Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-07-15 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  UNT HIC ETIAM SUA PREMIA LAUS
[VOL. IV
FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 15, 18 8.
NO. 152.]
For PORTO RICO. (By Permission.) The Brig JOSEPHINE, John Ains Master, will sail on Sunday the 17th inst. wind and weather permitting. For passage only, apply to the master on board at Town Point. July 13
We have for SALE on our Wharf, 200 hogsheads MOLASSES, 53 do. superior quality Muscovado Sugars, 37 do. inferior do. 238 bags Guadalupe Coffee; 10 puncheons Rum, 60,000 wt. Jamaica Coffee, in bds. barrels and bags, 10,000 do. Lazzare do. 50 kegs Raisins, 20 cases superior quality Claret, 600 bushels Ista, 6500 do. St. Ubes, 2500 do. Turks Island, and 500 do. coarse Liverpool Salt, 10 pipes old Madeira Wine; 4 do. Country Gin, 5 barrels Rye Whiskey; 20 bds. Philadelphia Porter, 1 new 14 inch Cable 120 fathoms. C. & F. Whittle. July 13.
JOHN PENDREDS'S Boot and Shoe Manufactory, No. 70, Main Street. THE public are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands. N B Orders for double Backstrops, single do. and Cosacks, executed with the greatest dispatch. July 13.
Norfolk Drawbridge. The Directors have declared a dividend of Fifty Six Cents on the Stock of this Company, for the half year ending the 10th inst. which will be paid to the Stockholders or their legal representatives after the 10th August next. William Cammack, Treasurer. July 13.
6 pipes Cognac BRANDY, A few casks Hyslop and Hyslop Skin Tea, Claret of an excellent quality in casks, demijohns, or bottles, to suit purchasers. For Sale by Thomas Balls. July 13.
100 Dollars Reward. Stolen on the 28th June from her moorings, at Edenton, N. C.
A BOAT of the following description: she is 16 feet 9 inches keel, live oak stem and a red cedar stern post, a great breadth of beam for her length, which occasions her to appear round and full built; she has a new breast hook of Chinquapin, a red painted tarpaulin on her forecastle, a new live oak stem to her foremast, stern and stern sheets green, with a black ribbon round her stern forward of her stern sheets, inside painted red, white bottom, with a black streak above; she had an anchor of about 62 lbs weight, with a round iron stock, a three strand cable about four inches, an iron strip from her lower rudder about three feet along her keel, mass very taut, painted yellow with black heads, sails of Russia canvas, has seam run in the middle of the canvas of her mainsail. It is believed that she was stolen by a man of the name of JOHN ROBINSON, who ran away from Edenton at the same time, and robbed to the amount of 4 or 500 dollars; it is expected he will change his name, as he is known by some in this place as John Roberts; he is about 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, square shoulders, short dark hair, and sitted with the small pox; speaks slow, with a downturned look when in conversation. One Hundred Dollars reward will be given for this Man and Boat, or Fifty Dollars for the Boat, besides defraying all necessary expenses. William Carter. Edenton, July 12, 1808.
Collector's Office, Norfolk, 11th July, 1808.
THE President of the United States having deemed it expedient to extend the time for granting permissions to send vessels in ballast to places in the West-Indies, or to any part of America North of the line, for the purpose of bringing property into the United States, under the 7th section of the act of 12th March last, Notice is hereby given that permissions will be granted at this office on the principles pointed out by the law, provided that application be made prior to the first day of August next, as no permission will afterwards be granted. WM. THOMSON, D. C. For LARKIN SMITH, COLLECTOR.
BANK NOTES As below described, were put into the Post-Office at this place on the 27th May last, enclosed in a letter addressed to Messrs. John Warder & Sons, Philadelphia, and which letter has never been received; it is therefore presumed that the Bank Notes may have fallen into improper hands, and should such appear in circulation we earnestly request that they may be stopped; any satisfactory information regarding them will be thankfully received, and if required liberally rewarded. Buchanan & Pollok. Petersburg, July 5th, 1808. Bank of Virginia, payable at their Office of Discount and Deposit, Petersburg, to Robert Buchet, President thereof, or bearer. B No. 332. 9th February, 1805, $100 866, 6th July, 100 D 153, 7th February, 100 394, 9th do. 100 700, 6th May, 100 753, 7th do. 100 738, do. do. 100 $700
LANDING. This Day from the schooner Adventure and brig Eliza, 55 hhds. sup. qual. Muscovado Sugar, 34 do. and 40 quarter casks particular Teneriffa WINE—For Sale by Moses Myers. July 6.
From the Albany Register—(Democratic piper.)
Without being initiated into the secrets of cabinets, it is still in the power of men who are used to political or diplomatic calculations, to raise a corner of the veil of the temple of Mercury, and try to discover by what magicks his ministers try to impose on public credulity. With no other assistance but private combinations and hypothesis, I am now going to investigate the subject of the Embargo. That measure of our federal administration, seems to have had three objects, the first ostensible , the second diplomatick , the third mystical . The ostensible object, was during the dangers to which our property on the high seas was exposed, by the exterminating system of France and England to retain our vessels, our seamen, and property without our harbours, until those dangers could be removed.
The diplomatick or political and secret object, was on one side to compel, by the compulsion of their own wants, the English and the French to be more equitable towards us, and on the other side to comply apparently with the great views of Napoleon, for the annihilation of the British trade, in order to obtain from that conqueror some new acquisition of territory, highly gratifying for the southern states, by alluring him once more, as the Fox did the crow, to drop the stolen cheese which he held in his claw.
This mystical or mysterious object, the most influential perhaps of all, was to make a grand experiment of the favourite plan of the economical school, to introduce among us a system of national industry, based on agriculture and domestick manufacture exclusively, and to check commerce and navigation, considered by them as sycophantick suckers, which absorb all the juices intended by nature for the fruitful branches.
I shall classify my remarks under these three heads.
Of the ostensible object of the Embargo. I confess, honestly, that I have joined in the chorus of applause claimed for the Embargo, considering it as a conservative and dilatory measure, calculated for temporary purposes and particularly to give time to our merchants to secure their property, and to our administration to put the country in a respectable state of defence. But I declare that my mind was always perplexed with doubts on the efficacy of that experiment, if it was to be of some duration, and on the application to peace of an arbitrary act, which the powers of Europe have never pretended to justify but by an immediate state of war; because it suspends the effect of existing treaties or of a friendly correspondence, distrains, by the want of shipping, foreign as well as national property, and raises in the cabinets of the belligerent powers suspicions of the intentions of those who have recourse to that customary preliminary of hostilities. I was apprehensive, also, that our private property and national income would now be much better secured by it than our peace, because the United States, being constantly in debt to Great Britain, and deriving a profitable balance from their trade with the continental powers alone, that debt would be paid with their own cash, and because their national revenue, taking its source from foreign trade, must fail if that source was dried up; the natural consequence of which, would be a total vanishment of money and the perilous establishment of a direct tax on the people, to meet our engagements and support our expenses.
The fate of our vessels alarmed me also, on the very principle upon which the utility of dry docks has been recommended by the President—emerged in our ports, in stagnant water, populated with destructive animalcules, of all kinds and saturated with putridity, their hulks and their unattended rigging must perish rapidly, while the capital they represent is sinking to nothing.
As to our seamen, my anxiety was greater, those hardy sons of Neptune, used to an active life and to a severe discipline, abandoned in our most relaxed cities to idleness and debauchery, having no other support provided for them but private and municipal employment, uncongenial with their habits, must soon become as burthensome to society as to themselves, and as the sea is their element look for it in foreign service, from which it will be difficult to recall them; the emigration of many of those useful men have already taken place and grows to an alarming degree.
The purposes which the publick object of the embargo seemed calculated to answer, appeared to me accordingly problematical, though I considered it a duty not to publish my thoughts until my doubts were converted into realities, and until a sad experience had clearly demonstrated that the continuation of such a remedy like those nostrums, which the most tender, the most affectionate parents frequently administer, with the best intentions, to their dearest children would do more hurt than the evil itself and generate fatal accidents which nature left alone would have prevented.
Of the diplomatick object of the Embargo.
The stubborn steadiness of Great Britain, in support of her maritime laws, which the imperious pretensions of France to force her to repeal them renders inseparable from her dignity, and the irrevocable decrees of the French emperor, compared to which, those of Jupiter, sworn to by the Styx, were but jokes and bagatelles, baffle all expectation of a satisfactory accommodation with either of them, on the right of neutrals, until Great Britain from her floating wooden walls, sinks down France and her allies and by a more astonishing miracle becomes generous and equitable, or until Napoleon the 1st has accomplished his great views which now embrace not only the subversion of the British government but the conquest of their eastern empire, agreed upon at Tilsit, and then remember the neutrals.
