Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-04-22 00:00:00

DOCUMENTS
Communicated by the President to Congress.
[SECOND SERIES.]
Extract of a letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison.
Dated, London, March 18, 1804.
I shall pay all the attention to the instructions contained in your letter of the 5th January, which is due to their great importance. As soon as I am sufficiently possessed of the subject, I shall ask a conference with lord Hawkesbury, to propose to his government a convention between the two nations for the adjustment of the points, and on the principles of the project you have sent me. I hope to be able to commence the business in a week or ten days, and flatter myself that the negotiation will be productive of real advantage to the United States. Should it even not succeed in all its objects, the attempt must nevertheless be considered as a very satisfactory proof of a strong desire in our government to preserve on just ground, the friendship of this country, and is likely, by the explanations to which it may lead alone to have that tendency. I am, however, far from thinking it improbable that a suitable convention may be formed, especially on some of the points that are deemed interesting.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison.
LONDON, April 15, 1804.
"Soon after my last I requested an interview with lord Hawkesbury, which took place on the 2d inst. in which I informed him that I had received your instructions to propose to his government the regulation by convention of certain points which I was persuaded both countries would find their advantage in placing on explicit and equitable ground. I stated to his lordship the concern it was desired thus to regulate, in which I complied strictly with your views, and assured him that the object of the President was to fix the friendship of the two nations on the most solid basis, by removing every cause which had a tendency in their intercourse or other relations, especially in the time of war, to disturb it. In the conversation I entered into detail on every point, in which I was met by his lordship with apparent candour, the sincerity of which I had no reason to doubt, which manifested a disposition equally strong in favour of the professed and indeed real object of the negotiation. He requested me in the conclusion to furnish him a project, which he promised to submit to his cabinet, and to communicate to me the result of its deliberations on it as soon as he could. I have since sent him a project, but too recently to admit my obtaining an answer to it. I am inclined to think, from what passed on the conference, that some advantage may be fairly expected from the negotiation. His lordship did not bind himself to any thing it is true; he even went so far as to express a wish that the principles of our treaty of 1794 might be adopted in the present convention where they applied, and an expectation that if the accommodation which had been given in certain cases to the northern powers should be stipulated in favour, that we should accord fully what they had yielded in return. Although I was very desirous to do justice to the moderate and friendly views of our government on the occasion, yet I did not fail to give him to understand that I could not accede to his idea in either case. I shall endeavour to bring the business to a conclusion and apprise you of the result as soon as possible, when I shall also communicate fully and in detail an account of what passes between us in the course of the transaction."
I am with respect, &c.
(Signed)
JAMES MONROE.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison.
LONDON, August 7, 1804.
SIR, "I received a note from lord Hawkesbury on the 3d inst. requesting me to call on him at his office the next day, which I did. His lordship asked me in what light was our treaty viewed by our government. I replied that it had been ratified with the exception of the 3d article, as I had informed him on a former occasion. He observed that he meant the treaty of 1794, which by one of its stipulations was to expire two years after the signature of preliminary articles, for concluding the then existing war between Great Britain and France. He wished to know whether we considered the treaty as actually expired. I said, that I did presume, there could be but one opinion on that point in respect to the commercial part of the treaty, which was that it had expired: that the first ten articles were made permanent; that other articles had been executed, but that then, being limited to a definitive period which had passed, must be considered as expiring with it. He said it seemed to him doubtful whether the stipu-
lation of the treaty had been satisfied by what had occurred since the peace: that a fair construction of it might possibly require an interval of two years peace after the war, which had not taken place in point of form, much less so in fact, for the state of things which existed between the countries during that period was far from being a peaceable one. I informed his lordship that the distinction had never occurred to us, though certainly it would receive from our government all the consideration which it merited, especially if it was relied on, on his part. After some further conversation, he seemed to admit that the construction he had suggested of the stipulation referred to, was rather a forced one; that by the more obvious import of the article, the commercial part of the treaty must be considered as having expired. What then, says he, is the subsisting relation between the two countries? Are we in the state we were, at the close of the American war? By what rule is our intercourse to be governed respecting tonnage, imposts and the like; I said that the law in each country, as I presumed, regulated these points. He replied that the subject was nevertheless under some embarrassment here. He asked how far it would be agreeable to our government to stipulate that the treaty of 1794, should remain in force until 2 years should expire after the conclusion of the present war? I told his lordship that I had no power to agree to such a proposal: that the president, animated by sincere desire to cherish and perpetuate the friendly relations subsisting between the two countries, had been disposed to postpone the regulations of their general commercial system till the period should arrive, when each party enjoying the blessings of peace, might find itself at liberty to pay the subject the attention it merited: that he wished those regulations to be founded in the permanent interests, justly and liberally viewed, of both countries; that he sought for the present only to remove certain topics which produced irritation in the intercourse, such as the impressment of seamen, and in our commerce with other powers, parties to the present war, according to a project which I had the honour to present his predecessor some months since, with which I presumed his lordship was acquainted. He seemed desirous to decline any conversation on this subject, though it was clearly to be inferred from what he said, to be his opinion, that the policy which our government seemed disposed to pursue in respect to the general system, could not otherwise than be agreeable to his. He then added that his government might probably, for the present, adopt the treaty of 1794, as the rule in its own concerns, or in respect to duties on importations from our country, and, as I understood him, all other subjects to which it extended; in which case he said, if the treaty had expired, the ministry would take the responsibility on itself, as there would be no law to sanction the measure: that in so doing, he presumed that the measure would be well received by our government, and a similar practice in what concerned Great Britain, reciprocated. I observed that on the particular topic I had no authority to say any thing specially, the proposal being altogether new and unexpected; that I should communicate it to you, and that I doubted not that it would be considered by the president with the attention it merited. Not wishing, however, to authorise an inference that that treaty should ever form a basis of a future one between the two countries, I repeated some remarks which I had made to lord Hawkesbury in the interview which we had just before he left the department of foreign affairs, by observing that in forming a new treaty we must begin de novo; that America was a young and thriving country; that at the time that treaty was formed, she had had little experience of her relations with foreign powers; that 10 years had since elapsed, a great portion of the term within which she had held the rank of a separate and independent nation, and exercised the powers belonging to it; that our interests were better understood on both sides at this time than they were; that treaty was known to contain things that neither liked; that I spoke with confidence on that point on our part; that in making a new treaty we might ingraft from that into it, what suited us, omit what we disliked, and add what the experience of our respective interests might suggest to be proper; and being equally anxious to preclude the interference of any sanction to the maritime pretensions of Great Britain under that treaty, in respect to neutral commerce, I deemed it proper to advert again to the project, which I had presented some time since for the regulation of those points, to notice its contents, and express an earnest wish that his lordship would find leisure and be disposed to act on it. He excused himself again from entering into this subject, from the weight and urgency of other business, the difficulty of the subject, and other general remarks of the kind. I told him that the most urgent part of
the subject was that which respected our seamen; that our government wished to adopt a remedy which would be commensurate with the evils complained of by both countries. His government complained that deserters from their ships in America were not restored to them; ours, that our seamen were impressed in their ports (those of Great Britain) and on the high seas, in our vessels, and sometimes in our bays and rivers; that such injuries ought to be put an end to, and that we were willing to adopt a fair and efficacious remedy for the purpose. He said he was afraid, however well disposed our government might be to give the aid of the civil authority to restore deserters to their vessels in the United States, that little advantage could be derived from such a stipulation. The bias and spirit of the people would be against it, with us, as it was here, under favour of which deserters would always find means to elude the most active search of the most vigilant peace officers. I replied that I did not think the difficulty would be found so great as he supposed; that our people were very obedient to the law in all cases; that as soon as the apprehension and restoration of deserting seamen to their vessels was made a law, as it would be, by becoming the stipulation of a treaty, the publick feeling on that point would change, especially when it was considered as the price of a stipulation which secured from impressment their fellow citizens, who might be at sea, or in a foreign country; that a sailor never retired far into the interior, or remained where they went long, but soon returned to the seaport towns, to embark again in the sea service; that it was not likely they would be able to elude the search of the magistracy, supported as it would be by the government itself. I found, on the whole, that his lordship did not wish to encourage the expectation that we should agree in any arrangement on this head, though he was equally cautious not to preclude it. I left him, without asking another interview, and the affair of course open to further communication."
