Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-02-19 00:00:00

From the North American.
A PROSPECT OF THE TIMES AND THE DOWNFALL OF THE JUDICIARY.
Vanity would teach us that the present is the age of wisdom; but experience declares that it is but an age, in many respects, for the contempt of res on .
On account of the depth of many valuable truths, and our imperfection to see far into the nature of things at once, we must frequently join many arguments together to bring them to the service, if we would apply them to our use. This exercise of reason makes up the principal difference between the extended knowledge of civilized society, and the contracted notions of all savages. But alas! How unfashionable is this exercise become in the political world! All things which do not come within the capacity of every ignoramus and office hunter, some of whom perhaps, have not resided long enough in our country to understand the principles of our government, are sure to be stigmatized as winding perplexities, calculated for the use of lawyers, and to cheat the ignorant part of mankind out of their liberty.
It is also the practice to bring contempt upon the subjects, which designing and discontented characters mark out for publick execution, not by walking in the regular path of reason and argument, but by a resort to words, which, in this country apply an odious epithet: such as monarchy, aristocracy, despotism, &c. But no subject is either better or worse on account of these ugly names, which are so improperly applied: although the ignorant part of our citizens are greatly imposed upon by them. Even the word federalist , which implies an advocate for the union of these states, by the federal constitution or government, is palmed upon the ignorant, as an appeal to principles of the most tyrannical nature; and it would do more towards deciding an election, in some places, than all the wisdom of a whole country.
To the unlimited disgrace of a free people must it be said, that when any of the grand pillars of our constitution, though it was raised by the uncontaminated patriotism and wisdom of Washington and his contemporaries, as the support of the truest system of liberty, and has proved the greatest security for an equal distribution of rights, becomes unjustly branded with these disgraceful epithets, by a popular demagogue, no matter whether he be of foreign or domestic origin, we immediately take it for the signal to demolish, and then like slaves to faction, begin the abominable work of desolation. We trample over reason, the glory of human nature, and follow our master workman as dogs in a chace, to take away that life, for his amusement, which profits us nothing; to pull down that, for his use, which brings evil and ultimate destruction upon ourselves. And when the work of destruction is complete, we must call back the old hands, whom we have driven off in disgrace, to build it up again; making due allowance for adequate improvements. I am determined to abhor the spirit of innovation, whether it begins at the head of our government, or amongst the lowest order of society. Those valuable precepts which were taught in the school of our illustrious Washington, shall form the rule of my political career, until I can discover a better; though as I travel through different subjects, spleen and sophistry will doubtless bark around to smother by their perpetual jargon, that which cannot calmly be denied. The principle of gratifying private views or private resentment, at the expense of the general good of my country, I shall always detest, and should these inclinations be found in the bosom of men high in office, I hope my heart will never sink so far below its dignity as not to dispise them; and if every spark of reason and foresight is not consumed by party passion and prejudice; I doubt not of having some companions, who can look around upon all sides, and distinguish right from wrong.
Then turning towards the affairs of state; without the spirit of divination, it is clearly to be perceived that the independence of our judiciary will soon lay prostrate at the feet of another branch of our government. The absurdity of such a change will avail it nothing; marks of aristocracy and federalism are first upon it by the proper authority; the workmen are sowing the seeds of disaffection with the hand of sophistry; and so soon as the people of America have devoured a sufficiency, the signal to demolish, under the garb of improvement, will be given; and though it may hurl death and destruction upon our own liberty, those who are duped will as faithful slaves to their employers, soon bring the proud monument to the ground.
To those who comprehend the effect of such a change, no argument is necessary to convince them that it will be the total destruction of an equal distribution of justice; and under such a belief and a knowledge of its origin, a
conviction must naturally arise, that it is nothing more than the offspring of sinister views and private resentment. But were this not the case, there is another way of considering the origin of a change so pernicious in its nature.
Perhaps the love of power is one of the most universal propensities of the human heart.—We wish none superior to ourselves, and are always endeavouring to bring others to an equality if not below the party or body to which we belong. Under this principle therefore, it is not unreasonable to suppose that the legislative bodies would gladly bring the judiciary, which the people by their constitution have put out of their control, except in case of misconduct, subordinate to their wishes. The state legislatures would incline towards a willingness to alter the constitution for this purpose, that they, per chance, might get into the same comparative dignity. It may be expected however, that the senate, which being already constituted a court for the trial of judges, would not incline so readily into the alteration, unless it were to render the power of removal absolute, which they now possess only on the condition of misconduct. And this it appears, where the trial has been made in Virginia, a great majority in the senate, stands against the alteration, which is a proof that all at least are not so completely apostates from the original and true spirit of a free federal government, as to wish absolute power where it would only terminate in the death of justice.
But these are not matters of only recent origin: all ages and all governments afford us instances when the contention for power, between different branches of the same government, has been carried to a dangerous extent; and always too, under a pretence of its being for the good of the people.
With this consideration, if we bring into view the difference between the political opinions of some of the judges, and the majority of the legislative bodies, which difference is more in name than in fact, more about their private, than the public interest, there can be no difficulty in admitting, that a change of this nature would be sought for, when the liberty of the people was entirely out of view. Nor can there be any danger in pronouncing this to be the present fact.
It is also remarkable that the ideas which have come out, would not imply an acquiescence, on the part of the executive necessary in the law for the removal of a judge, on the same conditions that it does in other laws.—The legislature would now ask the people for a power, to make a law, independent of the executive , respecting the judges, by a concurrence of three fifths, which they cannot do in any other respect without the concurrence of two thirds. This would appear like an avaricious grasp at power from another quarter.
That we may not appear wanting in a due respect for a cause, which came from the highest authority, it is necessary to examine the alluring baits, which are thrown out as food for the deluded people, the citizens of America, who are to sit in judgement upon the matter. And though such a consideration may appear trivial in the eyes of a real statesman, it is not less important, as a lesson to those, who are now, and may hereafter become proselytes to a false doctrine. We are told, "that whatever may be the conduct of a judge, he cannot be removed from office: because he may plead error in judgement."—This assertion is so exceedingly false, that it would be but a slender weapon in the hands of an honest statesman, although it is a powerful one amongst the ignorant and the wicked; and to the disgrace of our country, thousands of the honest citizens, who will decide the very question, are now in bondage to a fall belief that a judge actually cannot, upon the principle, be removed from office.
All who are brought into this unfounded deception, I would only invite to a due consideration of one fact, which relates to the trial of a judge. When a judge is impeached, and pleads error in judgement before the senate, that senator who says not guilty , when he believes it was no error in judgement, but a biased or corrupt decision, is a perjured man. A judge stands as liable to removal, for misconduct, as any other officer; but other officers may be removed without misconduct.
We are told again, "that the right to hold an office during good behaviour, implies a right to hold it for life; and this is too aristocratick." Surely a right to hold an office during good behaviour, implies that if a judge does not depart from his duty during life, he can hold his office for the same time. But in what manner this is construed to bear any resemblance to aristocracy, is difficult to ascertain: aristocracy is where "the supreme power is vested in the nobles;" and whatever may be the quality of their conduct, whether good or evil, they still hold the supreme power, so long as aristocracy exists in the government. But constituting a man in office
during good behaviour, is only an arrangement to secure impartial and uncorrupt decisions, where the fear of removal, on other pretences, would bias his judgement.
If we examine the province of a judge, we shall find him surrounded on all sides by the law, his opinions must be always as equal, and as consonant to the laws, as the imperfection of human nature will permit; for if he abuses the law, the law removes him from office; and he is only to square his conduct to this rule, without the fear of passion, whim, and caprice in human nature, and some times of absurd ignorance, whether in the legislature or any other body.
The judiciary, of all others, should be least charged with aristocracy in its nature; as the guardian to our laws, it recognises nothing superior and is ever jealous to maintain them above all other power. The name of aristocracy would be as justly applied to a set of honest labourers, who had engaged their services during good behaviour, as to a set of judges: both of which are bound to execute the business they undertake with fidelity, or pay the forfeit of a dismissal.
