Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1806-02-26 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER.
VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 26, 1806.
[NO. 96.
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION
The Ship JANE, WM. COLLEY, Master, Is loading for either Antwerp or Bordeaux, and will receive on freight Cotton or any small stowage.—Apply to the master on board, or the subscriber, William Pennock. Feb. 24. 3w 520
For Flushing and a Market, The Ship JUNO, THOMAS RITSON, Master, will sail in 10 days, and can take on board a few bales of Cotton if immediate application is made to the master on board, or the subscriber, William Pennock. Feb. 24. 3w 521
FOR LIVERPOOL, The Ship INDUSTRY, NOAH WRIGHT, Master, Two thirds of her cargo being engaged; it is expected she will sail early in March. For freight or passage apply to the master on board, or the subscriber, William Pennock. Who is now Landing,
35 Hhds. prime Jam. SUGARS, and 45 Bags Bourbon COFFEE. Feb. 24. 3w 522
Passengers to France. The fast sailing SHIP HIGHLAND MARY, Capt. STRONG, will sail in 10 days to a Port in the Bay of Biscay, has good accommodations for passengers.—Apply to Mr. Peter Gordon, or to George Murray, & Co. Feb. 21. 3t 517
FOR SALE—A-FLOAT, 60 Hhds Richmond TOBACCO, 250 Barrels FLOUR, In Store,
40 Kgs LARD, 20 do. BUTTER, superior quality. A general assortment of Cordage and Cables, of 8, 9, 10, & 11 inches. Noble, Arbuthnott, & Co. WHO WANT TO CHARTER, An AMERICAN SHIP, of 300 hogheads, for a port in France. Feb. 17. 3t 513
FOR SALE, A new well built Schooner, Burthen 120 55-95 tons—Liberal credit will be given—Negotiable notes with approved endorser required. She has on board,
4 M feet 2 inch W. O. PLANK, 1 do. 1 do. 2 do. Rough hbd STAVES, 3 do. do. bbl. do. And a quantity of FIRE-WOOD. 215 bbls CORN—afloat. John Macgowan. Feb. 17. 3t 511
FOR LIVERPOOL, Intended to sail by the 10th March, The American ship ALEXANDER, MILES KING, Master—three fourths of her cargo in tobacco already engaged. For freight of the balance or passage, having excellent accommodations, apply to J. & W. Southgate. February 10. tf 500
FOR CLETER, The excellent new SHIP GLOBE, STEPHEN HOWLAND, Master, now lying in Hampton Road, and will carry about 380 hogheads Tobacco, sails remarkably fast, and in complete order to take on board a cargo. A freight to Liverpool will be preferred—For terms apply to Richard Blow. February 10. tf 501
FOR GREENOCK, The British Ship MARY, WILLIAM ATROL, Master. Part of her cargo being engaged, she will be despatched early in March—Tobacco or other goods will be received on low freight. Robert Dickson. Feb. 7. tf 495
For a Port in France, The fine coppered SHIP BELFAST, Geo. W. CARMAN, Master, burthen about 400 hogheads Tobacco, great part of her cargo being engaged; she will sail with all convenient speed—For freight of the remainder, apply to Messrs Rambaut, Gernon, & co. of Petersburg, Mr. Warren Ashley, or John & James Galwey. Feb. 3. tf 486
Wanted to Charter, A SHIP, of about 300 hogheads burthen, to load for Falmouth and a Market. Also—
A VESSEL, of about 1000 barrels, to load for Madeira.—Apply to Robert Maitland, & Co. Jan. 27. 4w 464
Landing this day, and for Sale, from brig Fame, 100 boxes Havana SUGARS, 47 blds. MOLASSES, 120 bbls. choice Green COFFEE. From on board brig Echo, 25 hhd. Clayed SUGAR. And from schooner Combine, RAISINS, 65 casks 30 boxes 30 sacks soft shelled ALMONDS, 8,300 bushels St. Ube's SALT. Moses Myers. Feb. 17. 3w 510
From the Boston Repertory.
PROSPECT OF EUROPE.
The march of Buonaparte from Boulogne, on the English channel, through Germany to Vienna, will excite surprize; and it is not easy to say on which account it will create the most—the facility or celerity with which he has effected it. The Russians have been marching part of the summer and all the fall, and, except a detachment, have not yet reached the scene of action. Buonaparte with an army four times as numerous and perhaps, comparatively with his enemies, as formidable as that by which Alexander the Great overthrew the Persian empire, has travelled faster than it would have seemed possible he should, if the Austrians had been his pioneers instead of his antagonists. The praise of doing what as a soldier he ought to do, is no common merit, though it may appear to be such. But to do all that he ought, and to do it in season, evinces that this upstart emperor is no less formidable to the independence of Europe by his personal qualities than by the vastness of his military means. For though his character may be dished with more temerity and headstrong passion that we can reconcile with any just ideas of wisdom or true greatness, yet these very foibles, if foibles they be, may be found, on inquiry, to have promoted his aggrandizement. If his temper borders on the rash, the caution of his continental adversaries approaches still nearer to the timid. Terror has made for him more conquests than force, and his enemies have lost more by division and delay than by battles. With a superiority in the field of two or three to one, fortune has almost no power to baffle his designs. Accuse him and convict him of temerity, this may effect the judgment of critics upon his fame, without in the least impairing or hazarding the splendour of his success.
From that rapid success we may not only learn the ardent, impetuous character of the French chief, but the completeness of the French army in point of spirit, discipline and equipment. It is probably as strong as numbers can make it; for beyond a certain size, multitude is weakness, because it is innumbrance. Xerxes with three millions, was not near so formidable to Greece as Mardonius with three hundred thousand. If the hosts of Darius had stood still without fighting at Arbela, Alexander's army would have sunk under the fatigue of cutting their throats; but they fought and fled, and trampled one another to death. For disciple, for the spirit of the men and of the leaders, we have reason to believe the French army is the most formidable that ever was arrayed. Success, by inspiring them with the opinion that they are invincible, will do a great deal towards making them so, in reality.
What then, is Europe conquered? Is a new Roman empire founded by the sword, and defended by it, till the arts perish in a camp, till the sun of science sets in blood once more, leaving the civilized world enveloped in another Gothick night? There is no room for doubt that the monarchies of Europe enjoy much civil, if not much political liberty, and that active emulation among many nearly equal powers to be first, has contributed to raise them all. In all, till the hateful era of the French revolution, civilization has made a rapid progress, the subject has enjoyed more privilege, and the prince more consideration. Despotism was more than half disarmed by manners. It is no less undeniable that the military domination of France, established by the sword and maintained by it, would quench all these generous fires, and hurl Europe back again into barbarism. Like the Roman empire, the provinces would be drained to supply the wasteful luxury of the capital. Like Rome, sickening on excess, there would be spasm at the vitals and palsy in the members.
But to prevent this catastrophe, the states opposed to France have contended singly, and as they have successively fallen, each new band of slaves has been employed to subdue the rest. Thus France has adopted the policy of Rome, who exhausted her allies to multiply her slaves.
No great success was ever to be expected from the new coalition, as an instrument of reducing the power of France to its ancient limits. The work was manifestly too great for the spirit, and would take too much time for the probable existence of such a combination. With the hearty co-operation of Prussia, on the principle of so aggrandizing her as to secure her irreconcilable hostility to France, the military means might, on a long employment of them, prove adequate to the end. Without Prussia all that Austria can hope to do, is to defend herself by her own efforts and the aid of the Russian troops from the conquering arms of her enemy. It will be asked, is even this practicable? Is not Germany subdued, and Austria struck out of the list of independent powers?
Buonaparte in Vienna, and insolently summoning a congress in Munich to give peace to Europe, that is to say, for all states to send envoys to receive the mandates of a master! Buonaparte may appear to France and Germany to have finished the war. It is scarce-
ly possible that Austria can be so bereft of all sense as well as to imagine, that a conqueror can give peace, or that her abject submission at this moment could secure to her even an infamous privilege in the choice of her chains. The weight must depend not on the choice, but the fears of her conqueror, and as she would now submit with an unimpaired faculty of resisting, the first use the victor would make of his success would be to destroy that faculty. If he had a spark of mercy in his heart, policy would quench it there. The conqueror's power must lie with all its crushing weight on its victims. Buonaparte will not tread lightly on the neck of the prostrate emperor Francis. Aetna on Enceladus would not press heavier, nor would Aetna with her fires diffuse a blacker desolation. He may give rewards to the brave and wealth to the greedy, he may raise the mean and multiply dependent kings with an adjusted rank in his kitchen: But peace and security are no more his to give, than health, innocence, or liberty.
Supposing that Austria is less than ever disposed to submit to Buonaparte, that she is convinced that a protracted and desperate resistance can hazard nothing, and that what is called peace could preserve nothing, what if she renounces all delusive hopes, all timid expedients and takes counsel only from her courage and despair. What are the prospects? Can she resist with success? It is natural to reason thus: Austria began the war with means entire. These are dissipated and the French riot on the booty of her capitals. How then can she hope to find still greater means so as to expel the invader?
Let us review the military events which have passed so rapidly. The army under general Mack consisting of say seventy-five thousand effective men, was posted on a vast extent of line from the Tyrol almost to the Prussian territory of Anspach, a distance, it is to be supposed, of two hundred miles. The whole of this line was threatened, and Mack could not tell which part would be attacked. It was accordingly attacked by a force, at least twice as great as Mack's whole force, and the defence was in first instance necessarily left to a body of twelve or fifteen thousand. These were defeated faster than they could be reinforced, for they were successively drawn from the more distant positions, but not in season to prevent the defeat. The assailant, especially of extensive lines, ever has the advantage. Besides, the Russians were expected to arrive sooner than the French. The celerity of Buonaparte baffles this expectation, and plants his standards in Vienna.
Behold Buonaparte then in Vienna. Is this king of kings as near the end of his labours as the height of his glory? Unless the Austrians are dastard slaves, his fighting work has scarcely begun. A great nation may from fear or surprise consent to take chains, but it cannot be forced to take them. Furor arma ministrat. It is not in human nature to contemplate a conqueror's yoke without dread, shame and abhorrence. And this sentiment, which the emperor Francis will have no occasion to excite, will bring new armies out of the ground; multitudes flying from an enemy will take refuge in a camp.
