Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-01-11 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  UNT HIC ETIAM SUA PREMIA LATTI
VOL. IV.]
MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 11, 1808.
[NO. 76.]
St. Mary's College Lottery of Baltimore,
Will commence drawing on the 31st instant, when the price of Tickets will be advanced. It is recommended to those wishing to adventure to apply immediately—Tickets now selling rapidly at Eleven Dollars, and but few remaining for Sale by
December 18. Rowland & Triplett. tf
Landing at Newton's wharf the Cargo of the sloop Dispatch, Samuel Hawley, master, from New-Haven, consisting of
Pork, Beef, Cheese, Hay, and 10 dozen Brooms.
For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. December 18. tf
For RENT. The STORE, No. 86, Main-Street, with or without the house.
September 28. Thomas Blanchard. tf
For RENT. (Possession to be had the 1st of January.) The STORE-ROOM on Commerce and Water-Street, lately occupied by Mr. Edward Clarke, it may be had with or without a Room in the second story—it is very spacious, may be immediately accommodated for two stores, and will be rented in that manner if preferred. For terms apply to
December 28. John Nivison. tf
For RENT. (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-Street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store. Apply to
December 28. Niemeyer & Von Kapff. tf
First quality Jamaica COFFEE.
Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE.
James & Thomas Tucker. December 28. tf
REMOVAL. The Subscriber has removed to the large Fire-Proof Warehouse at the head of Maxwell's wharf, in Wide Water-Street, where he offers for SALE, 7 pipes Country GIN, 20 barrels Whiskey, 30 do. N. E. Rum, 15 hds. do. do. 30 do. Mackarel, 30 do. Shad, 150 kegs Salmon, 150 kegs Tongues and Sausages, 50 boxes Soap, 60 boxes Mould Candles, 50 do. Spermaceti do. 25 do. Chocolate, 28 do. assorted Cotton Yards, 4 chests Hyson Tea, 150 reams Writing Paper, 1 case Diapers, 150 sacks Liverpool Salt, 7 tons assorted Swedish Iron, 50 bundles Nail Rods, A quantity of coarse Woollen Goods—low for Cash. Edward Clark.
Who transacts business on Commission, as usual. Jan. 1. tf
For SALE, A likely Negro GIRL, about 16 years of age, has been brought up in the house, and sold for no fault. Apply to the printer. January 1. tf
DRAWING ACADEMY.
MR. RENAULT.
HISTORICAL DRAWER, detained in this town against his intentions and interest since the unhappy affair of the Chesapeake, and still more by the embargo, has thought proper to satisfy the solicitations made to him by a number of persons of distinction, to open an Academy of Drawing.
Consequently he offers his services to the public, and particularly to those parents who are desirous of having their children educated in that art, which has always been the admiration of the most civilized nations, and which is the key to all others, as nothing can be made properly without the aid of drawing, the knowledge of which is the soul of fine arts.
Those persons wishing to instruct themselves in that branch of education, either for ornaments or architecture, for landscapes or the human figure, which will be demonstrated geometrically, with the anatomical knowledge of each part of the human frame relative only to painting, or finally to the most prompt and certain principles, will please to call for arrangement at Mr. Renault's, No. 12, Cumberland-Street.
The conditions will be Five Dollars entrance, and Ten Dollars per month; the Scholars will provide themselves with pencils, pencil case, and paper.
The lessons will be given, viz. every day, Saturdays excepted, which days are appropriated for making models.
Those persons not wishing to take lessons every day, by taking them every other day will pay the entrance five dollars, and only six dollars per month. There will be two classes each day.
The young gentlemen will be admitted from 9 o'clock until 12 in the forenoon.
The young ladies from 2 o'clock until 5 in the afternoon.
Mrs. Renault will pay her duty to them. By this method it is easy to perceive that the lessons will be as copious and advantageous as can be desired, since the length of time is not fixed to a single hour only as it is customary, and the Scholar according to his taste and ardour can make it as long as he pleases.
Mr. Renault dawns flatter himself that an establishment of this kind in this town, can only be favourably received by an enlightened public, as it is the ornament of youth, which while it instructs and delights in his study, also joins two great advantages, the agreeable and useful, and if an experience of forty years in the art of drawing, entitles him to it, the certain and abridged means with which he intends to teach his pupils, the models always proportioned to the capacity of the scholars, which persuades them of the progress they are making, warming meanwhile their emulation; cares the most attentive, and even minute, which he knows are necessary in the first age of their study; finally the geometrical demonstration of principles which he means to put in practice, gives him, besides, hopes of speedy success, for certainly the scholar that can reason of what he is doing by knowledge of cause, has already understood the rule or science, the hand obeys; the sense that commands it, while on the contrary the one that only copy without knowing what he is making for, tracing always hesitating, bluntly, and with such a timidity that his penciling can with propriety be compared to the steps of an infant attempting to walk. January 4. tf
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THURSDAY, December 31.
Mr. Adams, from the committee appointed on the 27th of November last, to inquire whether it be compatible with the honour and privileges of this house, that John Smith, a senator from the state of Ohio, against whom bills of indictment were found at the circuit court of Virginia, held at Richmond in August last, for treason and misdemeanor, should be permitted any longer to have a seat therein, and to inquire into the facts regarding the conduct of Mr. Smith, as an alleged associate of Aaron Burr, and report the same to the senate—submitted the following
REPORT:
Your committee are of opinion, that the conspiracy of Aaron Burr and his associates against the peace, union, and liberties of these states, is of such a character, and that its existence is established by such a mass of concurring and mutually corroborative testimony, that it is incompatible not only with the honour and privileges of this house, but with the deepest interests of this nation, that any person engaged in it should be permitted to hold a seat in the senate of the United States.
Whether the facts, of which the committee submit herewith such evidence as under the order of the senate, they have been able to collect, are sufficient to substantiate the participation of Mr. Smith in that conspiracy, or not, will remain for the senate to decide.
The committee submit also to the consideration of the senate, the correspondence between Mr. Smith and them, through their chairman, in the course of their meetings. The committee have never conceived themselves invested with authority to try Mr. Smith. Their charge was to report an opinion relating to the honour and privileges of the senate, and the facts relating to the conduct of Mr. Smith. Their opinion indeed cannot be expressed in relation to the privilege of the senate, without relating at the same time to Mr. Smith's right of holding a seat in this body; but in that respect the authority of the committee extends only to proposal, and not to decision. But as he manifested a great solicitude to be heard before them, they obtained permission from the senate to admit his attendance, communicated to him the evidence in their possession, by which he was inculpated, furnished him in writing with the questions arising from it, which appeared to them material, and received from him the information and explanations herewith submitted as part of the facts reported. But Mr. Smith has claimed as a right, to be heard in his defence by counsel, to have compulsory process for witnesses, and to be confronted with his accusers,—as it the committee had been a circuit court of the United States. But it is before the senate itself, that your committee conceived it just and proper that Mr. Smith's defence of himself should be heard. Nor have they conceived themselves bound in this inquiry by any other rules than those of natural justice and equity, due to a brother senator on the one part, and to their country on the other.
Mr. Smith represents himself on this enquiry as solitary, friendless, and unskilled, contending for rights which he intimates are denied him; and the defender of senatorial privileges which he seems apprehensive will be refused him by senators, liable so long as they hold their offices to have his case made their own. The committee are not unaware that in the vicissitudes of human events, no member of this body can be sure, that his conduct will never be made a subject of enquiry and decision before the assembly to which he belongs. They are aware that in the course of proceeding which the senate may now sanction, its members are making out a precedent which may hereafter apply to themselves. They are sensible that the principles upon which they have acted, ought to have the same operation upon their own claims to privilege, as upon those of Mr. Smith; the same relation to the rights of their constituents, which they have to those of the legislature which he represents. They have deemed it their duty to advance in the progress of their inquiry with peculiar care and deliberation. They have dealt out to Mr. Smith, that measure, which under the supposition of similar circumstances they would be content to find imparted to themselves, and they have no hesitation in declaring, that under such imputations, colored by such evidence, they should hold it a sacred obligation to themselves, to their fellow senators, and to their country, to meet them by direct, unconditional acknowledgment or denial, without seeking a refuge from the broad face of day, in the labyrinth of technical forms.
In examining the question whether these forms of judicial proceedings, or the rules of judicial evidence ought to be applied to the exercise of that censorial authority which the senate of the United States possesses over the conduct of its members, let us assume as the test of their application, either the dictates of unfeigned reason, the letter and spirit of the constitution, or precedents domestick or foreign, and your committee believe that the result will be the same; that the power of expelling a member, must in its nature be discretionary, and in its exercise always more summary than the tardy process of judicial tribunals.