Another sophistry, which has brought many proselytes into delusion, is "that all others should be subordinate to the creative branch of our government; that is, the legislature who make the laws, should be superior to those who administer them."
This is certainly a new mode of abstract reasoning, for it leaves out all the particular passions, and qualifications incident to human nature, and decides the matter something like a mathematician; only that the different proportions are not correctly set down.
It does not follow, because the citizens elect certain men, to make such laws and regulations as are wanting for the time being, or because these never have this sort of creative power, that they are the most learned in the law, or in the administration of it. For if this creative power, was the only evidence of legal learning and wisdom, the great body of the people having directly and indirectly erected the legislative, executive and judiciary, would have more learning in the law, than the whole of them put together. And this would bring us to acknowledge, that the citizens collectively, would be the most proper tribunal to arraign the illegal proceeding of the judiciary.
A judge is required to have a knowledge of jurisprudence; but a legislator may be one who never read a law. As it is necessary, to prevent the judges abusing the laws, to answer their own purposes, that they should be responsible to some tribunal, most capable of deciding upon their conduct, this province is allowed to the senate as the most competent to the duty; so to prevent the abuse of the laws, for the interest of others, under whose influence the judges might be placed, the constitution provides that none shall exercise that influence, without a just cause.
It is the unfortunate condition of human nature, that when our subsistence and support, depends upon the will of certain individuals, our conduct is more regulated to suit their passion and pleasure, than it is by reason and justice. Then, to make the judges subordinate, to the absolute will of congress, or the legislative bodies, would render their decisions more consonant to the passion and pleasure of these bodies, than to the established principles of equity or the written law; consequently, a poor criminal becomes tried, not by the written law, which he may have violated, but by the passion of existing times, and particularly, of that body, to which a judge owes obedience. In this channel the great and the wealthy, whose crimes generally excite much publick sympathy, would go unpunished, while publick prejudice would carry friendless strangers, and helpless poverty to the gallows upon mere suspicion.
This view of the subject, serves well to expose another favourite doctrine of the new school: "That the nearer the different branches of government come under the immediate control of the people, the better officers perform their duty." But does it appear by what has been said, that the judges would perform their duty better, by being under the immediate control of the people, or even their immediate representation? If this were correct, it would not be improper, to recommend putting them under the drill of our seaport mobs. We should then be sure of excellent justice.
That man who now sits dealing out justice, without the fear of any earthly power, but for the transgression of duty may be presumed to look with an eye of equality, upon the whole race of mankind, as nearly as the imperfections of his nature will permit, well aware, that his opinions are not valued according to the wealth or poverty, innocence or guilt, which they protect, or condemn; but according to the learning, wisdom and ability displayed in applying the immutable principles of justice to the cause before him. A just emulation from his cause, has induced the judiciary of some
countries to defend, upon legal ground, the freedom of its citizens, when the other branches of their own government, were ready to swallow it up. But, so soon as the judges are made subject to the humour and passion of any other power, the same man, who now looks to no other rule for his conduct, but the immutable principles of justice, and the written law, will then more frequently turn his back upon the cause before him, to examine the countenance of his masters.—And this is the unfortunate condition to which we are doomed, by the voice of high authority, and the spirit of the times.
There have been times when the political scale of America, would bend to reason and patriotism; but now it turns only by the weight of human flesh. The rage for twenty years, of a flame of innovation, though small at first, composed of the fire of all the nation, has driven integrity from office, and wisdom from our assemblies, until the latter have absolutely dwindled into insignificance. It has rendered patriotism so flexible, that the best principles of our government, would be sacrificed to the views of any of the chosen clan, who have impudence enough, to demand it. The stations held by the federal judges cannot be obtained, without sacrificing part of the constitution, it must therefore be sacrificed to obtain them. And should the citizens of America, thus alter their government, every time a few of its officers may quarrel about power, or even when them do not suit the hot heads of faction, changes will become so rapid, quarrels increase in the same ratio, the government become so weak by contentions, and the citizens so eager and careless in the practice of changing, that some subtle genius, in the hurry of an alteration, may easily lead us, under the veil of improvement, into real aristocracy.—And there will be an end to "the liberties of the people."
On the present point we may safely challenge every honest man in the nation, to deny that the high advocates for the change, are about to sacrifice the best interest of our country to the most abominable impressions. And as such is their conduct, the high standing which they hold, should only excite in every patriotick soul an abhorrence coequal with that dignity; and the most fervent prayer that the next election may consign every man of them to their favourite condition, of "dignified retirement."
While external danger menaces the peace of our citizens, and may even terminate in a demand for every nerve of the country, our constitution would thus be torn to pieces by a parcel of angry men; who turning their minds from the business which they are paid to perform, seem more devoted to the practice of getting some men out of office, and others in. The grand caucus of legislators, that undertook to dictate to the people, who should be the next president, and even underwent the form of an election, bears clearly on the fact. Such conduct, before the days of political aristocracy, would have met its just reward.
In former times, a demand for an alteration in the constitution, to make congress absolute sovereigns of the judiciary, while they were even trampling on the very spirit of another part of it, by recommending a candidate for the next president, would have carried its advocates faster into this "dignified retirement" than persecution and slander has carried virtuous integrity. For he who pretends to have walked out of his congressional function, to perform the infamous duty, may justly be compared to a greedy man after offices, wishing to hold two, contrary to law, pretends that one may be laid down, while he performs the duty of the other, and then resume it again at pleasure.
They seem to have amused themselves in mischievous endeavour, to remove the seat of government, to Philadelphia; as though they had nothing else to do. Should this ultimately be effected, the increasing practice of conducting publick business, more by the citizens collectively, than by their representatives, will raise many a quarrel between the sovereign people of that place, and the representatives of the nation. And must not the sovereign people govern? according to the new school they are always right.
INDEPENDENCE.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY last October from the Subscribers, living in Monroe County, two Mulatto Men, ISAAC CONNER and WILLIAM CONNER, (brothers) both very bright mulattoes. Isaac is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, stout and well made, is marked on the under lip with a small reddish spot, and a scar on his forehead occasioned by the stroke of a whip; on one of his feet there is also a scar made by an axe; he is 22 years of age. Bill is 20 years of age, about 5 feet 10 inches high, also stout and active, and wore his hair in a cue of 6 or 8 inches in length. It is supposed they will attempt to get to Norfolk, as they have some acquaintances there, and were heard of in the neighbourhood of Williamsburg in company with some free mulattoes, who lives on Queen's Creek. Whoever confines them in jail so that we get them again, shall be entitled to the above reward.
John Handley, Martin Franklin.
N B Being very fair, they will no doubt attempt to pass for free men. Feb. 10. 322

The adjustment of our differences with the Regency of Algiers, stated in our last, is a subject of great felicitation. But we fear it will last no longer than caprice or cupidity shall direct, unless the United States will detach and keep a naval force in the Mediterranean, adequate to restrain these pirates. Such a measure has become the more necessary since the annihilation of Portugal, whose government usually stationed a force at the mouth of the Streights, which kept the cruisers of Algiers confined to the Mediterranean, those may now pass the Streights without molestation, and harass our commerce in the Atlantick.
The present, may not perhaps be the most convenient time for freeing ourselves of this odious tribute; but we hope that it will not be of long duration, it being more honourable to pay "millions" for defence than a cent for tribute."
The extract of the decree of the French emperor published in our last, though it furnishes another instance of the violence of its author, excites little or no sensation. Accustomed to his violence, injustice, and tyranny, neutral and independent nations receive his edicts, as the commands of a master. Miserable and degraded state of the world!—The honour, the patriotism, and the courage that once animated men are gone, but not, we hope, for ever. They are in full vigour in America when called into action.
