Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-07-06 00:00:00

DEFENCE OF CAPTAIN CHARLES GORDON BEFORE THE COURT MARTIAL.
[Concluded from our last.]
The next specification states "that I did not take care to have the powder horns of the Chesapeake filled."
In answering this and many other of the specifications, I have to lament much, that I am deprived by his death, of the testimony of the late Mr. Smith, my first lieutenant. The court well know the relative situation of a captain and his first lieutenant, and they will of course judge to what inconvenience I must be driven from being thus deprived of the testimony of my confidential and principal executive officer. I must endeavour however to supply this loss by circumstances, the only alternative left me in the want of positive proof.
This specification differs from some of the others. It does not charge me with not seeing the powder horns filled myself, but merely with "not taking care to have them filled."—It was considered, I presume, too hard first to require me to examine the forelocks of guns, and while I was engaged with my microscope in doing this, to send me in different parts of the ship to pass the wads thro' the foreruns and into the magazine to fill powder horns. I am only required to take care that the last be properly done, although I am to see to the others myself.
I affirm I did take proper care to have the powder horns filled; I ordered my first lieutenant to have it done; he ordered the gunner to do it, & sent Lieut. Allen to attend at the magazine door, as is customary in such cases—the testimony of Lieut. Allen will show that I was down myself, called the gunner to the door of the passage, and in his presence, ordered him to fill the horns—he further states, that after the magazine had been open from 4 P. M. to 8 P. M. the gunner came out and told him he had filled 17 horns, 8 rounds of cartridges, (4 of full charge and 4 reduced) together with a powder horn for each gun was reported to me to be filled. Whether these horns were filled then or not, it is impossible for me to say, nor is it important that I should, for I cannot but suppose that the court will not believe it was my duty to have gone into the magazine, after giving these orders to have seen to their being executed myself—it would have required me to have examined every powder horn in the ship—and if a gunner holding a warrant is not to be confided in for such duties as filling powder horns, I know not why he is kept on board—had this gunner been a stranger to the service, and only acting, I might then have examined each horn, or ordered a lieutenant to do so.
As to the priming of matches, I affirm it is neither absolutely necessary, or perfectly safe to be done. Fatal accidents have frequently resulted from their being primed, they answered every purpose for which they are intended as well without it. Few of you, Gentlemen, I believe, have caused your mates to be primed, and so unnecessary it is considered even since this charge has been made known, that the matches of this ship are not primed, at the present moment.
The proper place for keeping matches will depend I presume, upon the opinion of the commander and the arrangements of his ship—mine were kept in the gunner's store room, on the fore orlop, and this, commodore Barron agrees with me in thinking was the proper place for them. I will tell you why I think it the proper place—by keeping them there, the magazine is more secure from the fire which is sometimes communicated from an unextinguished match being carelessly returned after using it. The ship New York in which I sailed was near being blown up, by an accident of this sort, and that occurrence determined my opinion, as to the proper place of keeping matches—besides the gunner's store room is more convenient to the guns than the magazine—altho' no matches were passed up on the 22d of June during the attack, yet from the evidence you discover if application had been made to the gunner's yeoman for the matches when he was applied to for loggerheads, they would have been on deck even before the magazine was opened.
The next two specifications I shall also consider together—In these I am charged with "not taking care to have the marines supplied with enough cartridges, or with cartridges of a proper size."
I don't know how many cartridges are considered enough; this is a subject rather out of my sphere—and one therefore of which I pretend to know but little.
The evidence proves the issuing of about 10 rounds to each man, on the day before we sailed; if these with what they had before were not enough, I don't know why the marine officer did not take more, for the powder tub went up to him, and it appears he did not take all that were in it. I presume after having sent up the cartridges to the marine officer, I had done my duty; it was hardly to be expected I was to open every marines box, to count how many he had; no deficiency was ever reported to me.
As to the size of the cartridges, they were made at the navy yard, and received by my gunner—I am not responsible, therefore, for the size; even if they were too small. But if we are to believe the lieut. of marines, who I imagine knows more of this thing than any sea officer, these cartridges were of the right size, and better before than they are now since they have been altered.
The next specification charges me with "not calling on the gunner for a regular report of the state and condition of the guns, and all other matters in his department."
I affirm I did do so, and received this report. It is not usual, the court well knows to receive such reports in writing, and the reports made to me were not written—That they were made, however, I proved by the circumstances stated by Lieut. Allen, and Garnett the gunner's yeoman. The death of Mr. Smith prevents better proof than his being offered.
The next specification charges me with "reporting to commodore Barron, that the ship was ready for sea," notwithstanding all the circumstances enumerated in the former specifications.
From hence I presume it is meant to infer that she was not ready, and thus to impeach me, for making a false report. If this specification does not mean this, I know not what meaning it has.
In answer to it, I will first observe, it is the first time I have heard falsely reporting was neglect of duty; it may be an offence, but surely it is not an offence of omission—But whether it be an omission or commission, it is an attack upon my veracity, that I shall not permit to pass unnoticed, altho' it be not embraced by the charge.
I deny that I ever did report to commodore Barron, that the ship was ready for sea, altho' commodore Barron says this himself in the first part of his evidence, yet the court will be pleased to remark, that he afterwards refers to my letter upon this subject, as containing the report, and that letter being before the court must speak for itself. A perusal of that letter will show that I merely stated that the ship will be ready for sea by a particular day, and not that she was then ready. But if I had made the report, in these very words, the report obviously alludes to the ship's readiness to commence her voyage and not her armament and crew, because my next letter informs him of the stationing of the men, and commodore Barron himself states to you that I informed him afterwards, when he came on board that the guns had never been exercised. All these circumstances stated in this specification I have before commented upon; some of them I have shown not to exist, others to be of no consequence, and others if they existed not to be known to me—of course if I am right in these statements, my reporting the ship to be ready for sea is no imputation upon me, and it is a mere declaration of my own opinion, which whether right or wrong is of no moment.
In considering this specification I am struck with real surprise at the ingenuity of my accuser, which after seeking through every part of my conduct for something with which to charge me, has at length made this notable discovery, which from the formal and emphatic manner in which it is introduced must have been deemed conclusive.—I have not done my duty say my accusers—why? Because I have done what is improper—What is the impropriety? Reporting your ship ready for sea when she was not ready. Why was she not ready for sea? Why her guns some of them had spike nails instead of forelocks; her wads one out of ten rather too large; her matches were not primed, and were in the gunner's store room instead of being in the magazine; the marines had not enough cartridges in their boxes, and those which they had would go down without being rammed: Therefore she was not ready for sea. Thus facts no way connected with a ship's ability to perform her voyage, are cited as proofs of her not being fit for sea, when she is reported to be ready to proceed, and this supposed act of mine in so reporting is made the ground upon which to build a charge against me for neglecting my duty. The absurdity of such a conclusion is plain, but will be rendered still more manifest if the court will suppose I had made a different report. Suppose instead of reporting that the ship would be ready for sea on the 17th of June, I had known all the circumstances, and had made on that day a report that the ship was not ready to go to sea because of these defects. Would I not have deserved to be called a fool? Would I not have deserved to be severely punished for detaining a ship which had already been detained more than four months, yet a day longer for the mere purpose of doing these things, which would not have employed me more than five minutes at most, and for the doing of which there was no immediate necessity?
Yes gentlemen, if I had detained the ship but one second after she was able to cross the Atlantic and had so reported, I should have been called to a severe account for it; my accusers would then have said all this work was not the business of half an hour, and might as well have been done as you was crossing the Atlantic with but little else to do.—Thus I am placed between Sylla and Charibdis—For reporting the ship ready I am censured, for detaining her longer when she was ready I certainly should have been censured—the alternative I adopted in this situation, while it disproves the truth of the charge, was that alone which I could safely adopt. I reported that the ship would be ready by a particular day; when that day arrived I informed commodore Barron of her true situation as far as I knew it; least he might be deceived when he came on board I informed him particularly that the guns had never been exercised. He then had all the information which I had; if he chose to sail then I was not responsible for any accident which might happen on that account; if he chose to remain, the detention of the ship would be his act, and not mine.
The four last specifications I shall answer together. They charge me explicitly with "reporting the ship to be ready for sea, when she was not ready; and with never reporting the true state and condition of the ship." These charges although presented under five different shapes, yet all revolve themselves into these two propositions, that I never made a true report, but did make an untrue report of the ship to my commander.