The power of expelling a member for misconduct, results on the principles of common sense, from the interest of the nation, that the high trust of legislation should be invested in pure hands. When the trust is elective, it is not to be presumed that the constituent body will commit the deposit to the keeping of worthless characters. But when a man, whom his fellow citizens have honoured with their confidence on the pledge of a spotless reputation, has degraded himself by the commission of infamous
crimes, which become suddenly and unexpectedly revealed to the world, defective indeed would be that institution, which should be impotent to discard from its bosom, the contagion of such a member; which should have no remedy of amputation to apply until the poison had reached the heart.
The question upon the trial of a criminal cause, before the courts of common law, is not between guilt and innocence, but between guilt and the possibility of innocence. If a doubt can possibly be raised either by the ingenuity of the party or of his counsel, or by the operation of general rules in their unforeseen application to particular cases, that doubt must be decisive for acquittal, and the verdict of not guilty, perhaps in nine cases out of ten, means no more than that the guilt of the party has not been demonstrated in the precise, specific and narrow forms prescribed by law. The humane spirit of the laws multiplies the barriers for the protection of innocence, and freely admits that these barriers may be abused for the shelter of guilt. It avows a strong partiality favourable to the person upon trial, and acknowledges the preference that ten guilty should escape, rather than that one innocent should suffer. The interest of the publick that a particular crime should be punished, is but as one to ten, compared with the interest of the party, that innocence should be spared. Acquittal only restores the party to the common rights of every other citizen; it restores him to no publick trust; it invests him with no publick confidence; it substitutes the sentence of mercy for the doom of justice, and the eyes of impartial reason, in the great majority of cases, must be considered rather as a pardon than a justification.
But when a member of the legislative body lies under the imputation of aggravated offences, and the determination upon his cause can operate only to remove him from a station of extensive powers, and important trust, this disproportion between the interest of the public and the interest of the individual, disappears; if any disproportion exists, it is of an opposite kind. It is not better that ten traitors should be members of this Senate, than that one innocent man should suffer expulsion. In either case no doubt, the evil would be great. But in the former it would strike at the vitals of the nation; in the latter it might, though deeply be lamented, only be the calamity of an individual.
By the letter of the constitution, the power of expelling a member is given to each of the two houses of congress, without any limitation other than that which requires a concurrence of two thirds of the votes, to give it effect.
The spirit of the constitution is perhaps in no respect more remarkable, than in the solicitude which it has manifested, to secure the purity of its composition, by that of the elements of its composition. A qualification of age, is made necessary for the members, to ensure the maturity of their judgment—a qualification of long citizenship to ensure a community of interests and affections between them and their country—a qualification of residence to provide a sympathy between every member and the portion of the union, from which he is delegated—and to guard as far as regulation can guard against every bias of personal interest, and every hazard of interfering duties, it has made every member of congress ineligible to office which he contributed to create, and every officer of the union incapable of holding a seat in congress. Yet in the midst of all this anxious providence of legislative virtue, it has not authorised the constituent body to recall in any case its representative. It has not subjected him to removal by impeachment:—and when the darling of the people's choice has become their deadliest foe—can it enter the imagination of a reasonable man, that the sanctuary of their legislation must remain polluted with his presence, until a court of common law, with its pace of snail, can ascertain whether his crime was committed on the right or left bank of a river—whether a puncture of difference can be found between the words of the charge and the words of the proof—whether the witnesses of his guilt should or should not be heard by his jury, and whether he was punishable, because present at an overt act, or intangible to public justice, because he only contrived and prepared it. Is it conceivable that a traitor to that country which has loaded him with favours, guilty to the common understanding of all mankind, should be suffered to return unquestioned to that post of honour and confidence, where in the zenith of his good fame, he had been placed by the esteem of his countrymen, and in defiance of their wishes, in mockery of their fears, surrounded by the publick indignation, but inaccessible to its bolt, pursue the purposes of treason in the heart of the national councils? Must the assembled rulers of the land listen with calmness and indifference, session after session, to the voice of notorious infamy, until the sluggish step of municipal justice can overtake his enormities? Must they tamely see the lives and fortunes of millions, the safety of present and future ages, depending upon his vote, recorded with theirs, merely because the abused benignity of general maxims may have remitted to him the forfeiture of his life?
Such, in very supposable cases, would be the unavoidable consequences of a principle which should offer the crutches of judicial tribunals, as an apology for crippling the congressional power of expulsion. Far different, in the opinion of your committee, is the spirit of our constitution. They believe that the very purpose for which this power was given, was to preserve the legislature from the first approaches of infection.—That this was made discretionary because it could not exist under the procrastination of general rules.—That its process may be summary because it would be rendered nugatory by delay.
Passing from the constitutional view of the subject, to that which is afforded by the authority of
precedent, your committee find, that since the establishment of our present national legislature, there has been but one example of expulsion from the senate. In that case, the member implicated was called upon in the first instance, to answer whether he was the author of a letter, the copy of which only was produced, and the writing of which was the cause of his expulsion. He was afterwards requested to declare whether he was the author of the letter itself, and declining in both cases to answer, the fact of his having written it was established by a comparison of his hand writing, and by the belief of persons who had seen him write, upon inspection of the letter.—In all these points the committee perceive the admission of a species of evidence, which in courts of criminal jurisdiction would be excluded, and in the resolution of expulsion on the senate declared the person inculpated guilty of a high misdemeanor, although no presentment or indictment had been found against him, and no prosecution at law was ever commenced upon the case.
This event occurred in July, 1797. About fifteen months before that time, upon an application from the legislature of Kentucky, requesting an investigation by the senate, of a charge, against one of the members from that state, of perjury, which had been made in certain newspaper publications, but for which no prosecution had been commenced, the senate did adopt by a majority of 16 votes to 8, the report of a committee, purporting that the senate had no jurisdiction to try the charge, and that the memorial of the Kentucky legislature should be dismissed. There were indeed very sufficient reasons of a different kind assigned in the same report, for not pursuing the investigation in that particular case any further, and your committee believe that in the reasoning of that report, some principles were assumed and some inferences drawn, which were altogether unnecessary for the determination of that case, which were adopted without a full consideration of all their consequences, and the inaccuracy of which was clearly proved by the departure from them in the instance which was soon afterwards to take place. It was the first time that a question of expulsion had ever been agitated in congress, since the adoption of the constitution. And the subject being thus entirely new, was considered perhaps too much with reference to the particular circumstances of the moment, and not enough upon the numerous contingencies to which the general question might apply. Your committee state this opinion with some confidence, because, of the sixteen senators, who in March 1796, voted for the report dismissing the memorial of the Kentucky legislature, eleven, on the subsequent occasion in July, 1797, voted also for that report, which concluded with a resolution for the expulsion of Mr. Blount. The other five were no longer present in the senate. Yet if the principles advanced in the first report, had been assumed as the ground of proceeding at the latter period, the senate would have been as impotent of jurisdiction upon the offence of Mr. Blount, as they had supposed themselves upon the allegation against Mr. D. Marshall.
Those parts of the fifth and 6th articles, amendment to the constitution, upon which the report in the case of Mr. Marshall, appears to rely for taking away the jurisdiction of the senate, your committee suppose can only be understood as referring to prosecutions at law;—to suppose that they were intended as restrictions upon powers expressly granted by the constitution to the legislature, or either of its branches, would in a manner annihilate the power of impeachment as well as that of expulsion. It would lead to the absurd conclusion that the authority given for the purpose of removing iniquity from the seats of power, should be denied its exercise, in precisely those cases, which most loudly call for its energies. It would present the singular spectacle of a legislature vested with powers of expelling its members, of impeaching, removing, and disqualifying publick officers, for trivial transgressions beneath the cognizance of the law, yet forbidden to exert them against capital or infamous crimes.
Those two articles were in substance borrowed from similar regulations contained in that justly celebrated statute, which for so many ages has been distinguished by the name of the great charter of England. Yet in that country, where they are recognized as the most solid foundations of the liberties of the nation, they have never been considered as interfering with the power of expelling a member, exercised at all times by the house of commons; a power which these however rests only upon parliamentary usage, and has never been bestowed as in the constitution of the United States, by any act of supreme legislation. From a number of precedents which have been consulted, it is found that the exercise of this authority there has always been discretionary, and its process always far otherwise compendious, than in the prosecutions before the judicial courts. So far indeed have they been from supposing a conviction at law necessary to precede a vote of expulsion, that in one instance, a resolution to demand a prosecution, appears immediately after the adoption of the resolution to expel. In numerous cases the member submits to examination, adduces evidence in his favour, and has evidence produced against him, with or without formal authentication; and the discretion of the house is not even restricted by the necessary concurrence of more than a bare majority of the votes.
