Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1808-05-20 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 52 OF VOLUME IX.]
FRIDAY, May 20, 1808.
[WHOLE NO. 468.]
Mr. Wilson
LETTER
To the hon. HARRISON G. OTIS, esq. By JOHN Q. ADAMS.
Washington, March 31, 1808.
DEAR SIR,
I have received from one of my friends in Boston a copy of a printed pamphlet containing a letter from Mr. Pickering to the governor of the commonwealth, intended for a communication to the legislature of the state, during their session recently concluded. But this object not having been accomplished, it appears to have been published by some friend of the writer, whose inducement is stated, no doubt truly to have been the importance of the matter discussed in it, and the high respectability of the author.
The subjects of this letter are the embargo, and the difference in controversy between our country and Great-Britain—Subjects upon which it is my misfortune, in the discharge of my duties as a senator of the United States to differ from the opinions of my colleague. The place where the question upon the first of them, in common with others of great national concern, was between him and me, in our official capacities a proper object of discussion, was the senate of the union—There it was discussed, and as far as the constitutional authority of that body extended, there it was decided. Having obtained alike the concurrence of the other branch of the national legislature, and the approbation of the president, it became the law of the land, and as such I have considered it entitled to the respect and obedience of every virtuous citizen.
From these decisions however, the letter in question is to be considered in the nature of an appeal: in the first instance, to our common constituents, the legislature of the state—and in the second, by the publication, to the people. To both these tribunals I shall always hold myself accountable for every act of my public life. Yet, were my own political character alone implicated in the course which has in this instance been pursued, I should have forbore all notice of the proceeding, and have left my conduct in this, as in other cases, to the candor and discretion of my country.
But to this species of appeal thus conducted there are some objections on constitutional grounds, which I deem it my duty to mention for the consideration of the public. On a statement of circumstances attending a very important act of national legislation, a statement which the writer undoubtedly believed to be true, but which comes from only one side of the question, and which, I expect to prove in the most essential points erroneous. The writer with the most animated tone of energy calls for the interposition of the commercial states, and asserts that "Nothing but their sense, clearly and emphatically expressed, will save them from ruin!" This solemn and alarming invocation is addressed to the legislature of Massachusetts, at so late a period of their session, that had it been received by them, they must have been compelled either to act upon the views of this representation, without hearing the counter statement of the other side, or seemingly to disregard the pressing interest of their constituents, by neglecting an admonition of the most serious complexion. Considering the application as a precedent, its tendency is dangerous to the public. For on the first supposition, that the legislature had been precipitated to act on the spur of such an instigation, they must have acted on imperfect information, and under an excitement, not remarkably adapted to the composure of safe deliberation. On the second they would have been exposed to unjust imputations, which at the eve of an election might have operated in the most inequitable manner upon the characters of individual members.
The interposition of one or more state legislatures, to controul the exercise of the powers vested by the general constitution in the congress of the United States, is at least of questionable policy. The views of a state legislature are naturally and properly limited in a considerable degree to the particular interests of the state. The very object and for-
mation of the national deliberative assemblies was for the compromise and conciliation of the interests of all—the whole nation. If the appeal from the regular, legitimate measures of the body where the whole nation is represented, be proper to one state legislature, it must be so to another. If the commercial states are called to interpose on one hand, will not the agricultural states be with equal propriety summoned to interpose on the other? If the east is stimulated against the west, and the northern and southern sections are urged into collision with each other, by appeals from the acts of congress to the respective states—in what are these appeals to end?
It is undoubtedly the right, and may often become the duty of a state legislature, to address that of the nation, with the expression of its wishes, in regard to interests peculiarly concerning the state itself. Nor shall I question the right of every member of the great federative compact to declare its own sense of measures interesting to the nation at large. But whenever the case occurs that this sense should be "clearly and emphatically" expressed, it ought surely to be predicated upon a full and impartial consideration of the whole subject—not under the stimulus of a one-sided representation—far less upon the impulse of conjectures and suspicions. It is not thro' the medium of personal occupations, nor of geographical position, that the whole truth can be discerned, of questions involving the rights and interests of this extensive union. When their discussion is urged upon a state legislature, the first call upon its members should be to cast all their feelings and interests as the citizens of a single state into the common stock of the national concern.
Should the occurrence upon which an appeal is made from the councils of the nation, to those of a single state, be one upon which the representation of the state had been divided, and the member who found himself in the minority, felt impelled by a sense of duty to invoke the interposition of his constituents, it would seem that both in justice to them, and in candor to his colleague, some notice of such intention should be given to him, that he too might be prepared to exhibit his views of the subject upon which his difference of opinion had taken place; or at least that the resort should be had, at such a period of time as would leave it within the reach of possibility for his representations to be received by the common constituents, before they would be compelled to decide on the merits of the case.
The fairness and propriety of this course of proceeding must be so obvious that it is difficult to conceive of the propriety of any other. Yet it presents another inconvenience which must necessarily result from this practice of appellate legislation.—When one of the senators from a state proclaims to his constituents that a particular measure, or system of measures, which has received the vote and support of his colleague, are pernicious and destructive to those interests which both are bound with the most sacred of ties, with zeal and fidelity to promote; the denunciation of the measures amounts to little less than a denunciation of the man.—The advocate of a policy thus reprobated must feel himself challenged by every motive of self defence to vindicate his conduct—and if his general sense of his official duties would bind him to the industrious devotion of his whole time to the public business of the session, the hours which he might be forced to employ for his own justification, would of course be deducted from the discharge of his more regular and appropriate functions. Should these occasions frequently recur, they could not fail to interfere with the due performance of the public business. Nor can I forbear to remark the tendency of such agonizing appeals to distract the councils of the state in its own legislature, to destroy its influence, and expose it to derision, in the presence of its sister states and to produce between the colleagues themselves mutual asperities and rancours, until the great concerns of the nation would degenerate into the puny controversies of personal altercation.
