Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1806-04-04 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER.
VOL. II.]
FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 4 1806.
[NO. 112.
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION
Landing from on board the brig Ann Elizabeth, A choice parcel of SUGAR and MOLASSES, from Trinidad, which will be Sold on liberal terms by applying to
John Brown, Marsden's Wharf. Who wishes to Sell, Charter, or Freight, The said BRIG, burthen 173 tons. April 2. tf 633
For Philadelphia, The Schooner EMILY, Capt. LAUDERBURN, Will positively sail on Sunday next, can take 120 Barrels on freight, and has good accommodations for passengers. Apply on board at Maclure's wharf, or to S. Marks, jun. & Co. April 2. 2t 632
Wanted to Charter, Two or three VESSELS, from 50 to 100 tons burthen, to load at Nixonton, N. C. for which a liberal freight will be given. Apply to James M'Clenachan. tf 728 March 31.
For Bordeaux, In Fifteen Days, the fast sailing coppered Ship Susan and Sarah, Richard Mamer, Master—For freight of 120 bds. or passage, (having good accommodations) apply to the master on board, or to Moses Myers. March 26. tf 613
For Sale, The Northern built Schooner, HARMONY, three years old, burthen 58 tons, lying at Woodside's wharf. For terms apply on board, or to N. Heron. March 24. tf 603
For Sale on board said Schooner, 171 Casks Stone LIME, A few Quintals of COD FISH, and 10 Boxes Smoked MERRINGS. March 24. tf 603
FOR CHARTER, The fine American Ship SHEFFIELD, burthen 420 hogsheads, will be ready to receive a cargo in 6 days. Apply to C. & F. Whittle. March 24. tf 609
1988 Sacks Liverpool filled SALT, 100 Tons loose 28 Crates EARTHENWARE. Just received by the Ship Huntress, from Liverpool, and for Sale by Alexander Maclure. Who will receive on board said VESSEL, if applied to immediately, 150 hogsheads Tobacco on freight for Liverpool. March 14. tf 604
Now Landing from on board ship Courtney, Wm. Bryant, Master, from Jamaica, 103 Hogsheads RUM. For Sale by William Pennock. Who offers Said SHIP, for Charter. March 21. 3w 599
For Charter, to Bordeaux, (or any Port in France,) The good Snow ECHO, JACOB FORMAN, master, burthen 222 tons, now ready to receive a cargo. For terms apply to the master on board, or to Moses Myers. March 17. 5w 589
Landing This Day, 108 Bags Prime Green COFFEE, IN STORE, 200 Barrels Superfine and Fine FLOUR, London Particular, } MADEIRA, in Pipes, Hhds. do. Market, } and quarter Casks. Jamaica and Windward Island RUM, Petersburg TOBACCO, } and quarter Casks. Prime PORK, &c. All of which will be disposed of on liberal terms, by C. & F. Whittle. Who Want A VESSEL, of about 800 barrels, to Charter. March 10. 8t 571
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The fast sailing American SHIP INDIA PACKET, WILLIAM RINDGE, Master, burthen 400 bds. of Tobacco, will be ready to receive a cargo in 12 days. For terms apply to the Master, or to Phinehas Dana & Co. Who offer for Sale, 60 hhd. Muscovado SUGAR, 50 hhd. MOLASSES, 40 puncheons N. E. RUM, 300 bbls. No. 1 & 2 BEEF, 250 boxes CANDLES, Jamaica, Antigua and West-India RUM. Feb. 28. tf 540
Wanted to Charter for the West-Indies, A VESSEL, Of about 150 tons burthen—Apply to Richard Boyce. March 5. tf 561
Forty tons Campeachy LOGWOOD, of the first quality, for Sale. Apply to Edward Roberts. March 26. tf 613
NOTICE. MARTIN FISK has taken Mr. CHARLES J. CALLETT into partnership, the business in future will be transacted under the firm of Fisk & Callett.
Who have for Sale, 4000 pieces Yellow NANKEENS first chop, Fresh Imperial Hyson and Young Hyson TEAS, 150 Crates CROCKERY WARE, well assorted, 8 Tons Patent SHOT, assorted, 75 Kgs English GUN POWDER, 100 Boxes London Crown GLASS, 100 Kgs White LEAD, ground in oil, 1500 lbs. Seine TWINE, 150 Casks NAILS, assorted, cut, and wrought, 50 Bolts OZNBURGS, 200 Boxes Mould CANDLES, 25 do. Spermaceti do. 50 do. Fresh CHOCOLATE, 200 lbs. Spanish float INDIGO, 50 Boxes fresh MUSTARD, (Dixon's Manufactory) 100 Rheams Writing PAPER, 200 do. Wrapping do. Also—This Day Landing, 50 Barrels BEEF, Boston Inspection, 50 do. MACKAREL, 12 Hogsheads choice retaining MOLASSES. Feb. 24. tf 523
For Sale or Rent, A PLANTATION, situated on Hampton Creek, consisting of about 300 acres: being the property on which Mr. W. Brough has long resided. It possesses all the necessary buildings for the convenience of a family, or agricultural purposes. There are some valuable orchards, one particularly of apples, is considered more productive than any other in that part of the country. There is also a Wind-Mill most eligibly situated—For particulars, application may be made to Mr. G. Hope, Hampton, Mr. John Dunn, Norfolk, or the Subscriber in Richmond, who will give immediate possession. James D. M'Caw. Feb. 21. tf 519
Lisbon, Cadiz, and Liverpool SALT, For Sale by William Pennock. March 12. 3w 573
FOR SALE, The CARGO of the Schooner Elizabeth Margaret, now landing on Mr. Marden's Wharf, 342 boxes White & Brown Havana Sugars, 28 Hogsheads MOLASSES, 5 do. HONEY.—For terms apply to John Brown. January 6. tf 412
FOR SALE, An Elegant COACHEE, with Harness complete, has been but little used.—For terms apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. March 7. tf 567
FOR SALE by the Subscribers, a general assortment of Ship Chandlery, Cordage, and Cables, 3, 9, 10, 11, and 12 inches, English PAINTS and OIL, Sheathing PAPER, Bar IRON, TOBACCO, Richmond Inspection; FLOUR, PORK, Prime and Cask, New-York Inspection, 200 GIN CASES; 20 Boxes SEGARS. They have also on hand, an extensive and good assortment of GROCERIES. March 31. tf 623
The Subscriber will sell or exchange for Lots in this Borough, the following LANDS, to wit: 50 Acres adjoining the Lands of James Martin, deceased, and Richard Silvester, about six miles from the Great Bridge. 220 Acres well timbered land, adjoining the lands of Bennett Armstrong, and others, about three miles from the Bridge. 230 Acres fit for cultivation, adjoining the lots of James Webb, about one mile from the Bridge. 50 Acres lying opposite New Mill and Deep Creek, within a quarter of a mile of the river, and three miles this side of the Bridge. March 26. 11sJ 611
ALSO— 5 LOTS at the Bridge, with the improvements thereon, consisting of a very good Dwelling, and all the necessary Out-Houses, together with a Store, Granary, Lumber-House, and Black Smith's Shop. For particulars apply to Thomas Warren. N. B. if the Lots and improvements are not Sold before the first of June, they will be Rented to the highest bidder. March 26. 11sJ 611
Landing from on board the Ship Susan and Sarah, from Bordeaux, 30 Pipes choice 4th pf. Cogniac BRANDY, 100 Cases Medoc WINE, of Pouter Canet, of the vintage of 1800, 50 Cases FRUIT in Brandy, 50 do. CAPERS, OLIVES, and ANCHOVIES. On hand of former importations, 500 Hogsheads CLARET; 200 Cases do. Entitled to drawback, and for Sale by Moses Myers. March 26. tf 612
CASH FOR Rough Hogshead STAVES, by Moses Myers. Feb. 21. tf 516
FOR SALE, 3000 Pieces Yellow NANKEEN, 11 Boxes Imperial TEA, 6 Casks Hyson do. The above of the best quality and entitled to drawback. Apply to Robert Maitland & Co. WHO HAVE ON HAND, Hibbert's best bottled Porter and Brown Stout. Also, Old L. P. Madeira Wine, fit for immediate use. March 5. tf 560
FOR RENT, (Possession to be delivered early in April,) A large three-story BRICK HOUSE, eligibly situated on Commerce and Water Streets—It is well calculated for a Vendue Store, or any extensive Granary—It will be more satisfactory to dispose of it for one tenement, but if necessary, will be divided and accommodated for two. Apply to John Nivison. March 19. 3w 536
NINTH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. THURSDAY, March 6.
Debate on Mr. Gregg's Resolution, (Continued.)
MR. J. RANDOLPH. Mr. Chairman—I did expect, on coming to the house this morning, that the friends of the resolution under consideration would have brought forward some arguments to shew (what they have studiously avoided) that the ability to coerce Great Britain, is within the compass of this nation's power; that this power ought now to be exerted; and that the proposed measure is equal to the desired effect. It behoves them to demonstrate all this, before they ask for our support. I did not come down to the house with the expectation of listening to aggro misrepresentation of my expressions yesterday—loose and desultory as I allow them to have been:—much less was I prepared to hear such misrepresentations from the lips of aged men, whom I have treated with invariable and guarded respect; between whom and myself there has long existed a political friendship—real on my part, apparent on theirs. I did not indeed expect to hear particular expressions, used by me in the ardour of debate, broken and culled from their connecting members, and mutilated and tortured into meanings which cold-blooded malice alone could have devised. Sir, in this way of proceeding (without intending any profane comparison) the bible itself may be made to preach atheism—to declare that there is no God: "The fool saith, in his heart, there is no God." Taken together, it is wisdom; dismembered it, it is impiety.
