Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1806-02-05 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER.
VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 5. 1806.
[NO. 87.]
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION.
For a Port in France, The fine coppered SHIP BELFAST, Gen. W. CARMAN, Master, burthen about 400 hogsheads Tobacco, great part of her cargo being engaged; she will sail with all convenient speed—For freight of the remainder, apply to Messrs. Rambaut, Gemon, & co. of Petersburg, Mr. Warren Ashley, or John & James Galwey. Feb. 3. tf 486
Wanted Immediately, A VESSEL, Of about 150 tons, to bring a cargo of Log-wood from Lymehaven Bay. Apply to John C. Niemeyer. Feb. 3. 3t 483
FOR NEW-YORK, The Ship NAIKING, Will sail in six days—Freight will be taken on moderate terms—Apply to Phinehas Dana & Co. January 20 tf 444
FOR LIVERPOOL, The Brig COMMERCE, John Price, Master, Will sail in ten days, and can take 40 or 50 hlds. on freight, if immediate application be made to Moses Myers. January 17. 438
FOR CHARTER, The Schooner LIBERTY, Joshua Bangs, Master, An excellent vessel, will carry about 1200 barrels—For terms, apply to the master on board, or to Moses Myers. January 8. 3w 423
FOR A PORT IN FRANCE, The fine, newly coppered, fast sailing SHIP HIGHLAND MARY, Will take freight to amount of 200 hogsheads Tobacco on liberty; will be ready in a few days.—Apply to Mr. PETER GORDON, or to Geo. Murray, & Co. January 8. tf 419
FOR CHARTER, The Brig HARRIOT, Robert Leech, Master, Apply to Phinehas Dana & Co. Who have received for said Brig, 7 hogsheads N. E. RUM, 17 barrels do. 9 do. SUGAR, 12 do. BEEF, 10 casks RAISINS, 1 hhd. MOLASSES, 9 quintals FISH, 2 bbls. MACKEREL, 5000 BRICKS. January 9. tf 403
The fine new fast sailing Schooner FAME, Wm. Warnom, master, burthen about 700 barrels, now in complete order for the reception of a cargo—will take a freight to the West-Indies if applied for in a few days. Apply to the master on board, or to D. R. Waddey, & Co. Dec. 30. tf 387
THE SLOOP GEORGE, Russell Towler, Master, burthen about 400 barrels, wants a freight to Charleston, S. C. or Savannah. Apply to the master, or D. R. Waddey, & Co. Dec. 30. tf 388
For Sale, Freight, or Charter, The American BRIG THOMAS, A. HANNAH, Master, burthen about 1500 barrels Flour. For terms apply to Robert Gibson. Dec. 30. tf 350
For Freight or Charter, The good Ship Amiable Antoniette, John Williams master, now in complete order to receive a cargo—A port in France will be preferred. Apply to the master on board, or to William Hartshorne, Jun. Dec. 30. 391
Wanted to Charter, A SHIP, of about 300 hogsheads burthen, to load for Falmouth and a Market. —Also—
A VESSEL, of about 1000 barrels, to load for Madeira.—Apply to Robert Maitland, & Co. Jan. 27. 4w 464
FOR SALE ON VERY LIBERAL TERMS, The good Brig COMMERCE, Burthen 1100 barrels.—Apply to William Hartshorne, Jr. Who offers for Sale,
SHERRY. MALAGA TENERIFFE, particular LOAF SUGAR, CLARET in hds. and boxes, FIGS in frails, Alexandria CRACKERS. January 24. tf 462
LIVERPOOL SALT. A Cargo of Stoved SALT, on board the Alexander—For Sale on moderate terms by J. & W. Southgate. A few hundred bushels COALS. Feb. 9. 3w 487
ST. UBES SALT. For SALE on board the Swedish Ship Redlighten, Captain Fagerberg, A quantity of excellent St. Ubes Salt. Apply to Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. Feb. 3. 2w 488
Jamaica } RUM, Grenada } Prime and } PORK, Mess } Petersburg & } TOBACCO, For Sale by Rapahannock } C. & F. Whittle. Feb. 3. 6t 478
TO RENT, A Ware-House on Commerce-Street Wharf.—Apply to William Plume, & Co. Feb. 3. tf 482
Now landing from on board the Sloop Director, and for SALE at the Ware-House formerly occupied by Messrs. James and Thomas Tucker, Maxwell's-wharf, 5 Pipes Cogniac BRANDY, 5 Hogsheads MOLASSES, 20 Casks Malaga WINE, 50 Barrels SUGAR, 20 do. Prime New-York PORK, 20 do. do. BEEF, 10 do. do. APPLES, 50 Boxes Mould and Dipped CANDLES, 10 do. SOAP, 10 Chests Souchong } TEA. 2 do. Imperial } 1 do. Hyson } All of which will be Sold low or exchanged for Country Produce. James M'Clenachan. Feb. 3. tf 485
CAUTION. Landlords and Shop-Keepers are hereby cautioned against trusting any of the crew of the Swedish Ship Redlighten, as I am determined to pay no debts of their contracting. S. P. Fagerberg, Captain. Feb. 3. 4t 454
WANTED TO PURCHASE, A NEGRO WOMAN, who is a good House Servant and Sempstress; one without children will be preferred. For one well recommended, a liberal price will be given. Apply to the Editor. Feb. 3. tf 479
SWEDES IRON. A few tons just received by Schooner Mohawk, from Copenhagen, for Sale by Moses Myers. Jan. 22. tf 454
Norfolk Drawbridge. The President and Directors of the Norfolk Drawbridge Company, have this Day declared a Dividend of Seventy Cents on each Share in the Capital Stock of the said Bridge, equal to three and half per cent. for the half year, which will be paid after the 12th February, on application to William Cammack, Treasurer. Jan. 22. tenth Feb. 465
ST. UBES SALT. The CARGO of the Swedish Ship Princess Wilhelmina, consisting of about 14,000 bushels St. Ubes SALT, of an excellent quality—For sale on liberal terms if taken a-boat. Apply to Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. Jan. 22. 6t 436
Just arrived, and will be landed at Campbell and Wheelers' wharf, out of the British brig Mary, from St. Vincent, 40 Hogsheads Prime SUGARS, and a few puncheons RUM—to be sold on liberal terms by Robert Dickson. Jan. 22. 6t 457
FRANCIS SMITH, Has opened his Vendue and Commission Office at the Store lately occupied by Messrs. Bowman and Walker, No. 48, Main-Street. Jan. 20. tf 451
If George William Clarke who left England for this Country in July, 1802, is living, he will hear of something to his advantage on application at this office. Norfolk, Jan. 15. tf 493
Wanted to Purchase or Hire, A smart active Negro MAN, From 20 to 23 years of age. Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Jan. 10. 46
JUST LANDED, 25 Hogsheads Choice MOLASSES. For Sale by Thos. H. Parker. Jan. 10. tf 426
FOR SALE, The CARGO of the Schooner Elizabeth Margaret, now landing on Marsden's Wharf, 342 boxes White & Brown Havanna Sugars, 28 Hogsheads MOLASSES, 5 do. HONEY.—For terms apply to John Brown. January 6. tf 412
FOR SALE, Liverpool Salt, Kendal Cottons, &c. The CARGO of the Ship Industry, Neal Wright, master, from Liverpool—Consisting of 12,000 Bushels SALT, 8 Bales Kendal COTTONS, 10 Casks COPPER, 18 and 20 oz. 18 Sugar BOILERS, of 150 gallons each, 3 Hogsheads SKIMMERS and LADLES, 4 Casks Copper NAILS.—Apply to William Pennock. December 20. tf 367
TO THE President of the United States, AND THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Of the U. States of America, in Congress assembled. THE MEMORIAL OF THE MERCHANTS AND TRADERS OF THE CITY OF BALTIMORE.
Your memorialists beg leave respectfully to submit to your consideration the following statement and reflections, produced by a situation of our publick affairs in a high degree critical and perilous, and peculiarly affecting the commerce of their country:—
In the early part of the war between Great Britain and France, the former undertook to prohibit neutral nations from all trade whatsoever with the colonies of the latter. This exorbitant pretension was not long persisted in. It was soon qualified in favour of a direct trade between the United States and these colonies, and some years afterwards was farther relaxed in favour of European neutrals. The United States being thus admitted, by the express acknowledgment of Great Britain, to a direct trade, without limit, between their own ports and the colonies of the opposite belligerents, another trade naturally and necessarily grew out of it, or rather formed one of its principal objects and inducements. The surplus of the colonial produce, beyond our own consumption, imported here, was to be carried elsewhere for a market, and it was accordingly carried to Europe, sometimes by the original importer, sometimes by other American merchants, either in the vessels in which the importation was made, or in others. In the course of this traffic it was understood to be the sense of Great Britain, and was explicitly declared by the courts of prize, that although she had not expressly allowed to the merchants of the United States, by the letter of her relaxations, an immediate trade between the colonies of her enemies and the markets of Europe, yet that a circuitous trade to Europe, in the production of those colonies, was unexceptionable, and that nothing more was necessary to make it so, than that the continuity of the voyage should be broken by an entry, and payment of duties, and the landing of the colonial cargo in the United States. During the greater part of the late war, and the first years of the present, this trade was securely prosecuted by our merchants, in the form which Great Britain had thus thought fit to give to it. The modification of a traffic in itself entitled to be free, was submitted to on our part without repining, because it presented a clear and definite rule of conduct, which although authorised in the light of a restriction, was not greatly inconvenient in its practical operation; and your memorialists entertained a confident hope, that, while on the one hand they sought no change of system, by which the assumption of Great Britain to impose terms, however mild in their character and effect upon their lawful commerce, should be repelled;—on the other hand it would not be desired that the state of things which G. Britain had herself prescribed, and which use and habit had rendered familiar and intelligible to all, should be disturbed by oppressive innovation; far less that these innovations should, by a tyrannical retrospection, be made to justify the seizure and confiscation of their property committed to the high seas under the protection of the existing rule, and without warning of the intended change. In this their just hope your memorialists have been fatally disappointed. Their vessels and effects, to a large amount, have lately been captured by the commissioned cruisers of Great Britain, upon the foundation of new principles, suddenly invented and applied to this habitual traffic, and suggested and promulgated for the first time, by sentences of condemnation, by which unavoidable ignorance has been considered as criminal, and an honourable confidence in the justice of a friendly nation pursued with penalty and forfeiture.