It is therefore with extreme reluctance that I enter upon this discussion. In
developing my own views and the principles which have governed my conduct in relation to our foreign affairs, and particularly in relation to the embargo, some very material differences in point of fact as well as of opinion, will be found in my statements, and those of the letter, which alone can apologize for this. They will not, I trust, be deemed in any degree disrespectful to the writer.—Far more pleasing would it have been to me, could that honest and anxious pursuit of the policy best calculated to promote the honor and welfare of our country, which, I trust is felt with equal ardor by us both, have resulted in the same opinions, and have given them the vigor of united exertion. There is a candor and liberality of conduct and of sentiment due from associates in the same public charge, towards each other, necessary to their individual reputation, to their common influence, and to their public usefulness. In our republican government, where the power of the nation consists alone in the sympathies of opinion, this reciprocal deference, this open hearted imputation of honest intentions, is the only adamant at once attractive and impenetrable, that can bear, unshattered, all the thunder of foreign hostility. Ever since I have had the honor of a seat in the national councils, I have extended it to every department of the government. However differing in my conclusions, upon questions of the highest moment, from any other man, or whatever party, I have never, upon suspicion, imputed his conduct to corruption. If this confidence argues ignorance of public affairs, to that ignorance I must plead guilty. I know, indeed enough of human nature to be sensible that vigilant observation is at all times, and that suspicion may occasionally become necessary, upon the conduct of men in power. But, I know as well that confidence is the only cement of an elective government—election is the very test of confidence—and its periodical return is the constitutional check upon its abuse; of which the electors must of course be the sole judges. For the exercise of power, where man is free, confidence is indispensable—and when it once totally fails—when the men to whom the people have committed the application of their force, for their benefit, are to be presumed the vilest of mankind, the very foundation of the social compact must be dissolved. [Towards the gentleman whose official station results from the confidence of the same legislature, by whose appointment I have the honor of holding a similar trust, I have thought this confidence peculiarly due from me; nor should I now notice his letter, notwithstanding the disapprobation it so obviously implies at the cause which I have pursued in relation to the subjects of which it treats, did it not appear to me calculated to produce upon the public mind, impressions unfavorable to the rights and interests of the nation.]
Having understood that a motion in the senate of Massachusetts was made by you, requesting the governor to transmit Mr. Pickering's letter to the legislature, together with such communications, relating to public affairs, as he might have received from me, I avail myself of the circumstance, and of the friendship which has so long subsisted between us, to take the liberty of addressing this letter, intended for publication to you. Very few of the facts which I shall state will rest upon information peculiar to myself—Most of them will stand upon the basis of official documents, or of public or undisputed notoriety. For my opinions, though fully pursued, that even where differing from your own, they will meet with a fair and liberal judge in you, yet of the public I ask neither favor nor indulgence. Pretending to no extraordinary credit from the authority of a writer, I am sensible they must fall by their own weakness, or stand by their own strength.
The first remark which intrudes itself upon the mind, on the perusal of Mr. Pickering's letter is, that in enumerating all the pretences (for he thinks there are no causes) for the embargo, and for a war with Great-Britain, he has totally omitted the British orders of council of November 11, 1807, those orders, under which millions of the property of our
fellow-citizens, are now detained in British hands or confiscated to tenfold as many millions of the same property would have been at this moment in the same predicament, had they not been saved from the exposure to it by the embargo, those orders, which if once submitted to, and carried to the extent of their principles, would not have left an inch of American canvass upon the ocean, but under British licence and British taxation. An attentive reader of the letter, without other information, would not even suspect their existence. They are indeed in one or two passages, faintly, and darkly alluded to under the justifying description of 'the orders of the British government retaliating the French imperial decree:' but as causes or even pretences of war with Great-Britain, they are not only unnoticed, but their very existence is by direct implication denied.
It is indeed true, that these orders were not officially communicated with the President's message recommending the embargo. They had not been officially received—But they were announced in several paragraphs from London and Liverpool newspapers of the 10th, 11th and 12th of November, which appeared in the National Intelligencer the 18th December, the day upon which the embargo message was sent to Congress. The British government had taken care that they should not be authentically known before their time; for the very same newspapers which gave this unofficial notice of these orders, announced also the departure of Mr. Rose, upon a special mission to the United States. And we now know that of this all-devouring instrument of rapine, Mr. Rose was not even informed. His mission was professedly a mission of conciliation and reparation for a flagrant—enormous—acknowledged outrage. But he was not sent with these orders of council in his hands. His text, was the disavowal of admiral Berkeley's conduct. The commentary was to be discovered on another page of the British ministerial policy—On the face of Mr. Rose's instructions, these orders of council were as visible, as they are on that of Mr. Pickering's letter.
They were not merely without official authenticity. Rumors had for several weeks been in circulation, derived from English prints, and private correspondences, that such orders were to issue: and no inconsiderable pains were taken here to discredit the fact. Assurances were given that there was a reason to believe no such orders to be contemplated. Suspicion was lulled by declarations equivalent nearly to a positive denial: and these opiates were continued for weeks after the embargo was laid, until Mr. Erskine received instructions to make the official communication of the orders themselves, in their proper shape to our government.
Yet, although thus authenticated, and even although thus in some sort denied, the probability of the circumstances under which they were announced, and the sweeping tendency of their effects, formed to my understanding a powerful motive, and together with the papers sent by the president, and his express recommendation, a decisive one, for assenting to the embargo. As a precautionary measure, I believe it would rescue an immense property from depredation, if the orders should prove authentic. If the alarm was groundless, it must very soon be disapproved, and the embargo might be removed with the danger.
The omission of all notice of these facts in the pressing enquiries "why the embargo was laid?" is the most surprizing, because they are of all facts, the most material, upon a fair and impartial examination of the expediency of that act, when it passed. And because these orders, together with the subsequent, "retaliating decrees" of France and Spain, have furnished the only reason upon which I have acquiesced in its continuance to this day. If duly weighed, they will save us the trouble of resorting to jealousies of secret corruption, and imaginary terrors of Napoleon for the real cause of the embargo. These are fictions of foreign invention—The French emperor had not declared that he would have no neutrals—He had not required that our ports should be shut against

British commerce—but the orders of council, if submitted to, would have degraded us to the condition of colonies. If resisted, would have fattened the wolves of plunder with our spoils. The embargo was the only shelter from the tempest. The last refuge of our violated peace.