What, in the mean time, will become of us poor American farmers and merchants with our embargo? Is it probable that by persevering in it, as it is said, with virtue, making speeches, addresses upon addresses to the people on its utility and omnipotence, encouraging militia and the officers of our unrecruited army, to brandish their swords in the air, and crowning gun boats next to gun boats in our rivers, we shall compel those heretofore tyrants of the world, drunken with blood and bent upon one another's destruction, to listen to the calm voice of reason and to lessen the danger to which our vessels are exposed by their excesses?—Vain and illusory idea. The embargo has been and will be considered as an additional act of weakness by them, and what does not excite fear will never among powers ruled solely by their passions excite respect. But it is alleged that their interest is to trade with us, to sell us their goods and to buy our produce, and that if we keep it up we shall finally succeed. Vain illusion again.—The French having all the markets of Europe at their disposal, can do without us for provisions, and their colonies will learn, and have learnt already, how to get their supplies from the spontaneous productions of the earth, from the Spanish Main or from the metropolis, as they did when the United States were English colonies, or by an interlope trade with the British themselves, who are always ready to make money even with their enemies. With respect to G. Britain our market for the sale of her manufactures is certainly a much greater object than the extraction of our produce on the supplies of her colonies, for which she can provide by her excellent agriculture, her own East and West India produce, and the local situation of her North American colonies, and she has proved as much as her national haughtiness permitted, and more than I expected, that she was disposed, not only to grant a satisfactory reparation for the insults offered to our national flag by their wanton acts, but also to palliate some of our grievances; if it could be done without a premature, indirect submission to the dictates of France. But if the failure of that negotiation brings on a more aggravated suspension of her trade with us, smuggling will relieve her from that difficulty, and unless all our gun-boats, all our minute men, all our regular troops, with their flying artillery, are constantly patrolling on the innumerable of our coasts and frontiers, to prevent the introduction of foreign goods and the exportation of our cash and produce, it will inevitably take place and has already begun. Another conclusive consideration, which invalidates the idea of compelling, by the embargo, the powers of Europe to repeal their laws adverse to our neutrality, is, that our navigation and the competition of our produce had become for them long ago an object of very serious jealousy, and that if we give up ourselves our mercantile correspondence with them and our navigation, to become romantic agriculturists, they will not be in a hurry to oppose that virtuous deed.
I cannot imagine that those considerations have escaped the sagacity of our enlightened administration, and I don't believe that the embargo was any more calculated to prevent the usual loss of some of our property at sea, than to oblige the king of England and the emperor of France to come to our terms: There is something else under the rose. Let us try to find it out. It cannot be denied that Mr. Jefferson made in France his entry on the diplomatic stage; he studied, at the court of Louis, the art of Machiavel, and from a courtier of the king becoming a courtier of the people, when the fire of the revolution first broke out, the most profuse doses of adulation and flattery were lavished upon him by the leading characters at that period; those marks of respect and confidence have been continued since, and the French ambassador brought to him and to Mr. Madison in 1793, decrees of the national convention, naturalizing them both French citizens; the written answer of Mr. Madison, is expressive of his gratitude, his admiration, and his devotion, was transmitted to France by the same minister, and the bloody Robespierre, who opened that memorable letter, was very much pleased at his civism. Mr. Jefferson, an older fox, took care himself of his answer. Some of the principal actors of the national assembly, who escaped murder by a timely emigration, occupying now high stations under the imperial government, have had a chance to renew their correspondence with those Gallo-American citizens, for whose elevation they have felt some interest, and it is not altogether beyond the bounds of probability that when the French emperor blockaded England and annihilated her trade with her decrees, the embargo, which effectually does not hurt France a great deal, was dexterously contrived to comply, as much as possible, with his imperious wishes, without incurring the local dangers of a manifest partiality. It appears, however, by some expressions which have leaked out in the published part of that letter written by the French minister of foreign affairs, Champagny, to our minister, that a little more than the embargo is wanted to give up to the United States the Floridas, lately kidnapped from Spain. But here is the rub. Our cabinet, it is conjectured, is willing to increase as much as possible the importance of the southern states, but they don't want our northern states to be strengthened by the acquisition of Canada, Nova Scotia and the fisheries, which would of course take place if war was declared between America and England. Indeed it is more than probable that if we were drove and pushed into that dreadful calamity by our half measures, and our defenceless situation, in vain would our brave Yorkers, our spirited Green-mountain boys, and our bold Yankees repair by their valour the aberrations of our cabinet, and strip Great Britain of her remaining continental possessions in North America; the actual administration would restore them at the peace under specious pretence, but
in reality for fear that those valuable acquisitions should throw too much weight in the balance on our side of the union, and diminish our subservency to the politics of Virginia. That jealousy is not a new thing, it existed already when the brave son of Erin, Montgomery, fell a useless victim under the walls of Quebec, and when his gallant companions, unsupplied, unsupported, had to retire from a place ready to surrender. It existed also, when La Fayette solicited without success, to receive those heroes and join Canada to the American Constellation; but when the French agents in 1793, attempted to annex New Orleans to the United States they were encouraged, though officially disavowed and persecuted, and the same perfidy has perhaps since entangled Burr in the wild schemes which have brought on his ruin. Our aggrandizement to the southward is unquestionably the darling object, the Notes on Virginia witness it, and when the penury of France has offered an opportunity to favour it, the money of the states, who are more hurt than benefited by it, has not been spared. It appears, from these remarks, that there are in all state affairs pretexts brought forward to deceive the vulgar and secret motives which are insinuated. The next article will bring more elucidation on that subject.
On the mystical object of the Embargo.
I now approach the profound mysteries, the concealed laboratories, the grand opera of political economy. That modern science invented by the French philosophers and so awfully applied by them to the happiness of their country, teaches us to consider agriculture as the paramount source of the wealth of nations, and to view commerce and navigation as mere subaltern agencies, which may as well be conducted by foreigners, as by the natives; because the hands which they employ, can be turned to better advantage on the land to raise produce or improve domestick manufactures. It also teaches us that the land paying definitely all private and publick expenses, the best mode of taxation is what they call un unic impost on the neat produce , or in plain English, a direct tax on the clear income of property. Our beloved president has studied those learned doctrines in Paris, their quintessence is contained in his charming letter to the Tammany Society of New York and others, and as every one has read them, it would be useless to repeat them here to prove that they are adopted, and in operation. The French, impatient to enjoy the blessings of that natural order of things, have cut off the heads of their richest merchants, taken their property, destroyed several of their sea-ports, burnt the opulent city of Lyons and all their manufactures, luxuries, and planted potatoes in the elegant garden of the Thuilleries. But as those energetic measures would not do here, don't it seem to be likely enough that we proceed to the same end by a different course? And that an embargo, so cunningly introduced, that it is not perhaps now in the power of congress to repeal it, will compel much sooner our merchants, to turn to the plough, and their wives to the care of a dairy and the labour of the loom, than England to acknowledge the modern principles of neutrality, and France to respect them?—What a glory it will be to have accomplished such a useful and moral revolution without scabbles, without bloodshed, and with the help alone of a few messages and letters. The maritime state humbled and empowered. Virginia, resting on the arm of slavery, ruling the union in peace, philosophy triumphant, and the sage of Monticello having modestly thrown his mantles on his devoted servant, proclaimed by his disciples far superior to Confucius the legislator of China!
I hear the voice of our warmest embargoed Madisonians, and a few of our good natured republicans cry, it is easy to censure, but it is not easy to offer better plans than those which have been adopted by our wise administration, nor better measures to save the country from war, ruin, insult, &c. &c. Stop gentle folks, I give you a few days to meditate on my observations, and I beg as many to prepare my answer.
A Citizen of New York.
*The Great Fucus of the dynasty of the con, left to the Chinese a code of Laws of men and religious principles which they observe with rigidity, he commands, above all other things, a perpetual embargo and no intercourse with foreign nations.
From the Register, Washington County, (N. Y.)
Amid the storms and dangers with which our country is threatened from abroad, and the difficulties and distress with which we are surrounded at home, all are anxiously looking forward to the next presidential election. In a crisis so momentous as the present, it was to be hoped that union and harmony would at least exist among ourselves; that no views of a local nature, illiterate in their motives, and hazardous in their consequences, would have tended to jeopardise the dearest interests of our country—This hope, however, has proved fallacious.
