to understand, the new form of government which Holland is to assume, is to be publicly declared. Preparatory to that event, the French troops have been increased upon the Dutch frontier, for the purpose, as has been stated, of adopting measures with respect to English merchandise, but really perhaps for the purpose of checking any discontent or disturbance which might take place in consequence of the changes in the government. Yet in the present state of the publick mind in Holland, we do not expect that any attempt will be made to resist the tyranny of the French. Perhaps Buonaparte may have alarmed the Dutch with the idea of confiscating British produce, and of checking the trade with this country, for the purpose of diverting their attention from political subjects. He may mean to accompany the new changes in the constitution, with some encouraging commercial declaration, and with an assurance that the alarms of the Dutch merchants are unfounded, and the Dutch would then, we have no doubt, receive the new changes, if not with joy, at least without disapprobation. We believe the Dutch to be very little solicitous about any thing else but commerce. (ibid.)
The departure of the Russian charge d'affaires, M. D'Oubril, from Mentz, is a sufficient refutation of the rumour at Paris that the differences between Russia and France were likely to be adjusted. M. D'Oubril was kept at Mentz as a prisoner, or hostage for the French minister at Petersburg; and Buonaparte, with the insolence that forms a prominent feature of his character, wished to have it supposed that the person of his own minister would have been insecure had he not detained the Russian minister; thus treating the Russian government and nation, as a people against whom it was necessary to adopt the same precautions as against tribes and hordes of savages and barbarians. (ibid.)
We have been favoured with the following extract of a letter from a naval officer on board the Foudroyant, admiral Sir Thomas Graves, off Brest, to a naval officer at Dundee, dated 7th September last— "I have inclosed a list of the enemy's fleet in the outer road of Brest. They are extremely formidable, and the finest ships I ever saw. They appear to me to be all ready for a start. I went in the Sirius frigate with Sir Thomas Graves, to reconnoitre, and the weather being fine, we had a very good view indeed. We stood in so close, that we had the pleasure of being saluted from both sides of the entrance with shot and shells; two of the latter nearly fell on board of the frigate. A few days ago four French soldiers came off in a boat. They belonged to the 4th brigade of marine artillery. One is a very intelligent man indeed, and had been one of the noblesse. The French soldiers have only 3d. per diem, and a coarse suit of blue cloth once in three years. Bread and wine is very dear in France."
* FLOTTE DE BREST.
   Guns. Guns.     Le Vengeur vaisseau Le Watigni, 74   de Panirai, Le Brave, 74   Le Republicain, Le Batave, 74   L'Invincible, L'Eole, 74   Le Vetteran, L'Aquilon, 74   Le Jean Bart, Le Diomede, 74   Le Foudroyant, Le Patriote, 74   L'Impetueux, Frigates.   L'Alliance, La Valeureuse, 40   L'Ulysse, L'Indienne, 40   Le Jupiter, Le Comete, 40   L'Alexandre, La Volontaire, 40   Le Tourville, La Felicite, 40   Le Cossart,  
chares has afforded a pretence to the Corsican for new insinuations, and invidious comments. It is asserted, that the Russians are making preparations to seize upon the Turkish provinces in Europe. It is reported, that after several conferences with M. Talleyrand, at Mentz, M. d'Oubril, the Russian Minister, has finally left the French territory. The French Legation is supposed to have quitted Russia. There is a report, for which there seems little foundation, that an Electoral Association is about to be formed, including most of the Electoral Princes, the object of which is to maintain the Germanick Constitution, and the rights of the Electors to choose the Emperor. The king of Sardinia intends to reside at Corfu under the protection of Russia. It is reported that the Insurgents in the Turkish province of Servia, have applied to the Austrian government for its protection, and it is added, that the Austrian Cordon on that frontier has been reinforced. This state of things, and the conveniences physiques are strong temptations to encroachment, but the Austrian government has hitherto taken no step which can give umbrage to the Turk. According to the latest accounts, Czerni George, the Chief of the insurgent Servians in the East, promises fair to rival the great men of the West in the list of revolutionary Emperours. Captain Collier is appointed to the command of the Leander, of 50 guns, at Halifax, bearing the flag of Sir A. Mitchell. (STAR.)
Accounts have been received in town that Lieut. Wright, who was confined in the Temple at Paris, has been liberated, but on what conditions has not been stated. We are concerned to state that Lord Nelson's health has been some time on the decline, and that great apprehensions are entertained of his total loss of sight. Every good patriot must participate in any affliction that might visit this gallant Admiral, to whom the country is indebted so much, and to whom when he last left England he was determined that it should still owe more. (MORN: ADV.)
