Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-05-25 00:00:00

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
(Reported for the United States' Gazette.)
WEDNESDAY, April 6.
Debate on the bill from the Senate, for raising an additional military force.
Mr. Dana (Con.) The gentleman from North Carolina in opposition to the present bill (Mr. Stanford) appears to have been peculiarly fortunate or unfortunate in attracting the notice of every gentleman who has since spoken on the subject.
I was not inattentive to his observations; and understood him as saying, that he voted for the twelve regiments in 1798 on a principle of compromise, to avoid the apprehended evil of a much larger army. When he regretted this as the only federal vote which he ever gave in his whole publick life, he appeared to speak so much in the frankness and integrity of his soul, that I could not feel myself obliged. Ought it to be deemed strange that he should now regret such a vote as a political sin?—The hall of congress has resounded with declamation and denunciation. Even in canvassing for the presidency, it has been imputed as a sin of no ordinary die, that a candidate has manifested too much complaisance towards persons called federalists, or that he would turn them all out of office. I have witnessed so much of this language, that it has ceased to excite much of surprise or attention. It is attributable to the force of passions or prejudices called into action by party spirit. But the evil of political denunciation and proscription has been carried to such extent under popular professions, that, as publick men, even persons of liberal and enlightened minds have been in some degree borne along by the general current. This is an evil which perhaps time only will cure. It may perhaps continue to exist until the favourite popular doctrines, which the present possessors of power have formerly preached up shall be all practised down. The gentleman from North Carolina has but presented in a distinct and honourable form a political diversity of sentiment which has been frequently thrown out in a different mode.
After these observations, which I have made as justly due to the unoffending disposition and well known integrity of the gentleman from North Carolina, I proceed to consider the bill now before us. What is it? Is it a bill particularly adapted to the existing state of the world, and to continue in force so long as this state shall continue, and no longer? The bill purports to authorize an addition to our present military establishment. And it is well known that we have no military establishment except what is legally denominated the peace establishment.—An addition to the peace establishment, therefore is the real scope of the bill.
An addition of about 6,500 troops is proposed.—For what time? I discover no definitive limitation in the bill. The language of the first section admits of a permanent addition of eight regiments to the peace establishment. The enlistments, it is true, are to be for five years: And it is also true, that all enlistments in this country for the established army are limited to a term of years, with respect to the individual persons who are enlisted.—At the end of one, two, or three years, the recruiting officers, under this bill, may go on to enlist men for five years. The same term is established by law, as to enlistments for the regiments on the peace establishment.
This limitation of five years for each enlistment is applicable to the particular cases of men who may be enlisted, but not to the continuance in service of officers who are to be commissioned.
As to any limitation applicable to the whole subject, the bill differs from the act authorizing the twelve regiments in 1798, and from the resolution, proposed during the session of 1805-6, for raising troops against the Spaniards. In 1798, the regiments were to be raised during the continuance of the differences with France, and no longer. Under the act for raising them, they could not be continued for any further time. In the session of 1805-6, it was proposed to raise troops to repel Spanish incursions or aggressions, and to chastise the same. They were to be raised for a special purpose expressly designated, and were to be limited to that particular service. The troops to be raised within the fair scope of the specific resolution, might have been temporary levies or volunteers engaged for that service, and for that only.
But the additional army now proposed, is to be raised avowedly against no particular power; it is directed to no declared object; it is limited to no time. The question, therefore, is, whether such an addition is requisite for the peace establishment? If it is intended against the British, let it be so said in the bill. If against the French, let it be said. But if it is for the peace establishment, the framers of the bill have used the right language.
I proceed, therefore, to make some observations on the bill as providing for an addition to the army on the peace establishment. With the number already authorized by law, the proposed addition will complete an establishment of about 10,000 troops, according to the statement of my colleague (Mr. Tallmadge.) On this question, I disclaim all the vague noise about standing armies. I think the doctrine has been properly stated by some of the gentlemen in favour of this bill. A standing force, a regular army is not to be considered dangerous so long as the militia of the country can unquestionably crush them without difficulty.—At a regular establishment of ten or fifteen thousand troops for the general service of the union, the militia cannot feel any serious awe. We have an armed population competent to crush such a force, if the publick safety should require. At the same time, I do not consider a standing army as of course a positive good
in itself; especially as it is attended with the evil of expense for employing persons whose labour is unproductive. Yet for service in fortifications, for ordinary duty in garrison or at military stations, regular troops are especially proper. Such service would be peculiarly burthensome, vexatious and expensive for militia detachments. So far, therefore, as regular troops are necessary for ordinary garrison duty, and for maintaining constant guard at any of the fortified places or military stations of the United States, I am ready to agree, that troops be raised in addition to the peace establishment. I have listened attentively to the observations of gentlemen from the western country with respect to this subject. And so far as relates to this object, I think the argumentation of a gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Howard) was irresistibly conclusive. In this respect concurring with him, acknowledge the importance of various posts near our inland frontiers—posts in the northern or north-western quarter and pre-eminently the post of New Orleans.