That I made a report of the situation of the ship is absolutely certain, and that this report was true, my answer to the last specification must prove. I will here ask in what respect it was untrue? The guns had not been exercised, and I told commodore Barron so. The crew were quartered on the 19th of June only, and on that day I gave him this information, he ought to have known from thence
that the crew had only been called to quarters three times; that is once a day before the 22d of June when we sailed. The guns of the Chesapeake I believed, and still do believe to have been securely fitted in their carriages, when we proceeded to sea, they had been tried as well as the sponges and wads, and no defects discovered. The powder horns had been ordered to be filled, were reported filled, and I had seen some of them which I knew to be filled—The matches were not primed, nor ought they to have been primed; they were in that place which he himself considered most proper—the marines had been supplied with more cartridges than they wanted, and these of the proper size. In short every thing which ought to have been done, was done, except that the guns had not been exercised; and this was specially reported. Being satisfied myself that this was the case, I presume it can hardly be considered my duty to have made a particular report of every thing, to have told him that the masts were round, the boats tight, the powder dry, and the matches cut. My silence was the best report I could make. I knew of no defects but in the omission to exercise my guns, and that I stated. Did he not then have all the information which it was necessary for him to have, and as much as it was my duty to give him?
Most of the witnesses have been asked if the ship was ready for sea when she sailed, and they all answered that they have no reason to think otherwise—Commodore Barron alone has merely supposed she was not ready, because during the attack of the Leopard there was confusion on board, and the divisions were not properly supplied with ammunition.
These are his only reasons for thinking her not ready for sea—And is confusion among a raw crew of a ship, surprized by a sudden attack, and called to quarters in an unusual manner, any evidence that the ship was not ready for sea? Certainly it is not. The same gentleman afterwards has told you himself, that this would, he presumed, be always the result of a surprize upon even the best disciplined crew; and yet he ascribes that to a want of discipline, which he tells you he supposes would have happened if the crew had been in the best state of discipline. The officers commanding divisions, who certainly are as good judges as Commodore Barron, tell you that the confusion proceeded not from the men's being unacquainted with their stations, for that this was not the fact, but that it proceeded from the stopping of the beating of the drum. For this act I am not responsible, although it has pleased Commodore Barron in his defence to ascribe it to me. The evidence in his own trial clearly proves that the order to stop the drum was given by himself, and that I acted, in stopping it, only under his express orders. The confusion therefore does not prove that the ship was not ready for sea—but if this confusion resulted from the cause to which commodore Barron ascribes it, the men not being acquainted with stations, did he not have the same knowledge of this which I had? I told him when the crew were first quartered, and he knew they could not have been called to quarters more than three times, and he himself saw them at quarters the last time before we went to sea. If with all this information he chose to go to sea, was it my fault?
The divisions not being supplied with ammunition during the Leopard's attack, is another reason why commodore Barron supposes the ship not to have been ready for sea; he will not ascribe this notorious defect to me, but leaves it to the court to do so, unless I can show that this did not proceed from my misconduct. I can do so. The magazine is proved by every person who visited it, to have been in good order, and well arranged—The defects in this department did not proceed from my misconduct, but from the misconduct of others; why were not matches sent up? it is proved there were great plenty and in the proper place—why were not cartridges sent up? it is proved there were 8 rounds of them ready filled in the magazine—why were not the powder horns, which are proved to have been filled, passed up earlier? The answer to these questions will shew from what cause the defect proceeded. Having provided enough of these several articles and placed them in their proper places, I had done my duty. If an officer permits his crew to be surprized, and if in consequence of this surprize they become confused and forget their duties, the fault is not his who first taught them, but must rest either upon those who permit the surprize or those who are affected by it—The court will say which.
Before I conclude my defence I will make but a few more remarks. Whatever may have been my neglects, I feel the consolation to know, that not one of them is traced up to the surrender of the ship on the 22d of June last; although my whole conduct has been scrutinized from the 1st of May, with an eye so accurate as to distinguish between two musket balls differing from each other about one penny-weight only, and to make the want of the same perception, my neglect, yet no charge is brought against me bottomed upon the disastrous events of that memorable day. Whatever I omitted before, on that occasion all acknowledge I did my duty. I have the consolation to know too that the stain on the flag of my ship did not proceed as a consequence in any degree from my antecedent errors, in such they be. The guns of the Chesapeake were not exercised on that day, and however awkward my ship's company might have been in consequence of not being trained to this duty, they were not permitted to expose themselves; although the crew had been quartered only a few days before we sailed, and had never been called to quarters but three times, they obeyed a most uncommon call, and came quietly to their stations like men, where they stood to be shot at, like sheep (to use their own phrase) until our colours were down. If the guns were not se-
curly fitted in their carriages they certainly did not jump out that day—If the sponges and wads were not of the proper sizes, neither sponge or wad was that day used—If the powder horns were not all filled, those which were filled were not used that day—If the matches were not primed, no effort was made to light them on that day—If the marines were not supplied with enough cartridges, they were supplied with more than were that day consumed—If the cartridges which they had, were not of the proper size, their not being used on that day did not proceed from this cause—If I have been guilty of omissions therefore this court will do me the justice to say that the disastrous result has not proceeded from them. That they are more neglects of duty, from which no evil consequence has been felt. But when you reflect on the evidence, I feel confident that you will not say that I have even omitted anything which I ought to have done.
One more remark and I have done. Should the proceedings of the present court be exhibited to the world, I shall be found accused not only by the charge which the government has thought proper to prefer against me, but by the defence of Commodore Barron—in this heavier offences are laid to my charge, than the government has believed it necessary or right to bring against me. Under such circumstances it would be my right to be heard while I defend myself against such accusations—I shall make but one answer, however, to all these charges—The defence of Commodore Barron was drawn by his ingenious counsel—The testimony of Commodore Barron, however, is sworn to by himself. Of all those who read his defence, I have therefore to request that they will read his evidence, before their opinions be formed—When they are informed of the contents of both these declarations, I shall willingly submit my fate to their impartial decision.
CHARLES GORDON.
MR. NICHOLAS' LETTER
To his Constituents, concluded from our paper of Wednesday last.
It has been repeatedly stated, that we might have prevented the state of things that gave rise to the embargo; that the necessity grew out of our own fault, our own remissness, and not out of the decrees and orders of council. If this be true, it is indeed a view of the subject that ought to be met with great seriousness; and although it is no reason for not defending what all agree, are our unquestionable rights, it is a sufficient reason for bringing to punishment and disgrace, those who have sacrificed the publick interest, and unnecessarily endangered the peace of the nation. Let us examine the subject. It is said we could have protracted the treaty made by Mr. Jay—that we could even have made a better treaty—that had as Jay's treaty was, it would have been better to have protracted it, than to have been in our present situation. I disliked Mr. Jay's treaty; but I have no doubt it was a better treaty when it was made in 1794, than it would have been in 1806-7—when it is considered in relation to the situation of the two countries at that time; its intrinsic merit or the relative situation of the two nations in 1806-7. In 1794, Great Britain was associated with all the great continental powers, except France. She had swept from the ocean a great part of the commerce of the United States; she was in possession of our posts, that enabled her to command all the Indian tribes. The United States had not recovered from the effects of the revolutionary war, from the chaos of which, we had been harassed by a cruel and bloody war with our savage neighbours; we had at the same time very serious difficulties with the Spaniards, upon points of great importance; our commerce was exposed to the Barbary powers; a danger so serious, as to exclude our vessels from the Mediterranean sea. These circumstances would certainly have justified a treaty then, that ought not to be accepted at this day; then it could have been said with propriety, we ought to eke out the time, and delay an appeal to arms.