America is not named in this decree, but it is against her, and her only that it is directed.
We consider this decree as coming to a point, that is, that we shall declare for or against France. It has never been our wish that America should be a party in this dreadful conflict, and all that we have said upon this subject will justify our declaration. But this edict leaves America no choice—If a British ship of war boards an American merchant ship, she is declared a prize to a French cruiser. If this mighty emperor with all his power cannot or dare not, encounter the British on the ocean, how are defenceless Americans to resist?—Besides—the right of belligerents to board and examine neutrals, is co-eval with war. We must not pay duties in an English port. If we pay duties in an English port our vessels are forfeited. In the name of all that is just and reasonable, how can we enter a British port or possession without being subjected to the payment of duties? Do not British ships pay duties in our ports?
Then it seems, we must not even steer a course that might lead to England, or any of her possessions—Would that this mighty Emperor would tell us how we are to steer it bound to one of his own ports or islands; for as to a greater part of the voyage, the course to the one, is the course to the other.—"The British islands are in a state of blockade by sea and land!" So says Buonaparte—The mind of man can be prepared for almost any thing by a previous disposition. If Buonaparte was to issue an edict, declaring that any ship whose papers or documents were in the English language, was for that reason forfeited—there would be no astonishment. A celebrated author tells, that the jealous and high spirited Romans were so degraded and humbled, that when Caligula declared "his Horse for Consul" it excited no sensation, and was very patiently submitted to—But Romans were then in their degeneracy—Americans are in their vigour, and we trust and believe that they will not prostrate themselves at the feet of a Tyrant.
THE READER will find a well written essay, upon an interesting subject in our first page— The enemy of an Independent Judiciary is the enemy of Liberty.
The London fleet arrived at Jamaica between the 16th and the 20th of January. The Duke of Manchester is daily expected out as Governor General of that Island; the constituted authorities have presented an address to Sir Eyre Coote the present lieutenant governor, previous to his departure.
We have a Kingston (Jam.) paper of the 23d January; the embargo is not noticed, although it had been known for some days.
Accounts via Charleston, state the death of the King of Great Britain, but they are rather too vague to gain implicit credit.
We have been favoured by a commercial friend with the following extract of a letter from an intelligent Merchant in Liverpool, under date of the 29th Nov.
"The present is a most singular and important crisis to our respective commercial communities, of which it is impossible to anticipate the consequences—Scarcely had our government promulgated their resolutions to blockade all the continental ports under the control of Buonaparte, when we were already furnished with the intelligence that he had prohibited altogether the importing into them any of the articles we were desirous of depriving him of, thereby braving us to do our worst. It will now remain to be seen which country can longest continue this new species of warfare. Here it is generally supposed that the people of the continent cannot long forego the use of coffee, sugar, &c. which from long habit have become articles of the first
necessity with them, and that this strange decree of Buonaparte will in a great measure be eluded by such an immense population ingeniously contriving to satisfy their urgent wants.—For my part I am not so sanguine on that head, having lived in France during the most distressing period of the revolution, I have witnessed the force of a system of terror , and know that when the government possesses both the power and the will to exert it, the people of that country can be made to submit to greater evils than can be inflicted upon them by merely depriving them of the comforts they derive from West-India produce. I am therefore, one of the few who consider the late orders in council emanated from our government, as more oppressive to neutrals than beneficial to ourselves, or hurtful to our enemies.—America will be severely effected by them; so much so, that I should apprehend some serious resistance from that quarter, did it not appear on good authority that France is at this time carrying a high and menacing hand over the United States. Between the aggressions of the two belligerents, America will find it extremely difficult to preserve her neutrality; yet I hope she will not be hasty in deciding to take a part against either—nevertheless, if she must ultimately become a party in the war, I trust she will never join her standard of liberty to the tyrannical eagles of the most despotic and depraved government on earth."
PORTUGAL.
Extract of a letter from Lisbon, dated 29th November, 1807, 9 o'clock, morning.
"At the moment I am writing, the Portuguese squadron, consisting of 8 line of battle ships, 2 frigates, and 4 smaller vessels are under weigh. The Prince Regent and the whole royal family are on board; the duke of Cardeal, first prince of the blood, M. d'Aranjo, and the minister of marine and foreign affairs, the marquis of Pombal, and several other nobility, with a number of officers of government, servants, &c. &c. Few or no soldiers, except the marine corps, have embarked.—The preparation for embarkation began the 24th, since which they have worked night and day or rather since the 25th to get on board; and every thing which related to the embarkation has been in great confusion. Appearances seem to indicate that the government was taken by surprise. Not even salted provisions for the ships' use was on board: but little ship bread was prepared, so that they have been obliged to purchase flour and put on board instead of it. The ships have gone away very short of salt provisions, and the bulk of them not half manned. The prince as well as the nobility have had only time to take their most valuable moveable effects, leaving all their fortunes behind. On the 22d notice was received by the prince that the French army was about entering this kingdom.—This caused him very considerable alarm and a general stir at the palace. The 24th a British frigate entered as a flag of truce, and the same day a faint report reached the publick of his intentions to embark.—That night a grand council of state was held, and the next day an order was received at the arsenal to embark all the provisions, and to prepare the ships immediately for sea. They also that day began to embark the prince's effects, but the ministers and nobility did not begin to pack up till the 25th and 26th. The first of these days the flag of truce went out. Whether this sudden resolution was owing to the marching of the French army, or to the despatches brought by the frigate, is not known, but probably to both. There are now several British line of battle ships in the offing, who it is supposed will accompany the prince to the Brazils. Till however, the enclosed proclamation (translated in haste) was published yesterday, and it was understood that the cannon in several forts were spiked, and the gunpowder thrown into the river, it was not generally believed that the prince would go, and until the ships were under weigh many well informed people believed that he would remain. It is supposed that the value of the diamonds taken with the prince is about an hundred millions of dollars, and that he took thirty millions of dollars in specie, plate, &c."
HAVING endeavoured by every possible means to preserve a neutrality, which until the present time, my faithful and beloved subjects have enjoyed, and notwithstanding my having drained my royal treasury, and every other sacrifices which I have subjected myself, arriving to the excess of shutting the ports of my kingdom to the subjects of my ancient and faithful ally the king of Great-Britain, thereby exposing the commerce of my subjects to total ruin; and suffering by this motive great prejudice in the revenues of my kingdom; I find that in the interior of my kingdom are marching troops of the emperor of the French and king of Italy, to whom I had united myself on the continent, in the persuasion of being no longer disturbed; and that the same are directing their march for this capital; and I wishing to avoid the horrible consequences which may ensue from a defence which would be more hurtful than beneficial, serving only to shed blood to the destruction of humanity, and probably to excite in a greater degree the dissention of troops who have come to this kingdom with the declaration and promise not to commit the least hostility.—Knowing likewise that they are directed very particularly against my royal person; and that my faithful subjects will be less disturbed by my absenting myself from this kingdom, I have resolved for the benefit of my subjects, to pass with the queen, my lady and mother, and with all the royal family for our estates of America, and establish myself in the city of Rio Janerio, until a general peace. And considering further how much it behoves me to leave the government of these kingdoms in that order which is essential for the good of them and of my subjects, as a thing to which I am so essentially obliged. Having in this every consideration which in a similar case are present to me: I am pleased to appoint to govern in my absence and to rule these my kingdoms the marquis of Abrantes, my dearly beloved cousin, Francisco da Cunha de Meneses, lieutenant general of my armies, the prince Castro, of my council, and regidor of justice, Pedro de Melle Breyneer, of my council, who will serve as president of my royal treasury, in the absence and
impediment of Louis de Vasconcellos Souza, who is unable from sickness; Don Francisco de Noronha, lieutenant general of my armies and president of the Meza da Consciencia Oрдens; and in the deficiency of either of them, the count Monteiro Mir, who I have appointed president of the Senado da Camera , with the assistance of the two secretaries, the count Sampaio, and in his room Don Miguel Pereira Forjaz, and of the Desembargador de Paro , and my Procurator of the crown, Joao Antonio Satter Mendonca, from the great confidence which I have in all of them, and great experience which they have had in the affairs of this government. Being certain that my kingdom and people will be governed and ruled in a manner that my conscience will be at ease, and that the said governors will entirely fulfil their obligation during the time that God is pleased that I shall be absent from this capital, administering justice with impartiality, distributing rewards and punishments according to the merits of each one of them. The said governors will thus understand and fulfil in the manner aforesaid, and in conformity with the instructions which will be signed by me with this decree; and they will make the necessary participations to the competent departments. Palace of Nossa Senhora da Ajuda, the 26th November, 1807, with the signature of the Prince Regent, O. L. Instructions referred to in my royal decree of the 26th November, 1807.