It is very true, the zeal of a brave peasantry would avail very little against Buonaparte's veterans in a pitched battle. But the Austrians, if they are wise, will avoid such battles. If the archduke Charles effects his escape with his army of Italy (an event extremely doubtful) his soldiers and those remaining of the army of Mack will constitute a respectable force. To these a few thousand recruits might be added, who, intermixed with soldiers, would soon become soldiers.
The veteran Austrian troops might also be withdrawn from the garrisoned towns, and the new levies and militia could be trusted to occupy their places. An invaded country will soon feel the gripe of cruelty and rapacity, and will not long want defenders. The emancipation of the blacks of St. Domingo, evinces that conquest may pass over the surface of a country, like a scythe, and yet leave the root of resistance strong in the ground.
Will any one seriously believe that France can as easily hold her conquests as she has made them? The great Frederick of Prussia saw Berlin taken and his provinces ravaged. He beat his enemies and recovered them. The French have made frequent irruptions into Italy, but were never able to keep their conquests, till the revolution made the vices, and wants, and the ignorance of all countries their allies, and all governments their enemies.
Nothing has yet been said of the accumulation of the Russian force. As Buonaparte advances, France is further off and Russia nearer, and there is nothing but distance that hinders Russia from proving an antagonist of equal force. Her soldiers are not less numerous than the French, but it consumes more than one campaign to assemble them from the banks of the Don and the shores of the Caspian, from the confines of China to the White Sea.
To defend Austria may seem a humble and unhopeful object of the new coalition. But it is one which Russia will be forced to engage
in with as much fidelity, and ardour as any which we can imagine induced her originally to engage in it. She cannot, she will not leave Austria the prey of France; and though she may not be able, and we have never believed she was able alone, or with Austria, to reduce the power of France, nevertheless, she has a superiority of means to prevent the subjugation of Austria.
Nor can Prussia behold the aggrandizement of Bonaparte, without terror and disgust. He cannot shake the tyger by the paw, without a palpitation of the heart. To join the coalition may seem wise and right. But the temporary distress of Austria, is a poor basis for Prussian independence. France is interested in raising Prussia so high as to hold Austria in check; but not in giving Prussia so much power, or permitting her to get so much, that she would not be obliged to lean upon France. Those who now condemn the king of Prussia for temporising, consider very little the real dangers and embarrassments of his situation. The only policy that seems capable of extricating him, that will furnish both means and inducements for Prussia, to join the coalition, is to make such an allotment of territory to that prince, Hanover and Holland for instance, as would raise him to a primary power.
Austria, Russia and even England would probably be averse to such an arrangement.—Without it, or something like it, the great object of a coalition, the reduction of the power of France is hopeless.
But the supposition that Austria is to remain in the hands or subject to the power of France is monstrous and utterly inconsistent with the pride of Russia, the safety of Prussia or the independence of Europe. The emperor Francis has yet many millions of brave subjects who have not felt or seen the war.—As the effects or the dread of it may approach them, and in proportion as they cannot live any where else without both shame and danger, they will flock to the camp; with the aid of the Russians, they will expel the French from the hereditary states of Austria.
If adversity, which subdues, in a week the prejudices of an age, should bring Austria to a willingness that Prussia should become a great power, that king may be induced to accede to the alliance against France. Unless he has conferred on him territory and power enough to depend upon himself, perhaps he is even yet wise to keep in reserve the chance to lean upon the French. It is apparent that Europe is no more to be balanced, as formerly, by the independence of petty states. And of great powers only three remain, Russia, France and England. The aggrandizement of Austria in Italy and by the annexation of Bavaria, and of Prussia upon the shores of the North sea would make five great potentates. These might form a new balance.
Be this as it may, the addition of such an enemy as Prussia, would recover Holland from France, in three months, and drive Bonaparte back to Strasburg before the end of the next campaign.
FOR SALE, A HOUSE and LOT, in the fields, adjoining Mr. Edward Guy's.—If not disposed of at private sale before the fourth day of March, it will on that day be Sold at Publick Auction on the premises. Terms made known by application to Joshua Guy, Church-Street. Feb. 5. tf 489
SUGAR AND COFFEE. Landing this morning on Town-Point, the cargo of the brig Wheeler, from Guadalupe, consisting of Clayed and Muscovada SUGARS, And Prime Green COFFEE in tierces. To be sold on moderate terms. Robert Dickson. Feb. 7. tf 495
LIVERPOOL SALT. A Cargo of Stoved SALT, on board the Alexander—For Sale on moderate terms by J. & W. Southgate. A few hundred bushels COALS. Feb. 3. 3w 487
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER, AT HIS LUMBER YARD ON CALVERT'S WHARF, 700,000 SALE SHINGLES. 50,000 BUILDING do. 50,000 STAVES—White and Red Oak. 10,000 CYPRESS PALES. 5,000 CEDAR and CHINQUEPIN POSTS. Also—shall keep a supply of PLANK and SCANTLING. Thomas H. Parker. August 19. tf 77
To be Leased, For one or six years, and possession to be had on the first of January next.
A Commodious BRICK-HOUSE on Smith's Point, now occupied by Mr. Harris—all convenient offices, and a good garden are annexed to this tenement—For the accommodation of a tenant, an adjoining lot may be had. P. Barraud. November 18. tf 288
Soap and Candle Manufactory. THE Subscriber informs the Publick, that his Manufactory in Bank-Street, is now in complete operation, and having employed as skilful workmen as any in the United States, he expects a part of the publick patronage. Henry McDowell. N. B. FLATTS for Shoe-Makers, Tailors, &c.—CASH given for Tallow and Grease. December 20. 379

THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIME, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEB. 26, 1806.
We have been favoured with New-York papers to the 21st, received by the sch'r Charming Mary, captain Potter. They contain no later European intelligence, than we have before published.
An arrival at New-York, from Jamaica, states that information had been received at that island, that a fleet of enemy's ships of 17 sail had been seen steering to the westward, in consequence of which martial law had been declared in Jamaica.
Without examining the principles which Great-Britain contends for, in respect to our intercourse with the colonies of her enemies, and the exportation of colonial produce—the fact on which those principles are bottomed, are not as she asserts. Great-Britain says that we are now engaged in a commerce with her enemies, which was not permitted to us in time of peace—let us examine into this fact. In all the year 1802, and for a part of the year 1803, Great-Britain was at peace. Then let us examine the state of our commerce for the first of those years, and the result will prove that the U. States must have carried on an extensive trade with the French, Spanish & Dutch colonies.
In the year 1802, the amount of duties and drawbacks on sundry articles of colonial produce, demonstrate the error of the assertion, that we are now contending for a commerce which we did not enjoy in time of peace.
  Amount of duties on Coffee in 1802, 1,682,439   drawback, 1,284,376   duties on Cocoa, 29,529   drawback, 28,096   duties on Brown Sugar, 1,821,117   drawback, 717,339   duties on Clayed Sugars, 196,581   drawback, 152,026 
The amounts above mentioned are taken from the official document published in our last.
It will be admitted that in the year 1804, that the imports and exports of colonial produce were considerably augmented, but certainly it would be too absurd to say, that an increase of thirty per cent. is to affect the right.
The United States contend that in the time of the peace they held an exclusive colonial trade, with the powers now at war with Great-Britain, that the surplus beyond their own consumption was freely exported, and that now because Great-Britain is at war with those powers, they will not be deprived of that trade. This is certainly meeting Great-Britain upon her own ground. We have always thought, and still think, that upon more deliberate reflection, G. Britain must recede from a position, which is tenable in neither fact nor principle.
Several accounts have reached us, and have been published in this and other papers, which stated that the British expedition under the direction of Sir David Baird and Sir Home Popham, had arrived in the River La Plata, and one account stated that Buenos Ayres had been taken.
We have received by captain Weymouth a New-York paper of the 19th, by which we observe the arrival at that port of the ship George and Mary, capt. Hewit, from Monte-Viedo, which place she left the 20th December, at which time the British fleet had not made its appearance in that quarter. Monte Viedo is on the River La Plata, consequently the information before published cannot be correct, and this expedition must be bound to some other quarter.
William and Mary College Lottery.
THIRTIETH DAY.
Nos. 6214, 4291, 7122, Prizes of 500 Dolis.
Prizes of 15 Dollars.
  Nos.— 28 693 843 266 181 529 417 421   988 145 272 902 6409 5400 3661 7283   3431 3217 4936 7590 1889 3802 2120 5360   4454 1279 7196 5692 4687 2874 7035 6297   4453 4980 2653 7347 1058 1271 2645 4430   5777 3602 4585 3042 2423 2056 7215 3128   3783 3416 
THIRTY-FIRST DAY.
No. 7463, Prize of 500 Dollars.
Prizes of 15 Dollars.
  Nos.— 301 879 292 6129 1533 2192 3177 5162   2076 3084 3267 6493 5669 4074 6954 1975   6206 5935 6939 5825 5896 2968 3977 6453   5436 4619 1965 6258 
From a New-York Paper of the 21st. Inst.
The following paragraph, relative to the late secret business of Congress, is from the Gazette of the United States of the 18th inst. The Aurora of the 19th, ascribes it to the pen of the Marquis d'Yrujo; and insinuates that he obtained the information, if true, at "a heavy expence—by the violation of oath—honour—duty—and love of our country."
"As to the boundaries of Louisiana, let the president now tell us what they are. We understand that the affair has been fully discussed and settled by congress with closed doors, with all the documents before them, showing how the subject was understood by France and Spain, the contracting parties to the treaty of retrocession, on which alone our claim is founded. It is said that the claim of the president to the territory comprehended within the Mississippi, Iberville, the lakes and the river Perdido, appeared upon investigation so totally groundless that Randolph himself was very free in his comments upon the administration for having so egregiously deceived the country and brought us to the brink of a war, with a view of defending our claim to a territory to which we never had the shadow of a title. The house of representatives, by a very large majority, decided in opposition to the administration, that according to the treaty of retrocession and the other documents before them, France could not sell an inch of land east of the Mississippi, Iberville, and the lakes."
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
On the bill for protection, and indemnification of American seamen.
Mr. WRIGHT—Mr. President—As introductory to the consideration of the merits of this bill, I feel it my duty to call the attention of the Senate, to the present degraded state of impressed American sea-
men, thousands of whom have been pressed on board British ships of war, and, compelled by whips and scourges, to work like galley slaves, whither they have been forced by the hand of violence, from on board our own ships, sailing on the high seas, under the flag of the United States, carrying the spare productions of the soil of the American planter and merchant, to a foreign market, or returning with their proceeds.