I have indeed been myself of opinion that the embargo must in its nature be a temporary expedient, and that preparations manifesting a determination of resistance against these outrageous violations of our neutral rights ought at least to have been made a subject of serious deliberation in congress. I have believed, and do still believe, that our internal resources are competent to the establishment and maintenance of a naval force public and private, if not fully adequate to the protection and defence of our commerce, at least sufficient to induce a retreat from those hostilities and better from a renewal of them, by either of the warring parties; and that a system to that effect might be formed, ultimately far more economical, and certainly more energetic than a three years embargo. Very soon after the closure of our ports, I did submit to the consideration of the senate, a proposition for the appointment of a committee to institute an enquiry to this end.—But my resolution met no encouragement. Attempts of a similar nature have been made in the house of representatives, but have been equally discountenanced, and from these determinations by decided majorities of both houses, I am not sufficiently confident in the superiority of my own wisdom to appeal, by a topical application to the congenial feeling of any one—not even of my own native section of the union.
The embargo, however, is a restriction always under our own control. It was a measure altogether of defence, and of experiment. If it was injudiciously and overhastily laid, it has been every day since its adoption open to a repeal; if it should prove ineffectual for the purposes which it was meant to secure, a single day will suffice to unbar the doors. Still believing it a measure justified by the circumstances of time I am ready to admit that those who thought otherwise may have had a wiser foresight of events, and a sounder judgment of the then existing state of things than the majority of the national legislature, and the president. It has been approved by several of the state legislatures, and among the rest by our own. Yet of all its effects we are still unable to judge with certainty. It must still abide the test of futurity. I shall add that there were other motives which had their operation in contributing to the passage of the act, unnoticed by Mr. Pickering, and which having now ceased will also be left unnoticed by me. The orders of council of 11th Nov. still subsist in all their force; and are now confirmed, with the addition of taxa ion , by act of parliament.
As they stand in front of the real causes for the embargo, so they are entitled to the same pre-eminence in enumerating the causes of hostility, which the British ministers are accumulating on our forbearance. They strike at the root of our independence. They assume that we shall have no commerce in time of war, but with her dominions, and as tributaries to her. The exclusive confinement of commerce to the mother country is the great principle of the modern colonial system; and should we by a dereliction of our right, at this momentous stride of encroachment surrender our commercial freedom without a struggle, Britain has but a single step more to take, and she brings us back to the Stamp Act and the Tea Tax !
Yet these orders—thus fatal to the liberties for which the sages and heroes of our revolution toiled and bled—thus studiously concealed until the moment when they burst upon our heads—thus issued at the very instant when a mission of atonement was professedly sent—in these orders we must not find so much as a cause—nay not so much as a pretence for a complaint against Britain.
To my mind, sir, in comparison with those orders, the three causes to which Mr. Pickering, explicitly limits our grounds for a rupture with England, might indeed be justly denominated pretences —in comparison with them, former aggressions sink into insignificance. To argue upon the subject of our disputes with Britain, or upon the motives for the embargo, and keep them out of sight, is laying your finger upon the unit before a series of noughts and then arithmetically proving that they all amount to nothing.
It is not however in a mere omission, nor yet in the history of the embargo, that the inaccuracies of the statement I
am examining have given me the most serious concern, it is in the view taken of the questions in controversy between us and Britain. The wisdom of the embargo is a question of great, but transient magnitude, and omission sacrifices no national right. Mr. Pickering's object was to dissuade the nation from a war with England, into which he suspected the administration was plunging us, under French influence. But the tendency of his pamphlet is to reconcile the nation, or at least the commercial states, to the servitude of British protection, and war with all the rest of Europe. Hence England is represented as contending for the common liberties of mankind, and our only safe-guard against the ambition and injustice of France. Hence all our sensibilities are invoked in her favor, and all our antipathies against her antagonist. Hence too all the subjects of differences between us and Britain are alleged to be on our part mere pretences , of which the right is unequivocally pronounced to be on her side . Proceeding from a senator of the United States, specially charged as a member of the executive with the maintenance of the nation's right against foreign powers, and at a moment extremely critical of pending negotiation upon all the points thus delineated, this formal abandonment of the American cause, this summons of unconditional surrender to the pretensions of our antagonist, is in my mind highly alarming. It becomes therefore a duty to which every other consideration must yield to point out the errors of this representation. Before we strike the standard of the nation, let us at least examine the purport of the summons.
And first, with respect to the impressment of our seamen. We are told that "the taking of British seamen found on board our merchant vessels, by British ships of war, is agreeable to a right, claimed and exercised for ages." It is obvious that this claim and exercise of ages, could not apply to us, as an independent people. If the right was claimed and exercised while our vessels were navigating under the British flag, it could not authorize the same claim when their owners have become the citizens of a sovereign state. As a relict of colonial servitude, whatever may be the claim of Great-Britain, it surely can be no ground for contending that it is entitled to our submission.
If it be meant that the right has been claimed and exercised for ages over the merchant vessels of other nations, I apprehend it is a mistake. The case never occurred with sufficient frequency to constitute even a practice, much less a right. If it had been either, it would have been noticed by some of the writers on the laws of nations. The truth is, the question arose out of American independence; from the severance of one nation into two. It was not made a question between any other two nations. There is therefore no right of prescription.
But, it seems, it has also been claimed and exercised, during the three administrations of our national government. And is it meant to be asserted that this claim and exercise constitute a right? If it is, I appeal to the uniform, unceasing and urgent remonstrances of the three administrations; I appeal not only to the warm feelings, but the cool justice of the American people; nay, I appeal to the sound sense and honorable sentiment of the British nation itself, which, however it may have submitted at home to this practice, never would tolerate its sanction by law, against the assertion. If it is not, how can it be affirmed that it is on our part a mere pretence?
But the first merchant in the U. States, in answer to Mr. Pickering's late enquiries has informed him that since the affair of the Chesapeake there has been no cause of complaint; that he could not find a single instance where they had taken one man out of a merchant vessel. Who it is that enjoys the dignity of first merchant of the U. States we are not informed. But if he had applied to many merchants in Boston as respectable as any in the United States, they could have told him of a valuable vessel and cargo, totally lost upon the coast of England, late in August last, and solely in consequence of having had two of her men, native Americans, taken from her by impressment, two months after the affair of the Chesapeake.