It has not been denied by any member on this floor, that the carrying trade, that the commerce and navigation of these states, ought to be protected. The only question is quo modo ? Have you the ability to protect them by war, and are you of sufficient value to justify the expense of such protection? We say no; they cannot pay for so dear a defence, rich as they may be; but above all they cannot repay us for the loss of our constitution; is it above all price. We go farther: we affirm that trade is now protected by the most efficient means within our power, by discriminating duties, laid by the votes of southern men; and yet, sir, we are threatened with schism, with a dissolution of the union, if we do not adopt particular systems, devised by chance, begotten of ignorance or imbecility. Are these the mild and conciliatory plans and ideas of which gentlemen boast? Is this mildness? Is this conciliation? Is this peace? The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) with a face of wondrous importance, tells you, that by the constitution we have power to raise and maintain armies, to build navies: from which he draws the inference (under whatever circumstances, I suppose) we must actually do what the constitution allows. And yet that gentleman, in former times, voted with us against armies and navies! Let him justify himself, if he can, upon his new principles. I repeat it, if the unjust aggressions of a foreign nation, if indignity and insult, abroad, are always to produce war, the gentleman was criminal in refusing support to administration in 1798. Yes, you were then compelled to drain the cup of humiliation to its very dregs. Did he put the cup by? Did he vote for the fleets and armies, or a suspension of commercial intercourse with France? What was the French edition of the law of nations then? That a bale of British manufacture, (without any question of enemy's property) should be subject to seizure and condemnation. And what was the British doctrine in 1798? That France was (with one sweep of the pen) in a state of siege and blockade, and that American flour, &c. should not be carried there at all. And yet against these principles and practices, preposterous and injurious as they were, we did not go to war; at least the gentleman was opposed to such war (if war it may be called) as was waged.
But whilst I acknowledge the carrying trade to be valuable to a certain extent, I must, unless I abandon every pretension to the character of a politician, act on existing circumstances, on things as they are, not as I believe they ought to be.—In casting about, the first thing, (or one of the first) to be considered, is revenue. Almost our whole revenue is derived from commerce; that is from the domestic consumption of imports from abroad.—How much comes from the carrying trade? Your statements I am told, say 800,000 dollars. But, if our whole consumption were imported in foreign bottoms the impost would exceed its present amount by 11 or 1200,000 dollars. I warn gentlemen against a misrepresentation of this fact. Am I therefore desirous to gain this increase at the expense of our navigation? Far from it. It would be to kill the goose that lays the golden eggs. But what is this branch of the carrying trade, for which gentlemen would sacrifice not only our whole navigation and commerce, but agriculture and the constitution of the country? Look at this trade which is to be guarded at every risk and the men who follow it. Do they carry your products abroad and bring back goods for home consumption? No, they plunge their hands into your pockets for drawback—during this very session they threatened to plunder the treasury of millions, by a bill happily arrested on its passage. If our fair trade is not protected, how comes it, that it has grown with a rapidity before unheard of in any age, unknown in any nation? That growth has been nourished by protecting duties, fostered by our neutral position. We are the real friends of your navigation. It has grown beneath the shade of discriminating duties, flourished in the sunshine of the neutral character, with the first blight of maritime war it dies.
I am accused too with stigmatizing the merchants of the United States. I deny the charge. Every profession and calling of human life is disgraced by unworthy members. The law has its pettifoggers, the church its hypocrites, medicine and politics too sir, have their empiricks—and if there be two professions in the world, which can be selected for a tendency to develop the pre-existing germ of imperfection planted in our nature, they are the profession of the lawyer and the occupation of the trader. And wherefore? Because they open the widest field of temptation. The wisest prayer that ever was or can be devised for human infirmity, is that which teaches us to deprecate such trials: "We beseech thee, lead us not into temptation!" What is the fact? Whilst we boast of our honour on this floor, our name has become a bye word among the nations. Europe, and Paris especially, swarms with pseudo-Americans, with Anglo and Gallo Americans, and American French and English, who have amassed immense fortunes by trad-
ing in the neutral character, by setting it up to auction and selling it to the best bidder.—Men of this description, striplings, without connexion or character, have been known to buy rich vessels and their cargoes in Amsterdam and Antwerp, and trade with them, under the American name to the Indies. Neutral character has constituted one of the best remittances for colonial produce, or the goods which purchase it; and the trade in this commodity of neutrality has proved a most lucrative branch of traffick. This it is that has sunk and degraded the American name abroad, and subjected the fair trader to vexatious seizure and detention. But I am asked, if we shall submit to a tame and dastardly abandonment of our rights? And by those too, who have made a cowardly surrender of our best interests and our honour when we were well able to have maintained them. I beg leave to reply to this question by asking another. Are you prepared to assert them? To go all lengths to enforce them? In what consists true dignity? In vapouring in the news-papers? In printed handbills and resolutions? Or in taking ground which you can and will maintain, which no change of fortune shall compel you to desert? Aut nunquam tentes, aut perfice. Does the gentleman want a translation? Here is one truly American— "Slick or go through." This is true dignity; can he give a better definition? And what constitutes false dignity? Playing the part of a Bobadil—bullying England and truckling to Spain—I beg pardon, there is no Spain; bullying England and truckling to France. This you have done—you know it. When gentlemen tell us of their willingness to publish our proceedings, why do they not clear the galleries and take off the injunction of secrecy? Let their private vote correspond with their publick profession. And let me tell the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) that I would rather have his vote than his speech at any time. Who would suppose, if he had not avowed it, that he held silence and good sense in such high respect, that he preferred the calm decisions of quiet wisdom, to the effusions of empty gallantry.
The gentleman from New-York has told us, that after the call of the executive to firm measures, he did not expect this opposition. And does he call this a firm measure? What would have been a firm measure? An embargo. That would have gone to the root of the evil. But that, sir, would not have suited your proteus politicians. There would have been no evasion of that. But your slippery mercantile eels can slide over or under this provision, and leave the whole but then of suffering to fall on the planter, the farmer and the real American. The whole revenue (we are told) is derived from commerce. Who pays it ultimately but the consumer, and with as large a profit on the merchants' advance of the duties (often a mere advance of credit) as he receives from any other part of his capital. These new ideas of firmness are either above or below my comprehension. And because we are anxious to see the publick debt paid off and the true interests of the nation maintained—because we will not abandon the plough, and struggle to restrain executive influence, we are charged with hostility to all commerce, with insensibility to the honour of our country. When our doors were shut—this is no breach of confidence—one of my colleagues called for the reading of a message from the President, soon after he came into office. It was the most severe and cutting satire that ever man listened to. I say it was a bitter satire on your proceedings then and now. It recommended the application of our resources to a speedy discharge of the publick debt, a rigid adherence to specific appropriations—tying down executive officers to the letter of the law, restricting them to the literal objects and amount of our appropriations.—What is the commentary? In time of peace, (for I trust no one will call this wind-mill attack on Tripoli war) the expenditures of the navy department (so far from each item of expense being limited by the specific appropriation for that object) have exceeded the gross sum appropriated for that branch of publick service sixty per cent! And if this is a specimen of the yearly cost of the hulks rotting in the mud, what estimate can you make of the disbursements in time of war against a powerful maritime state—when your 74's are ready for sea! This is naked truth. It rests on figures—if it be not true, how comes it that we have passed two appropriation laws to the amount of 600,000 dollars, during the present session, to cover the navy deficiencies of the last year—almost the only bills that we have passed? Yes, sir, I am for paying one debt off (the cost of a former war) before I enter into another and score up a second. I confess myself to be among the number of those politicians (gentlemen may stile them visionary if they please) who hailed the President of the United States as the political Messiah, sent to convince an unbelieveing world that a debt once found, might be paid off, without the intervention of a sponge. If in this I was visionary, at least I was not alone. The promise has been large, the nation calls for its performance. Look at the measures of the government, and when you reckon the Louisiana debt, that created under the British treaty and some others, it will appear that you have nearly scored up as much new debt as you have paid off of the old. I speak of principal; paying the interest of a debt is not diminishing it—and my friend from Pennsylvania (Mr. J. Clay) must have taken the interest into his large account of yesterday. The amount of principal redeemed is less than 18,000,000. If gentlemen deny this, let them refer to the treasury statements laid before us at the opening of the session, or call upon the head of that department to state the amount of debt paid and created, within the last five years. But you will be told, for your money you have value received, at least. This I freely acknowledge, I would have given the sum for the Delta of the Mississippi, if it could not have been honourably acquired for less. Of whom did we purchase—from Spain, who had wrongfully withheld our right of deposit? So far from it, that we tell her she has yet to make satisfaction for that injury & insult; we bring it into account against her. No, sir, we purchased from France, the rightful proprietor, against whom we then had no subject of complaint.
I am accused by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Smilie) this I suppose is a specimen of his candour—I am reluctant to say anything whilst he is absent—I am sorry he has fled his seat—of designedly passing over one of the most important considerations presented by the present subject—the impairment of our seamen. And yet what did that gentleman tell you; That he himself (long as he had trespassed on your time) had been compelled to omit many important things, that he intended to say. This realises the proverb. "One man may steal a-shore, whilst another must not look over the hedge." I will tell the gentleman, if I did omit this topic, I had scarcely thrown myself into the carriage that conveyed me home, before I recollected and regretted it. The gentleman may say what he pleases, but he never had, no man ever shall have cause to upbraid me with flinching from any question.