The "ancient dominion," proud of her property and her slaves, has erected the standard of opposition and sounded the tocsin of alarm. By machinations which would disgrace a despotism, they have proceeded to caucus and intrigue. Every engine has been set in opposition, which malice could devise, to traipse on of the first patriots and venerable sages which our country has produced. I speak without the danger of contradiction, that our worthy vice-president, George Clinton, fully answers this description. He has shown conspicuous alike in the cabinet and the field; cool, judicious, and inflexible, every act of his life has been marked with the honesty of the patriot, and the firmness of the soldier; against him envy nor slander cannot wag their tongue.

It is a vital principle in a republican federative government, that every member of the confederation should possess equal rights on questions of national concern. No state can with propriety arrogate to itself exclusive privileges: It is not consistent with these principles upon which an union of the states ever can exist. Talents, integrity, and fitness of office are certainly not local. I know not that science has a map delineating towns, cities, or states, as exclusive proprietors of knowledge, and denying to others an equal participation. Such right of property, though it may exist to a plantation of slaves, is not to be recognized by a liberal and enlightened community.
Virginia has again claimed the right of conferring a president upon our country and she will continue again and again to assert this right, until her course shall be arrested by the strong arm of reason and justice. She has been told that such repeated claims must inevitably create the most serious discords and jealousies among her sister states, and in the end produce a state of things which I even shudder to contemplate. She has been told that two of the three presidents, which have been placed at the head of our nation since the adoption of the constitution, have been selected from among her citizens—That every courtesy and indulgence has been extended towards her; she is still deaf to our entreaties and complaints—Instead of evincing a disposition to conciliate, her motto is "gubernare patriam."
But it is said, that at a late meeting of the members of congress, in their individual capacity, a large majority declared themselves favourable to the claims of Virginia to the next presidency. I answer, that this fact, if it evinces any thing, only shows that members of congress are transgressing the powers with which they were intrusted by their constituents.
It evinces the wisdom of the framers of our most excellent constitution, in not permitting a member of congress to be an elector of president and vice-president. It is notorious that the seat of the general government is the immediate scene of intrigue, on an occasion so important as the present—There can be no creatures of an administration, anxious to continue their power in the hands of a favourite successor, ever find materials fitted for the purpose.—It is there that we find the focus in which concentrates all the rays of executive influence, to vitify and consume the objects with which they may immediately come in contact.
Let me not be misunderstood in any remark I may have made—Far from intending to prejudice the mind against Mr. Madison, the candidate from Virginia, I feel a respect for his character as a statesman and a patriot. It is not against him, as an individual, that I intend to object; but it is to the precedent, and the arrogant claims of a sister state, against which I enter my most solemn protest.—It is with a view to check the spirit of domination which governs her actions; to save the constitution, that political ark of our safety; in short to preserve the union of our states, that I call upon my countrymen to resist the attempt to support a claim so aristocratic in its principles, and so dangerous in its consequences.
For the citizens of a rich and populous state in the union, whose importance to the general government is at least equal with that of Virginia, these observations are particularly intended. Already have we witnessed, in almost every part of the union, a disposition to support the venerable vice-president for the next presidency; and shall this state be silent spectators on the occasion? Shall she alone evince an indifference in a question so honourable to her feelings and so important to her interests? A state which can boast giving birth to this pre-eminent statesman and most gallant soldier. No—Forbid it heaven! Let our energies be aroused; let us boldly step forward in the field of honourable contest, and evince the high sense we entertain of the value of those services which our fellow-citizen, governor Clinton, can most justly claim.
It is said that his age may form an objection.—Alas! that the depravity of man will cavil at an objection, the weakness of which is evident, from its not being combined with any other.—Weakness of intellect is not always the concomitant of age.—History can produce brilliant examples to the contrary. Has it ever been attempted to be shewn, that governor Clinton's age has produced a diminution of intellect, or unfitness for office? His opponents have not dared seriously to assert this to be the fact.
For the second office in the gift of the nation, many candidates have been named. It is not presumptuous to mention, that among this number James Monroe stands eminently distinguished.—From the dawn of the revolution, he has faithfully served his country in many honourable and responsible offices. He was an officer of merit in the war that secured to us independence. In his native state he has presided as its first executive magistrate, and uniformly discharged the trust reposed in him with ability, fidelity and integrity. He has in the character of ambassador to foreign countries, supported the dignity, and nobly asserted the rights and interests of the country, and is no doubt, from his opportunities, more conversant with the policy of the governments of Europe, than any other individual of our country. He has returned home, crowned with the rewards which an approving conscience can bestow, and a grateful nation can dispense; and justly entitled to the support of his republican countrymen as Vice-President.
PAULUS.
From the Farmer's Cabinet, Arndest, N. H.
The principal and indeed the only objection made by the supporters of Madison to the Presidential chair to the patriot of the revolution, George Clinton, is his old age. If this had produced in him, what is sometimes produced in younger men by his constitutional infirmity—childishness and dotage—imbecility and weakness, their assertions would be entitled to some consideration; but we have seen nothing in the discharge of the duties of the various offices he has held with so much honour to himself and advantage to his country, that has avowed of a degeneracy from that energy and firmness he displayed in the time of the revolution: a time when he had to encounter, not only the subtle duplicity of our enemies the British, but the inhuman and barbarous cunning of the phalanx of Tories which infested New-York.—While governor of the state, by his correct and impartial administration he united those clashing interests, which, since he left that office, have so much disturbed the repose of that state: since his accession to the Vice President,
the correct discharge of whose duties as presiding officer of the senate requires the exercise of no ordinary powers, we have heard of no complaint of his want of sufficient stability and firmness. His bodily constitution, notwithstanding his age, is said to be decidedly superior to that of Mr. Madison, capable of enduring more hardship, and of devoting more hours to the publick service: his experience, and of course his knowledge of human nature, must certainly be greater. No one will question the superiority of the native powers and energy of his mind. If we reflect on the numerous services, both during and since the revolution, he has rendered his country—the many stations he has held, and the arduous duties he has performed, which could have been induced by no consideration but the love of country, we shall find no man in the United States, whose claim on its citizens more entitle him to the office. Mr. Madison may have rendered many and important services to his country—he may have assisted in the adopting and framing of the constitutions of the Union and of his own native state, without, however, incurring any personal danger, or requiring any thing more than ordinary courage and heroism—all to his honour; but the dangers and perils through which the venerable Clinton passed during the revolution, what or who can repay?
Besides, when we consider that Virginia has given the United States a President four out of the five presidential terms, it has the appearance of exciting discontent in other sections of the union, and would be highly improper for her to give another at this time, when there are not wanting men having superior claims, possessing superior talents, and whose uniform practice and habits of life indicate more devotion to the cause of republicanism, and more ardent love for the rights and liberties of their country, than Mr. Madison.
From the American Citizen, extracted from an address of the Editor to his Country readers.
I AM DENOUNCED, gentlemen, for two political offences; for having in the course of last winter expressed a suspicion that the embargo, which is injuring ourselves so much and affecting Europe so little, was the effect of French influence in our cabinet; and for "seeming, as the whereas says, determined to persist in supporting governor Clinton contrary to and in contempt of the republicans in this city."
I am not yet satisfied, gentlemen, that there is no French influence in our government, although I am persuaded that last winter ascribed to it a degree much greater than in all probability there really was. But if any of you had received the information that I did, and at a time when circumstances, known to all, unavoidably excited slight suspicion, you would have thought as I did, and thinking so, you had been less faithful to your country had you not expressed your thoughts in a similar manner. Gentlemen, it was not my interest then to write what I did, and it may not be now to deal thus plainly with you, but I should be unworthy that confidence with which in my station I have been long honoured by the community, were I to "trim with times and bend to circumstances." Party obligations should always be merged in the superior obligations which a citizen owes to his country. No man has gone farther than I have in supporting party upon party grounds, but if I perceive designs or discover conduct incompatible with what I consider the great and essential interests of the country, could a reasonable man censure me for expressing my opinion of them with decency? It cannot be my interest and it certainly is not my inclination to hazard the slight test difference with the republican party; no, gentlemen, to gratify every reasonable wish, nothing is necessary but to go with it "through thick and thin." But to maintain my opinion, I am at this moment placing my interest in jeopardy. I think that the election of Mr. Madison to the presidency would lead directly to the destruction of the commerce not to the Independence of the nation, and thinking so, I joyfully put at hazard in opposing it every thing that is dear to me but opinion. How insignificant and despicable are the ceremonies of a cabal nomination at Washington when put in competition with these high considerations! You see, gentlemen, that for supporting governor Clinton (who could once have thought it) I am denounced—persecuted—called a federalist, and threatened with destruction, and that too by men for whom I have often risked it!—And yet, feeling an inward conviction that I am right, I either laugh at the foolish menaces, or forgive the utterers of them, considering that "they know not what they do."
