Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1804-10-11 00:00:00

FROM THE LONDON LITERARY JOURNAL OF JULY 1.
REVIEW OF THE LIFE OF George Washington, &c. &c.
(CONCLUDED.)
The person who has undertaken the compilation of the present history of America and Washington, seems but little to understand the nature and value of distribution and arrangement; for notwithstanding the luminous and simple plan pointed out by Robertson, he has paid no regard whatever to order; and the facts are jumbled together in such a manner that they lay no hold of the memory, nor present any connected train of ideas to the understanding. He has almost without variation followed Robertson to the end of his history of Virginia.—Robertson's account is a little abridged; and the language is altered so that one half of it perhaps is Robertson's, and the other the abridger's. In this manufacture all the elegance of Robertson's style is destroyed, the distinctness of the narrative is injured: that connexion which is always so clearly exhibited in the histories of Robertson between the situations of men and their actions, between events and the causes from which they arise, is obscured; and those luminous views which that historian presents of the different schemes of policy connected with the events which he has to relate, are lost.
We could not help considering it as a proof of the extreme carelessness with which the present compilation is made, that the compiler is not even acquainted with the name of the author to whose assistance he has so liberally applied himself. We find the name of Robertson, so well known, always written in his quotations Robinson.*
He follows Robertson nearly in the same manner in his account of New England; and it is perhaps but fair to give his own account of the use which he has made of the different authors to whom he had recourse:
"Various publications, have for this purpose, been occasionally resorted to, and are quoted for all those facts which are detailed in part on their authority. Their very language has sometimes been employed without distinguishing the passage, especially when intermingled with others, by marks of quotation; but, in such instances, the book is cited in the margin: and the author persuades himself that this publick declaration will rescue him from the imputation of receiving aids he is unwilling to acknowledge, or of wishing by a concealed plagiarism, to usher to the world his own labours of others."
That part of the history which succeeds the period when Robertson's account breaks off, the author is obliged to take upon his own shoulders. And truly we cannot say much in praise either of the deligence which appears to have been employed in collecting materials, or of the use which he has made of such as have been collected by others.
We have already remarked that the history of the United States, previous to this attempt, might be said to be still in a great measure unwritten. Unlike other countries, in which coarse compilations had been made, however unfit for general use in their rude form, yet contained a valuable store of authentick materials for the legitimate historian, few documents respecting the early proceedings of many of the United States were before the publick. If any where these documents are to be found, it must be in the archives and registers of these several provinces. And if to any persons access to these be open, it might naturally be supposed to be to the son of General Washington, for the purpose of completing an account of the life of his father, and to the Chief Justice of the United States employed in drawing up that life. Yet this account of the early proceedings of the States is drawn up entirely from the vulgar and scanty documents already before the publick; and not even an attempt has been made to present us with anything more perfect. The author candidly acknowledges that this is the case; and that the collection of the requisite materials would require a length of time, and a labour of research which neither the impatience of the publick, nor the situation of the author, would enable him to bestow on the subject." He applies the terms "crude essay," "imperfect sketch," to his own performance. This may be a very good salvo for the author's reputation; but it is a poor satisfaction to the publick, who have a large, expensive book imposed upon them, which is good for little or nothing.
In the management of the common materials, for which we are under no obligation to Mr. Bushrod Washington, or Chief Justice Marshall, we cannot say that they have established very strong claims upon our gratitude or admiration. There is no order in the relation of the facts; they follow one another according to no plan; there is no enlightened view of the causes and origin of events; of any of the schemes of policy by which the affairs of the United States were influenced, there is scarcely any notice; not even a distinct outline of them is exhibited; much less is there any satisfactory account of their nature, and tendency. And any one who has no knowledge of the species of government under which the British Colonies subsisted in America, previous to the interruption of their connexion with the mother country, will not find himself much instructed in the subject by a perusal of the volume before us.
The history of the North American Colonies from the place where Mr. Marshall may be said to have taken it up, that is, where it is laid down by Dr. Robertson, till the commencement of the disputes with the mother country, is naturally divided into two distinct portions, of which however, Mr. Marshall seems not to have been at all aware: first, that period during which the several colonies were struggling individually with the difficulties of an infant establishment, scarcely in any degree connected with one another, or contending about their boundaries, and other interfering interests; and secondly, after they had now attained a state nearly of equal firmness and prosperity, that period during which their efforts were united together against a common enemy, the French in Canada, and when advancing all by similar steps, they exhibit the appearance of one nation. It is evident that the mode of treating these two portions of the history of America ought to be very different. In the first part each province or colony requires a separate and distinct attention; and no plan can be more judicious than that pointed out by Dr. Robertson, to relate the history of the two most ancient and important establishments in detail; and with regard to the others, to state only the more important and general circumstances; and any difference which was found between these and the states more fully described. Much care and art
* This error does not exist in the American edition: it may therefore be a question whether the inaccuracy ought to be ascribed to the inattention of the author or of the English printer.—Ed. U. S. Gaz.
† We need not inform our American readers that General Washington had no child; and that Judge Washington is the nephew of the late Gen.—Ed. U. S. Gaz.
was necessary in arranging a multitude of contemporary particulars to prevent the need of disgusting repetition. Those parts of the subject should have been carefully thrown together which were most connected, or which tended most to illustrate each other. General observations, or general facts should have been placed in that situation where their connexion with all the parts of the subject to which they relate might have been seen at once; and there should be no occasion to repeat them over and over as often as any particular occurs to which they refer. The author of this volume has little claim to applause on this important account. He takes up his subjects in a great measure by chance, or according to any casual association; and seems not to have been so much master of his subject as to see clearly in what situation each particular would be most advantageously placed; where it would be best illustrated by what had gone before, and where it would serve most to illustrate what should follow.
In the next portion, which is little more than a history of the wars of Canada, it was hardly possible for the author to produce so much confusion. The subject was abundantly simple: and he had the benefit of the labours of all the English historians, of whose works the history of the wars in Canada made a necessary part. It is to be observed, however, that the history of these wars, like all the rest of the more recent part of the English history, has never yet been illustrated with any ability: and not a little remained to be done to set it in a brilliant light. In particular, the internal operations which were produced within the different states of America by these historians, and deserved to be accurately investigated and recorded by the professed historian of the States, were very imperfectly known to the English. It was during these wars that the States first began to act in concert. By this union, and by the efforts they found themselves enabled to make, their views were changed. They began to think themselves of too much importance to be commanded and constrained by the mother country: and as she insisted most obstinately on the right of constraining them, the dispute between them soon came to extremity. The origin and progress of this spirit among the North American colonists; and the effect which the proceedings relative to the wars in Canada had in producing it, was the most curious and interesting inquiry connected with this part of the history. A native of the United States ought to be better qualified for making this inquiry than a Briton; and this important information was particularly to be expected in a history written by a North American. In this just expectation, however, the reader of the present "crude" performance is completely disappointed. The author has contented himself with giving a hasty, and careless repetition of the common facts detailed by the annalists of England. And with regard to the laborious researches of original documents, the nice and curious delineation of the progress of opinion, or the profound examination of political regulations and institutions, he has thought them beyond the limits either of his leisure or of his abilities; and so has obligingly left them to others. We could not help wondering to find a historian of the United States quoting Belsham's history of England, and the Annual Register as almost his only authorities with regard to the transactions in America during many years.
With regard to another circumstance we had a right to expect to find ample information in the present volume; we mean the domestic and social habits of the people of the United States, their predominant virtues and vices, and the particular causes in their situation from which these habits flow. For this enquiry too an American ought to be the best qualified. But in this which may be called the moral part of history, the work before us is as deficient as we have represented it to be in the political. It is a mere chronicle of newspaper facts; and that very imperfectly digested. But were a chronicle of this kind ever so well digested, it is still but the skeleton of a history, without any of the life or soul. We do not recollect that it has ever been taken notice of by the moderns how accurately Livy has pointed out these two inquiries, which may be called the moral and political, as objects of history; and how strongly he has represented them as objects of by far the greatest importance. Having mentioned in the preface to his history of Rome certain common facts, and disputes, which he reckoned of inferior consequence, he says, "Sed hæc et his similia, utcunque animadvertas aut eximat crunt, haud in magno equidem ponam discrimine." He then solicits attention to the moral and political inquiries: "Ad illa mihi pro se quisque acriter intendat animum; quæ vita, qui mores fuerint, —the moral part; then the political." "Per quos iros, quibusque artibus domi militæque et partum et auctum imperium sit." It is curious that it is to the moral part that he chiefly solicits the attention of his reader in tracing the decline of the Roman state; "Labente deinde paulatim disciplina; velut desidentes primo mores sequatur animo, deinde ut magis magisque lapsi sint, tum ire cœperint precipites; donec hæc tempora quibus nec vitia nec remedia pati possumus pervenerunt est."
We can hardly be surprised that in the multitude of would-be historians which recent transactions have produced, this moral part of the subject should have been neglected. This is by far the most difficult and delicate part of the duty of the real historian. This requires one of the rarest of human characters, a master in the science of human nature. This is what intitles the true historian to some of the highest honours of human genius. This is what ranks him among a different class of beings from the maker of the register book of common facts. It is by this alone that the register of these facts is rendered of any value. "Hoc," to use again the language of Livy, "hoc illud est præcipue in cognitione rerum salubre ac frugiferum."
We willingly transcribe the apology which the author has made for the imperfections of this volume. It may be some reason for not concluding rashly that he is a blockhead, but it can be no inducement to the publick to spend their time in reading his book:
"For any inattention to composition an apology ought never to be necessary. A work of any importance ought never to be submitted to the publick till it has been sufficiently revised and corrected. Yet the first part of the life of General Washington goes into the world under circumstances which might bespeak, from candour, less severity of criticism than it will probably experience. The papers from which it has been compiled have been already stated to be immensely voluminous, and the publick was already looking for the work before the writer was fixed on, and the documents from which it was composed placed in his hands. The impatience since discovered, by many of the subscribers, has carried the following sheets to the press much more precipitately than the judgment of the author would have permitted him to part with them, and he cannot flatter himself that they are free from many defects
which, on a reperusal will attract even his own observation."