Project of a convention presented to Lord Hawkesbury, April 7, 1804.
Article 1. No person shall, upon the high seas, and without the jurisdiction of the other party, be demanded or taken out of any ship or vessel belonging to citizens or subjects of one of the other parties, by the publick or private armed ships belonging to, or in the service of the other, unless such person be at the time in the military service of an enemy of such other party.
Art. 2. No person, being a subject or citizen of one of the parties, and resorting to, or residing in the dominions of the other, shall, in any case, be compelled to serve on board any vessel, whether publick or private, belonging to such other party; and all citizens and subjects whatever of the respective parties at this time compulsively serving on board the vessels of the other, shall be forthwith liberated and enabled by an adequate recompence to return to their own country.
A certified list of the crew, or protection from either government, in such form as they shall respectively prescribe, shewing that the person claiming under it is a citizen or subject of either power, shall be deemed satisfactory evidence of the same. And in all cases where these documents may have been lost, destroyed, or by casualty not obtained, and any person claims to be a citizen or subject of either power, such other evidence of said claim shall be received and admitted as would be satisfactory, in a court of judicature.
Art. 3. If the ships of either of the parties shall be met sailing either along the coasts or on the high seas by any ship of war, or other publick or private armed ship of the other party, such ships of war, or other armed vessels, shall, for avoiding all disorder in visiting and examining the same, remain out of cannon shot, unless the state of the sea or place of meeting render a nearer approach necessary, and shall in no case compel to require such vessel to send her boat, or her papers, or any person from on board to the belligerent vessel; but the belligerent vessel may send her own boat to the other, and may enter her to the number of two or three men only, who may in an orderly manner examine the same, and it is agreed that every provision shall be made for preventing violations of any part of this article.
Art. 4. In order to determine what characterises a blockaded port, that denomination is given only to a port where there is, by the dispositions of the power which attacks it with ships stationary or sufficiently near, an evident danger in entering.
Art. 5. It is agreed that no vessel sailing from the ports of either party shall, although cleared and bound to a blockaded port, be considered as violating in any manner the blockade, unless in her approach towards such port she shall have been previously warned against entering the same.
Art. 6. It is agreed that no refuge or pro-
tection shall be afforded by either party to the mariners, sailors, or other persons, not found to be its own citizens or subjects, who shall desert from the other party, of the crew whereof the deserter made a part; but on the contrary, all such deserters shall be delivered up on demand to the commanders of the vessels from which they shall have deserted, to the commanding officers of the ships of war of the respective nations, or to such other persons as may be duly authorised to make requisition in that behalf, provided that proof be made within two years from the time of desertion, by an exhibition of the ship's papers, or authenticated copies thereof, and by satisfactory evidence of the identity of the person, that the deserters so demanded were actually part of the crew of the vessel in question.
And for the more effectual execution of this article, adequate provision shall be made for causing to be arrested, on the application of the respective consuls, or vice-consuls to the competent authorities, all deserters, duly proved to be such, in order that they may be sent back to the commanders of the vessels to which they belonged, or removed out of the country, at the request and expense of the said consuls, or vice consuls, until they shall have found an opportunity of sending them back, or removing them as aforesaid. But if they be not so sent back or removed within three months from the day of their arrest, they shall be at liberty, and shall not again be arrested for the same cause.
Art. 7. This convention shall be in force for the term of five years from the date of the exchange of ratifications. It shall be ratified on both sides within three months from the date of its signature, or sooner, if possible, and the ratifications exchanged without delay in the United States at the city of Washington.
Paper respecting the boundaries of the United States, delivered to lord Hawkesbury, September 5, 1803.
By the 10th article of the treaty of Utrecht it is agreed "that France shall restore to Great Britain the bay and straits of Hudson, together with all lands, sea-coasts, rivers, and places situate in the said bay and straits which belong thereunto, &c."
It is also agreed "that commissaries shall be forthwith appointed by each power to determine within a year the limits between the said bay of Hudson & the places appertaining to the French, and also to describe and settle in like manner the boundaries between the other British and French colonies in those parts."
Commissaries were accordingly appointed by each power, who executed the stipulations of the treaty in establishing the boundaries proposed by it. They fixed the northern boundary of Canada and Louisiana by a line beginning on the Atlantick at a cape or promontory in 58 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, thence south-westwardly to the lake Mistasin, thence further south-west to the latitude 49 degrees north from the equator, and along that line indefinitely.
At the time this treaty was formed, France possessed Canada and Louisiana, which she connected by a chain of forts extended from the mouth of the Mississippi, on all its waters, and on the lakes, along the St. Lawrence to Montreal. Her encroachments eastward on the territory of the present United States, then British provinces, extended to the foot of the Allegany mountain. It is well known that on the Ohio, at a point formed, by the confluence of the Allegany and Monongahela branches, below which the stream takes the name of Ohio, that the French had built a fort which was called Duquesne: a fort which has been better known since by the name of Pittsburgh. The adjustment of the boundary of the territory between the powers in this quarter, was the result of another war and another treaty.
By the 4th article of the treaty of 1763, France ceded to Great Britain, Canada, Nova-Scotia, &c. in the north, and by the seventh article the bay and port of Mobile and all the territory which she possessed to the left of the Mississippi, except the town and island of New Orleans.
By the 7th article it was also stipulated, that a line be drawn along the middle of the Mississippi, from its source to the river Iberville, and thence along the middle of that river and the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the sea, should be the boundary between the British territory to the eastward, and Louisiana to the west, at that time it was understood, as it has been ever since, till very lately, that the Mississippi took its source in some mountain, at least as high north as the 49th degree of north latitude.
By the treaty of 1783, and between the United States and Great Britain the boundary between those states and Nova Scotia and Can-

made is fixed, by a line which is to run along the St. Croix and Highlands, bounding the southern waters of St. Lawrence, the 45th degree of latitude to the water communication between the lakes, and along that communication to the lake of the Woods, and through that lake to the north western point thereof; thence a due west course to the Mississippi. The line follows afterwards the course of the Mississippi to the 31st degree of north latitude.
By Mitchell's map, by which the treaty of 1763 was formed, it was evident that the north western point of the lake of the Woods, was at least as high north as the lat. 49. By the observations of Mr. Thompson, astronomer to the North Western company, it appears to be in lat. of 49 degrees 37 minutes. By joining then the western boundary of Canada to its northern in the lake of the Woods, and closing both there, it follows that it was the obvious intention of the ministers who negotiated the treaty, and of their respective governments, that the United States should possess all the territory lying between the lakes and the Mississippi, south of the parallel of the 49th degree of north latitude. This is confirmed by the courses which are afterwards pursued by the treaty, since they are precisely those which had been established between Great Britain and France in former treaties. By running due west from the north western point of the lake of the Woods to the Mississippi, it must have been intended, according to the lights before them, to take the parallel of 49th degree of lat. as established under the treaty of Utrecht; and by pursuing thence the course of the Mississippi to the 31st degree of latitude the whole extent of the western boundary of the United States the boundary which had been established by the treaty of 1763 was actually adopted. This conclusion is further supported by the liberal spirit which terminated the war of our revolution, it having been manifestly the intention of the parties to heal, as far as could be done, the wounds which it had inflicted. Nor is it essentially weakened by the circumstance that the Mississippi is called for by the western course from the lake of the Woods, or that its navigation is stipulated in favour of both powers. Westward of the Mississippi, to the south of the 49th degree of north latitude Great Britain held then no territory. That river was her western boundary. In running west and ceding the territory of the river it was impossible not to call for it; and on the supposition that it took its source within the limits of the Hudson bay company, it was natural that it should stipulate the free navigation of the river. But in so doing it is presumed that her government respected more a delicate sense of what it might be supposed to owe to the interests of that company, than any strong motive of policy founded on the interest of Canada, or its other possessions, in that quarter. As Great Britain ceded at the same time the Floridas to Spain the navigation of the Mississippi by her subjects, if it took place, being under a foreign jurisdiction, could not fail to draw from her own territories the resources which properly belonged to them, and therefore could not be viewed in the light of a national advantage.
