Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1809-03-08 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER.  SINT HIC ETIAM SUA PREMIA LAUDIS
[VOL. V.
WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 8, 1809.
NO. 94.]
THE SHIP WILLIAM P. JOHNSON, Peter Le Breton, master, burthen 400 hogsheads tobacco, is offered for Charter. Apply on board, or to
Christopher Fry. 3 March 6.
FOR SALE, A fine new Pilot-Boat SCHOONER, of 100 tons burthen, will finish rigging in a few days.
ALSO, The HULL and SPARS, of one about the same size, of similar construction.
ALSO, A full built SCHOONER, of 125 tons, or 1100 barrels; the above vessels now lying at Gorham's wharf.
ALSO, A New Pilot Boat SCHOONER, of 120 tons burthen, now on the stocks, will be launched in a week.
ALSO, A VESSEL, of 240 tons, of very superior materials and construction, building in Mathews, and can be launched in three weeks. For terms apply to
Wilson & Cunningham. tf March 6.
WANTED, A small fast sailing VESSEL, of from 4 to 600 barrels burthen.
C. & F. Whittle. 1 March 6.
FOR CHARTER, The good copper bottomed Ship AMERICA, Isaac Stone, master, burthen 380 hogsheads.
The Brig MARY PIKE, Capt. James Meyer, about 240 hogsheads burthen, a fine vessel, now on her first voyage.
And for SALE or CHARTER, the fast sailing copper bottomed Schooner MOHAWK, 900 barrels burthen, all ready to receive cargoes. Apply to the respective captains, or to
Christopher Fry. 3 March 3.
FOR CHARTER, The Ship CLEOPATRA, John Johnson, master, burthen 376 tons, and will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. This Ship is almost new and remarkably well built—Apply to the master on board, or the subscriber,
William Pennock. Who has still unengaged, The Ships Jane, Industry, and Courtney. And offers for Sale.
10,000 cubick feet of Pitch PINE Savannah TIMBER, 25 to 35 feet long, and 12 to 13 inches square, 50,000 Rough Hogshead STAVES, 17,000 Drawn Pipe do 10 Casks HOOKS and THIMBLES, 16 Hogsheads very fine Old TOBACCO, and 93 Boxes Castle SOAP. March 5. tf
The Sloop PHŒBE, Joseph Kelly, master, burthen 550 barrels, a good vessel and fast sailer, would take a freight if offered soon. Apply to the master on board, or to
Christopher Fry. 3 March 3.
FOR NEW ORLEANS, The Brig Louisiana Packet, O. Wheelock, master, will sail in 10 or 15 days—For freight or passage (having excellent accommodations,) apply to
JENNINGS & RODDEY. tf February 27.
For Sale, or Freight to New-York, The fine new Pilot-built Brig PATRIOT, Richard Pitt, Master, burthen about 180 tons, now ready to receive a cargo. For terms apply to
Wilson & Cunningham. tf February 23.
FOR SALE, The Schooner LYDIA, Burthen about 1000 barrels, and
The Brig NANCY, Burthen from 1300 to 1400 barrels. Both of those vessels are well found; the former now ready to receive a cargo, and the latter will be so in all this week.
JAMES YOUNG. tf February 23.
For Sale or Charter, The fast sailing brig ANN ELIZABETH, burthen about thirteen hundred barrels, in complete order for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to
John Brown, Marsden's Wharf. tf Feb. 20.
FOR CHARTER, The good Ship PLANTER, Richard Beard, master, burthen 800 tons, or 400 hogsheads tobacco, now in complete order, and may commence loading if required. Apply to
Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. 6t February 20.
FOR CHARTER, The Ship ANNAWAN, Edward M. Donaldson, master, burthen 300 tons, manned and ready for the reception of a cargo. Apply to
MOSES MYERS. tf Who has for Sale,
9000 bushels INDIAN CORN. February 20. tf
We will dispose of the CARGO of the American Ship Jane, consisting of
Prime Tobacco; Tobacco Stems; and Upland Cotton—And Charter the said SHIP on liberal terms.
C. & F. WHITTLE. tf Who offer for Sale,
Richmond and Petersburg TOBACCO, of superior quality, carefully selected, 27, 00 feet MAHOGANY, 6000 bushels coarse SALT, suitable for the fisheries.
The Ship ELIZA, burthen 420 hogsheads Tobacco, is offered for Charter. February 15. tf
FOR NEW ORLEANS, The American Ship ELIZABETH, 300 tons burthen, Timothy Tufts, Master, in complete order, will be ready to depart the 25th inst. For freight or passage apply to the captain on board, or to
C. & F. Whittle, Who are Landing per Gould's packet, a parcel of  Choice Baltimore WHISKEY.
NEGROES will be taken in the above vessel at a moderate freight. an 4.
The CARGO of the Portuguese Ship Amelia, Capt. Wm. G. Nunes, from the Isle of May, consisting of
Loose SALT; 800 Goat SKINS, 300 Brazil HIDES; 35 Cape de Verd Island do. 5 pipes London particular Madeira WINE, in hogsheads and quarter casks, Fresh WALNUTS in barrels. For Sale by
Oliveira, Fernandes, & Co. 3 March 6.
500 ton Blown SALT, 100 crates EARTHENWARE, 1 trunk Cotton GOODS, being the cargo of the British ship Aurora, just arrived from Liverpool—For Sale on liberal terms by
C. & F. Whittle. tf March 6.
BANK NOTES LOST.
R. No. 803, U. S. Office Discount and Deposit, Norfolk, payable to Robert Taylor, President, or bearer, and dated 7th October, 1808, for dollars. 100 S. 842, ditto 7th October, 1808, for 100 G. 901, ditto 6th January, 1804, for 50
Dollars 250 I do certify that the Notes mentioned in the foregoing list, were on the 6th instant enclosed by Mr. Warner L. Wormeley, under cover, sealed with the initials W. L. W. on red wax, and directed to "Doctor Elisha Hall, Fredericksburg," that the letter was put into the package for Fredericksburg, which was made up the evening night; but the mail not arriving, the bundle (at Mr. Wormeley's request) remained untied till morning, when the package was tied and put into the postman's bag, which was, in the presence of Mr. Wormeley, locked and delivered to the carrier. John Chew, P. M.
URBANNA, 26th February, 1809. Middlesex, ss. JOHN CHEW, this day made oath before me, a magistrate for said county, to the truth of the above certificate, in due form. Given under my hand the 3d March, 1809. Henry Heffernan.
Any person to whom the above Notes, or any of them may be offered, is requested to stop them, and give information to Mr. Warner L. Wormeley, of Urbanna; Dr. Elisha Hall, of Fredericksburg, or
Warren Ashley. tf March 6.
Landing on Commerce-Street wharf, from on board the British Brig Point Shares, from Havana, 239 boxes SUGARS,
87 hogsheads ) Prime Muscovado Sugar, 14 barrels ) 112 bags GREEN COFFEE—For Sale by Moses Myers. tf March 3.
Received per Schooner Combine, 500 Groce BUTTONS, assorted. Superfine BLUE CLOTHS, Factory COTTON, Playing Cards (best,) do. common. Spermaceti OIL for lamps— Also,
Ladies' Morocco TIES and SLIPPERS, first quality, &c.
For Sale by E. Sturtevant, No. 77, Main-Street. 3t March 3.
NOTICE.
As I am obliged, by the low state of my health, to decline carrying on business, I will sell my STOCK on hand, consisting of SALEABLE GROCERIES, which will be an object worthy the attention of any person wishing to commence the Grocery Business, as I am inclined to sell the whole on reasonable terms.
The purchaser may also obtain the Store now occupied by me, on a reasonable rent from Mr. John McPhail, which is well calculated for extensive business, being fitted for a Store and Dwelling-House, and inferior to no stand in the place.
I earnestly request those indebted to me to settle their accounts as soon as possible, so as to enable me to discharge my debts.
ANGUS MARTIN. tf February 23.
Mr. BAYARD'S SPEECH.
Upon his motion to amend the resolution offered by Mr. Giles, by striking out that part which is in italics; delivered in the Senate of the United States, Tuesday, February 14, 1809.
Mr. GILES'S MOTION.
"Resolved, That the several laws laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, be repealed on the 4th day of March next, except as to Great-Britain and France and their dependencies; and that provision be made by law for prohibiting all commercial intercourse with those nations and their dependencies, and the importation of any article into the United States, the growth, produce or manufacture of either of the said nations, or of the dominions of either of them."
It will be perceived, Mr. President, by the motion which I have made to amend the resolution, offered by the honourable gentleman from Virginia, that I do not approve of the course which it seems the government have determined at length to pursue. The honourable gentleman has told us, it is not his plan, and I give him credit for the fairness and candour with which he has avowed the measures to which he would have resorted. He would have raised the embargo and declared war against England. Being opposed in this scheme, by a majority of his friends, his next proposition was to issue letters of marque and reprisal; finding, however, that the other house had refused to go even so far, he had on the principle of concession and conciliation with his friends, agreed to take the course proposed in the resolution, in hopes that our vessels, going upon the ocean and being captured under the orders in council, would drag the nation into a war: when he presumed the war being made upon us, we would agree to fight our enemy. Sir, it is upon this very ground, and considering this as its object, that I am opposed to the resolution. England is not our enemy, nor does a necessity exist to make her so. I am not going to deny that we have many and heavy complaints to make against her conduct, nor shall I contend that causes do not exist which might justify a war; but I mean to say, that policy forbids the measure, and that honour does not require it.