We think it necessary to say very little with regard to the style of this volume. It is not barba-rous; but is just as far from elegant. It bears sufficient marks of haste and carelessness; but it is in general simple and unaffected. We were pleased to find it so free from those new words with which our brethren on the other side of the Atlantick have thought proper to enrich the English language; and of which their conversation and letters are so full. We detected, however, some instances; as influential , &c.*
The interesting part of this intended publication is yet to come. It is undoubtedly in the power of the friends of Washington to give a most valuable collection of materials to the world. If they give us, after raising our expectations as they have done, a garbled one, they will expose themselves to our hearty contempt.
After what we have said of this volume we do not think it necessary to load our pages with extracts. M.
* If the critic could find no newer word than influential, we might, for its use, refer him to the oldest authors in the English language, and to many of its best dictionaries. (Ed. L. dger.)
FOR LONDON,
THE SHIP CHARLES CARTER, JOHN TOMKINS, Master. A considerable part of her cargo being engaged, the will sail in all this month. For freight or passage apply to
Donaldson, Thorburn & Co.
WHO ARE LANDING FROM THE SAID SHIP, A QUANTITY OF Holland Gin, Gin Cases, Linseed Oil in casks and jugs, Writing and Sheathing Paper, and Cologne Mill Stones, assorted, from 3 feet 8 to 4 feet 4 inches: which will be sold on liberal credit. October 6. 2w 165
FOR FREIGHT or CHARTER,
The fine Ship THOMAS, Nathaniel Bowh, Master. Burthen about 4500 barrels, is in complete order and will be ready to receive a cargo immediately. Apply to Robertson & Brown.
For Sale,
300 hhds. Sugars landing from said Ship from Guadalupe—apply as above. September 29. tf 159
FOR CHARTER,
To a port in the South of Europe or the West-Indies, The fast-sailing Brig EDWARD & CHARLES, Edward Pettingill, jr. Master. Burthen 150 Tons.—For terms apply to the Master on board, or to Phinehas Dana. 153
FOR FREIGHT or CHARTER,
The American Ship NANCY, Captain TURNER, Burthen 240 Tons. C. & F. Whittle. 158
FOR BOURDEAUX,
The fast sailing Ship SHEFFIELD, JOSIAH COWPER, Master: Will sail in three weeks, one half of her cargo being engaged. For freight apply to the master, or Thomas Willock. 156
FOR LIVERPOOL,
The fine Ship MOUNT VERNON, John Boynton, Master:— Burthen 416 tons, having considerable part of her cargo ready to go on board, and will commence her lading the 5th October.—For freight, apply to Messrs Moore & Bowden, Peterburg, M. W. Hancock & Co. Richmond, the master on board, or to Phinehas Dana. 154
FOR CHARTER,
The good fast sailing Ship MERCURY, Abel Crozier, master:— Burthen 2200 barrels flour.—For terms apply to Moses Myers.
WHO OFFERS FOR SALE,
Said Ship's CARGO of St. Ubes SALT. ALSO, 100 dozen of choice Bourdeaux CLARET, in cases of 2 1-2 dozen. Sept. 8. tf 127
SALT.
Just arrived in the Dunrobin Castle , a Cargo of excellent Liverpool Stoved Salt. To be sold cheap, taken from along side. Apply to Robertson & Brown.
A FREIGHT
For the above ship is wanted, to a port in Britain or any of the British West-India Islands. The Dunrobin Castle is well armed and manned, and has a Letter of Marque. Apply as above. Sept. 22. tf 149
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To a port in Europe, or the West Indies, THE SHIP VIRGINIA, Capt. James Petrie. Burthen about 600 tons—built of Teak Wood, and coppered to the bends. She can be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. For terms apply to John Newell, jun.
Who has for sale about
1500 BUILDING STONES, received by the said ship from Bourdeaux. August 31. tf 94
FOR FREIGHT or CHARTER,
The American Ship PETER, Captain Sayward. Burthen 250 hhds. tobacco, or 2000 bbls.—For terms apply to Phinehas Dana. 140
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The Ship BRUTUS, JOHN BUNCE, Master:— 236 tons burthen—a stout well built vessel; three years old, and completely found in every respect. She will be ready to receive a cargo in the course of a few days. For terms apply to N. Heron. 142
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The fast sailing ship WASHINGTON, John Curtis, Master:— Burthen 250 hhds. tobacco or 2000 barrels flour—will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. Apply to the master on board, or to
WILLIAM PENNOCK.
WHO OFFERS FOR SALE, 100 Tons Plaister of Paris, on board said ship. Sept. 6. tf 123
FOR CHARTER,
The good American Ship SARAH, Abel Rawson, master:— Burthen 313 tons; will carry about 430 hhds. tobacco—now in complete order for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to
Richard Blow.
WHO HAS FOR SALE, 39 Hhds. Richmond TOBACCO. 18 do. Peterburg do. 200 Bbls. excellent PORK. 80 do. FLOUR. 10 Puncheons Antigua RUM. 20 do. Grenada do. 20 Pipes Holland GIN. A quantity of well cured BACON. Do. HOGS LARD. Do. COARSE SALT. Sept. 11. tf 129
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The excellent fast sailing ship TICONIC, Parsons, master:— Burthen 270 tons, and now ready to receive a cargo.—For terms apply to Moses Myers. 131
FOR CHARTER,
The excellent new ship ARCTURUS, Samuel Winsor, master:— Burthen 300 tons.—She will be ready in three days to receive a cargo. For terms apply to the master on board, or to Moses Myers.
Who offers for Sale, on board said ship,
35 SPARS. 10,000 Feet 3 inch PLANK. 28 Barrels Continental RUM. Sept. 8. tf 125
LANDING
From the Brig ANN MARIA , from MADEIRA, AND FOR SALE, 5 Pipes, } 6 Hhds. and } Fine old London P. M. Wine. 8 Qt. Casks, } Apply to
Robert Maitland & Co.
WHO WANT TO CHARTER, A vessel of about 1500 barrels, to load for a port in Great Britain. Sept. 1. tf 109
WE WANT
A vessel of 150 Hogsheads, for a Port in France—immediate dispatch will be given. C. & F. Whittle. 49
July 31. tf
A few barrels Superfine Flour, of old Wheat, a-float.
For Freight or Charter,
The Ship TAMERLANE, Melzer Joy, Master, burthen 175 tons. For terms apply to PHINEHAS DANA. 147
FOR FREIGHT or CHARTER,
The Copper bottomed Brig MARY LOUISA, Captain George Farrer:— Burthen 1200 barrels—now ready to receive a cargo.—Apply to the master on board, or Thomas Willock. 118
80 Barrels BEEF, of a superior quality, for sale by
James Wallace. 167
Notice is hereby given that a petition
will be presented to the Legislature of Virginia, at its next session, praying that the articles of Flour, Bread, Beef, Pork, Fish, and Lumber, shall be inspected at the place of exportation. Sept. 29.
FALL GOODS.
RICHARD TAYLOR,
HAS received, by the brig Commerce , from London, an extensive assortment of FALL GOODS, which he offers for sale on moderate terms, for cash, or good paper—and he is in daily expectation of receiving a large assortment of WOOLLENS, IRISH LINENS, and HARD-WARE, by the ship Brutus , from Liverpool. August 31. tf 91

MEMOIR,
IN JUSTIFICATION OF GENERAL MOREAU.
Translated from the French by G. L. GRAY.
(CONCLUDED.)
FIFTH CHARGE.—Moreau did not denounce the conspiracy.
Before a crime can be denounced, it is necessary that he from whom the denunciation is expected, should be acquainted with all the facts which constitute it, the object intended by it, the means employed or ready to be employed to promote it, and the names of those who are to concur in the execution of it.
The law punishes him as a libeller who denounces without proof, who cannot establish the offence which he alleges, who cannot ascertain the guilt of him whom he accuses.
He who is to denounce is consequently a judge of the offence which the law invites him to discover.
If the offence is not manifest, if its circumstances are suspected but not ascertained, society can exact nothing concerning it from the civism of its members.
The question in the present case concerns a powerful conspiracy against the state.
Such a conspiracy cannot be said to exist until a number of individuals have combined, and have communicated to each other their ideas, their hopes, and their wishes; until they have digested some plan for the execution of which each pledges himself to the whole; in which each has his particular duty assigned him, so that their separate efforts may tend to one common issue; in which every thing is organized, from the chief who directs, to the most subordinate agent who is to execute his orders, and obey his instructions.
General Moreau had no knowledge of such a conspiracy.—He had seen Pichegru and Roland.—There was no witness of the conversations between him and the former; but he has sufficiently established the insignificance of the first. All we can learn from the second, is, that Pichegru may have wished provided certain events, not likely to happen, should occur, to replace the ancient family of the Bourbons on the throne of France.
But if he had formed a plan, had engaged associates, and was furnished with means, these he necessarily concealed when he discovered, on the very first hint, that Moreau's affections were so completely alienated from that family, that he refused to hear that there was even a possibility of their return to France. This vague insinuation, then, was all that Moreau knew of such a project, and knew thus much only to laugh at it as ridiculous and extravagant.
Roland, even Roland confesses that on the 17th Pluviôse he did not disclose more: he does not say that any plan of conspiracy was confided to Moreau.
If thus ill instructed, and not wishing, not having the power, to be more minutely informed, Moreau had stepped forward as an accuser, what would have been the consequence? Pichegru would either have escaped from Paris, or he would have been apprehended. In the first case the denunciation would have been ineffectual, and he would have been again censured as the tardy discover of the enemy of the state; in the second, Pichegru denying every thing, and nothing being found to support the charge against him, then Moreau, failing in the proof of what he had alleged, would, in the contemplation of law, have been branded as a libeller.