on that may be brought on this floor. Now, sir, let gentlemen lay their hands upon their hearts and answer sincerely if they do believe this resolution has the power to take one American seaman out of a British ship of war? Are gentlemen hostile to impressment, and yet friendly to a naval war, to systems which must eventuate in the subversion of our liberties? Let them examine the profound argument of judge Foster on this subject. They will find that Great Britain is compelled to resort to it, to maintain her naval power and her existence. And it is because I am opposed to resorting to the same expedient (for will any man pretend that a great navy can be manned without recurring to it?) because I think it abhorrent to the genius of a free people, that I am against rushing into that naval war, into which gentlemen wish to precipitate us. No, sir, you cannot command seamen for your navy, in time of war, without impressment. The wealth of Crœsus could not sustain the expense, and even if that objection could be removed, the operation by enlistment is too tardy to meet a sudden emergency. If you have difficulty in procuring seamen, to serve in the Mediterranean, what will be the case in a war against England. With all their bravery many a man who would willingly meet the corsairs, or even the Dons and Monsieurs, would feel reluctant to be led to battle against a British fleet—and why, sir? Because, waving other considerations, a great proportion of our seamen are foreigners—natives of Great Britain, who still feel prejudices for their parent country. Yes, sir, the character of the American seamen, like that of the neutral trader, too often eludes our grasp. The moment you make war, much more if you resort to impressment, the American sailor vanishes; he becomes a subject of Denmark: with the first frost, he disappears in a night.
But if I did not misunderstand the gentleman from Pennsylvania, he said that I had treated the house in a manner, of which, sir, I trust I am incapable of acting towards any assembly, much less one of your dignity. Am I so ignorant of the feelings of man? of the character and composition of this house? no, sir, I have spoken of certain projects and their projectors in language such only as I think they deserve, and in which, claiming the same liberty which that gentleman urges and exacts, I will ever speak of such absurd and fantastical systems. The authors are no doubt interested in diffusing the ridiculous burthen of their disgrace as widely as possible. I cannot blame them for it, sir—'tis natural to wish for partners in our shame. But the great political sin, for which I have been denounced by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, is the opinion which I have expressed of a certain book which seems to be his political Bible. And, sir, he would have me considered as an inconsiderate person who would not scruple to call Locke a dunce, Newton a driveller, and Franklin a journey-man printer; and in an oracular saw he has pronounced that this book will live when he and I too are laid in our graves. But when he considers his own age, and the frailty of my constitution, he will confess that he has allowed but a short span for the existence of his favourite work. But even though it should live when we are wasting in the silent tomb, there is nothing in my composition that aspires to being considered as its author. Who is the author? does the gentleman know? must we have semi-official authority, even for a title page? no, sir, whatever others may think I have no ambition to have written such a book as this. I abjure the very idea. Unless my understanding has abandoned me, it involves an abandonment of the very doctrine for which he contends. Sir, the very cursory view which I took of this subject yesterday will compel me into some repetitions, but I must beg to be indulged in some additional remarks. What is the doctrine?
"In times of peace among all nations, their commercial intercourse is under no other restrictions than what may be imposed by their respective laws, or their mutual compacts. No one or more nations can justly control the commerce between any two or more of the others."
"When war happens between any two or more nations, a question arises, in what respect it can affect the commerce of nations not engaged in the war?"
"Between the nations not engaged in the war, it is evident that the commerce cannot be affected at all by a war between others."
"As a nation not engaged in the war remains in the same relations of amity and of commercial pursuits, with each of the belligerent nations, as existed prior to the war, it would seem that the war could not affect the intercourse between the neutral and either of the belligerent nations; and that the neutral nation might treat and trade with either, or both the belligerent nations, with the same freedom as if no war had arisen between them. This, as the general rule, is sufficiently established."
Here is a faint endeavour to establish the principle that free ships make free goods. But the writer, as if despairing of his ability to affect it, goes on to say—"But inasmuch as the trade of a neutral nation with a belligerent nation might in certain special cases affect the safety of its antagonist, usage founded on the principle of necessity has admitted a few exceptions to the general rule"—"usage" founded on what? reason? right? no, sir, on that law which admits nothing to controul it—"necessity," that cannot be denied. If once you admit that necessity ought, can, or does establish exceptions to this rule, do you not admit all the British doctrine requires? But, sir, it will be said that the sole legitimate proof of this necessity is usage. But usage must have had a beginning, and the small protection which this argument affords is thrown away by the subsequent admission, that a change in the circumstances ("in the course of commerce," for instance) will justify a departure from established maxims, will warrant the commencement of a new usage. As if all the articles contraband of war, were minutely specified—and by a change in the maxims and implements of war new and more terrible instruments of annoyance should be fabricated; would they not fall under the head of contraband? And is it not demonstrable that a direct trade to France, in gunpowder, or any other article contraband of war, would be less beneficial to her and less injurious to her enemy, than the colonial trade now in dispute? and is not (according to this writer's acknowledgment) the lesser principle involved in the greater? Am I therefore the apologist of England? I scorn to boast of my patriotism—it is indigenous. And when I am reduced so low as to plead to the charge of want of love to my country, of natural affection to my birth-place, my pride will tell me to bid you farewell, to go home and hide my shame. Am I the apologist of Britain, because your cause has been weakly defended, or treacherously betrayed? No, sir, this "Examiner" is her apologist. I have not minutely dissected the work—there was no occasion for it. It is something like the edifice we inhabit. 'Tis hardly worth while to be examining frizes and cornices, and architraves, and stucco work, when you know the foundation to be rotten, whilst the building is tumbling about our ears, and we are obliged to seek refuge in another. It is not, indeed, sir, worth while to consult the orders of architecture in a miserable card house of an argument, which the first puff of wind must demolish.
Sir, the admission that a change of circumstances will justify a departure from the established maxims amongst nations, was an unnecessary and fatal concession, not called for by the nature of the case. What is "the course of commerce" now? Totally changed in a few short years. The marine of France Spain and Holland, whether for the pur-
poses of trade or war, is no more. They have no longer navigation, or navy. Again, amongst a load of quotations from Grotius, and Puffendorf, and the lord knows who, we are told that it is the duty of the neutral to observe the strictest impartiality, "to behave himself alike to both the belligerent parties." But is it to behave alike to both parties to carry for him who cannot carry for himself, to throw the Ægis of neutrality over a commerce which he can no longer protect—to save him all the danger, expense and risk of convoy and war insurance. This is a hollow, Delphic reciprocity; reciprocity to the ear, but not the sense. If you carry contraband, or attempt to enter a blockaded port, you are liable to capture.—Why? Because justified by necessity.
As to the motives of the neutral merchant, they are out of the question. His object, no doubt, like that of every other trader under the sun, is gain. He, sir, is too often the mere ephemeron, the butterfly of the day, who does not care one farthing whether you are at war with this or that nation, with England or with France, provided he can get good returns. His business is to post his books and balance the ledger, and whether he deals with the subjects of a white emperor or a black one, of Buonaparte or Dessalines, 'tis all one to him. No doubt, sir, it is the right of the neutral to pursue, and he will, he ought to pursue his own interest. But it is the right of a belligerent (as conceded by this writer) to enquire how far such pursuit comes into collision with his interests and his safety. The motive of the neutral may not be hostility to either party engaged in war, but his own benefit. This will not however influence the belligerent nation, who takes up the question solely with a view to its effect on itself.—What will Great Britain say?—that the exigency exists—it has occurred, flagrante bello , that the necessity admits of no delay, that you yourselves have abandoned the question in dispute, and even if you have not, that she cannot consent to sit down quietly, and be extirpated from the face of nations, out of complaisance to Grotius or Bykershoek, or in deference to the unknown author of this pamphlet, although she should exceed Bacon in genius, or Newton in intensity of thought. I must defend myself, the knife is at my throat. I have no more time for argument, but if you insist upon it, I will fight you. Sir, I have read but I could not get through this work, I found it so wire-drawn—the thread so fine that I could neither see nor feel it—such a tangled cobweb of contradictions that I was obliged to give it up. The first thing that struck me on opening it, was the peculiar infelicity with which it had surrendered the matter in dispute. And if this appeared at once, to my unlearned eyes, do gentlemen suppose it will not be detected on the other side of the Atlantic? That it will receive no abler examination there, than the feeble and cursory one that I have given it. And after all, what does it contain? A remedy for the evil? No, a formal declaration that we are diseased. Sir, we wanted no ghost to tell us that. It required no extraordinary exertion of learning, or genius, to show, that we had, indeed, delicate subjects of difference with Great Britain; the question is, how shall they be adjusted? We want the opinion of the doctor on the mode of treatment, and don't choose to be referred to the apothecary, because the superior does not choose to risk his reputation in a dubious case.
A gentleman from Pennsylvania has told us that G. Britain is our commercial rival. But does not the gentleman know that the very term implies a correlative. That if she is your commercial rival, you are her commercial rival also. This is the very view I have been endeavouring to take of the subject, to impress on the committee; to warn the nation against being drawn into a war of commercial rivalry. Sir, when men fall out about women they are not apt to call in some learned doctor to decide the dispute—they yield to feeling or instinct—just so with nations, commercial nations especially differing on interest, which is their instinct. And would gentlemen wish to excite this young nation, as yet in the gristle, to a foreign contest with G. Britain, in the full strength of manhood? I speak of foreign war. The will and ability to defend ourselves is one thing, to act 3,000 miles off, another. They may rely as much as they please upon the French emperor's making a separate peace with the continent, to the exclusion of G. Britain. If she puts on her strength you will feel it. This proposition will subject her to all the evils of an American war without any of the concomitant advantages. And can you expect a tame acquiescence on her part? If her minister be not a bastard; if he has one drop of the blood of Chatham in his veins he will die contending for the liberties of his country sooner than surrender her independence. He will do it. No, sir, whatever I may think of the vices and corruptions of the government of that country, I must applaud her intelligence and spirit, must admire her ability, wisdom and strength.