Permit me now, without a jest, to beg your attention to a constitutional and common principle. Gentlemen, for the ascription of a French influence in our cabinet, I was denounced sometime last winter by those who have undoubtedly a right to sever a man's head from his shoulders whenever it wantonly, sedately, or in any other manner, differs from their own, either in shape, size, or internal construction and operation! The right in all cases is inherent in a club. Hence, I humbly presume, the term club law, but as clubs were not sufficiently executive in France, a keener instrument was invented and brought into action. We shall have it here by and by!
Now having before been denounced for that great political sin, which, covered with sack cloth and ashes as I am, I penitently confess; is it, allow me to ask, agreeable to law and usage to punish a poor criminal twice for the same offence? I admit the right to punish once, but to do so twice, is an unheard-of principle and practice. It may be, however, with the indefatigable right of overawing the legislature by publick meetings, a tenet of the New School, and if so, I submit with all possible patience and resignation. Could a panther wish for greater humiliation in the lamb, doomed to be torn pieces by the ferocious animal?
I have said that I am not yet satisfied that there is no French influence in the government. Suffer me to explain.
I have no idea that Napoleon would approach it with any thing like a direct menace. The cunning of Talleyrand and the reception it would meet with, would alike prevent it. The influence to which I allude is of a very different nature, and perhaps more mischievous.
Until the usurpation of Napoleon, I was a Frenchman in principle, but thank God I am now. The French government is changed; every thing appertaining to it is changed, and I have changed with it.
But we have still men amongst us who really
think that to oppose an universal French monarchy, is to rebel against God: and what would add to this perfect a surdity, if any thing could, is that these gentlemen really believe that they are republicans!
Gentlemen, Mr. Madison, whose influence in our cabinet is omnipotent, is one of these republicans.
He would I have no doubt rejoice at hearing of the destruction of the only remaining independent power of Europe; not from any thing corrupt, for no man I believe is more pure in his morals, but from modes of thinking and long habits of the warmest affection. He seems not to be aware that after all Europe shall have been devoured, the only privilege left to us will be, to be the last to be crushed in the jaws of the monster. Such is the imbecility of Mr. Madison; such the unhappy delusion of some American democrats!
Gentlemen, I have types and presses, as you may well imagine, and while I can pay my men their wages, and get pen, ink and paper, you shall hear from me in favour of the election of GOVERNOR CLINTON.
From the North American.
CARRYING TRADE, No. I.
To the Farmers and Planters of Maryland.
The genuine merchant, feels that in the carrying trade is concentrated the whole external commerce of our nation—that without it, our trade would be an empty name, and our traffick utterly worthless."
Such, my fellow-citizens, is the introduction to a column and a half of the most vile and slanderous abuse [copied into Pechin's American, from Colvin's Monitor] of Mr. Randolph, Mr. Key, and Mr. Pickering—it may indeed be said, of Mr. Mason, Mr. Rowan, Mr. Munford, Mr. Quincey, Mr. Clinton, Mr. Gardiner, Mr. Milner, and of every other member of congress who appreciated the influence assumed over our publick measures by the French government, and combated those measures.
The confidence afforded to these independent members, by populous and wealthy districts of the American people, and their individual character and standing in life, set them out of the reach of their defamers; but as by the late provoking and aggressive conduct of the administration towards that nation, which alone commands the sea, we are likely to be deprived of much more than carrying, it is your duty to examine the principles here advanced.
It may be readily granted, that to men who make it their sole or principal business, to carry the produce of one country at war to another country at war, or to and from those countries and their colonies, (as from France to Italy, or Japan to Batavia and Holland, for example) the carrying trade is every thing, and all other trades nothing. Such is the trade of the President of the Senate pro tem. amongst others that trade for which the complying partner called a meeting of the merchants, and the more complying commissioner and afterwards minister at London, drafted a petition two years ago; and accordingly, we now find, not only the newspapers who receive his particular countenance and support, advocating his trade, but Nicholas, his brother-in-law, Montgomery, his cousin, and McCreery, Whitehill, and Finley, his naturalized friends, confidently voting their country into war measures against England, and opposing every thing like an exposure of the menaces and aggressions of the French.*
As long as France and her allies, or subjects, would pay these carrying merchants well, and Great Britain would allow them to enter into it freely, as has been the case heretofore, no candid man would blame them, though it is by no means a trade as meritorious even in that case, as the export and import trade—a fact hinted at by Mr. Pickering, and for which he is hated and persecuted by these disinterested patriots.
Carrying from belligerent to belligerent, is a trade growing out of a state of war, held by the neutral, from the law of nations, and depending for its duration, in this instance at least, on the good faith of the parties at war. But the major part of the civilized world, having got under the controul of one party, and the treaties which formed the basis of the law of nations, being by it annihilated, nothing but its own interest remains to bind the other party. The trade from colony to colony, or from the colony to the mother country, is held by a tenure still more precarious and fragile; for it must be difficult for the neutral to establish any right to a trade which he did not enjoy in time of peace, unless it could be proved, that nations do not go to war to defend their own rights, or to benefit themselves, but to procure new rights and benefits to others—a state of folly to which the world has not yet descended.
As the party in the war, by whom the Batavia trade, for instance, is granted to the president of the senate, pro tem. could not now deprive him of it, but certainly would, at the end of the war, notwithstanding the family alliance which took place here three years ago—it seems no more than reasonable, whatever he or his supporters may think to the contrary, that the other, to whom he could not apply for it in time of peace, should refuse to suffer it now. As Batavia does not belong to him, or to the government of the United States, and neither ever had a treaty to secure that trade from the Dutch government, unless he has obtained it lately, we must be excused if we refuse to go to war for him, to protect it; he would be carrying us too far then, if he has not done it already.
It is a problem worthy your inquiry, fellow-citizens, who are the sheep led up to be sheared; whether it would not be more advantageous to renounce this trade altogether, which Mr. Randolph called the fungus, or mushroom, and for which he is now abused, by these self-created patriots, and refuse to become carriers to those nations at all times, who refuse to let us be so at any time? Such a determination on our part, might procure us permanent markets for our produce, in the colonies of the belligerents, which, if granted to us in time of peace, makes it a right, which it would be worth contending for in time of war. In the latter state, we are at a loss for markets, except when we lay on ourselves embargoes, as Mr. Key has proved, and for which he is vilified by these exclusive patriots;
* See the veas and ravs on Mr. Randolph's motions for papers, and to publish them, the 31st and 32nd of March, 1st and 2nd April last. They wanted no further information, and refused to publish what they had, until they had their orders from the President's messenger.
but in time of peace we are, so much so, that it is the misfortune of this country, ever to contend between its interest and that of humanity; to wish for a long war to others, provided we are at peace; and thus to gain money at the expense of our morals.
How selfish and wicked it is, to represent this trade as the only trade worth contending for, may be well judged, from the quarter whence these representations come; and the spirit which dictated them, cannot, if duly appreciated, fail to destroy every thing like publick confidence or esteem for those who have enjoyed the trade, as well as for those who advocate the war for it.
In my next number, I shall endeavour to point out to you, my fellow citizens of the country, what is that trade of which you now feel the want, and which, as it is the stream of national industry and wealth, flowing from your own sources, must, at all hazards, be forced from its enemies abroad and at home.
A NATIVE OF MARYLAND.
An allusion was made some time ago, in a democratic paper, to a letter from Mr. Harper to col. Burr, in 1800, respecting the election of president. Having understood that the letter, and the subject on which it was written, had been fully explained by Mr. Harper himself, two or three years ago, in his examination under the above commission, and believing that the explanation might at this time be useful to the publick; we were induced to oblige in this copy.
The suit in which the examination took place, was an action of slander between Mr. Burr and the Editor of the American Citizen, for a publication in which col. Burr was charged with having intrigued to obtain the office of president. Mr. Cheatham, to prove the truth of this charge, took out a commission to examine some persons, who were members of congress at the time of the election. One of these persons was Mr. Harper, who was accordingly examined in this city, before Messrs. Caldwell and McEldery, two of the commissioners, and gave the following answers; as appears by the return of the commissioners, of record in the court from whence the commission was issued.
For brevity, and the reader's convenience, the formal introduction or caption of the interrogatories and answers is omitted—and the answers are made immediately to follow the interrogatories respectively to which they apply.