Let us by way of hypothesis, although allowing a scope for reasoning which cannot be exacted from us, enlarge for a moment the sphere of the intelligence communicated to Moreau, and suppose that he was made fully acquainted with the complete organization of a conspiracy, and knew the approaching moment appointed for its execution: Then, you will no doubt say, Moreau would have failed in the duty which society imposes on each of its members, had he not immediately discovered to the constituted authorities the gulph that was yawning for their destruction.
His silence might have shewn him to be a careless citizen; but would he have been a criminal for whom the law reserved a chastisement?—No.
We refer to the Penal Code of the 21st September 1791; we open the Code of Crimes and Punishments of the 3d Brumaire year 4; and in the multiplied series of punishments reserved for each species of offence or crime, we find nothing which ranks this amongst the acts of conspiracy, consequently nothing which can punish it as such. The not revealing a crime within your knowledge, whatever may be its nature, receives there no qualification, has there no place assigned to it.
Yet these two laws constitute the whole of our penal legislation. Since their promulgation nothing has been known as a crime but what has been rendered such by some overt act. And every action which is not there defined, can but receive publick reprehension. Opinion may condemn but the law has no power to judge it.
Nor is it of any consequence though some ancient law may have given to an act the character of a crime; if the new code, more indulgent, and more wise, has not particularly declared it to be so the act is no longer criminal.
Such is the dictum of our penal code.
If the act rendered criminal by the ancient statutes, is recognized by the present code, the accused who shall be found guilty of it, shall suffer the penalties of the present code; which has, in express terms, declared that all crimes indicated by anterior laws,
and not herein renewed in that sense, shall cease to be such.
Or, which is perfectly synonymous, or even more simple, as cited above, there can be no other crimes nor punishments than those expressly designated by the present code—And, consequently, by not permitting any punishment except such as it has appointed, it abrogates all those which may have been known before it existed.
To turn over a single folio of the ancient statutes, with a view to discover a law which inflicts on those who do not denounce a conspiracy, the same penalties incurred by the conspirator, is, therefore, inadmissible.
We know perfectly well that such law was enacted, in 1477, by Louis XI, the most suspicious of the Kings of France.
We also know that Cardinal Richelieu availed himself of this law in order to gratify his revenge on the process against the unfortunate De Thou: a process which in recalling the execrated name of Laubardemont, recalls also the long train of horrors of which he was the minister.
But of what consequence is such a law, long since, after one solitary application, sunk into oblivion. Never was it restored, never confirmed, by any successor of Louis XI.
Neither the celebrated ordinance of 1539, fabricated by the chancellor Puget, for the sole purpose of compassing the death of admiral Chabot; nor the ordinance of Orleans and of Blois; nor any other ordinance subsequent to 1477, are disgraced by a similar provision.
We should not at this time possess a special legislation, embracing every case, and authorizing no other punishments than those which it provides, had it not been from the fear that, under a government whose laws were established upon the dispositions, and adapted to the manners of the people, and which had given a civil code to France, some chance might have renewed the power of a sanguinary edict, which the neglect of centuries had sentenced to an eternal silence, and whose single application has been pursued by the execration of posterity. The revival of such authority, it was justly felt would have been disgraceful to the reign of Liberty and the Empire of law.
In not denouncing the conspiracy even had he known its existence, general Moreau would not have offended against any law, and consequently would have incurred no penalty. As it was unknown to him that such a plot did exist, to denounce it was impossible, and to punish him for ignorance would be unjust and impolitic.
In terminating this melancholy task we may be permitted to return to one part of the accusation and to discharge ourselves of a burthen that has pressed heavily upon our heart, from the first moment when this defence engaged our attention.
Moreau is accused of having aimed at possessing the supreme power; of having potted against the life of the emperor!
No: by honour and by fame we swear, Moreau cannot be guilty! He knew too well the horrors of a revolution ever to be himself the author of a new one! He knew that blind, devouring, and remorseless, monster; which, while he was shedding on his country glory and renown, at the moment when victory was crowning him on the field of battle, brought under the guillotine the head of his venerable father! No: Moreau never could desire the ruin of that country, in which, as long as it exists, his name can never be pronounced but with praise and gratitude! He who never discovered the most latent spark of ambition when possessed of the power of gratifying it, cannot be supposed to entertain the desire of rule now, when deprived of all the means of accomplishing his views! He who never harboured a jealous thought against those rivals whom a weak and mistaken government preferred to command over him, could not envy the rank of that privileged genius whom providence seems to have peculiarly designed to be the regulator of empires; under whom every place is a place of splendour! whilst all the nations and sovereigns of Europe sue for the alliance of Buonaparte, can it be supposed that an idea of displacing him could enter the mind of a man, who, whatever may have been his opinion of the form of government, has incontestably proved, during twelve years, his unobtrusive obedience to the national will! He who yielded implicitly to the command of Scherer, of Joubert, and of Macdonald, could never consider himself disgraced by submitting to their chief.
POSTSCRIPT.
Many arguments which would of themselves, remove far from general Moreau all ground of accusation, have been omitted. We will here enumerate one or two of those.
We have already made apparent, in the memoir and in the pleadings, the perfect innociveness of the relations between Moreau and the Abbe David: their connection is fully justified in the letter written by the former to the latter. We have explained the conduct of the general on the occurrences preceding the 18th Fructidor. We have brought into view his sentiments on the conduct of Pichegru, in remaining among the enemies of France during the three last campaigns; and his subsequent generous declaration that so far from his being an obstacle to the return of Pichegru, he would gladly co-operate in obtaining his full pardon, so far as his aid could be serviceable.
The eyes of those must be shut against light who refuse to be convinced that in all this there is nothing participating in the nature of a conspiracy; but on the contrary the true characteristics of a good man; attachment and love for his country, compassion and friendship for the unhappy.
But the innocence of these relations has been still more clearly demonstrated, by the declaration of David, who says that he explained his intention of reconciling Moreau and Pichegru, and of obtaining, if possible, liberty for the latter to return to France.
to several distinguished generals and citizens, who are far out of the reach of suspicion, and that he proceeded by their advice and by its being proved that the words, "if you could bring me but one line from our friend, it would be a great pleasure to me," which are found in one of the letters from Pichegru to David, have no reference to Moreau, but to a Senator who authorized us to plead this fact in his name; and to add that he sent the line desired to Pichegru, to his old companion in misfortune; his letter was found amongst the papers of David.
Another, and more important point is that resting on the word of Roland: whose villainous imposture is evident in every part of that horrid design which he attributes to Moreau.
The improbability, the palpable falsehood, the total impossibility of the fact, prove it to be the fabrication of Roland. But the loyal and generous soul of Moreau has been so deeply wounded by the mere allegation, that we must, in his farther justification, explain a circumstance barely touched upon in the memoir, and which must divest the testimony of Roland of all claim to belief.
The interrogatory* which procured the reply of Roland containing the words imputed to general Moreau, and the reply itself must be compared, in order to shew how naturally the one follows the other, and is derived from it: how impossible it was for Roland not to seize on a means of safety which he believed he saw presented to him; how very probable it is that Roland had in the first place offered to purchase that safety by atrociously vilifying Moreau.
To a first question on the subject of a conference related by Pichegru to Roland, he replied, that "Some time had passed since that conversation took place, and he could not be certain that his memory had faithfully retained what was then said—he might have deceived."
Then follows an interrogatory which occupies three pages of the examination, in which he is told that every thing he had done and said was known, that his conversations with Pichegru were overheard; that his apartment was so contrived that, notwithstanding every precaution, the secret had been betrayed; it then concludes in these words—"Beware lest, in continuing silent, you conceal from the ear of Justice any one of the facts which it ought to know, and thereby force us to believe that you are not merely the confidant but the accomplice of those men whom she pursues. I invite you, then, to speak more ingeniously, and to discover not only all that Pichegru said to Moreau, at whose house it will be proved that you were the second day after Pichegru came to lodge with you. We heard you speak of this visit by the same means: you told Pichegru that Moreau had a large party in the Senate; that he, Moreau, was at the head of a design against the first consul and the governor of Paris, in which the Bourbons were interested.—I summons you, therefore, to declare the whole truth, concerning these conferences and the object connected with them."
It was in reply to this question thus concluded, that Roland, who a moment before feared that "he might be deceived," who apprehended "the infidelity of his memory," found all at once a perfect recollection, put to flight all silly scruples, and followed the path so ingeniously chalked out for him. It was then, that the hope of being considered only as a confidant and not as an accomplice , induced him to give birth to those nefarious falsehoods, and particularly to testify that Moreau had spoken of a strong party in the Senate, by which he could obtain the supreme power, but that first the consul, &c. &c. must disappear.
Who does not immediately see in the correlation between this question and its answer, how destitute of credibility it leaves this frightful assertion of Roland, who until then had said nothing; but who from his intimacy with Pichegru, from having lodged him in his house, and from other circumstances, believing that he had every thing to fear for himself, seized with alacrity on the hope, held out to him in the question, of escaping punishment as an accomplice . He had only to lie and be saved; it required little deliberation to decide. Independent, then, of his situation of co-accused, of his declaration being unsupported by any other proof, which alone would annul it, it is destroyed by the very means taken to obtain it, by the predicament in which he was placed, and the hope that he might purchase his own life, by infamously and falsely swearing away the life and honour of another.
Let us dive a little deeper. Who had previously disclosed the circumstances which appear in this interrogatory?—It was either some other witness, or it was Roland himself.—If another, why has not that other been brought forward? why was he not heard at the trial?—If it was Roland, which is the most probable supposition, then it is plain that he had basely trafficked his character for his life, in promising the disclosures which he pretended to make; and that he afterwards invented, in his own mind, that salutary perjury, in which he had the courage to persevere.