But another gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) asks if it is not astonishing that a man, whom he allows to possess common sense, whom he represents as trembling at the power of Great Britain, should be making calculations of the future power of France, instead of guarding against the immediate danger? Sir, France may become a naval power—Great Britain never can be a military one. I ask a practical man, if the day can ever arrive when Great Britain will be able to threaten the safety of the continent of Europe or America, or dictate to either of them. Is it my fault that the gentleman cannot, or will not see this, because (as he tells you) fools and madmen can never be brought to believe that the spirit of God hath passed them by, and enlightened the understandings of other men. But to show that this is not just cause of war we are referred to the time of the stamp-act and the non-importation agreement of 1774, which did not (it seems) produce immediate war. Is there any analogy between the two cases? We then formed one nation. A man may make a great sacrifice to preserve his friend, but when he has lost him, he will (as has been seen to day) be denounced as the bitterest enemy. The other instances are equally defective and inapplicable. You may as well go back to the flood. The same gentleman enquires, are you indeed so peaceable towards England, who has trampled upon you, and hostile to France who has offered you no injury? Wherefore? On this occasion I must repeat the old proverb, 'tis the still hog that drinks the swill. She finds it convenient to make a miserable stalking horse, a scare-crow of Spain. The gentleman enquires how long Great Britain has acted upon these philanthropic principles; this generous benevolent policy ascribed to her. But is any man so weak, or so wicked as to pretend that there is any principle of action between nations except interest ? Give G. Britain the power, and she will to morrow play the same part. Sir, we are not theophilanthropists, but politicians; not dreamers and soothsayers, but men of flesh and blood. 'Tis idle to talk of a sense of justice in any nation. Each pursues its sense of interest, and if you calculate on their acting upon any other principle, you may be very amiable, but you will prove a cull. We are asked what Great Britain can do to annoy us. We answer at this moment more than any other nation of the world, because she commands the ocean, the sole medium of communication between us. But draw her off from that element, and France is not less omnipotent upon it. She is a great military power, and it is because Britain is not, cannot be such a power, that it is impolitic to break her down. Go to war when you will, you must become the ally of France, you will only put off, by enhancing it, the danger you would
guard against. You will but clap a tortoise under your elephant.
The same gentleman tells you that the gigantic power of France hangs on the brittle life of an individual. But do you believe it? Are you such drivellers in politics as to believe that the fate of such a military despotism hangs on the life of one man. If Mahomet II. had been killed under the walls of Constantinople, would the destiny of the Greek empire have been changed? Would not the power have passed into the hands of some Solyman or Selim, the terror of the civilized world? Shall we abandon practice for theory?
In some respects we are situated as the successors of Alexander were placed to Rome and Carthage. Here is an iron republic, or call it what you will, that threatens the liberties of mankind: The government above all others, in Europe, to which our own is most hateful and obnoxious. This is beyond dispute. Does it become us to facilitate its designs? I do not enquire as to motives, nor will that government care about them. If you give it facilities to effect its purpose, those purposes are obtained so far as depends on you. Is this wise, is it proper, is it right? Am I asked for my plan? If I meant to act efficiently, I would have begun with an embargo—I would now do what was done before—I would treat with G. Britain, and for the very reason that I would not have treated with her in the year 1794; for the same reason that the gentleman, whose resolution is now under discussion, then treated with her, I would not: now, he is for war, I am for negotiation and peace. And why? Because the state of nations has since undergone a momentous change: disastrous changes indeed have been effected in the face of things. We often hear of the abuses and corruptions of the British government; whilst the continental despotisms pass unnoticed and unregarded. Let us beware of introducing such abuses into our own—We have no farther concern with them. Do gentlemen think worse of the character and motives of William Pitt than Robespierre, and yet, monster as he was, Robespierre—that cannibal of his own countrymen, was in his day the sole bulwark of the human race. And whatever be her motives, or professions, Great Britain now stands exactly in the place of France twelve years ago. Take her navy out of the way to morrow, and where are you? The secretary of the navy has indeed reported that the Chesapeake is fit for service, and that the Constitution is in a state of thorough repair, but would the real Chesapeake , the bay , be fit for use in that case, and what would be the operation on the actual constitution of the United States? Sir, I am opposed to a French war as well as to a war with England. I would treat with England for another reason. I wish we had not a commercial treaty with any nation whatever. I am opposed to them on principle: but the principle is already settled. We have them. By your treaties with her enemies your hands are tied up from taking against them, any such measure as the one proposed: they are to be admitted on the terms of the most favoured nation. This is probably one of the principal causes of disgust to England. Again, she made an offer to repeal the discriminating duties, if you would do so too; to trade with us upon even terms. By mercantile clamour you were deterred from meeting her half way: moreover, you have refused to ratify treaties with her, after they had been signed by your own minister. No doubt you had the right to do so. But can you be surprised under such circumstances that a haughty commercial rival has been irritated. After your obligations to France, who cannot receive a single pound of sugar, or coffee, but under cover of your flag, who is dependent upon you for services which she cannot render herself, who is not your rival in commerce, what can you expect from a jealous competitor in trade who stands not in need of your navigation—whose every advance towards a good understanding has received a mortifying repulse? Sir, you have at this moment a negotiation pending with Great Britain. You have no cause to despair of its success: far otherwise. The plain question is, will you await its issue, or will you, pendente lite , precipitate yourself into a measure, which must put all negotiation aside, which must eventuate in war. If you want war, there is no doubt that you may have it. Great Britain will not submit to all the hardships and mischiefs of war, because you choose to call it peace. She will prefer open war to war in disguise: and I, sir, have no hesitation in saying that I am for no half measures. Begin that system when you will, war, or disgrace must grow out of it. I am for neither. The gentleman indeed says that this, which has been denounced as a war measure, is a measure of peace. Let us have no more quasi wars I beseech you, sir—no half measures, no intermediate stage, but open war, or peace. I abhor this political quackery. Give us war, or negotiation—if you resort to the one, let us abandon the other. But we are asked if American virtue will so far degrade and debase itself as to treat with the old and corrupt government of England. There is a plain answer to this. You have a treaty with her now, with every government, I believe, that would make one with you. But whilst we boast of our virtue, let us beware that our own sins are not cast into our teeth. Let us see, how far these punitives are warranted by the conduct of our own agents. Look to the management of the convention of Paris, of the 30th April, 1802. You have all seen the case of the N. Jersey, Nicklin and Griffith's ship. It has created a general sensation. And yet what is the fact. Compared with others, they have almost nothing to complain of. Bad as that case is, it is amongst the least exceptional instances of misconduct in your ministry at Paris. It is true Nicklin and Griffith's claim was cut down, I believe one half, because the sum appropriated would not otherwise (it was feared) be sufficient to answer all the drafts of chicanery upon it. These men were therefore mulcted fifty per cent. They are rich merchants—able to make their case known. It has been heard, and rung thro' the continent. There are hundreds of cases even worse than this. The claims intended to be provided for are set aside. Why? Because government has been represented abroad by unfaithful, dishonest agents. Have they been called to account for their conduct? Three millions seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars stipulated to be paid, to bona fide American citizens—where have they gone? Into the pockets of renegades and the bureaus of Paris. Yes, the traders in neutral character have divided the spoil with the harpies of the French bureaus. These are they in whose favour the bills have been drawn on the treasury of the United States by their own minister. Take the case of the Pigeon—There was no question, indeed as to her being American property—but she was captured flagrante bello : (when we were taking the Insurgente and Berceau) she was therefore good prize, and condemned accordingly. Yet the decision of inferior courts was reversed by the council of prizes, and this case brought within the convention—to the exclusion no doubt of bona fide claims for neutral American property captured and condemned, and for which the convention was intended to provide. This is a specimen of the mode of doing business at Paris. If gentlemen doubt upon the subject, let them call on the secretary of state, for the correspondence of the commissioners. Let them call for John Mercer, one of those commissioners, a man inferior to few in point of talents; in point of character to none. Put him to the bar and examine him.
Painful as it is to me I must defend my principles and those of my friends. Open your statute book—what does it say? That the shores and waters of the
bay and river Mobile shall form a district—Through in the bill myself. The executive had informed us, that we had purchased from France as far as the Perdido to the east—We legislated upon it. Whence have arisen your disputes with Spain—From Pensacola or St. Augustine? No—from the very country which the statute book says is yours—in your own collection district are Spanish duties exacted and paid,—from this very quarter incursions have been made into the old United States. Do gentlemen believe that this fact will be lost on Great Britain? But we are asked (by Mr. Smilie) what has she to do with differences between us and Spain?—What right has she to interfere, to enquire, or even to know, to seem conscious of what has passed in that quarter? Because you have clapped a padlock upon your own mouths and wilfully shut your eyes, do you expect to hoodwink an eagle-eyed adversary? 'Tis in vain to expect that any nation in her intercourse with you, will be blind to your conduct towards others—Great Britain must shut her eyes and ears too, to not understand the state of things here—at least negatively speaking. She must know that you have taken no imposing attitude towards Spain, done nothing to strengthen the southern frontiers—made no addition to your naval or military force, left even the militia in statu quo ante . Because the doors have been shut, can people be brought to believe that we have raised armies and equipped fleets in conclave? I never heard, sir, but of one army in cog, and that was levied by the factious Mr. Bayes for the service of the stage, not of the state—and from some dramatic specimens which I have lately seen, I should not be surprised to hear of a similar project being started on this floor. Great Britain will see, then, what has not been your proceeding towards Spain. She will say, shall I suffer myself to be browbeaten by a nation, clamouring for the right of highway? that has not spirit enough to defend her own domicile? If A. acts like a patron towards B. who has committed a gross outrage upon him, and shall have a subsequent controversy with C. shall he pretend to bully him, and expect C. not to call to mind his cowardly behaviour with B. and treat him accordingly? One foreign nation will be influenced, will be governed in her concerns with you by your concessions to another—and it is the idlest thing in the world to expect that your treatment by any government will not have an effect on the deportment of others towards you.