BUONAPARTE-ANA. [Communicated by a Russian gentleman, just escaped from Paris.]
On the Revolution of the 18th Brumaire, Sieyes, and Barrere, advised Buonaparte (as the only means of quelling the country) to recall Louis the XVIIIth; to which he seemingly assented, and told them they might write a letter in consequence; having done this, they presented a letter to him, which he, putting in his pocket, said, "now take care of yourselves, for I can have you guillotined whenever I think proper."
This gentleman walking along the banks of the Seine, observed a crowd, and curious to know what was the matter, saw a number of persons playing with walnut shells in the water; and one of them being asked what they were doing, said, "we are only exercising our flotilla; for which joke he was immediately carried off and clapped in prison. The same was done, in this gentleman's presence, as he was travelling in the diligence, to a poor man whom they picked up, who, being asked by the coachman if he would go inside, said, no, "Je veux voyager Imperialement." I will travel in an imperial manner.
In our paper of the 28th ultimo, we published the insolent attack of the Imperial Corsican through his Official Journal, the Manteur, on the king of Sweden. We have since received by the Thomas Wilson our file of the London TIMES, CHRONICLE, MESSENGER, and MORNING ADVERTISER, from which we extract the following
STATE PAPER. Note transmitted by order of his Swedish Majesty to M. Caillard, the French charge d'affaires at Stockholm, Sept. 7, 1801. "His Majesty the King of Sweden has received a report of the improper, the insolent, and the ridiculous observations which Monsieur Napoleon Buonaparte has allowed to be inserted in his Manteur of the 14th of August, under the article Ratisbon. The tone, the style, and even the subject of this article, are all of so extraordinary a nature, that his Majesty has been yet hardly able to comprehend the object of such an act of political extravagance. If it has been done in the hope of misleading the publick as to the conduct of his majesty, as appears, from the uncommon pains that are taken to draw a line of separation between his majesty and his subjects, let the world understand, that any instigation to that effect never could have been less likely to succeed than at this moment, or than it always will, with a people whose interests are bound up with those of a sovereign, who has never separated his prosperity from theirs, and who never feels so happy as when he contributes to the glory and to the happiness of his subjects. As his majesty cannot, consistent with his own dignity, or the honour of his crown, permit any official intercourse, after such an insult, he has ordered me, Sir, to communicate to you, that, from this day, all diplomatical intercourse of every kind, both private and publick, is immediately to cease between the French Legation at Stockholm and his majesty's government. As a sentence in the article above-mentioned seems to imply that the French government is disposed to admit that the continuance of the commercial intercourse between Sweden and France would be attended with some advantages, his majesty on his part, is willing to permit the same, from those sentiments of esteem which he has always entertained for the French people; sentiments which he has inherited from his ancestors, and which owe their origin to far happier times. (Signed) "T. D. EHRENSHEIM."
STOCKHOLM, Sept. 11. The following document from our Court Chancellor, appeared here on the 7th instant:— "His Majesty the King has been pleased to inform me, by his gracious letter of the 26th of August, that for a long time the prevalent tone of most French Journals and daily papers has been marked by a want of due respect for Kings and Princes, and for every lawful Government; that this insolence, so worthy of chastisement, has continued to increase, and the consequences thereof have lately appeared in one of the newspapers most generally known, which has dared to insert expressions attacking the King's exalted person, and, consequently, the dignity of the Empire; and as this cannot be passed over without animadversion, his Majesty has been pleased to order:— 1. That from the hour when this notification is made publick, the importation into the Swedish Empire, and the provinces belonging thereto, of French Journals, Weekly Magazines, and Daily Papers, is strictly prohibited; and that no exception can be granted or demanded. 2. That all importation of Books and Writings, which may be printed in France in future; is likewise prohibited; those, however, which have already appeared, are not included, provided their contents be not contrary to the regulation of the ordinances still in force; but, with respect to French Books, which may be published in future, exceptions may be admitted, if an humble request be made for the purpose through the office of the King's Court of Chancery. In consequence whereof, I am required to publish this gracious command and ordinance of his Majesty the King, that all people may conform themselves thereto. (Ex Officio.) "C. B. ZIBET. "Stockholm, Sept. 7, 1801." "A. D. HUMMEL."