The gentleman has painted in very glowing colours, the wrongs and insults which we have suffered from British violence; he has recorded in his catalogue the offensive acts of British agents, as well as the injudicious pretensions and orders of the government. I mean not to defend, nor even palliate any aggression, publick or private, against the right or honour of our country; but, sir, I cannot conceal my surprise, that this gentleman, so much alive to British wrongs, should be insensible to every thing which we have suffered from France. The gentleman has exhausted the language of terms of invective and reproach against the British government and nation, but he has been silent as the grave, as to the French. How can it be, that what is wrong in Britain, is right in France? And wherefore is it, that the same acts of France are borne with patience, which proceeding from Britain, excite such a spirit of indignation. You have the orders of council to complain of, but have you not the decrees of his Imperial Majesty? We are told that the orders in council give us laws, regulate our commerce, and degrade us to the state of colonies; but do they contain more, or do they extend as far as the Imperial decrees? Do they make us more the colonies of Britain than the decrees make us the colonies of France? And are we to invoke the spirit of liberty and patriotism to a resistance to Britain, while we are tamely yielding ourselves to French bondage? We are told of our vessels being forced into British ports and compelled to pay tribute; but nothing is said of their being invited into French harbours, and then seized and confiscated.
With all the complaints against the British orders, and the silence as to French decrees, ought we not to be surprised in discovering that the orders are exceeded in severity and injustice by the decrees? Let it be remembered, that this system of outrage upon neutral rights originated on the part of France in the Berlin decree—that decree in effect, forbids neutrals to trade with England or her colonies, or to purchase, or to carry their manufactures or their produce. On commencing this system, France justified its principle, and thus compelled her adversary to retaliate by acts of the same injustice against neutrals who submitted to it. Tell me which we have first and most to blame, the one who set the example, or him who followed it?
It is a consideration also of great weight, that at the time when the Berlin decree issued, France was bound to the United States, by a solemn treaty to permit the trade which that decree prohibits—a treaty, signed by Buonaparte himself, and expressly providing for the freedom and security of our commerce with his enemy, in the event of war: and if the orders in council are a violation of the law of nations, they are not, like the French decrees, a breach of plighted faith. The orders leave to us the direct colonial trade. Our intercourse is not interrupted with the colonies and dependencies of France; but the decrees interdict all neutral commerce with the colonies and dependencies of England, as well as with the mother country. Your very ships which enter an English port, are denationalized, and are liable, after the lapse of any time, though performing a voyage otherwise innocent, to seizure and confiscation.
Another feature of injustice and iniquity distinguishes the decrees from the orders. By the orders, our merchants are apprised of the commerce which is interdicted. Full time for notice of the prohibition is allowed, before the property is exposed, by a transgression of the orders, to be confiscated or seized. No such forbearance can be discovered in the decrees, which are to be indiscriminately executed upon the innocent and the guilty; upon those who never heard, or could have heard of them, in the same manner as upon those who knowingly violate them.
I hope, sir, it will not be understood, that I mean to defend the orders in council, or to advise this nation to submit to them; but I could wish to direct some portion of the warmth and indignation, which has been expressed against them, against those decrees which produced them, and which exceed them in iniquity and outrage.
The avowed object of the honourable gentleman from Virginia, is a war with England. On this subject, I make but one question—is it possible to avoid it with honour?
If this possibility exists, the war ought to be avoided. And it is my opinion that it does exist. To this opinion I am, in a great degree, led by a want of confidence in the sincerity of the disposition of our executive to settle our differences with Great-Britain. Your measures have not been impartial as to the belligerents, and your negotiations have not been sincere as to England. The gentleman from Virginia has hauled this charge of insincerity, a miserable vision. I believe, sir, it is a miserable and melancholy fact—and if you will have patience with me, I will furnish proof enough to support the belief of the most incredulous.
I mean to shew that your government has had it in its power to secure peace with Britain, by the settlement of the differences between the two nations, and that the means have not only been neglected, but means employed to prevent such a settlement from taking place.
It will be necessary for us to consider what those differences were.
 1st. The rule, as it is called, of the war of 1756.  2d. Constructive blockades.  3d. Impressment of seamen on board of American merchant vessels. 
I do not mean to say, that there are no other causes of complaint arising from the indiscretions and insolence of British commanders; but they had not the character of national differences, and would probably have soon ceased and been forgotten, if the points of controversy between the governments had been amicably arranged. To settle the differences which I have stated, a negotiation was opened in London in 1803, and carried on till December 1806. It is remarkable, that while this negotiation was depending and progressing, our government had recourse to a step in its more calculated to repel, instead of to invite the British government to a friendly settlement. In April, 1806, they pass a law prohibiting the importation of certain British goods.—The acknowledged object of this law was to coerce Britain to agree to our own terms. Did this law evidence a disposition to be friendly upon our part, or was it calculated to inspire a friendly temper on the part of England.
It was fuel to the flame of discord. The British government is not less high spirited and proud than our own, and the attempt to force them to terms was the likeliest course which could have been pursued, by providing retaliation to widen the breach between the two countries.
This measure enforced, when negotiation was going on, and promised a favourable result, is no small proof in my mind that the executive was satisfied with the forms of negotiation, but wanted no treaty with England.
I proceed to enquire whether our differences with Britain were not of a nature to be compromised; and if our government had been sincerely disposed, whether they might not have retained the relations of amity with that power.
First, as to the rule of 1756. This rule was founded on the principle that a neutral nation could not acquire a right to trade by the cession of one belligerent in time of war, which did not exist, but was withheld in time of peace. The rule was supported on the principle that a neutral could not come in aid of a belligerent and cover its property on the ocean, when it was incapable of protecting itself.
I am not going to defend this rule, nor to enquire into its origin. Thus much I will say, that if it was the British rule of 1756, it was the express rule of the French maritime code in the years 1704 and 1744. I will not trouble you with reading the decrees of the French monarchs which I have on the table, made in the years mentioned, and which prohibit to neutrals any but a direct trade to the colony of an enemy. Though the rule of 1756 may not be an ancient rule, yet we must admit that it was a new rule introduced in the present war and contrived to run or injure the American commerce.
France was unable to trade with her colonies; the United States becomes her carriers, and under our flag the manufactures of the mother country were safely carried to the colonies and the produce of the colonies transported to Europe. This trade was certainly as beneficial to France as profitable to the United States. Britain only was the sufferer, and the rule of 1756 was revived in order to take from French commerce the protection of a neutral flag. Our government were certainly right in claiming the free enjoyment of this profitable trade, but the only question is whether the neutral and belligerent pretensions did not admit of adjustment by each side making an equal concession of points of interests.
The treaty of 1806, which the president rejected, fairly compromised the dispute on this subject. The 11th art. of that treaty secured to the United States the carrying trade of France and her colonies, subject to terms somewhat inconvenient to the merchant, but rendering it not less beneficial to the nation. The treaty requires that goods exported from France or her colonies in American vessels shall be entered and landed in the United States; and when exported from France through the United States to her colonies; shall be liable to a duty of one per cent. and from the colonies to France of two per cent. to be paid into our own treasury. This regulation of benefit to the government by the duty which it gave to it, was of little prejudice to the trade, and there is no room to doubt that the trade, thus secured from the spoliation to which it was subject, would have flourished beyond its former limits.
Our differences, therefore as to the carrying trade so much harassed by the British rule of 1756, were not only admitted of compromise, but was actually settled by an arrangement in the treaty of 1806, with which the nation would have been perfectly satisfied.
The second head of dispute regards the practice of constructive blockade. The complaint on this subject was, that blockades were formed by proclamations, and that neutrals were compelled to consider ports as blockaded before which no force was stationed. That the principle of blockades was extended to unwarrantable limits, is most certainly true, and there is no question as to our having just cause to complain of the vexatious interruptions to which it exposed our trade. The present war between France and England is without a parallel between civilized nations; it is not a struggle for reversion for ordinary conquest, but on the part of Britain for her independence and existence. Principles of neutrality or of right have been little regarded upon the land or upon the ocean; and the question with the belligerents has been less what the law of nations permitted them to do, than what their strength enabled them to accomplish. It is unlawful for a new

tral to attempt to enter a blockaded port—but a port cannot be considered as blockaded unless a force adequate to the end is stationed before it. The blockades, therefore, which England created simply by a proclamation, were an abuse of which neutrals had just cause to complain.
The United States did complain, and these complaints were listened to by the British government. The 10th art. of the treaty of 1806, has made provision on the subject; and though England has not renounced the principle of which we complain, yet it is qualified by the notice which is required to be given to the vessel attempting to enter a blockaded port, before she is exposed to seizure and confiscation. The provision in the treaty would no doubt have corrected in a considerable degree the abuse from which we had suffered, and it was our policy to have waited for better times for a complete remedy for the evil.
But, sir, the last head of dispute which I enumerated was made the chief and most important ground of complaint against the British government—I mean the searching of American vessels for British seamen. The right claimed by England was to seize her own seamen on board our private vessels. The right to search a public vessel, or to seize an American sailor was never asserted by the government. The claim, however, which was insisted on, involved a point of equal interest and delicacy to both countries. There is nothing novel in the pretension, that a nation engaged in war had a right to recall her subjects from foreign countries or from foreign service to assist her in the war.
Every nation in Europe has claimed and exercised the right. Our government has not denied it; but the consequences of the manner of exercising it have formed the ground of our complaint. Has a belligerent a right to search a neutral vessel for her seamen? I should suppose not. This question between other nations is of small importance; but between the United States and Britain, it is of great magnitude.