One word more, sir, before I conclude. Gentlemen miscalculate if they suppose that mere authoritatu (much less at second hand) will do for us. They must show us something before we swallow their resolution. 'Tis an infinity, sir, of my nature that I cannot yield to the imposing sound of great names—they never did and they never shall put me to silence, or drive me from my purpose. I am apprized of the secret denunciations which are on foot, and I despise them. They shall never affect me affect me—I came into public life with these, and I will leave it with them, leave it when I may.
Tuesday, March 25. On motion of Mumford the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Nicholson in the chair, on the bill prohibiting the importation of certain [British] goods, wares and merchandise.
The articles enumerated in this bill are the same as those contained in the resolution on which it was framed.
Mr. Mumford moved to fill the blank left for the time when the bill is to take effect, with 15th November next.
Mr. J. Clay moved the first January, and Mr. Crowninshield the first of July.
Mr. Mumford said while they were charging a foreign government with surprising their commerce, he hoped they would not do the same thing themselves. He was therefore opposed to the first of July, and in favour of the 15th November.
Mr. Bidwell spoke in favour of filling the blank with the 15th of November, and Mr. Blackledge in favour of the first of July.
On agreeing to the first of January the house divided—Ayes 37—Noes 67. The federal members voting in the affirmative.
On agreeing to the 15th of November, 64 members rose on the affirmative side—carried. On this question the federal members likewise voted in the affirmative.
On motion of Mr. Mumford, a blank was filled so as to make the section amended read as follows:
"Woolen cloth, whose invoice price shall exceed five shillings sterling per square yard."
Mr. J. Clay moved to add to the enumerated articles blank books, which motion was disagreed to. Ayes 38. Noes 51.
A motion made by Mr. Parker, to add iron hollow ware , shared the same fate. Ayes 38. Noes 56.
After some further amendments, not touching the principle of the bill, the committee rose, and reported their agreement to the bill.
The house immediately considered and agreed to the amendments and ordered the bill to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow without a division.
On motion of Mr. Dawson the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union, Mr. Gregg in the chair, on the resolutions for the better protection of our ports and harbours.
The first resolution for appropriating 150,000 dollars for the better protection of ports and harbours was agreed to without debate—Ayes 65—Noes 30.
The second resolution was read for the appropriation of 250,000 dollars for building gun boats.
Mr. Dawson moved to strike out this sum, and leave a blank, with a view of filling it with a larger sum in case the third resolution should be disagreed to.
This motion was disagreed to—Ayes 86.
When the resolution was agreed to—Ayes 72.
The third resolution was read appropriating 660,000 dollars towards the building of six line of battle ships.
Mr. Newton moved to strike out 660,000 dollars and line of battle ships, so as to confine the resolution to an appropriation generally, for naval purposes.
This motion was lost—Ayes 10.
When Messrs. Masters, Lyon and Cook spoke at a considerable length in favour of the resolution.
The question was then taken on the resolution, which was rejected—only 30 members rose in favour of it.
The house considered the report, when the first resolution was agreed to—Ayes 78—Noes 33.
The second agreed to—Yeas 91—Nays 21.
And the third disagreed to—Yeas 35—Nays 72.
Whereupon a committee was appointed to bring in a bill.
The Members of the Dismal Swamp
Canal Company, are requested to meet at the Eagle Tavern, opposite the Market-House, on the 2d day of May next, to elect a President and Directors, and other business of importance to the said company.—Notice is also given to those who are delinquents in the payment of the quotas heretofore called for, that unless they make payment of their respective balances, on or before the said day, that their Shares will be Sold on Monday, the 5th of May, following the above mentioned day of meeting.
By order of the President and Directors, William Charles Lee, Clerk D. S. Canal Co.

THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIME, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 4, 1806.
The Bill for prohibiting the importation of certain articles of British manufactures, we noticed in our last, had passed the House of Representatives, and would probably pass the Senate. Upon this bill it is not our intention at this time, to enter into a full discussion, we cannot however forbear to make a few remarks. If the measure is intended as a hostile one, then we think it does not go far enough, it may serve to irritate, but can produce no serious injury. It is not intended as a hostile measure, but to foster the manufactures of our country, then why is Great-Britain only marked out. If the prohibition had been general, then Great-Britain, although she would have experienced almost exclusively the operation, could not have complained.
Should peace take place, and Great-Britain pass a law to prohibit the importation of tar, (which she can procure in abundance from the Baltic) from the United States, we should complain. Where (as is the case, in the present instance) the industry of a particular nation is intended to be injured, the foundation of retaliation is laid, and we shall probably feel its effects when we least expect it.
In the shape which the bill has passed the House of Representatives, there is more the appearance of petulance, and resentment, than policy and dignity.
MR. RANDOLPH. We this day, give the second speech of this gentleman on the resolution of Mr. Gregg, we believe that it will be read with interest, by persons of all parties. A charge is brought home to the executive department which we have not seen palliated or attempted to be denied. It is very plainly said, that there has existed, and does exist, a disposition to favour France. And for what, who can tell? and to oppress Great Britain. After the very elaborate elucidation, which the subject has received from Mr. Randolph, it does not appear necessary to add any remarks of our own.
In order to invalidate the testimony of Mr. Randolph, it is said that he is a disappointed politician, admit this to be the case; it does not follow that what he says is the less true. But wherein has he been disappointed? It is said that he wished a foreign embassy, and that it has been refused. Where is the proof of this assertion? We have heard that gentleman's friends say, that there is no foundation for the assertion. The important matter which Mr. Randolph has disclosed, and the more important, which he wishes to be disclosed, have excited a sensation in the publick mind, that will not be diverted, by personal abuse of that Gentleman.
The Editor of the New-York Evening Post, makes the following remarks upon the report of the Senate of the United States, on the case of Hamet Caramalli the Ex Bashaw of Tripoli.
After this, is there a man in the United States weak enough to justify the conduct of the government's agent? Is there a print profligate and mercenary enough, after this, to tell us that the Tripolitan Treaty is a good treaty? Will the Richmond Enquirer, the Aurora, the Citizen, the Boston Chronicle, or any of the rest of them, after this, persist in swearing that Mr. Consul Lear made a good, and a cheap, and an honest, and an honourable treaty? Will they insist that no ransom was paid? or only a proper and necessary one? What says the committee? But is there any thing on record, from the earliest history, that can exceed the base perfidy which has been practised towards the unfortunate Hamet? The committee charge all this upon Lear. Lear undoubtedly has behaved badly enough; but in our opinion, the criminal conduct is traceable beyond Lear. Let the reader only look at the letters that have, from time to time been written by the Secretary of State, as to the conduct to be observed by the agents of government towards Hamet Caramalli. Let him recollect the jesuitical cunning that sought to beguile him to embark his fortune and his life in our contest, by holding out professions, which, at the same instant, were to be expressed in language that should commit not the United States for any thing.
There is one feature in the transaction of the treaty, which the committee have passed over lightly, but it shall out. It was made a stipulation on the face of the treaty, in behalf of Hamet, that his wife and children should be delivered up to him; but the usurper making a difficulty in complying with this—what does Mr. Consul Lear, but give him a secret writing, absolving him from a compliance with this article, if he would only observe the others. This is a fact, which, as we are assured this day by letters from Washington, can be proved. But has our administration been willing to ratify this infamous treaty, with a full knowledge of this fact?—On this we forbear now to speak. The time will come when it will be seen who are
"these juggling fiends!" "That palter in a double sense: That keep the word of promise to the ear, But break it to the sense." Is this too explicit? why then I'll say, "There's ne'er a villain in all Denmark But he's an arrant knave."
FULWAR SKIRWITH, Esq. arrived in town yesterday, and sails this day in the Hornet sloop of war for France, to resume his consular functions.—New York Gazette.
Mr. Randolph in his celebrated speech has made some very appropriate strictures upon the expression, "chief of a dominant faction," which is apparently quoted from a piece published in the National Intelligencer under the signature of "Eugenius." As we have some reason to believe, that Mr. R. has ascribed this essay to the pen of Mr. Madison, we think it proper to observe, that it is the production of a gentleman in this city.
The writer of that piece has always called himself a federalist, and has always been considered as such by the republican party. The piece was offered to us in manuscript for publication; but we returned it under an idea, that we had already said enough in "Vindication of Mr. Jefferson." Enquirer.
NASSAU, March 11.—On the 2d inst. his majesty's schooner Decouverte fell in with the American brig Bounty, from Portland (Maine) bound to Havana.—Captain Small of the Bounty, informed, that he was boarded on the 1st. inst. in lat. 26, long. 75 40, from three French frigates.—On the 3d inst.
fell in with the American schooner Amicus, who had passed the same frigates in lat. 26, long. 76 46—they were steering eastward under a heavy press of sail.
By the schooner Hunter, Saunders, from Harbour Island, we learn, that they saw last Wednesday, three ships about 60 miles from the Hole in the Wall and 7 from Elbow Key, (Abaco) steering for the Hole in the Wall—being nearly dark, could not ascertain what they were.—They are doubtless the vessels mentioned above.
These are no doubt the two frigates, and Corvette, which escaped from the battle off St. Domingo.
The conclusion of the following extract of Mr. Fox's address to the electors of the city of Westminster, seems to indicate something like a spirited policy, and savors little of those pacific wishes attributed to him, out of office.
LONDON, February 13. "This morning Mr. Fox, was unanimously elected for the city of Westminster."