North American.
INTERROGATORIES
To be administered to ROBERT GOODLOE HARPER, Counsellor at Law, Esq. of Baltimore, in the State of Maryland, a witness to be produced, sworn and examined in the Supreme Court of Judicature of the state of New York, between Aaron Burr plaintiff and James Chetam, Defendant, on the part of the Defendant.
1st. Do you know the parties plaintiff and defendant or either and which of them, and how long have you known them respectively?
Answer. To the first interrogatory this deponent answereth and saith, that he doth know the plaintiff, and hath been acquainted with him, as far as he, this deponent can now recollect, from some time in the month of February, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five; and that he doth not know the defendant personally.
2d. Was you a member of the house of representatives in congress of the United States from the state of Maryland—in the session held in the months of January and February in the year one thousand eight hundred and one.
A. To the second interrogatory this deponent answereth and saith, that he hath never been a member of the house of representatives, in congress, from the state of Maryland, but was, in the session of congress held in the months of January and February, in the year one thousand eight hundred and one, a member of the said house, from the state of South Carolina.
3d. Was there not an equal number of votes for Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr as president and vice president of the said United States, at the election or those offices in the December preceding and did not the choice of a president consequently devolve on the said house of representatives?
A. To the third interrogatory this deponent answereth and saith, that to the best of his information and belief, there was an equal number of votes for Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr, as president and vice president of the United States, at the election mentioned in this interrogatory; which equality was a matter of general notoriety; and that to his certain knowledge, the choice of a president from these two persons, was declared by the then vice president of the United States, after continuing the said votes in the senate of the United States, to devolve on the said house of representatives; which did accordingly proceed to make the said choice by ballot, as prescribed by the constitution of the United States.
4th. Did not the said house ballot for the president several times before a choice was made; if so how many times? Was not the frequency of balloting occasioned by an attempt on the part of several members of congress to elect the said plaintiff Aaron Burr as president? Do you know who such members were? If so what are their names?
A. To the fourth interrogatory this deponent answereth and saith, that the said house did ballot several times before a choice was made. He doth not now recollect the number of times, but believes that it was more than thirty. The frequency of balloting was occasioned by an attempt on the part of several members of congress, to elect the said plaintiff, Aaron Burr, president, in preference to the said Thomas Jefferson. This deponent doth not now recollect the names of all the members who were then understood and believed by him to ballot for the said plaintiff—He, this deponent, was of that number himself, as were also, to the best of his knowledge and belief, Thomas Pinckney, John Rutledge and Abraham Nott, three of his then colleagues; William Barry Grove, William Hill, Dickson and Archibald Henderson, from North Carolina; Josiah Parker, Thomas Evans, Samuel Good and Robert Page, from Virginia; William Cragg, George Baer, jun. John Dennis and Chew Thomas, from Maryland; James A. Bayard, from Delaware; Robert Waldo, Henry Woods and John Wilks Kittredge, from Pennsylvania; James H. Imray and Thomas Smockson, from New Jersey; John Bird, Jonas Platt and Thomas Morris, from the state of New York; one other member from that state, whose name this deponent cannot certainly recollect; Theodore Sedgwick, Harrison Gray Otis

Our mercantile friends are informed that the private letters which went by the Osage for France, were not delivered, at the time that ship left l'Orient. They had been stopped by the police, and it was supposed would be destroyed. This information is derived from a gentleman who left France in the Osage. No private letter from the United States is allowed to be delivered until it has been inspected by the police.
We received no papers by last night's mail north of Richmond.
Deagle's Packet, in forty-eight hours from Baltimore, arrived this morning; she brings nothing new.
SYMPTOMS OF OPPROBATION.—We have devoted a very considerable part of the Ledger of this day, to extracts from democratick papers. The Albany Register, The Register, (in Washington County, N. Y.) Farmer's Cabinet, N. H. and the American Citizen, are papers that have been heretofore considered by all, and now called by their editors democratick republican. Our readers will be astonished when they hear such sentiments from democratick presses.
It is evident that the popularity of the administration is not so great as it has been, and it is equally evident, that there will be a vigorous effort made to prevent the election of a President from Virginia. The northern states are seriously alarmed at the course which the administration is pursuing; they are under an impression that the Virginian politics are unfriendly to commerce. The northern and eastern states cannot, they will not, be content with an administration, whose measures are calculated to drive them from the ocean; but let us not anticipate our readers. We beg leave to refer them to the several articles which we have selected.
Several, and some of the leading democratick papers, (with what views they know best) have lately informed their readers that Great-Britain exports to the United States, goods to the value of forty-eight millions of dollars annually, of which thirty-six millions are in woollens. Will the editors of those papers rely on the reports of the secretary of the treasury? The year 1804 was a time when our commerce was to an extent that we fear it will not shortly attain again—Our imports from Great-Britain for that year were as follows:
  On goods paying duties of 12 1/2 per cent. £4,088,450   15 1,211,060   20 49,923   Pounds Sterling, 5,349,433   The above sum equal to $23,777,148
To which is to be added the amount in salt, nails, lead, steel, coals, beer, cheese and shoes, the amount of which Mr. Gallatin in a report made on the 28th April, 1805, puts down at 1,917,000  $25,694,148
In the report which we have just noticed Mr. Gallatin states the amount of goods imported from all the British dominions, on an average of three years (1803, 1804 and 1805.) to be as follows:    From Great Britain and Ireland,  27,400,000    Her dominions in East Indies,  3,530,000    Her North American Colonies,  540,000    Her West India ditto,  4,570,000     $36,040,000  
Now gentlemen where are your 48 millions from Great Britain alone, and your 36 millions in Woollens? The report which we have mentioned is a valuable document, and any person who has kept files of the Ledger, will find it Vol. 2, No. 102.
NOTICE. The partnership of Wilson, Cunningham & Co having been dissolved by mutual consent—all those indebted, as well as those who have claims against them, are requested to settle the same with Alexander Wilson or J. B. Cunningham, who are fully authorised to liquidate the business of said concern.
William Pennock, Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.  Norfolk, July 15, 1805. The business heretofore carried on by the above firm will be continued by the Subscribers, under the firm of Wilson & Cunningham. Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
ADVERTISEMENT.
To a Gentleman who has not been seen or heard of by his friends in his native country since March, 1806. This gentleman may with perfect safety, both as to publick and private concerns impart his situation and place of residence to THE EDITOR OF THIS PAPER, who can give him any information about his family. This advertisement may be considered in—The gentleman to whom it is addressed, will know it by these circumstances. He left his native country in March 1806.—He was the only surviving son of his father, whose name was Thomas, born 1740, and married M. E. His brother John who was older than him, had died before. His twin sisters were C. & A. of whom the former was dead before 1806. He was born in the parish of B. where the estate of his ancestors is. Educated at I in the county of B. and taken care of by his aunt Cecilia. July 15.
see and New York also, would probably relinquish Thomas Jefferson, and vote for Aaron Burr as president in the said election; and that the state of Vermont, and perhaps that of Maryland, would at length cease to be divided, and would vote likewise for the said Aaron Burr. Whether the said Aaron Burr calculated on such relinquishment and votes or not, is a point upon which this deponent hath no means of forming a decided opinion, nor any reasons for entertaining a belief. He thinks it probable, from his general view of the subject, and not from any particular fact, that the said Aaron Burr had some expectations of such relinquishment on the part of a sufficient number of states to give him the election; and he this deponent is perfectly confident, from his knowledge of the transactions at that moment, and of the persons concerned in them, as well as from events of a publick nature, which took place immediately after the election, that it depended on the said Aaron Burr himself to secure those votes; and that he used with vigour and address the means which were certainly in his power, and which this deponent is firmly persuaded were used against him, he would have obtained the votes of three more states at least, and consequently would have been president.
As to this deponent's reasons for believing that some states would relinquish Thomas Jefferson, and vote for Aaron Burr as president in the said election, which he this deponent is called on by this interrogatory to state, they were founded on general calculations about the views, characters, principles and probable conduct of certain individuals, and on general reports concerning their intentions and arrangements;—calculations and reports, which have been fully confirmed and publick events; but not on any facts proper to be given in evidence.
8th. Do you know any other matter, circumstance or thing, which can be material to the defendant in this cause, if yea, set the same forth fully and particularly.
A. To the eighth interrogatory this deponent answereth and saith, that he doth not know any other matter, circumstance, or thing, which can be material to the defendant in this cause, further than he hath stated in his answers to the foregoing interrogatories.