Under all these circumstances, it was thought, by a great proportion of the American people, we ought not to have accepted Jay's treaty: although by it we procured the surrender of posts, and at least 1,200,000 pounds sterling for spoliations; although by its adoption we gained time, and in all probability procured an adjustment of our differences with Spain, then the ally of Great Britain, and the navigation of the Mississippi—for it is probably as long as we were embroiled with England, Spain would not have made the concessions she did; and although we then gained peace & safety to our extensive frontier. This treaty, that was then bad, and ought to have been rejected, would be now good, and ought to be continued—that is to say, when it held out to us advantages, it ought to have been rejected; but when every part of it was executed from which we were to expect advantage, we ought to have continued the execution of those parts that had been inserted for the benefit of Great Britain, and to which we had objected, when, as they said, they had given us an equivalent. If this treaty was bad in 1794, it was much worse, it was inadmissible, in 1806-7. Great Britain has then from the imposing attitude in which she had stood; our resources, our means of defence and offence, as well as our population, had increased in a ratio, never before experienced by any people upon earth. If the treaty had been renewed, there is a certainty, it would not have prevented our being in our present situation, as will be shown. But it is said, we have obtained a better treaty. If by this it is meant to say, that our situation in a commercial or political point of view would have been better, if we had adopted the treaty negotiated by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, it is believed that sentiment will be found greatly erroneous, if the subject is

considered either with reference to the advantages to be gained by this country from that treaty, or the time and circumstances under which it was proposed. — The correct mode of judging of a treaty, is, by a knowledge of the points in dispute, as well as of all the objects of the contracting parties. Unless something is gained, it is obvious that a treaty is bad, and although it may be said, certain rights are reserved, not abandoned, yet I assert, in most cases that is the effect, and that such is the usage of nations; and that reservations are made more with a view to the character and feelings of the nation that makes the reservation, than with an expectation that such claims will ever be revived. It is therefore more frank and manly to abandon claims at once, than to keep them alive in this way, after a general adjustment of other differences; all history affords proof of the propriety of this opinion. The application of it to the late negotiation, needs no further illustration to shew, that the supposed reservations and informal engagements, form no justification of the treaty. What Mr. Canning says upon this subject, in his note of the 22d October 1807, is conclusive. "No engagements were entered into on the part of his majesty as connected with the treaty, except such as appear upon the face of it. Whatever encouragement may have been given by his majesty's commissioners to the hope expressed by the commissioners of the United States, that discussion might hereafter be entertained, with respect to the impressment of British seamen from merchant vessels, must be understood to have had in view the renewal of such discussions, not as forming any part of the treaty then assigned (as the American commissioners appear to be instructed to assume,) but separately, and at some subsequent period, more favorable to their successful termination." So that to say the least, the points in dispute are not provided for by this treaty, and for which provision does not appear upon the face of it, ought to be considered as postponed, if not abandoned. I will state to you, what were the objects in forming a treaty with Great Britain. You will see in what our commissioners were successful, and it will at once be seen whether the treaty ought to have been rejected or adopted. — We demanded an exemption of our seamen from impressment. Was satisfaction given to us in the treaty upon this point? There was not: but our commissioners were assured in a note of the British commissioners of the 8th November, that instructions had been given and should be repeated and enforced, for the observance of the greatest caution in impressing British seamen, with assurances that immediate redress should be given in case any American should be impressed, and with an assertion that no recent cases had occurred. So far from this being true, the secretary of state, Mr. Madison, says, "the impressments have at no time been more frequent or vexatious." In making a treaty, their instructions were peremptory and clear, not to sign any treaty without a provision upon this subject: The provision in the note, would have been inadmissible, if it had formed part of the treaty, (as the right to impress was asserted, not abandoned, and British officers made the sole judges who were British subjects;) as it did not it was of no effect, as appears by Mr. Canning's note, before referred to. — And here it should be remarked, that the assertion that Great Britain only wants the services of her own subjects, whose services are essential to her existence, and that it is our object to rob her of these people, is one of the many calumnies that are uttered against our government. By the law of nations, it is our clear and indisputable right, that our flag should protect from belligerents, all persons, except those in the military or naval service of their enemies. This is a principle that we cannot give up, without abandoning our people to their mercy. If we admit the right of impressment by one belligerent, we must admit it to exist in all; and we make their officers the sole judges of who are and who are not their subjects. The British have never contended for a power to do more than to impress their own people, but in the exercise of this power, they have, in the course of the war impressed many thousand native American citizens. We neither dispute the right of Great Britain to command the services of her subjects, provided she can do it without a violation of our rights, nor do we wish to employ them in our service, and this is clearly proved by the offers of our government to consent to regulations, by which persons belonging to one country shall be excluded from the service of the other. As far as I have been able to inform myself of the wishes of those who have competent authority on the part of the United States, I say confidently, our government would co-operate in any reasonable regulation, that Great Britain would suggest and make reciprocal. Of the disposition of the executive, upon this subject, there is a full proof in the instructions given to our commissioners; of the temper of congress, there can be no room to doubt. If Great Britain suffers injury from her subjects leaving her service or country, let her restrain them; she has the authority and the means to do so; she can, if she pleases, prevent a British subject from leaving either. We cannot, consistently with our honour, duty or interest, permit her to indemnify herself for such loss, by forcing American citizens to fight her battles.
The next most important point was the colonial trade. — By the 11th article, that trade was placed upon a worse footing than it stood before. The re-exportation of colonial produce is restricted to European ports, and the supplies of the colonial market to European goods. There is no way in which the British had harassed our commerce more, than in the execution of their nominal blockades: upon this point we demanded and had a right to expect redress: did the treaty give it to us? It did not. We have a heavy account against that nation for spoliations, committed upon our commerce in violation of the law of nations and of principles recognized by herself: does the treaty provide for the payment of these claims? Not a cent — they are postponed — the right to make demand is reserved. Is our trade to the East and West Indies put upon a better footing than it stood before? It is not; the former is confessedly on a worse than under Jay's treaty. Are our boundaries settled? They are not; that question is likewise reserved. Great Britain levies a tax upon us, her best customers, under an export duty of four per cent. which is paid by no other independent nation, and thereby imposes upon us a tribute of a million of dollars. Did this treaty secure us an exemption from this duty? It did not; the only consolation that is given, is, that we do not pay a greater duty upon our exports, than is paid by her colonies. — Upon the whole, from this analysis of the treaty,
it does not appear that any thing would have been gained that was worth possessing, and that our most important rights and interests have either been reserved, postponed or qualified and limited, in such a manner, that our situation was not made worse than by its rejection. In the consideration of our relations with that country, it ought to be remembered we were the injured nation in every instance; that there was not a single act of ours of which Great Britain had a right to complain; there were no set-offs of that sort against our just demands. — Why then should we have made a treaty by which we got nothing? It has been said by its advocates, we should have avoided war. I believe it would have had a contrary tendency, and I think I can demonstrate it. But is it rational to believe Great Britain would have gone to war with us, for injuries that they had themselves committed; or was it necessary to patch up this accommodation to prevent our government from going to war with them? If, by this treaty, it had been stipulated we should obtain every thing our commissioners were instructed to demand; if Great Britain had thrown open all her ports in the East and West Indies and in Europe to our commerce, it ought to have been rejected. — The note of the British commissioners, of the 31st of December, 1806, which appears to have been delivered before the signature of the treaty, by those commissioners, puts it as completely in the power of the king of Great Britain to withhold his ratification of that treaty, as it would have been, had there been a stipulation in the body of the treaty, that it should not be binding upon Great Britain, unless (these are the words of the note,) "the enemy will either have formally abandoned, or tacitly relinquished his unjust pretensions, or the government of the United States, by its conduct or assurances, will have given security to his majesty, that it will not submit to such innovations, in the established system of maritime law." The British commissioners "presented this note from an anxious wish, that it should be clearly understood on both sides, that, without such an abandonment on the part of the enemy, or such assurances, or such conduct on the part of the United States, his majesty will not consider himself bound by the present signature of his commissioners, to ratify the treaty, or precluded from adopting such measures as may seem necessary for counteracting the designs of his enemy. This conditional signature of the treaty, did amount in substance, to an offer to our government, of the alternative between the treaty, and a war with France; since, if our government did not give such assurances, or pursue such conduct as would be satisfactory to his Britannick majesty, the treaty would be lost. If the treaty had contained stipulations the most beneficial to the United States, this note would, in my mind, have constituted an insuperable bar to it, unless I had