"Mr. Fox declared, that if the electors thought he had, in changing his situation changed his principles, his attachment to the cause of liberty and those constitutional views which he had uniformly cultivated and promoted, they had then the power of rejecting his claims to be their representative; but if, on the contrary, they continued to have the same opinion of him, which they had evinced for the last 25 years, he trusted he should be favoured with their support. In accepting the situation which he had at that moment filled, his only object was to co-operate for the public good, with men of enlightened minds and acknowledged talents. They had undertaken the administration of public affairs in a crisis highly perilous, and if they succeeded in saving the country from the dangers which threatened it from without, they should consider that they had done their duty. For his own part, he had entered into office free from all selfish and partial views, and he should not be guilty in a single instance of giving up those grand political principles which had been the pride and glory of his life. With the exception of our naval pre-eminence, that had derived such real lustre from the victory off Trafalgar, the prospect of affairs abroad, a department particularly consigned to his care, was indeed melancholy; but he was gratified and cheered by the reflection, that the spirit, patriotism, resources, and unanimity of the country, were far superior to the utmost perils of the present crisis, and that when properly estimated, they could not fail in banishing despondence and inspiring vigor and confidence."
SECOND MEETING OF THE OPPOSITION CABINET.
We announced in one of our papers of the present week, that in consideration of the circumstances of the times, and what was expected of them in the ensuing parliament, the leaders of what is called the opposition, and some of the most distinguished men in the country, had formed themselves into a regular sitting, and had already met once upon the present situation of public affairs.
They have since had a second meeting, at the house of the earl of Albemarle, when a question of the first public interest, and involving in it the very union of the party, to the separation of which the country must look with alarm, was fully discussed and finally arranged.
This question was no less than the line of policy to be observed by the party in the ensuing parliament, being the great question of peace or war.
We have obtained permission, and we are confident, exclusively, to state as follows: Mr. Fox gave it as his opinion, that in the present solitary state of this country, severed by the late events from her actual allies, and by the same events rendered desperate in her hopes of supplying their place by others, with Russia, retreating in a manner that a whole year would be lost before she could again come into the field, and with Austria so reduced that she could never again come into the field—that in this political solitude, this absence of all hope of alliance, nothing remained for this country but to conclude a peace. That the confederacy, and former alliance, must now be considered as fully dissolved; that another must be formed by other negotiations, and that to bring those negotiations to any conclusion must be a work of much time, and great uncertainty—that in the mean time the war, if it were on war we were resolved, must either be suspended or continued—if suspended, what was a suspended war, but another name for a peace—a peace of precaution, a peace of security? If the war were to be continued, it must be continued without allies. To this he could never consent, because in the present circumstances of Europe, and as to any useful purpose, he was fully persuaded we were not equal to it.—That the spirit of the country indeed was equal to it; but the spirit was one thing, & the physical strength of the body another. That spirit was but another name for passion, generous indeed, but, like every other passion, not exactly under the control of reason; but, if the passion of courage, the passion of glory led us to despise dangers, reason recalling us from the elevation, brought us lower towards the ground. That no one admired more than him the generous spirit of the country, but he had lived too long and loved safety too well, to sacrifice it to a name. That he loved heroes in the field, but not in the cabinet. He concluded by expressing as his opinion, that the situation of the country required peace.
Mr. Grey assented to all his arguments, if peace could do nothing, it had still that merit that it cost nothing. This he thought constituted the whole of the difference between peace and war, such a war at least as we could be expected to maintain. War could gain nothing, but cost much. Peace could gain nothing, but then it costs nothing.
Mr. Windham did not approve of this mercantile calculation of the value of peace and war. An article of some value was totally omitted—national honour, at least, was no inconsiderable item. Was he called upon to make out a political bill, to balance creditor and debtor sale of peace and war, he should charge it at its first value. That a fruitless peace was indeed better than a fruitless war; as a negative evil, and evil of privation, was better than a positive evil, an evil of actual suffering. That war was something, peace was nothing. That war was prima facie an evil, and an evil of great magnitude, and was only relatively a good. That he differed much as to the efficiency of the country to maintain a war without a continental ally. But that he would not rigidly adhere to this opinion, as there were many, very many, of his best friends, men by whose judgment he had been accustomed to frame his own, who now differed with him upon this point; but that there was one point in which all his friends agreed, the necessity of a perfect union which could only be preserved in its effective cohesion by a steady adherence to one main connecting principle, and mutual sacrifices in points indifferent. That all he wished was, that whether peace or war, the honor of the country should be considered, as well as its safety; that the future should be taken into consideration as well as the present; that we should not sacrifice future safety to present ease; and that we should value our honour, as the most effective means of our safety, above every petty apparent good. He did not indeed approve of such a war as the present. He preferred a vigorous peace to an active war. He concluded by giving as his opinion
Better a Peace like a War, than a War like a Peace.
Lord Grenville was not present, but a gentleman, who was authorised to speak for him, declared for a safe and honourable peace, a peace rendered safe by guarantees, and honourable by supporting an aspect, and reality, which should teach the enemy that we feared not war.
Mr. Fox—Then, thanks to the fortune of the country, thanks to patriotism which the common sense of our danger has kindled, there is a perfect unanimity, and this be our mutual pledge.
A safe and honourable Peace. A peace rendered safe by guarantees, and honourable by presenting an aspect of strength.
A Peace like a War. Instead of a War like a Peace.
Such was this celebrated meeting—We pledge ourselves fully for the substance, if not to the exact words—we say no more: In the course of the next week we shall enter more fully on this subject.
Lord Erskine presided yesterday as speaker of the house of lords, with a considerable degree of ease and dignity, and put the different questions with extreme correctness, and in a very distinct and audible voice. Immediately on his taking his seat on the Wool sack, he was warmly congratulated by their Royal Highnesses the Dukes of Clarence and Sussex, and afterwards by the Prince of Wales, who sat by his Lordship's side the greater part of the time the House sat.
Mr. Curran, the celebrated Irish orator, is to be attorney-general; and counsellor M'Mahon, brother to col. M'Mahon, solicitor-general, in the room of Mr. Plunket and Mr. Bushe.
CAPITULATION OF THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
Saturday, 10th January, 1806. Articles of Capitulation proposed by the Lieutenant-Colonel Hieronimus Castraucus von Prophalow, Commandant of the town, Castle, &c. circumjacent Fortifications of the Cape of Good Hope.
To the Major-General, in the service of his Britannick Majesty, Sir David Baird, K. B. and Commander in Chief of his Majesty's forces, and Commodore Sir Home Popham, K. M. Commander in Chief of his Britannick Majesty's Naval forces in Table Bay.
ART. I.—The capitulation being signed, the Cape Town Castle, and circumjacent fortifications shall be immediately surrendered to the troops of his Britannick Majesty. The fortifications of the king's block-house, Craig's Tower, and all the batteries within that circuit, on the other side of Camp's Bay.
ART. II.—The garrison shall, at the surrender, march out with all the honours of war—and shall then lay down their arms and become prisoners of war; but such officers as are natives of the colony, or married with natives, or in possession of sufficient landed property to become regularly, and bona fide domiciliated, shall be at liberty to continue here so long as they behave themselves as become good subjects and citizens; or proceed to Great Britain with regular passports, having previously passed their paroles not to serve until regularly exchanged.
ART. III.—All officers, who, according to the previous article must go to Europe, shall be provided with passages at the expence of his Britannick Majesty, & shall have leave to realize their property previous to their departure, and receive the same pay as they did in their own service, till the day of embarkation.
ART. IV.—The French subjects, who belonging to the stranded frigate Le Atalante, and the stranded privateer le Napoleon, were casually here, and comprehended in the capitulation, shall be treated on the same footing as the garrison, but they must all be embarked for Europe, as well as every other French subject in the colony.
ART. V.—The inhabitants of the town, who have borne arms, to be considered as belonging to the town, and may immediately return to their former occupations. But the distinction between the Burghers and other inhabitants is to remain the same, and subject to the same restrictions as under the Dutch laws.
ART. VI.—All bona fide private property, whether belonging to the civil or military servants of the government, to the burghers & inhabitants, to churches orphans and other publick institutions of that kind, shall remain free and untouched.
ART. VII.—Publick property of every description, whether consisting of treasure, or naval, or military stores, buildings, estates or merchandizes belonging to the Batavian Republic or the government of France, shall be delivered up, and proper inventories given of them as soon as possible.
ART. VIII.—The burghers and inhabitants shall preserve all their rights and privileges which they have enjoyed hitherto; publick worship as at present in use, shall also be maintained without alteration.
ART. IX.—The paper money, actually in circulation shall continue current as heretofore, until the pleasure of his Britannick majesty is known.
ART. X.—The lands and houses, the property of the Batavian republick, which must be delivered in consequence of the present capitulation, shall remain as security for that part of the paper money which is not already secured by mortgages upon the estates of individuals, by its having been put to them. This is however to be without prejudice to the free use to be made of said lands and houses for publick purposes.
ART. XI.—Prisoners of war, comprehended in the present capitulation, shall not be pressed into his majesty's service, or engaged against their own free will and consent. With respect to other persons, they are provided for in article V. of this capitulation.
ART. XII.—The inhabitants of Cape Town shall be exempted from having any troops quartered on them.
ART. XIII.—Two ships having been sunk in Table Bay, to the great detriment of the Roadstead—either after the Batavian republick had sent out a flag of truce, for whilst it was in contemplation to do so, they are to be raised again and delivered over in an entire state of repair: this having been done without the sanction of the commandant, the raising of the said ships, shall be incumbent on those who sunk them.
ART. XVI.—The capitulation shall be signed at Fom-Otto, this afternoon, when the castle of the Cape Town, and all the adjacent forts, previously mentioned, shall be surrendered to his Britannick majesty's troops.