In doing this, I wish not to enlist your sympathies, but only to present to you a correct state of the facts, on which this bill is predicated; facts that stand recorded in the official reports of the Secretary of State—the black catalogue of impressments.
I will next present to your view the measures adopted by the legislative and executive departments of the government of the United States for their redress.
"In the year 1796, Congress by laws (3 vol. 522) directed agents to be appointed, to reside in Great-Britain and in such foreign ports, as the President might direct, whose duty it should be, to enquire into the situation of such American citizens, or others, sailing conformably to the law of nations, under the PROTECTION OF THE AMERICAN FLAG, who had been, or should be impressed, by any foreign power, and to endeavour by all legal means to obtain their release? and to render an account of all impressments and detentions, to the executive of the United States."
"They also directed the collectors of the several ports, on proof being made of the citizenship of any seamen, to give him a certificate thereof, under a hope, that it would have been respected in foreign ports, and have protected him from impressment.—This certificate acquired the NAME of a protection."
"They also directed, "That every captain of a vessel, in case of any of the crew being impressed, shall enter his protest at the first port he shall arrive, with the name and residence of the person, and transmit immediately by post a duplicate of such protest, to the nearest agent, minister, or consul resident in such country, and also on his arrival in America, to the secretary of state."
"And that every captain on his arrival at any port of the United States, before he shall be admitted to an entry of his vessel, shall be required by the collector to declare on oath, whether any of the crew have been impressed, which he shall take under the penalty of one hundred dollars, and the collector is bound to return a list of all impressments, so communicated to him, to the secretary of state."
"In 1799, the secretary of state is directed by law, (4 vol. 503) "To lay before Congress annually, a statement of all impressments reported to him, that they might be officially, and precisely informed of the state of our impressed seamen."
Under these legislative provisions and the intervention of our agents appointed for that purpose, hundreds of our seamen have no doubt been discharged by the board of admiralty, while at the same time and under the same authority, the impressments kept pace with the discharges, so that instead of redressing the wrong, it was only inflicted in routine, thereby adding insult to injury. This all important subject, from its commencement, has also been particularly attended to by the executives of the United States. Our ministers at London, during three successive administrations, have been specially charged with it, and we have witnessed their diplomatic exertions to bring this lawless and cruel practice to an end, but all to no effect. And now we are informed by the President of the United States, in his message of the 17th of January last, that "On the impressment of our seamen, our remonstrances have never been intermitted, a hope existed at one moment, of an arrangement that might have been submitted to, but it soon passed away and the practice, though relaxed at times in the distant seas, has been constantly pursued in those in our neighbourhood."
This, Mr. President is the prospect presented to our view, whereby thousands of our unfortunate seamen, that hardy and invaluable class of citizens, are consigned to the most intolerable bondage, (by the imperious mandate of a British naval officer, whose word is the supreme law from which there is no appeal,) and which gloomy prospect, we are now informed, by the highest authority, there is not a spark of hope left to enlighten.
Sir, I have invited you to investigate this subject with the eye of temper, but at the same time, I trust, that the nation's justice will not be compromised, by exceeding the bounds of moderation; for it has its limits; and we are informed by the law of nations (Vat 443 sec. 332) "That the true and just welfare of the nation is the grand rule: Moderation is always laudable in itself, but the conductors of nations ought to make use of it, only so far, as it is consistent with the happiness and safety of the people." Under this view of the subject, can we submit to this state of things? That is the question. I have presumed not, and under that presumption, I have brought the subject before this Senate in the shape it is presented in this bill. Sir, I wish it to be recollected that the infant state of our navy suppresses every hope of redress on the element of our wrongs, and that this is a measure of necessity, not of choice.—Wherefore I trust it will not be thought too nervous, when it is considered, that we have just cause of war. I will therefore, now Sir, proceed to the consideration of the merits of this bill.
The first clause states, that in violation of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, made at London, on the 19th Nov. 1794, his Britannick majesty had caused the impressment of our seamen sailing under the flag of the United States. The treaty (2 vol. L. U. S. 464) secures the inviolability of the citizens, and subjects of the respective powers, and we are informed by the law of nations (Vat. 653, sec. 39) "That a nation acts against the nature and essence of every treaty of peace, nay against peace itself, by deliberately and wantonly offending him, with whom peace has been made, and treating him or his subjects incompatibly with peace, and which he cannot suffer without being wanton to himself." But it may be said that this has not been authorised by the British government. Let us examine that fact. It is declared by the law of nations, (Vat. 252 sec. 73, 74, 76) "That however as it is impossible, for the best regulated state, or for the most vigilant and absolute sovereign, to model at his pleasure, all the actions of his subjects, and to confine them on every occasion, to the most exact obedience, it would be unjust to impute to the nation or to the sovereign, all the faults of the citizens, we ought not then to say in general that we have received an injury from a nation, because we have received it from one of the members."
But if a nation or its leader approves and ratifies the fact committed by a citizen, it makes the act its own: the offence ought then to be attributed to the nation as the author of the true injury, of which the citizen is perhaps only the instrument."
"If a sovereign disavows the act, he ought to inflict on the offender exemplary punishment." So far I have called in the aid of the law of nations: I will now refer to the form of the authority in the case of impressment, which is in these words, (Fost. C. L. 156) "In pursuance of his majesty's order in council, dated the 19th day of January, 7, 1742, We do hereby empower you to impress or cause to be impressed "so many seamen, &c.—and I will refer you to the facts in your own possession, that his Britannick majesty approves the act, both by continuing the impressments, and by his lately promoting the captain of the Cambrian frigate, (whom he had recalled to appraise our complaints on that head) to the command of a ship of the line; so
that in form, in law and in fact, his Britannick majesty has caused the impressment of our seamen, or he must have punished, and not promoted so notorious an offender. On this point I presume then there can be no doubt.
Mr. President—I have thought it neither unprofitable nor irrelevant to the present subject, to examine the right of impressing British subjects.
British jurists have more than questioned this right, and the British parliament, have, I presume, decided the question.
Sir Ewd. Coke (2 inst. 47) says—The king cannot send any subject against his will out of the realm, not even in Ireland, for then under pretence of services, he might send him into banishment. (H. H. P. C. Notes 679) In Hales H. P. C. it is declared "repugnant to the liberty of an Englishman and irreconcilable to the established rules of law, that a man without any offence by him committed, or any law to authorise it should be hurried away like a criminal from his friends and family, and carried by force into a dangerous service."
That the common law did not admit of such a practice, must have been the opinion of the British parliament, who in the time of Charles I. passed a statute [16 C. 1, c. 5] "to authorise the impressment of soldiers and seamen for sea service or service beyond sea," which soon after expired, being of short duration. They might also have been of the same opinion in the time of [3 and 5 Ann. c. 19, s. 3 and 4 Ann. c. 11, 4 Ann. c. 10, 5 Ann. c. 15, 6 Ann. c. 10] queen Ann, when a number of statutes of a very short duration passed in parliament, in the same terms as the statute of Charles above stated. I presume they would never have passed laws to have authorised a proceeding that was justifiable by the common law. Judge Foster, who is quoted by Britons as an authority on this point, shall be examined. —[Fost. C. L. 157] He states in the case of Broadfoot, who was indicted for the murder of Calahan, "That by pressing mariners on one hand, a very useful body of men seem to be put under hardships inconsistent with the temper and genius of a free government, on the other hand the necessity of the case seemeth to entitle the publick to the service of this body of men, whenever the safety of the whole calleth for it."
"I think the crown has a right to command the service of these people whenever the publick safety calleth for it, the same right that it hath to require the personal service of every man able to bear arms in case of a sudden invasion or formidable insurrection. The right in both cases, is founded on one and the same principle, the necessity of the case, in order to the preservation of the whole." But he adds, [Fost. C. L. 154.] "If it be asked where are the adjudged cases, on which he groundeth his opinion? He freely confesseth that he hath not met with one in which the legality of pressing for the sea service hath directly come in question. He states that according to his best apprehension, (having thought much upon the subject) the right of impressing mariners for the publick service, is a prerogative, inherent in the crown, grounded upon the common law, and recognized by many acts of Parliament." With great deference to his honour, I would ask if any thing can be evidence of the common law, but judicial decisions on the point which he admits are not to be found? I will also examine the statutes on which he relies as recognizing this right. I would here observe that he holds the soldier and seaman alike bound by the same law, and it would [Fost. C. L. 166] seem by Adm. Seymour's commission, that his power extended to impress ships, captains, masters, pilots and seamen, as well as all other persons fit for the purpose. This was for the sea and foreign service, and did not extend to land soldiers, as till the 24th year of Charles II, all the lands were held by military tenures, whereby the tenants were obliged to furnish soldiers and every thing necessary for them in war, but by 24 C. II. [24 C. II. c. 12] these tenures were abolished, and in question much whether the stat. Charles I. extended to the feudal tenants, who were bound to serve only in England. By a statute of Henry VII. [7 H. 7, c. 1] it is enacted, that if any soldier being no captain immediately retained with the king which shall be in wages, and retained, or take any force to serve the king upon the sea or upon the land beyond sea, depart out of the king's service without licence from the captain, it shall be adjudged felony.
The stat. of Henry VI. [18 H. 6. c. 9] against desertion was construed to extend to soldiers found by tenure or covenant to serve on land—and a question was made whether soldiers who had taken force to serve against the rebels in Ireland, were liable to the penalties of that law, which was cleared up in parliament in these words, "That the said stat. Hen. VI. in all pains, forfeiture and penalties, did, doth, and hereafter shall extend as well to every mariner and gunner having taken, or who hereafter shall take force or wages, to serve her Queen's majesty, as it did, or doth, to soldiers, any opinion to the contrary notwithstanding." These are the statutes from whence the right is pretended to be inferred; which, I presume, go to shew that the mariner and soldier must be enlisted before they are liable to the penalties of desertion, and that it is by contract and not by force, the soldier becomes bound to serve, and that the right is founded in the prostitution of the sound of the word [Boy. D. Cow. Inst. J. L. D.] force for the sense, which word means "money paid to the soldier or sailor to enlist"—nor is at all to be wondered at, that a right founded in necessity, the tyrant's plea, should rest on a pretext so flimsy, or that the barriers of etymology should not be able to withstand, as necessity has no law, the physical force of a press gang. And although this right of the seaman to be exempt from service but on their enlistment, has been under the claim of prerogative substantially violated, yet the form of the commission to impress retains the evidence of this violation. It is in these words: [Fost. C. L. 15 c.] "We do hereby empower and direct you to impress or cause to be impressed so many seamen, &c. giving unto each man one shilling for force money, &c." Thus I have shown, that British subjects are not legally bound unless they receive force, or bounty to enlist. And to avoid imposition it is provided by stat. (5 and 6 W. and M. c. 15) "that no person shall be enlisted for the land service, who did not in presence of a magistrate, high constable, &c. declare his free consent to be enlisted as a soldier."
