Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1807-12-18 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 30 of Volume IX.]
FRIDAY, December 18, 1807.
[Whole No. 446.]
WILL be sold at Public Auction , on Wednesday the 23d instant, at the plantation of Capt. Benjamin Strother, deceased, the personal estate of the said deceased, consisting of Horses, Cattle, Sheep and Hogs, a quantity of Corn and Rye, Grain in the ground, Farming Utensils, Waggon and Gears, Cart and a pair of Oxen, a set of Blacksmith's tools, a good Family Chariot with harness, and a variety of Household and Kitchen Furniture, too numerous to particularize. A credit of twelve months will be given, the purchaser giving bond with approved security.
THOMAS GRIGGS, } Adm's. JOSEPH CRANE, Jefferson County, Dec. 11, 1807.
Pork wanted.
THE subscribers will give a generous price, for a large quantity of Heavy Fat PORK, in Cash, or Goods, if preferred. JAMES & JOHN LANE, Shepherd's Town, Dec. 11, 1807.
STRAYED from the subscriber's plantation, some time last spring, a brown FILLY, three years old, with a star in her forehead—it is not recollected whether either of her feet were white or not, had no brand; she was seen in June, near the Swan-Pond, in company with an iron gray stud colt. Any person who will return her, shall be compensated for trouble and expenses.
DAVID HUNTER, December 11, 1807.
Darksburg Fulling Mill Is now in complete order, and furnished with every necessary article for dressing CLOTH, in the darkest manner, and for Dying good Colours of every description. Persons who favour the subscriber with their custom, may depend on having their work done in ten days or two weeks from the time it is brought to the Fulling Mill, near Buxton, or to William Long's Store in Martinsburg. JONATHAN WICKERSHAM. December 11, 1807.
Negroes to hire.
FOR hire, to the highest bidder, on the first day of January next, for one year, at my dwelling house, sundry SLAVES, belonging to the estate of James Strother, deceased, consisting of Men, Women and Children. Bonds with approved security will be required, and further terms made known by HENRY BEDINGER, } Exr's. ABRAHAM SHEPHERD, Berkeley County, Dec. 11, 1807.
Land for Rent.
THE subscriber will rent for the ensuing year, or a longer term, that tract of Land lying near Martinsburg, which was conveyed to Col. Moses Hunter, deceased, by the Executors of Gen. Adam Stephen, with the exception of the Mill and Meadow adjoining it. As the Land is well known, it is believed unnecessary to describe either its quality or situation.
HENRY S. G. TUCKER.
I shall also want on the first of April for the ensuing year, an
OVERSEER,
who can come well recommended for industry and capacity for his business. To such an one liberal wages will be given.
In the absence of the subscriber Mrs. Ann Hunter will be so obliging as to act for him.
HENRY S. G. TUCKER. December 11, 1807.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, November 11. Debate on the Bill making further appropriation for the support of the Navy, during the year 1807. [CONTINUED.]
Mr. Quincy deemed it his duty to assign his reasons for the vote he was about to give. The House would recollect, that in the course of proceeding which had taken place yesterday, this bill containing so many appropriations, and coming before the House under such peculiar circumstances, and a motion being made for the committee to rise, he had assumed the parliamentary right of asking of the organ of the House, a few questions, in order to ascertain the particular objects of these appropriations—whether the amount of appropriations in the bill covered the whole extent of military stores mentioned in the President's message, as having been purchased, and whether they extended over all the expenditures which had been made? He had conceived that all the questions he had asked, were relevant to the subject, such as he had a right to ask: he had expressed no disapprobation of the appropriation of the expenditure which produced it, but merely asked for information. There was no gentleman of the committee of ways and means who pretended to illuminate the subject; on the contrary not a collateral remark had been made. It had been said that he wished to overthrow the bill. Being placed in this situation, he deemed it his duty to add a few remarks to show what were the real objects of his enquiries.
He laid it down as a principle, and he called on gentlemen to contradict it, that this was a particular case, on our records; unprecedented as he believed. The gentleman from Virginia had anticipated his ideas on the subject—that, though under former appropriations there had been misappropriations, there had been no instance in which there was not a previous appropriation. This was a new case; a leading case, for which there was no precedent. He wished to know as particular circumstances, how the faith and honor of the nation was pledged, and how it had been done? He thought he had a right to ask this. He made the enquiry for another reason; in all cases under the former administration, altho' misappropriations had been made, the whole procedure had been avowed; always appeared on the records, from reports of the committees, or from some representations to the house. As an evidence of this Mr. Q. referred to a report of the committee made on the 22d day of May, 1794; in which the committee expressly said,
"It has occasionally happened that the omission or delay of appropriations by law, renders it impossible to satisfy in regular course, demands upon the treasury, which have been incurred pursuant to law, and the satisfying of which is essential to the public service."
"In such cases, the course has been for the secretary of the treasury to request informal advances by the banks to the persons to whom the payment are to be made, to be reimbursed when provision is made by law. The account of such advances are distinct from that of the treasurer, and the advances are reimbursed, when provision is made by law, by warrants upon the treasurer."
If that administration were now in power, and the principles now prevailing, which were then justified, he would have given them his sanction, because the course was obvious. But in the report of the committee of investigation made to the house in 1802, this proceeding had been declared irregular; and the secretary of the navy in his letter to that committee, had expressly made representations of various errors in the treasury department, in applications of money. This being the case, was it not proper that the house should understand the mode in which this had been done? Whether any money had been drawn out of the treasury, and how got? Mr. Q. had meant to cast no imputation on the bill. There were two things to be considered; one the correctness of the end, the other the correctness of the means to that end. He believed it had been pro-
per under all circumstances for the executive to take measures for providing the means; but did it follow that the house should authorize them without information on the subject? They should know the particulars, they should ask for them. Did the house know any thing about it? No. The gentleman from Maryland who had just spoke had stated that no money had actually been paid; and yet the secretary of the navy states, explicitly "We have consequently purchased all that has been offered for sale at a reasonable price." What payment has been made for the purchase he should like to know.