The governors which I thought fit to appoint by my royal decree of this date, to govern these kingdoms during my absence, will have the accustomed oath administered to them by the cardinal Patriarch, and will be diligent, watchful, active and vigilant, in the administration of justice, distributing it with impartiality, and preserving in rigorous observance the laws of this kingdom.
They will secure to the subjects all privileges which by me and by the kings my ancestors have been granted. In the consultations which may be presented to them by the respective tribunals the plurality of votes shall decide, regulating themselves by the laws and customs of the kingdom. They will consider those employments by patents, and the officers of justice and revenue in the manner until now practised by me.
They will be careful to defend the persons and property of my faithful subjects, choosing for the military employments those whom they shall know deserving of them.
They will endeavour as far as possible to preserve this kingdom in peace, and that the troops of the emperor of the French and king of Italy, may be well quartered and provided with every thing necessary during the time they may stay in this kingdom, avoid perpetrating all and whatsoever insult, and punishing it with rigour whenever it may happen; preserving always the good harmony which ought to be practised with the armies of those nations with whom we are united on the continent.
If by any manner one of the said governors should be lost, the plurality of votes shall decide his successor. I confide much in their honour and virtue, that my people will not suffer embarrassment in my absence, and that should God permit me to return to these my kingdoms shortly, I may find every one content, and always existing among them the good order and tranquility which ought to exist among subjects who have rendered themselves so worthy of my paternal care. Palace of Nossa Senhora da Ajuda, 26th November, 1807.
THE PRINCE.
From a Baltimore Democratic paper.
Several republican editors have of late, spoken in terms of harshness relative to our remarks on the Yazoo speculation, and those who countenanced a compromise of it. Some with great address couple Mr. Madison, with Sullivan and others. Gentlemen, with regard to that, I will speak for once, so plain as not to be misunderstood. Your misrepresentations I disregard.
First, then—I would not couple Mr. Madison with any interested jobber;—I believe him to be perfectly unconnected with any corrupt band of speculators on the score of his own interest in their success.
2dly. I farther believe, that he has been made the cover of their iniquity, notwithstanding—because, he recommended a compromise. So that there is some difference between him who advises and him who claims. Such is the distinction between Sullivan and Mr. M. also, between Gallatin and the same gentleman.
I have, it is true, expressed a decided preference for Mr. Clinton. My opinion is not changed. We believe, that were Mr. Clinton our president, he would purge the executive departments of the FEDERAL LEAVEN , which extends too wide, and infects too many of the ramifications of government. We believe that half the internal troubles of this country have grown from this impolitic munificence to federalism; and, being of the opinion, that in Mr. Madison there is not nerve enough, to remove these nuisances, we had rather see him secretary of state, than president of the United States. But be candid, gentlemen; and do not give the title of 'denunciator,' to decent expression of objection. Our paper is open to all, but anonymous writers, to maintain opinions even against us.
From the North American.
MR. WAGNER, "He (Tom Paine) must be contented with a very moderate compensation for his latter writings, if the passage to America in the publick vessel, afforded him by the executive, is considered as an equivalent for them," is the concluding sentence of your remarks on the petition lately presented to congress; but your readers may understand from it that Paine actually embraced the offer made him by the president of a passage in a publick vessel, where as he came in the London Packet, captain Clark, and I believe paid his passage in specie, of which he was then by no means destitute.
Since you have introduced the name of this meritorious writer, allow me to make a few further remarks on his present demands for remuneration; they may serve to make his story tell better in history , and relieve the southern and eastern states from the reproaches of ingratitude, which he attempts to heap upon them.
Happy had it been for this union had they not rewarded Paine by purchasing and reading his latter writings, from which he has no doubt drawn considerable sums; though he makes no account of them, it is all the reward which common authors either receive or solicit. It is well known he also received considerable sums in Europe from these
same writings, and did not press for a publick remuneration there.
With common prudence Paine might have accumulated a handsome fortune out of the sales of his works; but his talent always consisted in defamation and destruction, and not in judgment and justice.
I have a right, perhaps, to make these observations, for I was one of 17 or 18 American citizens, amongst whom I think were, Mr. Barlow, author of the Columbiad , and Major Jackson, Editor of the Political Register , who, in the beginning of 1794, after Paine had in some measure, expiated the errors, of those European politicians, which brought the benevolent Louis XVI to the scaffold, by soliciting his life of those monsters, with whom he sat in judgment, and before he announced his impiety, by the publication of The Age of Reason , or his ingratitude by the letter to gen. Washington, presented themselves at the bar of that monstrous assembly, the French National Convention, to pray for his release from prison.
It may not be amiss to inform the American publick, that though we had permission of Vadier, the president of the convention, and his answer was prepared, the reading of our petition was attended with the most horrid groans from Paine's former friends, by far the greatest number of the members, and I, for one, was not a little alarmed lest the act of humanity we were performing should be the cause of our own imprisonment and assassination.
Paine himself was much too great a man, in his own conceit, to apply for his liberation through the then American minister; and Mr. Morris might consider it a dangerous thing to revive the recollection of a character become obnoxious, whose only chance of escape lay through the door of oblivion. If the minister did not apply, this was sufficient to account for it, but I do not know how the fact was. Paine waited for the interference of the people in a body, or the president of the United States, general Washington, who, he knew, as Mr. Monroe afterwards informed him, sincerely regretted the disagreeable predicament into which he had brought himself.
It may not be amiss, either, to inform my countrymen, that the president of the convention, complimenting us, on the motive of the step we had taken, told us that, Paine's being born in the dominions of King George, was sufficient cause for the French government to arrest and confine his person , or words to that effect; and that the petition would be referred to the committee of publick security and publick safety, that is, the committees which had arrested him, and, as was to be expected, was never acted on, or heard of by the publick.
It is again possible, however, that the petition presented by the Americans, in 1794, may have been the means of saving Paine's life, and in this case he succeeds, in his present demands on the American government, how much of his receipts will be awarded to the petitioners to the convention?
A NATIVE OF BALTIMORE.
FROM THE WASHINGTON FEDERALIST.
To James Madison, Secretary of State.
No. I.
SIR, The characteristic of a sly and habitual caution which never departs from the solemnity of your visage, is the only security which I feel that you will read this letter. Such a characteristic is always the concomitant of an active curiosity which will pry into the meanest paragraph of the meanest newspaper, though it may serve but to " shut up its countenance and say nothing ."
Smith, the editor of the National Intelligencer , has announced to the publick that in a convention of eighty-nine members of the Congress of the union , you are the president elect of America by a majority of 83 votes. This Smith, you know Sir, is a creature of the administration, a fostering bandling of your own, and hence he has supplied to that announcement your high pretensions to that high appointment.
In this eventful period of the world, and more especially at this awful period of American destiny, you suddenly become, sir, more than ordinarily conspicuous in the political scene of our country. Whether you are a willing actor on this elevated theatre, with a high and panting pulse ardent for the exhibition; or whether with a blushing modesty, you reluctantly approach the world's keen scrutiny, is rarely thought of, and if thought upon at all, is more rarely recollected at the conclusion of the drama.