Can we then submit to the exercise of this royal prerogative right, to be enforced on those sailing under the flag of the United States, without the limits of the British empire. A practice, judge Blackstone informs us, Britons have submitted to with great reluctance; and will it not be said "that we are wanting to ourselves" if we should not guard our seamen against this outrage by the means in our power? But it may be said the British government have a right to the service of her own subjects—I have shown, not by impressment, and I will now show that they have the right of becoming American citizens, and being protected in that right. [Tuck. Black. 1 vol. p. 145] "By the law of nature is subject to no restraints and may pass into any region. [Vat. 172 sec. 224] By the law of nations every subject has a right to expatriate himself and seek his fortune where he can best promote his interest. [1 Blac. Com. 265. F. N. B. 85.] And by the common law every Englishman may go out of the Realm, without the king's leave for any cause he pleaseth. And so far has Britain recognized this right, in others by Parliament—that by the navigation act, one fourth of every ship's crew may be foreigners—[6 Ann. c. 37.] By the statute of Ann three fourths may be foreigners, and by the statute of Geo. 2d. [13 Geo. 2. c. 3.] it is provided "that
any foreigner serving on board of any merchant ship or ship of war for two years in time of war, shall ipso facto become a British subject, entitled to all the privileges of a native born subject." Thus we see Britain invite foreigners into her service, and secures them in all the privileges of her native subjects, among which, protection, is the most important.—Can it be then that Britain will exercise a right that is not legitimate? or claim for herself what she will deny to others? If not, then she admits the right of expatriation, which is established by the law of nature, of nations, and the common law, and tested by the authority of the British Parliament. Can we then see ourselves at a loss for authority to protect those who sail under the flag of the United States when we see Britain not only inviting foreigners into her service, but securing them protection by the solemnity of a statute? Can we then, I say, want authority or zeal to protect our citizens in their rights secured to them by the solemnity of a Constitution under the solemnity of an oath."
Mr. President, permit me here to observe, that all legitimate government is derived from the people, and is founded in compact only, and intended for the good of the whole, "that protection and allegiance are reciprocal obligations, each so important, that in all governments, in all ages they have been secured by the solemnity of an oath."
I ask then, is not the conduct of Britain a violation of the rights of our seamen? are they not secured in those rights by the most solemn obligation to protect them to the utmost of our powers? by the law of nations [Vat. 231, sec. 1.] "Whoever uses a citizen ill indirectly offends the state, which ought to protect their citizens, and his sovereign should revenge the injuries, punish the aggressor, and if possible oblige him to make entire satisfaction, since otherwise the citizen would not obtain the great end of the civil association, which is safety."
I cannot then permit myself for a moment to suppose that a right so important, secured by ties so solemn, and so palpably violated, will not be protected, to the utmost of the power of the Congress of the United States by all the legislative means they possess, consistent with the sound principles of legislation, and good government.
By the constitution, Congress are to define and punish piracy; in defining piracy, I wish them not to exercise a wild but legal discretion, which is itself defined, to "discern by law what is just." I will therefore call their attention to the subject, as it has been considered by the law of nations—the common and statute law of Great Britain. By the law of nations, [Mol. d. j. m.] "the attacking a ship at sea and taking away some of the men to make them slaves is piracy."
By the common law, [4 Blac. Com. 72—3 Inst. 109.] piracy consists in committing those acts of robbery and depredation upon the high seas which if committed upon land would be felony.
[4 Bl. C. c. 7] Every community have a right to inflict that punishment upon a pirate by the rule of self defence, which an individual would in a state of nature have been otherwise entitled to, for any invasion of his person or property. By the statute of Elizabeth, [43 Eliz.] it is enacted that whoever shall hereafter without lawful authority take any of her majesty's subjects against their will and detain them with force, or to make a prey or spoil of his person or goods upon deadly feud, or otherwise, should be adjudged and taken to be a felon, and shall suffer the pains of death without benefit of clergy.
This statute was predicated upon a state of things in that country, not more intolerable than the present state of American seamen; nor can it be considered as an incorrect exercise of the discretion of Congress in defining piracy, to declare the impressment of our seamen, and consigning them to so abject a slavery as they are subject to on board British ships of war, piracy—when by the law of nations, by the common law, and by the statute of Elizabeth we discover ourselves perfectly justified in so doing. And I trust we can never find ourselves less disposed to protect our citizens, than Britain has been to protect her subjects, nor of declaring that act piracy committed on the high seas, that Britain considers a felony of death committed on land. Nor can we feel any difficulty in imposing the pains of death on the offender, for a piracy on personal liberty, when we impose it in all cases of piracy on property, and when we consider that it is the punishment imposed, by all nations, in every case of piracy. This brings me to the second section of the bill, which justifies the repelling force by force, and gives a premium for destroying the pirate, whom all writers denounce as out-laws and enemies of the human race, and hold it lawful to destroy. Sir Edward Coke [3 Inst. 113] says a pirate, to use his own words, is "Hostis humani generis," which is an enemy to the human race. [Mercy. c. 4, s. 4. Co. Lit. 129.] "That an out-lawed felon is said to have Caput Lupinum, that he might be knocked on the head like a wolf by any one that should meet him, and judge [4 Bl. 70.] Blackstone tells us in more modern times, that a pirate has renounced all the benefits of society and government, and has reduced himself afresh to the savage state of nature, by declaring war against all mankind, all mankind must declare war against him; so that every community hath a right by the rule of self defence, to inflict that punishment upon him, which every individual would in a state of nature have been otherwise entitled to do, for any invasion of his person or property. By the law of nations [Vat. 137, sec. 169.] "The right of punishing, which in a state of nature belonged to each individual, is founded in the right of safety. Every man has therefore a right to preserve himself from injury, and by force to provide for his own security, against those who unjustly attack him. Nor are we left to the elementary writers alone to support this doctrine."
"The very point has been judiciously determined in the [Fost. C. L. 154.] case of Alex. Broadfoot, who was indicted for the murder of Cornelius Calahan, and acquitted by Judge Foster's direction to the jury. The case was this—captain Hanway had a press warrant, with this direction inserted in the body of it. "You are not to intrust any person with the execution of this warrant but a commission officer, and to insert his name and office in the deputation on the other side hereof." He indorsed. "I do hereby depute A. B. a licut. of the Mortar sloop to impress, &c." On 25th April, 1742, Capt. Hanway being at anchor, in Kingroad, at Bristol, ordered the ship's boat down the channel, to press as they should see an opportunity; the lieutenant staid on board with the captain. In the evening the boat came up with the Bremen's men (who had provided a blunderbuss for defence against the press gang) called out, and asked them what they came for; he was answered by some of the press gang, "we come for you and your comrades." Whereupon he cried out keep back, I have a blunderbuss loaded with swans shot." Upon this the other stopped, but did not retire. He then cried out, where is your lieutenant? and being answered "he is not far off," immediately fired among them: by this shot Calahan was killed, and one or two of the press gang wounded.—And in this case, as you perceive, Broadfoot was acquitted by the direction of the Judge. Then if an Englishman may kill an Englishman in the attempt to impress him because the authority was incorrectly executed, can we feel a doubt that an American may kill an Englishman when no possibility there can be any colour of authority; and that too without the jurisdiction and limits of the British empire, when sailing under the protection of the American flag—I can feel no doubt. And as to giving a bounty for killing this hostis humani generis, wearing the caput lupinum, I trust

there can be no objection, when we consider the practice of other states and nations, particularly Britain herself, who by the statute of George II. (5 Geo. 2, c. 24) gives a bounty to encourage the destruction of pirates. The statute is in these words: "That to encourage the defence against pirates, the commanders or seamen wounded, and the widows of such seamen as are slain in any piratical engagement, shall be entitled to a bounty to be divided among them, not exceeding the value of one fiftieth part of the cargo on board." Can we then with the example of Britain before our eyes giving bounty for the protection of property , feel any reluctance in giving a bounty for the protection of liberty ? Can it be possible that Britain shall protect the property of her subjects, with more vigilance and circumspection than America will protect the liberty and lives of her citizens? I will not for a moment permit the hateful idea to torment me. It cannot be so. As these provisions are mere declarations of the law, that our seamen may know their rights, and resist the unlawful force with safety; and as the exercise of this repulsive force may induce severities and death itself, it becomes necessary to secure the exercise of it by the provisions of this act. Therefore the next clause is introduced authorising the President to retaliate in case of any cruelties exercised on our seamen. This is dictated by the soundest policy, legitimated by the law of nations, and recognized by our own laws. By the law of nations, [Vat. 426, sec. 341] "When a sovereign is not satisfied with the manner in which his subjects are treated by the law and custom of another nation, he is at liberty to declare he will treat the subjects of that nation in the same manner his subjects are treated; this is called the law of retaliation ; there is nothing in this but what is conformable to sound politics. [Vat. 422, sec. 331.] At Athens the law permitted the relations of him who had been assassinated to seize three of the natives of that country, and detain them till the murderer was punished or delivered up—and our own law recognizes the same principle. By the act of the 3d March, 1799, it is provided, that if any seamen, who shall have been impressed on board any vessel of the powers at war with France, who shall have been taken by France & hath suffered death, or any corporal punishment by the authority of France or any other officer under their authority, the President shall cause the most rigorous retaliation to be executed on any citizen of the French republic that may be taken under the laws of the U. S. But perhaps it may be insisted these were Frenchmen , and not entitled to the same measure of justice as Englishmen . By the law of nations [Vat. 424, sec. 354] these measures are milder than war, which involves the innocent with the guilty . "The prince therefore who attempts this method, instead of coming to an open rupture, is doubtless worthy of peace, on account of his moderation and prudence; but they who run to arms without necessity, are scourges to the human race, barbarians, enemies to society, and rebels to the law of nations, or rather to the common Father of mankind."