With these sentiments, I had no question as to making some addition to the peace establishment, when the bill from the Senate expressly for that purpose, was under discussion. That bill is now on our table; it is not as yet definitively acted upon. If troops are wanted for the general service on the frontier, let us act upon that bill. A person who votes to reject the bill now under debate, does not, in so voting, declare, that he would reject the other bill. That bill is precisely the one on which we ought to act, so far as regards the general security of the inland frontiers.
Why then should we have this bill, which is now in debate? It is said to be something of an intermediate character; not for war, not for peace; but for our own peculiar situation as compared with the present state of the world. In support of the bill however, an opinion has been expressed, that a state of war exists between Great Britain and this country. If such be the case, the state of things must involve the rights of war, such as the taking of persons and of property, according to the usages acknowledged to be legitimate between hostile powers. Has any one of our countrymen been taken as prisoner of war by publick authority? Has any property been taken as prize, solely because American? Have letters of reprisal either general or special been granted on either side? Has any act of war been authorized by the government of either country towards the other? I am not speaking, sir, of any private violence or hostility; but of a publick force employed by a publick power for publick or national purposes. According to well known principles, nothing short of the publick authority can give the character of publick war to acts of force. In whom is vested the prerogative of war, as it respects England? Can any one of the British admirals without authority from his government, place that country in a state of war, with all its rights and all its responsibilities and all its calamities? Can a commander of one of our frigates place us in such a state? Can a subordinate officer invade one of the highest prerogatives of government so as thereby to change the publick relations of his country from peace to war? The constitution of the United States has expressly confided the high power of making war to the legislative body. And would we recognize the legitimacy of the usurpation, if any officer in the navy should attempt to usurp this power by committing an act of force which could only be justified in virtue of the acknowledged rights of war? It is, sir, of the essence of publick war, that it be made by publick authority and publick order. This is the clear doctrine of British jurisprudence and of the American constitution. The British are obliged by their own principles of government to condemn the firing into a publick armed ship without publick authority.
With a reference to the case of the frigate Chesapeake, I will endeavour concisely to state my understanding of this subject. When an officer, especially if bearing high rank, has been found to commit an act of force so essentially hostile as to admit no justification except in case of publick war, the consideration of his official rank may render it dubious whether the act so committed was an unauthorized act of the officer or an authorized act of the government. If the government disavows the act, it must be deemed an act of lawless violence. I must therefore acknowledge, that when the British minister (Mr. Canning) officially disavowed the pretension of a right to search a publick armed ship on the main sea, when the disavowal was repeated on the part of the British government, when the outrage committed against the Chesapeake was pronounced an unauthorized act of force in a communication made in solemn form to the British parliament, the state of the case was essentially varied. There was then no question remaining as to the general principle to be observed in future. As to any pretended right of making such a search, there was an end of the subject. The principle of immunity asserted on the part of the American government was recognised and officially admitted and established as a rule of publick conduct. The disavowal of the pretension to search our publick armed ships at sea constituted a part of the reparation demanded by our government; and I approve the conduct of government in demanding this disavowal. Additional importance is given to this view of the case by the special mission from the British government to this country. It is not a principle of small moment which can require a publick ship of war to be equipped for the sole purpose of conveying across the Atlantick a minister extraordinary from a great power, to offer reparation for the unauthorized act of a subordinate officer. Nor is the solemnity of such a mission, in the view of the whole civilized world, to be deemed trivial consideration in the estimate of honourable reparation for a publick indignity.
What is now the state of this case? the act of the British officer is disavowed. The principle on which he acted is disavowed. And such disavowal is part of the reparation demanded by our government. The mission of a minister extraordinary, also, constitutes another part of the demanded reparation. If therefore, this government should now engage in war with the British, it will not be, to prevent and resist apprehended outrage, such as was committed in the case of the Chesapeake; it will not be for the recognition of a great publick principle; but it must be for the purpose of punishing past offence; to inflict chastisement. The war would in its character, be vindictive, not defensive—a war of vengeance, not of necessity. Will gentlemen declare this to be their object?