If generous and noble feelings are sometimes misapplied to forwardness, and that elastic impulse which they impart, to a confidence too big and high blown; every suffusion of the cheek we see is not so uniformly natural as to become the unerring index of genuine modesty.—If the purest self abasement is sometimes overwhelmed in the glowing flush of impetuous pursuit; so the downcast look of modesty herself is not unfrequently the glare of wily confidence and circumspect audacity.
In the galaxy of American nomenclature, many instances might be found of both these descriptions.—He, who in the eyes of all who knew him, was so sublimated, so lofty, as if there were "an attraction which drew him to the skies;" He, who not as an "Apollo enchanted the shepherds with his lyre," but as an "Hercules was ingloriously slain in the midst of his labours," you may agree with me was example of the one; but you dare not own, sir, the similitude of the other in that planet to which you are a satellite, and around which you daily revolve.—The high and mighty rulers of our councils, whose breath has hushed the stormy multitude, whose hands now grasp the balance of this empire, ascended to presidential installation with sighs profound of his humility, and has left unstrung no chord of popular delusion to give vibration to the sound for seven revolving years. The sinking cadence of that note now dies upon the ear in the "wearied faculties of age." In you, sir, I shall neither recognize the ethereal spirit of an Hamilton, nor will I degrade you to the level of your antitype. Heaven is above the degrees of comparison, and none can be the parallel of earth but earth.
With whatever sensation you may approach the portal of the presidency, the manner of your nomination to it demands remark.—Whether with the feeling of assumed or conscious confidence, suspicion has stamped her label of obliquity upon you.—Whether with wiles deep stored in cankerous heart, or with an heart in which no canker can take root, no wiles infest, no stratagem corrode, is known to the

conclave walls of Bradley and his myrmidons. The dark proceedings of that conclave have turned upon the inquisitive eyes of the multitude, and placing itself the medium of perspective, no ray of complacency can light upon the object.—You have indeed Sir, become the immediate subject of distrustful scrutiny, and should the licentiousness of conjecture, in all its wantonness, or the weary restlessness of virtuous suspicion, assail you, ascribe them to the midnight machinations of those marauders, who have defiled the holies of the constitution in its very temple, and placed you at their head.—The question instantly occurs, are you the willing and conscious leader of that cabal? Are you willing to become the president of America, by the anticonstitutional machinery and conventional decrees of Stephen R. Bradley and his associates? If indeed you be this man, whatever honours may have bloomed around your temples, and whitened with your hairs, were but the meretricious earnings of pliant virtue, and soon must die of the putrescence which gave them growth.
You certainly, Sir, possess a mind of intelligence, and unless Fronti nulla fides is an adage which admits of no exception—you can think with calmness and can judge with dispassion.—Such a mind so tempered and attuned, can never fail to discern plain truths, and if directed by an honesty of heart it can never fail to pursue them.—As in moral so in political life we know enough to perceive the right and the wrong, and feel a divinity within us which points to a separation of them.—In these dark and rabelaisick times, whatever of private or publick intrigue, whatever of national and individual subtlety, may have obscured the primary truths of the constitution; whatever of all these may have defiled its original virtue, and perplexed its original simplicity, I have a faith within me that its truth will shine, that its virtue will meet invisible the hardest buffetings, and its simplicity is so transparent as not to be disguised.—So true, so just, so simple are the objections to that inordinate assemblage which have named you the President of this land, that the mind is not so much impressed with the high and elevated turpitude of the design, as the hardness and impudence of its character. The rights of nations, nay nations themselves are so frequently the playthings of towering rapacity, in these prolific days of innovation, that the sublimity of attempt excites no wonder, and the highest villainy upon the highest stolidity passes without a start.—The Corsican usurper wielding in either hand the Russian and Germanick empires, with each superior dynasty prostrate at his feet, does not electrify the mind so much as his blockade of every European port without a ship upon the ocean.—In the one we see 'tis true, the flight of an atrocity which wants in the fullness of its power, and its immensity of space; but having lost its novelty the eye ceases to follow its rapidity, and the mind refuses to dwell upon its magnitude. In the other we are struck, with no bold stroke indeed, but with astonishment at that new faculty of impudence which renders the term blockade a synonyme of piracy.
Whether of terpitude or impudence; of terpitude the most unblushing and flagitious, of impudence the most staring and uncovered, or whether of both these in the superlative degree, be the features of Stephen R. Bradley's caucus, you must admit, Sir, that you were the object of that meeting, that you were the centre of attraction, you were the polar star of their direction.—Did you infuse into their resolves the spirit of your soul, and thus identify them yours, or was it the spirit of a sympathy caught from executive and legislative intercourse, which illumined the convention, and brought them to a point in you? I ask these questions at your hands, Sir, that you may avow or disavow your previous knowledge of that meeting, and of your premeditated nomination for the presidency.—For if you knew these things and did uphold them, either by the overt and palpable act of downright approbation, or the secret and insidious one of silent acquiescence, you are a wilful apostate from the constitution, a midnight reveller in political debaucheries, a pander of rapacity, of spoil and usurpation.—However harsh these epithets may sound to ears accustomed only to the liquid accents of lisping lullaby, they are the cries of the constitution wounded to the heart.—No matter in what way the chastity of that constitution be assailed, whether in the violence of rape or the allurements of seduction, it is no less a blighted picture of debauchery on that account.—No matter if it be given to the hands of the common hangman and burnt upon the common gallows, or sapped of its strength, and pillered of its purity, it is equally the object of rapacity, of spoil and usurpation. That the meeting which S. R. Bradley calls a convention, is an infringement of the constitution of this country, and its resolves, a robbery of the people's rights; yes, Sir, and in dispute too of Giles's honied "Individual character as citizens" I will demonstrate in the sequel.
Vas est ab hoste doceri.
PHILADELPHIA, February 10. Yesterday arrived, ship Mars, captain Miles, from St. Ubes, which place he left the 5th of January, and informs that the royal family of Portugal left Lisbon for Brazil the latter end of November, and it was said, took all their valuable moveables; that about the 5th of December, the French troops, to the amount of 13,000, took possession of Lisbon. That a fleet of British ships, as was said to the amount of 15 sail, blockaded Lisbon; notwithstanding two American vessels had got in there, but does not remember their names. Flour was selling at 10 dollars per barrel in Portugal.
Captain Miles further informs that 6,000 troops, mostly Spaniards, took possession of St. Ubes about the 15th of December. That an embargo had been laid, on their arrival; but after much solicitation and petitioning, the Americans were permitted to sail. That the Traveller, Myers, for Baltimore, and one other American vessel sailed with him, and that he left there the ship Active, King, of this port, loading with salt. He further informs, that he heard of the Algerine war, and that they had taken several American vessels. Soon after he left port, he was boarded by one of the British blockading squadron, and treated politely.
NEW-YORK, February 9.
The following article from the London Courier, is given without comment:
"The partisans of America assert that it is the interest of this country to remain at peace with us—the interest is mutual, or rather we should be justified in maintaining that it was more the interest of America than of Great-Britain. But America acts
and has long acted towards us as if she thought she behaved with great condescension and favour to us in not taking part against us, as if she thought the advantages of peace were all on our side, and as if in not going to war she consulted a principle of generosity towards us rather than a principle of inclination. Hence she has never failed to manifest discontent, to make complaints, to urge demands which she has conceived we would not refuse, because we would not relinquish the benefits we derived from being at peace with her—hence her continual encroachment and attempts to get concessions from us. It is remarkable that the cry against all the late administrations has been, that they manifested too great a disposition to make concessions to America—it was a charge brought against the administration of Mr. Pitt—it was a charge which was very generally brought against the late administration—it was a charge which, in the affair of admiral Berkeley and in the proclamation against searching neutral ships of war, has even been brought against the present ministers. Whether these charges were past to the extent to which they are urged, we shall not now enquire, but they proved, at least, that there was no disposition on the part of any administration to behave with harshness or injustice towards America. In proportion, however, as she discovered a yielding and conciliating disposition on our part, did her avarice and desires increase—acquiescence in one demand created only fresh demands, and the more moderation we evinced, the more did it fail to produce a corresponding disposition on her part.—We have now the proof and demonstration before us, that America is not to be conciliated by concession . The period of concession is past—she has mistaken our moderation for meanness—she has imputed our forbearance to fear—it is high time we should convince her of her error.