This brings me to the last section of the bill, which secures the impressed seamen compensation for his false imprisonment, not far beyond the wages in the merchant's service, and authorises the attachment of so much of the debts to British subjects, as may be necessary for that purpose—there being no other means of redress. All mankind will declare it just, and Britain herself has judicially established the principle in the case decided by C. J. Pratt, afterwards Lord Camden, [Say. Dam. 311.] The case was an action for false imprisonment. The Earl of Halifax, one of his majesty's principal secretaries of state, granted a warrant without previous information against a journeyman printer of the North Briton, who was kept six hours, and treated civilly, 300 pounds damages were given. On a motion for a new trial because of excessive damages —Pratt, chief justice, declared, that as it was a general warrant, and an attack on publick liberty , and against Magna Charta , and as they attempted to justify its legality, there ought to be exemplary damages, and in all cases wherever an injury is done under the colour of authority, as where an officer under an authority to impress exceeds that authority.—Motion over-ruled.
It will not then be said by an American congress, that for the false imprisonment of an American seamen sixty dollars per month can be too high, for his bondage on board a British ship of war, exposed to every hardship, when a British subject for six hours confinement with civil treatment, had eight hundred dollars damages by a British jury; nor can the method of recovering the same be opposed upon sound principles. [Vat. 431, sec. 350.] By the law of nations "justice is said to be denied, when the subject is not permitted to establish his right in the ordinary tribunals of justice, or when great and unreasonable delay is effected, equivalent to a refusal. And it can never be said, that after ten years spent in fruitless negotiation, and after we have been informed by the President, "that every spark of hope is extinguished, and the cup of humiliation drained to its dregs," that the delay is not unreasonable and equivalent to a refusal. And we are authorised by the law of nations, [Vat. 151, sec. 1.] to retaliate, to enforce if possible, the making the citizen entire satisfaction. It may be objected, however, that this remedy is in violation of the treaty of London of 19th Nov. 1794, which secures the inviolability of British debts; but it will be recollected that this violation on our part, is induced by the violation of the same treaty by Great Britain by an attack on the liberty of the citizen, and it can never be said that we are not justified by claiming the damages we have received by a violation on personal liberty , as a correct set off against any damages they may receive by a breach of the same contract, by an attack on personal property . It can never be in the eye of justice, and in a land of liberty, that property is more to be respected than liberty , nor can we feel ourselves unauthorised when the law of retaliation, and self preservation which are written on the heart of man by the finger of omnipotence, holds us justified. Nor, when we consider that we ourselves have total ly annulled and declared void the treaty with France, because of her violation of her treaty by the spoliations on our commerce; refusing to do us justice can we hesitate to make this partial repeal of the treaty with Britain so far only as is necessary to do our oppressed seamen justice, by the sacrifice of British property , at the shrine of American liberty , when we reflect that it is the only means whereby we can remunerate our insulted seamen for their cruel bondage—that the safety of the people is the supreme law, and that we are the continent, to protect their rights, and avenge their wrongs.
MESSAGE
From the President of the United States, transmitting sundry additional documents respecting the application of Hamet Caramalli, Ex-Bashaw of Tripoli. To the house of representatives of the United States. Sundry letters relative to Hamet Caramalli, in addition to the documents which accompanied my message of January 13th, having been sent to the senate on their particular request, the same are now transmitted to the house of representatives also, as the same subject is before them. TH: JEFFERSON. February 4th, 1806.
Extract of a letter from the Secretary of State, to William Eaton, Esq. dated Washington, May 20, 1801. Your letter of the 2d and 18th of September, 6th October, 1, 9, 10, 15, 16, 18, 19, 19, and 21st No-
rember, and 8th December, have been received since the date of Mr. Lincoln's letter by the Grand Turk, which sailed from New-York in March last, with the then cargo of regalia, for Tunis. The proofs which have been given by the Bashaw of Tripoli, of hostile designs against the United States, have as you will learn from commodore Dale, determined the President to send into the Mediterranean a squadron of three frigates and a sloop of war, under the command of that officer. Should war have been declared, or hostilities commenced, this force will be immediately employed in the defence and protection of our commerce against the piracy of that regency. It is hoped that the contagion will not have spread either at Tunis or Algiers; but should one or both of them have followed the perfidious example, their corsairs will be equally repelled or punished.
The policy of exhibiting a naval force on the coast of Barbary, has long been urged by yourself and other consuls. The present moment is peculiarly favourable for the experiment, not only as it is a provision against an immediate danger, but, as we are now at peace and amity with all the rest of the world, and as the force employed would, if at home be at nearly the same expence, with less advantage to our mariners. The President has, therefore, every reason to expect the utmost exertions of your prudence and address in giving the measure an impression most advantageous to the character and interest of the United States. In effecting this object, the means must be left, in a great degree, to your knowledge of the local and other circumstances, which cannot be understood at this distance. You will, of course, take due pains to satisfy the Bey, that the United States are desirous of maintaining peace with all nations, who are willing to live in peace; that they have given abundant evidence of their disposition to cultivate the friendship of the Barbary regencies, and of himself in particular; and that if the flag of the United States of America should be engaged in a war with either of them, it will be a war of defence and necessity, not of choice or provocation. You will also give every friendly explanation and assurance on this occasion, which may be requisite for the consuls and agents of other powers residing at Tunis.
You are authorised to inform the Bey of Tunis, that a vessel is now preparing to take in the cargo, which will complete the regalia due to him, and that no time will be lost in getting her on her voyage. The jewels to the amount of 40,000 dollars, have, as you know, been ordered to be prepared in London. On the 28th December last, Mr. King wrote—"I have concluded to take immediate measures to provide the jewels enumerated in the list furnished by Mr. Eaton. Some of the articles can be soon prepared and sent—others including the arms, and almost all the jewelry, will require a long time to be prepared." If they are essential to the preservation of peace, and the benefits of the treaty with the Bey, they must be yielded to him.
It will be agreeable both to the humanity of the President and the policy of your situation, to render kind offices to the British, and all others within your consulate, but you cannot be permitted to accept an appointment from any other government than the U. States. The ship purchased by you being foreign built, is excluded by a construction of our laws, from having a Mediterranean pass. The President has taken into consideration your request of leave of absence, and thinks it might be too injurious to the affairs of the U. States, especially during the present critical state of the Mediterranean. I conclude with enjoining on you the most cordial & respectful communications with commodore Dale, and the ready assistance of him, with all such useful information, and other good offices, as it may be in your power to render, and with offering you my sincere wishes for your success in all your measures, for advancing the welfare of our country.
Extract of a letter from J. L. Calhoun, esq. to the Secretary of State, dated Leghorn, July 2, 1801. Should we break with the whole of the Barbary states at once, we must have greater force in the Mediterranean. I propose chastising them, one at a time, and pursuing such measures at the Ottoman court as will effectually prevent any coalition taking place injurious to our interest. I not only contemplate the obtaining a permanent & honourable peace, but likewise the dethroning the present Bashaw, & effecting a revolution in favour of his brother Hamet, who is at Tunis, and thereby insure the U. States the gratitude of him and his successors; for so long as Joseph, the bashaw, lives, our commerce will not be secure. For even allowing that we conclude a peace upon our own terms, the first time our frigates are off their guard, or employed upon other service, his cruisers will capture Americans, in retaliation for having imposed upon him terms which he may consider humiliating, not reverting to the cause, and that the concessions which we will certainly force him to make, are merely inflicted as a just punishment for his temerity and breach of faith, and to oblige him to observe his engagements inviolably sacred in future.
I have requested Mr. Eaton to endeavour to ascertain how far said Hamet would be willing to engage in an expedition of that nature; and even should we not succeed in dethroning Joseph, it would, nevertheless, strike his brother and adherents, with such a panic as could not fail to promote our interests.
Extract of a letter from William Eaton Esq. to the Secretary of State, dated ROAD OF TUNIS, Sept. 5, 1801. The inclosures which I have the honour herewith to forward, will inform government, as accurately as I have the means of our actual position and future prospects in regard to Tripoli, one circumstance only omitted, which is a project in concert between the rightful bashaw of Tripoli, now in exile in Tunis, and myself, to attack the usurper by land, while our operations are going on by sea. These two men are brothers; the younger who is on the throne, expelled the eldest about 8 or 9 years ago. The subjects in general of the reigning bashaw are very discontented and ripe for revolt; they want nothing but confidence in the prospect of success; this confidence may be inspired by assurances of our determination to chastise this bashaw, for his outrages against the United States. The bey of Tunis, thro' prudence will keep him behind the curtain, I have strong reasons to believe, will cheerfully prompt the same. He is in favour of the elder brother. The idea of dethroning our enemy, and placing a rightful sovereign in his seat, makes a deeper impression on account of the lasting peace it will produce with that regency, and the lesson of caution it will teach the other Barbary states. These are objects, which to me, seem so clearly within our power, that they ought to command exertions. Having begun to coerce Tripoli, it would operate an injury of perpetual duration to relax in these measures.
Extract of a letter from William Eaton, Esq. dated TUNIS, December 13th, 1801. On the 18th October, arrived the Danish commodore Koefoed, and a consul Holch, 5 day from Leghorn. The evening of the 2d ultimo they passed at the American house. As the commodore had lately been at Tripoli on a negotiation, it was very natural to enquire of him what seemed to be the general sentiment of the Tripolitans respecting the American war.—He said it was very unpopular, and that the
subjects of the bashaw chiefly on this account were ripe for a revolt: they waited for nothing but succour.—They clamour against the madness and oppression of their chief; say he makes war on his friends to the destruction of their little commerce; takes all the plunder to himself, and in the issue reduces them to starvation and the loss of friends, without allowing them the wretched consolation to mourn for those friends when slain. They almost unanimously desire the restoration of their rightful sovereign, who is a mild man, of peaceable disposition, and if he were offered them with appearance of determination, they would rise en masse to receive him. The commodore gave it as his opinion, that the most effectual way of reducing Tripoli would be to land troops south of the town, on a commanding, untannated position, and raising a cross fire with the bomb ketches stationed on the north of it; gun boats or floating batteries to be stationed at the same time within the mole to keep up a direct fire on the town in rear of the castle. He thinks 3000 men an ample force to effect the object contemplated, by land; but two heavy pieces of ordnance for battering and some light artillery to repel the assault of cavalry would be requisite. Thus it appears that the opinion of the Danish and American commodores correspond very exactly on the subject of necessary operations for reducing Tripoli.