The sameness of manners, habits, language and appearance render it always difficult and sometimes impossible to distinguish between an English and an American sailor. If the right to search for British seamen were admitted, there would no longer be security for the American sailor: the right admitted, I have no doubt our navigation would be ruined. As an American therefore I would never concede the principle. Let us see however how the case stands in relation to Britain. Her navy is the shield of her salvation—whatever impairs its strength diminishes her power and safety. Tenuous as she has ever been of personal liberty at home, yet when men are wanted for her fleets, the Habeas Corpus sleeps. Her sailors are her right arm, which withers as she is deprived of them. From the reductions of our maritime service she has every thing to dread. Our merchants can give her seamen a dollar for every shilling which she is able to afford them.
They shall be better fed, more gently treated, and exposed less to hardships and danger. Let them find a secure asylum on board our merchant ships, and how soon will the decks be thinned of the English ships of war. Which has the more at stake on this subject, England or America? I will not decide the question; but this is evident, that neither will ever unconditionally relinquish the principle for which she has contended. At the present crisis it was impossible for our government to expect the formal abandonment by the British government, of this right of search. What course then should they have pursued? They should have temporised on the point, as Britain was willing to do, and waited for a more propitious epoch, for the final arrangement of the dispute.
Your commissioners, who negotiated the treaty, found that it was impracticable to obtain the cession of the principle for which they contended, and upon their own responsibility, to their great honour, to preserve the peace of the two countries, accepted assurances from the British ministry, which in their opinion, and I have no doubt in fact, would have effectually removed the abuses of which we complained. I beg pardon of the senate for reading an extract from the letter of Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, of the 3d January, 1807, which contains the assurances to which I refer; "we are sorry to add, that this treaty contains no provision against the impressment of our seamen; our dispatch of the 11th of November communicated to you the result of our labours on that subject, and our opinion that although this government did not feel itself at liberty to relinquish by treaty, its claim to search our merchant vessels for British seamen, its practice would nevertheless be essentially, if not completely abandoned. That opinion has been since confirmed by frequent conferences on the subject with the British commissioners, who have repeatedly assured us, that in their judgment we were made as secure against the exercise of their pretensions, by the policy which their government had adopted in regard to that very delicate and important question, as we could have been by treaty. It is proper to observe however, that the good effect of this disposition and its continuance may depend in a great measure, on the means which may be taken by the congress hereafter, to check desertions from the British service. If the treaty is ratified, and a perfect good understanding produced between the two nations, it will be easy for their government by friendly communications, to state to each other what they respectively desire, and in that mode to arrange the business as satisfactorily as it could be done by treaty." Such was the footing upon which our commissioners were wisely disposed to leave this delicate affair. And would to God that our president wishing as sincerely as his friends profess for him to accommodate the differences between the two countries, had as prudently agreed to the arrangement made for him by his ministers! What has been the consequence of this excessive anxiety to secure our seamen? Why, that your service has lost more sailors in one year of the embargo, than it would have lost in ten years of impressment.
But, sir, in this lies the secret—a secret I will dare to pronounce. Your president never meant to have a treaty with Great Britain. If he had intended it, he would have taken the treaty of the 31st of December, 1806. If he had intended it he would never have fettered the commissioners with sine qua non which were insuperable.
It was an invariable article in the instructions, to form no treaty unless the claim to search merchant vessels for deserters was utterly abandoned; this was never expected, and at the arduous crisis at which it was insisted upon, it was impossible to expect it. And yet rather than temporize on the point, rather than accept the actual abandonment of the principle without its formal renunciation, a treaty, the work of years, negotiated by his favourite minister and calculated to appease the animosities existing between the two nations is rejected.
You will bear with me, Sir, while I say that this precipitate and fatal measure is the cause of all the embarrassments which we have felt, which we are feeling, and which we are likely to suffer; I ask, why was this treaty rejected? We are told for two reasons.
1st. Because it contained no engagement against the impressment of American seamen on board merchant vessels.
2d. Because of the collateral declaration of the British commissioners that England retained the right to retaliate upon France the principles of her
Berlin decree, if the United States should submit to its execution.
I have shown from the public documents furnished to us by the President, the footing upon which our ministers placed the point of impressments.
Our commissioners considered the assurances given them by the British ministers a better pledge for the safety of our seamen than a formal provision in the treaty. But if these assurances had even not been given, the treaty would not have compromised our rights or prejudiced our interests on the subject; in the mean time it would have induced more friendly relations and prepared both countries for further concessions as their mutual interest might require. To me it is a matter both novel and surprising to discover in our president, this strong, and unyielding attachment to the highest points of our maritime rights. I had thought before, that he was not so friendly to our navy, to our merchants, and to our commerce.
I had thought that he would rather our ships were exchanged for farming utensils and our seamen converted into husbandmen. But now, sir, it seems so highly does he value our navigation, that he prefers hazarding all the calamities of war rather than suffer one feather to be forcibly plucked from the wings of commerce.
Can any one believe that our government seriously intended to conclude a treaty with England, when our commissioners were instructed to make no treaty unless Britain formally consented, that our merchant flag should protect every deserter from her navy?
The insertion of this sine qua non in the instructions is sufficient to satisfy my mind, that there was no sincerity in the negotiation which was carried on with the British government.
We have been asked by the honourable gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Giles) whether it can be imagined, that such men as King, Monroe and Pinkney would have colluded with the executive, or if they would not have borne evidence of his insincerity, if such had been the fact. Mr. King, he tells us, is a federalist to whom we have lately given proof of confidence and attachment—Mr. Monroe he represents of a disposition lately not to be guilty of concealment through affection for the administration, and Mr. Pinkney is said also to be a federalist.
All this the gentleman may take as true. But Mr. King, sir, was never engaged in this negotiation; and to Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney, I most clearly acquit them of any collusion with the president; because so far from colluding with him, they have acted against his secret and express instructions. Surely I have no reason to doubt the sincere disposition of these gentlemen, to make a treaty with England, when they concluded one under the responsibility of acting against their orders. No, my charge of insincerity against the executive is founded upon the nature of the objections which have uniformly obstructed the adjustment of our differences with Britain.
The second impediment to the ratification of the treaty, was the declaration of lords Holland and Auckland which accompanied it. What did this paper impose upon us? Resistance to the Berlin decree: and will you permit me to ask, whether it was ever your intention to submit to that decree; you do not mean to submit to the orders in council, and does not the Berlin decree go to the extent of those orders? Are you better prepared, or more disposed to submit to France than to England? No, I hope we shall agree to fight before we consent that either of those powers shall give laws to the ocean.
I know at one time it was pretended, that the Berlin decree was designed only as a municipal regulation; municipal when it declared England and her dependencies in a state of blockade, and their manufactures and produce liable to capture. It is true that the minister of the United States in France, got some such explanation of the decree from the French minister of marine. He did not consider it as derogating from the treaty of 1800, between France and the United States. But when the emperor is applied to, by the grand judge, his answer is "that since he had not thought proper to express any exception in his decree there is no ground to make any in the execution, with respect to any thing whatsoever." When the minister of marine was applied for his construction of the decree, he gave his opinion, but affected not to be the proper organ of communication on the subject. In this you see that craft and force were both united for the most destructive execution of the decree.
The decree was allowed to sleep for nearly a year—a public minister delivers his opinion that it was not to infract our treaty—and, after our property, to an immense amount, is allured by these deceitful appearances into French ports, his imperial majesty declares, in effect, through his minister of justice, that the treaty with the United States was not expressed as an exception in the decree, and therefore its provisions were to form no obstruction to its execution. So, sir, we have probably lost some millions of dollars from our anxiety to consider this decree as a municipal regulation. Suppose, however, it had not designed what its terms so plainly express, the blockade of the British isles. In such case, what embarrassment would our government have incurred by agreeing to the proposition of the English commissioners, to resist the decree if executed against our neutral rights? If France had confined the execution of the decree to her own ports, Britain could not have complained of the execution of her own law, within her own jurisdiction, and we should have had nothing to which we were to oppose resistance. But suppose the decree had been executed on the ocean, and you had become bound to oppose its execution by force—would your undertaking have been greater than the offer you lately made to England, in case she would repeal her orders in council?
I shall hereafter have occasion to view this subject in another point of light; but at present I ask, did not Mr. Pinkney mean to tell Mr. Canning, under his instructions from the president, that if Great Britain would repeal her orders in council, the United States would resist the execution of the French decrees?—This is stated in the letter of Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney, of the 23d of August, 1808, and admitted, as it is not denied, in the letter of Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Canning of the 6th October, in the same year. Your government, then, would now agree to the terms which they so indignantly repelled when proposed to them, and on the ground of which, in part, they refused the treaty which their ministers had negotiated. It would seem then that no other material ground remains for the rejection of the treaty, than the want of a formal clause to secure our merchant seamen against impressment.
Is it your intention ever to have a treaty with Britain, or are the nations always to continue in a state of strife and contention? You were offered the treaty of 1794, and you refused it. Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney negotiate a treaty in 1806. The president rejects it, and insists on a point in the most obnoxious form, which he knows will never be conceded, and without the concession of which, no treaty is ever to be made. Does all this look like a sincere disposition to adjust our differences with England?
It is of importance, Mr. President, to consider, in the late negotiation, who were the men in power in the respective countries. Can our president expect to treat upon favourable terms with this country, than the Fox administration? The name of Fox is the most grateful English name that is known to an American ear. From my childhood I have heard that Fox was the friend of America. He was the
early champion of our rights, when Britain first attempted to deprive us of them. His voice was always raised in our favour, in opposition to the power of the crown.—Fox was at the head of the ancient whig interest of England, and a firm supporter of the principles of freedom. He was, too, a philanthropist, and deemed in sentiment, by some, a citizen of the world. He was additionally, sir, a French citizen, as well as our worthy president.