CONSTANTINOPLE, July 30. —The successive passages of Russian ships of war and transports with troops on board, through the Dardanelles, destined for Corfu, does not create the slightest sensation at Constantinople. The Ottoman government, so far from opposing the passage, continues to live on terms of the best understanding with Russia, and appears even to derive a new degree of support from the arrival of these foreign forces, both for the preservation of the tranquillity of the Archipelago, and of the Coast of Asia, whether against domestick insurrection, or foreign attack. The people indeed always jealous of the approach of strangers, particularly of foreign soldiers, were disposed to be guilty of some acts of tumult, if the Russian soldiers had been permitted to land in great numbers from Bajukdare, where the Russian vessels moored. The Russian minister had, however, the wisdom to give strict orders to several officers to prevent their men from coming ashore. If the inhabitants of Constantinople had only seen thirty Russians together in the streets, this assuredly would have given rise to a tumult. The fact is, however, that a few Armenians only were for a short time permitted to be ashore at Constantinople. While in the town they appeared solely in the capacity of travellers. The object of the Court of Petersburg seems to have been to avail itself of the confidence of the Porte, without doing any thing to weaken its influence. It is not denied, that for the court of St. Petersburg it is a matter of infinite moment to have a commanding station in the South of Europe, particularly in the Mediterranean. Independent of the advantages which this procures to Russian commerce, from its establishments on the Coasts of the Black Sea, it is not at all a matter of indifference in a political point of view, because the protection of the Republick of the Seven Islands furnishes an opportunity of maintaining a military force in a point which is almost central, whether with reference to Europe, to Asia, or to Africa. Such a position, constantly supported by an armed force, may often be the means of preserving a balance of power, while it only professes to have a military object in view. Under these circumstances, General Brune, the French Ambassador, has frequent conferences with the Reis Effendi, and these negotiations will, in all probability, assume a new character of importance from the arrival of a French officer of distinction on a special mission. The fresh conferences will, it is understood, refer principally to the acknowledgment of Buonaparte's newly acquired dignity; but it is not to be expected that the general state of the politics of the European States will engross a considerable share of attention. The Porte, on the subject of the acknowledgment of this new dignity, and on several other subjects, appears to have adopted a system of temporising policy, and waits for a resolution to be taken by the leading powers of Europe. In following this line of policy, the Porte, however, sees the continual renewal of new intestine commotions.—Bodies of troops are assembling in every direction, to repress the insurrections in the provinces where tranquillity is either interrupted by refractory governors, or by the prevalence of open rebellion among the people. (Morning Chronicle.)
SALE AT AUCTION.
On Saturday next, the 8th December, At 11 o'clock, AT MY OFFICE—FOR CASH. A PAIR OF ELEGANT GREY GELDINGS, and an handsome SECOND HAND CARRIAGE. The horses are extremely well matched, and broke to the carriage, and raise their seventh year. They will be sold separate or together, as the purchaser wishes. WILLIAM B. LAMB, V. M. December 5. 272
FOR SALE, (V ap. less for in three days) The fast sailed Schooner PHOENIX, Now laying at Newton's wharf, burthen 100 tons, and only one year old. Apply to the master on board, or William Pennock. WHO OFFERS FOR SALE, 50 Tons PLAISTER OF PARIS, on board said schooner. December 5. 273
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The remarkably fast sailing copper bottomed Ship THOMAS WILSON, CHRISTOPHER TOMPKINS, Master:— Burthen 38 tons or 430 bds. to acco. Will be ready for the receipt of cargo in a few days. Apply to Wilson, Cunningham & Co. December 5. 270
NOW LANDING At Newton's Wharf, from the Schooner THREE SISTERS, 20 Puncheons St. CROIX RUM. 3 Hogsheads do. SUGAR. Also—From on board the Schooner COROTOMAN, 16 Hogsheads SUGAR, superior quality. 8 Bags best GREEN COFFEE. For sale by Wilson, Cunningham & Co. December 5. 271
JOHN C. NIEMEYER, Has received in addition to his former assortment of GERMAN GOODS, 45 packages German Linens, &c. chiefly entitled to drawback, Consisting of