On the position proper for landing, stands a considerable forest of date trees, the fruit of which forms a great article of subsistence to the Moors of the vicinity apprehension of the destruction of which would bring these people to almost any terms: their peaceable behaviour may be made a condition of its preservation, at the same time it may serve for cover against cavalry in case of being hard pushed.
On the morning of the 3d November, I received a message from Sadi Mahomet, bashaw, the exile from Tripoli, informing me that his brother, the usurper, had addressed the dey of Algiers, and begging his mediation to bring about a reconciliation with the American government, and expressed great solicitude to know whether in my opinion, the Americans would admit such an intervention? I did not hesitate to give it as my opinion, that my government, having once been deceived by that dey, would now seek to establish their peace on a surer basis. He then desired to be advised whether he might place any reliance on the operations of the Americans in his behalf.—I recommended to him patience and silence; at the same time gave him leave to entertain the hope (may it not prove illusive) that the next summer's operations would favour his views.
(To be Continued.)
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Sch'r Sally, Waters, 24 days from Martinique, Sugar & Molasses, to the Master—Feb. 5. off St. Martins spoke sloop Jane, from Savannah bound to St. Thomas, out 14 days—same day spoke sch'r Good Intent, from Boston bound to Tortola, out 20 days—Left at Martinique, the following American vessels: SUPRS Friendship, Little, of and for New-York, sailing uncertain; Plato, Howland, of and for New-York in 19 days; BRIGS Brunswick, Sawyer, of and for Portland, uncertain; Elizabeth, Bassett, of and for Newburyport in 12 days; Sephronia, Biron, of and for Boston in 4 days; Triton, Merrill, of Portland, for — in 4 days; Martha & Mary, Coulson, of and for Baltimore in 20 days; Edward, Jordan, of and for Portland, uncertain; Two Brothers, Holmes, of and for New-York in 12 days; SCHRS Active, Petree, Kennebec for Boston in 3 days; Defiance, Merrill, Salem, for Wilmington N. C. in 7 days; Prince, Eason, of and for Salem in 20 days; Greyhound, Smith, of and for Newhaven in 25 days; Paragon, Mitchell, of and for New-London in 25 days; Yarmouth, Atwood, of and for Plymouth in 10 days; Dolphin, Collins, Middleton, for Newbern N. C. in 3 days; Sally, Smith, of and for Plymouth in 19 days. The sch'r Ralph, Herlihy, sailed for New-London the 28th January, and the sch'r Fox, White, sailed for New-York the 29th Jan. British sloop Edward, Davis, 7 days from Bermuda, Cocoa, R. Maitland & Co.—Left there the sch'r Maryland Mary, Suggs, and Elizabeth Margaret, Mallory, both of this port.—On the 10th instant, the ship Endymion, M'Neil, from New-York bound to Jamaica, run upon the rocks on the north side of Bermuda, part of the cargo was got on shore in boats; it is feared the vessel will not be got off. The brig Sally, Paine, from Surinam for New-London, laden with Molasses; and the brig Charlotte, Snell, from Philadelphia for Guadalupe, with naval stores, by the British frigate Cleopatra, and sent into Bermuda. Sch'r Ann Ballard, Moffit, 20 days from Surinam, Sugar, James Young. Sch'r Weymouth, Weymouth, 4 days from New-York. Sloop Venus, Boush, 6 days from New-York. The sch'r Slab, Dill, from this port for Lisbon, was spoke 22 days out, in a gale of wind had lost her main boom, and boat. The sch'r Beaver, Robinson, of this port for Antigua, was spoke on the 30th ult. in lat. 18, 30, long. 64, 35.
Charleston, Feb. 14. Capt. Long informs, that the day before he sailed, the British sloop of war Favouite, captured the celebrated privateer brig General Blanchard, (formerly the Charleston) captain De Bruix. The brig exchanged two or three broadsides with the sloop of war; when De Bruix, the commander, having his head shot off, the first lieutenant immediately struck her colours.—She mounted 12 guns, and had 90 men on board, several of whom were killed in the action.—It will be recollected, that this privateer had invariably plundered every American vessel she fell in with.
Ship Thomas, Davidson, arrived at Kingston, (Jamaica) the 25th Jan. the same day the brig Betsey, Olden, sailed for this port. The sloop Director, Tarlington, arrived at New-York the 21st inst. The sloop George, of this port, was left at the City of St. Domingo the 28th of Jan.
WALKER'S Packet will sail for Baltimore on Friday. Feb. 26.
We have received by the brig Fame, Capt. Cox, from Jamaica, 75 Puncheons high proof RUM, 4 Hogsheads MOLASSES.—For Sale by Redmond & Frith. Feb. 24. tf 523
Aux Francois. A Young Gentleman of Norfolk, wishes to engage a preceptor to perfect him in the French language; none but a Frenchman of good education will answer. Enquire of the Printer. Feb. 24. tf 524
CASH FOR Rough Hogshead STAVES, by Moses Myers. Feb. 21. tf 516
BLANK NOTES AND CHECKS for both Banks, for Sale at this Office.
AUCTION. At Twelve o'clock on FRIDAY next, At the Exchange Coffee House, To be Sold by Auction, on SATURDAY the 15th March next, at 12 o'clock, on a credit of 2, 4, and 6 months, for notes with approved endorsers, The WAREHOUSES and WHARF, lately occupied by Messrs. Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co.—with them may be had the lease of the adjoining Wharf. Wm. B. Lamb. Feb. 26. tf 530
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed by CHARLES MAHON, to secure the payment of a sum of money due to JOHN WITTINGTON. WILL BE SOLD, To the highest bidder, on the premises, on TUESDAY the 4th of March, at 12 o'clock, the unexpired term in a PIECE OF LAND, With the DWELLING-HOUSE, situate on the South-East side of Church-Street, and bounded as follows: "Beginning at a corner stone next to James Taylor's house, thence South to a back alley, formerly Stammer's alley, thence South West 20 feet to another corner stone, thence West along the land of Mr. Whittle and Mr. Boush, up to Church-Street to another corner stone, thence along the front on Church-Street 20 feet to the first station, and from thence to James Taylor's house and lot."—Terms Cash. The title papers will be shown on the day of Sale, or they may be seen by applying to Robert B. Taylor, Trustee. Feb. 26. tf 533
FOR RENT, The three large and commodious Ware-Houses on the lower end of Gibson's Wharf—Possession may be had immediately, by applying to John Southgate, or William Dickson. Feb. 26. tf 534
FOR SALE, 40 Puncheons 3d Proof RUM, 50 Quarter Casks Malaga WINE, 100 Cases GIN, 3000 lbs. Green COFFEE, 112 Boxes Mould CANDLES, 10 Bags PEPPER, 15 Barrels Apple BRANDY, 4 Hogsheads N. E. RUM. Wm. B. Lamb. Feb. 26. tf 531
CASH will be given for Thirty Shares Of VIRGINIA BANK STOCK. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Feb. 26. tf 532
NOTICE. Under the authority of a Deed, executed by Richard Lively, of the City of Williamsburg, on the 13th day of March, 1801, and duly recorded, I shall sell on the Second Monday in March next, before the door of the Court-House of James-City County, Two small Tracts of LAND, Lying in said County, and several LOTS in the City of Williamsburg, conveyed in Trust to me by said Deed, or so much thereof as may be necessary to pay the debt secured thereby to Gilliat and Taylor, together with the charges of Sale, and expenses of the Deed. The Sale will be for Cash. Robert Saunders. Williamsburg, Feb. 3. tf 481
MARTIN FISK has taken Mr. CHARLES J. CATLETT into partnership, the business in future will be transacted under the name of Fish & Catlett. Who have for Sale, 4000 pieces Yellow NANKKEENS first chop, Fresh Imperial Hyson and Young Hyson TEAS, 150 Crates Crockery WARE, well assorted, 8 Tons Patent SHOT, assorted, 75 Kgs English GUNPOWDER, 100 Boxes London Crown GLASS, 100 Kgs White LEAD, ground in oil, 1500 lbs. SENSE TWINE, 150 Casks NAILS, assorted, cut, and wrought, 50 Bots OZNABURGS, 200 Boxes Mould CANDLES, 25 do. Sperma eti do. 25 do. Fresh CHOCOLATE, 200 lbs. Spanish float INDIGO, 50 Boxes fresh MUSTARD, (Dixon's Manufactory) 100 Rheams Writing PAPER, 200 do. Wapping do. Also—This Day Landing, 50 Barrels BEEF, Boston Inspection, 50 do. MACKAREL, 12 Hogsheads choice retailing MOLASSES. Feb. 24. tf 525
Madame V. Casaumajour, HAS JUST RECEIVED, 2 Trunks real Madras Handkerchiefs, which she offers for Sale on good terms.—Apply at her Store No. 18, Market-Square. Feb. 24. 2aw3w 526
NOTICE. All those who have any claims against the estate of WILLIAM GRUBB, deceased, are requested to bring them in for settlement—and those indebted to the said Estate to make immediate payment. Elizabeth Grubb. Feb. 21. tf 518
For Sale or Rent, A PLANTATION, situated on Hampton Creek, consisting of about 300 acres; being the property on which Mr. W. Brough has long resided. It possesses all the necessary buildings for the convenience of a family, or agricultural purposes. There are some valuable orchards, one particularly of apple, is considered more productive than any other in that part of the country. There is also a Wind-Mill most eligibly situated.—For particulars, application may be made to Mr. G. Hope, Hampton, Mr. John Dunn, Norfolk, or the Subscriber in Richmond, who will give immediate possession. James D. M'Caw. Feb. 21. tf 519
NOTICE. THE Subscriber desires to close his unsettled accounts, requests all those who have accounts against him to present them at his office for adjustment, and persons indebted to him to make immediate payment. John Hamilton. October 14. tf 2a1

At a Court held for Norfolk County, the 29th day of January, 1806.
Thomas Davis and Thomas Dickson, merchants and partners, under the firm of Davis and Dickson, Pliffs. Against Gilbert Robertson and James Brown, merchants and partners, under the firm of Robertson & Brown, and Robert Gibson, Defs.