On the 15th of October, the king of England issued his proclamation commanding his naval officers to impress his subjects from neutral vessels. This proclamation is represented as merely "requiring the return of his subjects, the seamen especially, from foreign countries," and then "it is an acknowledged
principle that every nation has a right to the service of its subjects in time of war." Is this, sir, a correct statement either of the proclamation, or of the question it involves in which our right is concerned? The king of England's right to the service of his subjects in time of war is nothing to us. The question is, whether he has a right to seize them forcibly on board of our vessels while under contract of service of our citizens, within our jurisdiction upon the high seas? And whether he has a right expressly to command his naval officers so to seize them—is this an acknowledged principle? certainly not. Why then is this proclamation described as founded upon an uncontested principle? and why is the command, so justly offensive to us, and so mischievous, as it might then have been made in execution, altogether omitted?
But it is not the taking of British subjects from our vessels, it is the taking under color of that pretence our own, native American citizens, which constitutes the most galling aggravation of this merciless practice. Yet even this, we are told is but a pretence—for three reasons.
1. Because the number of citizens thus taken is small . 2. Because it arises only from the impossibility of distinguishing Englishmen from Americans. 3. Because, such impressed American citizens are delivered up, on duly authenticated proof.
1. Small and great in point of number are relative terms. To suppose that the native Americans form a small proportion of the whole number impressed is a mistake—The reverse is the fact. Examine the official returns from the department of state. They give the names of between four and five thousand men impressed since the commencement of the present war.—Of which number not one fifth part were British subjects—The number of naturalized Americans could not amount to one tenth—I hazard little in saying that more than three fourths were native Americans. If it be said that some of these men, though appearing on the face of the returns, American citizens, were really British subjects, and had fraudulently procured their protections; I reply that this number must be far exceeded by the cases of citizens impressed, which never reach the department of state. The American consul in London estimates the number of impressments during the war at nearly three times the amount of the names returned. If the nature of the offence be considered in its true colors, to a people having a just sense of personal liberty and security, it is in every single instance, of a malignity not inferior to that of murder. The very same act, when committed by the recruiting officer of one nation within the territories of another, is by the universal law and usage of nations punished with death. Suppose the crime had in every instance, as by its consequences it has been in many, deliberate murder. Would it answer or silence the voice of our complaints to be told that the number was small?
2. The impossibility of distinguishing English from American seamen is not the only, nor even the most frequent occasion of impressment. Look again into the returns from the department of state—you will see that the officers take our men, without pretending to enquire where they were born; sometimes merely to shew their animosity, or their contempt for our country; sometimes from the wantonness of power. When they manifest the most tender regard for the neutral rights of America, they lament that they want the men. They regret the necessity, but they must have their complement. When we complain of these enormities, we are answered that the acts of such officers were unauthorized ; that the commanders of men of war are an unruly set of men, for whose violence, their own government cannot always be answerable, that enquiry shall be made—A court martial is sometimes mentioned—And the issue of Whitby's court martial has taught us what relief is to be expected from that—There are even examples, I am told, when such officers have been put upon the yellow list. But this is a rare exception—The ordinary issue, when the act is disavowed, is the promotion of the actor.
3. The impressed native American citizens however, upon duly authenticated proof are delivered up. Indeed! how unreasonable then were complaint! how effectual a remedy for the wrong! an American vessel, bound to an European port, has two, three or four native Americans impressed by a British man of war bound to the East or West Indies. When the American captain arrives at his port of destination, he
makes his protest, and sends it to the nearest American minister or consul. When he returns home, he transmits the duplicate of his protest to the secretary of state. In process of time, the names of the impressed men, and of the ship into which they have been impressed are received by the agent in London. He makes his demand that the men may be delivered up—The lords of the admiralty, after a reasonable time for enquiry and advisement, return for answer, that the ship is on a foreign station, and their lordships can therefore take no further steps in the matter—Or, that the ship has been taken and that the men have been received in exchange for French prisoners—Or, that the men had no protections (the impressing officers often having taken them from the men)—Or that the men were probably British subjects. Or, that they have entered and taken the bounty; (to which the officers know how to reduce them.) Or, that they have been married, or settled in England. In all these cases, without further ceremony, their discharge is refused. sometimes their lordships, in a vein of humor, inform the agent that the man has been discharged as unserviceable . Sometimes in a sterner tone, they say he was an impostor . Or perhaps by way of consolation to his relatives and friends, they report that he has fallen in battle, against nations in amity with his country. Sometimes they coolly return that there is no such man on board the ship ; and what has become of him, the agonies of a wife and children in his native land may be left to conjecture. When all these and many other such apologies for refusal fail, the native American seamen is discharged—and when by the charitable aid of his government he has found his way home, he comes to be informed, that all is as it should be—that the number of his fellow-sufferers is small—that it was impossible to distinguish him from an Englishman—and that he was delivered up, on duly authenticated proof.
Enough of this disgusting subject—I cannot stop to calculate how many of these wretched victims are natives of Massachusetts, and how many natives of Virginia—I cannot stop to solve that knotty question of national jurisprudence whether some of them might not possibly be slaves and therefore not citizens of the United States—I cannot stay to account for the wonder, why, poor, and ignorant, and friendless as most of them are, the voice of their complaints is so seldom heard in the great navigating states. I admit that we have endured this cruel indignity through all the administrations of the general government. I acknowledge that Britain claims the right of seizing her subjects in our merchant vessels, that even if we could acknowledge it, the line of discrimination would be difficult to draw. We are not in a condition to maintain this right, by war, and as the British government have been more than once on the point of giving it up of their own accord, I would still hope for the day when returning justice shall induce them to abandon it without compulsion. Her subjects we do not want. The degree of protection which we are bound to extend to them, cannot equal the claim of our own citizens. I would subscribe to any compromise of this contest, consistent with the rights of sovereignty, the duties of humanity and principles of reciprocity: but to the right of forcing even her own subjects out of our merchant vessels on the high seas, I can never assent.