   Platillas, brown Hollands, Britains, Sheetings, extra fine 1 1-8 yard wide, Dowlass and Creas of the best quality, Shit linen, Diapers, Bed Ticking for Mattresses, Bed Bunts fine 1 1-4 to 2 yards wide, Ticklenburgs, Oznaburgs, Brown Hempens Hessian, Brown and White Rolls, Russia Sheetings and light Canvas. tes, Wine Glasses, and Basket Flasks, &c. 3 Boxes English Mustard. 8 bales Cloths, Flannels, Coatings, &c. Audirons, Waffleirons, Coffee muls, Bird cages, and Seeds of all kinds, Table mats, & Straw plates, Suspenders of the best kind, Violins, Flutes, Clarinets and Flutes, Harp strings and Violin strings, elegant Bows and Instruction books, Looking Glasses, a large assortment of Baskets, fine and common do. do. Toys cheap by the quantity.   ALSO, Velvet Ribbons no 2 to 150, Push for Saddlers, black Satin for waistcoats, Brussels Lace 4 to 20 dols. per yard, cheap Edgings, German Muslin Thread, patent Needles, India sewing Silk, Made Shirrs, Thread Stockings very fine, Razors, Spectacles, and Penknives, of the very first qualities, Che p Jewellery, fine Scissars, Muffs and T-pits of Martin Skins, 15 boxes Tumblers, Decan- ALSO, 90 boxes first quality Havana Segars, 50 do. good quality St. Jago do. 140 do. Short Pipes, 200 lbs. Shoe Thread, 2000 Coffee bags good quality, 400 Gunny do. 230 M. com cheap Needles, 60 M. Toy marbles, 1 cases superior Quills, &c.   I will sell the above Goods low for cash or approved bills, or in barter for Coffee, and will take in payment One Hundred Hogsheads good Tobacco STEMS.—Apply as above. December 5. 278  
AN AMERICAN. Washington, Nov. 17, 1804. I enclose you a copy of a message from the President of the United States to Congress, on the subject of the destruction of the frigate Philadelphia: this arose out of the proposition of Mr. J. Clay, that Congress should reward the officers, &c. employed in the enterprise that terminated in that event. You will also find a copy of Dr. Mitchell's report on the subject of the slate quarries in the State of New-York. Nothing further, of any particular interest, to write to you. (Aurora.) To the house of representatives of the United States.
Agreeably to your resolution of the 9th inst. I now lay before you a statement of the circumstances attending the destruction of the frigate Philadelphia, with the names of the officers and the number of men employed on the occasion; to which I have to add that Lieutenant Decatur was thereupon advanced to be a captain in the navy of the United States. Nov. 15, 1804 THE JEFFERSON.
New Detachment, Nov. 13, 1804. Sir—Agreeably to your letter of the 10th inst. and the resolution of the house of representatives of the 9th inst. therewith sent to me, I have the honor to enclose a statement of the circumstances attending the destruction of the frigate Philadelphia, with the names of the officers and the number of men employed on the occasion. I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient servant. ROBERT SMITH. President of the United States.
Statement of the circumstances attending the destruction of the frigate Philadelphia, with the names of the officers, and the numbers of men employed on the occasion as laid before the president by the secretary of the navy, November 13, 1804. On the 31st January, 1804. Commodore Preble lying with his squadron in the harbour of Syracuse, gave orders to lieutenant, Charles Stewart, commanding the brig Syren, of sixteen guns, and to lieutenant Stephen Decatur, jun. commanding the ketch Intrepid, of four guns and seventy-five men, to proceed to Tripoli, and to destroy the frigate Philadelphia, of forty-four guns, then lying in the harbour of Tripoli. Lieutenant Decatur had orders to enter the harbour in the night, board and set fire to the Philadelphia, and lieutenant Stewart was ordered to take the best possible position without the harbour, to cover the retreat.
Under these orders they proceeded immediately to the coast of Tripoli, but owing to very heavy gales of wind, that usually prevail there in the winter season, the enterprise could not be undertaken until the 16th February, when lieutenant Stewart having taken the best possible position to effect the object of his instruction, lieutenant Decatur, at 7 o'clock in the night, entered the harbour of Tripoli, boarded and took possession of the Philadelphia. The frigate at the time she was boarded had all her guns mounted and charged, and lying within half gun shot of the bashow's castle, and of his principal battery. Two Tripolitan cruisers were lying within two cables length on the starboard bow—and all the batteries on shore were opened upon the assailants; about twenty men of the Philadelphia were killed, a large boat full got off and one man was made prisoner, after having gained possession of the frigate, lieutenant Decatur set fire to her store rooms, gun room, cockpit and birth-deck, and with a firmness highly honourable to him, his officers and men, remained on board until the flames had issued from the ports of the gun-deck and the hatchways of the spar-deck, and they continued in the ketch along side the frigate until the fire had communicated to her rigging and tops. Lieutenant Decatur did not lose a man, and had but one slightly wounded.