Your memorialists are in no situation to state the precise nature of the rules to which their most important interests have thus been sacrificed—and it is not the least of their complaints against them that they are undefined and undefinable, equivocal in their form, and the fit instruments of oppression, by reason of their ambiguity.
Your memorialists know that the circumstances which have heretofore been admitted to give legality to their trade in colonial productions, with their European friends, protect it no longer—but they have not yet been told, and are not likely to learn, what other circumstances will be suffered to produce that consequence. It is supposed to have been judiciously declared in general, that a voyage undertaken for the purpose of bringing into the United States the produce of the belligerent colonies, purchased by American citizens, shall, if it appears to be intended that this produce shall ultimately go on to Europe, and an attempt is actually made to re-export and send it thither, be considered on account of that intention as a direct voyage to Europe, and therefore illegal, notwithstanding any temporary interruption or termination of it in the United States.
Your memorialists will not here stop to enquire upon what ground of law or reason, the same act is held to be legal when commenced with one intention and illegal when commenced with another; but they object in the strongest terms against this new criterion of legality, because of its inevitable tendency to injustice, because of its peculiar capacity to embarrass with seizure, and to ruin with confiscation the whole of our trade with Europe in the surplus of our colonial importations. The enquiry which the late system indicated was short and simple, and precluded error on all sides; but the new refinement substitutes in its place a vast field of speculation over-shadowed with doubt and uncertainty, and of which the faint and shifting boundaries can never be distinctly known. Intention as to the object of our colonial voyage may be inferred from numerous circumstances more or less conclusive.—To anticipate them all is obviously impracticable, and of course to guard against the inferences in this respect, which British captors and British courts may be disposed to draw, will be impossible. Our property is therefore menaced by a great and formidable danger, which there are no means of eluding; for even if it should chance to escape the condemnation which this pernicious novelty prepares for it, the wound inflicted upon our commerce by arrestations on suspicion and detentions for adjudication, will be deep and fatal. The efforts of our merchants will be checked and discouraged by more than ordinary inquisitions; our best concerted enterprises broken up, without the hope of retribution, or even reimbursement for actual costs, upon the footing of an intention arbitrarily imputed; and the only alternative which will be presented to our choice, will be either to refrain at once from a traffic which enriches our country while it benefits ourselves, or to see it wasted and in the end destroyed by a noxious scheme of maritime depredation.
Your memorialists are the more alarmed by this departure from a plain and settled rule, in favour of a pliant and mysterious doctrine, so well suited to the accomplishment of the worst purposes of commercial jealousy, because the injurious and vexatious qualities of the substituted rule have been known to those who introduced it, and because if these qualities did not recommend it to adoption, it is difficult to conceive why it was adopted at all. If it is meant that our trade to Europe shall, notwithstanding this rule, be allowed to continue without being subjected to extraordinary difficulties, operating as actual reductions and mischievous restraints; if it is meant that a few facts known and comprehended, shall as heretofore, form a standard by which the lawfulness of our European voyages may be unequivocally ascertained; if a wide range has not been designed for the enquiry after intention and a real effect expected from that enquiry; if, in a word, the late regulation has not been supposed to be capable of bearing upon our trade in a manner new and important, we should hardly have been called upon to remonstrate against a change. It is not pretended that the rule now enforced against us, is levelled against any practice to which we may be supposed to have lent ourselves, of disguising as our own, the property of the enemies of Great Britain. This is not its object; and if it were, we are enabled to assert, solemnly and confidently, that our conduct has afforded no ground for the injurious suspicion which such an object would imply. The view is professedly to regulate and affect our traffick in articles fairly purchased by us from others; and if the consequences to that traffick were not intended to be serious, extensive and permanent, your memorialists search in vain for the motive by which a state in amity with our own, and moreover connected with it by the ties of a common interest, to which many considerations seem to give peculiar strength, has been induced to indulge in a paroxysm of capricious aggression upon our rights, by which it dishonours itself, without promoting any of those great interests for which an enlightened nation may fairly beseech, and which only a steady regard for justice can ultimately secure. When we see a powerful state in possession of a commerce of which the world affords no examples, endeavouring to interpolate into the laws of nations casuistical niceties and wayward distinctions, which forbid any of the citizens of another independent commercial country, to export from that country what unquestionably belongs to him, only because he imported it himself; and yet allow him to sell a right of exporting it to another—which prohibit an end because it arises out of one intention, but permit it when it arises out of two—which dividing an act into stages, search into the mind for a correspondent division of it in the contemplation of its author, and determine its innocence or criminality accordingly—which, not denying that the property acquired in an authorised traffick by neutral nations from belligerents, may become incorporated into the national stock, and under the shelter of its neutral character, thus superinduced and still preserved, be afterwards transported to every quarter of the globe—reject the only epoch which can distinctly mark that incorporation, and point out none other in its place—which proposing to fix with accuracy and precision the line of demarcation, beyond which neutrals are trespassers upon the wide domain of belligerent rights, involve every thing in darkness and confusion;—there can be but one opinion as to the purpose which all this is to accomplish.
Your memorialists have endeavoured with all that attention which their natural anxiety was calculated to produce, to ascertain the various shapes which the doctrine in question is likely to assume in practice, but they have found it impossible to conjecture in what way, consistently with this doctrine, the excess of our imports from the belligerent colonies can find their way to foreign markets. The landing of the cargo, and a compliance with all the forms and sanctions upon which our revenue depends, will not so terminate the voyage from the colonies, as that the article may be immediately re-exported to Europe by the original importer. But if they cannot be exported immediately, what lapse of time will give them a title to be sent abroad? and if not by the original importer, how is he to devolve upon another a power which he has not himself? and if by a sale he can communicate the power, by what evidence is the transfer to be manifested so as to furnish an answer to the ready accusation of fraud and evasion?
In proportion as this doctrine has developed itself, it has been found necessary to invent plausible qualifications tending to conceal its real character from observation. It has accordingly been surmised, that notwithstanding the obstacles which it provides against the re-exportation of a colonial cargo by the importer, such a re-exportation may perhaps be lawful. Attempts on his part to sell in the United States, without effect, (which must often happen) may it is supposed, be sufficient to save him from the peril of the rule:—But admitting it to be certain instead of being barely possible that these attempts would form any thing like security against final condemnation, it is still more material to ask, how they are to afford protection against seizure, by what document they can be proved to the satisfaction of those to whom interest suggests doubts, and whom impunity encourages to act upon them? The formal transactions of the custom-house once deserted as criteria, the cargo must be followed through private transfers into the warehouses of individual merchants; and when proofs have been prepared with the utmost regularity to establish those transfers, or the other facts which may be deemed to be equivalent, they are still liable to be suspected and will be suspected, as fictitious and colourable, and capture will be the consequence.
For the loss and damage which capture brings along with it, British courts of prize grant no adequate indemnity. Redress to any extent is difficult—to a competent extent impossible; and even the costs which an iniquitous seizure compel a neutral merchant to incur in the defence of his violated rights, before their own tribunals, are seldom decreed and never paid.
Your memorialists have thus far complained only of the recent abandonment by Great Britain, of a known rule by which the oppressive character of an important principle of her maritime code has heretofore been greatly mitigated.—But they now beg leave to enter their solemn protest against the principle itself as an arbitrary and unfounded pretension, by which the just liberty of neutral commerce is impaired and abridged and may be wholly destroyed.
The reasons upon which Great Britain assumes to herself a right to interdict to the independent nation of the earth a commercial intercourse with the colonies of her enemies (out of the relaxation of which pretended right has arisen the distinction in her courts, between the American trade from the same colonies to Europe) will we are confidently persuaded be repelled with firmness and effect by our government.

It is said by the advocates of this high belligerent claim that neutral nations have no right to carry on with either of the parties at war any other trade than they have actually enjoyed in time of peace. This position forms the basis upon which Great Britain has heretofore rested her supposed title to prevent altogether, or to modify at her discretion, the interposition of neutrals in the colonial trade of her adversaries.
But, if, we are called upon to admit the truth of this position, it seems reasonable that the converse of it should also be admitted; that war should not be allowed to disturb the customary trade of neutrals in peace; that the peace-traffick should, in every view, be held to be the measure of the war-traffick; and that, as, on the one hand, there can be no enlargement, on the other there shall be no restriction. What however is the fact? the first moment of hostilities annihilates the commerce of the nations at peace, in articles deemed contraband of war; the property of the belligerents can no longer be carried in neutral ships; they are subject to visitation on the high seas—to harassing and vexatious search—to detention for judicial enquiry—and to the peril of unjust confiscations. They are shut out from their usual markets, not only by military enterprizes against particular places, carried on with a view to their reduction, but by a vast system of blockade, affecting and closing up the entire ports of a whole nation. Such have been the recent effects of an European war upon the trade of this neutral country;—and the prospect of the future affords no consolation for the past. The triumphant fleets of one of the contending powers cover the ocean; the navy of her enemies, the communications by sea, with France and Spain and Holland, seems to depend upon her will, and she asserts a right to destroy it at her pleasure. She forbids us from transporting in our vessels, as in peace we could, the properties of her enemies—enforces against us a vigorous list of contraband articles; dams up the great channels of our ordinary trade; abridges, trammels and obstructs what she permits us to prosecute—and then refers us to our accustomed traffick in time of peace for the criterion of our commercial rights, in order to justify the consummation of that ruin, with which our lawful commerce is menaced by her maxims and her conduct. This principle, therefore, cannot be a sound one. It wants uniformity and consistency; is partial, unequal and delusive. It makes every thing bend to the rights of war, while it affects to look back to, and to recognize the state of things in peace, as the foundation and the measure of the rights of neutrals. Professedly to respect the established and habitual trade of the nations at peace, it affords no shadow of security for any part of it. Professedly to be an equitable standard for the ascertainment of neutral rights it deprives them of all body and substance, and leaves them only a plausible and unreal appearance of magnitude and importance. It delivers them over, in a word, to the mercy of the states at war, as objects of legitimate hostility; and while it seems to define, does in fact extinguish them. Such is the faithful picture of the theory and practical operation of this doctrine.