The second point on which Mr. Pickering defends the pretensions of Great-Britain, is her denial to neutral nations of the prosecuting with her enemies and their colonies, any commerce from which they are excluded in time of peace. His statement of this case adopts the British doctrine as sound.—The right as on the question of impressments, so on this it surrenders at discretion—and it is equally defective in point of fact.
In the first place, the claim of Great-Britain, is not to "a right of imposing on this neutral commerce, some limits and restraints "—but of interdicting it altogether, at her pleasure, of interdicting it without a moment's notice to neutrals, after solemn decisions of her courts of admiralty, and formal acknowledgments of other ministers that it is a lawful trade—and on such a sudden, unnotified interdict of pouncing upon all neutral commerce navigating upon the faith of her decision and acknowledgments, and of gorging with confiscation the greediness of her cruisers.—This is the right claimed by Britain; this is the power she has exercised. What Mr. Pickering calls " limits and restraints ," she calls relaxations of her right.
[To be concluded next week.]

BOSTON, May 2. On Saturday last, several vessels loaded and cleared, for Passamaquoddy, and the St. Mary's, were stopped by the collector of the customs, and their papers taken back. This circumstance, induces a belief that the new supplementary embargo law has passed in the branches of government, and has been transmitted to the several collectors by express.
The last Kennebec Gazette furnishes the following article.
"We are informed that last week another sheriff had his horse shot in Fairfax, and the sheriff stripped of his clothes, by men in disguise, and beat and whipped in a cruel manner."
NEW-YORK, May 4. Effects of the Embargo. —We have seen a letter from a gentleman in Montreal, to his correspondent in this city, which says, "There are several large ships and smaller vessels building here and a greater number at Quebec; which gives employment to a number of American Ship Carpenters and Joiners, who lately arrived, and are much pleased with their situation as they receive from 6.9 to 7.6 sterling per day, (equal to 1 dollar 65) and live at about one half the expence they can in New-York. Many more would find constant employment."
[It is to be regretted, that some plan could not be fallen upon to prevent the emigration of our most useful mechanics, as the Embargo may some day or other be raised? in which case we shall be almost as much distressed for want of them, as they are now for the want of Employment.]
May 8. Oppugnation. —We understand the United States sloop of war Wasp, is taking on board stores and troops, and will sail in a few days for Passamaquoddy, to prevent the evasions of the embargo law at that place, by a civil war.
May 6. Massachusetts Election. —From the Boston Centinel of the 4th, we observe, that in 13 towns heard from, the Federalists have gained 12 additional members, and the democrats have lost 4, making a difference in our favour of 16.
By the same paper we observe that the Hon. Eldridge Gerry has bid farewell to his democratic friends, and not only voted for the federal ticket, but attended their meeting preparatory to the election.
It is with pleasure we learn that the election in Rhode-Island has terminated in favor of correct principles. The federalists have a majority of three in the senate, and four in the assembly.
Our State Election. —We understand, that some of the worthy office holders in this city will not believe in the reported success of sound principles in the middle and northern parts of this state. It is otherwise with their favorite editor. He acknowledges the truth in the following language of despair:—
"No additional returns of the election were yesterday received, but reports, which are entitled to some credit, are very unfavorable. In the Middle and Eastern districts, federalism is triumphant. I am disposed to cherish a hope of something favorable to republicanism from the Western district, but I cannot. The Anti-Embargo current is irresistible. This state is in all probability gone. — My alarms are for the PRESIDENCY. — If New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland follow the scandalous example of this state, who can say, extraordinary and astonishing as it may seem, that our next president will not be a Federalist "
"Again—Last evening, and since writing the above, the Northern mail arrived and brought the following unpleasant information."
"Washington county has given the republican candidates for the assembly, a small majority.—Last year, our majority in this county was 800."
"Otsego, one of the most republican counties in this state, has given a majority of two hundred for the federal candidates for the assembly! Last year Otsego gave a republican majority of between 7 and 800. Heretofore this county was deemed as safe as Suffolk. Where will the Maria stop? What an inauspicious revolution! How mortifying to our principles and our pride!"
May 8. A gentleman from Vermont says that state will prove federal at the next election.
A late letter from Washington says, "Florida is transferred to France, but not to be purchased by our government."
Louis Stephen Felix is recognized as French consul ad interim at New-York, vice Gen. Rey, decamped—his debts unpaid.
BOSTON, May 10. We understand information has been received of the arrival of the American government packet Osage, in France, with dispatches for our minister. Her return may be momentarily expected.
The collector of this port has advertised for a vessel to go to Rio Janeiro and to touch at St. Salvadore, with permission to take American citizens passengers.
We understand that it is the intention of government to send a special envoy to the prince regent at the Brazils, to congratulate him on his safe arrival in that country, and to form a commercial treaty with him. [N. York pap.]
PHILADELPHIA, May 12. Private letters recently received from Holland, state, that seven of the most eminent merchants at antwerp, and four at Brussels, had been taken into custody, for having violated the decrees recently issued for the prevention of all intercourse with Great Britain. They are charged with having "contrived, sanctioned, and connived at the admission into the ports under the dominion of France, of various goods, the manufacture of England, of having negotiated bills for the payment of such goods, and of having sent money out of the country, contrary to the tenor of the Decrees of France." They have been forcibly taken from their families and sent under a strong escort of Gens d'Armes to Paris.
Extract of a letter from Amsterdam, dated March 23.
"The Council of Prizes at Paris has received orders to suspend, for two months, all decisions respecting American ships and property detained. Marshal Brune is said to be put in prison at Paris, together with some other chief people, and also Faipoult the prefect of Gant or Antwerp. The cause of this arrestation is unknown."
MARTINSBURG, May 20.
Married, on Sunday last, by the Rev. Mr. Hutchinson. Mr. ASAHEL VAN-METRE to Miss POLLY BURNS, daughter of Mr. William Burns, all of this County.
General Moreau arrived at Charleston from Savannah on Monday evening the 2d instant.
WASHINGTON, May 12. The General Court Martial assembled on board the United States frigate the Chesapeake, in the harbor of Norfolk, and state of Virginia, pursuant to the order of the Secretary of the navy, to try James Barron, Esq. a Captain in the navy of the U. States, upon the following charges viz.