The following is a list of the officers, and the number of men employed in the destruction of the Philadelphia.—Lieutenant Stephen Decatur, Jun.—James Lawrence, Joseph Bainbridge, Jonathan Thorn, Lieutenants—Lewis German, Surgeon—Ralph Izard, John Bowie, Charles Morris, Alexander Laws, John Davis, Thos. McDonough, Thos. Oakley Anderson, Midshipmen—Mr. — Salvatore, Pilot—and 62 men. Lieutenant Decatur has stated that his officers and men behaved with the greatest coolness and intrepidity; and commodore Preble has informed me, that lieutenant Stewart's conduct was judicious and meritorious. Respectfully submitted, ROBERT SMITH.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
   ARRIVED. CLEARED.     Ship Thomas Wilson, Tompkins, 44 days from Cowes, Dry Goods, Wilson, Cunningham & Co. Ship Thomas Wilson, Tompkins, London.   Ship Protectress, Everitt, hence arrived in the Downs October 18. Brig Tor-Abbey, Towzel, Baltimore.   Ship Intrepid, Steed, had arrived at Falmouth. Sch'r Corotoman, Pollard, St. Thomas.   Ship Tappoo Saib, of and for Savannah, was at Cowes, October 16. CUSTOM-HOUSE—ENTERED.   Ship Thomas Wilson, Tompkins, London.   Brig Tor-Abbey, Towzel, Baltimore.   Sch'r Corotoman, Pollard, St. Thomas.   CLEARED.   Brig Orpheus, Hagberg, Valencia.   Sch'r Seventy-Six, Wills, Philadelphia.   Samuel, Clark, Richmond.   Delight, Reynolds, Honduras.  

NOTICE.
THE CO-PARTNERSHIP OF FISK & STEARNS,
Ceases this day, in consequence of the death of Mr. STEARNS. All those that have claims against the said firm, are requested to present them to the subscriber, the surviving partner, and receive their money. And all those indebted to the said company are requested to come forward for the immediate adjustment of the same, as no indulgence can be given.
MARTIN FISK.
Who informs his friends and customers, that he has returned to his former stand, where he offers
FOR SALE,
 50 Barrels new Beef, Boston Inspection.  20 Hogsheads First Quality Sugar.  20 do. Second do. do.  Loaf Sugar, in hds. and bbls.  12 Pipes Bourdeaux Brandy.  Madeira, Port, and Malaga, Wines, in pipes and quarter casks.  20 Cases London Porter, 6 doz. each.  20 Chests Hyson, Young-Hyson, and Hyson-Skin Teas—Fresh.  60 Boxes Fresh Chocolate, No. 1 and 2.  50 do. Mould Candles.  50 do. Dipt do.  50 do. Spermaceti do.  150 do. Brown Soap.  50 do. Cheese, first quality, for family use.  50 Casks do. in good shipping order.  50 Boxes Dizon's best Mustard, 3 dozen each.  6 do. Glass Tumblers.  50 Kegs Butter, for family use.  200 Reams Wrapping Paper.  100 do. Writing do.  150 do. Printing do.  150 Casks Wrought Nails, 4d. 6d. 8d. 10d. 12d. 20d. and 24d.  50 do. Cut do. 4d. 6d. 8d. 10d. and 20d.  6 do. Flooring Brads.  Tacks of different sizes.  50 Bags of Pimento.  15 do. White Ginger in the Root.  50 lbs. Nutmegs.  10 do. Mace.  40 do. Cinnamon.  50 do. Cloves.  100 do. Spanish Float-Indigo.  10 Casks Refined Salt-Petre.  Cotton & Wool Cards in Boxes.  3000 lbs. Copperas.  1000 do. Allum.  500 Bags Patent Shot.  50 Kegs F & FF London Glazed Powder.  15 M. Gun Flints.  100 Boxes 8 by 10 London Crown Glass, 50 feet each.  50 Bolts Oznaburghs.  Seine Twine.  50 Kegs London White Lead, ground in Oil.  30 Boxes Tobacco Pipes.  Paint and Sweeping Brushes, of all kinds.  100 Sides Soak Leather.  20 dozen Calf Skins, Grain and Waxed.  10 do. Boot Legs, of the best quality.  Morocco-Skins of all kinds.  1 Trunk of Gentlemen's London made Boots.  1 do. do. do. Shoes.  2 do. Ladies Fancy and White Kid Slips.  20 do. Mens and Womens Leather and Morocco Shoes.  150 Italian Straw Carpets.  100 Small Nova-Scotia Grindstones. 