But, independent of the considerations thus arising out of the immediate interference of belligerent rights, and belligerent conduct, with the freedom of neutral trade; by which the fallacy of the appeal, to the precise state of our peace trade, as limiting the nature and extent of our trade in war, is sufficiently manifested; there are other considerations which satisfactorily prove the utter inadmissibility of this principle.
It is impossible that war among the primary powers of Europe, should not, in an endless variety of shapes, materially affect the whole civilized world. Its operation upon the prices of labour and commodities, upon the value of money, upon exchange, upon the rates of freight and insurance, is great and important. But it does much more than all this. It imposes upon commerce in the gross and in its details a new character; gives to it a new direction; and places it upon a new foundation. It abolishes one class of demands, and creates or revives others, and diminishes or augments the rest—and, while the wants of mankind are infinitely varied by its powerful agency, both in object and degree, the modes and sources of supply, and the means of payment, are infinitely varied also.
To prescribe to neutral trade, thus irresistibly influenced, and changed, and moulded by this imperious agent a fixed and unalterable station, would be to say, that it shall remain the same, when not to vary is impossible; and to require, since change is unavoidable, that it shall submit to the ruinous retrenchments and modifications which war produces, and yet refrain from indemnifying itself by the fair advantages which war offers to it as an equivalent, cannot be warranted by any rule of reason or equity, or by any law, to which the great community of nations owes respect and obedience.
When we examine the conduct of the maritime powers of Europe, in all the wars in which they have been engaged for upwards of a century, we find that each of them has occasionally departed from its schemes of colonial monopoly; relaxed its navigation laws; and otherwise admitted neutrals, for a longer or a shorter space, as circumstances required to modes of trade, from which they were generally excluded. This universal practice, this constant and invariable usage, for a long series of years, would seem to have established, among European nations, a sort of customary law upon the subject of it, from which no single power could be at liberty to depart, in search of a questionable theory, at variance with it. Great Britain is known to suspend, in war, and on account of war, her famous act of navigation, to which she is supposed to owe her maritime greatness, and which, as the palladium of her power, she holds inviolable in peace; and her colonies are frequently thrown open, and neutrals invited to supply them when she cannot supply them herself. She makes treaties in the midst of war (she made such a treaty with us) by which neutrals are received into a participation of an extensive traffick, to which before they had no title. And can she be suffered to object, that the same, or analogous acts, are unlawful in her enemies; or that, when neutrals avail themselves of similar concessions made by her opponents, they are guilty or liable to punishment, as for a criminal intrusion into an irregular and prohibited commerce?
The weight of this consideration has been felt by the advocates of this doctrine; and it has accordingly, been attempted to evade it by a distinction, which admits the legality of all such relaxations in war, of the general, commercial, or colonial systems of the belligerents, as do not arise out of the predominance of the enemy's force, or out of any necessity resulting from it. It is apparent, however, that such relaxations, whether dictated by the actual ascertainment of the enemy's force, or not, do arise out of the state of war, and are almost universally produced and compelled by it—that they are intended as reliefs against evils which war has brought along with it; and that the opposite belligerent has just as much right to insist, that these evils shall not be removed by neutral aid or interposition, as if they were produced by the general preponderance of her own power, upon the land, or upon the sea, or by the general success of her arms. In the one case as completely as in the other, the interference of the neutral lightens the pressure of war; increases the capacity to bear its calamities, or the power to inflict them; and supplies the means of comfort and of strength. In both cases the practical effect is the same, and the legal consequences should be the same
also. But whence are we to derive the conclusion of fact, upon which this extraordinary distinction is made to turn? How are we to determine, with precision and certainty the exact cause, which opens to us the ports of a nation at war, to analyze the various circumstances, of which, perhaps the concession may be the combined effect; and to assign to each the just portion of influence, to which it has a claim?
How easy it is to deceive ourselves, on a subject of this kind; Great Britain will herself instruct us, by a recent example. Her courts of prize have insisted, that during the war, which ended in the peace of Amiens, France was compelled, to open the ports of her colonies, by a necessity, created and imposed by the naval prowess of her enemies; and yet these ports were opened in February, 1793, when France and her maritime adversaries had not measured their strength in a single conflict; when no naval enterprize had been undertaken by the latter, far less crowned with success; when the lists were not even entered, and when the superiority, afterwards acquired by Great Britain in particular, was yet a problem; when the spirit of the French nation and government was lifted up to an unexampled height, by the enthusiasm of the day, and by the splendid achievements, by which their armies had recently conquered Savoy, the country of Nice, Worms and other places upon the Rhine, the Austrian low countries, and Liege. It would seem to be next to impossible to contend that a concession made by France to neutrals, on the subject of her colony trade, at such a period of exultation and triumph, was "compelled by the prevalence of British arms;" that it was "the fruit of British victories," or the result of "British conquest;" that it "arose out of the predominance of the enemy's force;" that it was produced by "that sort of necessity, which springs from the impossibility of otherwise providing against the urgency of distress, inflicted by the hand of a superior enemy;" and that "it was a signal of defeat and depression!" It would seem to be impossible to say of a traffick, so derived, "That it could obtain, or did obtain, by no other title than the success of the one belligerent against the other, and at the expense of that very belligerent, under whose success the neutral sets up his title." Yet all these things have been solemnly said and maintained; and have even been made the foundation of acts by which the property of our citizens has been wrested from their hands. It cannot be believed, that the law of nations have entrusted to a belligerent, the power of harassing the trade, and confiscating the ships and merchandise of peaceable and friendly nations, on grounds so vague, so indefinite and equivocal. Of all law, certainly is the best feature; and no rule can be otherwise than unjust and despotick, of which the sense and the application are and must be ambiguous. A siege or blockade presents an intelligible standard, by which it may always be known, that no lawful trade can be carried on, with the places, against which either has been instituted; but the suggestions, upon which this new belligerent encroachment, having all the effect of a siege, or blockade, is founded, are absolutely incapable of a distinct form, either for the purpose of warning to neutrals, or as the basis of a judicial sentence. The neutral merchant finds, that, in fact, the colonial ports of the parties to the war, are thrown open to him, by the powers to which they belong; and he sees no hostile squadron, to shut them against him. Is he to pause, and to stop before he ventures to exercise his natural right, to trade with those, who are willing to trade with him; until he has enquired and determined why these ports have thus been made free to receive him? To such a complicated and delicate discussion, no nation has a right to call him. It is enough that an actual blockade can be set on foot to close these ports; and that they may be made the objects of direct efforts for conquest or occlusion, if the enemy's force is in truth so decidedly predominant, as it is pretended to be; and if it is not predominant to that point, and to that extent, there can be no cause for ascribing to it an effect, to which it is physically incompetent, or for allowing it to do that constructively, which it cannot do, and has not done, actually. The pernicious qualities of this doctrine are enhanced and aggravated, as from its nature might be expected, by the fact, that Great Britain gives no notice of the time when, or the circumstances in which she means to apply and enforce it. Her orders of the 6th November, 1793, by which the seas were swept of our vessels and effects, were, for the first time, announced by the ships of war and privateers, by which they were carried into execution. The late decisions of her courts, which are in the true spirit of this doctrine, and are calculated to restore it in practice, to that high tone of severity, which milder decisions had almost concealed from the world, came upon us by surprise; and the captures of which the Dutch complained, in the seven years war, were preceded by no warning. Thus, is this principle, most rapacious and oppressive in all its bearings—harsh and mysterious in itself, it has always been, and ever must be, used, to betray neutral merchants into a trade, supposed to be lawful, and then to give them up to pillage and to ruin. Compared with this principle, which violence and artifice may equally claim for their own, the exploded doctrine of constructive blockade , by which belligerents for a time insulted, and plundered the states at peace, is innocent and harmless. That doctrine had something of certainty belonging to it, and made safety at least possible .
But there can be no security while a malignant and deceitful principle like this hangs over us. It is just what the belligerent chooses to make it; lurking, unseen, and unfeigned—or visible, active and noxious. It may come abroad when it is least expected; and the moment of confidence, may be the moment of destruction. It may sleep for a time; but no man knows when it is to awake, to shed its baleful influence upon the commerce of the world. It cloaths itself from season to season, in what are called " relaxations ;" but, again, without any previous intimation to the deluded citizens of the neutral powers, these relaxations are suddenly laid aside, either in the whole or in part, and the work of confiscation commences. Nearly ten months of the late war had elapsed before it announced itself at all; and when it did so, it was in its most formidable shape, and its fullest power and expansion. In a few weeks, it was seen to lose more than half its subsistence and character; and long before the conclusion of the war, was scarcely perceptible. With the opening of the present war, it reappeared in its mildest form, which it is again abandoned for another, more consonant to its spirit. Such are its capricious fluctuations, that no commercial undertaking, which it can in any way effect, can be considered as otherwise than precarious, whatever may be the avowed state of the principle at the time of its commencement.