been prepared to consent to an alliance offensive and defensive with Great Britain; for I am convinced, nothing short of actual hostility against France, would have satisfied the British government. In the adjustment of our differences with Great Britain, it neither comported with our interest nor our dignity, as an independent power, to make the adjustment dependent upon the conduct of our government, in a dispute with any other nation. In this case, there was the less pretence for the interference of the British, because it is declared in this very note, that the French naval ports and arsenals, are actually blockaded, and they are unable to station any naval force whatever, before any port of the United Kingdom. Notwithstanding the confidence with which his Britannick majesty appeals to the world as to his uniform respect for neutrals rights, and his scrupulous adherence to the law of nations; it is notorious that in his conduct towards the United States, he has never regarded either, and that he was the first power who ever created a blockade by proclamations and diplomatic communications. — Against these nominal blockades, he now protests, and although he declares them inoperative against him, it forms a justification in his mind; for an attempt to force the United States into acts of hostility against France. The wisdom of the president, in not accepting the treaty signed upon the condition expressed in the letter of the British commissioners, is now obvious; for, altho' we have not by our act, sanctioned the British claim to prescribe to us a course of conduct, with respect to France, and notwithstanding, in that note, the right to retaliate any injury the French decrees may do them, is rested solely upon the ground of our "acquiescence in such usurpations: Yet, on the 7th of January, 1807, only seven days after the signature of this treaty in London, an order of council issued, prohibiting our vessels trading between the ports of France and those of her allies, in violation of our rights, and of the 11th article of this very treaty: and more than a month before it was known in the U. States, that our trade with Great Britain was interdicted by France, the British orders of the 11th of November issued. If this conditional treaty had been accepted, Great Britain would have been justified in doing what she has done, unless we resisted the French decrees in a manner satisfactory to her. — The view I have taken of this treaty, has been forced upon me, by the attempt that has been made to impress upon the nation, a belief, that if it had been adopted, we should have avoided our present difficulties. I trust, I have shown that they have not arisen from the rejection of this treaty, and that its adoption would not have prevented the state of things, that now exists between the United States and Great Britain; this has been my only motive for the notice I have taken of it. It has been to me a painful duty. I have endeavoured to discharge it, in a manner consistent with the respect I feel for the gentlemen who negotiated that treaty. One of them I have known long and intimately. I know he is incapable of an intentional abandonment of the interest of his country. My object is not to criminate the commissioners, who, I am confident, believed they acted for the interest of their country, but to rescue the administration from a censure they do not merit. In forming the treaty, the commissioners acted upon a responsibility, the full force of which they felt. The president in sending it back and refusing to ratify it, discharged a duty to his country. I have no doubt he did right. That he acted according to his own conviction, there can be no doubt. It is roven by his instructions antecedently given. The correspondence is published and every man has the means of forming an opinion for himself. Before you will believe that the necessity for the embargo grew out of the fault and remissness of our own government, and not out of the French decrees and British orders, you will require it to be proved
by what act of our's, short of war with England, we could have prevented the blockading decree of France from being extended to our commerce; and by what act of our's, short of war with France, the British orders of the 7th January, 1807, and their orders of the 11th November, would have been prevented from issuing. They have told you and you have seen, that the rejected treaty would not have had that effect. It must be shown too, how the British were to have been restrained from the impressment of our seamen; how, by any act of our's, the attack upon the Chesapeake was brought about, and how the execution of one of the four men taken from on board that vessel, and the detention of the other three, is to be ascribed to the rejection of the treaty. It may be asked, do we rely solely upon the embargo? We do not; we have made provision for the defence of our ports and harbours, by the appropriation of large sums of money, for the erection of fortifications and the building gun-boats, to be used in the defence of our ports, bays, and rivers. We have ordered a regular force of upwards of six thousand men to be raised, who will be employed for the defence of our most exposed and important places. We have given the president a power to call into actual service 100,000 militia; and we have appropriated 650,000 dollars for the purchase and manufacture of arms. A much larger sum would have been applied to this most important object, if it could have been used; but that was not believed to be practicable, as we can only procure them from manufactures within the United States. How long is the embargo likely to continue? is a question every man feels interested in. A law passed congress a short time before the adjournment, authorising the President of the United States, in the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe in his judgment, to suspend the act laying an embargo. In either of these events, the embargo will instantly be taken off. If the wrongs of which we complain continue, and the embargo becomes more oppressive than war, we must make the appeal to arms, and resort to such measures as will give full scope to the courage and enterprise of our countrymen. If this shall be our only alternative, the course we have taken was the best we could have adopted; it has enabled us to bring home all our citizens who were abroad, to secure the vast property we had afloat, to put our country in a state of defence, and to make all the necessary preparations for offensive war, if we should be obliged to resort to it. It gives us every possible chance to escape war. But if we should not be so fortunate, we shall engage in it, with less risk and loss to ourselves, and greater means of annoyance to our enemies.
Fellow-citizens, the state of our affairs, and indeed of the whole world, is portentous and merits your most serious consideration. It is not the lot of man to enjoy uninterrupted happiness. Our situation is, and has been the most enviable of any people on earth. We live under a government of our choice, administered by our own agents, elected by and responsible to us. Our property is our own; not a shilling of it is taken from us but what is faithfully applied to the publick service. Fulfilling all our duties to others, we ask of them nothing but to forbear to do us injury. When the people and wealth of other countries have been devoted to gratify the ambition of their rulers, we have been happily enjoying the fruits of our own labour. It is in America only, that the rights of man are known and respected. I should be unfaithful to you, if I did not warn you of the possibility of your being called upon to defend these inestimable blessings, and that you may be called upon for yet greater exertions than you made in your revolutionary war. In this crisis, fellow-citizens, it is as uncertain from what quarter the blow may come, as with what force you may be assailed; let us think only of the danger to which our country is exposed; let us dismiss all party and personal considerations, and devote ourselves to the preservation of our country; let us make a solemn vow, that we will, at the expense of our lives and fortunes maintain that independence and liberty which our best blood was expended in acquiring; that we will defend to the last extremity, the rich inheritance procured for us by the valor, wisdom and patriotism of our fathers, and that we will transmit it unimpaired to our posterity.
I am, With the greatest respect and consideration, Your humble servant, W. C. NICHOLAS.
TRIAL OF COMMODORE BARRON.
As soon as a sufficient number of Subscriptions are procured, to defray the cost of the Paper, WILL BE PUBLISHED, AT THE LEDGER OFFICE, NORFOLK.
THE WHOLE PROCEEDINGS IN THE TRIALS OF Commodore JAMES BARRON, Capt. CHARLES GORDON, Commandant of the United States' frigate Chesapeake, JOHN HALL, Esq. Captain of Marines, and WILLIAM HOOK, Gunner.
These Trials will be found highly interesting to the publick in general, and to the Officers of the United States' Navy in particular. Every circumstance relative to the important affair, which gave occasion for these Trials, will be found detailed with great exactness; and many official documents which have not yet been published will appear with this work. The interest which the nation has taken in this affair, and the circumstances connected with it, render it unnecessary that the Publisher should offer any remarks upon the value of the work. Officers of the Navy will be greatly interested in having the proceedings of the most important Trials that have occurred in the service.
The Publisher has been favoured with a record of the proceedings; he will pay particular attention to the correct execution of the work, which it is expected will contain from two hundred and fifty to three hundred pages, octavo.
CONDITIONS. I. The work will be printed on a good fair type, and on good paper. II. The price to Subscribers will be One Dollar and Seventy five Cents, in boards, delivered at any place where Subscriptions are received, according to order. III. The amount of Subscription to be paid on delivery of the Work. IV. The usual allowance to the trade. Subscription Papers will be sent in a few days to the principal towns in the United States, of which notice will be given in the papers of those towns. To the EDITORS OF PAPERS who will give this advertisement a few insertions, the Publisher will be much obliged, and reciprocate whenever they may request it. The Editor of the Publick Ledger.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIMES, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 6, 1808.
ANNIVERSARY OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. The anniversary of the statesman or hero, whose wisdom has promoted the interests, or whose valour has advanced the glory of his country, awakens the patriotick gratitude of his fellow citizens, and is hailed as an auspicious epoch in the history of the nation. The commemoration of the anniversary of statesmen and heroes, however illustrious by their virtues and actions, makes but a faint impression on the mind, when brought into a comparative view with the impressions which are produced by the return of THAT DAY WHICH GAVE OUR COUNTRY BIRTH.
Thirty-two years are completed since the United States assumed a station among the nations of the world. Within that period, which in the history of a nation is but as a day, our country has progressed beyond all example, and to an extent exceeding all expectation. While the United States have been permitted to establish governments of their own choice, to regulate and fix institutions suitable to those governments, and to select persons to administer their laws, other nations have experienced a far different fate.