After the treaty of 1783, and at the time the convention in contemplation was entered into, the state of things was as is above stated. The territory which Great Britain held westward of the lake of the woods, was bounded south by the 49th degree of north lat. that which lay between the lake of the woods and the Mississippi southward of that parallel, belonged to the United States; and that which lay to the west of the Mississippi to Spain. It being, however, understood by more recent discoveries or observations that the source of the Mississippi did not extend so high north as had been supposed, and Great Britain having shown a desire to have the boundary of the United States modified in such manner as to strike the river, an article to that effect was inserted in the late convention. But in so doing it was not the intention of the American minister or of the British minister, to do more than simply to define the American boundary. It was not contemplated by either of them, that America should convey to Great Britain any right to the territory lying westward of that line, since not a foot of it belonged to her. It was intended to leave it to Great Britain to settle the point as to such territory, or such portion of it as she might want, with Spain or rather with France, to whom it then belonged. At this period, however, certain measures respecting the Mississippi, and movements in that quarter took place, which seemed to menace the great interests of America that were dependant on the river. These excited a sensibility, acute and universal; of which in equal degree her history furnishes but few examples. They led to a discussion which terminated in a treaty with France, by which that power ceded to the United States the whole of Louisiana, as she had received it of Spain, this treaty took place on the 30th of April, 1803, twelve days only before the convention between Great Britain and the United States was signed, and some days before the adoption of such a treaty was known to the plenipotentiaries who negotiated and signed the convention.
Under such circumstances it is impossible that any right which the United States derived under that treaty could be conveyed by this convention to Great Britain, or that the ministers who formed the convention could have contemplated such an effect by it. Thus the stipulation which is contained in the 5th article of the convention has become by the cession made by the treaty, perfectly nugatory; for as Great Britain holds no territory southward of the 49th degree of north latitude, and the United States the whole of it, the line proposed by that article would run through a country which now belongs exclusively to the latter.
COW-POCK.
The Subscriber informs those who wish to be vaccinated, that a parcel of fresh matter lately received from Philadelphia, has succeeded, and is now fit to inoculate from.
George Balfour.
THE STOCKHOLDERS In the Dismal Swamp Canal Company, are requested to meet at the Eagle Tavern, opposite the Market-House, on Monday, the 24th day of May next, at 12 o'Clock, to elect a President and Directors, and other business of importance to the said company. RICHARD BLOW, President. April 19.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 22, 1808.
THE CARRIER of this paper being sick, it is probable that the person employed for the present, may omit some of our subscribers, if so, they are requested to call at the office for their papers.
THE THESPIAN SOCIETY
Has received since its establishment a neat sum of $ 1231 24 Distributed to the Poor, and in paying for house rent, cloathing, provisions, medicines, &c. $ 664 75 Balance on hand, 536 49 1201 24
The Society discover that many abuses have taken place in an improper use of the money distributed; and as the funds in hand enable them to execute a plan, which will for the future prevent a repetition of them, have formed resolutions from which the following are extracted:
"That a house shall be engaged, where such provisions as are hereafter named shall be given out to the poor, by a person appointed for the purpose, from 10 to 1 o'clock on Tuesdays and Saturdays, in such quantities as are hereafter stated.
"That a week's notice shall be given to the Poor, who may make application to any Member of the Committee of Charity, who after duly examining into the situation of the supplicant, the number of grown persons and children composing the family, will, on being satisfied that they are proper objects, grant them a ticket for such number of rations as are hereafter directed.
"That there shall be a Physician appointed to the Society, who will attend on all persons reported to him by the committee—will issue an order to the committee for any delicate or particular food which the sick may require, and will report any person who may in his opinion, suffer want of attendance, for whom a nurse shall be procured—and any person dying, under care of the Society, destitute of the means of burial, the committee shall have interred in a decent and economical manner, and draw on the Treasurer for the amount."
TO THE POOR.
The Thespiian Society have taken the House in Granby-Street, formerly occupied by Mr. Edward S. Waddey, where they will commence the distribution of provisions to the poor of the Borough on Saturday the 23d inst. from 10 to 1 o'clock.—All applications must be made before Friday to any of the committee, who will grant a ticket to the attendant. No tickets for Saturday will be granted after Thursday.
Doctor Hodges is appointed Physician to the Society, to whom sick persons will apply.
COMMITTEE. JOHN MYERS, JACOB KLEIN, J. C. MAIGNE, G. W. CAMP, JOHN HODGES.
April 22, 1808.
The schooner Mary, has arrived at Philadelphia from Jamaica, (having been at several windward islands) in ballast. As she carried no cargo to Jamaica, she was not permitted to bring any away.
The spirit, if not the letter of the order of council, opening the British West-India islands to neutrals, is repugnant to allowing the produce of those islands to be exported in vessels, that go to them in ballast; at the same time we consider that the exportation of island produce, being actually the proceeds of goods shipped from this country will be permitted, in other than the vessels carrying the outward cargo.
CAPTAIN SHORE, of the Martha Bland from Liverpool, has favoured us with London papers, from which the extracts which appear in this day's Ledger are copied.
The fate of Sweden commands the interest of every friend of independent government, yet we remark that some of our republican papers, speak of her certain destruction with apparent exultation.
The British Packet Lady Hobart, sailed from New-York for Falmouth the 14th instant.
A few weeks since in Charleston, a very promising child of four years of age, complained of the loss of sight, and expired in a quarter of an hour afterwards. Upon opening the body a considerable quantity of wild Jasmine flowers (Bignonia semper virens) was found in her stomach, which she had swallowed while at play, and which no doubt occasioned her death.
From London Papers received by the Martha Bland from Liverpool.
GREAT-BRITAIN AND AMERICA.
The Morning Chronicle has very patriotically presented us this morning with a contrast between the situation of America and of this country, in which the former is represented to be in the highest state of prosperity, produced by being at peace with this country, whilst the latter is described to be in a state of distress and bordering upon bankruptcy. After favouring the country with this contrast, which of course the writer was perfectly sensible could not in the least tend to give spirits to the enemy, or induce him to persevere in measures which are stated to have been so injurious to us; after this contrast, it is said, "in this state of
things, and with such a contrast, we are forcing the United States of America to war by our orders of council, and thereby shutting up the only channel of trade that remains."
Now, granting all that this British writer has said about America to be true, which a noble lord no doubt would be glad to hear, who has vested nearly his whole fortune in the American funds, what does it prove? Why that if America has so prospered by being at peace with us, it is her interest to remain at peace with us—that by rashly plunging into a war, she is risking the loss of all that prosperity which she has gained by being at peace. Who forces the U. States to war? Our orders in council? They were not known when the embargo was laid in the American ports.—The affair of the Chesapeake? For that, satisfaction was willingly offered by our government.—But those writers who are so eager to presume every thing against their own country, who seem to be so alive to American interests, will never view but one side of the question.—Peace is quite as necessary to America as to us, yet they are willing that all the sacrifices to preserve it should be on our side.—America is to make none.—The reciprocity is all to be on one side. Whenever the opposition attempt to persuade the country that we are forcing America into a war with us, we shall always tell them that she has demanded of us nothing less than the surrender of our right of searching merchant vessels; that this demand has been firmly and peremptorily rejected; which rejection the opposition seem willing to bring as matter of charge against his majesty's ministers. Will those English writers in favour of American interests advise the surrender of search? Suppose by way of set off against this opposition contrast, we present the publick with another contrast.