THE Defendants is Robertson and Brown, not having entered their appearance, and given security for performing the Decree to be made in this cause, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are out of the country: On the motion of the Plaintiffs by their Counsel, it is ordered, that they the said Defendants, appear here on the third Monday in April next, and give security for performing the Decree aforesaid. And it is further ordered that the Defendant Gibson, who hath effects of the other Defendants in his hands, or is otherwise indebted to them, do not pay, convey away, or secret such debts or effects, until the further order of this Court concerning the same. A Copy, Teste, William Wilson, jun. C. C. Bldmon Ap. 472
FOR SALE, 250 bbls. Superfine FLOUR, Afloat. Apply to James Maurice & Co. January 6. 414
FOR SALE, The Cargo of the Brig Paragon, Captain Ambley—Consisting of 157 Puncheons high proof JAMAICA RUM. 7 Hogsheads MOLASSES. Redmon & Frith. Who have removed to the second Fire-Proof Store, on Gibson's Wharf. November 13. 271
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE, Norfolk, Virg. Jan. 18, 1806. HIS Britannic Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, takes this method of communicating to such officers on the British half-pay establishment, as are resident within his district, the following Notice from the Army Pay-Office, in London, in respect to the form of the Certificate required from British half-pay Officers, by whom it is highly essential that the regulations therein specified should be strictly complied with. John Hamilton, Consul.
PAY-OFFICE, Horse-Guards, August 28, 1805. NOTICE is hereby given by direction of the right honourable the Pay-Master General of his majesty's forces, that the affidavits of Officers on half pay and military allowances, who reside in the United States of America, commencing subsequently to the twenty-fourth day of December 1805, will not be passed at this office, unless the officer's place of residence, and also the county, district, or place for which the magistrate acts, before whom the said affidavit is made, (the competency of whom must be certified by the British Consul, if any shall be resident in the province or state, or by the governor, chief justice, or some other person in authority in the government thereof,) are therein specified, agreeable to the undermentioned form.
D'd. Thomas, Accountant. A. B. maketh oath, that he had not between the twenty-fourth day of _____ and the twenty-fifth day of _____ any other place, or employment of profit, civil or military, under his majesty besides his allowance of half-pay, (or his military allowance, as the case may be) as a reduced _____ in the Officer to sign his name here, together with his place of residence.
Sworn before me at _____ this _____ day of _____ in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and _____ The Magistrate to sign his name here, and the county or place for which he acts. N. B. Chaplains must insert in their affidavits the following words between the words "Majesty," and "besides," viz "or any Ecclesiastical Benefice in Great-Britain or Ireland." No alterations or interlineations of any sort will be allowed to be made in the above mentioned affidavit. January 20. 446
THIS DAY LANDING, From on board the Schooner Eagle, Captain Grant, from Bourdeaux, 160 Casks CLARET. 984 Cases assorted do. 66 do. do. White do. 80 Baskets SWEET OIL. 3 Trunks and 3 Cases Ladies' and Men's SHOES. 6 Cases Mens' and Children's Silk and Beaver HATS, assorted. DEMIJOHNS, ALMONDS, NUTS, &c. &c. For sale on liberal terms, by John & James Galwey, Commerce-Street Wharf. WHO HAVE ON HAND, 75 Boxes White & Brown Havanna SUGAR. September 6. 128
NORFOLK HOTEL. THE Subscriber informs his friends and the publick, that he has opened an HOTEL in that convenient house formerly the NAVY TAVERN No. 128 Main-Street, where he hopes by his attention, to give satisfaction to those who may favour him with their company. He will always keep the best liquors, and Private Parties will be furnished with Dinners, Suppers, or Refreshes, at the shortest notice. BOARDERS accommodated by the week, month, or year Henry Benbridge. October 9. 170
Wanted to Purchase or Hire, A smart active Negro MAN, From 20 to 23 years of age. Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Jan. 10.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, A NEGRO WOMAN, who is a good House Servant and Sempstress; one without children will be preferred. For one well recommended, a liberal price will be given. Apply to the Editor. Feb. 3. 479
LOTTERY TICKETS LOST. The following Tickets in the William and Mary College Lottery, viz. Nos. 1721, 2790, 7202, and 7778, have been lost. The finder will be liberally rewarded by leaving them at the Ledger Office. Feb. 7. 498
This Day landing, and for Sale, about 50,000 wt. Prime Green COFFEE, Imported in the sch't Wasp, capt. Kemp, from Aux-Cayes. Wilson, Cunningham, & Co. Jan. 29. 468
All persons having claims against the Estate of ROBERT WARREN, deceased, either by bond or open account are desired to bring them forward for settlement, and those indebted to make immediate payment to Warren Ashley, Administrator. December 9. 339
FOR RENT, A STORE-HOUSE near the Market-Place in Portsmouth, an excellent stand for a Grocery or Shoe-Store, both of which are very much wanted in that place. Enquire of the Printer. Feb. 10. 502
The celebrated Arabian Horse SELIM, Which was imported into this state about 3 years ago, and whose Cols are now so universally admired for size and activity, will stand this season at my Stable near the Race-Field; particulars of which will be made known in time. R. H. Cocke. Feb. 7. 497
TO RENT, A Ware-House on Commerce-Street Wharf—Apply to William Plume, & Co. Feb. 3. 482
Now landing from on board the Sloop Director, and for SALE at the Ware-House formerly occupied by Messrs. James and Thomas Tucker, Maxwell's-wharf, 5 Pipes Cogniac BRANDY, 5 Hogsheads MOLASSES, 20 Casks Malaga WINE, 20 Barrels SUGAR, 20 do. Prime New-York PORK, 20 do. do. BEEF, 10 do. do. APPLES, 30 Boxes Mould and Dipped CANDLES, 10 do. SOAP, 10 Chests Sououchou } TEA. 2 do. Imperial 1 do. Hyson All of which will be Sold low or exchanged for Country Produce. James M'Clenachan. Feb. 5. 485
FALL AND WINTER GOODS. GILLIAT AND MACKINDER, Have received by the Ship PLASTER, Boush, for London, and FREDONIA, from Liverpool, their supply of FALL AND WINTER GOODS, And will be Sold on low terms, for Cash, or approved Acceptance in Town—Amongst which are 17 Bales of Napt Cottons. 18 do. of Rose Blankets. 8 do. Stripe do. 9 do. White and Red Flannels. 10 do. White Plains and Keiseys. 12 do. Blue do. 14 do. Blue & Green Half Thicks. 6 do. Stripe and Grey Coatings. 2 do. Yarn Hose. do. Carpeting and Carpets. 8 do. Mixed Fearnoughts. The above packages are well assorted. September 16. 145
FOR RENT, (And possession to be had immediately) A comfortable small TENEMENT, on Smith's Point, neatly fitted up; having two rooms below with two closets in each, and three rooms above, a new double storied Brick Kitchen, and other requisite out buildings. A spacious Garden and large front Yard are attached to this Tenement. P. Barraud. Jan. 29. 466
BANK NOTES LOST. A letter dated Williamsburg, 27th November, 1805, directed to Messrs. Thos & Wm. M'Candlish, merchants, Norfolk, containing Bank Notes to the amount of Two Hundred Dollars, as below described, and supposed to have been deposited in the Post-Office, has either been lost, mislaid, or taken a wrong direction.—It is hoped that any person who may have become possessed of the same, accidentally or otherwise, will forward it on to the subscribers, as payment of the Notes have been stopped at the respective Banks. D. No. 1124, United States Branch, Norfolk, Dec. 6, 1804, - - - - - 100 Dollars. B. No. 9, Virginia Branch, Fredericksburg, February 6, 1805, - - - - - 100 Dollars. Wm. M'Candlish, & Co. Williamsburg, Dec. 9. 311
REMOVAL. JAMES TUCKER, Has removed to No. 1, Holt's Lane, near Main-Street, WHERE HE OFFERS FOR SALE, ON REASONABLE TERMS, HIS STOCK IN TRADE, CONSISTING OF A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF HARDWARE, NAILS, &c. May 8. 659
NOTICE. I request all persons having claims against the Estate of JOHN WADDY, Sen. deceased, of Northampton County, Eastern Shore, Virginia, to bring them forward properly attested on or before the first day of June next, as I shall plead this notice in bar against all claims that may appear after that date. I. R. Waddey, Executor to the Will annexed. Northampton Court-Yard, Feb. 1. 2m 490
EAGLE TAVERN. The Subscriber has taken that eligible stand in Market-square, and has to inform his friends and the publick in general, that he will spare no pains to make them as comfortable as possible while with him—he would be glad to take in Eight or Ten Genteel BOARDERS by the Year. Thomas Glenn. January 15. 433
LADIES FASHIONABLE SHOES. SEVERAL Trunks of Ladies plain and fashionable LACED KID SHOES, and Gentlemen's fashionable London made do. just received by the ship Planter, Captain Boush, and for sale by Gilliat & Mackinder. September 9. 136
Notice is hereby given that I shall apply to the Court of Northampton County, at April term next, for leave to discontinue so much of the road leading from Franktown to Occoquanock Neck, as goes upon my land. Tully R. Wise. Feb. 14. 1m 509
COW-POX. The subscriber informs the publick, that some VACCINE MATTER which he has received from Philadelphia, has succeeded; and that those persons who have been prevented taking the disease from the loss of the infection here, can now be inoculated. George Balfour. Feb. 12. 503 Richmond Academy Lottery, NOW DRAWING, CONTAINING One Prize of Ten Thousand Dollars, Besides several other large Prizes. * * * TICKETS for Sale by the EDITOR OF THIS PAPER. November 15. 279
FRANCIS SMITH, Has opened his Vendue and Commission Office at the Store lately occupied by Messrs. Bowman and Walker, No. 48, Main-Street. Jan. 20. 451
IF George William Clarke who left England for this Country in July, 1802, is living, he will hear of something to his advantage on application at this of-fee. Norfolk, Jan. 15. 493
JUST LANDED, 25 Hogsheads Choice MOLASSES. For Sale by Thos. H. Parker. Jan. 10. 426
HUNTER & GATEWOOD, Have received per Ship Jones, Captain Colley, from Liverpool, the balance of their supply of FALL AND WINTER GOODS, Which in addition to their former importation from London, makes their assortment general and complete—it consists of almost every article of useful and fashionable goods too tedious to enumerate, which they offer for sale, at their Store No. 129, Main Street, by Wholesale and Retail, on the lowest terms for cash, or short payments. November 8. 262
FOR SALE, The CARGO of the Schooner Elizabeth Margaret, now landing on Marsden's Wharf, 342 boxes White & Brown Havanna Sugars, 28 Hogsheads MOLASSES, 5 do. HONEY—For terms apply to John Brown. January 6. 412
Liverpool Salt, Kendal Cottons, &c. The CARGO of the Ship Industry, Noah Wright, master, from Liverpool—Consisting of 12,000 Bushels SALT, 8 Bales Kendal COTTONS, 10 Cases COPPER, 18 and 20 oz. 18 Sugar BOILERS, of 150 gallons each, 3 Hogsheads SKIMMERS and LADLES, 4 Casks Copper NAILS—Apply to William Pennock. December 20. 567
MRS. MACDOUGAL, INFORMS her friends and the publick, that she has taken that handsome house belonging to Mr. Roberts, in the centre of Market Square, where she will receive Boarders on moderate terms—the strictest attention will always be paid to the diet rooms, and lodging, and every endeavour used to render a transient or permanent abode at her house satisfactory. September 25. 169
FOR RENT, And immediate possession given, The WAREHOUSE lately occupied by Mr. Edward Roberts—Also, The WAREHOUSE lately occupied by Mr. Edward Johnston—For terms, apply to Robert Gibson. January 20. 450
JUST RECEIVED, By the ship Roba & Betsey, Capt. Richardson from London, and for sale by the Subscriber, A LARGE SUPPLY OF DRUGS AND MEDICINES, of all kinds. Patent Medicines, Perfumery, &c. &c. Also received by the ship Almirante, Capt. Stover A LARGE ASSORTMENT OF SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS, Consisting of Amputating, Trepanning, Cupping, Midwifery, Tooth of different sorts, Crown and Common Lancets, and Surgical Pocket Instruments &c. &c. HARDHAM'S SNUFF, No. 9. Also, by the ship Olive Branch, Capt. Le Breton from Bristol, A LARGE & EXTENSIVE ASSORTMENT OF GLASS & FURNITURE, For Apothecary's and Practitioner's Shops.