Mr. Q. said he had no objection to the object of the bill; but wished to be enabled to give his full and perfect approbation to the measure. At present he could only give a half way assent; but could not say the whole course had been correct. If any reflection were cast on this occasion, it should be on the committee who had reported the bill.
Mr. W. Aston said, the question was as he understood it, whether the House, would pass a law for defraying the extraordinary expenses which had been incurred in consequence of certain events. To him the discussion which had taken place was the most extraordinary which he had ever witnessed, instead of coming forward and opposing this measure, gentlemen employ themselves in justifying their conduct on former occasions, and abusing the administration. If they wish to arraign the Executive on any of its acts, let them come forward in a manly manner, and lay a resolution on the table for the purpose; and not arraign their conduct, while they sanction the measure. This was the proper way, and if he were displeased with the administration it was the course which he would pursue. Was it fair for gentlemen who approved its conduct, to propose measures which would cast a censure upon every step which had been taken? He thought not.
The gentlemen who had just sat down, had said, that he wished no concealment, he wanted information. Surely that gentleman had not read the estimate from the Secretary of the treasury laid on their tables; for in that he might find ample information; it stated the very articles for which these expenses had been incurred. It had been said there was no law to cover this expense; no person denied that. Was it a question material to the House whether they were paid for or not, or if paid for whether out of any particular appropriations? The prices given for the particular articles were shown to them; there were merchants in the House who knew what the price of these articles should be; he presumed that if an extraordinary price had been given, some gentleman would have said so.
It had been said that the President should have called Congress, and not have violated the laws of his country. He thought this the greatest emergency that had ever occurred, and that we were now better prepared to decide on the important question of peace or war, than at the moment when the event had taken place which called them together. The course which had been pursued would be sanctioned by all prudent men, and if by this course war had been averted, the voice of the nation would approve it. The cases which he had heard cited, did not apply, for in the present case there had been no improper application of public money; what contracts had been made it was not for him to inquire, but it appeared that not a cent of money had been drawn from the treasury without appropriation.
Mr. Chandler remarked that the gentlemen from Massachusetts and Virginia had argued much on the subject of this appropriation. Their whole argument had gone to show, that it was improper to apply money to one purpose which had been appropriated to another; or at all to apply money which had not been appropriated. It appeared to him that the present case differed very much from that of applying money without previous appropriation; there had been no money applied. The exigency of the country, in the opinion of the Executive, required these contracts to be made. They had been made; but no money had been paid. The gentleman from Massachusetts wish-
ed to be told the difference between paying for an article and purchasing it. the distinction was obvious—an article may be purchased to-day and paid for to-morrow. He must confess that in this case he could neither see misappropriation or misapplication.
Mr. Fisk said, he had understood that there were diseases both of body and mind, which admitted of no radical cure. The disposition to find fault was one of these. The gentleman from Massachusetts had complained that the committee of Ways and Means had not done their duty; he wanted to know the prices given for the several articles before he could give this bill his full assent. At present he was in Egyptian darkness; an obscurity so great as to be tangible; this being his situation, it was doubtful whether any ray of light reflected by reason, could reach his optical nerve; there could be no doubt but his mind was clouded, for had he read three lines more of the letter of the Secretary of the Navy to the committee, a part of which he had just read, he would have found the very information he wanted: "We have consequently purchased all that has been offered for sale at a reasonable price. For that stated in the estimate we have given different prices, the lowest of which has been 16, and the highest 18 cents per lb. For powder, cannon, cannon ball, copper, canvas and cordage, we have contracted at the ordinary market prices."
Here they found the prices which were given for salt-petre; the other articles were purchased at the market price. Did the gentleman wish the House to return the letter to the Secretary, to ask what the market prices were? Surely not. Mr. F. conceived the only question now was whether it was expedient to make the appropriation, (it was at their option) or withhold it. The money had not been paid. The President had told them that he made the purchase on his own responsibility; yet the gentleman from Massachusetts thought the money was actually paid because purchase implied payment; the gentleman might, as a professional man, have found a very plain distinction between purchase and payment. The same gentleman had said, that the Executive in the present instance, had exceeded the powers delegated by the constitution much more than had been done by his favorite administration in the case cited by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph.) Mr. F. thought very differently. In that case money appropriated for one object was taken from it and applied to another; in the present case no money had been drawn from the treasury; no money had been paid.
The gentleman from Virginia had reminded them of the measures adopted the first session of the 9th Congress, to which he attributed the late outrage committed by a British ship on one of our public armed vessels. Mr. F. called upon the House to decide whether the measures then pursued provoked, or the conduct of the then minority in Congress invited this outrage; that minority which endeavored to distract and weaken the counsels of our government, who declared against all opposition to British usurpation, and declared, that the British navy was the only barrier between us and universal despotism. These things circulated and were read with avidity in that country, and no doubt induced that nation to believe that there was a strong party in this country in her favor, and that she might insult us with impunity. But, thank God! said Mr. F. the indignation expressed by the country on the late outrage will convince them of the error into which they had fallen.
Mr. Upham asked the patience of the committee, while he made a few remarks. He believed that there was a general concurrence of opinion, that the executive had no right to appropriate money for any object not authorized by the legislature; the legislature had not authorized the making contracts or purchases; but as the general principle of appropriation was not contested, it became a question whether more good or evil would have resulted from calling Congress together previous to making these preparations. Upon a whole view of the subject, and as it was necessary to send a vessel with dispatches to England

and allow time for its return, it was perhaps better for the President to act as he had done.
He believed that it was unanimously agreed by the nation, that if the English government had directed the search of a national ship, it was a cause for war; there was no question but an aggression had been committed by searching a national ship by force; and it appeared from the letter from admiral Berkeley to captain Humphreys, that it was done by order. This being an encroachment on the laws and usages of nations, he did not wish it to be understood that he thought it improper to make these preparations to resent it. But if they permitted their officers to make contracts unauthorised, if the legislature were not to examine into and scrutinize these things, they might conceive they had a right to act in this manner, and it would become a matter of course for them to do so. As to the general principle then there could be no question; but he believed with the gentleman from Virginia, that there might be a case where it would be necessary to make preparations before the legislature could be called; and in that case there should be no sort of reluctance to sanction such measures; at the same time, were it possible, it might be safer to call Congress together.