It has been said that, in embarking in the colonial trade of either of the belligerents, neutral nations, in some sort, interpose in the war; since they assist, and serve the belligerent, in whose trade they so embark. It is a sufficient answer to this observation that the same course of reasoning would prove, that neutrals ought to discontinue all trade whatsoever, with the parties at war. A continuance of their accustomed peace trade , assists, and serves the belligerent, with whom it is continued; and, if this effect were sufficient to make a trade unneutral, and illegal, the best established and most usual traffick, would, of course, become so. But G. Britain, supplies us with another answer to this notion, that our interference in the trade of the colonies of her enemies is
* See Sir William Scott, in the Emmanuel .
unlawful, because they are benefitted by it. It is known that the same trade is, and long has been, carried on by British subjects;—and your memorialists feel themselves bound to state, that according to authentic information lately received, the government of Great Britain does, at this moment grant licences to neutral vessels, taking in a proportion of their cargoes there, to proceed on trading voyages to the colonies of Spain, from which she would exclude us, upon the condition that the return cargoes shall be carried to Great Britain, to swell the gains of her merchants, and to give her a monopoly of the commerce of the world. This great belligerent right, then, upon which so has been supposed to depend, sinks into an article of barter. It is used, not as a hostile instrument, wielded by a warlike state, by which her enemies are to be wounded, or their colonies subdued, but as the selfish means of commercial aggrandizement, to the impoverishment and ruin of her friends; as an engine by which Great Britain is to be lifted up to a vast height of prosperity, and the trade of neutrals crippled, crushed, and destroyed.—Such acts are a most intelligible commentary upon the principle in question. They shew that it is a hollow and fallacious principle, susceptible of the worst abuse, and inapplicable of a just and honourable application. They shew that in the hands of a great and maritime state, it is not, in its ostensible character of weapon of hostility, that it is prized, but rather as one of the means of establishing an unbounded monopoly, by which every enterprize, calculated to promote national wealth and power shall be made to begin and end in Great Britain alone.—Such acts may well be considered as pronouncing the condemnation of the principle, against which we contend, as withdrawing from it the only pretext, upon which it is possible to rest it.
Great Britain does not pretend that this principle has any warrant in the opinions of writers on publick law.—She does not pretend, and cannot pretend that it derives any countenance from the conduct of other nations. She is confessedly solitary in the use of this invention, by which rapacity is systematized, and a state of neutrality and war are made substantially the same.—In this absence of all other authority, her courts have made an appeal to her own recent practice. Your memorialists join in that appeal, as affording the most conclusive and authoritative reprobation of the practice, which it is intended to support by it.
It would be easy to shew, by an examination of the different treaties to which Great Britain has been a party from times long past, that this doctrine is a modern usurpation. It would be equally easy to shew that during the greater part of last century, her statesmen and lawyers uniformly disavowed it, either expressly or tacitly. But, it is to a review of judicial examples, of all others the most weighty and solemn, that your memorialists propose to confine themselves.
In the war of 1744, in which Great Britain had the power, if she had thought fit to exert it, to exclude the neutral states from the colony trade of France and Spain, her high court of appeals decided that the trade was lawful, and released such vessels as had been engaged in it.
In the war which soon followed the peace of Aix-la Chapelle , Great Britain is supposed to have acted upon the pretension, that such a trade was unlawful, as being shut against neutrals in peace. And it is certain, that during the whole of that war, her courts of prize did condemn all neutral vessels taken in the prosecution of that trade, together with their cargoes, whether French or neutral. These condemnations, however, proceeded upon peculiar grounds. In the seven years war, France did not throw open to neutrals the traffick of her colonies. She established no free ports in the east or in the west, with which foreign vessels could be admitted to trade, either generally or occasionally as such. Her first practice was simply to grant special licences to particular neutral vessels, principally Dutch, and commonly chartered by Frenchmen, to make, under the usual restrictions, particular trading voyages to the colonies. These licences furnished the British courts with a peculiar reason for condemning vessels sailing under them, viz. "that they became in virtue of them, the adopted or naturalized vessels of France ." As soon as it was known that this effect was imputed to these licences, they were discontinued, or pretended to be so; but the discontinuance, whether real or supposed, produced no change in the conduct of Great Britain; for neutral vessels employed in this trade were captured and condemned as before. The grounds upon which they continued to be so captured and condemned, may best be collected from the reasons subjoined to the printed cases in the prize causes decided by the high court of admiralty, (in which Sir Thomas Salisbury at that time presided) and by the lords commissioners of appeal, between 1757 and 1760.
In the case of the America , (which was a Dutch ship bound to Saint Domingo to Holland, with the produce of that island, belonging to French subjects, by whom the vessel had been chartered) the reason stated in the printed case, is, "that the ship must be looked upon as a French ship (coming from Saint Domingo) for by the laws of France, no foreign ship CAN trade to the French West-Indies.
In the case of the Snip , the reason (assigned by Sir George Hays and Mr. Pratt, afterwards lord Camden) is, "for that the Snip (though once the property of Dutchmen) being employed in carrying provisions to, and goods from, a French colony, thereby became a French ship, and, as such, was justly condemned."
(To be continued.)
London fashions for November.
MORNING DRESS.—A short dress of white muslin, with a black velvet pelisse, lined with scarlet, and made high in the neck, broad lace let round the bottom. Black velvet bonnet with lace let in round the edge to correspond with the pelisse.
EVENING DRESS.—A dress of white muslin, the body made quite plain, with short sleeves; the train very long—a small hat of white satin turned up in front, with a white feather to fall over the left side. A large crimson Indian shawl.
HEAD DRESS.—Turban of white muslin, with a medalion in front, or a turban of white satin, ornamented with a flower. Hat of lilac silk, lined with yellow; with white feathers in front. A hat of crimson velvet or silk, turned up in front, and ornamented with white ostrich feathers; a large bonnet of white satin, trimmed round the edge with white lace, and ornamented with a wreath of flowers.
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.—The prevailing colours are scarlet and crimson. Dresses continue to be worn very short in the waist, and low to the back, the front high over the bosom. The turban hat of straw, velvet or silk, and large crimson shawls, are universally adopted. Satin hats of various shapes, with a long ostrich feather; turbans of satin, muslin, &c. &c. with bands and veils, richly embroidered in gold and silver lace, as usual for dress. Velvet mantles, with beautiful embossed borders all round; spencers and pelisses the same; hat & bonnets, embossed to correspond, with or without feathers. There is no change in the form of dresses, nor in hair dressing; velvet is more worn than ever—we do not find that any particular colour prevails, bottle green appears rather a favourite mantle, and pelisses are lined with a different colour from the outside. Scarlet velvet tippets, trimmed with swansdown, are much worn. White muff and tippets are worn both for dress & undress.—The morone shawls are too common to remain long in fashion.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIME, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 5, 1806.
By the arrival of the brig WHEELER , CAPTAIN BESSON , from Guadaloupe , we learn that advices had been received at Barbados , that fourteen sail of the line of the BREST FLEET , had got out, and were supposed to be destined for the West Indies , where, however, they had not arrived when the Wheeler sailed, which was on the 18th of the last month. In consequence of the expectation that the Brest Fleet were destined for the West Indies , Admirals Duckworth and Louis had been dispatched for, & arrived at Barbados the 12th of last month with six sail of the line. The whole British force to windward consisted of eight sail of the line, and twelve frigates, under admirals Duckworth , Louis and Cochrane .
A gentleman who came passenger in the Wheeler , procured at Guadaloupe a Barbados paper of the 11th January, which he has favoured us with, containing London advices to the 7th of December, TEN DAYS LATER than the advices received at New-York , its contents are given in the succeeding columns.
The most prominent article that attracts our attention is the ENTRANCE OF THE FRENCH INTO VIENNA, which event took place on the 13th November.
Bonaparte with his usual activity and enterprize, appears determined to pursue his good fortune, and was advancing into Moravia . The arrival of the second Russian army, with some advantages lately gained over the French, appear to animate the allies.
The plan of Buonaparte will be no doubt to bring on a general action, while his army is flushed with success, and it will be the policy of the allies to make a stand, hence we may expect shortly to hear of a battle on the issue of which the fate of Europe may depend.
Several articles as will be seen, speak of the co-operation of Prussia, but they are too vague and obscure, to attach full confidence in them—not that they are to be entirely discredited.
The answer of the emperor of Austria to the conditions of an armistice offered by Bonaparte, furnish some reason to believe that he is assured of the assistance of the king of Prussia. To present a satisfactory view of the dispositions of the armies, would require a more copious detail than we can make at this time, & with a more competent knowledge of the topography of the countries in which the parties are contending, than we confess ourselves possessed of. It must however appear evident that Bonaparte is playing the boldest game that any commander has ever done before—one defeat of importance would perhaps terminate the war, and end in his ruin.
Having received but one paper from Barbados , it is very probable that several interesting occurrences transpired between the 27th of Nov. (the date of the advices by way of New-York ) and the 7th December, the date of our London advices.
Private letters from Washington state, that a Law founded on the resolutions of Mr. Greene , given in our last, will pass, with some modifications. The modifications we understand, will be such, as to give time for another attempt on the part of our government, to effect a settlement of differences by negotiation, before the law goes into operation.
We acknowledge the receipt of a communication from the Hon. DUNCAN M C FARLAND , which we shall notice in our next.
William and Mary College LOTTERY.
SIXTEENTH DAY.
No. 5458, Prize of 500 Dollars.
Prizes of 15 Dollars. Nos.— 926 941 378 4202 5632 3119 3406 1990 7528 7421 5721 5334 7532 7742 4114 7183 2673 5867 4835 3125 7100 7449 5698 7063 6959 1160 6369 6379 6329 2765 3484 5743 5536 1685 5592 7040 2320 2315 1080 2470.
SEVENTEENTH DAY.
Prizes of 15 Dollars.
Nos.— 60 177 741 497 598 868 5678 5323 4110 6594 3832 4079 7658 6549 4278 5711 5381 2350 4563 3770 6217 5908 7427 2065 1419 4586 4441 1147 2203 2484 4637 2500 1935 7951 6969 3672 2061 4592 2707 6052 1509 7850. Gain of the Wheel 5985 Dollars.