ALSO,
A few gross Hot Pressed Playing Cards, of a superior quality.
Nov. 12. tf 230
LANDING THIS DAY,
On Newton's Wharf, from the Brig Orpheus, from Valentia, her Cargo—Consisting of
 60 Pipes WINE,  48 do. BRANDY,  34 Frails FIGS,  SALT—and  A quantity of CORKS. 
For sale by MOSES MYERS. November 1. tf 206
Landing on Taylor's Wharf,
 17 Pipes,  4 Half Pipes,  2 Qr. Casks,  4 Hf. Qr. Casks,  34 Hds. MUSCOVADO SUGAR. 
For sale by A. Maclure. November 26. tf 215
NOW LANDING
From on board the Schooner Lydia, Capt. Livington, from Antigua
 116 Puncheons RUM. 
For sale by William Pennock.
 WHO WANTS TO PURCHASE,  RED AND WHITE OAK STAVES—and  22 INCH SHINGLES. 
November 5. tf 221
R. L. TAYLOR,
RESPECTFULLY offers his services as a Teacher of English Reading, Writing, Arithmetick, Geography, &c. Such parents as are disposed to countenance him as a Preceptor, may learn his terms of Tuition, by applying at No. 11, Cumberland Street, where such pupils as have already engaged will please to attend on Monday the second of December next.
November 26. 4 248
FOR SALE,
50 Barrels Fine FLOUR a-float.
Gosport, Nov. 12. tf 229
NOW LANDING
From on board the Brig Maria, Robert Hutton, master, from Barbary
 30 Pipes Old COGNAC BRANDY, fit for immediate use.  211 Hds. CLARET, fit for the West India Market.  100 Casks do. do.  50 do. Vin de Grave.  500 DEMIJOHNS.  2 Trunks of Silk Stockings, Silk and Kid Gloves and Fans. 
For sale by William Pennock. Sept. 1 tf 115
 LIVERPOOL SALT.  QUEEN'S WARE, in Crates well assorted.  DUFFEL BLANKETS, in small Bales.  10 and 20d. F at Pointed NAILS, in Casks—and  LIVERPOOL COAL. 
If taken from along side the ship Jane, Capt. Colley, will be sold low. Apply to
William Pennock.
WHO OFFERS FOR SALE,
114 Puncheons Jamaica RUM.
Imported in the Sarah, Capt. Herbert. October 28. tf 187
LEVIN DORSEY;
At the corner of Fayette and Wide-Water-Streets, Town-Point.
 A DAMS's Patent Globes, 12 inches diameter, with compasses in the bottom, very complete.  Quadrants, black and red ebony, with single and double observation.  Ditto—with tangent screws, 12 inches.  Aeromattick Telescopes, for night and day, on the latest and most improved construction, in a portable size, with sliding sun-shade.  Telescopes, of the common kind, for night and day observations, or for day only, of every description.  Circumferenters, of the best qualities.  Mariner's Compasses, in brass and wood.  Pocket Compasses, in brass, of different sizes.  Time Glasses—hour, half hour, 28, and 14 seconds.  Gunter's Scales; Brass Dividers; &c. &c. 
Likewise the following Articles,
FOR THE USE OF NAVIGATORS.
Hamilton Moore's Epitome and Affiliat.
General Charts of the Coast of America, from Boston to Philadelphia.
Ditto—Continued, with directions.
Ditto—West-Indies, and Demarary, with directions.
Ditto—Windward Islands, with do.
Ditto—Gulph of Florida, with do.
Ditto—Windward Passage, with do.
Well-India Plots, with directions.
ALSO,
A few tons of Baltimore Bar-Iron, afforded, by the ton or less quantity—Composition Bolts and Spikes—Bouches—Carriage-wheel Boxes, of all sizes—all which he will warrant good.
N.B. All kinds of MATHEMATICAL INSTRUMENTS repaired, at the shortest notice.
Orders for every species of Brass-Castings received and immediately executed at his foundry, and the work delivered as above.
August 7. tf 58
FOR SALE,
 12 Puncheons ANTIGUA RUM.  15 do. GRENADA do.  5 Pipes HOLLAND GIN.  20 do. COUNTRY do.  12 do. FRENCH BRANDY.  2 do. ALICANT do.  22 Qr. Casks SHERRY WINE.  10 do. do. MALAGA do.  PORT and CLARET WINE, in casks & bottles.  6 Barrels PORK—and about  1000 Dozen PORTER, of my last winters flock, equal to any imported. 