Under every circumstance of the case, however, he was inclined to believe that the executive had acted correctly in this case; at the same time that he thought there was no impropriety in making enquiries as to particulars. He concluded by declaring that he should vote for the bill.
Mr. Sloan would detain the Committee but a moment; he only rose to drop a few hints as to the extraordinary nature of this debate, in the course of which the proceedings of the first session of the 9th Congress had been brought into view; as they had been brought forward so far, he would bring them still further into view. If the feelings of members were to be harrowed up, and what they had then said introduced at this time, he would inform the gentleman from Virginia, who had undertaken to quote words which had been used at that time, that he too was in possession of words then used by him. Who had been accessory to the present situation? Was it not the conduct of the minority who were then and now are in an underhand way impeaching the conduct of the Executive? He would ask, and submit the question to the people of the U. S. whether the language which had been just quoted by the gentleman from Vermont, had not conducted to this result? Such words as these—that the battle of Trafalgar prevented the fleets of France and Spain from levying contributions on our commerce in our own seas, that if we offended the minister of the British nation, he would put forth his strength, and make us feel it, that he would cover the ocean with vessels of war, that the British would burn our seaport towns, and drive us from the sea-coast over the mountains! Let the good people of the U. S. say whether it was observations of this nature which he had noted down and had in his possession, coming from a member on the floor of Congress, or whether the prudent measures of the President had a tendency to bring about the present troubles. Mr. S. wished the people to pronounce who were the true friends of the liberty and prosperity of the U. States.
Mr. D. R. Williams. I have remained silent to this late period of debate, expecting the information which I am anxious to obtain, would have been extracted by the inquiry of others; not should I have now risen, had not the question been repeatedly called for from several parts of the house. Last night it will be taken before I can be satisfied with that which I solicit. In the courtesy of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Montgomery) I make my application—he is a member of the committee of Ways and Means, appears best informed on the details of the bill, and indisputably has told us more this day, than we were favored with yesterday. I hope, sir, I am not to be marked and noted as an opponent of the administration, nor as in the remotest degree attempting to assail the purity of executive motives, in making this request; yet, it appears from expressions which have escaped the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. W. Ashton) and some others, this may be the fact, and that the cry of mad dog, opponent to the administration, is to be directed against every one who shall be so hardy, as to ask more information relative to this momentous subject, than precisely so much as the committee has thought proper to give. In the most ordinary cases, this House has not been
accustomed to act in the dark, and I hope it never will; but on a subject of the last importance, involving a sacred, constitutional question, it is infinitely more important that we should proceed understandingly. The gentleman from North Carolina will allow me to say, it is particularly his duty, with the other members of his committee, to furnish all the information required, as he is now one of the principal characters on whom the House is made to rely for fiscal knowledge. There is one item in this bill which has escaped notice and which, to me, appears very extraordinary. We are about to make the appropriation for a deficiency of 87,500 dollars incurred by the purchase of timber for the Navy, says the bill, and yet there is no responsible person making the demand, no document on the table relative to it. There is a sum similar to this in the estimate from the secretary it is true, but that is alleged to have been paid for timber for gun-boats. Appropriations heretofore have been perfectly distinct, for these two objects, and so they should be now. I was much surprised yesterday, that the usual accuracy of the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Duns) had totally failed him, while speaking of this timber for gun-boats. The gentleman improved it as an occasion of triumph, and he will permit me to say he triumphed excessively, that this measure which he had proposed at the last session of Congress, but which was then rejected, was now like to pass, through the same House, with an overwhelming majority; because, as he observed, it is now presented to us under the auspices of the highest authority in the government. The gentleman is completely mistaken, there is no such recommendation in the message, no such responsibility is therein assumed. The subject of gun-boats is mentioned but twice in the message. In the first place they are thus spoken of. "The gun-boats too, already provided, have, on a like principle, been chiefly assigned to New-York, New-Orleans and the Chesapeake—Whether our moveable force on the water, so material in aid of the defensive works on the land, should be augmented in this or any other form, is left to the wisdom of the legislature." Again—"Expenses also unprovided for, arose out of the necessity of calling all our gun-boats into actual service." &c. Thus it appears, this object of expenditure is nowhere alluded to in the message, for it will not be contended, they are considered "supplements to our existing stock of military stores." The Chairman of the committee of Ways and Means has asked of the Secretary of the navy, and asked loosely too, for such information as he may deem material; and the answer of the secretary which must be presumed to contain all the information required, is as silent about these 87,000 dollars worth of timber as the message itself. Upon what authority then is this item introduced, this article which, no body acknowledges, which no one is responsible for? I would rather ask if it is not altogether a mistake in the estimate? It seems a mistake not less monstrous than this would be, is acknowledged to have been committed; for assuredly, it would be a less error to estimate timber for the repairs of vessels than 64,000 lbs. of sheet iron. I voted against the purchase of timber at the last session, I see no reason to change that vote, and will therefore vote against it now, as I certainly shall on all occasions, against any measure, under any circumstances which shall have for its object an increase of the navy.
NEW-YORK, Dec. 9.
There are three gun-boats ashore in the Cove, to the westward of Sandy-Hook; and one on Staten Island—all high and dry.
Barnes, October 15—10 o'clock, P.M. William Lee, Esq. American Consul in Bordeaux, has received a letter from Gen. Armstrong, desiring him to advise all masters of vessels to quit this port in as short a time as possible. The like advice, it is said, has been given to the Consuls at the other seaports— BONAPARTE WILL HAVE NO NEUTRALS —Americans will have to fight for or against him.
IMPORTANT.