It is not to be admitted, that a renunciation of the claim of impressment as to merchant vessels, is essential in the case of disavowing a pretension to search publick ships of war. The cases are so distinct in their nature, as to render it palpably improper to blend and confound them. Publick ships of war, on the main sea, being governed by officers appointed and removable by publick authority, being employed solely in the publick service; and being constantly under the publick jurisdiction in fact, by means of officers armed with publick power for maintaining order and for inflicting punishment in cases of crime or offence, these publick ships have the immunities of territorial sovereignty, to the exclusion of every foreign authority. Private vessels in the merchant service have not exclusive immunity. They may unquestionably be searched for articles contraband of war, and for persons in the military service of an enemy. But to search publick ships of war at sea, for any cause whatever, is incompatible with the nature of their service; it is incompatible with the government and actual jurisdiction constantly to be maintained in such ships. The case is clearly otherwise as to private vessels, for which the nation is not responsible.
With respect to the claim to impress British seamen on board merchant vessels, permit me to call upon gentlemen, who oppose the doctrine of impressment most zealously in theory, to prove, if they can, that a renunciation of the claim would be in fact for the interest of the American seamen.—The claim, as I understand it, is a claim to impress British seamen. If abuses were not committed by impressing such as are not British seamen, how could the renunciation be advantageous to seamen of the United States? When I speak of seamen of the United States, I mean not foreign renegades—but my own countrymen by birth or adoption, true men who will stay by us in difficulty and fight in defence of our common country. How will it benefit these men, the real American seamen, if aliens are protected by the American flag and allowed to compete with them for employment and wages?
The dictator of continental Europe may speak of it as monstrous, that the flag of a merchant vessel should not protect all on board. It is well known to be a favourite theme with the French government and its agents, that the flag should cover the cargo; or that free ships should make free goods. In saying the many things which are said with so much ostentation about the freedom of the seas, reference undoubtedly is had to the idea of claiming for the flag of a merchant vessel the general privilege of protecting the persons and property on board. As to protecting the cargo, the present president of the United States, when secretary of state, discarded the doctrine as unsupported by the law of nations. What is meant by the flag, when speaking of its protective privileges? You cannot mean only the piece of bunting at mast head. Undoubtedly the term is used figuratively to denote the evidence of the national character of a vessel. What then will you call an American vessel? What shall be deemed complete evidence of its American character?
Will you insist that those vessels shall be privileged as American on the seas and in foreign countries, which you will not recognize as such in your own ports? Is it incumbent on a foreign power to allow every privilege claimed for the American flag to vessels which are treated as foreign by the fiscal regulations of the United States? Is a vessel to be denied American privileges within our own jurisdiction where our treasury is interested, and yet to be regarded as completely American when abroad? In making these observations I refer to a distinction well known in our laws, the distinction between registered vessels and those which are unregistered.
Further! On what principle of general law are all the privileges of the national flag to be claimed for merchant vessels which have not such evidence of national character as is required by the general usage of the maritime world? With respect to the greater portion, if not the whole, of the maritime powers in Europe, the privileges of the national flag are not allowed to merchant vessels unless some of the crew belong to the nation. This principle prevails in the laws of France and of Spain. I learn from a source entitled to credit, that in each of those countries, the merchant vessels, to be recognized as having the national character, must have not less than three fourths of their crews of the same country. In Denmark, some of the crews of Danish merchant vessels must be Danes. The respectable gentleman to whom I am indebted for this information was not perfectly confident as to the proportion required; but believed it to be two thirds. Unquestionably, a majority of the crew for a Danish vessel must be Danish subjects. From another gentleman of respectable character, I understand, that in Sweden a like principle is adopted as to vessels of that country. In relation to Holland I have not the authentick information which I wished to obtain. British merchant vessels, it is well known are required to have British subjects for at least three fourths of their crews.
Russia has adopted the general principle of requiring some proportion of the crew to belong to the nation whose flag is borne by a merchant vessel; otherwise the vessel is not considered as entitled to the privilege of the national flag. This appears from the British convention with Russia, signed at Petersburg in the month of June 1801. The seventh article contains a formal declaration of the contracting powers to this effect—"In order to obviate all the inconveniences likely to result from the want of good faith in those who sail under the flag of a nation to which they do not belong—it is settled definitively, that a vessel, in order to be considered of the nation under the flag of which she sails, must have the captain and half her crew of that country, and all her papers and passports in due form; and that all vessels not acting agreeably to the above regulations shall be exempted from the right and protection of the said flag.