I hope it will not be thought that I mention, with any invidious view, this last circumstance—I state it only for the material purpose of showing the community of character between these great men, which recommended them to the fraternization of the French people. If Mr. Jefferson was not willing to accept the treaty which Mr. Fox offered him, from what administration in England can he ever expect a better? And may I not ask also if he can look to other men in the United States in whom he will have more confidence, for their skill and integrity, than in those whom he employed in the late negotiation. We have all heard that Mr. Monroe was his early and bosom friend, and we have all seen that he has been his favourite minister.
Let us also not forget the time, when the treaty was concluded—no time could have been more propitious—it was at the moment when England was sinking under the triumphs of her adversary, Buonaparte had just broken to pieces the power of Prussia, driven the Russians to their frontier, and converted their emperor from an enemy into an ally. If you are not satisfied with the terms which England was willing to grant you at a moment of depression, can you look for better when she has less to fear from your enmity, or to hope from your friendship?
You find, sir, that your president was favoured by every circumstance in the negotiation of the treaty which he finally rejected.
It is not a little remarkable that he should have undertaken to reject this treaty without consulting the senate, his constitutional advisers. He was in possession of a copy of the treaty while the senate were in session—they were not allowed to see it:—he would not trust their opinions upon it: they might have approved it; and the responsibility would have been still greater to have rejected it after they had agreed to it. You will pardon me for speaking plainly—it is my duty to express my conviction, though I may happen to be wrong.
To me it has always appeared that your president was taken by surprise when he found a British treaty laid at his door. His instructions to his ministers precluded the possibility of a treaty, and it never entered his head that they would have been daring enough to conclude a treaty against his orders. But the ministers having obtained what they considered the substance, disregarded the form, and sent a treaty as little looked for, as desired.
(To be continued.)
WASHINGTON, March 4.
This day at 12 o'clock, his excellency JAMES MADISON, Esq. president of the United States, delivered in the Hall of the Representatives, the following Inaugural address, and was immediately sworn into office amidst an immense concourse of spectators.
Unwilling to depart from examples of the most revered authority, I avail myself of the occasion now presented, to express the profound impression made on me, by the call of my country to that station, to the duties of which I am about to pledge myself, by the most solemn of sanctions. So distinguished a mark of confidence, proceeding from the deliberate and tranquil suffrage of a free and virtuous nation, would, under any circumstances, have commanded my gratitude and devotion, as well as filled me with an awful sense of the trust to be assumed. Under the various circumstances, which give peculiar solemnity to the existing period, I feel that both the honour and responsibility allotted to me are inexpressibly enhanced.
The present situation of the world is indeed without a parallel: and that of our own country full of difficulties. The pressure of these too, is the more severely felt, because they have fallen upon us at a moment, when the national prosperity being at a height not before attained, the contrast resulting from the change, has been rendered the more striking. Under the benign influence of our republican institutions, and the maintenance of peace with all nations, whilst so many of them were engaged in bloody and wasteful wars, the fruits of a just policy were enjoyed, in an unrivalled growth of our faculties and resources. Proofs of this were seen in the improvements of agriculture, in the successful enterprizes of commerce, in the progress of manufactures, and useful arts; in the increase of the public revenue, and the use made of it in reducing the public debt, and in the valuable works and establishments, every where multiplying over the face of our land.
It is a precious reflection that the transition from this prosperous condition of our country, to the scene which has for some time been distressing us, is not chargeable on any unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust, on any voluntary errors, in the public councils. Indulging no passions which trespass on the rights or the repose of other nations, it has been the true glory of the United States to cultivate peace, by observing justice; and to entitle themselves to the respect of the nations at war, by fulfilling their neutral obligations with the most scrupulous impartiality. If there be candour in the world the truth of these assertions will not be questioned. Posterity at least will do justice to them.
This unexceptionable course could not avail against the injustice and violence of the belligerent powers. In their rage against each other, or impelled by more direct motives, principles of retaliation have been introduced equally contrary to universal reason and acknowledged law. How long their arbitrary edicts will be continued, in spite of the demonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been given by the United States, and of the fair and liberal attempts to induce a revocation of them, cannot be anticipated. Assuring myself that under every vicissitude, the determined spirit and united councils of the nation will be safe guards to its honour and its essential interests, I repair to the post assigned me, with no other discouragement than what springs from my own inadequacy to its high duties. If I do not sink under the weight of this deep consciousness, it is because I find some support in the principledness of the purposes, and a confidence in the principles which I bring with me into this arduous service.
To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality towards belligerent nations; to prefer in all cases amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences, to a decision of them by an appeal to arms; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries, and so baneful to free ones. To foster a spirit of independence, too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge, unworthy prejudices ourselves, and too elevated not to look down upon them in others; to hold the union of the states as the basis of their peace and happiness; to support the constitution, which is the cement of the union as well in its limitations as in its authorities; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the states and to the people, as equally incorporated with, and essential to the success of the general system; to avoid the slightest interference with the rights of conscience
or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to preserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press; to observe economy in publick expenditures; to liberate the publick resources by an honourable discharge of the publick debts; to keep within the reasonable limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of republics: that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor, with large ones safe; to promote by authorised means improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external, as well as internal commerce; to favour in like manner, the advancement of science, and the diffusion of information, as the best aliment to true liberty, to carry on the benevolent the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life, to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state: As far as sentiments and intentions, such as these, can and the fulfilment of my duty, they will be a resource which cannot fail me.
It is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path in which I am to tread, lighted by examples of illustrious services, successfully rendered, in the most trying difficulties, by those who have marched before me. Of those of my immediate predecessor, it might least become me, here to speak. I may, however, be pardoned for not suppressing the sympathy with which my heart is full, in the rich reward he enjoys in the benedictions of a beloved country, gratefully bestowed for exalted talents, zealously devoted, through a long career, to the advancement of its highest interest and happiness.
But the source to which I look for the aid which alone can supply my deficiencies, is the well tried intelligence and virtue of my fellow citizens, and in the councils of those representing them, in the other departments associated in the care of the national interests. In these, my confidence will, under every difficulty, be placed; next to that which we have all been encouraged to feel, in the guardianship and guidance of that Almighty Being, whose power regulates the destiny of nations, whose blessings have been so conspicuously dispensed to this rising republic, and to whom we are bound to address our devout supplications and best hopes for the future.
HARTFORD, Feb. 23, 1809.
This morning his excellency Governor Trumbull, met both branches of the Legislature in the Council Chamber, and delivered the following
SPEECH.
Gentlemen of the Council, Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
Impressed with the importance of the communications which I have now to lay before you; prompted also by the concurrent petitions of a number of the citizens of this state, conveyed to me with their resolutions adopted in their several town meetings, convoked for the purpose; and having had under my own consideration, the very alarming crisis of our national affairs, arising from a variety of measures more especially, from the permanence of the embargo, with the means resorted to for its more rigorous enforcement, and particularly the late law of Congress, passed on the 9th day of January last, containing many provisions for its execution; I have viewed the pros-pect so momentous and threatening, that I have not hesitated to convene the legislature of the state, at this unusual time, in order that they may have opportunity to consider and deliberate on the extraordinary situation into which our country seems about to be plunged, if not speedily prevented; and to devise such constitutional measures, as in their wisdom may be judged proper, to avert the threatening evil.
It will be useful for the legislature to take a view of the various measures of the National Legislature, during their present and preceding sessions, not embargo, but other acts which have been and are under their consideration, affecting the rights, interests, welfare, and even the peace of the nation. Instead it would be useful for the general good, if the state legislatures were often to cast a watchful eye towards the general government, with a view, can the powers delegated to the United States are not exceeded, or are so exercised as not to interfere for or counteract those which are reserved by the people for their own management. When under the discretion of a wise and prudent discernment, a temperate caution—not an over jealous disposition, such an examination will always prove a wholesome measure.
On the present occasion, it will be unnecessary for me to enter into any particular statement of our private sufferings, or the threatening aspect of our publick situation, in relation to the unprecedented acts of our general government, which are accumulating upon us. The individual feelings and experience of the members of this legislature now convened from all parts of the state, will speak the private distresses which have been produced by these acts; and your general information will give you gentlemen, a correct view of the dangers which impend over our publick interests, liberty, rights and property, arising from the same source. Despairing of substantial relief from any other quarter, the people are now looking with anxious solicitude and hope, to the wisdom and direction of the legislature of their own choice; and seem confident that some mode may be devised to remove the pressure under which they are at present suffering.—To your collected wisdom be hoped, that, with our united efforts, under a temperate, discreet, and firm consideration of our situation and circumstances, we may be able, by the influence of Divine aid, to fulfil the just and reasonable expectations of our fellow-citizens!—Whenever our National legislature is led to overlap the prescribed bounds of their constitutional powers, on the state legislatures, in great emergencies, devolves the arduous task—it is their right—it becomes their duty to interpose their protecting shield between the rights and liberties of the people, and the assumed power of the general government.
Several communications will now be made for your consideration—among which you will observe a correspondence between me and the secretary of war of the United States—the particulars of this correspondence, with its object and its result on my part, will doubtless gain your most serious and solemn attention.
In all our deliberations on this momentous occasion, may the Divine wisdom guide us into the path of duty, and lead us to the happiest results for the general good, the peace and security of the people.
J. TRUMBULL.
Extra-session, Feb. 23, 1809.