1st. For negligently performing the duty assigned him. 2d. For neglecting on the probability of an engagement to clear his ship for action. 3d. For failing to encourage in his own person, his inferior officers and men to fight courageously. 4th. For not doing his utmost to take or destroy the Leopard, which vessel it was his duty to encounter;
Have acquitted him of all the charges, excepting the 2nd. viz. For neglecting on the probability of an engagement to clear his ship for action—of this charge, they have pronounced him guilty, and for this offence, they have adjudged, and sentenced him to be suspended from all command in the Navy of the United States, and this without any pay or emoluments of any kind, for the period and term of five years, from the 8th day of February 1808. This sentence is confirmed by the president.
The Secretary of State, left Washington on Saturday for his place of residence in Virginia, from whence he will return in a very little time.
Extract of a letter from Albany, dated April 3d, and written by an intelligent and active member of the incorporated Society for the promotion of Arts. "Of late there is a great spirit of manufacturing with us. Every week the society has samples of woolen cloth sent for their inspection. There is a manufactory of broad cloth set up at Poughkeepsie by a Mr. Booth. He brought to this city last week a piece of his own manufacturing, being of the common
width of that sort of cloth. It was a very fine and good piece and is now selling in the city at $7 10 per yard. It was made of the Merino wool, which he purchased of Mr. L. R. Livingston.—The state has loaned to Mr. Booth, about $5,000, to enable him to carry on the business more extensively.
"About twenty miles north of this place another foreigner has established a manufactory for spinning flax and hemp into yarn and twine by machinery, which has been imported from England, and which is said to be very curious; and that two girls by this mode will spin as much and better in one day, than ten women can do in the same time by the usual mode. The state has also loaned this man a sum of money to extend his business.
AMERICAN HEMP. The secretary of the navy will receive until the 1st of November next, proposals for furnishing water rotted Hemp of the growth of the United States, to be delivered either at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston; New-London; New-York; Philadelphia; Newcastle; Baltimore; Norfolk; Wilmington, N.C.; Charleston, S.C.; Savannah, Ga. or New-Orleans.
For well water rotted and well cleaned American Hemp, the secretary of the navy is disposed to allow a liberal price beyond the usual price of such hemp when dew rotted.
Any person transmitting proposals for furnishing a supply of water rotted Hemp, will be pleased to state the price per ton, the place where, and the time when, it would be delivered.
Fresh Goods NOW OPENING. THE subscribers have the pleasure to inform their friends, customers and the public generally, that they have just received and are now opening at their Store (Mr. Kearsley's well-known corner) in Shepherd's-Town, a complete and handsome assortment of SPRING and SUMMER GOODS, consisting of almost every article in the mercantile line, which have been purchased low, and will be sold on as favorable terms as any goods that will be offered this season.
They return their thanks to all those who have been pleased to call on them since their commencement in business, and flatter themselves with a continuance of the same, as they are determined that no pains shall be spared to accommodate those who may favour them with their custom. R. WORTHINGTON, & Co. Shepherd's-Town, May 20, 1808.
Bar-Iron. WE have now on hand a complete assortment of Antietam BAR-IRON, which we intend keeping constantly. R. WORTHINGTON, & Co. Shepherd's-Town, May 20, 1808.
WOOL CARDING MACHINE. IMPRESSED with the many advantages these machines justly claim over any other mode of preparing wool for spinning, the subscriber has procured one, which will be in operation in a few days, in his Fulling Mill in Buckles-Town. From the experience of those who are to set the machine in operation, and the personal attendance and great exertion of the subscriber to please, he trusts he will give general satisfaction to the patrons of the machine.
Wool for carding should be assorted, cleaned of burs, sticks, &c. and greased with one lb. of grease to ten or twelve lbs. of wool. Price of carding eight cents per lb. if a credit is given ten cents per lb. is charged.
JONATHAN WICKERSHAM. N. B. Fulling executed with neatness and dispatch at proper seasons of the year. Berkeley County, May 20, 1808.
NOTICE. ALL persons are hereby cautioned against taking an assignment on two notes of hand for ten dollars and fifty cents, payable on demand, given by the subscriber to Jacob Smith of Washington County, Maryland, some time in the month of March last; the said notes having been fraudulently obtained, without value received, I am determined never to discharge the same, unless compelled thereto by law.
LEONARD DRURY. Berkeley County, May 20, 1808.
MACHINERY FOR Picking, Breaking and Carding Wool.
THE subscriber has his Machines repaired in the best order (with new cards) and all things complete for business at his Fulling Mill; likewise has engaged an experienced and careful hand to attend them this season, which will enable him to give general satisfaction to the public. The wool must be sent with the burs and matted ends cut off, and the proportion of one pound of fresh grease to eight pounds of wool, in a cloth sufficiently large to contain the rolls; the price for picking, greasing and carding will be ten cents per pound, and for wool sent picked and greased, eight cents.
AARON HIBBERD. Tuscarora, 5th mo. 20th day, 1808.
NOTICE. WHEREAS it has been the practice for some years past, under a pretence of fishing, to throw down our fences and run through our meadows, so that our fences were frequently in danger of being burnt, wishing to put a stop to such unlawful and evil practices in future, we do hereby forwarn all persons from fishing, ranging, or in any manner trespassing upon our property at any time as we are determined to put the law in force against such offenders without respect to persons. Matthew Rippey, Nehemiah Mattson, David Garard, jun. May 20, 1808.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away last night from the subscriber, a NEGRO MAN named STEPHEN, forty years old, six feet high, stout made, coarse voice, down look, remarkable large feet, is very fond of liquor; he took with him sundry home-made clothing; he may change his name and clothes, and obtain a forged pass. Eight dollars reward will be given for him, if taken in this county; twenty dollars if fifty miles, and the above reward if one hundred and fifty miles, and brought home, or secured in any jail, so that I get him again. HENRY BEDINGER. Berkeley County, Va. } May 17, 1808. }
BY THE GOVERNOR of the Commonwealth of Virginia, A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it appears to the Executive from the certificate of the clerk of the district court holden at Winchester that George Keesler alias Joseph Hibber, charged with horse-stealing hath been examined by the county court of Berkeley, and that Isaac Compton charged with Burglary, hath also been examined by the said county court of Berkeley, and by the said county court adjudged to be guilty of the offences with which they are respectively charged, and ordered to be removed to the Jail of the Winchester district court aforesaid for further trial before the said district court, but previous to their removal broke out of the Jail of the said county of Berkeley; and that the Grand Jury for the Winchester district court aforesaid have found bills of Indictment against the said Geo: Keesler alias Jos: Hibber and Isaac Compton for the felonies with which they are charged: I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of council of state to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of fifty dollars for apprehending each or either of the said culprits and carrying them or either of them before some justice of the peace of this commonwealth in the county, in which they or either of them may be arrested, to be by such justice dealt with according to the provisions of the act of assembly passed the 13th of November, 1792, directing the mode of proceeding against free persons charged with certain crimes; which said act also directs the mode of removing criminals from the county in which they may be arrested, to that in which the offence may have been committed. And I do moreover enjoin all officers civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth to use their endeavors to apprehend and carry before a magistrate of the county in which they or either of them may be arrested the said Geo: Keesler alias Jos: Hibber & Isaac Compton, to be dealt with as aforesaid. Given under my hand with the seal of (L. s.) the commonwealth annexed at Richmond, this 7th day of April, 1808. (Signed) WILLIAM H. CABELL.