The provision in our constitution which forbids the expulsion of a member by an ordinary majority, and requires for this act of rigorous and painful duty, the assent of two-thirds, your committee consider as a wise and sufficient guard against the possible abuse of this legislative discretion. In times of heat and violent party spirit, the rights of the mi-

nority might not always be duly respected, if majority could expel their members, under no other controul than that of their own discretion. The operation of this rule is of great efficacy, both over the proceedings of the whole body, and over the conduct of every individual member. The times when the most violent struggles of contending parties occur, when the conflict of opposite passions is most prone to excess, are precisely the times when the numbers are most equally divided; when the majority amounts to two-thirds, the security in its own strength is of itself a guard against extraordinary stretches of power; when the minority dwindles to the proportion of one-third; its consciousness of weakness dissuades from any attempts to encroach upon the rights of the majority, which might provoke retaliation. But if expulsion were admissible only as a sequel to the issue of a legal prosecution, or upon the same principles and forms of testimony, which are established in the criminal courts, your committee can see no possible reason why it should be rendered still more imbecile, by the requisition of two-thirds to give it effect.
It is now the duty of your committee to apply the principles which they have here endeavoured to settle and elucidate, to the particular case upon which the senate have directed them to report. The bills of indictment found against Mr. Smith, at the late session of the circuit court of the United States, at Richmond, (copies of which are herewith submitted,) are precisely similar to those found against Aaron Burr. From the volume of printed evidence communicated by the president of the United States to congress, relating to the trial of Aaron Burr, it appears that a great part of the testimony which was essential to his conviction upon the indictment for treason, was withheld from the jury, upon an opinion of the court, that Aaron Burr, not having been present at the overt act of treason alleged in the indictment, no testimony relative to his conduct or declarations elsewhere, and subsequent to the transactions on Blennerhassett's island could be admitted. And in consequence of this suppression of evidence, the traverse jury found a verdict "that Aaron Burr, was not proved to be guilty under that indictment by any evidence submitted to them." It was also an opinion of the court that none of the transactions of which evidence was given on the trial of Aaron Burr did amount to an overt act of levying war, and of course that they did not amount to treason. These decisions forming the basis of the issue upon the trials of Burr, anticipated the event which must have awaited the trials of the bills against Mr. Smith, who from the circumstances of his case, must have been entitled to the benefit of their application: they were the sole inducements upon which the counsel for the United States, abandoned the prosecution against him.
Your committee are not disposed now to question the correctness of these decisions on a case of treason before a court of criminal jurisdiction. But whether the transactions proved against Aaron Burr, did or did not amount, in technical language, to an overt act of levying war, your committee have not a scruple of doubt upon their minds that but for the vigilance and energy of the government, and of faithful citizens under its directions, in arresting their progress, and in crushing his designs, they would in a very short lapse of time, have terminated not only in war, but in war of the most horrible description, in war at once foreign and domestic. As little hesitation have your committee in saying, that if the daylight of evidence, combining one vast complicated intention, with overt acts innumerable, be not excluded from the mind by the curtain of artificial rules, the simplest understanding cannot but see what the subtlest understanding cannot disguise, crimes before which ordinary treason whitens into virtue—crimes of which war is the mildest feature. The debauchment of our army, the plunder and devastation of our own and foreign territories, the dissolution of our national union, and the root of interminable civil war, were but the means of individual aggrandizement, the steps to projected usurpation. If the ingenuity of a demon were tasked, to weave into one composition, all the great moral and political evils, which could be inflicted upon the people of these states, it could produce nothing more than a texture of war, dismemberment, and despotism.
Of these designs, a grand jury, composed of characters as respectable as this nation can boast, have upon the solemnity of their oaths, charged John Smith with being an accomplice. The reasons upon which the trial of his charge has been submitted to the verdict of a jury, have been shown by your committee, and are proved by the letter from the attorney of the United States, for the district of Virginia, herewith reported. And your committee are of opinion, that the dereliction of the prosecution on these grounds cannot in the slightest degree remove the imputation which the accusations of the grand jury have brought to the door of Mr. Smith.
Your committee will not permit themselves to comment upon the testimony which they submit herewith to the senate—nor upon the answers which Mr. Smith has given as sufficient for his justification. Desirous as the committee have been that this justification might be complete—anxiously as they wished for an opportunity of declaring their belief of his innocence, they can neither sonour nor dissemble the operation of the evidence upon their minds, and however painful to their feelings, they find themselves compelled by a sense of duty, paramount to every other consideration, to submit to the senate, for their consideration, the following resolution:
Resolved, That John Smith, a senator from the state of Ohio, by his participation in the conspiracy of Aaron Burr, against the peace, union and liberties of the people of the United States, has been guilty of conduct incompatible with his duty and station as a senator of the United States. And that he be therefor, and hereby is expelled from the senate of the United States.
For SALE, 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. Kitts RUM. MOSES MYERS. January 8.
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the Estate of JOHN ARMSTRONG, Sen. deceased, are requested to bring them in properly attested; and all those indebted are desired to make immediate payment. REBECCA ARMSTRONG, Adm'r. Norfolk County, January 8.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 11, 1808.
TO SUBSCRIBERS TO THE PUBLICK LEDGER. Upon a disagreeable subject the least said is best.— The Editor finds himself under the NECESSITY of speaking plainly, and is determined to act decidedly. Those indebted for SUBSCRIPTIONS particularly, (some of whom are now in arrears four years,) are requested to pay up their arrearages. Our distant subscribers are invited to attend to this particularly.
In consequence of the reply made by Mr. Randolph to General Wilkinson, the latter posted the former as a paltron; and so did Mr. Swartwout post General W. for not accepting his invitation. No one believed General W. to be a paltron on that account, nor does any one believe Mr. Randolph is one.
It appears that the President has ordered a Court of Inquiry to be held upon General Wilkinson, but whether at the request of the General, or in consequence of the proceedings of the House of Representatives, we know not, we suspect the former.—The General will not be tried by his enemies; one of the members of the court has declared in terms most unequivocal his great admiration of the conduct and character of the General.
MR. MONROE left Washington on Tuesday last for Richmond.
The Alexandria Packet went down to Hampton Roads on Friday last, to take Mr. Rose from on board the frigate Statira , but from head winds she was detained until yesterday, when she sailed for Washington with a fair wind, which continues.
A gentleman who came passenger in Walker's packet arrived here on Saturday in 24 hours from Baltimore, favoured us with papers to the 8th, which enables us to anticipate the mail. From one of those we extract the amusing and dignified debate on the reduction of salaries and pay of congressmen. As much as "dignified retirement," otherwise poverty and distress, may suit the people, their representatives have no idea of participating in their "dignified retirement."
We have just perused a letter from a respectable merchant in Baltimore dated on Friday last, to his correspondents in this place, which says, "Intelligence has been this moment received from Washington, stating that orders had been issued by the government to arrest the celebrated French General Moreau , who lately went to the Western country, on his way to New-Orleans." We give this as a report, and although the respectability of the source from whence we have received it, has great weight with us, we feel reluctant to believe that this great man, has engaged himself in any dishonourable plans against this government.
Several of our Fair Friends have requested us to say, that a Music Master of professional skill, and who will be attentive, will receive good encouragement in this place.
On the first day of the present month, were lying in the harbour of New-York, 135 ships, 94 brigs, 92 schooners, 284 sloops, and 61 petiaugers, making altogether the cabalistical number 606.
The President of the United States has ordered a court of enquiry to sit on gen. Wilkinson. The court, we hear, consists of Col. Burbeck, of the Artillery, Col. Cushing, of the Infantry, and Col. Williams, of the Engineers. Wash. Fed.
[COPY] Washington, December 24, 1807.
SIR, I understand several expressions have escaped you, in their nature personal, and highly injurious to my reputation. The exceptionable language imputed to you, may be briefly and substantially comprised in the following statement. That you have avowed the opinion I was a rogue—that you have ascribed to me the infernal disposition to commit murder, to prevent the exposition of my sinister designs, and through me have stigmatized those citizen soldiers who compose the meritorious military corps of our country. No person can be more sensible of the pernicious tendency of such cruel and undeserved reflections, in their application to publick men or private individuals, than yourself; nor is any man more competent to determine the just reparation to which they establish a fair claim.—Under these impressions, I have no hesitation to appeal to your justice, your magnanimity, and your gallantry, to prescribe the manner, and the measure of redress, being persuaded your decision will comport with the feelings of a man of honour, and that you will be found equally prompt to assert a right or repair a wrong.