Any thing more would be superabundant. Roland alone affirms to the charge: Moreau solemnly denies it.—Roland stands under a criminal accusation, and, according to every principle and every authority, his evidence is inadmissible; it can neither be allowed to prove, nor even to cause a suspicion of guilt.
It has been said that Moreau wished to possess himself of power. His character, his habits of life, his total retirement from publick view, his being entirely unacquainted with men in place, the circumstance that not one person with whom he has any intimacy has been accused, and the difficulty of believing that he could hope to obtain it by the assistance of the Bourbons, or their fanatic partizans, all unite to annihilate this absurd charge.
* Examination of Roland, 29th Pluviôse, before the Counsellor of State, Réal.
WHERE NOW IS THAT MAN, IN WHOSE BREAST THERE IS EITHER JUSTICE OR IMPARTIALITY, WHO CAN RESIST SUCH CLEAR DEMONSTRATIONS OF INNOCENCE? WHO CAN LAY HIS HAND ON HIS HEART AND SAY GENERAL MOREAU IS GUILTY?
Signed by the Counsellors at Law,
BONNET—BELLART—PERIGNON.
Reported loss of the ship Vulture of New-York.
Extract of a letter, dated St. George's, Bermuda, 19th September, 1804, to a gentleman in this borough.
"A Lascar came to town last night, and reported that he lately belonged to an American East-India-man (the Vulture Capt. Robinson) bound from Bengal to New-York,—that the ship struck upon a rock to the westward of these islands about a fortnight ago, and was totally lost with her cargo;—that the captain and the greatest part of the crew perished; and that the mate, with one white sailor and himself, were the only persons saved; the mate he says, he left very sick at the house of a poor man in the country, but he is unable to describe the place.—They were 12 days in their boat after the accident before they landed.—These are all the particulars we are at present in possession of respecting this melancholy affair."
UNITED STATES AND SPAIN.
From the New-York Evening Post.
(Continued from our last.)
If the reader has perused the preceding number, he has discovered, before this time, that the Spanish Convention was the most abortive effort of diplomatick skill that ever disgraced a publick minister. He has seen that, with the express and precise design of adjusting a subject of national dispute, it finishes with providing that this very subject of dispute shall be postponed to a future period, and made the basis of a future Convention; in other words, it is a treaty that there shall be a treaty. Now, in this, a common reader cannot for his life perceive any thing that should induce the President to be so very anxious for its ratification; but common readers don't know the secrets of Courts. This Convention that there shall be a Convention, provides for the appointment of Five Commissioners, two to be appointed by each of the respective governments, and a fifth by lot; of course here are at least two of Mr. Jefferson's friends provided for at once, with good salaries; and to make the affair as pleasant as possible they are not to be troubled with doing the least thing; by and by a treaty is indeed to be made which shall actually provide for settling the national dispute, and then two more friends will be provided for, with duties annexed to their offices. Such being the convention we are not able to perceive that the refusal on the part of Spain to ratify it, should be regarded as any very great national misfortune. But then the question arises, if this treaty is so bad a bargain on our part, is it not proportionably good on the part of Spain, and if so why should she refuse to accede to it? It is not because she thinks it is an advantageous treaty to us, or a disadvantageous one to herself, but because, being determined to retain West-Florida, she perceives it would not do to ratify this treaty in an amicable manner, without saying any thing about the other question; as that would almost or quite amount to a tacit acquiescence in our construction of the instrument, and in our subsequent proceedings. She therefore takes her ground at once, and refuses to enter into any Convention with us, till we have relinquished our pretensions to what she calls her territory, abrogated our laws, and hastily, relinquished every sort of even future demand on her for indemnity against the losses and injuries sustained by us in consequence of the excesses committed by her subjects on citizens of the United States. When all this is done she will then be ready to enter into a new treaty with us, about—what? The Marquis however insists upon it that Spain had a right to consider the convention as totally abandoned by the American government, since it had been suffered to lie unratified by them for "nearly two years," and that therefore Spain had a right to avail herself of the circumstance and abandon it too. And so she has. Undoubtedly the President and Senate have gone beyond their constitutional powers in reviving the instrument more than a year after it had been disposed of and was done with. A ministerial point however, states a circumstance which escaped us yesterday, but which it may not be amiss to mention here. In the Citizen of Monday, it is said, that by a Rule of the Senate a member voting in the minority , may move for a reconsideration of a question, and that under such vote the question of a ratification was reconsidered. The Rule, we believe is, that on all questions requiring a majority of two thirds, as in cases of treaty, any member who voted with the majority may move for a reconsideration; be that as it may, we cannot conceive that this Rule could be intended to enable members of the Senate to evade the Constitution; and that the fair construction of it is, that by a reconsideration must be meant taking up the question and acting upon it again, by the "members present," but not that it can enable a bare majority of one, under pretence of reconsidering, to postpone till the "members present" are exchanged, by election, for members of different politics and views. For if the President can avail himself of this manoeuvre to postpone a decision on a favourite treaty for one year, he may do it for two, three or four, nay twenty years, until his party (supposing so improper and indecorous a thing as that a President should be the head of a party, and not of a nation) until his party should become strong enough to give him the requisite majority. Whether so important a provision in the Constitution as that which vests in the Senate the right of making treaties, jointly with the executive, may in this manner be evaded, so as in reality to transfer the sole exercise of the power to the Executive, by procrastinating the issue, after a constitutional determination has been had, till his own creatures are brought in, who will subserve his views, is a question that I shall submit, with some confidence, to the good sense of the community.
We now come to the second demand of the Spanish nation, namely, that our government relinquish all claims on Spain for the spoliations committed on our commerce by French privateers, with the aid of Spanish courts. On this head we think it unnecessary to say much, as our correspondent, in Monday evening's paper, has already done the subject ample justice; to him we shall refer the reader, contenting ourselves with a very few additional observations.
It is admitted on the part of Spain that "the expunging altogether of our claims for the prizes carried into Spanish ports by French cruisers, cannot but deeply effect the finances of some of our citizens;" which is certainly very true, involving property to the amount of several millions. If therefore distress and ruin are to be brought down on the heads of a large and respectable class of our fellow-citizens, there ought to be some very strong reason for it. Let us hear the advocate of Spain on that side of the question.
It is not denied by him that material injuries have been suffered, nay, it is expressly allowed; nor is it denied that reparation is due; but he says, and it

is all he says, that by our last Convention with France we certainly gave up, without any limitation whatever, our claims for the injury received from her, and that therefore we cannot call upon Spain for the injuries done by her in conjunction with French cruisers. To make this plain, he says that Spain is only an accessory and France the principal, and that having released the principal, the accessory is released of course by operation of law. With submission to the noble Marquis and his lawyers, we think he is a little incorrect with his trinephal and accessory ; if he means to allow the French and Spaniards to be trespassers , then it is the legal maxim that in trespass all are principals; but of what service is this in the argument, for in trespass a release to one is a release to all? This is putting the case as strongly for the Marquis as he could have put it for himself, if he had been careful to be a little more correct than he is. The answer is plain and decisive. France committed spoils and she paid for them; or at least she compromised by relinquishing a vast claim against us in consideration of our relinquishing our claim against her for these spoils; with an ill grace indeed does Spain now pretend that she was a joint trespasser, and although she admits that she has made no compensation for the injuries committed by her, yet insists on placing herself in the situation of a defendant availing himself of an advantage the law has given him over an ignorant plaintiff, who by receiving half his compensation of one, thereby inadvertently releases both. Spain by encouraging French cruisers unlawfully to make prizes of our vessels and bring them into her ports, stands in the situation of a separate trespasser; the act had no sort of connection with the spoils committed in French ports. The injury was just as several and distinct as if it had been committed by her own subjects in her own ports; and for which therefore, she, and she alone, is accountable. This miserable and ridiculous attempt, therefore, of her advocate, to resort to a w quibble and plead in bar the release to France, ought not, and cannot, on any principle avail her. But as we are very sure that neither side will go to war about it, we advise both to agree to settle it by arbitration. (To be Continued.)
BOSTON, October 3.
OF TRIPOLI.—A letter has been received in town, dated Messina (in the Island of Sicily ) July 12, 1804, stating, that a few days previous, commodore Preble sailed from thence with his squadron, for the immediate purpose of bombarding Tripoli .
NEW-YORK, September 29.
Capt. Bourne, late of the Schooner Goliath , of this port, arrived here yesterday from St. Thomas, has just finished us with the following extract from his Protest, done at St. Thomas, the 11th inst.