Last evening the British ship Messenger arrived at this port, in 25 days from Greenock. We have received regular sets of papers to the 4th Nov. from London, and the 7th from Greenock. They contain the important news which follows.
"It appears by the Courier, of the 22d of October, that the British govern-
ment have issued a proclamation, declaring the attack on the Chesapeake an unauthorised act.
The Globe, of the 22d of October, says, that some individuals connected in the shipping interest, applied to government for information, respecting our dispute with America. One of them, received from the highest commercial authorities in the administration, a letter, expressing the opinion, that there is every reason to indulge the expectation of a speedy and satisfactory arrangement with America.
There was a great bustle along the French coast, at our last dates, in preparing boats, &c. for the invasion of England! Troops were daily arriving at Bologne, Dunkirk, &c. The invasion of England is considered as a pretence. When the Grand Army was collected at Bologne two years ago, Bonaparte meditated the subjugation of the continent.
It is asserted in the Sun, of the 26th of Oct. that the Prince Regent of Portugal, his court, treasure, &c. had embarked for the Brazils, with 13 sail of the line. This is mentioned in Dutch papers of the 24th of October. Some doubt it.
The last news from Tonningen, at London, stated that an alliance offensive and defensive, is said to have been entered into between the Danes and French.
There was a talk in England of a peace with France—Said to come from the opponents of the ministers. The idea of peace is opposed by most of the editors, because they do not believe that Bonaparte would make an honourable peace; though it was said he had made late overtures.
AMERICAN AFFAIRS.
LONDON, Oct. 24.
A morning paper attached to the late ministers, has published the following paragraph:
"Our ministers, we understand confidently calculate upon the complete and satisfactory adjustment of our differences with America. Some mercantile houses of considerable rank in the American trade, and some of the first individuals connected with shipping interest feeling it necessary to their arrangement to be informed upon this subject, recently took occasion to apply to government respecting it. In consequence of this application we understand that a letter has been received within the last few days from one of the highest commercial authorities in the administration.
This letter, which is addressed to a person in the shipping interest, expresses the opinion of the writer, that there is every reason to indulge the expectation of a speedy and satisfactory arrangement with America."
For the above statement there is not, we insert with confidence, the slightest foundation.
The American government must lower its tone considerably, and depart very widely from its present pretensions, before any amicable adjustment can take place.
November 3.
Louis XVIII and suite landed yesterday at Yarmouth, in consequence of orders to the collector of the customs at that port, bro't down from the secretary of state's office by Mr. Ross. Mr. Canning's private secretary, and the honorable Mr. Dagot. The illustrious visitors will, we understand, proceed to Holyrood House. There is something so extravagant in the idea of his majesty coming here as his own ambassador, and without any previous communication with our court, to engage this country in a new plan for the restoration of the Bourbons to the throne of France, most people are inclined to treat it as a fabrication, for the purpose of injuring his cause, and completely extinguishing any little ray of hope that may have remained of that once brilliant prospect. A private letter from Paris, in our preceding columns shows that the public mind in that city is perfectly reconciled to the new order of things, and in such case, England, though possessed of the power, which she has not, has no right to interfere with the internal government of France.
MARTINSBURG, December 18.
The Rev. Mr. Legrand will preach next Sabbath, at 12 o'clock, at the Court House in Martinsburg.
The Alexandria Post had not arrived when our paper was put to press, (although its publication was delayed several hours beyond its usual time) owing, we suppose, to the late high waters; we were, consequently, obliged to make it up with gleanings from papers previously received.—The barrenness of our pa-
per, to-day, in foreign Intelligence, will, however, be well compensated for, by the elegant extract made from Ramsay's Life of Washington, which will, we doubt not, be well received by our readers, and be esteemed more valuable than pages of European politics.
DIED.
At Windsor, Connecticut, on the 6th ult. OLIVER ELSWORTH.
The bill authorising the erection of a bridge over the Potomac, in the district of Columbia, passed the house of representatives on Wednesday last, yea 85, nays 43.
Extract from Dr. Ramsay's character of GEN. WASHINGTON.
The integrity of Washington was incorruptible.—His principles were free from the contamination of selfish and unworthy passions. His real and avowed motives were the same. His ends were always upright and his means pure. He was a statesman without guile, and his professions, both to his fellow citizens and to foreign nations, were always sincere. No circumstances ever induced him to use duplicity. He was an example of the distinction which exists between wisdom and cunning; and his manly, open conduct, was an illustration of the soundness of the maxim—"that honesty is the best policy."
The learning of Washington was of a particular kind. He overstepped the tedious forms of the schools, and by the force of a correct taste and sound judgement, seized on the great ends of learning, without the assistance of those means which have been contrived to prepare less active minds for public business. By a careful study of the English language, by reading good models of fine writing, and above all, by the aid of a vigorous mind, he made himself master of a pure, elegant, and classical style. His composition was all nerve; full of correct and manly ideas, which were expressed in precise and forcible language. His answers to the innumerable addresses which on all public occasions poured in upon him, were promptly made, handsomely expressed, and always contained something appropriate. His letters to Congress; his addresses to that body on the acceptance and resignation of his commission; his general orders as Commander in Chief; his speeches and messages as President; and above all, his two farewell addresses to the people of the United States, will remain lasting monuments of the goodness of his heart, of the wisdom of his head, and the eloquence of his pen.
The powers of his mind were in some respects peculiar. He was a great, practical, self-taught genius; with a head to devise, and a hand to execute, projects of the first magnitude and greatest utility.
There are few men of any kind, and still fewer of those the world calls great, who have not some of their virtues eclipsed by corresponding vices. But this was not the case with Gen. Washington. He had religion without austerity, dignity without pride, modesty without diffidence, courage without rashness, politeness without affectation, affability without familiarity. His private character, as well as his public one, will bear the strictest scrutiny. He was punctual in all his engagements; upright and honest in his dealings; temperate in his enjoyments; liberal and hospitable to an eminent degree; a lover of order; systematic and methodical in all his arrangements. He was the friend of morality and religion; steadily attended on public worship; encouraged and strengthened the hands of the clergy. In all his public acts, he made the most respectful mention of Providence; and, in a word, carried the spirit of piety with him both in his private life and public administration.