I transmit this letter through the post-office, and shall expect your answer, by such channel as you may deem most proper.
I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) JAS. WILKINSON. The Hon. John Randolph.
[COPY] December 25, 1807. SIR—Several months ago, I was informed of your having said, that you were acquainted with what had passed in the grand-jury room at Richmond, last spring, and that you had declared a determination to challenge me.—I am to consider your letter of the last night, by mail, as the execution of this avowed purpose, and through the same channel return you my answer. Whatever may have been the expressions used by me, in relation to your character, they were the result of deliberate opinion,
on, founded upon the most authentic evidence, the greater part of which my country-imposed upon me the painful duty to weigh and to decide upon;—they were such, as to my knowledge and to yours, have been delivered by hundreds of the first men in the union, and probably by a full moiety of the American people. In you, sir, I can recognize no right to hold me accountable for my publick or private opinion of your character, that would not subject me to an equal claim from col. Burr, or serjeant Dunbaugh. I cannot descend to your level.—This is my final answer. (Signed) JOHN RANDOLPH. Brigadier Gen. Wilkinson.
PHILADELPHIA, January 6. CHAMBER OF COMMERCE. A committee consisting of T. W. Francis, Manuel Eyre, Robert Ralston, Daniel Smith, and Samuel Keith, have been appointed by the Chamber of Commerce of this city, to enquire into the situation of the unemployed Mariners now in this port, and to report a plan for their employment and subsistence.
Information of the number and places of residence of persons of this description will be received by any of the above gentlemen.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, December 31.
[Proceedings respecting General Wilkinson, concluded.]
Mr. Thomas moved that the resolution moved by Mr. Randolph should lie on the table. but a motion made to consider, was agreed to.
Mr. Randolph said as it appeared by the declaration of the gentleman from New-Orleans, that he did possess information, and as the house had a right to it, he wished the speaker or some other gentleman to inform him of the manner in which it might be obtained. [No order was taken on this point.]
Mr. Taylor moved that the resolution be committed to a committee of the whole, not on to-day or to-morrow, but at a distant day, that time might be afforded for consideration.
After debate, Mr. Taylor withdrew his motion. Mr. Gardenier moved that it be referred to a select committee with power to send for persons, papers, &c.
Mr. Marion, moved to strike out that part of the motion giving power to a select committee to send for persons, papers, &c.
Mr. Nelson made a motion to adjourn, which was negatived.
Mr. Smilie moved to postpone further proceedings on this subject till Monday; on which motion the yeas and nays being called for by Mr. Randolph, were 68 to 40.
On the foregoing motions a very lengthy and somewhat desultory debate ensued of about five hours.
In the course of this discussion, the succeeding observations on the main subject were made by different gentlemen.
Mr. W. Alston, had heard nothing in the documents read to-day impeaching the character of gen. Wilkinson more than what the newspapers throughout the union had teemed with for two years, except indeed a letter from Mr. Power; and who was Mr. Power, or what credibility could be attached to anything emanating from him? every person in the United States who could read knew his character. He was opposed to coercing evidence on considering a resolution proposing an enquiry, even if he were in favour of the enquiry.
Mr. Smilie thought the debate which had already taken place on a reference totally improper. He had heard sufficient evidence on this subject to convince him that such an enquiry was necessary; he did not think there could be any further doubt on the subject. The house could not try gen. Wilkinson, he must be tried by another tribunal. They owed it to the country and to gen. Wilkinson himself to request an enquiry, and he hoped there would not be a dissentient voice on the question of agreement to the resolution. He could not give an opinion as to the guilt or innocence of general Wilkinson, but he thought it absolutely necessary that an enquiry should be had.
Mr. Gardenier was satisfied of the impropriety of proceeding on the consideration of any question of importance too hastily, more especially in a case so materially affecting an officer of high rank in the United States. He wished to have time to consider fully before he could vote on a subject of as much magnitude as this; they should not act from first impressions. If the subject were referred to a committee with power to send for persons, papers, &c. the testimony on the subject would come before them in a proper shape, and not with the inaccuracy which must always attend information given in this manner, but in a condensed form in which its force might be fully felt. He did not wish to be precipitated into an enquiry too soon; neither did he wish an enquiry to be made because it was due to gen. Wilkinson. If this enquiry was courted by, and this motion intended as a favour to gen. Wilkinson, he was astonished that it had not been brought forward before. There certainly had been ground enough shown for an enquiry into his conduct; but if gen. W's conduct had so far evinced his purity as not to excite in the administration even a suspicion against his character, if no enquiry had been made on the charges which had resounded from every part of the union. Mr. G. did not wish now, merely for the sake of doing justice to that officer, to press an enquiry which the executive had not thought proper to make. Neither did he wish rashly to decide on this question, because in doing this they would add the weight of their accusation to the cries of the whole nation; the united force of which no individual could repel.
Mr. Chandler said this was a subject which had been long before the nation, and with which they were all acquainted: if that officer were innocent it was due to himself and his friends, that an enquiry should be made; if he were guilty it was due to the United States. The evidence produced was sufficient on which to ground an enquiry, and he was ready to decide without further time.
Mr. Nicholas had no doubt but an enquiry ought to be made; after what had been heard, if general Wilkinson were the lowest officer of the United States, he should be of opinion that an enquiry ought to be made, but he doubted whether this was
a question on which they were now prepared to decide. For this reason he had seconded the motion for referring the resolution to a select committee who should consider whether this subject properly came under cognizance of the house; he considered the house as a mere legislative body except in the single case of impeachment. He was not prepared to say what was proper to be done with this resolution, but his first impression was against acting on it. It would open doors for receiving complaints of the misconduct of any officer; he did not think this power was lodged in the house, and he had no wish to assume powers which did not pertain to them. As to the question whether there should be an enquiry or not, no man could doubt. An enquiry must be made. Would it be said that an office of this importance should be suffered to be retained by a man who had received a pension from a foreign government? He thought it could not; and therefore he wished an enquiry to be made into the truth of this charge.
Mr. Burrwell was decidedly opposed to reference to any committee whatever. It seemed to be the universal opinion that an enquiry ought to be had on the conduct of the commander in chief of the army of the United States; and it was highly important that the subject should be acted on speedily. If the nation was (as appeared probable) to be involved in war, it was necessary that the commander in chief should possess the confidence of the army, the people and the government.
Mr. Johnston said the good people of Kentucky were interested in this subject. Many reports to the prejudice of gen. Wilkinson existed there; nothing certain had appeared against him, but the people entertained doubts on the subject, there were circumstances which they wished to be investigated; if nothing could be found against him, the sooner his innocence was known the better. Knowing this he should not hesitate to give his vote in such a manner as to dispose of the subject most speedily. The investigation was due to the people, and to the man himself.
Mr. Macon said if ever there had been a time since the year 1783, in which it was particularly necessary that those persons in office should have the confidence of the government and of the people, that the time had arrived. Could it be expected after hearing the information which had been produced that the people would have confidence in general Wilkinson? It was as important that the commander in chief should be free from suspicion as that the President or House of Representative should be unsuspected. The commander in chief during the American revolution was irreproachable; calumny never assailed him, and he of course enjoyed the full confidence of the people. The evidence which had been this day read, they were told had neither been before the grand jury or the court at Richmond, and there was certainly sufficient on which to ground an enquiry.
Mr. Taylor observed, that he accorded with those gentlemen who had asserted, that in this important crisis it was of the highest importance that, the character of the commander in chief of the armies should stand fair and unimpeached; that on the first and hasty view he had taken of the subject, it had appeared a sufficient motive for making the request to the President, as expressed in the resolution; but from the ideas expressed from different parts of the house, he had been led to consider the proposed measure in a new and different point of view. The gentleman from Virginia had given the house certain information, and on that information had founded his resolution. It was true that this resolution contained nothing which could impeach any other person than the General; but gentlemen had called on the delegate from Orleans for information corroborating the statement of facts he had given; and the delegate had stated that he had at divers times given information to the executive, and at other times endeavoured to give it to the executive, but that department had turned a deaf ear to his communications on the subject. The resolution after this assertion, that the executive had turned a deaf ear to the subject, assumed a new character—it amounted to this; that as you have not heretofore done your duty, we the representatives of the people now request you to do it. Was the house prepared thus to publish to the nation their want of confidence in the executive, upon the ex parte testimony which is now before them? Were they prepared now to interfere thus with a department of the government, which in this instance they had not constitutionally a right to controul—and to say, as that department had not done its duty, they would assume to themselves the important charge of taking care that the repubick shall suffer no injury? He hoped not. He hoped that neither the important crisis alluded to by gentlemen, nor the necessity of the case itself, or their sense of justice towards the gentleman accused, could draw them into such a commitment of themselves, in opposition too, to the declared sentiments of a great majority of the nation, who had recently declared that the executive had deserved well of their country.