"That on the 3d. inst. he sailed from St. Thomas, in the Schooner Goliath , for St. Thomas, with a cargo of Tobacco, Sugar, Butter, Dry goods, &c. On the 4th at midday they entered the harbour of St. Thomas, a strong breeze from N. N. E. blowing directly out of the harbour, which obliged them to heave to; after making several tacks, the Schooner at last missed stays, and being close to the ledge of sunken rocks in the outer harbour, they were obliged to let go the anchor to keep the vessel from going on them; and after a short space of cable to bring the Schooner up, hauled on the rocks; immediately let run the sails and hoisted out the boat, got the small bower out, when they were fired at from the Point Battery, then hoisted the Colours at half mast as a signal of distress, which the Battery could not avoid seeing; they paid no kind of attention to it, but fired a second time before the deponent could get the anchor out; then hailed them and said if a boat did not come on shore immediately they would sink the Schooner, the anchor was let go, and the captain went in the boat to the Fort, and informed the officer commanding, of his situation, the officer demanded payment for the shot; Capt. Bourne, remonstrated, and asked the reason of his firing at a vessel in distress; he said he imagined he had come too near, and fired at him for not immediately coming on shore—That after explaining to him the situation of the vessel, and he could see her close on the rocks, he would still not be satisfied, but marched Capt. Bourne, (as a criminal) from the Battery, round by land, (nearly three miles) to the Town Fort, where, after waiting some time, he was admitted to the captain's presence as he lay in bed. Capt. Bourne informed him of his Schooner being on the rocks; he was deaf to his entreaties to be permitted to go on board, but sent him with a guard to the commandant, who on hearing his situation, dismissed him with permission to go on board.—That he was then taken back to the Fort, to show his vessel to the gunner, who, when Capt. Bourne shewed him the vessel, asked him for some money, to which he answered that he would not dress, until he knew that he was entitled to it, whereupon he told him he should not go on board, on which Capt. Bourne requested to see the captain of the Fort, but was not permitted to do so: That he was next brought before a guard, where a man, not in any kind of uniform seemed to command, who informed him that he should have waited on him before the commandant or the Fort captain: That one of the guard took off his (Capt. B's) hat and threw it on the ground in a contemptible manner; that he took up his hat and put it on again—seeing no person who looked like an officer or behaved like one, he then demanded what they wished to do with him, when after abusing him for some time longer, he was again conducted to the captain but he being asleep was not to be disturbed on such trifling occasions (as the loss of a vessel and cargo)—That he was then taken back to the guard, and again sent to the commandant, who again gave orders for his dismissal, the guard not yet satisfied, carried him again to the Fort, and again shewed his vessel; from that he was obliged to go to the commercial hall to make a report, notwithstanding he still urged the necessity of his being on board his vessel; and that when he got his vessel in, he should certainly go there, but all that he said was vain.—That he was next dismissed, but it was then night, and of course little to be done, it blowing fresh, he went on board the Schooner Experiment of New-York capt. Riley, and borrowed his boat and two men to assist in getting the vessel in; but the night being dark and the wind blowing directly out of the harbour, rendered it totally impossible to get under weigh without going directly on the reef—They then hove in on the small bower, so as to keep clear of the reef, it blowing very heavy all night, at day light hoisted their colours half mast as a signal of distress, expecting every moment to go on the reef. At 6 A. M. parted the small bower cable, went in the boat and weighed the anchor, carried it out again the whole length of the cable, hove in so as to keep clear of the reef as possible; soon after parted the best bower cable, then hoisted the jib, endeavouring to clear the point, but the wind blowing directly on it found all in vain, and in less than one minute the vessel struck on the rocks, where the sea broke over her in such a manner that they were obliged to make the greatest possible exertion to save their lives. By the assistance of some negroes they saved their clothes, some firkins of butter and lard which floated on shore, and two puncheons of rum, besides two pieces of cloth and some other small articles. The deponent capt. Bourne, came round to town, and on the 6th noted protest."
October 3.—A letter from a gentleman at Natchez, dated August 15, says—"The whole province of Louisiana, from the Balize to Nachitoches, Apelusa,
&c. are nearly in a state of rebellion; they are dissatisfied with the present mode of government, and declare they will be a state, enact laws for themselves, appoint their own governor, &c."
Translated for the Baltimore Telegraph.
NOMINATION OF THE EMPEROR OF HAYTI, JEAN JACQUES DESSALINES.
We, generals of the army of Hayti, anxious to consecrate, by authentic act, the wishes of our hearts, and the dispositions so strongly expressed by the people of Hayti:
Persuaded that the supreme power needs no division, and that the interest of the country demands that the supreme power should be entrusted to his hands who has united the confidence, the affection and love of his fellow-citizens:
Well convinced, by cruel experience and the history of nations, that a nation can only be suitably governed by an individual, and that he merits that distinction who has to consolidate the edifice of our independence and liberty:
Considering their long series of misfortunes and vicissitudes, they have determined to assure the guarantee and safety of their citizens in a manner immutable and unchangeable; and that the surest means of attaining this object is to decree to that chief who is alone capable of governing and representing with dignity a nation, a title august and sacred, which concentrates in him the power of the state, and which reposes in him the pledges of internal and external tranquility.
Considering that the title of governor-general, hitherto conferred on citizen J. J. Dessalines, does not sufficiently fulfil the general wish, inasmuch as it supposes a secondary power, dependant on a foreign authority, to whose yoke we have always been subservient.
Without longer submitting to the frequent and obstinate refusal of citizen J. J. Dessalines, to accept a power which the people and the army have delegated to him from the first epoch of the proclamation of our independence—and since this refusal is contrary to the interests, the wishes and the prosperity of the country—We decree to the aforesaid citizen J. J. Dessalines the title of Emperor of Hayti, and the right of choosing and sprinting his successor. Desirous that this free expression of our hearts, already realised only by the people, should be offered with as little delay as possible for his sanction.
Done at Port-au-Prince, 25th January, 1804, and first year of the independence of Hayti.
(Signed)
VERNEX, Minister of Finance. CLERVEAUX, Commanding the Division of the North. CHRISTOPHE, Do. do. South. PETION, Do. do. South. GEBARD, Do. do. South. GEEFFARD, Do. do. South.
15 Generals of Brigade and Counsellors of State and 200 Generals of distinguished rank, &c.
February 15, first year of the independence of Hayti.
The governor-general of Hayti, to the generals of the army and civil and military authorities: Citizens.
If any consideration can justify in my eyes, the august title which your confidence has conferred on me, it is only my unutterable zeal in watching over the safety of the empire, and my wishes to consolidate our enterprise. Let us not efface from our minds those strong remembrances which our recent misfortunes have imprinted on our hearts. They will be powerful preservatives against the surprise of our enemies, and we will fortify ourselves against every idea of indulgence with regard to them. If the milder passions place men in mediocrity, half measures arrest the rapid march of revolutions.
Since, then, you have judged it the interest of the state, that I should accept the rank to which you would elevate me, by imposing on me a new burthen, I contract no new obligation towards my country. I have long since made all sacrifices; but I feel that a higher, more sacred duty unites me to her destiny—I feel, I say, that I ought rapidly to conduct our enterprise to its determined object, and by I was wise and suited to our manners, suffer every citizen to enjoy individual liberty, without injury to the rights of others, or without offending that authority which watches over our general happiness.
In accepting this burthen, as weighty as honourable, I make myself accountable for all the evil or advantages which may result from my administration: But remember that it is during the most stormy season, you have given me the helm of the vessel of state—I am a soldier—war was always my profession, and whenever the barbarity or avarice of your enemies shall bring them on your shores, I will justify your choice, and fighting at your head I will prove that the title of your general shall be always honourable to me.
The illustrious rank to which you have elevated me teaches me that I am become the father of my fellow-citizens, whose defender I have been hitherto, but the father of a family of warriors should never lay down his sword, if he wishes to transmit to posterity his
It is to you, generals and soldiers, who will ascend after me to supreme power, that I address myself, happy in being enabled to transmit my authority to those who have poured their blood for their country. I renounce, yes I formally renounce, the unjust custom of transmitting my power to my family. I shall never respect ancestry, but when the talents requisite for a good governor are united in the subject. Frequently the head which is fired by the burning ardour of youth, contributes more effectually to the happiness of his country than the cool experience of age, which temporises at the moment when temerity alone should govern.
It is on these conditions that I am your emperor, and destruction to him who, elevated by the gratitude of a people, shall ascend the throne with other sentiments than those of the father of his family.
DESSALINES.
By the governor general. Adjutant general,
BOISROND TONNERRE.
FOREIGN ARTICLES.
LONDON, August 9.
The Courier de Londres contains a letter, dated Bareges, July 6, said to be written by Gen. Moreau to his brother, the member of the Tribunal. We make the following extract from it as somewhat curious, without however guaranteeing its authenticity:—"You do not know that before I left Paris I had an interview with M. Buonaparte. It was at the very moment I was getting into the carriage, that I was informed of his desire that I should be brought before him. He derogated somewhat from his imperial dignity in the reception he gave me. He was in his cabinet with his brother Louis standing near him; he advanced towards me as I entered, and gently bowing, "Gen. Moreau (said he), I was desirous to see you, that I might know before you quitted France, if you had any wish to express—any request to make of me? You cannot but be aware, that in all that has passed my heart must sometimes have suffered from the situation in which your imprudence had placed you, and where an imperious necessity had obliged me to leave you, that I might not interrupt the usual course of justice. But let us dwell
no longer on these melancholy circumstances. I thought it my duty to adopt precautionary measures, to prevent their recurrence; for you cannot but know that my life was sought after, a life which I have devoted to the happiness of France, and which is yet for some time necessary to its repose. I have pardoned much in the whole of this business; but I now declare that the moment for indulgence is gone by. Gen. Moreau, you love liberty; you love independence, and I do not imagine that I can have made a choice disagreeable to your inclination, in sending you to the United States. There you will behold a new people, not a degenerate nation like those that inhabit our ancient Europe. My ambition often sighed after the more useful than brilliant part in which Washington displayed such love of his country, such extent of political and military talents—but it was not in France that a similar part could safely be played—Factions had there too much ascendancy, and had produced too much agitation. In order not to be carried away by them, it was necessary to repress them with an arm of steel. I am very sensible that such a conduct but ill accords with the spirit of liberty; that it is necessary to restrain its march by something of arbitrary power; and that sometimes we must go so far as to violate principles, and even the established laws themselves; but in all that, it is easier to see the ascendancy of circumstances than that of ambition.—Alas! Gen. Moreau, I have not chosen the part I have to act; an inevitable destiny has cast it upon me: it is that detains me in it, and which compels me to wade through all that is glorious, and all that is painful at the same time. In so perplexing a situation, one is obliged to do many things contrary to one's inclination. You behold me a spoiled child of fortune—but she makes me pay dear for the favour she bestows. Gen. Moreau, the bed I lie on is not a bed of roses." As I was going to attempt an answer to this speech, a Russian courier was announced, which seemed greatly to agitate Buonaparte. "Gen. Moreau (said he, on leaving me,) tell my brother Louis whatever you have to say to me, he will not fail to acquaint me with it. I only requested permission to rest myself a few days at Bareges, and to that indulgence I owe the pleasure of now writing to you."