L. PRICE,
Has just received a large supply of
Fresh Goods,
which he offers for sale on the lowest terms. His assortment consists, in part, of the following articles:
 Mull Mull Muslins, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambric do.  Beno and Spider-net do. a beautiful assortment, Cambric and Diaper Dimitys, Pocket Handkerchiefs, A Superb collection of E. Chintzes and Fancy Prints, Cotton Laces, assorted, Patent Nankeens, Grandurells, India Nankeens, Blue do. Fancy Ginghams, Lappet and Cambric Shawls, Leno do. do. An extensive assortment of fashionable and other Bonnets, Morocco Shoes, Fine drab Cassamers, Superfine Cloths all colours, Marseilles, assorted, Cotton hose do. Tortois Shell and Horn Combs, Fancy Velvet & President's Cord, Irish Linen, German do. Excellent Spinning Cotton, Crowley and Blisted Steel, Bell's Crock and Dishes, S. Wine, J. Spirits, F. Brandy, Cherry Bounce, Rum, Madeira Wine, Herrings and Shad, Rappee Snuff, Imperial, Hyson, Y. Hyson and Green } TEAS, New England CHEESE of excellent quality, Cradling and Grass Scythes, Tin Ware, First quality Rifle powder, Common do. Shot and Lead, Sweet Oil, Spirits Turpentine, Tar, Fish Oil and Molasses, &c. 
He assures the public that no person shall undersell him, and that no pains shall be spared to oblige customers.
Martinsburg, May 13, 1808.
THE subscribers, in addition to their former assortment, have just received and finished opening a complete and handsome variety of
SPRING and SUMMER
GOODS,
(too extensive to particularize,) among which are an elegant assortment of Ladies' and Gentlemen's fashionable Manufactures, together with
A very general selection of the most permanent
EUROPEAN, INDIA and other Merchandise,
the whole of which they most respectfully recommend to customers particularly, and a liberal public generally, at the most reduced Cash rates—For all former favors conferred they gratefully request permission to return public thanks, hoping in all respects relative to their line of business to merit a continuance of patronage.
THOMAS C. SMITH, & Co. Martinsburg, May 13, 1808.
YOUNG MATCHLESS,
WILL stand this season at Thomas Tabb's stable in Martinsburg, on Mondays, Tuesday and Wednesdays, Fridays and Saturdays at Jacob Long's stable in Shepherd's-Town, and cover mares at Four Dollars the season, Two Dollars the single leap, if not paid when the mare is covered to be considered as engaged for the season, and Eight Dollars to ensure a foal, but if the mare is parted with, the ensurance to be forfeited; the money for the season to be paid the first of October, and for ensurance when the mare proves with foal.
Young Matchless was got by Col. Burwell's Matchless, and Matchless by his celebrated horse Emperor, and his dam by Capt. Jacob Vandoren's Old Snap. Young Matchless is an elegant dapple gray, sixteen and a half hands high, seven years old this spring, and is well calculated for either saddle or draft. Young Matchless is the property of Abraham Gorrell, and was kept by me last season. A good groom is engaged and strict attention will be paid, but no responsibility for accidents. The season will commence the first of April, and end the last of June.
ANTHONY TURNER.
April 1, 1808.
THE subscribers inform their friends (customers at a distance) and the public in general, that they have
Superfine Broad Cloths & Cassimere
for sale, on moderate terms, at their Store (by the Market-House) in Shepherd's-Town. They also have a complete assortment of Ladies Fashionable Plush Bonnets, Dry Goods of every description, Hard-Ware, Groceries, Bar-Iron, Plow Molds and Steel of all kinds, Castings, Wrought & Cut Nails of all sizes, A quantity of excellent well seasoned Plank, (fit for immediate use) Home-made Twilled Bags, ditto Linen, Flax, Fresh Medicines and Paints of the best quality, Flax-Seed Oil, Prime Soak, Upper and Harness Leather, Nice Calf Skins and Boot Legs; all which they are selling very Cheap, by wholesale and retail.
They return their sincere thanks to their Punctual Customers, and hope those in arrears will come forward and settle their respective balances (in a short time) as the season has now arrived, that makes it indispensably necessary we should have our money.
JAMES & JOHN LANE.
P. S. They buy Hides and Skins, and give the highest price in Cash. Shepherd's-Town, March 18, 1808.
Berkeley, ss.
March Court, 1808.
Isabella Lyle, adm'x. of Hugh Lyle, dec. Complainant.
against Hugh Lyle, Samuel Bray and Nancy his wife, John Lyle, Philemon Chenoweth and Sally his wife, James W. Campbell and Polly his wife, William Lyle, Anne Lyle, Emely Lyle, Samuel Lyle, children and heirs at law of John Lyle, deceased, Dongal Campbell and Sally his wife, Margaret H. Lyle, Robert W. Lyle, Harriet Lyle and Hugh Lyle, children and heirs at law of said Hugh Lyle, deceased, James Wright & Elisha Boyd, Def'ts.
In CHANCERY.