Gen. W. might be guilty or he might be innocent. Mr. T. had his own opinions perhaps prejudices on this subject. When the constitution or the mandate of a tribunal which had competent authority to compel him, should demand of him a publication of those opinions, he should give them; but like the delegate from Orleans, he would not volunteer the affirmative vote of this house, for if such should be taken, it would be volunteering; he should not vote with them; he believed that the department of state was by the constitution free of their controul, in respect to the proposed measure. They might, and he hoped would send the papers or documents, in the hands of the mover, to the executive, without any resolution on the subject.—When they had given the information, they had fulfilled their duty. But, as respected the General himself, would he stand the same chance of acquittal by a court of enquiry or court martial, or by executive scrutiny, when the prise and weight of an accusation from this house was set against him? He was for giving this officer fairplay and the advantages of a fair and impartial trial.
Mr. Randolph said the gentleman last up was mistaken in supposing that the evidence which he had laid before the house had been offered to the President of the U. S. and rejected. Nor was this at all a question of confidence or otherwise in the executive, and he was astonished that any gentleman should attempt to convert it into a question of that sort. It was no such question. A member in his place had offered to the house a copy of an order of a Spanish governor (or rather a transaction of which the original could be produced) to pay 9640

doctors to General James Wilkinson; he had also offered a copy of a letter, certified by the governor of Natchez, and immediately after governor of Louisiana, which, unless possibly forged, established beyond a doubt the fact of the guilt of this commandant, not under the articles of war, for it had been this day suggested to Mr. R. that an officer was not amenable to military law for an offence committed so long ago—nor did he say under the common law or statute law—but that sort of offence which incapacitated that officer from the situation which he now held, and from which the President of the United States alone was competent to remove him. What did they ask the President of the U. States to do by passing this resolution? To enquire; they left the mode of conducting that enquiry to his discretion. It was to enquire merely, and surely it was a strange doctrine to say that asking the President to enquire respecting the conduct of persons in high office under him, was an expression of diffidence in the executive. Far from it! if any thing it would show a confidence in the executive, expressing a conviction that he would institute an enquiry, and upon the result of that enquiry do what was proper to be done. And what had this to do with diffidence in the executive? They would make a question of adjournment before long a question of confidence; or on every question which came before the house would sound this torquin , this whoop of want of confidence. The gentleman from New Orleans did not say that he had given evidence to the President of the United States and that the President had rejected it, if he understood him aright; he thought the gentleman said, that filling as he did an office of trust under the government of the United States he had given that department of government with which he corresponded to understand that he possessed information of an important kind touching that character, and that he had received no intimation from that department of a wish to receive it, and had therefore been discouraged from communicating the information which he possessed.
The knowledge which that gentleman possessed related to information which the house had not yet heard, and not to that which Mr. R. now held in his hand; to that information which he hoped the house would use its authority (but respectfully) to compel that gentleman to give. If the house acted on this subject at this time, could it be said that they acted from information of the gentleman from New Orleans who had given none? In overtures to give information had been neglected, what had that to do with the information which Mr. R. had in his place laid before the house? The question was extremely simple. Had they power (to which he was astonished to hear an objection) to make this request? If they had, had they seen sufficient ground on which the prayer of the request should be granted? If they had the right to make the request, and he had laid before the house substantial ground for an enquiry, there was an end to all other questions on the subject. In the prosecution of the present business it would perhaps be found peculiarly difficult to adduce proof—and why? Because in taking possession of New Orleans, the commissioner (and who were they? He wished the house to reflect upon that)—suffered the archbishops of the country to be ransacked; even papers relating to land titles were taken away; and it must be believed, and could not be doubted, that if one of those commissioners found in the archives of the former government, in the Spanish bureau, evidences of his own guilt, he would not be so far lost to a sense of his own safety, as not to destroy such evidence as far as in his power. Fortunately, enough had been preserved to establish that point beyond the possibility of doubt; and it remained for the house to say whether it constituted a sufficient ground for enquiry or not. Whatever might be the decision of the house, said Mr. R. I shall respectfully submit; but be the decision what it may, I shall conceive a great object which I had in view in bringing this subject forward, to be completely answered.
Mr. Clarke said that the information which he had heretofore attempted to convey, did not particularly relate to the subject now before the house. He then knew that various attempts had been made by the Spanish government to detach the western country from the union; he had thought it incumbent on him, holding a commission under the United States, to state these facts to the executive. When first he had the honour of being presented to the executive, he had twice attempted to state these facts to him, who either did not or would not understand him, and changed the subject; at this he naturally felt hurt, and had not renewed personal communication on the subject. Some time subsequent to this, when the French were preparing to take possession of Louisiana, believing that they would discover those who were before attached to foreign government and secure them in their interests, he had thought it a duty incumbent on him to write to the secretary of state as the constitutional organ of communication, and had stated his grounds of suspicion. He had twice attempted to make this known, and had officially written to learn whether he was understood. Of these letters no notice had been taken. He had then stated that the proofs in his possession might not be sufficient for conviction, but if time were allowed proof sufficient might be procured.
Mr. Thomas asked at what time these communications had been made? Mr. Clark. To the President of the United States in 1802; to the Secretary of State in 1803. Mr. Sloan said, that although he could not consistently with the rules of order impeach the motives of the member who brought forward this resolution, he could question the propriety of passing it; the papers now adduced in evidence in his opinion amounted to no more than what had long before appeared in news-papers. He said that Gen. W. had been formerly charged with mal-conduct before this house; Mr. S. said at that time he had declared that from what appeared, he considered General Wilkinson as deserving well of his country; that he had not discovered any cause to change his opinion; but contrarily considered the various charges and insinuations as arising from malice or envy against him for having acted as the saviour of his country. From what the gentleman from Virginia had last said, it appeared that this resolution was to rest on the question whether there were sufficient evidence of guilt in that officer before the house to require an enquiry to be made. Would not the house by passing this resolution, say that this was the case, and would it not be throwing the whole weight of the House of Representatives of the United States against him? It undoubtedly would. As yet nothing
had appeared to induce Mr. S. to change his opinion, and till there was, he should oppose every proposition of this kind.
Thursday, January 6. [MEDITERRANEAN FUND.]
The house went into committee of the whole on the bill to continue in force for a further time the first section of the act for the protection of the commerce and seamen of the United States.
Mr. Dana said, that as the war with Tripoli had terminated, and as we were not in hostility with the Barbary powers, he would submit it to the house whether it would be improper to impose these duties under the name of the Mediterranean Fund. He thought the act ought to be called by its proper name.
Mr. Campbell was not very particular as to the form of the words; but as this section had been twice continued in the same words, he could see no reason for altering them.
Mr. Dana said that when this act was formerly continued, we had either a naval force in the Mediterranean or some indication of hostility in that quarter; but this was not the case at present. He therefore moved to amend the bill so as to read, "That for the purpose of providing for the common defence," &c.
Mr. Alston, said that if the bill was amended in that manner it might appear to the revenue officers of the U. States that it was not the same law which they had hitherto acted on, which would perhaps occasion some embarrassment. It was certainly of no consequence to the nation under what name these duties were collected. It was well known that the house were now passing a law for the protection of our commerce in the Mediterranean; but it was customary, when an old law was continued in force to quote the original title. He could not see on what principle it was wished to be changed except upon the principle of quibbling.
Mr. Dana would merely suggest one idea. As we had concluded a peace with Tripoli, and had acknowledged her as one of the civilized nations, would it be decorous to raise a fund of a million of dollars annually for the purpose of fighting that power?
Mr. Lyon was in favour of the amendment, he hoped the house would no longer suffer the imputation of soaking their proceedings under improper titles.
The amendment was lost.
Mr. Clark moved to amend the bill so as to provide that it should go into operation on the 1st of Feb. Lost.
The bill was then ordered to be read a third time to-day.
[SALARIES OF EXECUTIVE OFFICERS.]
The house proceeded to consider the amendments made some time ago in committee of the whole, to the bill to continue in force for a further time the act regulating the salaries of certain officers of government therein mentioned (heads of departments).