Nations whose gigantick powers and mighty resources, might justly inspire confidence, and promise duration, have seen their governments overthrown, their institutions abolished, and their very names erased from the nations of the world. A despotism the most powerful and ruthless is spreading destruction throughout the greater proportion of the civilized world. Nations, the powerful as well as the weak, have fallen before its fury. This scene of desolation has not yet reached our happy shores, but who can tell how long it will be before the thunder, which has been heard to rumble at a distance, may burst over our heads? To resist the effects of this dreadful storm, we would invoke the spirit of patriotism and unanimity, which distinguished that glorious epoch, which we contemplate with holy veneration. A sense of common danger and common interest, then united all hearts; the safety and independence of the country animated our councils and nerved every arm.
On this day every American must be impressed with one sentiment. In the proportion, as we reverence, so it is believed and hoped, we will unite with one heart and hand in supporting that independence which was proclaimed on this day.
The citizens of this Borough celebrated the anniversary of American Independence, with a zeal which the love of country must always inspire, on this memorable day.
The morning was ushered in by discharges of artillery from the companies of Captains Nestle and Pollard. At nine o'clock the 54th regiment commanded by col. Sharp, was under arms, and having been reviewed by Brigadier General Mathews, was marched to Christ Church, where after an appropriate prayer by the Rev. Mr. Grigsby, an oration was delivered by Mr. Charles Blanchard, of Captain Maurice's Junior Volunteers. The youthful orator gave conspicuous evidences of a mind well stored with classical and historical learning. He was particularly happy in comparing the antient and modern republics with our own, and the distinction which he drew between a wild democracy, and a representative republic, would have done credit to a veteran politician.
Afterwards the regiment was again formed and fired a feu de joie, when the different companies separated, and spent the remainder of the day in mirth and harmony.
A federal salute was fired at twelve o'clock from Fort Nelson, and at one o'clock from the Chesapeake frigate, and from Gun-Boat No. 10, commanded by Lieutenant Sinclair. Nothing occurred which could interrupt the harmony of the day. — The day was observed by the citizens of our sister town of Portsmouth, with similar sentiments of zeal and patriotism.
The United States' Frigate CHESAPEAKE, COMMODORE DECATUR, has received orders to proceed on a cruise immediately. She will sail with the first wind.
Advices are received by the Eliza, capt. Brown, from Havanna, which state that by intelligence received from Spain to the first of May, the Prince of Peace was actually beheaded, and his estates confiscated. The tonnage of sixty cents per ton on vessels arriving at Havanna, with a duty of three per cent. had been abolished. The monies arising from those impositions, were exclusively appropriated for the Prince of Peace.
Subscriptions for publishing the Trials of Commodore BARRON, Captain GORDON, Captain HALL, and Gunner HOOK, are received at the LEDGER OFFICE.
N. D. is respectfully informed that it is repugnant to our established rule, to admit any article of a personal nature into our paper; nor does it alter our determination that the article offered, is in the form of an advertisement, and to be paid for.

DIED —On Friday last in the County of Brunswick, about thirty miles from Petersburg, ROBERT DONALDSON, Esq. of Fayetteville, (N. C.) of the mercantile house of Donaldson, M c Lean & Co. of that place, and of the house of Donaldson, Thorne & Co. of this Borough. Mr. Donaldson was on his route to this place and New-York, when he was attacked, and died after a short illness. Those who had the pleasure of this gentleman's acquaintance, will long remember his amiable qualities.—As a merchant he was candid, liberal, and honourable; in society, he was polite and unassuming; as a friend; kind, sincere, and generous; with such qualities, he could not but be esteemed by all to whom he was known; but to those with whom he was connected by the tender relations of husband and father, he was more strongly endeared, and to those his loss will be irreparable.
The circumstance of Mr. Gray's opposition to the resolutions proposed in the legislature, by Mr. Wheaton, is now going the round in the democratic papers, with an assurance that he had given his most serious and decided opinion in favour of the embargo—it is intimated with the usual truth of democratic assertions that this was the ground of his opposition.
We confess such a belief was countenanced by a paragraph in a very respectable federal paper of this town, about that time; but having heard every word uttered by him, in the senate, with respect to those resolutions, we declare that whatever may be his opinion, with respect to the embargo, Mr. Gray took the utmost pains to make it unequivocally understood that he gave NO opinion as to the measures of the general government, and that the reason why he could not, in that instance act with his friends, was because he did not think it consistent for the legislature of any state, to interfere in any manner, or express any opinion as to the measures of the general government.
This was the ground and the only ground taken by Mr. Gray. He advanced this sentiment soon after the resolutions were read from the chair in a short speech; and towards or at the close of the debate observed that though he had listened attentively to the remarks of gentlemen he had heard no reasons, which he thought would justify him, as a member of the senate of Massachusetts, in offering an opinion on the measures of the general government, and that on this account he must abide by the sentiment he had previously expressed, and should vote against adopting the resolutions.
That Mr. Gray would have approved of an embargo, until merchants could learn from our government, or if they could communicate nothing from Europe through the ordinary channels of information, what new embargoes existed to neutral commerce, is very possible. That Mr. Gray will say he conceives the government of the United States competent to laying a perpetual embargo on our foreign commerce, (and the present embargo has no limit, and requires a legislative act to permit any such commerce ever to be carried on again) we cannot and do not believe. And as to the present operation of this measure which is spreading such havoc among the poor and middling classes of society, those who know Mr. Gray best, will not suppose him capable of approving a course of things, which, though it can be sustained, by men of independent fortunes, is impoverishing town and country—all this at a period, when the discretion of the merchant would supersede all necessity of governmental restriction. Boston Repository.
By the Ariel, arrived at Philadelphia, we learn, that the nominal price of flour at St. Croix was 43 dollars per barrel, but very little for sale. The island was in expectation of receiving large supplies via Quebec.—The embargo in the United States had at first occasioned a considerable pressure there; its effects however were daily less felt; and the general sentiment was, that the United States should never again have it in their power to distress the island.
New-Hampshire Nominations.
The federalists of New-Hampshire, we are told, will support the following list of candidates to represent the state in the next congress, viz. Nathaniel Haven, William Hale, James Wilson, John C. Chamberlain, and Daniel Blaisdell, Esquires.
We also learn, that the following ticket for electors of president and vice-president will have the support of the federalists of that state, viz. Hon. Simon O'Cutt, Hon. Timothy Farrar, Hon. John Taylor Gilman, Hon. James Sheaff, Hon. Samuel Hale, Hon. Robert Wallace, and Jonathan Franklin, Esquires.—( Boston Paper. )
From the Philadelphia True American.
GEN. WILKINSON vs. DANIEL CLARKE. (Exparte proceedings.)
The newly appointed governor of the Spanish Province of Texas (son of the former governor of Louisiana) having lately been in Philadelphia, afforded an opportunity to Gen. Wilkinson's friends, to address the following note and queries to him.—This novel mode of obtaining evidence having failed to produce the desired effect, it is probable that neither the publick or court of enquiry would ever see the queries or answer unless through the medium now adopted.
The unfortunate application on the part of Gen. Wilkinson to Governor Salcedo or rather his more unlucky answer, leaves however as pointed an inference to be drawn in regard to the General, as the opinion expressed by the governor is explicit and satisfactory in respect to Mr. Clark. The publick however will judge for themselves and draw their own conclusions from what follows.
Note addressed to General Salcedo.
"The queries of Major Pike having been mislaid, Mr. Tomas Biddle, submits to Mr. Folch his recollection of the points on which the Major (understanding governor Salcedo had in the year 1795—96 and 97 been a member of the office of the secretary of the government at New Orleans) requested a statement of his knowledge."
"The Major expressed his confidence (from his knowledge of gen. Salcedo's character) that he would afford every proper information on a subject in which the honour of an officer of rank, and the military character of the country were concerned."
Queries —Whether the governor's situation with the government, and the secretary of the government [Don Andres Arnesto] in the years 1795—96 and 97 did not give him an intimate acquaintance with the publick and private affairs of the government?
Whether he knows any thing of the payment of any pension particularly 9640 dollars by the agency of Thos. Power, or any other person to gen. Wilkinson, and if not of a pension, of money, or mercantile or other accounts?
Whether had such transactions taken place, he considers it probable or possible he should not have been informed of them?
Whether he knows of Daniel Clark Esq. or Thomas Power separately or together, having had access to the archives of the secretary of the government, any circumstance attending it, and at what time; and generally of the character and conduct of the above named, under the notice or knowledge of Governor Salcedo?