Washington had to form soldiers of free men, many of whom had extravagant ideas of their personal rights. He had often to mediate between a starving army and a high spirited yeomanry. So great were the necessities of the soldiers under his immediate command, that he was obliged to send out detachments to seize on the property of the farmers at the point of the bayonet. The language of the soldier was—"Give me clothing, give me food, or I cannot fight, I cannot live." The language of the farmer was—"Protect my property." In the choice of difficulties, Gen. Washington not only kept his army together, but conducted with so much prudence as to command the approbation both of the army and citizens. He was also dependent for much of his support on the con-

urrence of thirteen distinct, unconnected legislatures. Animosities prevailed between his northern & southern troops, and there were strong jealousies between the states from which they respectively came. To harmonize these clashing interests, to make uniform arrangements from such discordant sources and materials, required no common share of address. Yet so great was the effect of the modest unassuming manners of General Washington, that he retained the affection of all his troops, and of all the states.
He also possessed an equanimity in an eminent degree. One even tenour marked the greatness of his mind, in all the variety of scenes through which he passed. In the most trying situations he never despaired, nor was he ever depressed. He was the same when retreating through Jersey before a victorious enemy with the remains of his broken army, as when marching in triumph into York town, over its demolished fortifications. The honours and applause he received from his grateful countrymen, would have made almost any other man giddy; but on him they had no mischievous effect. He exacted none of those attentions; but when forced upon him, he received them as favours, with the politeness of a well-bred man. He was great in deserving them, but much greater in not being elated with them.
The patriotism of Washington was of the most ardent kind, and without alloy. He was very different from those noisy patriots, who, with love of country in their mouths, and hell in their hearts, lay their schemes for aggrandizing themselves at every hazard; but he was one of those who love their country in sincerity, and who hold themselves bound to consecrate their lives to its service. Numerous were the difficulties with which he had to contend—Great were the dangers he had to encounter—Various were the toils and services in which he had to share; but to all difficulties and dangers he rose superior. To all toils and services he cheerfully submitted for his country's good.
In principle, Washington was a federal republican, and a republican federalist—Liberty and law, the rights of man, and the conduct of government, were equally dear to him; and in his opinion equally necessary to political happiness. He was devoted to that system of equal political rights on which the Constitution of his country was founded; but thought that real liberty could only be maintained by preserving the authority of the laws, and giving tone and energy to government. He conceived there was an immense difference between a balanced republic and a tumultuous democracy, or a faction calling themselves the people; and a still greater between a patriot and a demagogue. He highly respected, the deliberate sentiments of the people, but their sudden ebullitions made no impression on his well balanced mind.
Trusting for support to the sober second thoughts of the nation, he had the magnanimity to pursue its real interests, in opposition to prevailing prejudices. He placed a proper value on popular favour, but could never stoop to gain it by a sacrifice of duty, by artifice, or flattery. In critical times he committed his well earned popularity to hazard, and steadily pursued the line of conduct which was dictated by a sense of duty against an opposing army.
While war raged in Europe, the hostile nations would scarce endure a neutral. America was in great danger of being drawn by force or intrigue into the vortex. Strong parties in the United States rendered the danger more eminent, and it required a temperate, but inflexible government to prevent the evil. In this trying state of things Washington was not to be moved from the true interests of his country. His object was America, and her interest was to remain in peace. Faction at home, and intrigue and menace from abroad, endeavoured to shake him, but in vain; he remained firm and immovable in the storm that surrounded him. Foreign intrigue was defeated, and foreign insolence was repressed by his address and vigour; while domestic faction, dashing against him, broke itself to pieces.
He met the injustice both of Britain and France by negotiation, rather than by war, but maintained towards both, that firm attitude which was proper for the magistrate of a free state. He commanded their respect, and preserved the tranquility of his country. In the public character, he knew no nation but as friends in peace, as enemies in war. Towards one he forgot ancient animosities, when the recollection of them opposed the interests of his country. To-
wards another, he renounced a fantastic gratitude, when it was claimed only to involve his nation in war.
With Washington it was an invariable maxim of policy, to secure his country against the injustice of foreign nations by being in a condition to command their respect and punish their aggressions.
The defence of our commerce, the fortification of our ports and the organization of a military force, were objects to which he paid particular attention. To the gradual formation of an American army, he was friendly; and also to military institutions, which are calculated to qualify the youth of the country for its defence. War he deprecated as a great evil, inferior only to the loss of honour and character; but thought it was most easily avoided by being ready for it, while, by the practice of universal justice, none could have any real ground of complaint. In foreign transactions, his usual policy was to cultivate peace with all the world; to observe treaties with pure and absolute faith; to check every deviation from the line of impartiality; to explain what was apprehended, and to correct what was injurious; and then to insist upon justice being done to the nation over which he presided. In controversies with foreign nations, it was his favorite maxim so to conduct towards them, "as to put them in the wrong."
In his transactions with the Indian tribes, Washington was guided by justice, humanity, and benevolence. His authority and influence were exerted to restrain the licentious settlers from injuring their red neighbours. To supply their wants, and prevent impositions, he strongly urged the erection of trading houses in their settlements, from which they were furnished by government with goods at first cost. The unprincipled were restrained from preying on their ignorance, by excluding all but licenced persons, with good characters, from trading with them. All this was done to pave the way for their civilization.
When Washington commenced his civil administration, the United States were without any efficient government. After they had adopted one of their choice, and placed him at its head, he determined that it should be respected. By his firmness order soon took place. There was one exception. The western counties of Pennsylvania rose in arms to resist the law for raising a revenue, by an excise on domestic distilled ardent spirits. On this occasion, the fixed resolution of Washington was, that whatever expense it might cost, whatever inconvenience it might occasion, the people must be taught obedience, and the authority of the laws re-established. To secure this object, peculiarly important in the infancy of the new government, he ordered out, and put himself at the head of an ample force, calculated to render resistance desperate, and thereby to save the lives of his fellow citizens.