Mr. Randolph moved to postpone the further consideration of the bill indefinitely. He was surprised that it should have been brought forward at such a time. It was true, he had himself brought forward similar bills on that floor, and supported them against considerable opposition; but under a different aspect of affairs. If the officers of government whose salaries were to be increased by this bill, had been consulted on the subject, they would have felt the extreme indecacy of asking for more money at a time when the citizens of the U. States were in great distress. Should the burthen of a war, in case it took place, oppress the people of this country, and placemen make no sacrifice? Was it a proper time to increase salaries, when the planter, the merchant and the mechanick, were at a loss to procure a shilling? Salaries ought to be proportioned, not only to talents and trust, but also to the stile of living; and he had no hesitation in saying, that when a salary was given to an officer of government to enable him to live in a certain stile, if he did not live in that stile, he had no business to receive the salary. Suppose for instance the President of the United States were to take lodgings on Capitol hill or in Georgetown, or, instead of receiving foreign ministers, &c. were to board at a ten dollar ordinary, would the house, in ease his salary was under their control, consent to give him 24000 dollars to put in his pocket, while his whole expenses did not exceed 1000? They would not. He thought the salaries of the members of that house were too great—he believed that salary was now become an object in obtaining a seat.—He thought the house ought to begin at the fountain head; and while the poor planter could not obtain one dollar for a hogstead for his tobacco, THEY ought to show the example of suffering and economy.
Mr. Campbell would heartily concur in any measure of economy which the exigency of this or any other time might require; but at the same time he could not see why men employed by government should not receive a salary sufficient to support them. He believed they would not eat or drink less in consequence of the embargo. No reduction of salaries had taken place since the commencement of the government. The object of the bill has only to give the same salaries that has been established in '99. He did not believe that these salaries were more than sufficient to enable the officers to live in a decent manner. A very few thousand dollars would be saved by reducing them. For his own part, he had no wish to give the officers of government, a salary sufficient to enable them to live in great stile or to make a great figure, but he wished them to have enough to live in a decent manner. He should vote against the motion.
Mr. Sloan said that he believed every friend to the interest, peace and happiness of the country must feel as he did. He had never heard such language on that floor: It was a serious business and concerned every member of the house! he could not avoid expressing his utmost indignation at it. A few days ago, the wisdom of the nation had passed an embargo law; and what did we now hear?—that it had already produced the most dreadful effects—that our merchants, farmers and mechanicks were reduced to ruin and beggary. If the British minister had a right to send a delegate on that floor, could he use different language? He hoped to hear no more of it; and that the number of them who supported the cause of Great-Britain, was few.
Mr. Lyon said the gentleman from Jersey was repeating his old story about British influence. Whenever a measure at the majority was opposed by a member, he was directly said to be under British influence.—He believed there was no man in the house more under that influence than that gentle-
man; nor any more less capable of regulating his conduct by his judgment. He hoped the gentleman would not trouble the house with any more such language.
Mr. Sloan would merely observe, that he did not come to be intimidated by loud words or stern looks. He said the gentleman had misquoted him. He repeated his abhorrence of the doctrines he had this day heard advanced.
Mr. Lyon said, he had no expectation that the gentleman would receive any benefit from the reproach he had given him; he knew too well how he knew too well how to appreciate his judgment! But the gentleman must always have some hobby horse or other—the vice presidency, or the removal of the seat of government, or something else. It seemed as if the gentleman was set on these hobby horses by some of the members, merely for their diversion!
Mr. Sloan said he had a right to amuse himself in any manner he thought proper. He did not allude to the gentleman from Kentucky, when he spoke of British influence—the house knew very well to whom he alluded; but if the cap fitted him, he might wear it!
Messrs. Alston, Masters, Fisk and Holland, also spoke against the motion; and Messrs. Litemore, Bibb, Quincy and Gardnier in favour of it.
Mr. Randolph then varied his motion, and moved that the further consideration of the bill be postponed till the 1st February. The question was taken, and the motion was lost.
The bill was then ordered to be read a third time to-morrow.
The bill to revive and continue in force a further time, the first section of the act for the protection of commerce and seamen of the United States against the Barbary powers, was read a third time and passed.
[The senate have passed the bill supplementary to the act for the fortifying the ports and harbours of the United States, and for building gun boats, and the act extending the right of suffrage in the Mississippi Territory, and for other purposes—both with amendments.]
New-York, January 5. By the arrival of the brig Jane , the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser , has received Cork papers to the 20th November, containing London news of the 14th, two days later than our previous advices from that quarter. They are silent on the subject of the blockading proclamation, which was to have been published on the 13th: and supply us with only the following articles.
LONDON, November 14. We yesterday announced the departure of Sir Sidney Smith's squadron from Plymouth, consisting of five sail of the line. It will touch at Cork, where it expects to find the Hibernia of 120 guns, which sailed from Plymouth on Saturday. On its arrival at Cork, Sir Sidney will transfer his flag from the London to the Hibernia . It is impossible yet to form any idea of the magnitude of the expedition. The naval part will sail, as we have already stated, in a separate division, and will, as in the case of the Copenhagen expedition, precede the military. Among the troops to be employed upon this service is the 14th regiment now embarking at Plymouth. The squadron in which it is to sail will touch at Cork, and take on board the 2d and 25th, which are waiting there for transports.
Letters from Sicily and Malta of the date of the 23d September, mention that the British army at Alexandria had embarked, and were hourly expected at Messina, to reinforce the army of Sicily. The 10th regiment had also arrived at Gibraltar.
Mr. Sylvester, a messenger, was sent off from the foreign office, at a late hour on Thursday night, with despatches. His destination was kept a profound secret, and it was not known to himself till just before he left the office.
Some dispatches of a singular and highly important nature, were lately found on board the American ship Caroline , detained and brought into Plymouth by an English privateer. The Caroline was bound from New-York to Cherbourg, and the dispatches were from the French minister in the United States to Talleyrand. They are in possession of government, and are said to have communicated some circumstances of high importance.
Several objects of enterprise have been presented to administration, the occupation of Candia, in the Mediterranean, and of Madeira and the Brazils.
The French it appears have resumed the complete dominion of the Elbe. A letter of the first mentions that they had taken possession of the guard ship at Cuxhaven: that they suffered no vessel to pass without the strictest search; and that, if there was the least reason to suspect that she either came from an English port, or had English property on board, she was detained, and, in most cases, after a loose and expeditious process, condemned. To give a greater effect to these measures, the French were about to remove the armed ship usually stationed at Twielemfleth to Cuxhaven. Even the Blankenesse fishermen, who with considerable difficulty, had permission to fish for a stipulated time on the coast, had orders lately issued to them, to give the speediest information of every vessel they fell in with, and were prohibited from having any communication with the English under pain of military punishment. Every precaution was taken at the same time to prevent any intercourse with Heligoland.
The French and Danes, it would seem, were not quite agreed about the limits of their respective dominion on the Elbe. The naval power in that river being all on the side of the latter, they of course captured whatever came in their reach; an advantage of which their allies were rather jealous. It was in consequence, intimated to the Danes, that it was not expected in future from them that they should protect the river lower down than Gluckstadt; for the rest of the navigation the French became responsible.
A number of Danish seamen had voluntarily assembled at Gluckstadt, but with what intention was not known.
It is with grief that we announce the damage done by the late tempest. On the Dutch coast its effects have been dreadful. One of the transports, with about two hundred troops, besides women, was driven on shore near Catwyck, but they were all saved by assistance afforded them from the shore. The Angustus Casari , a very fine transport, with 500 troops on board, is said to have been lost, and only 130 saved by the boats of our men of war. When she was last seen she was drifting to the Flemish coast with only her foremast standing. It is possible she may have outlived the storm and got
ashore on the Flemish coast. Another transport is stated in our last letter to have been sunk, and all perished. There is a rumour of one of the Danish prizes, a 90, having gone down, but we hope we shall hear that it originated in the circumstance of the Faun, or, as some accounts say, the Woldemar man of war, having driven from her anchors in Yarmouth Roads, and been obliged to cut her masts. She rode out the gale however, and is now in safety. But the master of the Argo transport reports, that as he was at anchor during the heavy gale on the night of the 10th inst. near a sand bank in the North Channel, he saw a ship which he took to be one of the Danish 74's with troops on board, and he much fears that she went to pieces, as in the morning he saw casks and pieces of wreck floating about.
Admiral Keate's squadron from the Baltic has hove in sight off Yarmouth.