A more disingenuous speech than that of Mr. Jefferson's—a speech more unworthy of a statesman—more resembling that of the leader of a party than of the head of a government—more liable to the charge of partiality, of wilful concealment of facts, it is very difficult to conceive. We know well enough that Mr. Jefferson has always had a strong attachment to the French, an attachment which all the horrors of the revolution have not impaired; but we never could have supposed that in a grave and solemn exposition of the situation of his country to his own legislature, he would have presumed to have characterised the conduct of France, which has been in the highest degree hostile and haughty to America, as perfectly amicable and friendly, while he presented our conduct and our orders in council, which France has obliged us to adopt, in the most black and warlike point of view.
The period for electing a president of the United States approaches—He may wish to propitiate the democratic party in America, and to prevail upon them to re-elect him to the president's chair. He may also have directed all his indignation against this country, and kept entirely out of view the conduct of France, from a belief that France may at last oblige us to surrender part of our maritime rights. But has this sapient president no apprehensions that the experiment might be fatal to the interests and independence of his own country, and that should France finally prevail over England, the liberty of America would not long survive? There is another circumstance of which we should suppose Mr. Jefferson cannot be ignorant; that war with this country must be a war without hope; not only without hope, but with certain destruction to the American commerce? But "perish commerce!" is perhaps the motto of the American president, as of certain wiseacres on this side of the water. During his residence in France, he became enamoured of the doctrines of the economists and Turgotists, and he wishes, probably to try the experiment of a nation relinquishing foreign commerce, living upon the produce of its own territories, and confining itself strictly to the pursuits of agriculture. If such be his wishes, we know not that he could have found out a more likely means of realizing them than by going to war with this country.
War with this country, it is scarcely possible to conceive he is not desirous of provoking, by the concealment of every fact which might dispose congress or the people of America to adopt amicable or pacific measures.—It is utterly improbable that he could have been ignorant, when congress met, of the disposition and feelings of his majesty's ministers, with respect to the affair of the Chesapeake. It was known in this country about the 26th of July—on the 27th of July the subject was alluded to in both houses of parliament. To a question from Mr. Whitbread in the house of commons, Mr. Perceval, the chancellor of the exchequer, replied, that "all he could say was, that if, upon receiving the necessary information, it should appear that there was any thing improper or unjustifiable in the conduct of the officers concerned, there certainly would be every wish, on the part of his majesty's ministers, to make the fullest reparation the nature of the case would admit of." Mr. Whitbread immediately said, "that he was glad he had asked the information, because the answer he had received from the right hon. gentleman afforded him the greatest consolation."
This declaration of his majesty's ministers must have reached America long before October—indeed we have seen it ourselves in the American papers. We have every reason to believe also that government did transmit a distinct disavowal of the affair; and we are confident too that Mr. Jefferson was informed of the fact that our government did not claim the right of searching neutral ships of war.
But what was the conduct of Mr. Jefferson? In the first heat and fury of the populace, he publishes a proclamation, in which he aggravates the popular indignation by the following expressions—"That no circumstances might be wanting to mark its character (the affair of the Chesapeake,) it had been previously ascertained , that the seamen demanded were native citizens of the United States."—This assertion he made use of without having instituted the necessary enquiries, because it was proved afterwards on the trial of the seamen that they were British subjects: and this, Mr. Jefferson tacitly admits, by abandoning the ground he had taken in his proclamation, and speaking of the men simply as part of the crew of the Chesapeake—This hasty and eager adoption of every thing calculated to rouse
* The London Editor has fallen into a common error, on that side of the water. The fact is, Ware and Strachan were native Americans, Martin was born on the coast of South America, and Ratford was an Englishman. Ed. Led.
the American publick against this country, is a sufficient proof of Mr. Jefferson's temper and inclination towards us.
How different is his disposition and language towards France!—All the vexations, the insults and the injustice practised by her towards the trade of America he keeps entirely out of sight—he acts as Counsel for France against England, and the head of a government, bound by the solemn duties of his office to make a clear, explicit, and impartial exposition to his country, describes the relative situation of America and France, of France who to his knowledge had captured American ships, and declared that America should not carry on any trade with Great Britain, in the following terms:—"With the other nations of Europe (meaning to include France) our harmony has been uninterrupted , and commerce and friendly intercourse have been maintained on their usual footing !"
After the facts we have thus produced, and the comments we have submitted upon them, is there a man in this country who will feel any difficulty in forming this opinion and in coming to this conclusion—that no solid peace can be expected to exist between Great Britain and the United States of America so long as Mr. Jefferson continues at the head of the American government ?"
NEW-ORLEANS, January 1.
Lewis Kerr, Esq. has brought suit in the superior court of this territory, against capt. E. Bradish, commander of the Orleans troop of horse, for assault and false imprisonment—damage, $20,000. It will be recollected that Mr. Kerr was arrested and imprisoned last winter, by order of Gen. Wilkinson, and that capt. Bradish executed the order.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, February 10.
Mr. Dawson said it would be remembered that some days ago there was before the house a bill for raising an additional number of seamen. He had since received a letter on the subject from the secretary of the navy, which as he intended to call up the bill to-morrow, he submitted to the house as follows:
Navy Department, January 27, 1807.
SIR, Your letter of yesterday in relation to the number of seamen at present wanted by government for the service of the United States, has been referred to the president, and I am charged by him to inform you that he does not wish to be empowered to employ more seamen than the number at present authorised by law, viz. 1425, of which 925 were authorized by the act of congress of 21st April, 1806, and 500 by the act of the 3d of March, 1807.
I have the honour to be, Respectfully, your obedient servant, (Signed) R. SMITH. Hon. Mr. Dawson, } Congress. }
LONDON, December 14.
A gentleman just arrived from Cadiz in an American vessel says, "at the time of his departure, barracks were preparing at a place called La Isla, for an immense body of French troops, among whom were to be 10,000 mmers; and the whole were intended to be employed in the siege of Gibraltar on a vast scale. The people of Cadiz considered the project as extravagantly wild and romantick. There were 11 sail of the line, 6 French and 5 Spanish, in the port of Cadiz, all ready for sea. Our informant assures us, that so early as the latter end of October they were every moment in expectation of being joined by the Russian fleet (a proof that a secret understanding did exist long before between France and Russia.) The Russian fleet was only prevented by the presence of admiral Purvis's squadron from entering that port. On the arrival of that fleet at Gibraltar, a telegraphic communication was immediately sent to Cadiz. The drums were beat, all officers were instantly ordered on board the ships; and the very same military ceremonies, which our informant witnessed previous to the battle of Trafalgar, were observed on this occasion. Had the Russians come in, it was universally understood that the whole of the three combined squadrons would have forced their way out, and proceeded to Carthagena, to join the 7 Spanish sail of the line. There was a great disappointment felt at Cadiz, and a general outcry against the Russians."
The Danes are making uncommon exertions to recruit their marine. It is stated that there were on the 20th ult. at sea, or in readiness for sea, 2 sail of the line, 3 frigates, 12 brigs carrying from 14 to 11 guns, one sch'r of 10 guns, 7 gun boats mounting from 2 to 6 guns, and 3 smaller ones, besides numerous yawls, each carrying a gun, and in some instances 4 howitzers. It is a singular fact, that when the Danish fleet was surrendered to us, it was stated that the ships were unprovided with boats: they had been sent away, and kept concealed till the term of our convention expired, when several hundreds of them made their appearance in the harbour. Many of these have been fitted with guns for the annoyance of our trade in the Baltic. The seizure of British property in Russia has been general; but we understand the amount has not been considerable, and there are not any accounts of the persons of the British residents there having been arrested.