For Sale, A few,
275 barrels Superior FLOUR, 345 do. Fine 644 bushels BRAN, SALT loose and in sacks, by
March 3. A. Maclure.

We return our thanks to our correspondent at Washington, who forwarded to us the documents presented to the committee on the 3d of last month, relative to advances of money made by the War Department to General Wilkinson, contrary to law. These documents occupy 30 pages, but we shall undertake to lay them before the publick as soon as possible; the more so we conceive it our duty to do, as the house of representatives, refused by their vote, to suffer more copies to be printed than is usual for the use of the members in ordinary cases. These documents are well worthy of the publick attention, not as they respect general Wilkinson, but as incontrovertible evidence of the idle waste of publick money, in contempt of law, and the subversion to executive wishes of those who had the law for their guide. It was fortunate for the United States, that they had an officer so firm and intelligent as the accountant of the war department, for although he could not successfully resist the president, attorney general, secretary of war, comptroller, and the commander in chief, yet with the law, and reason on his side, he no doubt was a considerable check upon further attempts to countenance the most prodigal and illegal expenditure of publick money that has been presented.
Our readers have in this day's paper the much looked for Act of Non-Intercourse, &c. We understand that some of the expositions of the law are to the following effect—the 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16th sections will go into operation after the 15th of this month. No foreign ship of any nation can load with cargo for any port or place under this act. British and French ships may depart without cargoes as heretofore, before the 15th March; after that day, if they depart with the cargoes which they have brought in, or in ballast, they cannot be cleared for English or French ports, and must give bond in four times the amount, according to the provisions of the 13th section. Spain, Holland, and Portugal, are not considered as dependencies of either France or Great-Britain—For the present, clearances will not be granted to St. Domingo or Italy—We give these expositions of the law from report, which we believe correct.
Reports from Washington say, that the following cabinet arrangements are made—
Secretary of State, Mr. Gallatin, Treasury, Mr. Duval or Mr. R. Smith, Navy, Dr. Eustis of Boston, War, not named.
Yesterday arrived here from Washington, the United States brig Vixen, captain Lawrence.
It is said in the Philadelphia True American, that the appointment of Mr. Short, as minister to Russia, has been rejected in the senate unanimously.
AN ACT
To interdict the Commercial Intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies; and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the passing of this act, the entrance of the harbours and waters of the United States and of the territories thereof, be and the same is hereby interdicted to all public ships and vessels belonging to Great Britain or France, excepting vessels only which may be forced in by distress, or which are charged with dispatches or business from the government to which they belong, and also packets having no cargo nor merchandise on board. And if any public ship or vessel as aforesaid, not being included in the exception above mentioned, shall enter any harbour or waters within the jurisdiction of the United States, or of the territories thereof, it shall be lawful for the president of the United States, or such other person as he shall have empowered for that purpose, to employ such part of the land and naval forces, or of the militia of the United States, or the territories thereof, as he shall deem necessary, to compel such ship or vessel to depart.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall not be lawful for any citizen or citizens of the United States or the territories thereof, nor for any person or persons residing or being in the same, to have any intercourse with or to afford any aid or supplies to any public ship or vessel as aforesaid, which shall, contrary to the provisions of this act, have entered any harbour or waters within the jurisdiction of the United States or the territories thereof; and if any person shall, contrary to the provisions of this act, have any intercourse with such ship or vessel, or shall afford any aid to such ship or vessel, either in repairing the said vessel or in furnishing her, her officers or crew with supplies of any kind or in any manner whatever; or if any pilot or other person shall assist in navigating or piloting such ship or vessel, unless it be for the purpose of carrying her beyond the limits and jurisdiction of the United States, every person so offending, shall forfeit and pay a sum not less than one hundred dollars, nor exceeding ten thousand dollars; and shall also be imprisoned for a term not less than one month, nor more than one year.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That from and after the 20th day of May next, the entrance of the harbors and waters of the United States and the territories thereof, be and the same is hereby interdicted to all ships or vessels sailing under the flag of Great Britain or France, or owned in whole or in part by any citizen or subject of either; vessels hired, chartered or employed by the government of either country for the sole purpose of carrying letters or dispatches, and also vessels forced in by distress or by the dangers of the sea, only excepted. And if any ship or vessel sailing under the flag of Great Britain or France, or owned in whole or in part by any citizen or subject of either, and not excepted as aforesaid, shall after the said 20th day of May next arrive, either with or without a cargo, within the limits of the United States or of the territories thereof, of such ship or vessel, together with the cargo, if any, which may be found on board, shall be forfeited, and may be seized and condemned in any court of the United States or the territories thereof, having competent jurisdiction; and all and every act and acts heretofore passed, which shall be within the purview of this act, shall be and the same are hereby repealed.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That from and after the twentieth day of May next, it shall not be lawful to import into the United States or the territories thereof, any goods, wares or merchandise
whatever, from any port or place situated in Great Britain or Ireland, or in any of the colonies or dependencies of Great-Britain, nor from any port or place situated in France, or in any of her colonies or dependencies, nor from any port or place in the actual possession of either Great-Britain or France. Nor shall it be lawful to import into the United States or the territories thereof, from any foreign port or place whatever, any goods, wares or merchandise whatever, being of the growth, produce or manufacture of France, or of any of her colonies or dependencies, or being of the growth, produce or manufacture of Great-Britain or Ireland, or of any of the colonies or dependencies of Great-Britain, or being of the growth, produce or manufacture of any place or country in the actual possession of either France or Great-Britain. Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to affect the cargoes of ships or vessels, wholly owned by a citizen or citizens of the United States, which had cleared for any port beyond the Cape of Good Hope, prior to the 22d December, 1807, or which had departed for such port by permission of the President, under the acts supplementary to the act laying an Embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That whenever any article or articles, the importation of which is prohibited by this act, shall after the twentieth of May be imported into the United States, or the territories thereof, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, or shall, after the said twentieth of May, be put on board of any ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, with intention of importing the same into the United States, or the territories thereof, all such articles, as well as other articles on board the same ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, belonging to the owner of such prohibited articles, shall be forfeited; and the owner thereof shall moreover forfeit and pay treble the value of such articles.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That if any article or articles the importation of which is prohibited by this act, shall after the twentieth of May, be put on board of any ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, with intention to import the same into the United States, or the territories thereof, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, and with the knowledge of the owner or master of such ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, shall be forfeited, and the owner and master thereof shall moreover each forfeit and pay treble the value of such articles.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That if any article or articles, the importation of which is prohibited by this act, and which shall nevertheless be on board of any ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, arriving after the said twentieth of May next, in the United States, or the territories thereof, shall be omitted in the manifest, report or entry of the master, or the person having the charge or command of such ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage or shall be omitted in the entry of the goods owned by the owner, or consigned to the consignee of such articles, or shall be imported, or landed, or attempted to be imported or landed without a permit, the same penalties, fines, and forfeitures, shall be incurred, and may be recovered, as in the case of similar omission or omissions, landing, importation, or attempt to land or import, in relation to articles liable to duties on their importation into the United States.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That every collector, naval officer, surveyor, or other officer of the customs, shall have the like power and authority to seize goods, wares and merchandise imported contrary to the intent and meaning of this act, to keep the same in custody until it shall have been ascertained whether the same have been forfeited or not, and to enter any ship or vessel, dwelling house, store, building or other place, for the purpose of searching for and seizing any such goods, wares and merchandise, which he or they now have by law in relation to goods, wares and merchandise subject to duty; and if any person or persons shall conceal or buy any goods, wares or merchandise, knowing them to be liable to seizure by this act, such person or persons shall, on conviction thereof, forfeit and pay a sum double the amount or value of the goods, wares and merchandise so concealed or purchased.
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That the following additions shall be made to the oath or affirmation taken by the masters or persons having the charge or command of any ship or vessel arriving at any port of the United States, or the territories thereof, after the twentieth of May, viz. "I further swear, (or affirm) that there are not, to the best of my knowledge and belief, on board, (insert the denomination and name of the vessel,) any goods, wares or merchandise, the importation of which is prohibited by law: And I do further swear, (or affirm) that if I shall hereafter discover or know of any such goods, wares or merchandise, on board the said vessel, or which shall have been imported in the same, I will immediately, and without delay, make due report thereof to the collector of the port of this district."
Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That the following addition be made, after the twentieth of May, to the oath or affirmation taken by importers, consignees, or agents, at the time of entering goods imported into the United States, or the territories thereof, viz. "I also swear, (or affirm) that there are not, to the best of my knowledge and belief, amongst the said goods, wares and merchandise, imported or consigned as aforesaid, any goods, wares or merchandise, the importation of which, into the United States, or the territories thereof, is prohibited by law; and I do further swear, (or affirm) that if I shall hereafter discover or know of any such goods, wares or merchandise, amongst the said goods, wares and merchandise, imported or consigned as aforesaid, I will immediately and without delay report the same to the collector of this district."
Sec. 11. And be it further enacted, That the President be and he hereby is authorised, in case either France or Great Britain shall so revoke or modify her edicts, as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States, to declare the same by proclamation; after which the trade of the United States, suspended by this act, and by the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, may be renewed with the nation so doing: Provided, That all penalties and forfeitures which shall have been previously incurred, by virtue of this, or of any other act, the operation of which shall cease and determine, shall be recovered and distributed, in like manner as if the same had continued in full force and virtue; and vessels bound thereafter to any foreign port or place, with which commercial intercourse shall by virtue of this section be again permitted, shall give bond to the United States, with approved security, in double the value of the vessel and cargo, that they shall not proceed to any foreign port, nor trade with any country other than those with which commercial intercourse shall have been or may be permitted by this act.