America in a state of War.
Merchant vessels, by captures from the English, by the inability of the merchants to freight and employ them, reduced from 1,207,000 tons to 40,000 tons, and these merely coasters, stealing, when the English are blown off, from one port to another.
The imports, the duties on which are paid for at the custom-house, two millions; but smuggling being so easy, from the immense line of the American coast, it is supposed the real amount of the imports is not diminished by the war.
Exports of domestick productions decreased from 42 millions of dollars to five. Exports of foreign from 36 millions to about 1 1/2 million.
The national revenues decreased from seventeen millions to four millions, while the expenditure has exceeded the revenues eight millions.
The seamen in the Massachusetts state, 30,000 of whom were employed in the foreign and coasting trade, totally out of employ, or at least not above 1000 in privateers. Bankruptcies multiplying rapidly. Farmers coming to market from the interior, unable to sell either flour, flaxseed, or any other produce. The poor in New-York, Philadelphia, and all the great towns, who were in full work during peace, totally idle, and ripe for insurrection.—The last American papers told us that only two days after the embargo was laid, hundreds were thrown out of employ by that measure at New-York, and that charitable subscriptions were in contemplation for them.
England at War.
A war, which, with little interruption, has lasted for fifteen years, has been carried on with a firmness and unanimity unexampled. Our commercial prosperity has increased, while that of the enemy has been ruined. No difficulties have disturbed our system for reducing the national debt, and the publick faith and credit have been preserved unsoiled. Loans borrowed at less than the legal rate of interest—and the funds at the beginning of 1808 higher than they were at the commencement of 1807.
Though the war has continued so long, the late ministers thought we were in such a state that we could now carry on the war for years without imposing any new taxes whatever. The whole continent subdued by France, but France unable to make any impression upon Great-Britain, and, in the fifth year of a war which began with a threat to invade and conquer us, this very France confessing that she is unable to combat us single-handed. A northern maritime confederacy, promised by Buonaparte, rendered impracticable. The most brilliant naval victories gained over France, Spain, and Holland, and our efforts by sea and land successful, except under the disgraceful, but happily, short administration of men, who claimed power as their right, because they concentrated "all the talents, weight, character, and consequence in the country." Perfect tranquility existing in every part of the empire—and the protecting arm of the law extended equally over the palace of the prince and the cottage of the peasant—a people brave and unanimous—free amidst the slavery of other nations, and still determined to remain free—not desiring to increase the number of their enemies, but not dreading any thing that any enemy can effect; ready to make peace, but not to make it upon any terms that shall impair their independence, or deprive them of that for which so many of their heroes have fought and bled, the SOVEREIGNTY OF THE SEAS.
Courier.
Some more Gottenburgh mails arrived yesterday afternoon. It seems to be the general expectation upon the continent, that Russia will immediately invade Swedish Finland; and those in this country who are always ready to predict that whatever is undertaken against an enemy to France must be successful, look forward to the certain and immediate conquest of the kingdom of Sweden. It may abate the eagerness of their predictions to take into their consideration some few particulars. That a Russian army is assembled on the frontiers of Swedish Finland, we believe, as well as that Russia may have the most hostile intentions against Sweden. But during the winter the Russian troops will not venture to pass the Swedish frontier, and it is not to be supposed that they will break up their quarters before the spring. The country through which they must pass is nearly desolate—so barren is it, that no army can draw any supplies from it. The supplies of provisions and other necessaries must be carried in vessels in the gulph of Finland, and these vessels must move along the coast as the army moves.
To make any serious or permanent impression upon the Swedish territories, it is necessary that the Russians should have a superiority, or at least an equality by sea—and even with an equality of force we should still think the Swedes a match for
the Russians.—The latter had nothing to boast of in their naval engagement with the Swedes during the war which began in the year 1788. But the Swedes, of course, would be assisted by the naval power of Great-Britain, which would give them a decisive superiority—the Russians would be unable to leave their ports, and their supplies could not be conveyed by sea to their army. This may serve to damp the sanguine expectations of those who view the conquest of Sweden as so certain. As to any thing that Denmark can effect from Norway against her, there is not room for great apprehension.—There is much more reason, we believe, for Denmark to entertain fears with respect to Norway, than to cherish hopes of being able to effect any thing against Sweden from Norway.
The situation of Portugal under the power of that sovereign, whom the inquisitor-general has depicted as "the envoy of God, sent on earth to render mankind happy," is dreadful. All commerce is at a stand, and the greatest scarcity exists. Tranquility has existed since the populace were fired upon by the soldiery, on the 12th and 13th December. But their hatred against the French remains; their curses are deep though not loud, and famine rapidly approaching will it is supposed, drive them to acts of desperation. The French are in the mean time disarming the people, and by a decree published in December, have made it criminal to carry a gun or pistols, for the purpose of hunting and shooting; individuals found carrying them are to be taken up and treated as vagrant and highway assassins!
Hanover has been vexed by another forced loan of nine millions of livres. Ibid.
Sweden, it is said, has a military force of 70,000 men—and opposes a very strong barrier to the march of the Russian troops through Finland. The country through which they must pass, is barren and uncultivated, and from it would be impossible to obtain supplies for an army of any numbers.—The Swedes have nearly 300 gun-boats and galleys in the harbours of Finland, which are more than sufficient to repel any attack of Russia by sea—and from the side of Denmark, no possible co-operation, from the actual state of the Danish marine, can be expected. In the event of any attempt of that sort, by the Danes, it is more than possible, that they would lose the province of Norway; which is much disaffected to Denmark, from the effect of recent orders that have been sent thither, for the prevention of the exportation of the usual articles of commerce to England. Pilot.
As it is possible that some of our readers may not be informed of the "rule of the war of 1756" on which it has been said by lord Bathurst, the late orders in council have been framed, we shall submit a few observations on this important subject.
In the war which endured from 1756 to 1763, France relaxed her system of monopoly, and admitted neutrals into her colonial ports, for the sake of bringing more cheaply the produce to Europe. The prize courts of England condemned such vessels as were captured in this employment, although both ship and cargo were proved to be neutral property.—This innovation of international law has been since called by British jurists, "the rule of the war of 1756."
In the old treaties, particularly with Spain in 1667, it was agreed that the subjects of each should trade freely in all countries at war with the other, in all merchandizes not contraband, with no other exception of places but those besieged or blockaded. So, in a French treaty with Holland of the same year, in relation to trade between the subjects of the one with the enemies of the other, it is declared, "that the trade should extend without impediment to all articles not contraband, and to all places not besieged or blockaded." It has, therefore, been contended, that the principle which this country acted upon in the plenitude of its power from 1756 to 1763 was insolent and tyrannical.
After the peace of 1763, France reclosed her colonial ports, but opened them again a little before the war resulting from our differences with America. During this war the British prize courts never asserted the "rule of the war of 1756." The neutral shipping of Holland and Denmark went to the French and Spanish colonies, and brought home unmolested to the mother countries the produce of those colonies. This, it is said, was a practical and formal abandonment of "the rule of the war of 1756," and a publick recantation of the previous injustice—nor was it not deliberately made; for in 1758 the French protested at the court of Petersburg against the rule, and the armed neutrality of the north grew years afterwards out of that protest.
This principle was expressly renounced again by Great Britain in the treaty with Russia, dated June, 1801; and it was so far renounced with respect to America, that the Americans are entitled by treaty with us, to be put on the footing with the most favoured nation.
In November, 1793, "the rule of the war of 1756" was virtually revived in his majesty's instructions.—In 1794, it was partially retracted, and confined to the direct trade between the French West India islands and Europe. In 1798 it was further receded from, and neutrals were permitted to trade between this country and the colonies of our enemies, and also between their own country and such colonies.—"Thus," it has been said, "the profits of rapacity were sacrificed along with the reputation for moderation."