THE defendants Samuel Bray and Nancy his wife, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant by her Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Samuel Bray and Nancy his wife, do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in June next, to answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, C.B.C.
Berkeley, ss.
March Court, 1808.
Ignatius O'Ferrall and Frances his wife, late Frances M'Kiernan, Comp'ts, against
Peter M'Kiernan, Laurence M'Kiernan, Andrew Goulding and Catherine his wife, late Catherine M'Kiernan, Patrick Ternan and Margaret his wife, late Margaret M'Kiernan, James O'Quin and Susanna his wife, late Susanna Mahony, Michael M'Kiernan, Frances Monahan, late Frances M'Kiernan, Elner Shirky, late Elner M'Kiernan, John M'Kiernan, Peter M'Kiernan, Frank M'Kiernan and Barney M'Kiernan, Def'ts.
In CHANCERY.
THE defendants, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the complainants by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in June next, to answer the bill of the complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, C.B.C.
Cash given for clean Linen and Cotton RAGS at this Office.
Berkeley, ss.
March Court, 1808.
Nathan Bull, ex'r. of Robert Bull, dec. Complainant,
against Daniel Brown, Defendant, In CHANCERY.
THE defendant, Daniel Brown, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant by his Counsel, it is ordered, that said Daniel Brown, do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in June next, to answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, C.B.C.
Berkeley, ss.
March Court, 1808.
William Maslin, Complainant, AGAINST
Daniel Brown and David Dutton, } Defendants, In CHANCERY.
THE defendant, Daniel Brown, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant by his Counsel, it is ordered, that said Daniel Brown, do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in June next, to answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, C.B.C.
Berkeley, ss.
February Court, 1808.
William Rankin and Christian Shank, Complainants,
against Mary Kelly, executrix of Thomas Kelly, dec. Robert Gus-tine and Elijah Sutton, } Def'ts, In CHANCERY.
THE defendant, Mary Kelly, not having entered her appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that she is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainants by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said Mary Kelly do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in May next, to answer the bill of the complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, C.B.C.
Land for sale.
THE subscriber wishes to dispose of the FARM on which he now lives, situate in Berkeley County Virginia, near Opeckon Creek, about three miles from Martinsburg and seven from Shepherd's-Town, on the main road leading from the former to the latter place—This farm contains about three hundred acres, a part slate and a part limestone land of the first quality, about two thirds of the whole tract cleared, and now in a state of high cultivation, the balance clothed with excellent timber, which will always afford a greater quantity than the consumption of the place will require—A sufficient portion of the land can be converted into good meadow—The improvements are a very comfortable and convenient dwelling house, a large frame barn and stables, with other useful buildings; there is a spring of good water quite convenient to the dwelling, and several other springs rise on different parts of the place, furnishing a sufficient and constant supply of water throughout the year.
The subscriber being desirous to remove to the state of Ohio, will take in exchange for the above farm, land well situated and of good quality in any part of that state; or if a greater part of the price can be paid in hand, a great bargain will be given in it. The terms will be made known on application to the subscriber living on the premises.
ELI BELLER.
April 29, 1808.
JOHN MATHEWS,
Of Springfield, in the County of Muskingum, State of Ohio,
WILL lease any number of LOTS, to contain from thirty to fifty acres, of the richest bottom land, lying on the banks of the river Muskingum, in the Military Tract, Range No. 5, Township No. 5, Section No. 2, for seven or ten years, to young single or married men who are disposed to move thereon—They shall have legal satisfactory leases and undisturbed possession for seven or ten years, free from rent or taxes, on the simple condition of occupancy and planting Peach and Apple Orchards and nurseries, as soon as their clearings and openings will permit—And they are requested not to permit the destruction of timber or Oak-bark in the neighbourhood.
The river at this point is navigable for boats of great burden for about four or five months in the year, and is in the immediate vicinity of the richest variety of lands owned and for sale by the United States, which may be purchased in fee simple after exploring so as to suit the purchaser.
May 6, 1808.
4tew.
TAKE NOTICE.
THE public are hereby cautioned against taking an assignment on a note given by the subscriber to James Wright, for seventeen dollars, which becomes due some time in August or September next—The above note having been given for a mare which was under execution at the time she was sold me, in consequence of which I have been subjected to pay a considerable additional sum, I am therefore determined not to pay said note, until the said costs I have been at are discharged by the said Wright.
JOHN M'INTIRE.
May 6, 1808.
NOTICE.
I INTEND to remove from Martinsburg to Cincinnati in the state of Ohio within four months; those who have any claims against me will please call upon me at my house in Martinsburg for settlement, or in my absence to Mr. Ignatius O'Ferrall or Mr. William Sommerville.
The house occupied at present by me, will be rented on very reasonable terms, for one year, to a careful person.
JOHN O'FERRALL.
Martinsburg May 6, 1808.
THE ELEGANT HORSE SNIP,
WILL stand this season, at the plantation of Wallace Hannah, on Mondays and Tuesdays, and at Leonard Baugh's, 4 miles from Martinsburg, on the road leading from thence to Williamsport, on Wednesday and Thursday, and on Friday and Saturday, at my plantation, and cover mares at Four Dollars the season, to be paid the first of October next, Two Dollars the single leap, to be paid at the time the mare is covered, or if not then paid, to be considered as engaged for the season; Eight Dollars to ensure a mare in foal, to be paid when the mare proves with foal; parting with, or removing the mare forfeits the ensurance. The season will commence the first of April, and end the last of June.
Snip is a handsome bay, with a star and snip and one white foot, nearly seventeen hands high, five years old past, is well proportioned, moves well, has a fine carriage, and is suitable for either saddle or harness. He is of the Snap breed of horses, whose services are well known in this country. Strict attention will be paid, but no responsibility for accidents.
ELI BELLER.
May 6, 1808.
Virginia Lands
For Sale.
THE subscriber offers for sale several Tracts of Limestone Land, of the first rate quality, containing from 150 to 300 acres, well watered and timbered, lying within half a mile of the Potomak river, in Berkeley County, about seven miles above Williamsport and ten from Martinsburg. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises.
GEORGE NEWKIRK.
September 18, 1807.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia: Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.