In consequence of such decided measures, the insurgents dispersed, and peace and order were restored without bloodshed. The necessity of subordination was impressed on the citizens, and the firmness of Washington's personal character was communicated to the government.
Having accomplished every object for which he re-entered public life, he gave for the second time, the rare example of voluntarily descending from the first station in the Universe—the head of a free people, placed there by their unanimous suffrage.—To the pride of reigning his soul was superior. To its labours he submitted only for his country.
Rulers of the world! Learn from Washington wherein glory consists—Restrain your ambition—Consider your power as an obligation to do goods—Let the world have peace, and prepare for yourselves, the enjoyment of that exotic pleasure which will result from devoting all your energies to the advancement of human happiness.
Citizens of the United States! While with grateful hearts you recollect the virtues of your Washington, carry your thoughts one step further. On a review of his life, and of all the circumstances of the times in which he lived, you must be convinced, that a kind Providence in its beneficence raised him, and endowed him with extraordinary virtues, to be to you an instrument of great good. None but such a man could have carried you successfully through the revolutionary times which tried men's souls, and ended in the establishment of your independence. None but such a man could have braced up your government after it had become so contemptible, from the imbecility of the federal system. None but such a man could have saved your country from be-
ing plunged into a war, either with the greatest naval power in Europe, or with that which is most formidable by land, in consequence of your animosities against the one, and your partiality in favour of the other.
Youths of the United States! Learn from Washington what may be done by an industrious improvement of your talents, and the cultivation of your moral powers. Without any extraordinary advantages from birth, fortune, patronage, or even of education, he, by virtue and industry, attained the highest seat in the temple of fame. You cannot all be commanders of armies, or chief magistrates; but you may all resemble him in the virtues of private and domestic life, in which he excelled, and in which he most delighted. Equally industrious with his plough as his sword, he esteemed idleness and inutility as the greatest disgrace of man, whose powers attain perfection only by constant and vigorous action. Washington, in private life, was as amiable as virtuous; and as great as he appeared sublime, on the public theatre of the world. He lived in the discharge of all the civil, social, and domestic offices of life. He was temperate in his desires, and faithful to his duties. For more than forty years of happy wedded love, his high example strengthened the tone of public manners. He had more real enjoyment in the bosom of his family, than in the pride of military command, or in the pomp of sovereign power.
On the whole, his life affords the brightest model for imitation, not only to warriors and statesmen, but to private citizens; for his character was a constellation of all the talents and virtues which dignity or adorn human nature.
"He was a man, take him for all in all, We ne'er shall look upon his like again." The reader will perceive that the following beautiful poem is built on the text prefixed, and that the first line of each stanza is borrowed from it.
Behold, alas! our days we spend, How vain they be, how soon they end!
BEHOLD, How short a span Was long enough of old, To measure out the life of man; In those well-temper'd days, his time was then Survey'd, cast up, and found but three- score years and ten.
ALAS! and what is that? They come, and slide, and pass, Before my pen can tell thee what. The posts of time are swift, which hav- ing run Their seven short stages o'er, their Short liv'd task is done.
OUR DAYS, Begun, we lend To sleep and antic plays And toys, until the first stage end. Twelve waning months, twice five times told, we give To unrecovered loss; we rather breathe than live.
WE SPEND A ten-year's breath, Before we apprehend What 'tis to live, or fear a death; Our childish dreams are fill'd with painted joys, Which please our sense awhile, and waking, prove but toys.
HOW VAIN How wretched is Poor man, that doth remain A slave to such a state as this! His days are short at longest; few at most; They are but bad at best; yet lavish'd out, or lost.
THEY BE— The secret springs That make our minutes flee On wheels more swift than eagle's wings! Our life's a clock, and every gasp of breath Breathes forth a warning grief, till time shall strike a death.
NOW SOON Our new-born light Attains to full-ago'd noon! And this, how soon to gray-hair'd night! We spring, we bud, we blossom, and we blast, E'er we can count our days—our days they flee so fast.
THEY END! When scarce begun; And ere we apprehend That we begin to live, our life is done. Man count thy days—and if they fly too fast For thy dull thoughts to count—count Every day the last.
Land for sale.
THE subscriber offers for sale, at a moderate price, the Farm lately occupied and owned by Alexander Pitt Buchanan, Esq. in the County of Jefferson, Virginia, consisting of about 900 acres; it has on it a valuable Mill-Seat, a large proportion of Wood Land, is well improved, and is inferior to none in its neighbourhood for the production of Corn and small grain. It lies in the neighbourhood of, and includes Lee-Town, adjoining the lands of Mr. Rich Willis, Mr. Weaver, Mr. Dandridge and Mr. Baylor, on two great public roads, ten miles from Martinsburg, the same distance from Shepherd's Town, and six from Charles-Town. This Estate is conveyed to the subscriber for the purpose of raising money to pay certain debts. An undoubted title can be made, and possession given immediately.—Application may be made to the subscriber, living in Charles-Town, Jefferson County, Virginia.
JOHN DIXON. December 18, 1807.
Public Sale.
WILL be sold at public vendue, at the subscriber's plantation, near Opeckon Bridge, about three miles from Martinsburg, on Tuesday the 5th day of January next, a number of Horses, some Milch Cows, and Hogs, a quantity of Bacon, an excellent eight day Clock, a good Road Waggons, and some other articles. Nine months credit will be given, and bond with approved security required.
ELI BELLER. December 18, 1807.
Pork Wanted.
WE will give the highest price in Cash, for any quantity of PORK delivered to us on Christmas day, or the day after—None but large Hogs will suit, from 180 lbs. each, and upwards. Any quantity can be contracted for, before the time, by applying to THOMAS C. SMITH, & Co. Martinsburg, December 18, 1807.