During the peace of Amiens the French did not shut their colonial ports to neutral vessels, so that all commerce between the neutrals and the French colonies became accustomed trade, to which "the rule of the war of 1756" did not apply. The instructions issued in 1803 accordingly allowed a neutral vessel to pass unmolested which should be carrying on a trade directly between the colonies of enemies and the neutral country to which the vessel belonged, and laden with the property of such neutral country; provided that such neutral vessel should not have supplied the enemy with any articles of contraband of war, and should not have been trading with any blockaded port.
In 1806, further instructions were issued rescinding the previous recantations and exacting that the trade with the settlements and islands belonging to the enemy in America and the West Indies, should be carried on through the medium of British Free Ports in the West Indies, and not otherwise—of which instructions it has been remarked, "that they opened the Free Ports of the British Settle-

"ments to the enemy's colonies, and exempted "from seizure a carrying trade employed in pa- "tronizing their agriculture—and that thus the "voice of ages and the decrees of consistency were "set at naught, to accommodate certain mercantile "smugglers with a job."
The Order of the 7th of January 1807, and the late Orders of Council, are also said to have been framed "on the rule of the war 1756," and are suf- ficiently in the recollection of our readers.
Having submitted, as far as our limits will permit, an account of "the rule of the war of 1756," we shall conclude by stating, that it does not appear to have been recognized as a part of the law of nations, by any general or long established usage; that on the contrary it did not exist in 1667, that it has never been asserted or supported at all by any other nation but Great Britain, and that from 1763 to the present time, it has never been asserted in abso- lute and unqualified terms. Itid.
PAPERS RELATIVE TO DENMARK. Presented by his Majesty's command to both Houses of Parliament.
Note from Mr. Rist to Lord Viscount Hawick, March 9, 1807.
The Undersigned Charge d'Affaires of his majesty the king of Denmark, in transmitting in due time to his court the note, by which his excellency Vis- count Hawick acquainted him, on the 10th of Janu- ary, with the Order in Council issued by his Bri- tannick majesty, prohibiting all commerce between the different ports of the enemy and those subject to the influence of the French government, foresaw at the time the deep and painful impression which that order could not fail to produce upon the court of Denmark.
He has this moment received its orders, to ex- press to the ministers of his Britannick majesty the surprize and grief which the court of the undersigned has felt in taking notice of a resolution, which, founded upon a principle in itself inadmissible, at- tacks one of the chief sources of the commercial prosperity of Denmark, and seems to give a blow, as direct as it is unprovoked, to her most sacred rights and to the treaties which connect her with Great Britain. He has received the orders of his court to detail to his Britannick majesty's govern- ment the fatal consequences of this measure, and fi- nally to require its suppression.
The undersigned, in acquitting himself of these orders to his excellency viscount Hawick, takes the liberty of demanding from him all the serious atten- tion, which the importance of the object requires, for this exposition; which will be dictated by that frankness and moderation (worthy of an independent government, and one friendly to Great Britain) by which the court of Denmark has been constantly actuated in her proceedings and discussions with that of London.
Of all courts, whose duty and interest it is to de- fend the rights of neutrality, that of the undersigned is called upon to do so on this occasion more particularly, as well by its situation, as by the na- ture of the order in council in question. It is a- gainst her interests principally that it is directed; her subjects chiefly will suffer by its consequences. Almost exclusively in possession of the advantage- ous coasting trade between the different ports which will henceforth become inaccessible to them, they are menaced with the privation of a branch of their navigation, which has occupied until the present time hundreds of vessels, thousands of sailors, and industrious workmen, and considerable capitals.— Henceforth, the Mediterranean will, for the most part, be shut against their enterprizes: a voyage from Holland to France, from Italy to Spain, from the Hanse Towns to the ports of the Mediterranean, will render their vessels and their cargoes sub- ject to confiscation. Excluded from the greatest part of the ports of the continent of Europe, it is wished that they should renounce, not only the con- siderable advantages which the neutrality of their flag insures them in carrying on the coasting trade, but also the continuance of an essential part of their direct and legitimate commerce with the ports ab- ove mentioned. After having sold the produce of their country, planks, fish, or corn, in one of the northern ports of Holland, France, or Spain, they will be obliged to return in ballast, because they will not be allowed to seek, in the southern ports of those countries, and of Italy, such merchandise as the countries of the north have occasion for, and which can alone produce return sufficiently advan- tagious to reimburse the expenses of their voyages. In order to procure salt, wines, brandy, and oil, it will be necessary for them to sail from Danish ports for the most part in ballast, in or order to fetch them from the ports of the Mediterranean; if they do not prefer, which according to all appear- ance will be the case, to renounce altogether a traf- fic, which would henceforward become a ruinous speculation.
And how can the subjects of his Danish majesty be deprived of their legitimate traffick, of one of the principal branches of their industry? By what right can they be stopped in the pursuit of a peaceful occu- pation, the exercise of which is guaranteed to them by the publick law of nations, and by the sacred faith of treaties; which insure to Denmark, on the part of Great Britain, the unlimited liberty of the seas in all cases in which Denmark has not herself consented, by express stipulations, to renounce the exercise of a part of her rights?
They will be so deprived, according to a principle of retaliation, not against Denmark, for she has ne- ver swerved from the strict execution of her treaties, or from her duties towards England; but against a third power, whose example Great Britain seems but too ready to follow, in order to render the stipu- lations of treaties, and the pacific relations between states subordinate to a right of war, indefinite in its principle, unlimited in its extent, incalculable in its consequences, but completely foreign to, and by no means binding on a neutral power, independent, and protected by solemn and recent treaties.
The undersigned has received express orders from his court to declare, in its name, that it regards the right of retaliation, upon which the order in council of his Britannick majesty is founded, as absolutely inadmissible, in its principle and in its consequ- ences. To establish this right, it would be necessary to begin by destroying the first notions of general and publick law. It must be intended to lay it down as a principle, that every power has a right arbitra- rily to renounce engagements, and to derogate from solemn stipulations with any power, for no other reason, than that its relations with a third power have changed their character. It must be intended to insist that the privileges, interests, and property
of a neutral nation, are at the disposition of every other power, although connected with it by treaties, as soon as the course of events, or the inclination of that power should engage in a war entirely foreign to the neutral nation.
The palpable inconsistency and falsehood of such reasoning cannot be equalled but by its fatal conse- quences with respect to society. It cannot escape the penetration of his Britannick majesty's minis- ters, that a principle which would render the rela- tions and mutual obligations between two countries dependent upon any acts whatsoever of a third power, or rather which would constitute a state of war, the supreme regulator of all the relations of human society, would destroy the very basis of that society, in order openly to sanction the right of strength, and, in the end, to pave the way for that of universal anarchy.
This (the undersigned regrets to avow it) is ne- vertheless the tendency of the principle upon which the resolutions adopted by the French government against the commerce of Great Britain are cited, as motives to induce his Britannick majesty to set a side the treaties subsisting between England and Denmark, and especially that of the 17th June, 1801, which guarantees to the latter power in the case expressly foreseen, of any maritime war what- ever, the entire liberty of its commerce, with the exception only of those restrictions mentioned in the third article. This is the spirit of a measure, which militates upon the commerce of Danish subjects the most severe wound of which the history of neutra- lity offers an example.
The undersigned does not apprehend that he has said too much in advancing this assertion; he has done so purposely, entirely foreseeing that the French decree of the 21st November, 1806, toge- ther with all its pernicious consequences to the com- merce of neutrals, will be cited to invalidate it.— The undersigned would have esteemed himself for- tunate, if he could have avoided the necessity of making a comparison between the two measures, or of drawing a parallel between their effects, more or less pernicious to the commerce of Denmark; but the weighty and important nature of the task which he has to fulfil imposes this duty upon him. He will, however, in order to make the ministers of his Britannick majesty acquainted with the mea- sures of the impression which these two decrees, in opposition to each other, must have produced in Denmark, content himself with stating that, ac- cording to the official explanations which the un- dersigned has just received from his court, the French decree does not, as we were led to suppose from its expressions, bear upon all vessels carrying on commerce with England, but only upon those which, coming from an English port, are desirous of entering a port of France; that it enacts the confiscation of those vessels only which refuse to submit to the notification of the decree at their en- try into one of the said ports, or which are desirous of concealing their having lately put into a port of Great Britain; that therefore the provisions of the French decree, a great part of which cannot from their nature be carried into effect, have not as yet caused any sensible interruption to the commerce of Denmark with Great Britain.