BOULOGNE, July 21.
The Emperor Napoleon arrived in our road at 7 o'clock yesterday morning. He went on board several of the vessels belonging to the flotilla.
July 22.—We had yesterday a very violent gale of wind at 11 o'clock. The Emperor immediately went down to the beach, and saved with his own hands, a number of unhappy persons, who were nigh being swallowed up by the waves. In the impetuosity of his zeal to afford succour to some poor wretches who were tossed up and down by the boisterous waves, he plunged into the sea, although a sailor apprised him of his danger. I trem le to inform you, that our beloved Sovereign had high fallen a victim to this glorious act of self devotion, but fortunately for France he was preserved from the danger. The soldiers and sailors were highly affected by the affair, indeed it may be said the friendly manner in which the Emperor remonstrated with the sailor who endeavoured to prevent him from plunging into the sea. The Emperor returned to head quarters at half past 4 in the morning, excessively fatigued. This day he visited every part of the shore to give the necessary orders. It is almost superfluous to mention, that the troops, both naval and military, executed them with alacrity.
FRANKFORT, July 17.
On the 14th inst. about eleven at night, his Swedish majesty arrived here unexpectedly from Carlsruhe. He had passed through Darmstadt incognito: and vested in prince Christian of Hesse Darmstadt, came hither to join him. His majesty's route to Bohemia will be by way of Prague, Teplitz, Carlsbad, &c. His majesty is accompanied by Baron Lagerhjelm, first cabinet secretary and chamberlain; the Queen remains at Carlsruhe.
ITALY July 8.
The Chevalier Acton, from Naples, has arrived at Palermo, where he has been received by the Governor lieutenant-general prince Count, with great distinction. The pension of the late minister is 10,000 ducats.
The French envoy at Florence, General Clarke, has given in his new credentials.
According to some accounts, an embargo had been laid on foreign ships in several of the harbours of the Black Sea.
GENOA, July 4.
The French minister Salicetti, is gone from this city to Paris.
In a Milan Journal is the follow article:—"According to the last accounts from Rome, the Pope has been applied to to furnish cardinal Fesch with the necessary full powers to crown, in his name, the emperor of the French."
Madame Buonaparte, the mother of the emperor Napoleon, is at present at Faseri, with her son Lucian Buonaparte.
From London Papers received at the Office of the Herald, by the brig Eliza , captain Malgard , arrived here on Tuesday, in 47 days from Jersey.
LONDON, August 13—18.
The political intelligence since our last is of but little importance. The most interesting subject, next to the invasion, is the rumoured combination of the continental powers against France. The king of Sweden, who obviously is as angry with Buonaparte as the emperor Alexander, has given his vote as duke of Pomerania, in the college of princes of the empire, respecting the affair of the duke d'Enghein. But the power of Sweden against France is nothing, and unless the great powers more immediately in the neighbourhood of the French territory, take part in the quarrel, the measures of the northern courts must be confined to expressions only. In the mean time other violations of the freedom of Germany are mentioned. Bremen, one of the Hanseatic towns, which had been ordered to afford Buonaparte a loan on the security of the revenues of the electorate of Hanover, and had refused, has been subjected to a blockade of extraordinary rigour; and it is even said, that military execution has at last been employed to enforce the sum demanded. If this be true, and if the members and guardians of the Germanick empire submit to this, it may surely be concluded that nothing will rouse them.
Private letters are said to have been received in town which mention, that some of Buonaparte's emissaries have been circulating a plan for the partition of the dominions of his Swedish majesty. According to this plan, Russia is to receive, as her share of the spoil, the Swedish part of the Grand Duchy of Finland, with five surrounding Districts; and Denmark is to obtain the remaining Districts; and his majesty of Sweden is forsooth to be indemnified for the loss of his dominions by a new kingdom, composed of some provinces of the Batavian Republic, together with the dominions belonging to Prussia along the German ocean as far as Bremen. The King of Prussia, for this large cession of his territories, is to get in return Hanover and Swedish Pomerania. Such is the strange partition of the territories of his Swedish majesty, which, according to the letters to which we allude, has produced a strong sensation in the North of Europe.
The reports of Paris are big with new conspiracies and proscriptions. The first objects of Fouche, on his recall to the administration of Police, is said to be the destruction of what Buonaparte calls the sanction of the Generals. If it is necessary to any views or designs of the Corsican, if he has any wish to gratify,
or any apprehensions to remove, and the charge of a conspiracy will effect his purpose, we have no doubt but it would be made, and carried into execution. It appears, however, to be generally believed, that the late Royal Chief, Count de Bourmont, who in January, 1800, made his peace with the Consular Government, and was afterwards confined in the citadel of Besançon, was some time last month removed to the Temple, on the accusation of being at the head of a conspiracy, in which the generals La Hoche, Macdonald, Sobam, Lecourbe, Salim, Bonneau, and other distinguished officers of the same rank, who fought under Pichegru and Moreau, are said to be implicated. It is also reported that the generals Reynier and Descolles, though in actual employ, are among those whom Buonaparte regards with an eye of suspicion. Various contradictory accounts are given respecting these generals; and among others it is said, that Fouche has proposed a voluntary exile to these generals, which they have all rejected except La Hoche, whose personal friendship for Moreau made it desirable for him to share his exile.
From the Hamburg mail , arrived this day.
Genoa, July 16.—By information from sea we learn, that the English have taken possession of the largest of the Hieres Islands, southward of Toulon, having there landed 1800 men, 18 pieces of cannon, and sick from the fleet, which in the neighbourhood of Toulon consists of 27 sail.
Strasburg, July 30.—We learn from Paris that M. D'Obril, the Russian Charge d'Affaires, has fixed 8th of August for his departure, having already received his passports from M. Durand, Minister ad interim for the foreign department. We are however assured from good authority, that no kind of apprehension of the disturbance of the tranquility of the continent need be entertained.
Leghorn, July 20.—Since the English men of war have been stationed near the Hieres, two frigates have cruized before Genoa, which, with the English sloops on the Genoese river, very sensibly injure the trade of that city.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Brig Albert, Webb, 26 days from Surinam, Sugar and Molasses, H. Almand.—Sept. 26, in lat. 23, 30, N. long. 66, w. spoke Schooner Eliza , of Baltimore, 13 days out for St. Domingo.—Oct. 6, lat. 35, 15, N. long. 75, w. spoke English armed brig Polly & Susan, Cromerty, from Jamaica, bound to Baltimore, 21 days out.—The Fanny Sewell, Owens, sailed for Trinidad 5th September.—Left the Schooner Mercury , Smith, to sail for this port in 14 days; brig Gobe, Williams, Philadelphia, 3 weeks; brig Mark & Mary, Jenkins, of New-York, just arrived from Cavenne.
The Schooner Syren , Matthews, from Alexandria, was run foul of in Hampton Roads, on Tuesday, by the brig Flora ; lost both anchors, and came up to port.
We have not heard of any damage done by the gale of Tuesday.
FOR BOSTON.
THE SCHOONER SYREN , JOHN MATTHEWS, Master. Will sail in 6 days. For freight or passage, apply to the Master on board, or to Phinehas Dana. October 11. 172
NORFOLK RACES.
Will commence on the 2d Monday in November. 1st day—A purse of 200 dollars, that never won a Purse or Sweepstake of more than 200 dollars, with 80lbs. on each, one mile heats, 40 dollars entrance, play or pay; the subscription to be kept open until the 25th instant. The colts intended to run, must be particularly described to the subscriber, as no exchange of wags will be allowed. 2d day—The Ladies Purse of 100 dollars, one mile heats, with catches, entrance 10 dollars. The horse that wins the first three heats, will be entitled to this purse. Ninety yards distance. 20 minutes allowed to rest. 3d day—A purse of 400 dollars, four mile heats, entrance 20 dollars, weight 100 lbs. on the aged Horse. 4th day—A Give-and-take Sweepstake, two mile heats, entrance 50 dollars. 5th day—A purse of 200 dollars, two mile heats, entrance 15 dollars, weight for age. 6th day—A Handicap Purse of 150 dollars, will be produced. The rules and regulations will be established on the 2d day's running. ** No boy will be allowed to ride unless dressed with a jockey cap, silk jacket and half boots—saddles and litter found for race horses gratis—Forage of all descriptions will be found at cost. Gentlemen who will run for the four mile heats at these races, and let the subscriber know of their coming 8 or 10 days before, their groom and boys shall have their board gratis. R. H. Cocke. October 9. 163
NORFOLK HOTEL.
THE Subscriber informs his friends and the publick, that he has opened an HOTEL in that convenient house formerly the NAVY TAVERN No. 123 Main-Street, where he hopes by his attention, to give satisfaction to those who may favour him with their company.
He will always keep the best liquors: and Private Parties will be furnished with Dinners, Suppers, or Relishes, at the shortest notice.
BOARDERS accommodated by the week, month, or year. Henry Benbridge. October 9. 170
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from Mr. Caleb Williamson, living in Princess Anne County, a Negro Man named JOE; about five feet nine or ten inches high; had on when he went away, a short blue jacket, and F. arriought trousers: he has lost one of his eyes by the discharge of a gun, but which one is not recollected. I expect he is lurking about Norfolk or Princess Anne, as I hear he intends going to the Northward. I will give the above reward to any person who will bring him to me; or Eight Dollars if secured in any jail, so that I get him again.
All masters of vessels, and others, are forewarned harbouring or employing said negro.