Interrogatory on the part of the Plaintiff. Do you know any matter or thing that may be beneficial to the plaintiff on the trial of this cause? If so, declare the same fully and at length, in the same manner as if you had been particularly interrogated thereto.
And to the interrogatory on the part and behalf of the plaintiff, the said deponent answereth and saith, that he doth not know any matter or thing that may be beneficial to the plaintiff, further than is stated by him, this deponent, in his answers to the foregoing interrogatories on the part and behalf of the defendant.
The following is the letter referred to in the deposition of Mr. Harper. (COPY.) Washington, December 24th, 1800.
MY DEAR COL. The votes of Tennessee are come in, and decide the tie. The language of the democrats is, that you will yield your pretensions to their favourite; and it is whispered that overtures to this end are to be, or are, made to you. I advise you to take no step whatever, by which the choice of the house of representatives can be impeded or embarrassed.—Keep the game perfectly in your own hands; but do not answer this letter, or any other that may be written by a federal man, nor write to any of that party.
Your friend sincerely, ROBERT G. HARPER.
From the National Intelligencer—July 11. We understand, that the information received by the Osage, is by no means satisfactory; that there does not appear, either on the part of the French or English governments, any disposition to relax their orders and decrees relative to the trade of this country; that, on the contrary, the French government appears to be giving a wider scope to the operation of the measures previously taken by them; and that no step whatever has been taken by the British government, since the return of Mr. Rose, even relative to the affair of the Chesapeake. The information from Paris comes down to the middle of April; and that from London to the middle of May.
Private letters received by the Osage state the prevalence of a general expectation, among the friends of the British administration, of an insurrection in this country against the embargo, which has, no doubt, been excited by the disgraceful publications here on the subject. While such wretched delusions continue, we can have but little to expect. It does not appear that there is a disposition on the part either of France or England to go to war with us; but a strong desire by each to embroil us with the other.
The London Morning Chronicle of the 4th May gives a list of thirty vessels captured or sequestered under the decree of the 17th of December, the perishable commodities on board of which had been ordered to be sold. ib.
The Schooner MOHAWK, Burthen about 900 barrels, in good order, is offered for Charter, if wanted by any merchant obtaining permission of government.—Apply to
Christopher Fry. Who has received, 9 hogheads good SUGARS, which will be sold low for cash. July 15
Just received from New-York, a fresh supply of BARNE'S DOUBLE ALE, which will be sold at the rate of thirty seven and a half cents per gallon out of the house; the same and no other on draughts in the house at the usual price. Families or Masters of Vessels can be furnished with barrels, half barrels, or small kegs of the above at a short notice. William Tonkin, Corner of Wid. Water and Commerce-Streets. N. B. Will be kept for the accommodation of customers, a constant supply of BARNE'S DOUBLE ALE and Philadelphia PORTER in bottles. July 15.
The Sch'r PLOUGHBOY, Capt. Hall, will sail for Charleston TOMORROW MORNING at 8 o'clock. For freight or passage apply on board, or to D. R. Waddey, & Co. July 15.
and Samuel Williams, from the state of Massachusetts, with several other members from that state, whose names this deponent does not now recollect; Roger Griswold, from the state of Connecticut, with all the other members from that state, whose names this deponent does not now recollect; Lewis R. Morris, from the state of Vermont; John Brown and Christopher G. Champlain, from the state of Rhode Island; and all the members from the state of New Hampshire, whose names this deponent doth not recollect, except that of Samuel Tenny, whom he believes to have been then a member. All the members belonging to the party called the federal party, united in supporting the said Aaron Burr, except Benjamin Huger, from South Carolina, who, as well as this deponent now recollects, voted uniformly for the said Thomas Jefferson; and the result was, that on all the ballottings, except the last, the states of South Carolina, Delaware, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire, voted for the said Aaron Burr, and that the states of Maryland and Vermont were divided equally, and their votes lost.
5th. Do you know that any measures were suggested or presented by any person, to secure the election of Aaron Burr to the presidency. If so who were such person or persons?—Did he the said A. Burr know thereof? Was any letter or letters written, communicating such an intention? If so, were such letter or letters forwarded to him thro' the post office by any person, and who; has he not informed you or have you not understood (and if so how) that he was apprised that an attempt would be made to secure his election.
A. To the fifth interrogatory this deponent answereth and saith, that no measures, to his knowledge, were suggested or presented by any person whatever, to secure A. Burr to the presidency; other than the resolution of the above mentioned members to vote for him in preference to the said Thomas Jefferson, as the constitution authorized, and their duty, in their opinion, required. This deponent doth not know or believe, that the said A. Burr was informed of this resolution, until it was declared by the votes themselves. He might have been informed, that several members had delayed it publicly, as far as respected themselves, which was certainly the case; but he could not have known, before the balloting began, that it would be adhered to by a sufficient number to prevent the election of Thomas Jefferson, because some members whose votes were necessary for that purpose, either had not formed the resolution, or refused to communicate it to those with whom they generally acted, till the day when the balloting commenced. And this deponent has no knowledge of any letter or letters being written to the said Aaron Burr, or any other person, on the subject of this election, except a letter written to him by this deponent, bearing date the 24th day of December, 1800, of which a true copy is hereto subjoined. This letter was transmitted by post, in the usual manner, and this deponent supposes that it was received, but he does not know the fact, and has never heard a word from the said Aaron Burr, or spoken one to him, on that subject, since the said letter was written. This letter was never communicated to any person whatever, except Abraham Nott, one of this deponent's colleagues. The said Aaron Burr has never informed this deponent, nor has this deponent understood from any other person, that he the said Aaron Burr was apprised that an attempt would be made to secure his election; further than he might have inferred it from the above mentioned letter.
6th. Did he or any other person (and if so who) ever communicate to you in writing or otherwise or to any other person or persons to your knowledge, that any measure had been suggested, or would be pursued, to secure his election? When were these communications made?
A. To the sixth interrogatory this respondent answereth and saith, that no person ever did communicate to him, in writing or otherwise, or to any other person or persons to his knowledge, that any measures had been suggested or would be pursued to secure the election of the said Aaron Burr; other than the resolution to vote for him as above mentioned, in the answer of this deponent to the fifth interrogatory.
7th. Had some of the federal members of congress a meeting at Washington in the month of December, 1800, or of January or February 1801, at which it was determined to support Aaron Burr for the presidency, or if there was any meeting or meetings to your knowledge in respect to the then ensuing election for a president of the United States in the said house of representatives? What was advised or concluded upon to the best of your remembrance or belief? was not David A. Ogden of the city of New-York Attorney at Law authorised or requested by you or some other member or members of Congress or some other person, and who in particular, to call upon the plaintiff and enquire of him?
1. What conduct he would pursue in respect to certain cardinal points of federal policy.
2. What co-operation or aid the plaintiff could or would afford towards securing his own election to the presidency, or if you or some other person did not authorise or request the said A. Ogden to make such communication to the plaintiff in exact terms. What in substance was such authority or request? Do you know or was you informed by the said David A. Ogden, or otherwise that he or any other person had made the said communication to the plaintiff or the same in substance. Do you know or have you been informed, and if so how, that the plaintiff declared that as to the first question it would not be expedient to enter into explanations or words to that effect. That as to the second question New York and Tennessee would vote for him, on a second ballot, and New Jersey might be induced to do the same or words to that effect? Did you ever communicate with the plaintiff, or he with you, on the subject? Do you know any person who did communicate with him, and if so, what did he say? Did you not receive a letter or letters from Alexander Hamilton, of the city of New York, and late secretary of treasury of the United States, now deceased, in the months of January or February, one thousand eight hundred and one, or at some other time, and when, respecting the election of a president of the United States?—Did he not communicate to you, that the said David A. Ogden had been authorised or requested to see the plaintiff for the purposes aforesaid?—and what in particular were the contents of such letter or letters, or communication?—Do you know that any, and if so, what measures were suggested or pursued, to secure the election of the said plaintiff as president, and did the
said plaintiff know, or was he informed thereof, or what did he know, or of what was he informed? Had you any reason or reasons to believe, that any of the states would relinquish Thomas Jefferson, and vote for Aaron Burr as president, in the said election, in the said house of representatives, or that the said Aaron Burr calculated on such relinquishment, if so, which state or states, and what was the reason or reasons for that belief?