Any other information which the Governor may conceive will elucidate the transactions of that period or the conduct of gen. Wilkinson.
The estimation in which gen. Wilkinson was held by the officers of his most Catholic majesty.
ANSWER.
(Translated from the Spanish.)
"Governor Salcedo cannot but ought not to answer the foregoing queries, excepting that part which refers to the character and conduct of Mr. Daniel Clark, and hereby declares, that this gentleman was universally known at all times in Louisiana as a zealous patriot of the United States, an upright man, and of the highest integrity, both in his publick and private affairs, always preferring the good of his country to his own interest."
From the New-York Oracle.
The following extract of a letter from a gentleman to his family in this city, descriptive of a fire which took place in Falmouth, Jamaica, on the 24th May, is particularly impressive. The writer had experienced the misfortunes accruing from fire in New York, and could only appreciate the feelings of others placed in the same situation.
"You who know so well to pity the unfortunate sufferers by fire, you who have experienced the distresses entailed upon those who have had fire for their master, can lend a tear, while I picture to you the distresses of the last night. I had lain down about 10, and was in a sound sleep, when about 11, the captain called me, and said the town was on fire, (he had not been in bed) I jumped up, and beheld a horrid sight. Then about 6 or 8 houses were burning; there was no wind, and I was in hopes it would end there. I dressed myself and went on shore; there we met whites, mulattoes, and negroes, all crying and making the most woful lamentations, without attempting to put out the fire.—The work house negroes were there, who brought water on their heads, in pails and buckets, but no line was formed and no regularity used; every white inhabitant was a soldier, and had a musket or a sword, to make the negroes work, for work themselves they will not, they think they were not made to work, but to have negroes to do it for them, even on the greatest emergency. They had there five engines, one was useless, one very bad, and one tolerably good; no attention having been paid to keep them in order. When I came to the scene of action, there were about 12 houses burning, in each of which there was either rum, brandy, or gin in casks, and in some there was powder; the explosion of which, together with the smell of the liquors, the lash of the whip on the negroes, the noise of all ordering, the screaming of half naked women and children, the heat of the fire added to that of an intensely hot night formed a scene which can be imagined, but not described. I wished to assist, but found that impossible.—The town, at the commencement of the fire covered in length about half a mile, and about a quarter of a mile in breadth, and contained from 200 to 250 houses, large and small; conceive that you see those houses, most of which are two stories, and built of wood in regular order, and of these, at least 150 on fire at one time, and at the same time not less than 100 puncheons of liquors burning: in no direction could the eye be turned but distress presented. The shrieks and cries were sufficient to pierce the heart of any person not callous to all kind of feeling. At half past five o'clock I returned on board—then its fury was nearly spent, as in the direction of the wind, there were no more houses to which it could communicate. The apathy of the people was such that brands of fire lodged upon many houses, and for want of proper exertion of the owners they were entirely destroyed. The inhabitants (the principal characters) had been on board a sloop of war in the harbour to second breakfast and dinner, after which there was a ball.—There were only six ladies and a number of gentlemen; the former went on shore early in the evening; the gentlemen remained, and some were on board dancing and singing, in a few hours were deprived of all their earthly property. Several informed me they were totally ruined. This little place, which prior to the conflagration bore an agreeable appearance now presents nothing but a heap of rubbish. The inhabitants generally, have no shelter, and many of them have taken refuge aboard the vessels in the harbour until temporary buildings are erected for their accommodation.—There is no lumber here and I do not know from whence they can derive supplies. A subscription is about to be proposed for the sufferers; as I have formerly suffered by a similar calamity, my mite is ready."
BOSTON, June 25.
An overland French expedition against the British East-India settlements, is still spoken of in the French papers; and it is added, the Ottoman Porte has granted leave to the French troops to pass thro' Albania. If India were Buonaparte's real object, we imagine less would have been said on the subject; and perhaps the Turkish Sultan will learn to his sorrow, that these French artisans will find their work nearer at hand than India.
Four transports have arrived at Halifax from Cork, under convoy of the Nemesis, of 28 guns, capt. Somerville.—Besides about 250 artillerists, they have brought out 6000 stands of arms for the militia, 6,000,000 ball-cartridges, and 5000 barrels gunpowder. Great quantities of arms, &c. have been received in Canada, a practical enforcement of our maxim, "in peace prepare for war."
Late Intelligence. —Arrived this forenoon, schooner Theis, Dennison, 7 days from Savannah, June 23, off Cape Look Out, spoke ship Eunice, Manly, 44 days from Gibraltar, for Charleston—took out of her A. Rodgers, late master of the ship Mary Ellis, and Jacques, master of the brig William Tell, both of New-York, whose vessels had been condemned. These gentlemen inform that it was the report at Gibraltar, a few days previous to their sailing, that there had been an engagement between the United Toulon and Rochefort squadrons, and the English fleet under the command of lord Co o awood, in which the latter had gained a decisive victory. No official intelligence had yet arrived, but the known situation of the fleet, closely blockaded in the island of Minorca, and all supplies cut off, rendered it probable, that being nearly or quite equal in force, they were induced to give the English battle. And the report having come by way of Spain gave it additional credit.
One of these gentlemen further reports, that shortly before sailing, he had seen a letter from the American consul at Algiers, to the consul at Gibraltar, which states, that, notwithstanding the late settlement of affairs between America and Algiers, the latter power were fitting out their cruizers with the utmost expedition. Their precise destination was not known, but from circumstances, he apprehended they would act against American commerce, and strongly recommended any American vessels lying in the latter port, who should be then ready for sea to wait events, as the Portuguese had nothing afloat it could not be supposed the armament could be intended against them. The consul of the United States at Tangiers likewise gave information that there was then an Algerine polacre of 18 guns lying in Tangier Bay bound on a cruise to the westward, and that at his writing there were then 2 more to the westward of the Straits. At the time of the Eunice sailing there were two Moorish frigates in the Mole of Gibraltar getting ready with the utmost dispatch. He further states there were large supplies of ammunition and warlike stores of every species sent to Morocco and the Barbary powers by the English.
The emissaries of France having entered Morocco to endeavour to influence the emperor, to join the Great Napoleon against the English, caused great exertions to be made by the latter power, to counteract these endeavours. The very existence of their fleets in that quarter, depended solely on the friendship of those states, as every supply of fresh provisions came entirely from them. There were no preparations made by the Spaniards, for the investiture of Gibraltar, although it was generally believed they would attempt it very soon. A total change had taken place in the politics of Spain, the late king having been confined in prison, and the French troops who had possession of the whole of the country, evacuating with the celerity so usual among them, when they gain any advantage.
Portugal was still groaning under its burthen, the requisitions having been so many and so frequent as to exhaust all the specie of the kingdom; while a horde of the Taxgatherers of Buonaparte overawed the inhabitants.
It was generally supposed, at Gibraltar, that an amicable adjustment of all differences would take place between America and Great Britain, and a restitution be made by the latter power of all commerce condemned there. A large number of American vessels were in those seas, sailing under licence from Great Britain to and from the ports of Spain without interruption. Our informant sailed from thence in company with 8 or 10 sail, laden with wine and fruit, for England, among which were the Herkner, Howland, of New York, and ship Minerva, Ladler, of Charleston. Like-wise, the sch r Hannah, Thurlow, of Newburyport, for Marblehead, having been condemned and bought in again. On board the Hannah were fifteen or eighteen American captains whose vessels had been condemned at Gibraltar and Malta. The Hannah entered at Madeira, where he left ship Delaware, of N. Y. for Tenerife, with a licence. Flour at Madeira $15, pork 20, beef 16, staves 100 and a plentiful supply of every other article. The Portuguese colours were again hoisted at Madeira. Price Current at Gibraltar, flour $15, pork 26, beef 24, and every other article in proportion. Business lively. The Spaniards cut out vessels very often in the Bay, sometimes with strong easterly winds 3 and 4 of a night. Evening Post.
* Must have left Gibraltar 9th May.
TRANSLATION.
In the name of the Emperor and King Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine.
ARRETE, May 19, 1808 —Which will exempt until further orders, flour, corn, salted beef and pork, butter and salt, from all duties of entry, and Droit de excédant.
The Captain General, and Colonial Prefect of Martinique and its dependencies, taking into consideration the extraordinary difficulties which the actual state of the war causes to commercial undertakings for the introduction of the articles of the first necessity into this colony;—and considering further, that its situation demands that no encouragement should be withheld, which may lead to attempts, to surmount these difficulties.—Decree.