Hillary Parsons. Portsmouth, Oct. 9. 171
FISK AND STEARNS,
Have just received by the Schooner MARIA , from Boston,
IMPERIAL, } TEAS HYSON, } of the last importation. YOUNG HYSON, } HYSON SKIN, } 200 Boxes MOULD CANDLES. 40 do. DIPT do. 20 do. SPERMACETI do. 200 do. BROWN SOAP. 50 do. FRESH CHOCOLATE. 20 do. COTTON and WOOL CARDS. 15 do. HALF PINT TUMBLERS. 50 Barrels and 6 Hogheads N. E. RUM. 50 Bags ALLSPICE. 200 Reams WRAPPING PAPER. 60 Sides Red SOAL LEATHER. 40 I's NUTMEGS. 20 Half Barrels MEATS TONGUES. 100 GRIND-STONES.
ALSO ON HAND,
A general assortment of GROCERIES. October 6. 166
100 Pieces choice Russia Sheeting. For sale by
MOSES MYERS. Sept. 18. 144

FALL AND WINTER GOODS.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has received by the Brig Commerce , from LONDON , and Ship Brutus , from LIVERPOOL , A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF FALL AND WINTER GOODS , which he offers for sale, by Wholesale or Retail , on moderate terms. Richard Taylor. ALSO—A FEW BALES BEST TWILLED SACKING. Sept. 22. tf 150
FALL GOODS. WE are now landing from the Brig Commerce , from London , an extensive assortment of FALL GOODS , among which, are assorted packages, calculated for the West India market, entitled to drawback ; which will be sold at low advance, by Gilliat & Mackinder. August 21. tf 92
WE HAVE FOR SALE, 100 hhds. Richmond and Petersburg Tobacco. 300 barrels superfine Flour, fresh. 20 puncheons Jamaica and Windward Island Rum. 500 barrels Pork, in shipping order. 200 pieces Nankens , first quality. 50 barrels and half barrels Alexandria Crackers . A few cases of Noyeau , and two new Cables. C. & F. Whittle. July 17, 1804. tf 16
THIS DAY Will commence landing, on Newton's Wharf , the Cargo of the Swedish Brig NICANOR , E. LEVBERG , Master, from Gottenburg , CONSISTING OF A CHOICE ASSORTMENT OF SWEDISH IRON. NAIL RODS. RUSSIA & RAVENS DUCK. LINENS assorted, and A few Hogheads CLARET . For sale by Moses Myers. Sept. 15. tf 138
This day landing on Newton's wharf , from on board schooner Susan , N. S. Snow , master, from Jamaica , 79 Puncheons Jamaica RUM , 1 Hhd. MOLASSES , 33 Bbls. LIMES , for sale by MOSES MYERS. Sept. 13. tf 135
Mathematical Instruments, &c. Received by the Ship Suff. Jk. , Capt. Moore , from London , and for sale by LEVIN DORSEY; At the corner of Fayette and Wide-Water-Streets . ADAM'S Patent Globes, 12 inches diameter, with compasses in the bottom, very complete. Quadrants, black and red ebony, with single and double observation. Ditto—with tangent screws, 12 inches. Aeromattick Telescopes, for night and day, on the latest and most improved construction, in a portable size, with sliding sun-shade. Telescopes, of the common kind, for night and day observations, or for day only, of every description. Circumferenters, of the best qualities. Mariner's Compasses, in brass and wood. Pocket Compasses, in brass, of different sizes. Time Glasses—hour, half hour, &c., &c., &c. Gunter's Scales; Brass Dividers; &c. &c. Likewise the following Articles, FOR THE USE OF NAVIGATORS. Hamilton Moore's Epitome and Assistant. General Charts of the Coast of America , from Boston to Philadelphia . Ditto—Continued, with directions. Ditto— West Indies , and Demerary , with directions. Ditto— Windward Islands , with do. Ditto— Gulph of Florida , with do. Ditto— Windward Passage , with do. West-India Pilots , with directions. ALSO, A few tons of Baltimore Bar-Iron , assorted, by the ton or less quantity— Composition Bolts and Spikes—Bouches—Carriage wheel boxes , of all sizes—all which he will warrant good. N. B. All kinds of MATHEMATICAL INSTRUMENTS repaired, at the shortest notice. Orders for every species of Brass-Castings received and immediately executed at his foundry, and the work delivered as above. August 7. tf 58
LANDING On Town Point , out of the Brig Mary Louisa , from St Thomas , A Parcel of Choice SUGAR. In hogheads, tierces, and barrels, for sale—also, From on board the Brig Maria , Capt. HATTON , from BOURDEAUX . 48 Casks, } CLARET , of superior quality. 100 Pipes high proof BRANDY , which will be sold on liberal terms, by Robertson & Brown. Sept. 1. tf 114
FOR SALE, 12 Puncheons ANTIGUA RUM. 15 do. GRENADA do. 5 Pipes HOLLAND GIN. 20 do. COUNTRY do. 12 do. FRENCH BRANDY. 2 do. ALICANT do. 22 Qr. Casks SHERRY WINE. 10 do. do. MALAGA do. PORT and CLARET WINE , in casks & bottles. 6 Barrels PORK —and about 1000 Dozen PORTER , of my last winters flock, equal to any imported. Joseph Hayes. August 24. tf 96
WANTED IMMEDIATELY, A QUANTITY OF Red and White Oak Drawn Staves , for which cash will be given. ALSO, White and Pitch Pine Merchantable Boards. ROBERT MAITLAND & Co. Sept. 27. tf 157
FOR SALE, On board the Ship SHEFFIELD , at WILCOX'S Wharf , 1400 BUILDING STONES , hard and of a superior quality. Apply to Josiah Cowper. Sept. 22. tf 151
FOR SALE, A choice parcel of Grenada RUM , now landing from on board the Brig Regulator . For terms apply to John Brown , Rothery's Wharf. August 9. tf 65
BILLS ON PHILADELPHIA. Apply to C. & F. Whittle. July 24. 38
New Grocery Store. THE SUBSCRIBERS, HAVE to inform the publick, that they have opened a GROCERY STORE , in Wolf Street , leading from Catherine Street , to the New-Bank —where every article in that line, of the best quality, will be sold on very reasonable terms. Some excellent CLARET , at $4 1/2 per dozen. G. Domezio & Co. N. B. Families may be supplied in any quantity, with the best Bourbon Coffee , fresh ROASTED , every morning. The mode of roasting preserves the essence of the Coffee, and, in consequence, it will be found to drink greatly superior to that roasted in the manner generally adopted in this place. August 25. tf 103
COLOGNE MILL-STONES. THE SUBSCRIBERS HAVE COLOGNE MILL-STONES , of all dimensions, from Hand-Mill-Stones of 22 inches, to those of 4 feet 8 inches, of the best quality.—Also, BAR and ROD IRON , and STEEL , of all kinds. Jesse Hollingsworth & Son. Baltimore, Aug. 15. tf 77
FOR SALE—A BARGAIN. THE SUBSCRIBER, WISHING TO DECLINE THE RETAIL BUSINESS, OFFERS FOR SALE, HIS WHOLE STOCK IN TRADE, AMOUNTING TO ABOUT $20,000. CONSISTING OF DRY GOODS , Cutlery, Hardware, Calfskins, Nails of all sizes, and a number of other articles.—The whole will be sold on very low terms, and a liberal credit will be allowed, on bond with approved security.—Also, the balance of the lease of his Store, equal to any stand in Norfolk , if required. Property in the Borough of Norfolk , or Lands in the neighboring counties, Publick Securities , &c. will be taken in exchange. For further particulars, apply to James Tucker. Who has for sale, on very low terms, A VALUABLE TRACT OF LAND , on the South Branch of the Potomack . August 23. tf 97
OILS, PAINTS & WINDOW GLASS, Of all kinds, colours, and sizes. For sale by N. Gregory , opposite the Market. An ASSISTANT wanted—also, an active YOUTH to be employed in the store.—Liberal wages will be given to Two ABLE HANDS , to turn a Paint Mill . July 8. tf 3
Wanted to hire by the year, An active Negro or Mulatto Man , who has a good character for sobriety, docility, and attention. Enquire at the office of the Ledger .
TO RENT, And immediate possession given, A COMMODOIOUS BACK DWELLING-HOUSE , at present occupied by Mrs. Hume , and formerly known under the name of the Navy Tavern . The premises are very commodious, and well adapted for a Tavern or extensive Boarding-House , being very eligibly situated on Mainstreet , in the centre of business. The terms to a good tenant or lease, will be made extremely favourable, or it will be rented by the year on equitable terms. Apply to William Dick. July 17. tf 11
FOR SALE, 500 Barrels first quality Navy Bread . 200 do. Pilot , do. 200 do. Ship , do. 500 Quarter Barrels Crackers , fresh and of a superior quality. All of which will be sold on liberal terms. Stephen Harris. July 17. tf. 8
FOR SALE, A COMMODOIOUS Three Story Warehouse , on Marsden's Wharf . A reasonable credit will be given to the purchaser if required. For terms apply to James Callis. August 11. tf 67
SLATE. I HAVE NOW ON HAND AND FOR SALE, A LARGE quantity of SLATE , (which is said by good judges to be equal to any,) and will contract for any quantity, to be delivered in a short time. William Hartshorne, jun. August 18. tf 79
Office of Discount and Deposit, Norfolk, July 24, 1804. WANTED TO PURCHASE, A few thousand Pounds Sterling , in approved endorsed Bills on London , at sixty days, or bills drawn on any other place, and made payable there. Robert Oliphant, Cashier. July 24. 36
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the estate of JOHN C. BARRET , late of Norfolk , deceased, will be pleased to present them, legally authenticated, to Mr. William Hartshorne, junior , of that place; and those indebted, will be good enough to make payment forthwith, to the same person, who is fully authorised by D. M. Randolph. Agent for C. Barret , Heir at Law of the dec'd. Richmond, July 23, 1804. tf 41
NOW LANDING ON NEWTON'S WHARF, From on board the Ship DART , Captain Peck , from Cadiz , 300 Qr. Casks SHERRY WINE , of superior quality, and 2000 Buhsels SALT . For sale by Richard Bowden & Co. August 9. tf 60
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the estate of LOUIS L'ORIENT , deceased, are desired to bring them in properly attested to William Vaughan, Adm'or. August 21. tf 90
NOW LANDING From on board the Brig Maria , Robert Hutton , master, from Bourdeaux , 30 Pipes Old COGNAC BRANDY , fit for immediate use. 211 Hhds. CLARET , fit for the West India Market. 100 Casks, do. do. 50 do. Vin de Grave . 500 DEMIJOHNS . 2 Trunks of Silk Stockings , Silk and Kid Gloves and Fans . For sale by William Pennock. Sept. 1 tf 115
General Alexander Hamilton. R. FOLWELL, INFORMS the friends and admirers of the late Alexander Hamilton , that he has made arrangements to publish an elegant engraving of that gentleman, from an improved likeness. That he has employed one of the best artists, who has already given to the publick many specimens, acknowledged to be equal in execution to the works of the best English engravers, and are faithful to the original. The price to those gentlemen who wish to subscribe will be four dollars per sheet, eight dollars elegantly framed and glazed. The first thirty plates will be considered as proof plates, and sold at six dollars in sheets, or ten dollars framed. The size will be 16 by 12 inches clear of the frame. The engravings will be given from the press in rotation according to the priority of subscription. Subscription received at the Office of the PUBLICK LEDGER . Philadelphia, July 23. tf 72
JUST RECEIVED, By the ship Roba & Betsey , Capt. Richardson , from London , and for sale by the Subscribers, A LARGE SUPPLY OF DRUGS AND MEDICINES , of all kinds. Patent Medicines, Perfumery, &c. &c. Also received by the ship Almira , Capt. Stover , A LARGE ASSORTMENT OF SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS , Consisting of Amputating, Trepanning, Cupping, Midwifery, Tooth of different sorts, Crown and Common Lancets, and Surgical Pocket Instruments, &c. &c.