Departed this life, universally lamented, on the 19th ult. in the 62d year of his age, RALPH WORMELEY, Esq. of Rossgill . He bore his painful illness with unusual fortitude, and perfectly resigned to the will of the omnipotent God.
By this melancholy event his family have sustained an irreparable loss—society is deprived of a valuable member and the county of an upright, intelligent magistrate. He was a tender and affectionate husband, a fond parent, a kind, humane master, and a sincere and attentive friend. In him were combined—politeness, hospitality, generosity, gratitude, benevolence, charity, piety and morality.—To his friends and relations it needs not the feeble aid of panegyrick to venerate his memory. To his neighbours, particularly, will the loss be long and sensibly felt. The souls of those who imitate his virtue, surely, will be wafted into eternal happiness. Virginia Gaz.
January 24, 1806.
NOTICE.
Under the authority of a Deed, executed by Richard Lively, of the City of Williamsburg, on the 13th day of March, 1801, and duly recorded, I shall Sell on the Second Monday in March next, before the door of the Court-House of James-City County,
Two small Tracts of LAND,
Lying in said County, and several LOTS in the City of Williamsburg, conveyed in Trust to me by said Deed, or so much thereof as may be necessary to pay the debt secured thereby to Gilliat and Taylor, together with the charges of Sale, and expenses of the Deed. The Sale will be for Cash. Robert Saunders.
Williamsburg, Feb. 3. ts 481

NINTH CONGRESS
OF THE UNITED STATES.
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TAKEN FOR THE PUBLIC LEDGER.
FRIDAY, January 24.
Ports and Harbours—Naval Expenditures.
Mr. Early, in conformity with his notice of yesterday for the purpose, rose to offer two resolutions. He said that the house was not in possession of sufficient information on the subject they were upon yesterday. (The fortifying of the forts and harbours) He wished to be fully understood as to the meaning of his observations already made on this question. There exist, says Mr. Early, physical difficulties against carrying into effect the object before him. It would take such immense sums to put all our forts and harbours in a sufficient state of defence, nor are we possessed of sufficient information to say what will be necessary—for we have no data to ascertain their expense. He doubted not but that New-York might be made as strong as Cronstadt, if we had the means to make it so. But in a country like this, where government and the people are one, they will reposes the greatest confidence. It does not, however, follow that government should go blindfold on a subject, where we do not know the probable expense. This confidence of the people creates a responsibility on the part of government, and when that confidence is abused, and when their funds are misused, the people will withdraw it. We ought to be far more cautious now than in former times, for we have the example of former times before us. A gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) has observed that the executive had pointed out the course for us to pursue, and that he was willing to go to the full extent. When I see, continued Mr. Early, this gentleman thus come forward and advocate the proceedings of the present executive, I am astonished, and might, in the words of Junius exclaim, "there's something in him which even treachery could not trust." This is a conduct to be guarded against—it is an awful warning against hastily entering into measures which that gentleman may advocate. He might have calculated upon it as a decoy—begin first with a small appropriation, and then we are led on to a larger, and so on again. Thus we may find it necessary once began, to continue to make appropriations. This House itself gives us a warning. Let us look back upon the appropriations already made for the repairs of our forts and harbours, and for the navy. It is a decoy which we ought carefully to guard against.
The following are the resolutions;
"Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to lay before this House, any information, which may be in the offices of the executive department, relative to the fortifying of the Ports and Harbours, of the United States, with the amount of the money expended on each, and the probable expense of completing the same, with the practicability of defending ourselves by land Batteries."
"Resolved, That the President of the U. States be requested to lay before this House, a statement exhibiting the money expended on the navy of the United States, for each year, since the establishment of the same, with the cost of each armed ship and other vessels built or purchased, on account of the United States, and also the cost of each navy yard."
Mr. J. C. Smith observed that the gentleman had given a very long speech on what nobody in the house would oppose—he could wish that the gentleman had first received some information on the subject.
Mr. Dana wished to know whether he was upon his trial for his political opinions. It is not the question before the house what were his political opinions—it was not his political opinion which the house wanted to know—in truth it was not the present enquiry. Does the gentleman think that the house cannot discriminate—but he must bring forward scraps from authors famed for their elegance of style in the English language? He would not retaliate by language which might be unbecoming his seat. The house must sympathize with him.
Mr. Early again rose and said that he had but a word to say by way of reply. He might certainly show his want of information—for the house shows a want of information on this subject. The question which is of the very first importance was first discussed yesterday. As to the other gentleman (Mr. Dana) he was sorry that he had not taken him as he meant—he alluded, only, to the particular manner he had yesterday made his observations.
Mr. Lyon, observed, that the information required by the resolution would prove so voluminous, that he believed they would not get it on the table in three weeks; and that it might take three weeks more to get it printed; and thus nothing will be done. One single document, continued Mr. Lyon, laid before the house two or three days ago, cost a thousand dollars to print it; and he would be bound to say, that there were not six gentlemen who had read six lines of it, and that there was not one individual member in the house who had read it through. If the present return is to be printed he calculated, that it would cost 8000 dollars.
Mr. Early to this observed, that he thought it might be contained on a sheet of paper.
Mr. Dawson said that it was either intended to give the question altogether the go-by or that the house had not sufficient confidence in government. The secretary at war has already said, that he could not give the information which might be required of him by this resolution under six weeks—it may be eight weeks and thus nothing will be done.
Mr. Williams, of S. Carolina, replied to Mr. Dawson, by observing, that the gentleman could not surely wish him to vote blindfold, when he could see his way. If the gentleman had communicated with the secretary at war upon this subject, he had not.
After a few observations from Mr. Early, tending to support his resolution, the question was put and carried there being in the affirmative 88.
Mr. Quincey was very desirous of inserting the word "gun-boats," to which Mr. Crowninshield replied, that the word "vessels" in the resolution certainly comprehended gun boats. Mr. Q. however persisted in his wish to have them particularly specified. He assigned as a reason, that one of these gun boats had cost 12,000 dollars, and another of the same dimensions 4,500, and he was desirous of inquiring into the cause of this monstrous disproportion. But he could not conceive why it was objected to insert the word gun-boats—for he considered them as a kind of amphibious animal, and they might not come under the true meaning of the word vessels. What gentlemen can be afraid of, in not wishing to even name them, he could not conjecture; for he always thought them to be very harmless things!
Mr. Allston thought the resolution went too far. It called for an account of all the vessels which had belonged to government since the adoption of the constitution—some had been sold, and he thought it sufficient to call for those now belonging to the United States.
Mr. Elliott offered a resolution, directing the Secretary at War to lay before the House, estimates of the expense of manning and supporting, the frigates and other vessels of War, belonging to the United States.—Agreed to.
Mr. Early moved that a committee be appointed to carry both resolutions to the President, and two members were accordingly nominated for that purpose.
The following resolution on the motion of Mr. Gray, was adopted.
"Resolved, That any member of this House who shall solicit or accept, or enter into any contract for the expenditure of any money appropriated by law, shall be excluded from a seat in this House."
(To be continued.)
BRIDGE-TOWN, (Barbados) January 11.
The Windsor Castle Packet, in 30 days from Falmouth, arrived yesterday evening with the first mail for December; the contents of which is by no means of that consolatory nature which we were led to hope for from recent report from Dominica, corroborated by an article in an American paper, of the defeat of Bonaparte, and the complete destruction of Massena. Indeed it cannot be disseminated, that with very little exception, the whole tenor of the continental news is most disastrous to the allies, while the progress of the enemy continues to be as rapid and unchecked as before, notwithstanding the Austro-Russian armies have achieved some partial successes over them, which may be the forerunner of still greater victories. The London papers are to the 7th ult. inclusive, but leave us in anxious suspense for the next mail, which we must regard as being likely to give us some results of the firmness of the Austrian monarch on the one hand (who, although driven from his capital, has decidedly refused an armistice, on the hard terms of putting Venice and the Tyrol into the hands of the enemy) and the commanding position of Bonaparte's armies on the other. As far as we have been able to select extracts from these papers for this day's publication, they will be found highly interesting—in our next a more extensive arrangement will be made.
His majesty's brig Wolverine, on the 4th inst. cut a small schooner out of St. Ann's Bay, Martinique, under the fire of three batteries, and sent her in here on Tuesday last.
The ship Eliza, Pasley, one of the Cork fleet, lately captured by the enemy, has been re-captured and arrived at Antigua.
The ship Sir Charles Hamilton, from the coast of Africa, with 320 slaves bound to Trinidad, was captured on the 3d inst. by the French schooner Imperialis of 1 gun and 60 men; being incapable of making an effectual resistance, although mounting 18 guns, having had most of her crew impressed by one of our men of war. She, however, has fortunately been re-captured by his majesty's ship Alligator, and arrived here the 9th inst.
A brig from Halifax, with fish, bound to Surinam, was also captured by the above privateer on the 5th inst. but was re-captured yesterday morning, ninety miles to windward of this island, by the Carysfort frigate, and sent in here; the Carysfort being left in chase of a large armed ship standing to the northward, supposed to be a captured guineaman.
According to the reports of American vessels arrived since our last, the enemy still have several privateers to windward of this island, which continue to elude our cruizers, although there are several looking after them.
Rear admiral Cochrane gave a petit dejeuner on board the Northumberland, on Wednesday last, to lord and lady Seaforth, sir Eyre, and lady Coote, & a select party of fashionables.
Sir Eyre Coote, with his family, sailed for Jamaica the following day, having experienced every attention their rank and elegant manners gave them a just claim to, during their stay here.
The Figsard convoyed the Jamaica trade; and the Northumberland, for Antigua, sailed in company with them.
Late Foreign Intelligence,
Received at the Ledger Office, via BARBADOS.
LONDON, November 29.