Sec. 12. And be it further enacted, That so much of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and of the several acts supplementary thereto, as forbids the departure of vessels owned by citizens of the United States, and the exportation of domestic and foreign merchandise to any foreign port or place, be and the same is hereby repealed, after the fifteenth day of March, 1809, except so far as they relate to Great-Britain or France, or their colonies or dependencies, or places in the actual possession of either
Provided, That all penalties and forfeitures which shall have been previously incurred by virtue of so much of the said acts as is repealed by this act, or which have been or may hereafter be incurred by virtue of the said acts, on account of any infraction of so much of the said acts as is not repealed by this act, shall be recovered and distributed in like manner as if the said acts had continued in full force and virtue.
Sec. 13. And be it further enacted, That during the continuance of so much of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and of the several acts supplementary thereto, as is not repealed by this act, no ship or vessel bound to a foreign port with which commercial intercourse shall, by virtue of this act, be again permitted, shall be allowed to depart for such port, unless the owner or owners, consignee or factor of such ship or vessel, shall, with the master, have given bond with one or more sureties to the United States, in a sum double the value of the vessel and cargo, if the vessel is wholly owned by a citizen or citizens of the United States; and in a sum four times the value, if the vessel is owned in part or in whole by any foreigner or foreigners, that the vessel shall not leave the port without a clearance, nor shall, when leaving the port, proceed to any port or place in Great Britain or France, or in the colonies or dependencies of either, or in the actual possession of either, nor be directly nor indirectly engaged during the voyage in any trade with such port, nor shall put any article on board of any other vessel; nor unless every other requisite and provision of the second section of the act, entitled "An act to enforce and make more effectual an act, entitled 'An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States,' and the several acts supplementary thereto," shall have been complied with. And the party or parties to the abovenmentioned bond shall within a reasonable time after the date of the same, to be expressed in the said bond, produce to the collector of the district, from which the vessel shall have been cleared, a certificate of the landing of the same, in the same manner as is provided by law for the landing of goods exported with the privilege of drawback; on failure whereof, the bond shall be put in suit; and in every such suit, judgment shall be given against the defendant or defendants, unless proof shall be produced of such reloading or loss at sea.
Sec. 14. And be it further enacted, That so much of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and of the several acts supplementary thereto, as compels vessels owned by citizens of the United States, bound to another port of the said States, or vessels licensed for the coasting trade, or boats, either not masted, or not decked, to give bond, and to load under the inspection of a revenue officer, or renders them liable to detention, merely on account of the nature of their cargo (such provisions excepted as relate to districts adjacent to the territories, colonies or provinces of a foreign nation, or to vessels belonging or bound to such districts) be, and the same is hereby repealed, from and after the 15th day of March, 1809: Provided however, That all penalties and forfeitures which have been previously incurred by any of the said acts, or which may hereafter be incurred by virtue of the said acts, on account of any infraction of so much of the said acts, as is not repealed by this act, shall be recovered and distributed in like manner as if the same had continued in full force and virtue.
Sec. 15. And be it further enacted, That during the continuance of so much of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and of the several acts supplementary thereto, as is not repealed by this act, no vessel, owned by citizens of the United States, bound to another port of the said States, or licensed for the coasting trade, shall be allowed to depart from any port of the United States, or shall receive a clearance, nor shall it be lawful to put on board such vessel any specie or goods, wares or merchandise, unless a permit shall have been previously obtained from the proper collector, or from a revenue officer, authorized by the collector to grant such permits; nor unless the owner, consignee, agent or factor shall, with the master, give bond with one or more sureties, to the United States, in a sum double the value of the vessel and cargo, that the vessel shall not proceed to any foreign port or place, and that the cargo shall be reloaded in some port of the United States: Provided, That it shall be lawful and sufficient in the case of any such vessel, whose employment has been uniformly confined to rivers, bays and sounds within the jurisdiction of the United States, to give bond in an amount equal to one hundred and fifty dollars, for each ton of said vessel, with condition that such vessel shall not during the time limited in the condition of the bond, proceed to any foreign port or place, or put any article on board of any other vessel, or be employed in any foreign trade.
Sec. 16. And be it further enacted, That if any ship or vessel shall, during the continuance of so much of the act, laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and of the several acts supplementary thereto, as is not repealed by this act, depart from any port of the United States without a clearance or permit, or having given bond in the manner provided by law, such ship or vessel, together with her cargo, shall be wholly forfeited; and the owner or owners, agent, freighter or factors, master or commander of such ship or vessel shall, moreover, severally, forfeit and pay a sum equal to the value of the ship or vessel, and of the cargo put on board the same.
Sec. 17. And be it further enacted, That the act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise, passed the eighteenth April, one thousand eight hundred and six, and the act supplementary thereto, be and the same is hereby repealed, from and after the said twentieth day of May next: Provided, That all penalties and forfeitures which shall have been previously incurred by virtue of so much of the said acts as is repealed by this act, or which have been or may hereafter be incurred by virtue of the said acts, on account of any infraction of so much of the said acts as is not repealed by this act, shall be recovered and distributed in like manner as if the said acts had continued in full force and virtue.
Sec. 18. And be it further enacted, That all penalties and forfeitures arising under, or incurred by virtue of this act, may be sued for, prosecuted, and recovered, with costs of suit, by action of debt, in the name of the United States of America, or by indictment or information, in any court having competent jurisdiction to try the same; and shall be distributed and accounted for, in the manner prescribed by the act entitled "An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage," passed the second day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine; and such penalties and forfeitures may be examined, mitigated or remitted, in like manner, and under the like conditions, regulations and restrictions, as are prescribed, authorised and directed by the act, entitled "An act to provide for mitigating or remitting the forfeitures, penalties and disabilities, accruing in certain cases therein mentioned," passed the third day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, and made perpetual by an act passed the eleventh day of February, one thousand eight hundred.
Sec. 19. And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and be in force until the end of the next session of congress, and no longer; and that the act
laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, shall be, and the same are hereby repealed from and after the end of the next session of congress.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN MILLEDGE, President of the Senate pro tem.
March 1, 1809.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
WASHINGTON, March 3.
The President of the United States on the 1st inst. approved and signed the "Act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies; and for other purposes."
SENATE, MARCH 1.
The Senate took into consideration the bill from the house of Representatives, making appropriations for the support of the military establishment and of the navy of the U. States for the year 1809.
On motion to strike out the following words in the 6th section—"For the fortifications of ports and harbours, in addition to the sums heretofore appropriated for that purpose, one million of dollars."
It was determined in the affirmative—Yeas 23, Nays 6, as follows—
YEAS—Messrs. Anderson, Bayard, Bradley, Comdit, Franklin, Goodrich, Gregg, Hillohouse, Howland, Kitchell, Leib, Lloyd, Matthewson, Moore, Piker, Pickering, Pope, Smith of Ten. Sompner, Thurston, Tiffin, Turner, and White. NAYS—Messrs. Crawford, Milledge, Mitchell, Robinson, Smith of Md. and Smith of N. York.
March 2.
The bill from the house of representatives for imposing additional duties was rejected—Yeas 5—Nays 24.
BALTIMORE, March 4.
Arrived, ship Juniata, Mezick, from Hamburg, via Isle of May.—About the 20th Feb. off Bermuda, fell in with the British frigate Horatio and Driver sloop of war, having in tow a frigate from Guadaloupe, which they captured the 17th after a desperate action, in which the captain of the Frenchman and thirty men were killed, and lost her mainmast. The captain and first lieutenant of the Horatio and twenty men killed, and lost her mainmast, mizen mast and fore top mast.
The dispatch ship Union has arrived in France.
On Thursday 9th March, at 11 o'clock, on Newton's Wharf, 60 and 90 days,
54 bds. 54 barrels } 1st q. N. Orleans SUGAR.
40 Pigs LEAD.
2 tons LOGWOOD.
The Cargo of the brig Louisiana Packet.
March 6.
To be Sold to the highest bidder on SATURDAY the 18th inst. at 12 o'Clock on the premises, Two Small TENEMENTS, in Broad Water-Street, belonging to the estate of Phinehas Dana, deceased. The terms will be made known on the day of sale.
James Young, Adm'r.
March 6.
SOCIAL ASSEMBLIES.
The last Assembly will be held at the Exchange Coffee House on Friday Evening next, 10th instant. March 3.
To Masters, Mates, and Mariners.
INFORMATION WANTED.
THE SCHOONER EXPERIMENT, ROBERT LAWRENCE, Master, Sailed from Norfolk, in Virginia, some time in the month of February, 1806, bound on a voyage to Rio Janario, and River of Plate, in South-America. Information has been lately received that the said schooner was at the Island of Goree on the Coast of Africa, some time in April of the same year, from which she departed the day after her arrival there, and has not been heard of since, by information that can be relied on. Various reports have been received, that the said schooner did arrive at the River of Plate, and was there trading.—It is presumed that if the vessel went from Goree to Rio Janario, and from thence to River of Plate, that there are many persons in the United States, who have seen the said schooner, or master, at one or both of those places.
The Schooner was on her first voyage, Virginia built, of about 95 tons, coppered to light water mark, and had the appearance of a remarkable fast sailing vessel. Robert Lawrence is an Englishman by birth, born in the Isle of Thanet in the County of Kent, about 47 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, a stout man, inclined to be fat, of a ruddy complexion, and talks much.
Any person who can give information respecting the above vessel and master, or either, will do a singular service in communicating it to THOMAS FITZSIMMONS, Esq. President of the Delaware Insurance Company, of Philadelphia; JOHN COFFIN JONES, Esq. of Boston, or to the Subscriber.