Joseph Hayes.
August 24. tf 96
OILS, PAINTS & WINDOW GLASS,
Of all kinds, colours, and sizes.
For sale by
N. Gregory,
opposite the Market.
An ASSISTANT wanted—also, an active YOUTH to be employed in the store—Liberal wages will be given to TWO ABLE HANDS, to turn a Pain-Mill.
July 8. tf 3
ANTIGUA RUM.
THIS DAY,
Will be Landed, on our Wharf, from on board the Schooner General Pinkney, Captain Barry,
 86 Puncheons Antigua RUM. 
Which will be sold on moderate terms, for Cash or approved Not's.
C. & F. Whittle.
October 22. tf 19
INSURANCE AGAINST FIRE.
Phenix Fire Office, London,
May 1, 1804.
THE numerous and destructive Fires which have happened within the period of the two last years, in different parts of Europe and America, (more particularly in the towns of Liverpool in England, Gothenburg in Sweden, and Noriolk in Virginia,) render it proper to remind all persons who possess property in the United States of America, of the utility of insurance.
The Phoenix Office of London, is an institution sufficiently known by the very large and important losses it has paid, in consequence of the extensive conflagrations in the cities and towns of America to such sufferers as have had the prudence to protect their property, by insurance.—The Phoenix Company deeply regret that, owing to the experience of serious and continued losses, upon the buildings and stores in the timber towns, no alteration nor remission on such risks can be made at present—but the Directors hope, from the increase of brick and stone buildings, and other improvements of security, that the period is not far distant, when they will be able generally, to mitigate the rates of insurance in North America; and they confidently presume that the promptitude and honour with which they have uniformly fulfilled their extensive engagements, have unequivocally established the solidity, credit and good faith, of the Company.
The Phoenix Company grant insurances upon buildings, goods, and ships whilst in dock or in harbour, from loss or damage by fire, upon the most moderate and equitable terms; and persons desirous of securing their property by policies from this company, are requested to transmit their orders to their correspondents in Great Britain.
July 31. 48
FOR SALE—A BARGAIN.
THE SUBSCRIBER,
WISHING TO DECLINE THE RETAIL BUSINESS,
OFFERS FOR SALE,
HIS WHOLE STOCK IN TRADE,
AMOUNTING TO ABOUT $20,000.
CONSISTING OF
DRY GOODS, Cutlery, Hardware, Castings, Nails of all sizes, and a number of other articles.—The whole will be sold on very low terms, and a liberal credit will be allowed, on bond with approved security.—Also, the balance of the lease of his Store, equal to any stand in Norfolk, if required. Property in the Borough of Norfolk, or Lands in the neighbouring counties, Publick Securities, &c. will be taken in exchange. For further particulars, apply to
James Tucker.
WHO HAS FOR SALE, ON VERY LOW TERMS,
A VALUABLE TRACT OF LAND,
on the South Branch of the Potomac.
August 23. tf 97
FOR SALE,
SUPERFINE AND FINE FLOUR, and
CROSS-MIDLINGS, by
Thomas Ritson.
Church-Street, October 27. tf 134
REDEMPTIONERS
MAY be had on board the Ship BALD EAGLE, in this harbour from Amsterdam, till the 5th December, when those remaining will proceed to Baltimore.
November 30. 262
NOW LANDING ON NEWTON'S WHARF,
From on board the Ship DART, Captain Peck, from Cadiz,
300 Qr. Casks SHERRY WINE, of superior quality, and
2000 Futhels SALT.
For sale by
Richard Bowden & Co.
August 9. tf 60
PROPOSALS,
BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY AND AUGUSTINE DAVIS,
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION,
THE DEBATES
AND OTHER PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
VIRGINIA CONVENTION,
ON THE ADOPTION OF THE
FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.
On the advantages of a work, whose character is so well established, as that of the Debates of the Virginia Convention, it would be useless to expatiate. A work which gives the most comprehensive account extant, of the proceedings and arguments on the adoption of the present Constitution of the United States, certainly needs not the passing tribute of the mere Editor. If the reputation of a work which is so frequently mentioned, has not already anticipated these eulogiums, such a character, often mercurial, and a ways partial, can scarcely be expected to bring it into notice. If the merits of the work have been already appreciated, the eulogiums of the Editor will be surely unnecessary.