Some further accounts from Holland have reached town. It is reported that an incorporation of Holland with Westphalia is in the contemplation of Buonaparte; while other statements mention, that Holland is to remain as it is, but to have Marat for its King instead of Louis Buonaparte, who is to have the throne of Portugal, with an addition of territory from Spain. A third report names Lucian Buonaparte for the kingdom of Portugal; but it is more likely that the new kingdom of Latium is destined for him.
Sir John Sylvester, the Recorder of London, was robbed, a few days since, of a very valuable gold watch and seals in the following manner:—Sir John had just arrived at the Sessions House, in the Old Baily, and feeling for his watch, found that he had lost it behind him. Observing the Sheriff at the same moment, he said, "Mr. Sheriff, I have left my watch at home, pray tell me the hour?" The sheriff satisfied the interrogatory, and the Recorder proceeded to try the prisoner. A fellow who overheard the conversation posted off to Sir John's house, in Chancery lane, said the Recorder had left
his watch at home, and begged it might be sent to him. The servants, imagined the man to be one of the people employed about the Sessions House, gave the watch and seals, and the thief decamped with his booty.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Brig Franklin, Bozman, 15 days from St. Lucie, sugar, Warren Ashley.—Off Cape Henry, on Wednesday, spoke sch'r Commerce, Grice, 17 days from Jamaica, bound to Edenton.
Sch'r Mary Ann, Luce, 9 days from Boston.
The ship Fame, Davis, and British sch'r Commerce, both from this port have arrived at Jamaica.
The ship Fourth of July, Brown, for Charleston, and brig Patty, Preble, for Washington, sailed from Kingston the 23d ult.
The sch'r Farmer, Bissell, from Edenton, arrived at Kingston the 23d January.
A Subscription is opened at the
Bar of the Exchange Coffee-House, for a BALL on Monday Evening the 22d instant, to celebrate General Washington's Birth. Feb 17
BY JAMES TAYLOR, Jun.
On Saturday the 27th inst. at eleven
o'Clock, at Cammack's wharf, without reserve,
THE BRIG
FRANKLIN,
burthen 220 tons.—Terms, 60 and 120 days. Feb 19 tds
At my Office on Saturday, the 20th
instant, at 12 o'clock, will be sold by order of the President
and Directors of the Marine Insurance Company of Alexandria, the Wreck of the
SHIP WILLIAM MURDOCK,
as she lies stranded on the Middle Ground.
The said ship was built in Newburyport under particular inspection, is about two years old, 348 tons, and carries 550 hogsheads tobacco.—Terms, Cash.
February 10. William B. Lamb, tds
By virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed
by Thomas Gibbons and Ann his wife, bearing date the
14th day of September, 1805, to John Patterson and
Thomas Smith, to secure the payment of one thousand
two hundred and two dollars and ninety four cents, with interest from the date of said deed, due Richard Billings, together with all legal costs and charges necessarily incurred by carrying the said deed into effect, WILL BE SOLD at
Matthews Court-House, on the second Monday in March next, being Court Day, at Publick Auction, for ready money.
The Tract of LAND,
conveyed to us in trust by the deed aforesaid, containing two
hundred and twenty acres, more or less, situate, lying, and
being in the county of Mathews aforesaid, on North River,
whereon the said Thomas Gibbons lately resided, and was
formerly the property of Doctor Frederick W. Hearn, deceased, and by him purchased of John Hayes
By the Trustees. Feb 4 tds
Will be Sold before the Raleigh Tavern, in Williamsburg, on SATURDAY the 27th of February,
The line of STAGES from Richmond
to Norfolk, under a contract to carry the mail ending in October—Bond with approved security will be required, and also an indemnity as to the mail. Those who wish to purchase are referred for particulars, as to the state of the line, to Mr. Pace in Williamsburg; Mr. Guy in Richmond, and the several drivers, who will give every information in their power.
John Bracken,
Administrator of P. Moody.
All those indebted to the estate of the said P. Moody, on open account, are requested to come forward immediately and pay or adjust by bond the same; and those who have claims to bring them in properly attested, as the administrator wishes to close his administration with the present year. Jan 30. Lawids
FRESH SHOES.
E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main Street, Has now landing from the Schooner Mary Ann, capt. Luce, 22 trunks, barrels, and casks of
Ladies', Gentlemens', and Children's SHOES. February 19. tf
NOTICE.
The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17. tf
Ranaway from the Subscriber on the 15th instant, a Negro Girl by the name of MILLY, about 15 years of age; she is 5 feet 3 inches high, or thereabouts, spare made, yellow complexion; had on when she scound round her head, no shoes or stockings on. I purchased her of Mr. Thomas Reed in Cumberland-Street about 7 months past. She has been seen about Mrs. Moris's yard in Church-Street, and from that to Mr. Reed's. Any person that will bring her home or secure her in jail, shall be handsomely rewarded. William P. Robinson, Queen-street, opposite the Work House. February 19. tf
NOTICE.
All persons having claims against the Estate of DANIEL COOK, deceased, of Nansemond County, are requested to bring them in on or before the first day of May next; those indebted to the estate, are requested to make immediate payment, wishing to settle the estate as soon as possible. Mary Cook, Admr'x.
N. B. Whereas Bartholomew Redmon, of Norfolk Borough, having a bond in his possession, which was given by Daniel Cook and Edward Frith, jointly, for the sum of 3000 dollars or thereabouts; Edward Frith being exonerated, and the said Redmon refusing to give me up the bond, although there is not one shilling due on account of it, I caution all persons from receiving the said bond in any way whatever, as this notice will be plead in bar against it. Western Bianch Nansemond County, February 17, 1808. tf
FOR SALE,
Just received by Deagle's Packet from Baltimore, 150 bags of good Green COFFEE. Wilson, Cunningham & Co. February 6. 37

NOW IS YOUR TIME! 10,000 Dollars may be gained for One Dollar and Fifty Cents in the PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY.
Highest Prize 10,000 Dollars. Authorized by an Act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES. 1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars 10,000 2 do. of 5,000 10,000 5 do. of 1,000 5,000 10 do. of 500 5,000 10 do. of 200 2,000 40 do. of 100 4,000 100 do. of 50 5,000 200 do. of 20 4,000 560 do. of 10 5,000 1,000 do. To consist of machines for opening off-cast worsted and open wrought woollen clothing into wool, valued at one hundred dollars each, (patent right included) 100,000 1,000 do. To consist of rights for manufacturing armamental mouldings for dwelling-houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each, 50,000
Dollars 200,000 Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 Dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows:
First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each 200 First drawn number on the succeeding ten days', each 500 First drawn number on the succeeding five days', each 1,000 First drawn number on the succeeding two days', each 5,000 First drawn number on the last day's drawing, 10,000
This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, and the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time. Tickets in the above Lottery at $1 50, for Sale by A. C. JORDAN, & Co. No. 3, Market-Square. The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses.