JOHN GRANBURY, President of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk. Norfolk, November 28, 1808. Gw
JOHN PENDREY'S Boot and Shoe Manufactory, No. 70. MAIN-STREET.
The publick are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands. N. B. Orders for Double backstraps, single do. and Cossacks, executed with the greatest dispatch. August
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, For which Cash will be given. Application to be made to the SECRETARY of the MARINE INSURANCE COMPANY.
JOHN GRANBURY, President Office of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, Dec. 14.

Norfolk Borough: At a Hustings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809.
Richard Gernon, Complainant, against William and Anthony M. Buckley, In Chancery. and Shanks and Binford, Defs.
THE defendants William and Anthony M. Buckley, not having entered their appearance, and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of the commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants William and Anthony M. Buckley, do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendants Shanks and Binford, who have effects of the said William and Anthony M. Buckley in their hands, do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy,—Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hustings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809.
Thomas Holliday, Compt. against William Smelly, Littleton W. Tazewell and Peter Daley, In Chancery. Defts.
THE defendant William Smelly not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant William Smelly, do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendants Littleton W. Tazewell and Peter Daley, who have effects of the said William Smelly in their hands, do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy,—Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hustings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809.
Theodoric Armistead, Compt. against Nicholas Peterson and Christopher Fry, In Chancery. Defts.
THE defendant Nicholas Peterson, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant Nicholas Peterson do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendant Christopher Fry, who hath effects of the said Nicholas Peterson in his hands, do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain the same until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy,—Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hustings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809.
John Wallace, Compt. against James Brown, & Co. of Philadelphia, and Alexander Maclure, In Chancery. Defts.
THE defendants James Brown, & Co. not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants James Brown, & Co. do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendant Alexander Maclure, who hath effects of the said James Brown, & Co. in his hands, do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy,—Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hustings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809.
Stephen G. Wells, Compt. against Jonathan Laycocks and Peterson Brown, administrators, & Co. of John D. White, deceased, and Warren Ashley, In Chancery. Defts.
THE defendants Jonathan Laycocks and Peterson Brown, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants Jonathan Laycocks and Peterson Brown, do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendant Warren Ashley, who hath effects of the said Jonathan Laycocks and Peterson Brown, administrators as aforesaid, in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy,—Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, For which Cash will be given. AND FOR SALE, A few cases LINEN. Apply to the Printer. February 13.
For Sale, by the Subscriber, 50,000 weight of Navy BREAD, 20,000 Superfine Flour, do. 3,000 Ship, do. 250 quarter barrels CRACKERS. Also, 400,000 well burnt BRICKS, 2,000 bushels STONE LIME. Stephen Harris. PILOT BREAD of superior quality for family use. Feb. 18.
Eagle Fire Company of New-York. Office of the Company, No. 59, Wall-Street.
PROPOSALS For Insuring Houses, Buildings, Stores, Ships in Harbour, Goods, Wares, and Merchandise, FROM LOSS OR DAMAGE BY FIRE.
THE Legislature of the state of New-York, having incorporated the Eagle Fire Company of New-York, with a capital of five hundred thousand dollars, (with the liberty of increasing the same, if the business of the company should require it, to one million of dollars,) for the sole purpose of insuring buildings, and every kind of personal property from loss or damage by FIRE; and the capital of five hundred thousand dollars having all been paid, or secured to be paid, according to law: the directors feel a particular satisfaction in offering to their fellow-citizens, throughout the United States, the means of security against that kind of loss which frequently, in an UNEXPECTED MOMENT, involves, in destruction the earnings of a life of industry and frugality, and reduces the independent and affluent, together with their families, to poverty and distress. To provide an additional guard against calamities of this nature, has been the primary motive of this INSTITUTION: and the directors engage to conduct its concerns, with a fairness, candour and liberality, which will justly entitle it to the confidence and patronage of the publick.
* * * No insured person will be liable to make good the losses of others; but in case of fire, the sufferer will be fully indemnified.—The Company also make good losses on property burnt by lightning.
Classes of Hazards, and Rates of Annual Premiums for Insurance against Fire.
HAZARDS OF THE FIRST CLASS. Brick or Stone buildings, covered with slate, tiles, or metal. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 62 1-2 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.
HAZARDS OF THE SECOND CLASS. Brick or Stone buildings, covered with wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 93 3-4 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.
HAZARDS OF THE THIRD CLASS. Buildings, the sides of which are part of brick or stone, and part of wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 125 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.
HAZARDS OF THE FOURTH CLASS. Buildings, the sides of which are entirely of wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 187 1-2 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk. Ships in Port, or their Cargoes, Ships Repairing or Building, may be insured against Fire. This manner of classing hazards will give a general idea of the rates of insurance, but there will necessarily be an increase of premium in all cases where the local situation, and other circumstances, increase the risk: such as joining, or being contiguous to wooden buildings, or buildings occupied in carrying on hazardous business—distance from water—no engines or firemen in the town or place, &c. &c. The premiums may also, in some cases, be reduced on wooden buildings in the country, when standing single or detached, or attended with circumstances of peculiar security:—But in all cases, if the sum to be insured on or in the same building exceeds 10,000 dollars, an additional premium will be required.
Soap Boilers, Tallow Chandlers, Brewers, Maltsters, Bakers, Rope Makers, Sugar Refiners, Distillers, Chemists, Varnish Makers, Stable Keepers, Tavern Keepers, China, Glass, or Earthenware Sellers, Oil and Colourmen, Turpentine Works, Paper Mills, Printing Houses, Coopers, Carpenters, Cabinet Makers, Coach Makers, Boat Builders, Ship Chandlers, Apothecaries, Theatres, Mills and Machinery, and all Manufactories that use Fire Heat, are deemed extra hazardous, and must be particularly described in the policy; and for all such risks an additional premium will be required.
Conditions of Insurance.
 I. All applications for insurance must be made at the office of the company, in writing; and the subject offered for insurance accurately described.  II. If the property offered for insurance is within the district of a surveyor of this company, he will examine and report thereon; but if not within any such district, then the applicant must himself furnish an accurate and just description thereof, viz. of what materials each building is constructed; whether occupied as private dwellings, or how otherwise; where situated; the name of the present occupiers; how situated with respect to other buildings. And in the insurance of goods, wares and merchandise, the place where the same are deposited, is to be described; also, whether such goods are of the kind denominated hazardous, and whether any manufactory is carried on in the premises, and whether any of the premises are situated in such manner as the nature of the case may admit. And if any person or persons shall insure his or their buildings or goods, and shall cause them to be described in the policy otherwise than they really are, so as the same be charged at a lower premium than is herein proposed; or if such description be false or fraudulent, such insurance will be void and of no effect.  III. Goods held in trust, or on commission, are to be declared as such; otherwise the policy will not extend to cover such property.  IV. Every Policy of Insurance, made by this Company, shall be sealed with its seal, and signed by the President and Secretary; and the person for whose interest the insurance is made, must be declared and named therein; nor can any Policy, or interest therein, be assigned but by consent of the Company, expressed by endorsement made thereon.  V. No insurance will be considered as made or binding, until the Premium is paid.  VI. Persons insuring Property with this Company, and who have already made other insurance on the same property, shall give notice thereof in writing, at the Company's Office, before, or at the time of the execution of the Policy: and persons who, after insuring Property with this Company, have insurance made on the same property elsewhere, shall, with all reasonable diligence, notify the same in writing at the Office of the Company, and have the same endorsed on the policy, or otherwise acknowledged in writing; in default whereof, the Policy shall cease, and be of no effect: and in case of loss, each party insuring shall be liable to the payment of a rateable proportion of the loss or damage which may be sustained.  VII. No loss or damage by fire will be paid, that may happen or take place in consequence of any invasion, civil commotion, riot, or military or usurped power whatever.  VIII. Books of Accounts, Written Securities, Notes, Bills, Bonds, Deeds, Ready Money, or Bullion, cannot be insured.  IX. Jewels, Plate, Medals, or other Curiosities, Paintings and Sculptures, are not included in any insurance, unless such articles are specified in the policy.  X. All persons insured by this Company, sustaining any loss or damage by fire, are forthwith to give notice to the Company, and as soon after as possible, to deliver in as particular an account of their loss or damage, signed with their own hands, as the nature of the case will admit of, and make proof of the same by the oath or affirmation, and by their books of accounts, and other proper vouchers, as shall be reasonably required: and shall make oath, whether any and what other insurance is made on the same property; and shall procure a certificate, under the hand of a magistrate, notary public, or clergyman, most contiguous to the spot where the fire happened, and not concerned in such loss, that they are acquainted with the character and circumstances of the person or persons insured; and do know, or very likely believe, that he, she, or they, really, and by misfortune, and without fraud or evil practice, have sustained by such fire, loss or damage to the amount therein mentioned; and, until such affidavits and certificates are produced, the loss shall not be payable:—Also, if there appears any fraud, or false swearing, the claimant shall forfeit his claim to restitution or payment, by virtue of his policy. 
XI. In case any difference shall arise, touching any loss or damage, it may be submitted to the judgment of Arbitrators, indifferently chosen, whose award in writing shall be binding on the parties. And when any loss or damage shall happen, the company shall pay for the same in sixty days after the loss shall have been ascertained and proved, without allowance of discount, fees, or any deduction whatever.
XII. Insurance may be made for seven years, by paying the premium for six years, and for a less number of years than seven, a reasonable discount will be allowed.