The Debates of the Virginia Convention are completely out of print. No more than 1500 copies of the first edition were ever published; and not more than one edition has ever appeared. Hence it is that the demand for this work has scarcely ever been supplied; and it is hence that the present publishers have been induced to print a second edition.
Several mistakes, which had crept into the former edition, will be corrected: the speeches will sometimes be disposed for a more satisfactory perusal, by distributing them into appropriate paragraphs: and the entire execution of the work will be in every respect more perfect.
CONDITIONS.
 This work, which was divided into three volumes in the former edition, will now be comprised into one.  It will be printed with a new type, on very good paper, in the octavo form.  It will be bound in boards. An additional expense of 50 cents will be required for binding it in leather.  The price to subscribers will be three dollars, to be paid on the delivery of the copy. Non-subscribers will have to pay four dollars.  It is now in the press. The labour of two compositors and two pressmen is constantly employed upon it; and it may be expected to appear in February or March, 1804. 
Subscriptions received by the Editors of the Publick Ledger.
Richmond, October 20, 1804.
Notice is hereby given that a petition
will be presented to the Legislature of Virginia, at its next session, praying that the articles of Flour, Bread, Beef, Pork, Fish, Naval Stores, and Lumber, shall be inspected at this place of exportation.
Sept. 29.
WE HAVE FOR SALE,
 1,000 Barrels TURPENTINE.  1,000 do. TAR.  100,000 Red and White Oak Hhd. STAVES—and  8 Pipes of BRANDY. 
Gilliat & Mackinder.
November 8. tf 212
FOR SALE,
 100 Hds. Petersburg TOBACCO.  Part of which is a-float. 
A. Maclure.
Nov. 21. tf 242
FOR SALE,
 22 Hogsheads Antigua RUM,  30 do. Surinam MOLASSES,  29 do. SUGAR,  8 Pipes Holland GIN,  75 Barrels PORK,  100 do. TURPENTINE,  Loaf SUGAR by the hogshead or barrel,  A few tons BARIRON assorted, among which square from 4-8 to 10-8 of an inch. 
John Macgowan,
Fourth fire-proof warehouse on Maxwell's wharf,
in which Goods on storage will be received.
Nov. 30. tf 263
CASH WILL BE GIVEN FOR
WHEAT, PEASE, AND FLAX-SEED,
By the Subscriber, at his warehouse on Marsden's wharf.
THEO. ARMISTEAD.
November 19. 5w 211
FALL GOODS.
WE are now landing from the brig Commerce, from London, an extensive assortment of FALL GOODS, among which, are afforded packages, calculated for the West India market, entitled to drawback; which will be sold at low advance, by
Gilliat & Mackinder.
August 21. tf 92
TO LEASE OR RENT,
For a term of years,
THAT valuable House lately the residence of Mr. Corneus in Calvert, deceased—together with the WHARF, which has been extended out into deep water, so that it is of any burthen may lie at it—with WAREHOUSES, &c. For terms apply to
James Tucker.
November 28. tf 203
I intend to leave the State for a few months.
Thomas Mathews.
November 28. tf 209
FOR SALE,
 On board the Brig SARAH, at Commerce-Street Wharf,  8 Barrels OAT MEAL,  3 Hogsheads MOLASSES.  5 Barrels BEEF  A quantity of WATER CASKS.  A good CAMBOUSE.  1 Chest of MEDICINES. 
Apply to Captain Browning on board, or to
James Dykes & Co.
Who have received by the GOSPORT, from Amsterdam, a parcel of
TICKLENBURGS, OZNABURGS, and GLASS WARE, in Boxes.
November 16. tf 234
FOR SALE,
 50 Puncheons ANTIGUA RUM.  150 Barrels prime NEW YORK, } PORK.  500 do. CAROLINA, }  150 Half Barrels CRACKERS.  50 Hogsheads Petersburg TOBACCO.  45 do. CLARET.  5 Barrels COCOA.  12 Cases NOYEAU. 
For sale on liberal terms by
C. & F. Whittle.
November 6. tf 218
CASH FOR
Red and White Oak Hogshead Staves,
with a proportion of heading.
LANDING
On Town-Point, out of the Galleon Ann & Eliza, from St. Lucia,
her Cargo consisting of
MUSCOVADO SUGARS,
in hogsheads, tierces, and barrels.—And a parcel of
COCOA.
Also—from Ship Rochdale, from Tobago,
RUM AND SUGAR,
of good quality. For sale