A. To the seventh interrogatory this deponent answereth and saith, that there was a meeting of the members of the house of representatives, belonging to the federal party, at Washington, during the session of congress in which the above-mentioned election took place, and before the balloting commenced; but precisely at what time this deponent doth not recollect. At this meeting, all or nearly all, the members of that description attended, and the object of the meeting was to compare sentiments, and if possible to settle a plan, as to the approaching election in the house of representatives. There were probably more meetings than one of this kind; and certainly were many conferences between some members. But at none of those meetings or conferences, as far as this deponent knows or believes, was any general determination made or expressed, to support Aaron Burr for president. For the greater part of those who attended, and among the rest this deponent and his colleagues Pinckney, Rutledge, and Nott, declared themselves in favour of that measure; but some refused to do so; and in meetings of that kind, by the federal party, the idea of binding the minority by the opinion of the majority was always disclaimed, as far as this deponent knows or believes. This deponent hath no knowledge that David A. Ogden, of the city of New-York, was authorised or requested by any person whatever, to make any enquiries from the plaintiff. This deponent never spoke to him, or had any intercourse or communication with him, on the subject of the election. And he, this deponent, is firmly persuaded that no person who had authority to speak in the name of the federal party, or of any considerable number of individuals belonging to it, ever authorised or requested the said David A. Ogden, or any other person, to make any enquiries whatever from the plaintiff, on the subjects mentioned in this interrogatory, or any of them.
At one of the meetings above-mentioned, it was indeed suggested by a member, that some steps ought to be taken, before Aaron Burr was supported, to ascertain what would probably be his conduct, if elected, on some great leading points of policy; and that it would be proper to obtain some stipulations from him, which might bind him to pursue such a course of conduct as was deemed correct. But this suggestion received no support or countenance whatever. On the contrary, most or all of those who were considered as men of influence in the federal party, declared themselves decidedly against it; and insisted that it was wholly inconsistent with their principles, and with those principles by which the federal party professed to be governed, to enter into any bargain whatever respecting their votes, or to support any candidate on any other ground, than a conviction, that of those from whom the choice must be made, he was the fittest person for the office. They declared that on this ground, and on this alone, they would give their votes for the said Aaron Burr; whom, moreover, they should deem wholly unworthy of their support, and of the office, if they supposed him capable of entering into any previous stipulations, for the purpose of securing his election. They further declared that they neither intended to render themselves in any degree responsible for the conduct of the said Aaron Burr, in case he should be elected; nor thought it consistent with their own dignity or with the honour of the federal party, to take any part in his administration, or in any manner to connect themselves with it, until it should have taken a settled course, substantially conformable to those principles by which their publick conduct had been always governed: an event on which they did not rely, but which they considered as much more probable under him, than under the said Thomas Jefferson; and this greater probability was the sole ground on which they felt it their duty to vote for him, in preference to the said Thomas Jefferson.
Among those who urged these principles the most warmly, were Thomas Pinckney, John Rutledge, Roger Griswold, and James A. Bayard.—They were also supported, on that and every other occasion, by this deponent; and appeared to be universally adopted. The idea of any intercourse, communication or stipulations with the said A. Burr was, as this deponent then supposed and now believes, wholly abandoned. This happened, as well as this deponent recollects, while the said David A. Ogden was at Washington. This deponent saw that gentleman there, and sometimes conversed with him on indifferent subjects; but knew nothing of his business, and never spoke to him respecting the election of president; except, perhaps, in the course of conversation, to make to him some of those general observations to which such an event must always give rise, and which were then in every person's mouth.
This deponent doth not know, and hath not been informed, that the plaintiff made any declaration whatever concerning the election of president, further than is contained in a letter said to have been written by him to Samuel Smith, then a representative from the state of Maryland, which appeared in the publick prints: neither had this deponent any communication with the plaintiff, nor the plaintiff with him, on the subject of that election, further than is stated above: nor does he know that any other person had such communication with the plaintiff, further than having seen, about that time, in the hands of Josiah Parker, then a representative from Virginia, a letter to him, said to be from the plaintiff, and containing, as far as this deponent recollects, some general observations respecting the election, by way of answer to some letter from the said Parker on that subject; but what those observations were, or what was their substance or general import, this deponent does not recollect; from circumstances he believes that they were not very particular or important.
This deponent never did receive any letter from the late general Hamilton, respecting the elections spoken of in this interrogatory; nor doth he know that any measures, other than he hath already stated, were suggested or presented to secure the election of the plaintiff; or that the plaintiff had any information on that subject, further than this deponent hath already stated.
This deponent had reason to believe that the state of New Jersey, and probably those of Tenes-

ENGLISH KID SHOES.  WOOD & HASTINGS, HAVE JUST RECEIVED, 1 trunk fashionable English Kid Shoes, For Sale at a very low price. To close a consignment, they will sell the best of Hussar BOOTS at 8 Dolls. per pair, backstrap do. 10 do. do. June 9.
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 19.
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Messrs. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
NOTICE. Whenever hereafter any person or persons, shall prefer his or their petition, to the Judge of the Virginia District, for the purpose of obtaining a mitigation or remission of any fine, penalty or forfeiture, incurred under the laws of the United States, such petition must be deposited with the Clerk of the District Court, and by him, be transmitted to the Judge. By order of the Honorable Cyrus Griffin, Judge of the United States for the District of Virginia. Teste, Seth Foster, Clerk. June 15.
I will give Cash for barrel STAVES for fifteen days from this date. Moses Myers. June 6.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of
Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2 lb. lb. 4d. Nails, do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d. 5d. do. do. 2s. 3d. or 12 1-2d. Sheathing, do. 7 1-2d. 6d. Sprigs, do. 4s. 6d. per M. 8d. do. do. 2s. 9d. 10d. do. do. 2s. 3d. He offers also for cash only—  HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street May 30.
FOR RENT. The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Blanchard. April 7.
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Maclure. March 2.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter,  An assortment of MEDICINES, of the best quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre. Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters. Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries.  MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5.
Fresh-Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation. Also on Hand,  25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hhd. old Antigua Rum, 20 hhd. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware. A few quarter casks of Sherry and Tenerife Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Domjohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26.
For SALE. 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hoghead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store,  Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18.
Mackinder & White, Have just received from on board the schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia,  150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO,  A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Superior superior Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, &c. which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms. Also a few barrels of prime Southfield MESS FORK. Feb. 18.
TRIAL OF COMMODORE BARRON. As soon as a sufficient number of Subscriptions are procured, to defray the cost of the Paper,  WILL BE PUBLISHED,  AT THE LEDGER OFFICE, NORFOLK.
THE WHOLE PROCEEDINGS IN THE TRIALS OF Commodore JAMES BARRON, Capt. CHARLES GORDON, Commandant of the United States Frigate Chesapeake, JOHN HALL, Esq., Captain of Marines, and WILLIAM HOOK, Gunner. These Trials will be found highly interesting to the public in general, and to the Officers of the United States Navy in particular. Every circumstance relative to the important affair, which gave occasion for these Trials, will be found detailed with great exactness; and many official documents which have not yet been published will appear with this work. The interest which the nation has taken in this affair, and the circumstances connected with it, render it unnecessary that the Publisher should offer any remarks upon the value of the work. Officers of the Navy will be greatly interested in having the proceedings of the most important Trials that have occurred in the service. The Publisher has been favoured with a record of the proceedings; he will pay particular attention to the correct execution of the work, which it is expected will contain from two hundred and fifty to three hundred pages, octavo.
CONDITIONS. I. The work will be printed on a good fair type, and on good paper. II. The price to Subscribers will be One Dollar and Seventy-five Cents, in board, delivered at any place where Subscriptions are received, according to order. III. The amount of Subscription to be paid on delivery of the Work. IV. The usual allowance to the trade. Subscription Papers will be sent in a few days to the principal towns in the United States, of which notice will be given in the papers of those towns. To the EDITORS OF PAPERS who will give this advertisement a few insertions, the publisher will be much obliged, and reciprocate whenever they may request it. The Editor of the Publick Ledger.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has established  A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY. For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those who will be well served who choose to promote an institution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.  New SHOES from New-York, as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 13s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.
Gentlemen's SHOES and PUMPS of many kinds, made in his factory, and in Newark.  VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt elegant—Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very few gentlemen who cannot be fitted. A few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cottons, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. A few Casks of  Best LONDON PORTER. July 6.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.  At a Hastings Court continued and held the 25th day of May, 1808. Cornelius Cruywaygan, Compt' vs. Maritz Bozellis and Moses Myers, Defendants.