ART. 1. All duties of entry upon flour, corn, salted beef and pork, fish, butter and salt, which are introduced into the colony, shall be suspended until further orders; and that by this decree, no cargo shall be subjected to the Droit de excédant.
2. Nevertheless, the declaration of the importation shall be made at the Custom House, under pain of the forfeiture of one fourth of the value.
3. The present Arrete shall be recorded at the office of inspection. And the Director General of the Treasury department, is charged with the execution.
Given at Martinique, the 19th May, 1808.
VILLARET.
QUEBEC, June 6.
For the late hostilities, capture and detention of British boats and property, at Niagara, if we retaliated in kind, our paper would go into the states full charged with resolves, non intercourse acts and proclamations—But trusting that the American government will without these formidable incitements, feel the full force of the golden rule of doing as they would be done unto, we persuade ourselves that they will not hesitate a moment in withdrawing this atrocious act—and that an ambassador
for extraordinary will be despatched, with an appeal to the court of London, to obtain complete reparation. In default of these steps, we hope that the British government, will consider this hostility as a set off against the attack on the Chesapeake, and strike a balance with the United States, accordingly.
HALIFAX, (N. S.) June 3.
Sailed, on Friday under convoy of H. M. brig Emulous: and cleared this week, 2 ships, 6 brigs, 14 schooners; tonnage 2193; men 438—cargoes, 7498 quintals dry fish; 6006 bbls. pickled do. 1885 boxes and kegs smoked do. 2870 gals. oil; 65 bbls. 81 cases claret; 18805 hids. staves; 116367 planks and boards; 13000 shingles; 16925 hoops; 83 firkins butter; 62 shook hogsheads; 4361 barrels flour; 75 bbls. bread; 62 bbls. pork; 49 do. beef; 27 tierces rice; 274 bbls. pitch, tar and turpentine.
CHARLESTON, June 24.
Extract of a letter from Madeira, dated 27th of May received by a mercantile house in this city.
"The Western Islands, supply us very abundantly with grain, and it can be imported from thence more reasonable than from your continent. The Portuguese flag is again hoisted—the island having been ordered to be restored, but to be garrisoned by British troops."
Prices Current.
 Flour, $ 9 60 a $ 12 per barrel.  Biscuit, 6 a 7 do.  Beef, 13 a 15 do.  Pork, 23 a 25 do.  Bacon, 20 a 25 per lb.  Rice, 9 60 per quintal.  Codfish, 2 30 a 3 30 do.  Corn, 1 a 1 25 per bushel.  Beans, 2 do.  Staves, pipe, 90 a 100 per 1200  Do. bld. 60 a 65 do.  Do. bbl. 35 a 40 do.  Boards, 50 a 60 per m. 
Note —The above are the retail prices; consequently the commissions are to be deducted, where returns are made in wine. Wines are shipped at the following prices: London particular, first quality, $175 per pipe; do. market do. do. $160 do. New-York, $150."
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Sch r Rising States, Gilbert, 8 days from New-York.
Brig George, Cox, 4 days from Charleston.
Sch r Adventure, Town, 7 days from Philadelphia.
British Consul's Office, Norfolk, Virginia, July 4, 1808.
The Consul having extended the term, within which proposals for the getting a float and conveying to Norfolk, and repairing there his majesty's Cutter Zenobia, should be made, to Thursday the 7th instant, will receive the further proposals which may be offered therefor, until that day; after which, no others will be attended to, and he will proceed to give answers to such tenders as shall have been then addressed to him.
LANDING.
This Day from the Schooner Adventure and brig Eliza, 55 hhds. sup. qual. Muscovado Sugar, 34 do. and 40 quarter casks particular Teneriffe WINE—For Sale by Moses Myers.
July 6.
New Baltimore and Norfolk Packet.
The Sloop William & Mary, will sail from Newton's wharf for Baltimore on SATURDAY next.
This vessel is intended as a regular Packet, has a large and elegant cabin, containing twenty beds, with four state rooms, perfectly suited for the accommodation of families.
The table will be handsomely supplied, and the beds neat and clean. Ladies and Gentlemen who intend to visit Baltimore by water, will please to call at Newton's wharf, and examine the accommodations, where passages may be taken. Freight will be received on the usual terms. July 6.
One Cent Reward.
For apprehending and delivering to me REUBEN MCLENAHAN, my apprentice; he went off a few days ago, and took with him, it is said, more than belonged to him—He is about 19 years old, well grown, dark hair and eyes. Samuel Coleman.
July 6.
100 Dollars Reward.
Ranaway from the Subscriber on the 9th day of May last, a Negro Man by the name of LUKE, about 35 years of age; he is about 6 feet high, of a yellowish complexion, very thin visage, remarkable small legs, with very large feet, stoops a little in the shoulders, rather slow in speech when spoken to, and of an indolent look and will. I have reason to believe he has made his escape by water, perhaps to Norfolk or thereabouts. I will give the above reward if taken any where in the state of Virginia, except the counties of Accomack and Northampton, in that case I will give Thirty Dollars, and all reasonable expenses shall be paid on delivering or securing him so that I get him again. Thomas Jacob.
of Teagle, Northampton County, Eastern-Shore, Virg.
July 6.
FRANCIS SMITH,
Has for Sale,
400 boxes white and brown Cuba SUGAR, 4 hogsheads and 30 barrels Muscovado Sugar, 25 puncheons Grenada and 5 unch. choice old Antigua Rum; 5000 wt. Green Coffee; 150 sacks Salt, 3 pipes, 3 bbls. and 35 dozen choice old London Particular Madeira Wine; 1 pipe very choice Shrub, 12 tierces Rice; 25 boxes 10 by 12 Window Glass, 1 box 7 8 fish Linen; 1 trunk Calico; 1 box Hats, 1 case Jeans and Dimities.
In Store, and will be Sold by retail, 300 barrels Corn; 80 bbls. and 50 half barrels superfine Flour; 50 eggs Jamieson's Crackers. July 1.
NEWCOMB'S Packet will positively sail for New-York on SATURDAY next, wind and weather permitting.
For Sale on board, 100 barrels prime PORK.
July 6.
NOTES OF HAND,
according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.

ENGLISH KID SHOES.
WOOD & HASTINGS, HAVE JUST RECEIVED, A trunk fashionable English Kid Shoes, For Sale at a very low price. To close a consignment, they will sell the best of Hussar BOOTS at 8 Dolls. per pair Backstrap do. at 10 do. do. June 9.
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18.
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar at present occupied by Messrs. Wood & Hastings, no 9 Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
BANK NOTES LOST.
FIFTY DOLLARS will be paid to any person who will give the Subscriber such information as will enable him to recover the following Bank Notes, of the Branch Bank of the United States, Norfolk. 1. No 1174—dated Philadelphia, 6th July, 1804, favour R. Taylor, for 100 dollars. 2. No 6663—dated Philadelphia, 12th April, 1803, favour R. Taylor, for 100 dollars. WILLIAM DICKSON. June 6.
I will give Cash for barrel STAVES for fifteen days from this date. Moses Myers. June 6.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keep- on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for each only, viz. 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2 lb. do. Nails, 9 1-2 lb. do. do. 11 1-2 lb. do. do. 12 1-2 lb. do. do. 13 1-2 lb. do. do. 14 1-2 lb. do. do. 15 1-2 lb. do. do. 16 1-2 lb. do. do. 17 1-2 lb. do. do. 18 1-2 lb. do. do. 19 1-2 lb. do. do. 20 1-2 lb. do. do. 21 1-2 lb. do. do. 22 1-2 lb. do. do. 23 1-2 lb. do. do. 24 1-2 lb. do. do. 25 1-2 lb. do. do. 26 1-2 lb. do. do. 27 1-2 lb. do. do. 28 1-2 lb. do. do. 29 1-2 lb. do. do. 30 1-2 lb. He offers also for each only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street. 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 50 hhds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 180 boxes Mould Candles, 8 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 boxes striped Blankets, 3 boxes Blue Duffels; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 2 do. Hosiery, 34 do. Ticklenburgs and Osnaburgs; 2 do. Hosiery, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24.
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street. M 30.
FOR RENT. The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Blanchard. April 7.
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 30 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Maclure. March 2.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just re- ceived from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benjoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Eyan's best Crown Lanters, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiv- ing from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5.