Given under our hands and seals, this thirtieth day of January, in the year of our Lord 1806, at Papendrop, near Fort Knock. (Signed) H. C. Baron Von Prophalow. D. Baird, Major General. Home Popham.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Ship Monticello, Wilson, 65 days from Liverpool, Salt, Crates & Coal, Robert Maitland & Co. Brig Ranger, Bradley, 21 days from Jamaica, Rum, William Dickson. Sch'r Experiment, Nash, 38 days from Tobago, Rum & Molasses, Nash & Chowning. Brig Edward & Charles, Pettengill, 65 days from Tenerife, Wine & Brandy, P. Dana & Co.—Left there the ship Catharine, of New-York, repairing damages occasioned by being run foul of by the sch'r
Industry, Kennedy, of New-York, and was to sail in 5 days; Venilla, Davis, of Boston, discharging; sch'r Industry, Kennedy, repairing damages occasioned as above mentioned.—Spoke Feb. 13, in lat. 23, long. 52, sch'r Friendship, from Kennebec bound to St. Thomas out 13 days.—March 17, in lat. 35, long. 67, ship Heredon, Hughes, from the Spanish Main bound to Boston, out 30 days.—20th, in lat. 34, long. 69, sch'r Mercury, Swift, of Ipswich, from Wilmington (N. C.) bound to Boston, out 20 days.—In lat. 36, long. 71, brig Hannah, of and from New-York bound to New-Orleans, out 3 days. The ship Hope, Smith, from Boston bound to New-Orleans, 28 days out, was spoken on the 8th of March in lat. 26, long. 86.
NOTICE.
A meeting of the Subscribers for the Troop of Horse, is requested at the Exchange Coffee House, TOMORROW EVENING, (Saturday) at 7 o'clock, as business of importance will be laid before them. It is hoped they will be pointed in their attendance. April 4. 1 641
The STOCKHOLDERS in the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, are informed that an Election for fifteen Directors will be held at the Office of the said Company, on the first day of May next, to commence at 10 o'clock in the forenoon of the said day. John Cowper, Sec'y. April 4. 1stM 642
For London, THE GOOD SHIP MONTICELLO, Will be ready to receive a cargo in 15 days. For freight or passage, having excellent accommodations, apply to R. Maitland & Christian, Petersburg, or Robert Maitland, & Co. April 4. 4w 636
For Sale, Freight, or Charter, The fast sailing Brig MERCHANT, JOHN PIKE, master, burthen 175 tons, or 1200 barrels, will be ready for the reception of a cargo in six days. For terms apply to Fish & Cullett. Who has this day landing, 50 Tierces New RICE, 5 Pipes Country GIN—Which will be sold low. April 4. tf 639
Liverpool Coarse and Fine SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Monticello, Captain Wilson — Apply to William Pennock. April 4. 3w 637
Now landing from on board the Ship Maria, from Jamaica, and for Sale, 83 Puncheons of RUM. William Pennock. April 4. 3w 638
TO RENT, (And possession given immediately,) That commodious STORE on Main-Street, No. 22, near the old market-place, together with a large Cellar and other apartments, well calculated either for Groceries or Dry Goods. ALSO, Two large DWELLING-HOUSES, with Stores in front, on Bank-Street.—Apply to Robert Farmar.
Who has for Sale, on low terms, A few CANAL SHARES, The property of a gentleman to the Northward. April 4. tf 640
WANTED, 25 Shares of Virginia Bank STOCK. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. April 4. tf 643
30 Pipes Country GIN, 10 do. real Cognac BRANDY, 20 Puncheons W. I. RUM, 15 Quarter Casks Old Sherry WINE, 30 Barrels WHISKEY, 3 Hogsheads Apple BRANDY, 30 Bags PEPPER, 50 Boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 do. Dipped do. 2 Bates Fine CASSAS, 5 do. Beerboom GURRAHS—For Sale at reduced prices by S. Marks, jun. & Co. April 2. tf 631
PRIME SUGARS. Landing on our Wharf from the schooner Hannah, Captain Brownlow, 76 Hogsheads of best SUGAR. For Sale by George Murray, & Co. March 31. 3t 626
On Thursday the 1st day of May next, will be sold at the Great Bridge, under a deed in Trust, to the highest bidder, for approved paper at 60 days,
FOURTEEN NEGROES, Consisting of Men, Women and Children, among them are three excellent SAWYERS, and HOUSE SERVANTS. By order of The Trustee.
ALSO, At the same time and place, and on the same terms, will be sold, One Hundred Acres of Land, Lying at Edmund's Hill, Four Horses, Two Yoke of Oxen, Four Carts, One Riding Chair and One Stage, Pitt Saws, Axes, &c. &c. James Callis. March 21. tds 598
For Sale by the Subscriber, at his Bake-House, on Commerce-Street, 500 Barrels Navy BREAD, 200 do. Superior Pilot do. 100 do. Ship do. All of which will be sold on reasonable terms, or exchanged for West-India produce. Stephen Harris. PILOT BREAD in half barrels of a superior quality, for Sale as above. March 26. tf 614
LOTS FOR SALE.
I will sell two well situated LOTS in the Fields. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser. Robert B. Taylor. April 2. 3w 635
CASH given for Rough Hogshead STAVES. C. & F. Whittle. March 31. tf 629

WARM SPRINGS
In the County of Bath, Virginia.
H AVING taken a lease on the Warm-Springs for 10 years, from the 1st April, 1803, we wish to acquaint the publick, that at great expence and much labour we have improved it, to accommodate genteely one hundred and fifty persons, having erected 15 new houses, among them is a range of frame stables 240 feet long, together with other stables roomy enough to hold about 100 horses; also, 10 new houses 21 by 17 feet, built convenient to the Bath, with stone chimneys, and finished off neatly—a large and commodious sitting room for the ladies, furnished with different kinds of instruments of musick, and kept for that purpose only—A new Bath will be made distinct from the present one, intended for such persons as may not chuse to mix with the strong and healthy.
We have also taken a lease on the SWEET SPRINGS in the county of Monroe, distant 30 miles from the Warm-Springs for 9 years, and are making the necessary preparations for the accommodation of the visitors—The strictest attention will be paid to give satisfaction, as we know from many years experience, that without it but few customers can be expected. It is with much satisfaction that we have it in our power to assure the publick that the different houses of entertainment in the roads leading to the Springs, have of late been much attended to by the proprietors, most of which, (above the Ridge) the subscribers have visited, and have found that appearances seem to indicate, that in future, travellers will be well accommodated.
We wish to purchase a BLACK-SMITH, for one that comes well recommended, a generous price will be given—Also, wanted to employ a discreet elderly WOMAN, to undertake the management of the place of House-keeper, either at the Sweet or Warm Springs, one inclined to be industrious, and qualified to discharge such duties, will meet with liberal wages on application to us.
Robt. & Geo. Turner.
March 12. tf 572
In addition to the above advertisement, a correspondent who is well acquainted with that part of the state, and all the different houses of entertainment on the road, observes, that from the Bell Tavern in Richmond, kept by the Turners, the mail goes once a week to that healthy and social town of Staunton, fifteen miles beyond the Blue Ridge, where there are two Taverns, one kept by Wm. Chambers, and the other by J. Edmundson, equal to comfort and good living to any taverns perhaps on the continent, each of them keep a stage and excellent horses, with careful drivers, well acquainted with the mountain roads, and one or the other always ready to convey passengers to the Warm Springs, and from thence the Turners have a carriage and horses to convey them to the Sweet Springs, so that a passenger can step into the stage at Norfolk, and without any further trouble than paying those who attend him, be conveyed 360 miles to the Sweet Springs. It was determined last fall by the different tavern keepers and others concerned, to oblige the overseers of the roads to do their duty, and to give personal assistance themselves where it was most wanted.
To those who have seen that country, description is unnecessary—but to the stranger it may be justly observed that two weeks of indulgence at the Warm Spring Bath, is a full compensation for the fatigues of the journey.
March 17. tf 591
At a Court held for Norfolk County, the
20th day of January, 1806.
Thomas Davis and Thomas Dickson, merchants and partners, under the firm of Davis and Dickson, Piffs. Gilbert Robertson and James Brown, merchants and partners, under the firm of Robertson & Brown, and Robert Gibson, Defendants.
THE Defendants Robertson and Brown, not having entered their appearance, and given security for performing the Decree to be made in this cause, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are out of the country: On the motion of the Plaintiffs by their Counsel, it is ordered, that they the said Defendants, appear here on the third Monday in April next, and give security for performing the Decree aforesaid. And it is further ordered that the Defendant Gibson, who hath effects of the other Defendants in his hands, or is otherwise indebted to them, do not pay, convey away, or secret such debts or effects, until the further order of this Court concerning the same. A Copy, Teste, William Wilson, jun. C. C. t3dMon Ap. 472
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE, Norfolk, Virg. Jan. 18, 1806.
H IS Britannick Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, takes this method of communicating to such officers on the British half-pay establishment, as are resident within his district, the following Notice from the Army Pay-Office, in London, in respect to the form of the Certificate required from British half-pay Officers, by whom it is highly essential that the regulations therein specified should be strictly complied with.
John Hamilton, Consul.
PAY-OFFICE, Horse-Guards, August 28, 1805.
NOTICE is hereby given by direction of the right honourable the Pay-Master General of his majesty's forces, that the affidavits of Officers on half-pay and military allowances, who reside in the United States of America, commencing subsequently to the twenty-fourth day of December 1805, will not be passed at this office, unless the officer's place of residence, and also the county, district, or place for which the magistrate acts, before whom the said affidavit is made, (the competency of whom must be certified by the British Consul, if any shall be resident in the province or state, or by the governor, chief justice, or some other person in authority in the government thereof,) are therein specified, agreeable to the undermentioned form.
D d . Thomas, Accountant.