The defendant Maritz Bozellis not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is now ordered that the said defendant Maritz Bozellis, do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper or printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of said Borough: and it is further ordered, that the defendant Moses Myers who hath effects of the said Maritz Bozellis in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.  At a Hastings Court continued and held the 24th day of May, 1808. Thomas Jones, Compt' vs. Thomas Wright, administrator with the will annexed of Thomas Newton, deceased. Defendant. The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of the said Borough. A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
VIRGINIA, to wit:  At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808. Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs. Against Mary Selater, widow and devisee for life of John Selater, deceased, Richard and William S. Selater, sons and devisees of the said John Selater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb and infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Selater, deceased, and as executor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Selater, deceased, Defendants. On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
NOTES OF HAND. according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.
FRANCIS SMITH, Has for Sale,  400 boxes white and brown Cuba SUGAR, 4 hogheads and 20 barrels Muscovado Sugar, 25 puncheons Grenada and 5 punch. choice old Antigua Rum; 5000 wt. Green Coffee; 150 sacks Salt 3 pipes, 3 hhd. and 35 dozen choice old London Particular Madeira Wine; 1 pipe very choice Shrub, 12 tiers Rice; 23 boxes 10 by 12 Window Glass, 1 box 7-8 Irish Linen; 1 trunk Calico; 1 box Hats, 1 case Jeans and Dimities. In Store, and will be Sold by retail, 500 barrels Corn; 180 bbls. and 50 half barrels superfine Flour; 50 kegs Jamieson's Crackers. July 1.
The Subscriber is disposed to Contract for a quantity of BRICKS and LIME. Terms will be made known on application to John Saunders, Ast. M. Agent Fort Nelson, June 17.
Landing at Southgate and Dickson's wharf, from the ship Fame, from Jamaica, and for Sale,  86 puncheons choice 4th proof Rum, 20 hogheads do. Molasses, 4 casks Ginger; 18 bags Pimento. William Dickson. June 13.
LABOURERS WANTING.
The President and Directors of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company want to hire for the ensuing season, a number of Hands to work on the Canal; they will be provided with good wholesome food, and the usual quantity of whiskey per diem—liberal wages will be given, and their wages paid at the end of every month. Apply to Richard Blow, William Cannack, or Samuel Proctor, Overseer. May 5.
LANDING From on board the Swedish Sloop Africana, captain Portelly, from St. Bartholomews,  2800 HIDES, Spanish, 10 tiers fine Green Mangle Coffee, 15 barrels Flotation INDIGO—For Sale by Wilson, Cunningham, & Co. IN STORE,  10,000 wt. good COFFEE, 15 hogheads good 2d quality SUGAR, 10 do. N. E. RUM. May 27.
WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received from Baltimore and Philadelphia, a handsome assortment of  SPRING GOODS, which with their goods on hand, comprise a large and general assortment, and they will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash only. May 9.
NOTICE.  The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
Phœnix Fire-Office.
The Subscriber, Agent to the PHŒNIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals herunto subjoined. N B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agents, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8.
FOR SALE.  30,000 acres valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana—Particulars with regard to local advantages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to purchasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS TUNNO, in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER, in Savannah. Feb. 8.
ADVERTISEMENT. A good Price will be given for the  First Vol. of the History of France, BY GIFFORD. This Book was sent to the late Mr. M'Kirk to be bound, and sold at Auction with the rest. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 29.
Two thousand Spanish HIDES, For Sale by William Plume, & Co. June 6.
NOTICE.  The Subscribers have removed to the Warehouse, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
NOTICE.  The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
On Hand,  A few qr. casks of choice Tenerife WINE, And a few kegs fresh Dutch HERRINGS—For sale by the Subscriber. Moses Myers. April 25.
WHITE JEANS, &c. Just Received  A few pieces very fine White JEANS, Real Patent NANKINEENS, Best NAVY CLOTHS, and fashionable BUTTONS. For Sale by WOOD & HASTINGS. May 9.
Dr. Tissot's celebrated Gout and Rheumatism Drops.
The Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, and the various disorders of the same nature, are so exquisitely painful, and so difficult to be cured, that they have justly excited the attention of the most stretch of medical investigation. Some professional gentlemen have excelled in one department of the sciences; others in another. Dr. Tissot particularly has long been renowned for the superiority of his prescriptions, in chronic diseases, and the length of time which elapsed during his sole attention to the nature and effects and cure of these affections, render the medicines which he recommended of invaluable importance. The beneficial effects of these drops, have been so often experienced, and their extraordinary efficacy has been attested by witnesses so numerous and so unimpeachably credible, that incredulity itself cannot doubt the virtues of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops. Large quantities have already been vendued, and the sale is now become so general, and their certainty in curing the disorders of a chronic nature is so completely ascertained, that certificates of their unbounded utility are now unnecessary. Testimonies of their value, and a volume of attested cases performed by them, may be seen upon application at T. W. Dyott's genuine Drug and Patent Medicine Warehouse, No. 57, South Second Street, Philadelphia. The price of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops, is only two dollars per bottle, with copious directions. Generous allowances made to those who are to sell again. Of the many respectable testimonies of the effects of the above Drops, which have been received by the proprietor, we beg leave to annex the following:  Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton. I certify that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and a few lumps, I was advised to apply to Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the directions, they effected a perfect cure. Another time my wrist was affected with rheumatism to such a degree, as to render my hand for the time useless, when on application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder—the course of the twenty-four hours was entirely removed. Therefore, from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it a beneficial act to recommend it in similar cases to others. (Signed) C. RIDGELY, of Hampton.
Certificate of John Gibson, Esq. one of the Directors of the Farmers' Bank of Maryland. I certify that about a year since, my left hand received an injury by a fall; in a few hours after it was affected with a most excruciating pain, to that I was unable to walk, with crutches. I was apprehensive that the accident would induce a fever, and that the pain, with which I had been frequently attacked, in this situation one of my friends highly recommended and earnestly advised me to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops; I immediately procured them, and made the application; in less than three hours the pain entirely abated, which had been so severe, as to deprive me of sleep for several nights. By a few further applications, a rest of sleep succeeded. I have frequently used them in other cases, both with myself, and recommended them to others with invincible success. (Signed) JOHN GIBSON.
Certificate of Mrs. Mary Taylor. I, Mary Taylor, No. 135, Lombard Street, Philadelphia, aged upwards of seventy years, having been afflicted with very violent rheumatism pains for more than eight years, being recommended to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops, on only using half a bottle every rheumatism effect was completely removed, and I have continued free from all pain ever since; as witness my hand. MARY TAYLOR.
The above drops are sold wholesale and retail only by BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co. Norfolk. ALSO,  DR. ROBERTSON'S  Patent Stomachick Wine Bitters. Celebrated and well known for their superior qualities in restoring weak constitutions; destroying Worms, cleansing and strengthening, giving a proper tone to the stomach, and increasing the appetite—a frequent use of them is a certain preventative against the complaints so common in the spring and fall. Such as intermitting fevers, agues, autumnal fevers, dysenteries, &c. &c. &c. They are particularly serviceable to those who make long sea voyages, and are exposed to unhealthy climates, as a powerful preservative against contagious disorders.
PRO BONO PUBLICO.  Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Blacking, prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beautifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but by experience; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recommended to sportsmen and gentlemen who are much exposed to the wet—Also for cleaning Harness, as it will effectually prevent the water from penetrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the touch, giving it also a beautiful jet black gloss, a proof of which may be seen at the warehouse. The above Blacking is prepared and sold only by T. W. DYOTT, at his Medical Warehouse, No. 11, North Second Street, Philadelphia; also by his appointment, at BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co's Book-Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVELL & CONRAD'S, Petersburg.
Where also may be had,  The IMPERIAL WASH, And new invented LIQUID, For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots. May 20. lawly
FOR RENT,  That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also,  That convenient House, where Mr. Cornelius Calvert formerly lived; they have very fine gardens and all convenient out-houses—possession may be had on the first day of May next, on application to James Tucker. April 13.
NOTICE.  Lost, a CERTIFICATE, certifying my right to four Shares in the Virginia Bank Stock, in consequence of which I shall make application to the Bank for a new one. I request that any person who shall get possession of it, will return it to the subscriber. Edward Watson. April 15. lawly
BANK STOCK LOST. LOST, Certificates for Ten Shares of VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, standing in the name of Ann and Rebecca Bagg. Any person who has, or may find the said certificates, will please to deliver them to the subscriber. Wm. G. Camp. April 13. lawly
1500 sacks SALT, Liverpool filled, 6000 bushels do. loose, and 30 crates Earthenware—For Sale on board the Ship S. chem, by A. Maclure. May 6.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper,  20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Mattress Ticking, 60 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26.
NORFOLK. PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK,  BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR. Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.