We have received accounts from the Rhine to the 21st; they contain the fifth bulletin of the army of Italy, dated the 5th Nov. announcing the pursuing of the archduke Charles to Vicenza and the Brenta; the taking of Castelfranco and Padua on the 5th, by the French right wing; the left has reached Bassano.
A contribution of 400,000 francs has been imposed on Verona, and one million upon Padua. Venice has been evacuated by the Austrians, but it is supposed to be occupied by the Russians.
December 3.
The Victory, of 100 guns having on board the body of our dear departed Hero, anchored off Brighton yesterday, on her voyage probably for the Downs. The prince of Wales sent two bullocks on board for the brave crew, and some other presents to their gallant officers.
The intelligence brought by the French, Dutch, and German papers, is, as we have already said, of a much more favourable complexion than we expected. We see little reason to doubt that the French have got to Vienna. An article from the Lech, of the 12th, would induce us to believe that the French had slackened their march; it says, that Bonaparte wished to give time for some other columns to come up and to wait for the arrival of couriers with despatches. But it appears that there was a very sanguinary affair at St. Pölten, of which the French bulletin made no mention. The advices from Moravia & Bohemia, inserted in the Berlin Journal speak of the action as disastrous to the French, who lost 6000 men. But this advantage could not, we think, prevent the French from getting to Vienna. The Russians and Austrians, immediately after the affair of St. Pölten, crossed the Danube to Krems, to join the Archduke Ferdinand, who is at Bulweis. The emperor of Germany is not at Olmutz, but at Brunn. But one of the most important facts in these papers is, the junction of the second Russian army with the first, a circumstance which will enable the Austrians, we trust, to resume offensive operations. Another fact which we hope to see confirmed is, that the archduke John has, by a bold movement, got in the rear of Bernadotte, and compelled him to evacuate Salzburg. It should seem, too, as if Ney's corps was not quite strong enough to secure the possession of Innsbruck and the Innthal—he has got to Innsbruck, but the French accounts confess, that though their force is numerous, much precaution is necessary, the country being still in arms against them. Meanwhile that active General Wolfskehl does not appear to have been cut off, or to have capitulated—so far from it that he is said to have followed the example of the Archduke Ferdinand, and to have cut his way through Angereau to the Danube; his force seems to have been much superior to any the French had in Suabia. On the 16th, a detachment of his troops fell in with a small escort conducting the electress of Bavaria from Wurtzburg to Munich. The Austrians did not imitate the conduct of the French—they did not pillage the escort, nor did they violate the Prussian territory of Anspach, to which the electress retired.
In the mean time the Archduke Charles continues to conduct his retreat in a masterly manner, giving the French reason to repent every attack they make upon him. By Massena's own account in the sixth bulletin, it appears he was defeated on the banks of the Tagliamento. On the 12th he ordered a division of his troops to cross the river, meaning of course, to pass with the rest of his army; but the Austrians defended the passage, a heavy cannonade took place the whole day; but "Massena, satisfied with the advantages he had gained, and which secured to him others, did not think proper to effect the passage of the river."
What were his advantages; he wished to pass the river, and he was unable to effect it the whole day. After the Archduke had retreated from the banks on the 13th to Palma Nuova, Massena crossed the river. His royal highness neither loss a piece of cannon, a baggage waggon, nor a standard, in his retreat; he carries off his whole army, and we have a confident belief, that even if Marmont and Bernadotte were to interpose in his rear, he could cut his way through them.
Three Hamburg mails have arrived this morning. The intelligence brought by them is important. Private letters assert that Austria is determined not to conclude a separate peace, and that she is waiting the arrival of the second Russian army to resume her operations. The second Russian army has entered Moravia; having, in contradiction to the infamous falsehoods of the Moniteur , preserved in its whole march the most exemplary discipline. It must have joined the Russian army about the 15th, the day when Murat is said to have entered Vienna. We shall be much disappointed if the two Russian armies, with the troops under prince Ferdinand, do not compel the French to evacuate Vienna within a few days after their entrance into it.
Gen. Don left Harbourg on the 22d ult. for Luneburgh, the head quarters of the Russian army under Gen. Totsky.
December 4.
Let us now hope that the tide has turned, and that the French, who have advanced with such success to Vienna, are doomed to experience a signal reverse of fortune. We have the happiness to announce the gaining of an important victory over the French on the left bank of the Danube, by the troops under the Russian general Kutusow. On the 9th, the day on which the French entered St. Pölten, general Kutusow passed the Danube. M. Mortier had previously crossed to keep the archduke Ferdinand's corps in check. In the afternoon of the 10th, he approached and drove back Kutusow's advanced posts to Stien. On the 11th the Russians determined to attack him near Krems. The attack was eminently successful, and marshal Mortier, who was endeavouring to take the Austro-Russians in flank, was entirely cut off. After an obstinate battle, in which two-thirds of the French division were killed, the rest withdrew to the castle, so celebrated in history as being the place where our gallant Richard Cœur de Lion was confined. There the Russians surrounded and forced them to capitulate to the amount of between 2 and 3000 men, including a brigadier-general, two colonels, one lieutenant, colonel, and 56 other officers. Mortier is supposed to have been killed. The loss on the part of the allies is estimated at 2000 men—amongst the killed was the excellent Austrian general Schmidt, who had just been appointed to the situation filled by general Mack, and who fell in the action pierced by five balls. His death is infinitely regretted. Having thus prevented marshal Mortier from succeeding in cutting of his retreat, general Kutusow retired to Olmutz. The French still made several attempts to harass him, but they were unavailing. At one time prince Frankathion, the pupil of Suwarow, was surrounded by a great superiority of numbers; he had but 3000 men with him—with these he resolved to cut his way through, which he effected, and rejoined Kutusow, bringing with him two standards and some prisoners. Kutusow then established himself at Olmutz, where he was joined by the Austrians, under the prince of Lichtenstein, and on the 16th, by the second Russian army of 46,000 men. He was soon afterwards to be reinforced by the Austrian imperial guards, under the archduke Constantine, 12,000 strong; and the rest of the army under general Michelson, would join him about the end of last month. The emperors of Russia and Austria are at present at Olmutz. Meanwhile the French are endeavouring to bring on a general battle, which is expected to take place near Brunn. They entered Vienna on the 13th; a deputation of the inhabitants had previously waited on Bonaparte, to solicit a delay of forty-eight hours to prepare for his reception. This was granted. Murat entered the city first, Bonaparte remaining about two miles off. The city was not pillaged, nor were great excesses committed, but very heavy contributions were levied. The inhabitants were requested by the Austrian commissary to preserve the greatest order. A large party of the French army passed through the city on the 13th, taking the road to Moravia. It is supposed that their entrance into Vienna would have not taken place so soon, had not prince Murat, as he is called, imposed upon the Austrian prince Auersberg by an impudent falsehood. The prince had been ordered to demolish the bridges at Vienna, but a courier was sent to him from Prince Murat, informing him that the preliminaries of peace had been signed between the two powers. Prince Auersberg accordingly left the bridges standing, and the French passed the Danube immediately.
The intelligence from other parts of Germany and from Italy, though not so favourable as that from Krems, is extremely consolatory. Wolfskehl has certainly cut his way to the Danube, and Ney has not dared to advance from Innsbruck. The whole country is in arms around him, and his summons of the states of Tyrol to meet at Innsbruck has been treated with the utmost contempt.
The retreat of the archduke Charles is characterized as one of the most masterly that ever was made. He is arrived at Laybach, the capital of Carniola, and is in full march towards Vienna. Marmont's corps is not strong enough to cut off his retreat; and we expect to see him soon under the walls of the capital, not a prey "to vexation and chagrin," but animated by the justice of the cause in which he is engaged and anxious to effect the deliverance of his country.
A desire to save his capital from the presence and pillage of the French troops, appears to have induced the emperor of Germany to propose an armistice. Bonaparte, we thank him for it, was extravagant in his demands. As the price of an armistice for a few weeks he required, "That the allies should be sent home; that the Hungarian levy en masse should be discharged; that the Duchy of Venice and the Tyrol should be evacuated, and provisionally given up to the French armies."
These conditions were immediately rejected, and his imperial majesty, in a spirited declaration published at Brunn on the 13th, expresses his firm determination to continue the contest with the great resources which he finds in the hearts, the prosperity, the power, and fidelity of his people, and with the still undiminished force of his friends and high allies, the emperor of Russia and king of Prussia.
Thus have all doubts with respect to the king of Prussia been removed, and his hearty and cordial co-operation with the allies may be confidently relied on. The Electors of Saxony and Hesse are also to join their arms to those of Prussia. It was even reported last night that hostilities had commenced between the Prussians and French; that the fortress of Hameln had been surrounded by the Prussians & English under general Don, and that a partial action had taken place.
Lord Harrowby was way laid on his journey to Berlin by two men, one of whom was the son of a Frenchman, now resident in London. These ruffians, however, were soon apprehended by some Prussian soldiers, and after a due examination of their papers, sentenced to be hanged.
An attempt has also been made to way-lay, and probably to assassinate, the gallant Emperor Alex-
ander, on his way from Leipzig to Weimar. A Bavarian detachment, sent, it was supposed, for this purpose, had arrived in the balliwick of Lauenstein, within seven German miles (about thirty-five English) of Dresden. The Elector of Saxony, however, having entertained some suspicion of what was intended, sent two hundred hussars to escort his Imperial Majesty: Bonaparte's instruments were in consequence forced to make off.
Cheered and animated by the favourable turn which events have taken, we indulge the expectation, that the cause of insulted Europe will be avenged on the plains of Moravia, and that insolence, ambition, and tyranny, are destined to receive a final check from the arm of that house of Lorraine, which Bonaparte so confidently predicted as being on the eve of dissolution and extinction.
December 5.
The Russians, to the amount of 24,600 men, reinforced by the English troops from Malta, are said to have sailed for Corfu on the 17th of October, and to have arrived safely at Venice. This force, with that which the Austrians left at Venice, will be able to incommode and harass Massena in his rear.