HARDHAM'S SNUFF, No. 9. Also, by the ship Olive Branch , Capt. Le Breton , from Bristol , A LARGE & EXTENSIVE ASSORTMENT OF GLASS & FURNITURE , For Apothecary's and Practitioner's Shops. Those who favor us with their orders will be supplied on the most reasonable terms, and the articles of the best and freshest quality, as our importations are regularly twice a year, and laid in with cash, from the most respectable Druggists in London . MEDICINE CHESTS made up as usual. Also, a few elegant Mahogany Chests of the newest construction, with furniture complete. PERRY'S ANTI-BILIOUS PILLS. Frederick Heermann & Son. July 17. 2aw 12m. 1
INSURANCE AGAINST FIRE. Phenix Fire Office, London, May 1, 1804. THE numerous and destructive Fires which have happened within the period of the two last years, in different parts of Europe and America , (more particularly in the towns of Liverpool in England , Gothenburg in Sweden , and Norfolk in Virginia ) render it proper to remind all persons who possess property in the United States of America , of the utility of insurance.
The Phoenix Office of London , is an institution sufficiently known by the very large and important losses it has paid, in consequence of the extensive conflagrations in the cities and towns of America to such sufferers as have had the prudence to protect their property, by insurance.—The Phoenix Company deeply regret that, owing to the experience of serious and continued losses, upon the buildings and stores in the timber towns, no alteration nor remission on such risks can be made at present—but the Directors hope, from the increase of brick and stone buildings, and other improvements of security, that the period is not far distant, when they will be able generally, to mitigate the rates of insurance in North America ; and they confidently presume that the promptitude and honour with which they have uniformly fulfilled their extensive engagements, have unequivocally established the solidity, credit and good faith, of the Company. The Phoenix Company grant insurances upon buildings, goods, and ships, whilst in dock or in harbour, from loss or damage by fire, upon the most moderate and equitable terms; and persons desirous of securing their property by policies from this company, are requested to transmit their orders to their correspondents in Great Britain . July 31. 48
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RUNAWAY from the Subscriber in the City of London , some time in the month of May , 1799, a mulatto slave, named HENRY , at that time aged about 18 years, and was about five feet ten inches high; he is probably now upwards of 6 feet. Henry was a remarkable handsome mulatto, and had a fine countenance; his hair rather of the wool kind, but tied in a short queue.—He called himself Henry Brent , which name he had put on one of his arms with Indian Ink , either Henry Brent or H. Brent . I do not recollect which; he had also on the same arm an anchor and cable, and some other figures, done by a sailor on a voyage to the East Indies in the year 1797.—It is very probable attempts have been made to erase the name and figures above described, but it could not have been done without leaving some traces and scars. I have just received information that Henry was seen in Norfolk on the 16th of last month, where I am inclined to think he has been lurking for some time—I will give the above reward to any person who will deliver said slave to me, at Col. John Cooke's , Stafford county , near Aquia , or fifty dollars if secured in any jail so that I get him again—Information given in a letter per post, directed to me at Col. John Cooke's , near Aquia , will be immediately attended to. John W. Bronaugh. N. B. I am told the above slave is known in Norfolk at this time by the name of Puddy or Purdy . July 17. tf 15
LANDING THIS DAY ON WARREN'S WHARF, 113 Tierces RICE . 100 Hogheads SUGAR . 10 do. MOLASSES . For Sale by Warren Ashley. August 2. tf 53
FOR SALE, New-York BEEF and PORK. ALSO, 200 barrels Smithfield PORK. Robert Gibson. July 17, 1804. tf 17
FRESH TEAS. Just received and for sale by the Subscribers, IMPERIAL, HYSON, YOUNG HYSON, } TEAS, Of a very late importation, and of a superior quality. ALSO—IN STORE, 15 Hhds. Prime Sugars . 10 Pipes French Brandy . 100 Casks Nails —all sizes. 10 Hhds. Prime Green Coffee . 10 ditto Molasses . 50 Barrels Whiskey . 200 Bags Shot , No. 1 to 8, B. & B. 50 Casks best English Gunpowder . 50 Boxes 8 by 16 best Crown Glass . 50 Kegs White Lead , ground in Oil. 30 Boxes Pipes . 20 Casks Copperas . 5 ditto Refined Salt Petre . 10 Boxes Wool Cards . 10 ditto Spermaceti Candles . 50 Bundles Printing Paper . 100 Ream Writing ditto . 20 Bags Black Pepper . 30 Boxes Dixon's best Mustard . 500 lbs. Race Ginger . 50 Barrels Beef & Pork — Boston Inspection . A few Tons Iron Ware —assorted. ALSO, A small consignment of HARDWARE —assorted. Which will be sold at Cost and Charges. Fisk & Stearns. July 2. tf 2
FOR SALE, 1350 Barrels Superfine and Fine Flour . 900 do. Pork , in shipping order. 60 do. Beef , No. 1 & 2. 50 Puncheons Grenada Rum . 6 Boxes London particular Madeira Wine . 26 Hhds. Richmond Tobacco . 44 do. Petersburg do. Tar and Turpentine . Pilot and Ship Bread . A few Trunks Irish Linens . A Trunk Gingham . Apply to Donaldson, Thorburn & Co. July 17. tf 7
Will be landed this day on Newton's Wharf , from on board the Schooner Ann Eliza , Capt. Small , from Axe-Cayes , 75,000 wt. GREEN COFFEE . For sale by Wilson, Cunningham & Co. August 21. tf 86
FOR SALE, 50 Bags—5000 wt. PEPPER , entitled to drawback. 31 Barrels SHIP BREAD . 20 do. No. 1 BEEF , Boston inspection . 21 do. Virginia do. Phinehas Dana. August 25. tf 102
FOR SALE, 33 Hhds. Sugar . 20 do. Demerary Rum . 7 do. Antigua do. 20,000 Green Coffee . 150 Barrels Alexandria Superfine Flour . 50 do. Pork , superior quality. 4,000 lbs. Lard . A quantity of Bacon Hams —and A few Tons Bar Iron . John Macgowan , Marsden's Wharf. July 21. 30.
FOR SALE, 70 Hhds. Petersburg Tobacco . 10 Puncheons old Jamaica Rum . 50 Hhds. } Muscovada Sugar . 40 Tierces } 20 Barrels } 5 Hhds. Loaf Sugar . 15 Tierces Hibbert's Brown Stout . 17 Boxes, } Philadelphia Ale in Bot's . 11 Barrels, } Glassware, Window Glass & Empty Bottles . 2 Boxes Hats . 8d. 10d. 12d. & 20d. Nails , Sheathing Nails & Spikes. 50 Bags Juniper Berries . A. Maclure. July 28. tf 45
We are this day landing on our wharf, from on board the Brig Schooner Sprightly , from Kingston , 12 Hogheads, } PRIME SUGARS ; 4 Barrels, } 23 Tierces, } FIRST QUALITY COFFEE . 38 Barrels, } 13 Barrels CASTOR OIL . 50 Bags GINGER . 2 Tons EBONY WOOD . 10 Barrels of LIMES . All of which we will dispose of on liberal terms. C. & F. Whittle. July 31. 50
Now Landing on Warren's Wharf , A CHOICE PARCEL OF Old particular Madeira WINES , in Pipes, Hhds. and Quarter Casks—ALSO, a few barrels of WALNUTS , from on board the Brig Ann Elizabeth , from Madeira —which will be sold on low terms if applied for in a few days. John Brown , Rothery's Wharf. August 14. tf 74
SUBSCRIPTIONS Will be received at the Office of the Ledger , FOR THE MONTHLY REGISTER AND REVIEW OF THE UNITED STATES , to be published at Charleston, S. C. By S. CULLEN CARPENTER . Price Six Dollars per annum, payable half yearly in advance. August 14.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED, Tuesdays, Thursdays, & Saturdays , BY JOHN COWPER & GEORGE L. GRAT. OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE-HOUSE. Price Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.