The undersigned must also observe, that the de- cree of the 21st of November, limited as it is in its application, turns evidently against France herself and her allies, or at least obliges them to partici- pate in the greatest part of the evils and annoyance directed against the commerce of neutrals: that it therefore seems to carry with it the guarantee of its lenient execution, and the probability of its short duration.
The undersigned feels it his duty to add, that his court, nevertheless, has made urgent representa- tions to the French government against a measure, the principle of which it cannot but consider as a direct and manifest violation of its rights: that far from being willing or able to acquiesce in it, his court thought it employed the best weapons that its situation and the justice of its cause afforded, when it protested solemnly against the subversion of principle and the contempt of the law of nations, of which this decree gives so fatal an example.
But the greater the disgust of the court of the un- dersigned, at the spirit of the decree of the 21st No- vember, and particularly at the motive alleged for its justification, namely, that of retaliation, the more profound was its regret at seeing Great Bri- tain, in her late measure, follow the footsteps of her enemy, and take advantage of his example to sanction a doctrine, the principle of which seems more to be feared in itself, than the more or less enlarged scale of the regulations which determine its effect and extent.
The court of Denmark cannot dissemble her ap- prehensions, that the French government will re- turn among its triumphs, the having engaged Eng- land in measures which, while they justified its own proceeding, necessarily weakened the ties of friend- ship which attached the neutral nations to Great Britain; and that it will find in the order in council of his Britannick majesty a new motive, or at least a pretext, not only in persisting in its fatal mea- sures, and for enforcing their dormant rigour, but also for augmenting, if possible, its original vio- lence, and completing the ruin of nations, which until the present time had preserved the blessings and the prosperity of peace. The undersigned ab- stains, but too willingly, from completing the ter- rible picture which the perspective of such a contest appears to present.
Authorized to declare in the most precise man- ner, that the court of Denmark can never acquiesce in any degree in the order of council of his Britannick Majesty, which has been communicated to the un- dersigned on the 10th of January, nor consent that her vessels should be treated in conformity to it, and to protest formally against its principle and its consequences; the undersigned, however, feels plea- sure in transmitting to his excellency viscount How- ick, and in partaking the hopes of his court, that his Britannick Majesty will not give effect to the res- olution in question; but that, by suppressing it, he will continue and cement the relations of amity and good understanding which attach to his interests the court of Denmark, whose constant efforts have been directed to the observance of her engagements, and to the preservation of her relations with Great Bri- tain.
This hope receives additional vigour from a know- ledge of the liberal way of thinking and acting of the enlightened minister to whom the undersigned has the honor to address these representations in favor of neutral rights, which have already more than once found in him their advocate.
The undersigned has the honor to offer to his ex-
cellency viscount Hawick the assurances of his high and respectful consideration.
(Signed) J. RIST. London, March 9, 1807.
Note from Lord Viscount Hawick to Mr. Rist. Foreign Office, March 17, 1807.
The undersigned, his majesty's principal secreta- ry of state for foreign affairs, has the honour to in- form Mr. Rist, that he has lost no time in submit- ting to his majesty's government his note of the 9th inst. and that it has received all the attention which the magnitude of the subject and the various and important considerations which it involves, cer- tainly require.
It is much to be wished that the Danish govern- ment, before it had suffered itself to indulge in the representations contained in the above official pa- per, had considered with more calmness the nature and objects of the decree of the French government of the 21st of November last, and the order of coun- cil which, in consequence of that decree, has been issued by his majesty.
The undersigned is under the necessity of thus calling, in the outset, the attention of the Danish minister to the original state of the question; be- cause Mr. Rist, in his reference both to the decree of the 21st November, 1806, and to his majesty's order in council, seems to have misconceived the tenor and effect of both; uniformly excusing and palliating the one, and in no less a degree heighten- ing and aggravating the supposed tendency and con- sequences of the other.
By the decree of the 21st November, which up- on the fairest allegations is justified by the prin- ciple of retaliation, the enemy has presumed to de- clare the British Isles in a state of blockade, pro- hibiting at the same time all commerce with them, and all trading in English merchandise; and by the same instrument, the prize courts of France are directed to enforce these regulations. Neutrals are consequently interdicted from all commercial intercourse with Great Britain, and all trading in her commodities.
The French government, in adopting a measure at once so violent in itself, and of such injustice with respect to the consequences which must neces- sarily have been expected to result from it, commit- ted a manifest act of hostile aggression (though im- mediately directed against Great Britain) against the rights of every state not engaged in the war, which, if not resisted on their part, must unavo- idably deprive them of the privileges of a fair neu- trality, and must suspend the operation of treaties formed for the protection of neutral rights, thus fundamentally violated in their first and most es- sential principles.
The injury which would be sustained by Great Britain, if she suffered her commerce with foreign nations to be thus interdicted, whilst that of the enemy with them should remain unopposed, is so manifest, that it can require no illustration. It never could have been presumed that his majesty would submit to such an injury, waiting in patient acquiescence till France might think proper to at- tend to the slow and feeble remonstrances of States not engaged in the war, or that he should forbear to take immediate steps to check the violence of the enemy, and to retort upon him the evils of his own injustice.
Had his majesty at once determined to exact the full measure of retaliation to which he was justly entitled (and which nothing but the most generous regard for the commercial interest of neutral pow- ers could have induced him to forego), let Denmark reflect upon the effect which such a determination would have had upon her commerce, taking into her consideration at the same time the means which Great Britain possesses of enforcing it; and then let her compare it with the measure of forbearance and lenity which has been adopted.
His majesty would unquestionably have been jus- tified in resorting to the fullest measures of retalia- tion, in consequence of this unparalleled aggressi- on; and other powers would have no right to com- plain, if the king had immediately proceeded to de- clare all the countries occupied by the enemy to be in a state of blockade, and to prohibit all trade in the produce of those countries; for, as the French decree expresses it, the law of nature justifies the employing against the enemy the same arms which he makes use of. If third parties suffer from these measures, their demand and reparation must be made to that country which first violates the es- tablished usages of war, and the rights of neutral states.
The British government, however, was neither hasty nor rigorous in its measures. His majesty waited nearly two months before he had recourse e- ven to the mitigated measure of retaliation, which a due regard for the dignity of his crown and the interests of his subjects has at length exacted from him.
Whether in the mean time any such steps were taken by Denmark as were required by the insult which had been offered by the enemy to her sove- reignty and independence, and the injury done to her neutral rights, this government is al- most ignorant. All that is known here is, that a formal communication of the decree of the 21st November was made by the French minister at the court of Kiel; the answer of the Danish government has not been transpired; but no intention of resistance has appeared in any publick document, or in any steps taken by the Danish government: whilst on the o- ther hand it has observed a conduct not apparently calculated to enforce the respect due to the rights of a neutral nation, nor in consistency with the cha- racter of a power determined equally to resist any measure affecting these rights, from whatever quar- ter they might proceed.
The troops which were stationed in Holstein, whilst those of the allies were near that frontier, have been immediately withdrawn on the approach of the French army; and the ge- neral intercourse between this country and Hesse, never re- fused in any former war, has been the subject of continual complaint and remonstrance on the part of the Danish mi- nistery.