December 6.
We are extremely anxious for the next arrivals from the Continent. The intelligence cannot but be of the utmost importance. The battle that was expected to be fought between Brunn and Vienna has in all probability been fought. As the second Russian army had joined, we believe the Allies would have a force equal at least to that which Bonaparte could bring against them; for the scattered divisions under Ney, Bernadotte, and Marmont, could not be called in, we think, time enough to join the centre and left wings of the French army before the battle. Besides, if Bonaparte called in Marmont and Bernadotte, he would leave the Archduke Charles an uninterrupted passage to Vienna.
December 7.
No advices from any part of Germany have been received since our last, though every post may now bring us important intelligence. The result of M. Haugwitz's mission to Bonaparte, and the consequent determinations of the King of Prussia, with the events which may take place when the whole of the Russian army shall have come in sight of the French, are objects which unavoidably create the highest degree of curiosity, and render the publick impatient for intelligence of conjectures, while the intelligence is delayed, are hazardous, as usual, but all extremely idle. We see no reason, however, to doubt that the war will be carried on by the Continental powers. The necessity under which they are laid of reducing the power of France, now stares them so openly in the face, and so clearly is Bonaparte the arbiter of Europe, if left in his present commanding situation, that every thing must be hazarded to alter the present state of affairs. If this resolution is pursued with any tolerable spirit of wisdom, indeed if it is not marred by the greatest sloth and folly, the events which are desirable may be soon brought to pass.
It is very generally understood, that advices have been received of the arrival of Sir James Craig, with the British troops from Malta, at Venice, and of the Russian troops from Corfu, at the same place. We shall be very happy if this is found to be true. The British force from Malta, and the Russian from Corfu, may be considered as amounting to 30,000 men. These, in the present situation of affairs, might operate a diversion at Venice of the most important nature. When the Archduke Charles retreats towards the center of the kingdom, and may join his forces and his talents to strengthen the army destined to contend with Bonaparte in person, the English and Russian force landed at Venice may give employment to Massena, and prevent him from marching to the assistance of Napoleon, in his present hazardous situation.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Brig Wheeler, Besson, 14 days from Guadalupe, Sugar & Coffee, Thomas Oliver.
WALKER'S Packet will sail for Baltimore To-Morrow. Feb. 5.
A DARING ROBBERY!!!
One Hundred Dollars Reward.
LAST EVENING, between the hours of 7 and 9 o'clock, and while the family were at Meeting, the house of the Subscriber was broken open, and his desk by means of a false key opened, out of which was taken a small black Morocco Pocket Book, containing 380 Dollars in Bank Notes, among which is a Post Note of the Bank of the United States for 100 dollars, remarkable for being endorsed where it is joined, and in the middle N. RAY, written in a very elegant hand; the number or date not remembered. There were likewise in the pocket book, a note of hand of captain William Miller's, for 219 dolls. and 19 cents, payable 90 days after date, teste, James Davis; also an order drawn by Geo. Burler on Robert Gibson for 20 dolls.; three Tickets in the William and Mary College Lottery, Nos. 6283, 6286, 2356, endorsed on the back, Davis, Walker, and Yancey, together with various other papers of no use to any person but the subscriber. Likewise stolen from out of the desk, two Doubleloons and an English Guinea; on one of the Doubleloons are the letters M. K. in cypher; also between 80 and 90 Dollars in Silver. The above reward will be paid to any person who can give such information that I may recover the whole of the notes and money, or in proportion to so much as may be recovered—And I will give Fifty Dollars to any person who will discover the Robber, so that he may be prosecuted to conviction.
E. M. Walker.
Portsmouth, Feb. 5. tf 491
Landing from on board the Portuguese Ship Boa Nova,
Fresh Walnuts, Lemons, Oranges, Figs, Raisins, and Baskets of different sizes and qualities. Oliveira, Fernandes, & Co. Feb. 5. 3t 492
FOR SALE,
A HOUSE and LOT, in the fields, adjoining Mr. Edward Guy's—If not disposed of at private sale before the fourth day of March, it will on that day be Sold at Publick Auction on the premises. Terms made known by application to
Joshua Guy,
Feb. 5. tf 489 Church-Street.
NOTICE.
I request all persons having claims against the Estate of JOHN WADDEY, Sen. deceased, of Northampton County, Eastern Shore, Virginia, to bring them forward properly attested on or before the first day of June next, as I shall plead this notice in bar against all claims that may appear after that date.
I. R. Waddey,
Executor to the Will annexed. Northampton Court-Yard, Feb. 1. 2m 490
JUST RECEIVED,
From Charleston, and for Sale at this Office,
PRICE ONE DOLLAR, A FEW COPIES OF
INDEPENDENCE,
Comedy, in Five Acts, as performed at the Theatre Charles- ton, with unbounded applause,
By WILLIAM LOO,
Of St. George, Dorchester, South-Carolina.
October 4. 6t

NEW CUT-NAIL MANUFACTORY,
ON TOWN POINT, A small distance below County Wharf, Wide Water Street.
THE Subscriber has, at a considerable expense, fitted up, in addition to his other business, a complete set of machinery, adequate to finish 500 to 600 lbs. of Nails daily. He is also provided with a good stock of Iron; and with a sufficient number of skillful workmen.
He has on hand a constant supply of Nails, Flooring Brads, and Sprigs, which he offers for Sale at the reduced prices as follows, by the keg, viz.
  10d, 12d, 20d, Nails, 8d per lb.   8d, do. 9d per lb.   Sheathing do. 7 1-2d per lb.   6d, do. 10d per lb.   4d, do. 3a per M.   3d, do. 2a 7 1-2d   8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d, Brads, 8d per lb.   6d, do. 4a 6d   4d, do. 3a do.   3d, do. 2a 7 1-2d   2d, do. 2a 7 1-2d 
ALSO—HOOP AND BAR-IRON ASSORTED. LEVIN DORSEY.
March 18. 303
TO RENT,
(And immediate possession given.)
A Convenient Dwelling House, near the Presbyterian Church, lately occupied by Thomas Newton, jun. Esq. It is in a pleasant part of the town, has a large garden and necessary out-houses, and a good well of water. For terms apply to
John Brown, Marsden's Wharf
November 13. tf 275
To be Leased,
For one or six years, and possession to be had on the first of January next.
A Commodious BRICK-HOUSE on Smith's Point, now occupied by Mr. Harris—all convenient offices, and a good garden are annexed to the tenement—For the accommodation of a tenant, an adjoining lot may be had.
P. Barraud.
November 18. tf 288
FOR SALE,
A Tract of Wood LAND, about six miles from Ferry Point, adjoining the Lands of Mr. Piume, Mr. S. Whitehead, and Mrs. Moseley, containing about 300 acres, mostly covered with Pine suitable for Masts and Spars, and about two miles from a good landing on the Eastern Branch: a great bargain may be had, and payments accommodating to the purchaser.
Also for Lease, for a number of Years, A WHARF in Gosport, about 100 feet front on the river, and about 180 feet on a 60 feet street; the whole the property of Mrs. Clinch, of Gosport. For particulars apply to
R. Thompson. Portsmouth, Jan. 6. Iawfw 411
MRS. MACDOUGAL,
INFORMS her friends and the publick, that she has taken that handsome house belonging to Mr. Roberts, in the centre of Market Square, where she will receive Boarders on moderate terms—the strictest attention will always be paid to the diet rooms, and lodging, and every endeavour used to render a transient or permanent abode at her house satisfactory.
September 25. tf 169
GARDEN SEEDS.
The Subscriber has for Sale, at the Store of Mr. James Dowdall, opposite the New Market, Fresh Garden Seeds,
Imported in the ship Shepherdess, from London—Also, Some CHOICE SEEDS, of this Country's growth, that can be warranted good, viz.
  EARLY FRAME PEA, over and Stone Turnip,   Early Nicholas do. Fennel—Furze—Split Peas,   Early Charlton do. Salisbury, Scorzonera—Pepper Grass,   Early Pearl do. Large Wind or, Long Pod,   Golden Hotspur do. White Blossom, and Garden Beans,   Dwarf Marrow do. Canary and Hemp Seed,   Tall Green Marrow do. Orcé—Brocoli,   Imperial Green do. Red and White Clover Seed,   Frolifick do. Lucerne and Timothy do.   Leadman's Dwarf do.   Blue Prussian do.   Crown and Cabbage do.   Early and late Cauliflower,   Early York CABBAGE,   Early Sugar Loaf do.   Early Battersea do.   Madeira do.   Drum Head do.   Winter do.   Red Duch do.   Green Savoy do.   Scotch Kail—Red Beet,   Orange and Early Horse Carrot,   Solid Celery—Curl'd Parsley,   Turkey, Early Frame, Short Prickly and Long Prickly Cucumbers,   Curl'd Endive,   Dwarf Kidney Beans of all sorts—Arbour Beans,   Broad Leaved Leek,   Silver Skinned, James, Madeira, and Blood Red Onion,   Grand Admiral, Brown Dutch Ice, Cabbage, Green Goss, and Aleppo Coss Lettuce,   Scarlet, Short Top, Salmon, and Red and White Turnip Radish,   Parsnip—Rape,   White and Brown Mustard,   Round and Prickly Spinage,   Early Dutch, Norfolk, Han- 
James Hay. Who solicits the patronage of the publick, and being a regular instructed Gardiner, offers to his customers his services either to the culture or the proper season of sowing. Jan. 13. tf 428
Richmond Academy Lottery,
NOW DRAWING,
CONTAINING
One Prize of Ten Thousand Dollars,
besides several other large Prizes.
TICKETS for Sale by the EDITOR OF THIS PAPER. November 13. 279
LADIES FASHIONABLE SHOES.
SEVERAL Trunks of Ladies plain and fashionable LACED SHOES, and Gentlemen's fashionable London made, just received by the ship Planter, Captain Boush, and for sale by
Gilliat & Mackinder.