Doctors Brown and Moseley, Respectfully inform their friends and the public, that they have entered into partnership, and practice PHYSICK AND SURGERY. They may be consulted at their Shop, No. 47, Main-street, adjoining Messrs. Southgate's store. January 13. 1m
All persons to whom the Subscriber is indebted, are requested to make known the amount of their claims immediately. Wm. Hartshorne, Jun. January 13. tf
FOR SALE, At reduced prices for Cash, 250 bags, 30 barrels COFFEE, 70 hds. 40 bags, 60 barrels Sugar, 20 chests Young Hyson Tea, 4 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, 2 tierces Loaf Sugar. William B. Lamb. January 26. G
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th December last, a Mulatto Man named TONEY, a Blacksmith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on when he went away a dark cloth surcoat and pantaloons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th ult. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North-Carolina. JOHN WALKER. January 8. 12*
FOR SALE, 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. KITS RUM. MOSES MYERS. January 8. tf
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Warehouse, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
FOR RENT. The STORE, No. 86, Main-Street, with or without the house. Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter, and Nabby, from Liverpool, their Fall and Winter GOODS. The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths, Cassimeres, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; Ladies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Children's beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epaulets; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin for dresses; Calicoes, Chambrys, and Ginghams; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cottons; strong white Plains; mixed Fournauts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plains; Dimities and Marseilles; 4-4 Linen; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheetings; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c. The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the usual terms for Cash or approved paper.
REMOVAL. The Subscriber has removed to the large Fire-Proof Warehouse at the head of Maxwell's wharf, in Wide Water-Street, where he offers for SALE, 7 pipes Country GIN, 20 barrels Whiskey, 30 do. N. E. Rum, 15 hds. do. do. 30 do. Mackarel, 30 do. Shad, 150 kegs Salmon, 150 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 50 boxes Soap, 60 boxes Mould Candles, 50 do. Spermaceti do. 25 do. Chocolate, 28 do. assorted Cotton Cards, 4 chests Hyson Tea, 150 reams Writing Paper, 1 case Diapers, 150 sacks Liverpool Salt, 7 tons assorted Swedish Iron, 50 bundles Nail Rods, A quantity of coarse Woollen Goods—low for Cash. Edward Clark. Who transacts business on Commission, as usual. Jan. 1. tf
Just received and for SALE by the Subscriber, 10 hds. excellent retailing Molasses, 10 quarter casks Sherry Wine, 50 boxes superior bleached Mould Candles, 30 do. Soap, Philadelphia manufacture, 2000 wt. St. Domingo Coffee; 1000 do. best Jamaica do. 3 pipes French Brandy, fourth proof, 1 ton patent Shot; 20 bolts Russia Duck, 20 bolts Ravens Duck; a few boxes best Havana Segars, 4 pipes New-York Anchor Gin. DAVID MILHADO. January 6. tf
The Subscribers have removed to the Brick Warehouse on Merchant's Wharf, and have on hand for Sale, 100,000 W. O. hhd. drawn STAVES, 100,000 red do. do. do. 40,000 rough do. do. do. 50,000 do. barrel do. 10,000 pipe do. do. do. 500,000 sale Shingles; 100,000 building do. 1,000, three feet do.; 5,000 Garden Pales, 5,000 Chinquapin and Cedar Posts. And also for Rent, A commodious WAREHOUSE. Proby, Harmanon, & Co. January 11. tf
FOR SALE, 75 tierces prime green Jam. Coffee, And a few puncheons 5 and 6 years old Antigua Rum; Loaf and Brown Sugar in hogsheads and barrels: a few sets Table China; fine and superfine Flour, &c. Harrison Allmand. January 4. tf
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 tierces fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-street to William Hull, Jun. October 16. tf
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf
For SALE, by the Subscriber, 34 hogsheads WHISKEY, 50 crates Earthenware; 10 cases Glass do. 65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 16 groce Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castle Soap, 1 hogshead and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 10 hds. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York River Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton, 38 whole and 9 half tierces Rice. A. Maclure. November 13. tf
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castle Marble Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12. tf
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc. Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25. tf
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hds. and 6 bbls. Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls. Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackarel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31. tf
FOR RENT, And possession given the 1st of Jan. next, that commodious three story brick DWELLING HOUSE in Church-street, at present occupied by Mr. Barth. Redman. And a convenient two story DWELLING HOUSE, with a fine extensive garden, in the Fields near Smith's Point, at present occupied by Mr. Stratton, possession of which may be had the 1st of January—Application to be made to Wm. Plume & Co. Nov. 18. tf
For SALE, 5 cases out of superior PIGEON-EYE CHAMPAIGN. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Dec. 16. tf
Baltimore Baker's FLOUR, of superior quality, for family use, for sale by T. & W. A. Armistead, Nov. 18. Campbell's wharf
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Navy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambric Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woollens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assortment of WOOLLEN GOODS. Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c. On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; Ladies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11. tf
The Subscriber offers for Sale at his Store in Market-Square, 20 hogsheads W. I. RUM, 10 pipes Cogniac Brandy; 5 do. Country Gin, Sugar—Brown and Loaf, by the barrel or hogshead, Tea—Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson—A Lso, A parcel of DRY GOODS, Consisting of Woollens, Calicoes, Hats, and Hardware. In addition to the above, he intends keeping a constant supply of PORK and BEEF. Bread—Pilot, Navy, and Ship, of the first quality—Families may be supplied with small quantities of Pilot Bread, of a superior quality. Cordage of any size or description for negotiable notes or West-India produce. Any orders for the above articles, will be complied with at the shortest notice. Cary Selden. Nov. 23. tf
For SALE, 73 puncheons choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4. tf
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune, captain Norton, from Teneriffe, 100 pipes and 90 hds. L. P. Teneville WINE, of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. September 28. tf
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. Who has on hand, Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16. tf
Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A PARCEL OF Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf
NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceased, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admr'x. December 9. tf
WANTED for the Shop Sheffield, A CARPENTER; also, two young LADS, from 14 to 15 years of age, as apprentices, not to go in the cabin or to cook. Apply to Josiah Cowper. December 9. tf
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
Just received and for sale by the subscriber, from New-York, 4 half pipes 8 qr. casks old London particular Madeira WINE; 20 dozen Old Port do. 20 kegs Beef Tongues; 50 kegs Salmon; 50 do. Mackarel, 30 do. Tongues and Sounds; 20 do. Lard, 20 bbls. Whiskey; 10 hds. N. E. Rum; 100 boxes Candles. Also—100 barrels Flour a-float. CARY SELDEN. December 2. tf
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cogniac Brandy; 150 kegs Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffels; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 34 do. Ticklenburgs and Osnaburgs; 2 do. Hefians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24. tf
One Thousand Acres of LAND FOR SALE, or would be bartered for property in Norfolk. It adjoins the tract on which Grenville Court-House stands, in North-Carolina, and is commonly known by the name of Newby's Folly. For particulars inquire at the Ledger Office. January 26. tf
Just received for Sale, 25 qr. casks Gordon's old Sherry Wine, 20 boxes Hyson Tea, 30 do. superior quality Young Hyson, 12 pipes Holland Gin, 20 do. Country do. Mackinder & White.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13. tf
For RENT, The DWELLING-HOUSE on Granby-street, belonging to captain Vickery, next door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of January next. For terms apply to Alexander Wilson. December 18. tf
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 28. tf
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never failing stream; although the water is at present only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abundant supply for ten pair—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's Mills) about two miles farther, tow in complete order, running one pair of stones and two faws—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not superior to any in that part of the country—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently believes, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia—Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp, within three miles of it, in which any number of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5. tf
Received per schooner Traveller, from Boston, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bunches assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18. tf
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 bags Coffee, 5 tierces do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks old Sherry Wine, 2 hds old L. P. Madeira do. 3 hds Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hds and pipes—For Sale by Phinehas Dana. June 8. tf
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5. tf
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Messrs. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz:— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2 1/4 lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12 1/2d Sheathing, do. 7 1-2d 6d Sprigs, 4s 6d per M. 6d. do. 2s 9d 2d. and 3d. do. 2s 3d He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store. Apply to Niemeyer & Von Kapff. December 28. tf
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office. ALSO, NOTES for the Virginia Bank; Checks; Bills of Lading, and of Exchange, printed on paper of superior quality; and Shipping Articles on large paper, and approved form. LEDGER OFFICE.
Phoenix Fire Office. The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals heretofore submitted. N B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8. 157
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.