WILL be sold on Saturday the 19th instant, at the house of Mr. J. Woods, in Frederick County, one Wagon, four Horses and Gears, by virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Jacob Lancekusk to the subscriber, to secure the sum of 750 dollars, to a certain Samuel Harris, or so much thereof as may be necessary to raise the sum of 750 dollars. Terms of sale to be cash, when a good and sufficient conveyance will be given by JACOB ALLSTAT, Trustee. December 17, 1807.
NOTICE.
ALL persons indebted to the subscriber for the services of Young Matchless, are requested to make payment on or before the 24th instant. ANTHONY TURNER. December 18, 1807.
For Hire
TWENTY FIVE NEGROES, consisting of Men, Women, Boys and Girls, chiefly belonging to Mrs. Mary Baylor—they will be hired out for the ensuing year, at Mr. Gibbon's, Lee Town, on Wednesday the 30th instant, (if fair, if not, the next fair day) Bond and approved security will be required, and further terms made known by WILLIAM LYNE, jun. Berkeley County, December 18, 1807.
Flour Carriage.
ANY person wishing to send Flour down the Potomac to market, may have it speedily conveyed wherever the river will admit boats to pass, by applying to the subscriber, at the mouth of Opeckon.
JAMES FOREMAN. December 18, 1807.
Interesting.—Letters from Washington mention the great scarcity of Apples and Cyder in that city, and vicinity.

FOR SALE A VALUABLE Negro Woman, about 22 years of age, that is well acquainted with every kind of house work. WILLIAM BENTLEY. Berkeley county, Nov. 27, 1807.
THE subscriber as Guardian of Magnus Muse, wishes to lease to a good tenant for a term of 5 or 6 years, a valuable FARM in the county of Jefferson, on which is a good log dwelling house, kitchen and about 250 acres of cleared land, 25 or 30 acres of which is in meadow, a fine spring and stream of water running through said farm. The greater proportion of the cleared land is fresh, being but recently cleared. If it would be an accommodation to persons wishing to lease said farm, they can be furnished with slaves on hire to work the same.
The subscriber wishes also to make sale of sixty or seventy acres of small grain, growing on said farm. Apply in Charles-Town, Jefferson county. WILLIAM TATE. November 27, 1807.
COMMITTED to the jail of Jefferson county on Friday the 20th instant, a Negro Man who calls himself BILL , about 32 years of age, five feet six or seven inches high, has his right foot froze off from the instep, had on a pair of white homemade trowsers, no shirt, and his other clothing extremely ragged, and indistinguishable. WILLIAM MALIN , jailor. Nov. 27, 1807.
NEARLY two years have elapsed since the dissolution of the partnership of Morrow & Brown , during which time I have anxiously been waiting for those persons indebted to said concern to come forward and discharge their respective accounts, in which I have been disappointed—I now request all those indebted to said concern, or to myself in any manner whatever, to make immediate payment to Mr. Robert Worthington, whom I have authorised to receive the same—Those who neglect attending to this notice, within a short time, must calculate upon suits being commenced, as it is impossible to give any longer indulgence. JOHN MORROW. Shepherd's-Town, Nov. 27, 1807.
COMMITTED to the jail of Berkeley county, the 4th September last, a mulatto man, who says his name is Peter Walden , and that he is the property of John Tays, of Kennawa, near Elk town; he is about 37 years of age, about 6 feet high, rather slender made, has large whiskers, and is very talkative.—I have reason to believe that he was lately in the Winchester jail from which he effected his escape. MOSES COLLINS , jailor. November 27, 1807.
Virginia Lands For Sale.
THE subscriber offers for sale several Tracts of Limestone Land, of the first rate quality, containing from 150 to 300 acres, well watered and timbered, lying within half a mile of the Potomac river, in Berkeley County, about seven miles above Williamsport and ten from Martinsburg. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. GEORGE NEWKIRK. September 18, 1807.
GAVIN & Wm. HAMILTON, TOBACONISTS—Philadelphia,
RETURN their thanks to their friends and former customers in the Country Towns, and inform them they will hereafter decline soliciting their favours personally, or by their agent, and refer them for their future supplies of Snuff, to the wholesale dealers in Baltimore, George-Town, Alexandria, Fredericksburg, Richmond, Petersburg, and Norfolk, or to themselves in Philadelphia, at prices considerably reduced from the former. November 13, 1807.
Fresh Fall Goods,
JUST received and now opening by the subscribers—the quantity extensive—the variety fashionable—and terms the most reasonable—the entire selections and purchases made by the acting partner at the Philadelphia Cash Market , from whose experience and ardent perseverance, to please customers particularly, and the public generally, on the most reasonable terms, it is presumed, the present assortment will exhibit the most flattering recommendations.
From an extensive and late importation of European and East-India manufactures, have been selected the following articles, viz.
Superfine London Broad Cloths, Common ditto, Brown and mixt Coatings, Forest Cloths, Halfshells and Kerseys, Blankets, white, red, green and yellow Flannels, Superfine Scarlets, &c. Cassimerets, Bennet's patent Cord, Do. do. Fancy Waistcoating, Do. Cotton do. White, olive, mixt and black Constitution, &c. Cords, Plain Velvets and Velveteens, assorted, Fancy do. and do. Thickets.
A handsome assortment of Woolen and Cotton Hosiery, A handsome assortment of the most fashionable Japaned Tea-Trays, Ladies Head Trimmings, Do. Feathers and Plumes, Plain, Spotted, and Trafalgar Leno Muslins, Do. Spider Net, ditto ditto Shawls and Handkerchiefs, Furniture Calicoes, ditto Bengal, Chintz and Calicoes, Fancy and plain Ribbons, well assorted, Silk and Cotton Umbrellas, Fancy and plain Silks, for Ladies dresses, Silk Shawls and Handkerchiefs, Cotton Cords and Tassels, Ladies short and extra Long Silk Gloves, 6-4 Cambricks and 3-4 Dimities, completely assorted, Silk & Cotton Chambray Muslins ditto do. 6-4 and 3-4 Cambricks Muslins, ditto do. India Muslins, per bale, piece, or yard, ditto Common and Superfine book Muslins.