A. B. maketh oath, that he had not between the twenty-fourth day of _____ and the twenty-fifth day of _____ any other place, or employment of profit, civil or military, under his majesty besides his allowance of half-pay, (or his military allowance, as the case may be) as a reduced _____ in the Officer to sign his name here, together with his place of residence.
Sworn before me at _____ this _____ day of _____ in the year of our Lord _____ The Magistrate to sign his name here, and the county or place for which he acts.
N. B. Chaplains must insert in their affidavits the following words between the words "Majesty," and "besides," viz "or any Ecclesiastical Benefice in Great-Britain or Ireland."
No alterations or interlineations of any sort will be allowed to be made in the above mentioned affidavit. January 20. tf 446
FOR RENT,
The three large and commodious Ware Houses on the lower end of Gibson's Wharf.—Possession may be had immediately, by applying to
John Southgate, or William Dickson.
Feb. 26. tf 564
Landing this day, and for Sale, from brig Fame,
100 hhd. Havanna SUGARS, 47 bxs. MOLASSES, 120 bbs. choice Green COFFEE.  From on board brig Echo, 25 hhd. Clayed SUGAR.  And from schooner Combine, 65 casks RAISINS, 30 boxes ALMONDS, 3,500 bushels St. Ube's SALT.
Moses Myers.
Feb. 17. 3w 510
BLANK NOTES AND CHECKS
for both Banks, for Sale at this Office.
STORAGE.
Our large Brick Ware-House on Town Point, is now fitted to receive property on Storage—The superior advantages of this building in point of security and despatch is evident, and attention will be paid to what is put in care.
Articles Stored we are frequently authorized to Sell, and have generally on hand,
FLOUR of different Inspections,
Superfine, Fine and Middlings.
TOBACCO—Of different Inspections,
RUM—Antigua, Windward Island, and Continental.
BRANDY—Cognac, Bourdeaux, Spanish, Peach, Apple.
GIN—Holland, Continental.
WINE—Madeira, Teneriffe, Malaga, Claret, Port and Cape.
Molasses, Sugar, Coffee—Cordage of various kinds—Salt loose and in sacks.
George Murray, & Co.
March 3. tf 543
CASH
Given for Twenty Shares of
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK.
Apply to the Editor of this Paper.
March 14. tf 579
JUST LANDED,
25 Hogsheads Choice MOLASSES.
For Sale by
Thos. H. Parker.
Jan. 10. tf 426
Now Landing and for Sale,
New-England RUM in hhd. and bbls.
Malaga WINE in quarter casks,
New-York PRIME FORK,
Russia and Raven's DUCK,
Two Casks CORDAGE,
Mould and Dipped CANDLES,
SOAP in Boxes,
Imperial and Souchong TEAS—By
James M'Clenachan.
Who would receive Goods on Storage, at his fire-proof Warehouse, on Marsden's Wharf.
March 19. tf 595
GENUINE GARDEN SEEDS,
Imported in the Ship Shepherdess , from London, for Sale—Consisting of
 Windsor BEANS,  White Blossom do.  Early Mazagon do.  Early Charlton PEA,  Golden Hotspur do.  Crown and Egg do.  Blue Prussian do.  Spanish Marotto, do.  Large Roundoval do.  Dwarf Marrow do.  Tall Green do.  Wells Marrow do.  Early Yellow SNAP,  Negro French do.  Black Speckled do.  Purple Speckled do.  Chinese and Scarlet do.  Arbour do.  Early Salmon Radish  Salmon and Scarlet do.  Short Top and Naples do.  Red and White Turnip do.  Long White Transparent do.  Black Spanish do.  Early York Cabbage,  Sugar Loaf do.  Early and Late BARTHESE,  Madeira & Turnip Rooted do.  Large Drum Head do.  German Red do.  Colewort and Borecole,  Green and Yellow Savoy,  White Brocoli.  Hardy Green do.  Purple Branching do.  Early and Late Cauliflowers,  James' Keeping Onion,  Madeira and Welch do.  Red and Silver Skinned do.  Norfolk Field Turnip,  Red, Round, and Yellow do.  Hanover and Stone do.  Tankard do.  Ice and Cabbage Lettice,  Hardy Hammersmith, do.  Brown, Dutch, and Loaf, do.  Green Turkey Cucumber,  Early Frame do.  Pasaguan do.  Long and Short Prickly do.  Large Orange Carrot,  Early Horn do. and Parsnip,  Red and White Beet,  Talland Dwarf Nasturtion,  Solid Celery, Double Parsly,  Green Curled Endive,  Broad Leaved Leek,  Salsapary and Scorzonera,  Artichoke and Asparagus,  Chardon and Chervil,  Pimpernell and Root Scarcity,  Round and Prickly Spinach,  Broad Cress and Pepper Grass,  Mushroom Spawn,  Hemlock and Okra,  Saffron and Rape. 
A choice assortment of
Garden, Flower, and Herb SEEDS;
White and Red Clover SEED; Lucerne, Timothy, Burnet,
Hemp, & Canary SEED; Also, Scotch BARLEY ; OAT
MEAL, and Fine Durham MUSTARD.
Samuel Osborne,
Main-Street, near the Old Market place.
He will be further supplied with the best of those articles by the next arrival from London.
March 17. tf 588
To Rent,
A HOUSE pleasantly situated in the
Fields, at present occupied by Mrs. MILHADO .—For terms apply to
David Milhado.
Feb. 24. tf 527
SUGAR AND COFFEE.
Landing this morning on Town-Point, the cargo of the brig
Wheeler, from Guadalupe, consisting of
Clayed and Muscovada SUGARS,
And
Prime Green COFFEE in tierces.
To be sold on moderate terms.
Robert Dickson.
Feb. 7. tf 496
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER,
AT HIS LUMBER YARD ON CALVERT'S WHARF,
700,000 SALE SHINGLES.
50,000 BUILDING do.
50,000 STAVES —White and Red Oak.
10,000 CYPRESS PALES.
5,000 CEDAR and CHINQUEPIN POSTS.
Also—shall keep a supply of
PLANK AND SCANTLING.
Thomas H. Parker.
August 19. tf 77
WE HAVE RECEIVED
by the brig Fame , Capt.
Cox, from Jamaica,
75 Puncheons high proof RUM,
4 Hogsheads MOLASSES. —For Sale by
Redmond & Frith.
Feb. 24. tf 523
EAGLE TAVERN.
The Subscriber has taken that eligible stand
in Market-square, and has to inform his friends and the pub-
lick in general, that he will spare no pains to make them as
comfortable as possible while with him—he would be glad to
take in Eight or Ten Gentel BOARDERS by the Year.
Thomas Glenn.
January 15. 3m 433
LADIES FASHIONABLE SHOES.
SEVERAL Trunks of Ladies plain and fashionable Laced
Kid Socks, and Gentlemens' fashionable London made
do. just received by the ship Planter , Captain Boush, and
for sale by
Gilliat & Mackinder.
September 9. tf 106
ROBERT GIBSON,
Has removed to the Fire-Proof Ware-House
in Wide Water-Street, nearly opposite Commerce Street.
Feb. 28. tf 536
FOR RENT,
(And possession to be had immediately)
A comfortable small TENEMENT,
on Smith's Point, neatly fitted up; having two rooms be-
low with two closets in each, and three rooms above, a new
double storied Brick Kitchen, and other requisite out build-
ings. A spacious Garden and large front Yard are attached
to this Tenement.
P. Barraud.
Jan. 29. tf 466
FALL AND WINTER GOODS.
GILLIAT AND MACKINDER,
Have received by the Ship Planter , Boush, from London, and
Fredonia , from Liverpool, their supply of
FALL AND WINTER GOODS,
And will be Sold on low terms, for Cash, or approved Acceptance in
Town—Amongst which are
 17 Bales of Napt Cottons.  18 do. of Rose Blankets.  8 do. Stripe do.  9 do. White and Red Flannels.  10 do. White Plains and Kersies.  12 do. Blue do.  14 do. Blue & Green Half Thicks.  6 do. Stripe and Grey Coatings.  2 do. Yarn Hose.  do. Carpeting and Carpets.  8 do. Mixed Feamaughts. 
The above packages are well assorted.
September 16. tf 145
NOTICE.
My health being such as to require a
change of air, I shall leave this State some time in April;
such persons as have claims against me will bring them for-
ward for settlement, and those indebted are requested to dis-
charge the same, or give security for future payment.
William Leigh.
Portsmouth, Feb. 28. tf 539
For Sale, by the Subscriber,
250 Hogsheads Petersburg } Tobacco,
80 do. Richmond } Cotton,
50 Bales Upland } Cotton,
4 do. Sea Island } Cotton,
12 Pipes Holland GIN,
5 Puncheons Old Jamaica RUM,
11 Hogsheads Philadelphia Loaf SUGAR,
100 Casks Claret WINE,
12 Cases } Cordials,
61 Baskets } Cordials,
6 Cases FRUIT , preserved in Brandy,
12 Boxes CASTLE SOAP,
23 Casks well assorted GLASSWARE,
23 Crates do. EARTHENWARE,
3 do. and 1 hhd. do. assorted for family use.
35 Pieces Twilled SACKING,
6 Casks Sheathing NAILS,
20 Boxes Windsor GLASS , 8 by 10, and
40 Gross Wine and Porter BOTTLES.
Alexander Maclure.
March 21. tf 597
If George William Clarke who
left England for this Country in July, 1802, is living, he will
hear of something to his advantage on application at this of-
fice.
Norfolk, Jan. 15. tf 435
To be Leased,
For one or six years, and possession to be had on the first of
January next.
A Commodious BRICK-HOUSE
on Smith's Point, now occupied by Mr. Harris—all convenient
offices, and a good garden are annexed to this tenement—
For the accommodation of a tenant, an adjoining lot may be
had.
P. Barraud.