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation.—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 30 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hhds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hhds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New-York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26.
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has estab- lished A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY For this purpose he has employed the journeymen who were ately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to be no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that the work will be well served who choose to promote an in- stitution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.
New SHOES from New-York, usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at and $1 for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s. for 15s. 6d. except of rough leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction. Gentlemen's SHOES and PUMPS of many kinds, made in his factory, and in Newark. VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt elegant—Having on hand nearly 200 air of Boots, he believes there are very few gentlemen who cannot be fitted.
A few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cot- tons, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. A few Casks of Best LONDON PORTER. July 6.
NORFOLK BOROUGH. At a Hastings Court continued and held the 25th day of May, 1808. Cornelius Cruywaygan, Compt'g against Maritzitz Boztellis and Moses Myers, Defendants. In Chancery. The defendant Maritzitz Boztellis not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assem- bly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the sat- isfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is now ordered that the said defendant Maritzitz Boztellis, do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of said Borough: and it is further ordered, that the defendant Moses Myers who hath effects of the said Maritzitz Boztellis in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
NORFOLK BOROUGH. At a Hastings Court continued and held the 24th day of May, 1808. Thomas Jones, Compt'g against Thomas Wright, administrator with the will annexed of Thomas Newton, Defendant. In Chancery. The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspa- pers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of the said Borough. A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808 Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs. Against Mary Sclater, widow and devisee for life of John Sclater, deceased, Richard and William S. Sclater, sons and devisees of the said John Sclater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb an infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Sclater, deceased, and as execu- tor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Sclater, deceased, Defendants. On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: It is ordered, that the said defend- ant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and an- swer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A Copy, Teste, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
WHITE JEANS, &c. Just Received A few pieces very fine White JEANS, Real Patent NANKKEENS, Best NAVY CLOTHS, and fashionable BUTTONS. For Sale by WOOD & HASTINGS. May 9.
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all per- sons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
On Hand, A few qr. casks of choice Teneriffe WINE, And a few kegs fresh Dutch HERRINGS.—For sale by the Subscriber. Moses Myers. April 25.
Mackinder & White, Have just received from on board the schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ticklenburgs, superfine Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK April 15. AT PRIVATE SALE, BY S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2.
The Subscriber is disposed to Con- tract for a quantity of BRICKS and LIME. Terms will be made known on application to John Saunders, Asst. M. Agent. Feb. Nelson, June 17. Landing from the Sloop African, from St. Bartholo- mews, 258 bags Gaudaloupe COFFEE, 37 hogsheads } St. Martin's SUGARS. 8 barrels 8 puncheons Rum. In Store, 60,000 wt. Jamaica COFFEE, 10,000 do. Laguira do. 30 kegs Raisins; 150 barrels Rye Whiskey, 4 pipes Country Gin; 30 pipes old Madeira Wine, 6000 bushels Iva } $500 do. St. Ubes } SALT. $500 do. Turk's Island } 5000 do. coarse Liverpool } C. & F. WHITTLE. May 30.
NOTICE. Whenever hereafter any person or persons, shall prefer his or their petition, to the Judge of the Virginia District, for the purpose of obtaining a mitigation or remission of any fine, penalty or forfeiture, incurred un- der the laws of the United States; such petition must be de- posited with the Clerk of the District Court, and by him, be transmitted to the Judge. By order of the Honourable Cyrus Griffin, Judge of the United States for the District of Virginia. Teste, Seth Foster, Clerk. June 15.
FOR RENT, A convenient Dwelling-House for a small family, pleasantly situated. Apply to Job Palmer. June 15. Landing at Southgate and Dickson's wharf, from the ship Fame, from Jamaica, and for Sale, 86 puncheons choice 4th proof Rum, 20 hogsheads do. Molasses, 4 casks Ginger; 18 bags Pimento. William Dickson. June 13.
STOLEN, A SILVER CANDLESTICK, Stamped on the base J Lowes. The negro woman who it suspected took it about a fortnight since, may have offered it for sale or pawn for rum, of which she is very fond—FIVE DOLLARS will be given to the person who may bring it to the Office of the Ledger. April 22.
LABOURERS WANTING. The President and Directors of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company want to hire for the ensuing season, a number of Hands to work on the Canal; they will be provided with good wholesome food, and the usual quantity of whiskey per diem—liberal wages will be given, and their wages paid at the end of every month. Apply to Richard Blow, William Cammack, or Samuel Proctor, Overseer. May 6.
LANDING From on board the Swedish Sloop African, captain Portelly, from St. Bartholomews, 2800 HIDES, Spanish, 10 tiers fine Green Marygalante COFFEE, 15 seroons Flotant INDIGO—For Sale by Wilson, Cunningham, & Co. IN STORE, 10,000 wt. good COFFEE, 15 hogsheads good 2d quality SUGAR, 10 do. N. E. RUM. May 27.
RICHARD & JOHN TAYLOR, Have received by the Ship Rolla, Captain Garey, from London, A few Packages of GOODS, suitable for the season. They have also on Hand, Cambrick; common and furniture Calicoes; plain and striped Dimities, White and coloured Jeans; Irish Linens. Sheetings and Cot- ton Shirtings; London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 4-4 and 6-4 Cambrick Muslins; Ginghams, Silk and Cotton Chambays, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Gloves and Hosiery, of all kinds, Sacking, Osnaburgs, and Brown Rolls, Pipes by the box, and Coppers by the barrel, And an assortment of HARDWARE, NAILS, &c. all of which they will sell low for Cash, or undoubted Paper at Sixty Days—Also for Sale, 150 barrels NEW PORK, 50 kegs Lard; Old Jamaica Rum and Sugar. May 6.
WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received from Baltimore and Philadelphia, a hand- some assortment of SPRING GOODS, which with their goods on hand, comprise a large and gene- ral assortment, and they will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash only. May 9.
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
Phoenix Fire Office. The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Vir- ginia, begs leave to inform the public, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals hereto subjoined. N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all ca- ses where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agree- ment must be made with the Agent, and an increase of pre- mium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8.
FOR SALE, 30,000 acres valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana—Particulars with regard to local advan- tages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to pur- chasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS JENNO, in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER, in Savan- nah. Feb. 8.
DR. ROBERTSON'S Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health. Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the Stomach; also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, severe Grip- ings, and all other diseases of the bowels, a dose never fails to remove a cold if taking soon after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, removing habitual costiveness, pickles at the stomach, severe head ache, &c. &c. The following certificates are selected from the many re- spectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession. Certificate of Mr. William Julian, carpenter and builder, No. 69, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will pay my case before the publick, as an in- contestible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robert- son's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health. I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me to much that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained, I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by tak- ing Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business. I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance from the country, where assistance cannot be immedi- ately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world. I have since recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person with to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure ex- plain it to them by applying to me. I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM JULION.
Mr. Drott, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807. Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water- Street, Philadelphia. SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, of the most essential service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my stomach, and continual head aches, attended with a sickness at the stomach, which brought me on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robert- son's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before. As I consider your me- dicines to have been the means of giving my life, I solicit you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who are abid- ing by the directions given with your invaluable medicines, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effect- ed my recovery. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES.
Mr. Drott. Philadelphia, August 1, 1807. ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES. Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the af- flicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pains in my breast and side, and a sickness at my stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation, I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and shall certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint. I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON.
Mr. T. W. Drott. August 22. Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia. DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I will to you publish the following: About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which settled on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption must soon have followed, had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is in office to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most efficacious remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint. I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE.
Mr. Drott. November 11. The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the pro- prietor, T. W. DROTT, No. 11, North Second-Street, Phi- ladelphia; and by appointment at BOSSAL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVILLE & CONRAD'S, Petersburg. M 2.
Two thousand Spanish HIDES, For Sale by William Plume, & Co. June 6.
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
FOR RENT, That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at pre- sent occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also, That convenient House, where Mr. Cornelius Calvert formerly lived; they have very fine gar- dens and all convenient out-houses—possession may be had on the first day of May next, on application to James Tucker. April 13.
MRS. SUSANNA HALL, Having taken that airy and pleasant House in Mar- tin's Lane, nearly opposite the Exchange, formerly occupied by Mr. Thomas Gibbons, will be glad to accommodate a few genteel boarders by the year, month, or week, on mo- derate terms. June 13.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.