An article from Yarmouth animadverts upon the long suspected scheme of Buonaparte to attack our eastern possessions via Persia. An expedition is said to be concerting between France and Russia for this purpose: to which Persia is to be aided by the supply of 50,000 camels. In the present posture of affairs we would experience considerable consolation from believing that the attention of our adversary was likely to be concentrated on an enterprise of such hypothetical success: we should be glad to see that force wasting in the deserts of Asia, which now threatens us on the shores of Europe. We are afraid, however, Buonaparte is at present fully occupied with plans of nearer import than India.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Brig Eliza , Gray, 5 days from Philadelphia. Sch'r Betsy , Foster, 10 days from Boston. Sch'r Ann , Osborne, 9 days from Salem. Sch'r Jane , Jackson, 7 days from Philadelphia. Sch'r Ploughboy , Hall, 8 days from Charleston.
TOMORROW, the 12th inst. at 10 o'clock, will be sold without reserve, for Cash, at the Store on Main Street, lately occupied by Messrs. Hunter and Gatewood, A quantity of DRY GOODS. S. Marks, Jun. January 11.
BY JAMES TAYLOR, Jun. At his Office, on Tuesday the 12th inst., A quantity of DRY GOODS, Consisting of Velvet, Co's, Dimities, Buttons, &c. Terms, Cash for all sums under 100 dollars; above 100 dollars at 60 days, with approved endorsers. January 6.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust given by Hannah Brown, and others, in order to secure the payment of a sum of money due John M'Phail, Will be Sold on the 18th day of this month to the highest bidder, without reserve,
A Two-Story HOUSE, situated on Bank Street, calculated for two tenements, Nos. 33 and 40, fitted for retail stores and dwellings, with suitable out-houses, all built of the best materials and well finished. Terms of Sale—one third Cash, the balance in approved notes at 60 days. William Simington, Trustee. January 6.
As I intend to remove into the country, I shall sell at Publick Auction, at the house at present occupied by the Subscriber, in Taibot-Street, on MONDAY the 18th instant, at 11 o'clock, A quantity of Excellent Household FURNITURE. NATH'L BOUSH, JUN. January 11.
The Subscribers have removed to the Brick Warehouse on Merchant's Wharf, and have on hand for Sale, 100,000 W. O. hhd. drawn STAVES, 100,000 reed do. do. 40,000 rough do. do. 50,000 do. barrel do. 10,000 pipe do. 500,000 shingle-shingles; 100,000 building do. 10,000 three feet do.; 5,000 Garden Palis. 5,000 Chinquapien and Cedar Posts. And also for Rent, A commodious WAREHOUSE. Proby, Harmanon, & Co. January 11.
Lost this Morning, A WARE-HOUSE KEY. The finder is requested to leave it at the Ledger Office. January 11.
Just received and for SALE by the Subscriber, 10 hhd. excellent retailing Molasses, 10 quarter casks Sherry Wine, 50 boxes superior bleached Mould Candles, 50 do Soap, Philadelphia manufacture, 2000 wt St Domingo Coffee; 1000 do. best Jamaica do. 3 pipes French Brandy, fourth proof, 1 ton patent Shot; 20 bolts Russia Duck, 20 bolts Ravens Duck; a few boxes best Havana Segars, 4 pipes New-York Anchor Gin. DAVID MILHADO. January 6.
For SALE, 75 tierces prime green Jam. Coffee, And a few puncheons 5 and 6 years old Antigua Rum; Loaf and Brown Sugar in hogsheads; a few sets Table China; fine and superfine Flour, &c. Harrison Allmand. January 4.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) Two Dwelling-Houses on Smith's- Point, near the property of Dr. Barraud, with gardens and out-houses. Apply to Dr. John Hodges. January 4.
Fifty Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th December last, a Mulatto Man named TONY , a Blacksmith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on when he went away a dark cloth surcoat and pantaloons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other.—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th ult. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North Carolina. JOHN WALKER. January 8.

St. Mary's College.
GRAND LOTTERY.
BALTIMORE.
Authorised by the General Assembly of the State of Maryland; the Scheme of which Lottery is the most brilliant ever offered to the citizens of the United States, containing besides a large number of other good prizes,
 1 prize of - - - 30,000 Dollars,  1 do. of - - - 15,000  3 do. of - - - 10,000  2 do. of - - - 5,000  8 do. of - - - 1,500  7 do. of - - - 1,000 
Not two blanks to a prize, and the lowest prize twelve dollars. The Scheme contains only 21,500 Tickets; 10,000 of which are actually sold to a company of gentlemen in New-York, to whom the managers have obligated themselves to commence the drawing in the City of Baltimore, on THURSDAY, the 31st day of December next, and to draw 500 tickets per day.
Tickets and Shares are now selling in a variety of numbers, and very rapidly at Ten Dollars and an half each, for a very short time, at G & R WAITE'S truly fortunate Lottery Office, corner of Market-street and Charles-street, Baltimore.
The grandeur of the Scheme of the above Lottery, together with an assurance from the managers that it will positively commence drawing on the 31st day of December next, have been a sufficient inducement for the subscribers to come to the city of Baltimore, for the express purpose of facilitating the sale of the Tickets.
G. & R. Waite.
One of the above firm will personally attend the drawing daily to take down the numbers correctly, as will also one of their clerks.
The next New-York Lottery will not commence drawing till April next. Tickets of which Lottery may be had at Waite's Offices, in Maiden Lane, New-York.
N. B. Distant adventurers accompanying their orders with Bank Notes of any description, to either of Waite's Offices in Baltimore or New-York, may have Tickets and Shares forwarded to any amount with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent them of their success. All prizes sold by G & R. Waite will be paid by them. A list of all prizes drawn will be sent to the Printer of this Paper, for the inspection of adventurers.
October 14.
3m
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary , from New-York,
17 hhds. first quality SUGARS,
 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection,  70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hhds. double refined Sugar,  5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper,  2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-street to William Hull, Jun. 
October 16.
tf
Just got to Hand.
22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash.
Nov. 18.
George Wilson. tf
For SALE, or will be bartered for Staves, Corn, or Flour,
5000 bushels Liverpool SALT, loose and in sacks,
1 ton Shot, assorted; 2 ton German Steel.
James Young. tf
For SALE, by the Subscriber,
 34 hogsheads WHISKEY,  50 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do.  65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass,  16 grove Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castle Soap,  1 hogshead and 3 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar,  10 hhds. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York River Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton,  38 whole and 9 half tiers Rice. 
November 13.
A. Maclure. tf
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk , Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn,
120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET,
 96 casks Roll Brimstone,  100 boxes Castle Marble Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron,  5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black,  2 hhds. shelled Almonds,  100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks,  100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each,  3 cases Chip Hats. 
October 12.
William Pennock. tf
For SALE,
 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match,  2 do. do. grey do. do.  1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Public Ledger. 
Sept. 25.
A. M'KINLEY.
Silk, Cotton, and Woollen Dyer, No. 13, Bank Street.
Respectfully informs the public that he Cleans and Dyes all kinds of Silk and Satins, finishing them with neatness and dispatch; all kind of Gentlemen's Clothes cleaned and dyed; best standing blue upon Cotton, Linen, Carpets, and Blankets; Cleaned Straw and Chip Hats dyed, dressed, &c. &c.—All commands will be thankfully received, executed on the short notice and on the lowest terms.
November 30.
tf
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of
Groceries and Ship Chandlery,
 Among which are  14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR,  1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do.  6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum,  3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hhds. and 6 bbls Rye Whiskey,  4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee,  Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas,  Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs,  Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines,  London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese,  Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods,  German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine,  Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish,  Cauvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. 
Also just received,
 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues,  20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls. Salmon,  5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants,  10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies,  6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers,  30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles,  30 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. 
July 31.
John D. Haldane. tf
FOR RENT,
And possession given the 1st of Jan. next, that commodious three story brick DWELLING HOUSE in Church-street, at present occupied by Mr. Barth. Redman. And a convenient two story DWELLING HOUSE, with a fine extensive garden, in the Fields near Smith's Point, at present occupied by Mr. Stratton, possession of which may be had the 1st of January—Application to be made to
Nov. 19.
Wm. Plumbe & Co. tf
SAMUEL COLEMAN,
Opposite the Market, (westward) offers for Sale, Warranted New-York SHOES, and will return the money when Shoes are bought upon his particular recommendation, if they should not wear well. He thinks he has exerted himself as much to get the best and handsomest Shoes and Boots of the manufacture of the United States as any man in them, and has the assurance of the manufacturers in New-York, Philadelphia, Newark, and Baltimore, where the Shoes and Boots are made purposely for this market , that they shall be in all cases customers' work; and the report of a great number of those who have purchased Shoes, confirms their being so.