Leghorn Hats and Bonnets, trimmed complete, Plain and figured Silks, ditto, Fancy Satin Straws, ditto, A general assortment of fine Brussels Lace and Edgings, 4-4 and 7-8 Irish Linens, White and brown Russia Sheetings, ditto Ticklingburgs, Country Linen and Twilled Bags, A neat assortment of well finished Jewellery, Mahogany framed Looking Glasses, Common Dressing and pocket, ditto, An elegant assortment of China and Queen's ware, A large assortment of Groceries, Also a quantity of Antietam Iron, completely assorted, Crowley and Blistered Steel, Sheet and Strap Iron.
They respectfully return thanks for all favours conferred in their line of business since commencement. With a desire to retain a liberal share of public patronage in the Mercantile business, as well as to give general satisfaction, they beg leave to subscribe themselves, the public's most ob't and humble serv'ts. THOMAS C. SMITH, & Co. Martinsburg, October 23, 1807.
Berkeley, as. February Court, 1805. Michael M c Kewan, Complainant, AGAINST Abraham Davenport, } Defendants, and Adrian Davenport, } IN CHANCERY.
THE defendant, Adrian Davenport, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant by his Counsel, it is ordered, that said Adrian Davenport, do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in February next, to answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County. A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, c.s.c.
FALL and WINTER GOODS.
THE subscribers inform their friends ( customers at a distance ) and the public in general, that they are now opening, at their store ( by the Market-House ) in Shepherd's-Town, a very extensive and complete assortment of
Fresh Woolen Goods,
together with the most elegant assortment of
Nice Fancy Goods,
ever opened in this part of the country all which they will sell very cheap, by wholesale and retail. JAMES & JOHN LANE.
P. S. They continue to give the highest price in Cash for Hides and Skins—and have prime Seal, Upper and Harness Leather, with nice Calf-Skins and Boot-Legs for sale. Shepherd's-Town, Novr. 13, 1807.
L. Price
Has just finished opening a large supply of New Goods,
which were purchased principally for Cash, and will be sold unusually low. His late purchases comprize the following articles: Upwards of 30 pieces Plannels, assorted, and lower than they have ever been sold in this place before. Brown Molekin Coating, for Ladies' Coats, Silk Gloves, assorted, Cambricks Dimities, assorted, Elegant Tubby Velvets and Trafalgar Vest-Shapes, Cotton Laces, assorted, Seal and Upper Leather, &c. &c. His assortment is now very complete. Martinsburg, October 16, 1807.
Fresh Fall Goods.
THE subscriber has now open and ready for sale, in addition to those recently received,
A large and general assortment of
Fall and Winter Goods, Liquors and Groceries, of the first quality, all of which will be sold uncommonly low, for Cash or Country Produce, or on a short credit to punctual customers. JAMES FAULKNER. Martinsburg, November 6, 1807.
New Goods.
THE subscriber has just finished opening a large supply of Winter Goods, which, added to his former stock, makes his assortment very complete, all which he will sell very Cheap. WILLIAM B. KING.
N. B. I wish to sell all my stock of GOODS now on hand; any person wishing to purchase, will find it their interest to call, as I will sell on good terms. Wm. B. KING. Mill Creek, November 6, 1807.
NOTICE.
A PETITION will be presented to the General Assembly, at its next session, praying that a law may pass for the appointment of Commissioners with power to regulate the police of the town of Bath, and to raise, by way of Lottery, or otherwise, a sum of money for the improvement of the Public Square with in the same. October 16, 1807.
NOTICE.
A BARGAIN may be had in the purchase of the places where John Filer and Basil Cross now reside, containing five hundred acres of good lime stone LAND, binding on Opecon-Creek, distant about five miles from this place and six from Shepherd's-Town. The buildings are comfortable, with a mill-seat on Opecon.—The title good, the price low and the payments will be made easy to a punctual man. Those who are inclined to buy, may know the terms on application to John Baker, Esq. at Shepherd's-Town. BENJAMIN ODEN. Martinsburg, Nov. 20, 1807.
SIX CENTS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, an apprentice boy named Thomas Bennett, about twelve years of age; had on when he went away a blue roundabout and trowsers. Whoever takes up said apprentice, shall receive the above reward, but no thanks. JOHN DAUGHERTY. Shepherd's-Town, Nov. 20, 1807.
Public Sale.
PURSUANT to the last will and testament of Edward Watkins, deceased, will be sold at public auction, at Culpeper Court-House, on the first day of January next, about forty five choice healthy Virginia born slaves, Men and Women, Boys and Girls, mostly young and very likely; sundry articles of household furniture, twelve months credit will be allowed the purchaser, who must execute bonds with approved security for the purchase money, before any property will be delivered. WILLIAM PENDLETON, Esq. Berkeley County, Virginia, July 31, 1807.
TANNING.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends, and the public generally, that he still continues the TANNING business on the property formerly occupied by John O'Ferrall, at which place he keeps a supply of good LEATHER of every kind.—He will pay the highest price in Cash for Hides, Skins and Bark.—He hopes to give satisfaction to every person who may please to favour him with their custom. GEORGE HAM. Martinsburg, November 6, 1807.
Notice is hereby given
TO all persons in Berkeley County, Virginia, that are or were indebted to me, which I have assigned to Walter Turner, not to pay him or his agents, any money as aforesaid, that they have not paid, for they in justice are not his property, as I have lately found a discharge from him and his wife for the consideration for which the bonds were assigned on Maj. John Robinson and Mr. Robert Christy, and the other assignments were made for him to collect the money for me; I had lost the receipts as aforesaid, and was not able to prove the contents, and he came from Chillicothe and tormented me when I was in confusion, so that I consented to assign them to him; but since I have found it I have applied to him to release the claim and to amend our answers before the trial of the suit in Berkeley, in which said debts are contested, but he still refuses. ROBERT WILCOX. November 13, 1807.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.
TERMS OF THE INTELLIGENCER. The price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week. Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their Advertisements.