Those who favour us with their orders will be supplied on the most reasonable terms, and the articles of the best and freshest quality, as our importations are regularly twice a year, and laid in with cash, from the most respectable Druggists in London. MEDICINE CHESTS made up as usual. Also, a few elegant Mahogany Chests of the newest construction, with furniture complete, PERRY'S ANTI-BILLIOUS PILLS. Frederick Heermann & Son. July 17. 2aw 12m. 1
GERMAN GOODS. JOHN C. NIEMEYER, Has lately received and offer for Sale, the following Goods, for Cash, or on convenient credit, for approved Notes, viz. 7000 Bags of 2 and 3 bushels, in bales of 600 each. 1000 East India Gunny Bags. 190 Pieces Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs. 400 Brown Rolls. 400 White Rolls, different qualities. 100 White Plutillas. 75 Brown Hollands. 100 Bretannias. 20 Dowlass. 62 Fine White Flanders Sheeting. 25 Shirt Linen of 20 to 100 dollars per piece of 37 yards. 40 Fine Bed Bunts and Bed Ticking. 390 Velvet Ribbands, No. 2 to 150. 30 Russia Sheeting, and Diaper. 320 Dozen Snuff Boxes. 100 Boxes Baltimore Window Glass, in whole and half boxes, viz. 8 by 10, 9 by 11, 9 by 12, 10 by 12, and 12 by 14, at the manufactory prices, with the addition of the usual charges. A few Barrels Philadelphia bottled Porter 105 Boxes Short Pipes. 120 Spanish Segars, of different quality. 150 lbs. Shoe Thread. 130 Twine. 15 Boxes Glass Ware, of different kinds, cut and plain. 37 Barrels Turpentine. ALSO, 20 Dozen of Shoe Brushes. Violins, Flutes and Fifes. ditto Strings and Bows. Looking Glasses of all kinds. Nuns' Thread and Fine Lace. Thread Stockings, Plush for Saddles. Coffee Mills—Beads, and Bird Cages. Razors, Spectacles, and Penknives, 1st quality. Backgammon Tables, Dice, Cards, Chessmen. Fowling Pieces, Pistols, and Agut Flints. Crooked Horn and Ivory straight Combs. An Invoice of Japanned Ware. do. do. of Mill Saws, Augers, &c. 40,000 Marbles. And a great variety of other Articles. Apply as above. September 25. 164
CHEMISTRY MADE PLAIN. PROPOSALS, FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, A NEW WORK, ENTITLED, Plain Discourses on the Chemical Laws of Matter, Containing a General View of the Principles and Elements of the Science of Chemistry. With a particular Detail of those Parts, which are common and connected with Domestic Affairs; ADDRESSED TO THE CITIZENS OF AMERICA. BY THOMAS EWELL, M.D. &c. OF VIRGINIA.
TO THE PROMOTERS OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE, I HAVE ventured to present for your patronage, a new work—It is a system of chemistry divested of such technical terms as retard the study, by those persons not desirous of entering into the useless refinements of the science; and it will convey particular descriptions of those processes that are for domestic purposes. The object of the work is to render the study of chemistry less difficult, more general and agreeable, as well as to lead to Improvements in various Arts. Long has the greater part of mankind laboured under difficulties which might have been avoided by an acquaintance with the discoveries of philosophers. During the study of most sciences, we notice improvements unknown to the majority of the people; and into one have these become more conspicuous than in the science of chemistry. Since the wild conjectures of deluded men were banished from its annals, the study has become one of the most useful and interesting to all of common understanding. The science is now characterised by a simplicity, host to only to the pride of the pedantick scholar. Its extensive scenes are open, and with powerful attraction invite the entrance of the intelligent in the pursuit of pleasure, of information, or of most of the arts. An entrance is desired, that the wonderful beauty and wisdom displayed in the operations of nature may be contemplated with rapture, in parts neglected by the vulgar as a "dreary void."
To those in the pursuit of pleasure, the study of chemistry affords the greatest delight. The conversion of solids into volumes of vivifying airs, and of airs and other fluids into solids, are processes which although inferior to many in chemistry, give unusual satisfaction. To know the composition of the substances surrounding us, with their connection and relation to each other, and to understand many of the arts of chemists, will impart to the mind an agreeable action, while it increases its capacity to make improvements. And such are the fascinating powers attached to the pursuit of this knowledge, that France is fast becoming a nation of chemists, in consequence of the general study of the science by the ladies as well as gentlemen.
The respectable Cultivators of land will be much benefitted by an acquaintance with chemistry. It will teach them the properties of the soil they cultivate, the art of making manures, and the kinds of vegetables as well as Manures best adapted for their respective farms. An idea of this may be formed from the famous Act, that by a judicious management of the grave yards at Paris, such quantities of salt-peter were procured for the powder manufacturers as to enable the French government to prosecute their war!
To be able to detect the presence, and discriminate between the noxious and innocent metals, as well as to make most useful combinations of them; to ascertain the constituents of medicinal springs; to detect the adulterations of Wines and other drinks; and to correct corrupted airs, must be of consequence to most individuals. The burning of bodies—The Arts of making Gunpowder and Salt-petre—common Salt—and all other Salts—Of Tanning Leather—Of purifying and preserving animal and vegetable Matter—Of Dying and Painting—Of making Glass and Earthen Ware—Of Brewing—Distilling, &c. &c. depend on Chemistry.
No doubt most of them would be improved by a further cultivation of the science, which, from its simplicity, could be done in but a small part of the time often mispent by the artists. This will appear less doubtful, by the following extract from a letter I received from the President, Mr. Jefferson—and from one received from Judge Washington of Mount-Vernon. "MONTICELLO, August 1805. "Of the importance of turning a knowledge of chemistry to household purposes, I have been long satisfied. The common herd of philosophers seem to write only for one another. The chemists have filled volumes on the composition of a thousand substances of no sort of importance to the purposes of life; while the arts of making bread, butter, cheese, vinegar, soap, beer, cyder, &c. remain totally unexplained. Chapital has lately given the chemistry of wine making; the late Dr. Pennington did the same as to bread, and promised to pursue the line of rendering his knowledge useful to common life; but death deprived us of his labours. Good treatises on these subjects should receive general approbation. "Accept of my salutations, "and assurances of respect. "TH: JEFFERSON."
"MOUNT-VERNON, 13th September 1805. "I have long thought that a work upon the plan you suggest, was much wanted by those who form the great bulk of readers on chemical subjects. I have not met with a single treatise which has not appeared unnecessarily obscured by technical terms, which only scholars can understand. They have been more generally addressed to the comprehension of professional men, than to those of the humbler walks of life; for whose use the science might be made most essentially to contribute, by adapting it to their capacities, and by pointing out the way by which its principles may be applied to the more common arts, in which they are daily employed. You will I think, do great good to society and . . . by executing such a work as you propose. My best wishes will accompany you in your labours, and I shall be happy to aid them as far as I can. "BUSH. WASHINGTON."
But, fellow citizens, for you to know the Beauty, the Connection, the Importance of the Science which I wish to communicate to you, it is necessary that you know the Science itself. To relate in the most intelligible terms the discoveries of chemical philosophers will not be the extent of my labours. I shall offer a new view of the art of ascertaining the fertility of lands, and of the formation of vegetable juices, which has been approved of by some distinguished characters. I shall also relate some original experiments, a part of which establish a hitherto disputed doctrine concerning heat, and throw light on the art of enriching impoverished land. You will now determine by your subscription, whether the desire of one to disseminate knowledge highly useful and interesting to most of mankind shall be gratified—whether the proposed publication shall appear. T. EWELL.
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. As soon as a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained, the work shall be put to the press. It will be comprised in about 300 pages, Octavo, and be printed on good paper with suitable type. A general Index will be annexed to the work—with proper drawings of the apparatus commonly used by chemists. The work shall be delivered in boards to Subscribers at Three Dollars, per copy. * * * Subscriptions for the above work, received by the Editor of this Paper. 242
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE, Norfolk, Virginia, August 31, 1805. HIS Britannic Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, hereby gives notice, to the merchants concerned in the trade to His Majesty's Dominions, that according to the terms of the Act of the 37th of the King C. 97, no British built vessel captured by His Majesty's enemies, afterwards purchased by citizens of the United States, and sailing under a Sea Letter can be admitted to entry under the said Act, as an American vessel. 114 John Hamilton.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE. Price Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.