Having made these preliminary observations, it will be necessary to enter into a candid and dispassionate investi- gation of the general nature and effect of the order in council of the 7th January, and of the causes which produced it, and of some of the principal objects which it had in view. In doing this, the undersigned is first led to consider the proba- ble extent of its operation, as it affects the carrying and di- rect trade of Denmark and of other neutral powers; and this will be the more necessary with regard to the latter and more important description of commerce, inasmuch as im- pediments are supposed to be thrown in the way of it by the Danish minister, which have no real existence, and which he has assumed by him in his official note, are very far from establishing. From the natural, obvious, and equi- table construction of the instrument in question, it will be seen that these cases are altogether exempted from its operation —For wherever it can be shown that a Danish or other neu-
tral vessel, after having delivered her outward cargo, or any part of it, at one of the ports in possession of either her allies, or occupied by that power, shall have the purpose to proceed to another, solely for the purpose of shipping a cas- to, consisting of such articles as she may require for her homeward voyage, it is clear that such vessel would not be considered in our courts of prize as liable to the penal conse- quences of the order. In framing the order of council of the 7th January, his majesty's government has indeed studiously endeavoured to avoid distressing nations not engaged in the war. The neutral is still allowed to carry his own pro- duces to market in hostile countries, to procure from those countries, for his own consumption, and to engage in mercan- tile speculations, from hostile countries to other neutral countries, or to the British islands.
The object of the order of council was, to prevent the en- emy from carrying on his coasting trade through the means of neutral bottoms, at a time when the naval superiority of Great Britain precluded him from effecting it in vessels nav- igated under his own flag, and belonging to his own subjects. But the trading from hostile port to hostile port, at the same time that it was so beneficial and even necessary to the en- emy, was comparatively of little benefit to the neutral, and hardly entitled to the character of neutral commerce.
The coasting trade of the enemy in time of peace is car- ried on by his own navigation. Even the other branches of trade referred to, viz from Holland to France, to Spain, and the hostile ports in the Mediterranean, in time of peace, chiefly pass by the navigation of those countries respective- ly.
It is principally from the success of the British maritime force, which has almost annihilated the navigation of the en- emy, that the ships of Denmark and other neutral states are employed as carriers from hostile port to hostile port, in- order to relieve the enemy from his distress: and it is not- orious, that the trade thus carried on, is supported by the shameful misconduct of neutral merchants, who lend their names for a small percentage, not only to cover the goods but in numberless instances to mask the ships of the enemy.
The Danish minister, in his note, seems indeed so in- tent on asserting aural rights, as apparently to forget that there also exist corresponding neutral duties.
Neutrality, properly considered, does not consist in ma- king advantage of every situation between belligerent States, by which an advantage may accrue to the neutral, when ver may be the consequence to either belligerent party; but in observing a strict and honest impartiality, so as not to afford straining its trade to either; and particularly in so far re- out of time of peace, as not to render assistance to one belli- gerent in escaping the effect of the other's hostilities. The duty of a neutral is, "non intorpare se bello, non hoste immi- nente hostem eripere," and yet it is a manifest that lending a neutral navigation to carry on the coasting trade of the enemy is in direct contradiction to this definition of neutral obliga- tions, as it is in effect to rescue the commerce of the enemy from the distress to which it is reduced by the superiority of the British navy, as to its resources, and to prevent Great Britain from bringing him to reasonable terms of peace.
To put a stop, therefore, to this species of trade, is a mea- sure which might easily have been justified without reference to the late conduct of France; and even if the Danish minis- ter were likely to suffer some inconvenience, it should, there- would not exist any just ground of complaint: but when it is the only step in the way of retaliation which has hitherto been adopted on the part of the British government, his ma- jesty's forbearance and magnanimity must appear eminently conspicuous.
If, after all, the probable consequences of this measure are contemplated with any degree of im- partiality, it will appear rather likely to prove beneficial than otherwise to the Danish nation. The products of the hostile countries will of neces- sity find their way into neutral countries, not only for con- sumption but for re-exportation: Denmark will then become a great entrepot; her navigation will not have the less em- ployment; but the real bona fide commerce of her subjects will be extended, and her revenue at the same time will be considerably benefited.
The enemy, it is true, will suffer by the enhanced price which he must pay for the articles which he imports, when obtained by this circuitous mode, and by the reduced price at which he will be obliged to dispose of his exports, as well as by the increased difficulty of covering his commerce under a neutral flag. But it is presumed that these considerations cannot furnish any just ground of complaint on the part of Denmark, if at a trade of which every country will, in all proba- bilit, be eventually rather benefited than exposed to an in- jury from the measure in question.
Upon the whole, the undersigned is instructed to declare to Mr. Rist, that his majesty cannot be induced to revoke the order in council of the 7th January, till France shall not on- ly have desisted from acting on the decree of the 21st No- vember, but shall have publicly and formally repealed it.— Should Denmark adhere to the resolution she has expressed of resisting the unjust pretensions of the enemy, and man- ifest a sincere disposition to maintain a real and honourable neutrality, it is very far from his majesty's wish or intention to deprive her of any of the advantages which fairly belong to that relation; but if unfortunately it shall appear that this neutrality consists in mere association, and displays itself only in remonstrances on her part, against such measures as his majesty is justly authorised to adopt, in support of the dignity of his crown and the interests of his subjects, and on the other hand in the most complete and unqualified acqui- escence in every demand which the enemy may think proper to advance, the king would consider himself as wanting in the regard which he owes to his own crown and the welfare of his dominions, were he to omit taking, on his part, such measures as may be necessary to secure both against the injury which must necessarily arise from a continuance of such conduct on the part of the Danish government.
(Signed) HOWICK.
ARRIVED. In Hampton Roads on Wednesday, brig Martha Bland, Shore, 56 days from Liverpool, Salt and Crates, bound to City Point. Sch'r Margaret, Benedict, 3 days from New York.
WE, THE SUBSCRIBERS, Trustees chosen by Benjamin Nottingham and John Eyre, to execute the trust reposed in us, by a deed executed by said Nottingham and Eyre and the said subscribers, shall sell at Publick Sale, for ready money, as Northampton Court House, on the second Monday in May next, if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter, the said Nottingham's portion, to wit,
One undivided fifth part of 110 acres, more or less, of the LAND, lately held by said Nottingham's father.
JAMES LYON, GEORGE PARKER, } Trustees. Northampton, April 15, 1808
A WET NURSE FOR SALE.
A Strong NEGRO WOMAN, with a good breast of Milk, and her Boy six weeks old—The Woman is used to washing, ironing, and house-work.
ALSO, A NEGRO WOMAN, an excellent Cook and House Servant. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 22
STOLEN, A SILVER CANDLESTICK,
Stamped on the base J Lowes. The negro woman who is suspected took it about a fortnight since, may have offered it for sale or pawn for rum, of which she is very fond—FIVE DOLLARS will be given to the person who may bring it to the Office of the Ledger. April 22.
CASH for Warwick STAVES. Moses Myers. April 20.
THE STOCKHOLDERS In the Marine Insurance Company, of Norfolk, are hereby notified that an Election will be held at the Office of the said Company, on the first day of the next month (May), according to law, for the choice of fif- teen Directors, for one year, from the said first day of May. John Cowper, Sec'y. Office of the Marine Insurance Company, the 11th of April, 1808.

ENGLISH GOODS. Appleton & Co. By the John Adams, St. Johns, from Liverpool, No. 16, Calver-Street, Baltimore, have received their regular supply of GOODS, calculated for the present and approaching season.  Cambric and Common Callicoes, Plain and striped Dimities; Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans; Furniture Chintz; do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths; do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres; patent Nankeens, Coats & Grandurets; Cotton Cassimeres, 6-yard 4-4 Cambric Muslins, Japan, Haricord, and Check do. plain and figured Mull do. Leno, Victory, and Riddle Muslin; coloured do. do. do. 4-4 plain Hoosier do.; Ginghams; Silk do. Satins, Persians, and Sarnets; Bonnet Silks; Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs; Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, do. Braces, do. Laces and Fontings, do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks; Buttons; Birmingham Ware. In Store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted paper at 60 days. April 13. 10
Mackinder & White, Have just received from on board the schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Tickenburgs, superfine Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c. — Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 15.  For SALE, On board the ship Dammascotta, Robert Duckendorff, master, at Commerce-Street Wharf, Coarse Liverpool SALT, St. Vincent's RUM and MOLASSES. Moses Myers. tf April 15.