September 9. tf 136
A PARCEL OF CHOICE
Russia and Ravens DUCK,
Landing, and for Sale by
Moses Myers.
Also, 1000 bushels Lisbon SALT, afloat.
January 20. 3w 445
A VERY VALUABLE PROPERTY.
WILL BE SOLD
To the Highest bidder, for ready money, on the premises, on Saturday the 15th day of February next, by virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Richard Bate, to secure the payment of 8333 dollars 33 cents, with interest thereon from the date thereof, due to Rambau & Gerson & George Pegram, Jun. and the expenses of the sale,
TEN ACRES OF LAND,
Lying upon Appomattox River, within one mile of the town of Petersburg, with the water, grist, and manufacturing Mills, Bake-houses, Distillery-house, and other houses of improvements erected thereon.
Pleasant Akin, for
HENRY CUGNEAU and PLEASANT AKIN. Petersburg, Dec. 30. tds 416
FOR SALE.
The Subscribers by virtue of a power of attorney, executed to them by Coventon Simkins, will Sell to the highest bidder, at publick sale, at Northampton Court-House, on the first day of Northampton county court in February next, to wit, on the second Monday in said month, The HOUSES and LOT OF LAND, lately occupied by the said C. Simkins, at Northampton court yard. There are a commodious two story dwelling house of good wood and other materials, a frame kitchen, barn, and carriage-house, other necessary out-houses, &c. Four and a half acres of valuable LAND, with a highly improved garden—The situation is an eligible one for a merchant, tradesman, or man of profession—Immediate possession will be given.
John Simkins.
George Lewis.
John Brickhouse, Jr.
Northampton, Jan. 17. ts 437
The Publick are hereby forewarned,
that any debt or obligations whatever made by Louis BOUTIN, will not be paid.
Mary Lemasurier,
Rose Lemasurier.
Jan. 31. 6t 474
SALT.
Arrived in the Ship Mary, captain Atholl, from Liverpool, A Cargo of STOVED SALT,
Which will be sold on accommodating terms, taken alongside. Apply to
Robert Dickson.
ON HAND FOR SALE,
A quantity of LOGWOOD,
SUGARS in hds. and bbs. RUM, MOLASSES, COFFEE, and a parcel of choice TEN-ERIFFE and MADEIRA WINES, in pipes, hds. and quarter casks.
Jan. 31. 2w 477
At a Court held for Norfolk County, the
20th day of January, 1806.
Thomas Davis and Thomas Dickson, merchants and partners, under the firm of Davis and Dickson, Pfts.
Against Gilbert Robertson and James Brown, merchants and partners, under the firm of Robertson & Brown, and Robert Gibson, Defs.
In Chancery.
THE Defendants Robertson and Brown, not having entered their appearance, and given security for performing the Decree to be made in this cause, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are out of the country: On the motion of the Plaintiffs by their Counsel, it is ordered, that they the said Defendants, appear here on the third Monday in April next, and give security for performing the Decree aforesaid. And it is further ordered that the Defendant Gibson, who hath effects of the other Defendants in his hands, or is otherwise indebted to them, do not pay, convey away, or secret such debts or effects, until the further order of this Court concerning the same. A Copy, Teste, William Wilson, jun. C. C. tdmMon Ap. 472
FOR SALE,
250 bbls. Superfine FLOUR,
Afloat. Apply to
James Maurice & Co.
January 6. tf 414
FOR SALE
The Cargo of the Brig Paragon, Captain Aimley—Consisting of 157 Puncheons high proof JAMAICA RUM. 7 Hogsheads MOLASSES.
Redmon & Frith.
Who have removed to the second Fire-Proof Store, on Gibson's Wharf. November 13. tf 271
THE SUBSCRIBER,
Has removed to the third fire proof Warehouse on Gibson's wharf, where he has for Sale, Antigua and Jam. Rum by the hhd.
Loaf and Brown SUGAR—A few bags COFFEE, A few pipes & hds. London particular & Teneriffe WINES, 120 cases. very excellent 7 years old CLARET. And is now Landing from on board the ship Catherine Shepherd, Capt. Webb, from Antigua and Nevis.
Antigua and Nevis Rum and Molasses.
HARRISON ALLMAND.
December 27. tf 384
THE CARGO of the Ship Eliza, Obediah
Smith, master, from Bordeaux, will commence landing This Day on Newton's wharf, consisting of
440 Hogsheads choice CLARET,
293 Cases do. do. 149 do. White WINE. 180 Boxes Fresh PRUNES of excellent quality, for Sale by
Moses Myers.
November 18. tf 287
Green Coffee and Sugar.
Now Landing from on board the schooner Lydia, captain Livingston, from Guadalupe.
41 Hogsheads SUGAR,
8 Hds. 14 Tierces } BEST GREEN COFFEE. 12 Bags
For Sale by
William Pennock.
December 16. 3w 334
HUNTER & GATEWOOD,
Have received per Ship Jane, Captain Colley, from Liverpool, the balance of their supply of
FALL AND WINTER GOODS,
Which in addition to their former importation from London, makes their assortment general and complete—it consists of almost every article of useful and fashionable goods too tedious to enumerate, which they offer for sale, at their Store No. 129, Main Street, by Wholesale and Retail, on the lowest terms for cash, or short payments.
November 8. tf 262
FOR SALE,
On board the schooner Rising States, lying at Newton's w'f.
PRIME PORK,
MESS BEEF in half barrels, PRIME do. do. New-York BUTTER, SALMON in kids, Boxes HERRINGS, Kegs NETS TONGUES, MOULD CANDLES.
Jesse Newcomb.
Dec. 20. 953
THIS DAY LANDING,
From on board the Schooner Eagle, Captain Grass, from Bourdeaux, 160 Casks CLARET.
981 Cases assorted do. 66 do. do. White do. 80 Baskets SWEET OIL.
2 Trunks and 3 Cases Ladies' and Men's SHOES. 8 Cases Mens' and Children's Silk and Beaver HATS, assorted.
DEMIJOHNS, ALMONDS, NUTS, &c. &c. For sale on liberal terms, by
John & James Galwey,
Commerce-Street Wharf.
WHO HAVE ON HAND,
75 Boxes White & Brown Havanna SUGAR. September 6. tf 128
Soap and Candle Manufactory.
THE Subscriber informs the Publick, that his Manufactory in Bank-Street, is now in complete operation, and having employed as skillful workmen as any in the United States, he expects a part of the publick patronage.
Henry M'Dowell.
N. B. FLATTS for Shoe-Makers, Tailors, &c.—Cash given for Tallow and Grease. December 20. tf 370
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER,
AT HIS LUMBER YARD ON CALVERT'S WHARF, 700,000 SALE SHINGLES.
50,000 BUILDING do. 50,000 STAVES—White and Red Oak. 10,000 CYPRESS PALES.
5,000 CEDAR and CHINQUAPIN POSTS. Also—shall keep a supply of
PLANK and SCANTLING.
Thomas H. Parker.
August 19. tf 77
KENDAL COTTONS.
The Subscribers have received per Ship Industry, captain Wright, from Liverpool, A few Bales low priced Kendal COTTONS, which they offer for Sale on liberal terms.
Hunter & Gatewood.
December 20. tf 363
This Day landing, and for Sale, about
50,000 wt. Prime Green COFFEE,
Imported in the sch' Wasp, capt. Kemp, from Aux-Cayes. Wilson, Cunningham, & Co.
Jan. 29. 9t 468
SUGAR AND MOLASSES.
Landing on Gibson's Wharf, 19 hlds. and 7 bbls. Prime SUGAR, 21 hogsheads MOLASSES.—For Sale by
Phinehas Dana, & Co.
Jan. 29. tf 470
THE Subscribers will give orders on TURKS ISLAND
for cargoes of SALT, and receive payment for the same on delivery, by drafts on this place at 60 days sight.
James & Thomas Tucker.
January 17. 2aw3w 439
BANK NOTES LOST.
A letter dated Williamsburg, 27th November, 1805, directed to Messrs. Tho's & Wm. M'Candlish, merchants, Norfolk, containing Bank Notes to the amount of Two Hundred Dollars, as below described, and supposed to have been deposited in the Post-Office, has either been lost, mislaid, or taken a wrong direction.—It is hoped that any person who may have become possessed of the same, accidentally or otherwise, will forward it on to the subscribers, as payment of the Notes have been stopped at the respective Banks. D. No. 1124, United States Branch, Norfolk, Dec. 6, 1804, — 100 Dollars. B. No. 97, Virginia Branch, Fredericksburg, February 6, 1805, — 100 Dollars. Wm. M'Candlish, & Co. Williamsburg, Dec. 9. tf 341
REMOVAL.
JAMES TUCKER,
Has removed to No. 1, Holt's Lane, near Main-Street, WHERE HE OFFERS FOR SALE, ON REASONABLE TERMS, HIS STOCK IN TRADE, CONSISTING OF A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF HARDWARE, NAILS, &c.
May 8. tf 659
All persons having claims against the
Estate of ROBERT WARREN, deceased, either by bond or open account are desired to bring them forward for settlement, and those indebted to make immediate payment to
Warren Ashley, Administrator.
December 9. tf 339
FLOUR.
700 Barrels Mayo Mills of excellent quality, afloat, for Sale by
Moses Myers.
Dec. 27. tf 381
FOR RENT,
And immediate possession given,
THE WAREHOUSE lately occupied
by Mr. Edward Roberts—Also, The WAREHOUSE lately occupied by Mr. Edward Johnston—For terms, apply to
Robert Gibson.
January 20. tf 450
New Beef, Candles, N. E. Rum, &c.
The Subscribers offer for Sale, at their Warehouse on Commerce-street wharf, 450 bbls. No. 1 & 2 Beef—Boston inspection, 400 boxes MOULD CANDLES—different sizes,