The Subscriber being appointed Surveyor for the Eagle Fire Company, upon application, will survey, and value, such buildings, (or property contained therein) upon which insurance may be required. Francis Foster, Church-Street, Norfolk. Feb 18.
Dr. Tissot's celebrated Gout and Rheumatic Drops.
The Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, and the various disorders of the same nature, are so exquisitely painful, and so difficult to be cured, that they have justly excited the utmost stretch of medical investigation. Some professional gentlemen have excelled in one department of the sciences; others in another. Dr. Tissot particularly has long been renowned for the superiority of his prescription in chronic diseases, and the length of time which elapsed during his sole attention to the nature and effects and cure of these affections, render the medicines which he recommended of invaluable importance. The beneficial effects of these drops, have been so often experienced, and their extraordinary efficacy has been attested by witnesses so numerous and so unimpeachably credible, that incredulity itself cannot doubt the virtue of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops. Large quantities have already been vendued, and the sale is now become so general, and their certainty in curing the disorders of a chronic nature is so completely ascertained, that certificates of their unbounded utility are now unnecessary. Testimonies of their value, and a volume of attested cases performed by them, may be seen upon application at T. W. Dyott's genuine Drug and Patent Medicine Warehouse, No. 57, South Second-street, Philadelphia. The price of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, is only two dollars per bottle, with copious directions. Generous allowances made to those who buy to sell again. Of the many respectable testimonies of the effects of the above Drops, which have been received by the proprietor, we beg leave to annex the following: Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton. I certify that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply to Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the directions, they effected a perfect cure. Another time my wrist was affected with rheumatism to such a degree, as to render my hand for the time useless, when on application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder in the course of twenty-four hours was entirely removed. I therefore, from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it a beneficent act to recommend it in similar cases to others. (Signed) C. RIDGELY, of Hampton.
Certificate of John Gibson, Esq. one of the Directors of the Farmers' Bank of Maryland. I certify that about a year since, my foot received an injury by a fall; in a few hours after it was affected with a most excruciating pain, so that I was unable to walk, with crutches. I was apprehensive that this accident would induce a fever. It of the gout, with which I had been frequently attacked. In this situation one of my friends highly recommended and earnestly advised me to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops; I immediately procured them and made the application; in less than three hours the pain entirely abated, which had been so severe, as to deprive me of sleep for several nights. After a few further applications, a perfect cure succeeded. I have frequently since in other cases, both used them myself, and recommended them to others with invariable success. (Signed) JOHN GIBSON.
Certificate of Mrs. Mary Taylor. I, Mary Taylor, No. 135, Plum-breet, Philadelphia, aged upwards of seventy years, having been affected with very violent rheumatic pains for more than eight years, being recommended to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, on only using half a bottle every rheumatic affection was completely removed, and I have continued free from all pain ever since; as witness my hand. MARY TAYLOR.
The above drops are sold wholesale and retail only by BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co. Norfolk. ALSO, DR. ROBERTSON'S Patent Stomachick Wine Bitters. Celebrated and well known for their superior qualities in restoring weak constitutions, destroying Worms, cleansing and strengthening, giving a proper tone to the stomach, and increasing the appetite—a frequent use of them is a certain preventative against those complaints so common in the spring and fall. Such as intermitting fevers, agues, autumnal fevers, dysenteries, &c. & c. They are particularly serviceable to those who make long sea-voyages, and are exposed to unhealthy climates, as a powerful preservative against contagious disorders.
PRO BONO PUBLICO. Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Black- ing, prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beautifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but by experience; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recommended to sportsmen and gentlemen who are exposed much to the wet—Also for cleaning Harness, as it will effectually prevent the water from penetrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the very last, giving it also a beautiful jet black gloss, a proof of which may be seen at the warehouse. The above Blacking is prepared and sold only by T. W. DYOTT, at his Medical Warehouse, No. 11, North Second-street, Philadelphia; sold also by his appointment, at BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co's Book-Store, Norfolk; and at SOMIRVELL & CONRAD's, Petersburg.
Where also may be had, THE IMPERIAL WASH, And new invented LIQUID, For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots. May 20. lawly
Boot and Shoe Manufactory. SAMUEL COLEMAN, Opposite the Market, (westward) has received by captain Hand, from Philadelphia, a quantity of the Highest Priced Boot Legs, Vamps, Tops, and other Materials, for his Factory—He has also Sole Leather, which has been in tan seven years; with these, the best workmen he can get, and the greatest care and punctuality, he believes the people of this place and its vicinity, may be as well served as by any factory in the union. His Stock at present is as good as this country can furnish, and he intends to use no other kind, the price of course must be higher, and when the Boots go the money must come, having found in a number of instances that a few days means six or twelve months, and an application even then for the money is ample cause of enmity.
He has on hand a large assortment of BOOTS and SHOES. ALSO, SALT, LONDON PORTER, &c. &c. Fresh SHOES from New-York for Ladies, of red, green, and black Morocco, with 1, 2, and 3 ties.
JOURNEYMEN WANTED. The best Boot and Shoe Makers, not only such as can, but such as will do the best work in all cases, may meet with as much encouragement in my factory, as in any in this state, for any state in the union north of this. October 3.
German Linen for Exportation.
NIEMEYER & VON KAPFF, OFFER FOR SALE At their Warehouse in Water-Street, at the corner Maxwell's wharf, for cash, or approved paper only. 54 packages of German Linen, consisting of 140 pieces Osnabrigs. 60 pieces Ticklenburgs. 500 pieces White Rolls. 900 Heedens. 80 pieces Hessians, Emitted to Drawback. 1 case Platillas, 1 case Shirt Linen, 1 case Sheetings, 1 case Table Cloths, 1 case Bed-Ticking. ALSO, 40 pieces best Russia Canvass, 65 do. Topgallant Duck, 8000 Coffee Bags, 3,500 Gunny Bags, 90 boxes best Spanish Sargas, 50 boxes English Pipes, 700 Straws 1-2 pt. Tumblers, 30 doz. do. Decanters, 850 pieces excellent Oil Cloth. 350 pieces Paper Hanging, 3 cases Port-Wine. And at their Store in Main-Street, a great variety of Cutlery and Fancy Articles. Apply as above. Nov. 9.
Phenix Fire Office No. 13, MARKET-SQUARE, NORFOLK.
INSURANCE UPON SHIPS.
NOTICE is hereby given that the following premiums only, will henceforward be charged by this company for insurance from fire upon Ships, Vessels, and all Water Crafts, and also upon Cargo on board, in the seaports and rivers of Virginia and North-Carolina. One month 12 1/2 cents per $100 Two do. 20 do. do. Three do. 25 do. do. Four do. 30 do. do. Five do. 35 do. do. Six do. 40 do. do. Seven do. 45 do. do. Eight do. 50 do. do. Nine do. 55 do. do. Ten do. 60 do. do. Eleven do. 65 do. do. Twelve do. 70 do. do. The above premiums will be charged for any sum not exceeding 40,000 dollars in one risk; but a separate sum must in all cases be specified on the ship and another on the cargo. Richard Taylor, Agent. Dec. 19.
Prime Jamaica Sugars, Coffee, and Pimento, Landing this day from the British Schooner Commerce from Kingston, and for sale by C. & F. WHITTLE. February 27.
Landing on Commerce-Street Wharf, the Cargo of the Spanish Brig General Palfox, from Havana, 280 boxes brown Havana SUGARS, 17 hrs. } 85,000 wt. best Green Coffee, 637 bags } And a few boxes SEGARS—For Sale by MOSES MYERS. February 27.
SPANISH HIDES. One Thousand Spanish Hides,—For Sale, by Wm. Plume, & Co. January 23.
A RENDEZVOUS Is opened in Norfolk for the United States Schooner Essex-prize. February 23.
LOST, Certificates for Stock in the Bank of Virginia, as follows: 4 SHARES in the name of William Pennock, 2 do. in the name of Sarah C. Pennock, 2 do. in the name of Courtney Pennock, 3 do. in the name of William H. Pennock. TEN SHARES; for which ten shares application will be made for renewals, according to law. William Pennock. January 9. 2m
FOR SALE, THE CARGO of the British ship Highlander, from Liverpool, 450 Ton Stoved SALT, 30 Crates WARE. Robert Dickson. February 13.
A BARGAIN OFFERED, In a fine and Valuable FARM, in the County of Princess Anne. THE Subscriber is disposed to sell his Plantation called LEVEL GREEN, situated in the county of Princess Anne. It contains about 500 acres; and, as it may be advantageously divided into two or three Farms, the subscriber will accommodate a purchaser, in selling either the whole or a part. He will also give a long credit. This tract of Land is certainly the most desirable in the county, lying on the Eastern branch of Elizabeth River, and distant from Norfolk Market only five or six miles by water, and 8 or 9 by land.—The soil is excellent, about one half of the tract being cleared land, and fit for immediate culture; the other heavily timbered with Oak, Pine, Ash, and Hickory.—It has also the advantage of several good landings—Any one disposed to view the land, and to purchase, may apply, in the absence of the subscriber, to JAMES ROBINSON, or JOHN READ, who reside in the neighbourhood. Tully Robinson. Dec. 7.
NOTICE. THE Partnership of T. & W. A. ARMISTEAD is this day dissolved by consent of parties. The settlement of its concerns devolve on W. A. ARMISTEAD, who is authorised to grant discharges, and on whom all persons having claims against the Firm, are requested to call. January 5.
W. A. Armistead and George Kelly, have entered into Co partnership. Their business will be conducted under the Firm of ARMISTEAD & KELLY. January 16.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.