Thirty Dollars Reward. RANAWAY from the Subscriber on the 22d of last month, a bright mulatto, named CALEB, about 24 years of age, bow legged; he has a red mark upon his neck just below his right ear, (as well as I can recollect) I will give the above reward to any person or persons that will secure the said negro so that I get him again, and if delivered to me all reasonable charges shall be paid. II. PITTS. Northampton, Eastern-Shore, Virg. } April 11, 1808. 7*
Landing from the schooner Antelope, Capt. Putnam, 100 hhds. & 12 tierces MOLASSES, 24 bags Green Coffee. Also received from New-York, New Mess and Prime PORK, Mess and Prime BEEF. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. April 13. tf
FOR RENT, That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also, That convenient House, where Mr. Cornelius Calvert formerly lived; they have very fine gardens and all convenient out-houses—possession may be had on the first day of May next, on application to James Tucker. tf April 13.
Intending shortly to leave this town, the Subscriber informs the publick, that from this day he will sell at the first cost, All his STOCK, Consisting of DRY GOODS, and every kind of ready made CLOTHES. B. Danfossy. No. 24, Market-Square. 3* April 13.
FOR RENT, A convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, pleasantly situated in the Borough, with necessary out-houses, &c. Apply to the Printer. April 13. 3
The Subscriber grateful for past favours, takes the liberty of informing the publick, that in addition to his BEER and PORTER-HOUSE, he has rented the upper apartment of that commodious house situated at the corner of Wide Water and Commerce-Streets, formerly occupied by Mrs. Bryan, which he has opened as a Tavern, by the name of the GLOBE TAVERN, and will keep a constant supply of the best of Liquors; and for the accommodation of customers, he will keep a constant supply of prime New-York Ale, Philadelphia Beer and Porter. Solicitous for a share of publick patronage, he assures those who may favour him with their custom, that every attention will be paid to give satisfaction. Gentle Boarders can be accommodated by the week, month, or year, upon moderate terms. Good Stabling and forage for a few horses. WILLIAM TONKIN. Two TENEMENTS situated on Town-Point, will be rented cheap, together or separate.—For terms apply as above. April 7. 1m
FOR RENT. The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Blanchard. tf April 7.
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street. tf March 30.
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25. tf
Intending to leave the country for a few months, I have appointed Mr. William Dickson my attorney. Bartholomew Redmon. April 7. 1m  COCKE & SANFORD, Have received eighteen hogsheads and eighteen barrels Loaf and Lump SUGAR, which they offer for Sale on very moderate terms. On hand of their last importation, 2 bales flaxen OZNABURGS, 2000 wt. Seine Twine; 1 bale assorted Blue Cloths, 1 bale superfine Navy Blue Cloth, 2 boxes well assorted Irish Linens, Irish and Dutch Sheetings and Dowlas, 2 Trunks Cotton Hosiery; 1 case D. mitties, 2 do. assorted Nankeens and Grandurets, 3 do. Callicoes; 2 do. Cotton Cambricks, 1 box French Cambricks and Handkerchiefs, 2 cases Mens' and 1 do. Childrens' fashionable Beaver Hats. Feb. 24. 2m
BOOTS. Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS, Just received and for Sale by Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market-Square. Feb. 8. tf
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. tf February 2.
Cognac Brandy, Hollands Gin, Country do. in pipes, Rice in tierces and half tierces—For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. February 24. tf
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. tf Feb. 18.
For SALE, 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. Kitts RUM. MOSES MYERS. January 8. tf
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. tf November 4.
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Warehouse, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8. tf
For RENT, The DWELLING-HOUSE on Granby-street, belonging to captain Vickery, next door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of January next. For terms apply to Alexander Wilson. tf December 18.
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. tf December 28.
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. tf October 5.
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. tf August 24.
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Navy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambric Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woollens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assortment of WOOLLEN GOODS. Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c. On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; Ladies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for CASH, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11. tf
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 cases Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castle Marble Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hhds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. tf October 12.
The Subscriber offers for Sale, 78 puncheons well favoured RUM, A few pipes Old Bordeaux Brandy, and 22 hogsheads choice retailing Molasses. Phinehas Dana. tf March 4.
WANTED, A convenient Dwelling-House for a small family, situated in an agreeable part of the town. Apply to the Printer. March 18. tf
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray & Co. December 7. tf  Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation.—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hhds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hhds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackarel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. tf February 26.
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. tf Hampton, February 17.  For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Matras Ticking, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. tf February 26.
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hhds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hhds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-Street to William Hull, Jun. tf October 16.
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. tf Nov. 18.
The following prices will be given in Cash for 500 or 600 cords of BARK, deliverable at my Tan Yard, Spanish Oak, - $ 6 per cord, Willow or Water do. 5 Red do. 4 Young White do. 3 50 Beach Bark, - 3 50 With a view to prevent disappointment to those who procure this article, arising from the uncertainty of the quantity which may be brought to market, I will receive all which may be delivered at my landing before the first day of June, provided it be well cured and in good order. Theoderick Armistead. 2m April 4.
New SHOES from New-York. SAMUEL COLEMAN, Offers for Sale such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction. April 1. tf
VERNON'S BOOTS, at $8 50, which are no doubt the most elegant made in the United States. Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very gentlemen who cannot be fitted. BUTTER at 17 cents in nice order; a few tons of Iron; a few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cottons; Brown Sugar, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones.—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never failing stream; although she works at present only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abundant supply for ten pair. Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's Mills) about two miles farther, now in complete order, running one pair of stones and two faws—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a fine situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not superior to any in that part of the country.—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently believes, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia.—Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any number of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5. tf
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 5 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hhds. and 6 bbls Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Saffron Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. tf July 31.
WANTED, A convenient Dwelling-House for a small family, situated in an agreeable part of the town. Apply to the Printer. March 18. tf
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Maclure. tf March 2.  NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceased, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Adm'r.x. tf December 9.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz — 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-21 lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d Sheathing, do. 7 1-2d 6d. Sprigs, 4s 6d per M. 6d. do. 2s 9d 2d. and 3d. do. 2s 3d He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman. tf
THE CARGO Of the Ship Laconia, Capt. John Walker, just arrived from Liverpool, is offered for Sale, consisting of 8000 bush. Liverpool coarse SALT, 30 crates well assorted Crockery Ware, and 30 tons Coals—Apply to Phinehas Dana. tf March 25.
The Subscribers have removed to the Brick Warehouse on Merchant's Wharf, and have on hand for Sale, 100,000 W. O. hhd. drawn STAVES, 100,000 red do. do. do. 40,000 rough do. do. do. 50,000 do. barrel do. do. 10,000 pipe do. do. do. 500,000 sale Shingles; 100,000 building do. 10,000 three feet do.; 5,000 Garden Pales, 5,000 Chinquapin and Cedar Posts. And also for Rent, A commodious WAREHOUSE. Preby, Harmanson, & Co. tf January 11.
Phœnix Fire Office. The Subscriber, Agent to the PHŒNIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals herewith subjoined. N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. tf September 8. 157
THE COTTAGE, A small Farm handsomely improved in the neighbourhood of Portsmouth, commanding a beautiful view of Norfolk harbour is offered for Rent—and the HOUSE lately occupied by Doctor Leigh, pleasantly situated near the Ferry Wharf, in Portsmouth. Apply to Mr. William Pritchard, or JAMES YOUNG. tf March 2.
AT PRIVATE SALE, BY S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM, March 2. tf
For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store. Apply to Niemeyer & Von Kapff. tf December 28.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Harsham's Snuff, No 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evans's best Crown Lanters, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. tf Feb. 20.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hhds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffles; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plais, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Tickenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Heffians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24. tf
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.