He has now on hand,
A general assortment of fresh New-York SHOES. For Ladies, there are a variety of new Kid Patterns; Velvet Slippers, different colours, neat workmanship; of Silk & Tabby Velvet; Morocco Boots, Bootees, and Walking Shoes, to tie and not to tie, with cork soles and without, &c. For gentlemen, Bolle's well known stout and light fine seal leather Shoes and Morocco Pumps, with several other kinds; For Misses, a variety of Morocco and Leather. For Boys, very fine for dancing, common, strong, lined and bound, and coarse. For Children, Morocco Bootees, different colours, sized from 3 to 1, leather Pumps, Shoes and Bootees; and for Servants, such as appear to be of very superior quality. There is attached to the Store a very comfortable back room, where Ladies may retire for the purpose of trying on Shoes or Boots.
He has a great variety of English Kid Shoes, some of which having been long on hand, will be sold at 7. 6d.; and a quantity of the most fashionable Embellishments, quite fresh at reduced prices.
He has on hand,
SHOES made by a very faithful workman in this vicinity, of the best wax-leather, in a shape to suit old gentlemen, with which he will be regularly supplied.
Vernon's elegant Baltimore BOOTS, kept in such quantity as to give a probability of fitting any person; sold at the prices in Baltimore.
New-York Pilots' BOOTS, an improvement upon the plan of Fishermen's Boots.
A considerable quantity of Boston SHOES and BOOTS, kept for the purpose of supplying those who must have what they think cheap, not appearing to know, that the best things, are generally, cheapest; these will be sold low.
He is in expectation of a quantity of the most elegant Philadelphia KID SLIPPERS, by the first vessel.
With due encouragement, he is perfectly confident he can supply handsomer and better Shoes and Boots, than has been furnished by any person in this place heretofore; and if better, ultimately cheaper—but without it, it is impossible to keep a good assortment.
He has also,
A quantity of India COTTONS; a few tons of BAR IRON; and Pennsylvania BUTTER in small kegs, nicely pickled, at 20 cents.
Just received by Ferguson's Packet from Baltimore, a fresh supply of
Vernon's Winter BOOTS.
November 27.
tf
GERMAN LINENS, &c.
 16 bales coarse Linen,  4 do. Ruffia Sheetings,  3 boxes German Rolls,  2 do. Rouans Sheetings,  1 do. fine Flanders do.  3 do. Plaitillas,  1 do. fine Dowlas,  2 do. Table Cloth,  1 do. common Shirt Linen,  1 do. extra fine do.  1 do. Bed Tick 2 yards wide,  450 pieces Paper Hangings,  80 boxes Window Glass,  100 do. Short Pipes,  120 do. Spanish Segars, from 8 to 20 dollars, per box,  300 doz. empty Bottles,  200 wt. nealed bottling Wire,  800 do. Glue,  11,000 best Coffee bags,  4,500 cheap Gunny Bags,  5 boxes Tumblers, Decanters, &c. 
Also,
 6 elegant Terrestrial Globes,  3 par large Looking Glasses, in gilt frames, of the first elegance,  Elegant marble Statues, Urns and Vases,  Liquor Casks, Oil Cloth, Wafer and Waffle Irons, Coffee Mills and Toasters, Velvet Ribbons, Fine Thread Stockings, Elegant Cutlery, An invoice of Watches, Watch Crystals and Beads,  A large invoice of Lace, Jewellery and Dice, Elegant Chessmen, Flageolets and Clarinets, Violins, Bows, and Fifes, Flutes with four and six keys, do. patent lined, Ladies' Dressing Boxes, Toilet Looking Glasses, Shaving Casks, Elegant Writing Defks, Scarlet Plush for Saddles, Seine and Sewing Twine. 
For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff.
September 11.
tf
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun.
Comer of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM,
 30 hhds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin,  8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles,  8 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets,  3 bales Blue Duffs; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains,  2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts,  54 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Heffians,  1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. 
October 24.
tf
Richard Jeffrey & Co.
No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter ,
An assortment of MEDICINES,
 of the first quality.  Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre,  Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters,  Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap,  Evans's belt Crown Lances, Tooth Brushes of superior kind,  Refined Liquorice, &c. 
They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries.
MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual.
October 5.
tf
MACKINDER & WHITE,
Have received from London in the ship Planter , and Nabby, from Liverpool, their
Fall and Winter GOODS.
 The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths, Calfmers, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; Ladies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Children's beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epaulletes; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin for dressies; Callicoes, Chambrays, and Ginghams; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cottons; strong white Plains; mixed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plains; Dimities and Marseilles; 4-4 Irish Linens; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheetings; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c. 
The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper.
September 23.
tf
FOR RENT,
That commodious Dwelling-House, adjoining the Subscriber's, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes;—also a convenient Dwelling-House near the Bridge, adjoining Mrs. Archer's, at present occupied by Mr. Nicholson;—also that pleasant retired House on Brewer-street, occupied by Stephen Harris; and some Ware-Houses on my wharf, with or without the wharf. For further particulars apply to
October 12.
James Tucker. tf
5 cases only of superior PIGEON-EYE CHAMPAIGN.
Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Dec. 16. tf
WOOD & HASTINGS,
No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of
Staple and Fancy GOODS,
Among which are
 Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Navy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambric Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woollens. 
They have also on hand a general and extensive assortment of
WOOLLEN GOODS.
Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c.
On consignment, just received,
Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; Ladies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats.
The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11. tf
Baltimore Baker's FLOUR,
of superior quality, for family use, for sale by T. & W. A. Armistead, Campbell's wharf. Nov. 18. tf
The Subscriber offers for Sale at his Store in Market-Square,
20 hogsheads W. I. RUM,
 10 pipes Cognac Brandy; 5 do. Country Gin,  Sugar—Brown and Loaf, by the barrel or hogshead,  Tea—Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson—Also, 
A parcel of DRY GOODS,
Consisting of Woollens, Callicoes, Hats, and Hardware. In addition to the above, he intends keeping a constant supply of
PORK and BEEF.
Bread—Pilot, Navy, and Ship, of the first quality—Families may be supplied with small quantities of Pilot Bread, of a superior quality. Cordage of any size or description for negotiable notes or West-India produce. Any orders for the above articles, will be complied with at the shortest notice. Cary Selden. Nov. 23. tf
Norfolk Drawbridge Company.
An annual meeting of the Stockholders in the Norfolk Drawbridge Company, will be held at the Exchange Coffee-House on Monday the 11th of next month, at 10 o'clock. William Cammack, Treasurer. December 14. tdm
That commodious Dwelling-House on Catharine-Street,
now in the occupancy of John D. Haldane—possession to be had the 1st day of January next ensuing—Terms made known by application to John Camp. tf December 11.
73 punch. choice Antigua RUM,
 30 do. Grenada do.  600 bushels CORN,  80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES,  60 barrels Pork. 
George Wilson. tf November 4.
FOR SALE,
 50,000 white oak hogshead draw Staves  50,000 red do.  30,000 rough do.  20,000 Cypress Pales  2,000 Cedar and Chinquepin Posts  50,000 building Shingles. 
Proby, Harmanson & Co. tf March 2.
FOR SALE,
Imported in the Galliot Fortune , captain Norton, from Teneriffe,
100 pipes and 90 hhds. L. P. Tencriff WINE,
of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. tf September 28.
Coarse Liverpool SALT,
For Sale on board the ship Courtney , capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. Who has on hand,
Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT.
September 16. tf
Landing from the ship Planter , and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance,
A PARCEL OF Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. tf September 28.
NOTICE.
I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceased, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admr'x. tf December 9.
WANTED for the Ship Sheffield ,
A CARPENTER; also, two young LADS, from 14 to 15 years of age, as apprentices, not to go in the cabin or to cook. Apply to Josiah Cowper. tf December 9.
FOR SALE,
4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. tf December 7.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar.
The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
Just received and for sale by the subscriber, from New-York,
4 half pipes 8 qr. casks old London particular Madeira WINE;
 20 dozen Old Port do.  20 kegs Beef Tongues; 50 kegs Salmon; 50 do. Mackerel,  50 do. Tongues and Sounds; 20 do. Lard,  20 bbls. Whiskey; 10 hhds. N. E. Rum; 100 boxes Candles. 
Also—100 barrels Flour a-float. CARY SELDEN. December 2. tf
German Winter GOODS.
65 dozen Men's Thick Filled Stockings,
 20 do. Children's do. do.  50 do. Men's half do. do.  110 do. Men's and Boys' Gloves,  25 do. do. Caps and Mitts,  25 do. do. Travelling Socks  10 do. Ladies' House Socks—Just received and for sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. 
November 20. tf
For SALE,
80 hhds. choice retailing Molasses, 34