France, Spain, Denmark, Sweden, Britain, Russia, all recognize the broad principle, that the privileges of national character are not to be claimed for a merchant vessel, unless navigated principally by persons belonging to the nation. To talk of a merchant vessel as being territorial, when all the people on board are aliens, is an absurdity. What territory is that which has none but aliens within its limits? According to European usage it may be considered as the common law of the merchant service, that a vessel is not entitled to the privileges belonging to the national flag, unless it is under the control of persons belonging to the nation. The commanding proportion of officers and men must be of the nation under the flag of which the vessel is navigated, or the vessel has not the national character. Yet in the United States we do not require even one of the mariners on board our merchant vessels to be a citizen of the United States. What other country is known to offer so great a premium, so rich a temptation to foreign mariners? However well intended originally, it is but too true that our laws are found, on experience, to leave opportunities for the frauds and impositions of aliens, who assume and abuse the American character. To this cause, may be attributed much of the dissatisfaction which has been manifested as to the employment of persons who have quitted foreign service. It is this which to my great mortification, has afforded so much occasion to implicate the good faith of my country.—
If we had regulated our maritime system according to the usage of other maritime powers, if we had provided adequate securities against abuses of our national flag and character, we should have much better cause for complaint on account of maritime injuries. That our rights of navigation have been violated, that numbers of our seamen have been grossly wronged by lawless force, is too notorious to be controverted, especially in this place, where so much is known and felt as to our foreign concerns. But in attempting to trace our national controversies to the source, we also may find cause to regret, that the defects of our own legislation have allowed too much opportunity for abuses tending to excite foreign suspicions and jealousies. That we may have no foreign contest, it is of practical importance on our part to guard against the causes of foreign irritation.
While the proceedings in this country leave room for so much complaint with respect to the employment of foreign mariners, will you make publick war because of the British claim to impress their seamen on board merchant vessels? If proceedings on our part have tended to results manifestly prejudicial to the seamen of the United States, if our own seamen have been unfortunately confounded with those of a foreign country, ought we not to discriminate the case of our countrymen from that of foreigners, before we go to war on the question of impressment?
This country, Mr. Speaker, will never consent to a war for securing British seamen in merchant vessels from the British service. As men of honorable principle, we shall never go to war for compelling others to manifest a confidence and respect which we do not feel ourselves, in relation to what are called protections for American seamen. During this very session, I have heard mentioned the case of a merchant vessel which was in a British port, I think Bristol, and intended to sail under the American flag, but wanted a complement of mariners for a voyage across the Atlantick. Fourteen mariners of that country, some of them said to be deserters from the publick service, were found ashore, and engaged for the intended voyage; but they wanted what are called American protections. Application was made to a dealer in such articles, and he furnished the American protections for the fourteen British mariners, taking care to have them such as described the seamen with sufficient accuracy as to the particulars of age, height, and complexion.—Those fourteen protections were selected out of a stock of more than an hundred, which he had on hand for sale. The price given for each of the protections, I think, was two guineas.
From the abuses which have at length become notorious, and which under the existing regulations can so easily be practised with respect to obtaining such certificates of American citizenship as are commonly called protections, doubts have been excited in cases of seamen truly American; and these have suffered in consequence of indulgences towards foreign impostures. What benefit is it to the American seaman, that a British seaman should not be taken from an American merchant vessel? To give to the British mariner, as to our service, every advantage claimed for the American mariner, is to make the citizenship of no value. It is not my wish to annihilate the distinctive privileges, the birthright of my countrymen. The great object to be desired for our seamen is security against being taken for British seamen. If this security were

adequate to prevent the recurrence of such abuses as have been suffered in cases of our own seamen, could the removal of British seamen from American service be injurious to the seamen of the U. States? On the contrary, is it not palpably evident, that it would be for the interest of those seamen who are fairly and honestly entitled to the character of American?
On this topic, as it appears to my view, there has been manifested much of ardent and honourable zeal; but the zeal is raised to a height prejudicial to the cause of our own seamen, when it precludes that calmness and temperance of examination which should prevail in deciding on a subject so complicated and important.
A privilege as to freedom of merchandise has been claimed for the flag of a vessel in the merchant service. It has been said that the flag should cover the cargo; that it should protect the property as well as the persons, on board the vessel. This general doctrine has been advanced, with the exception of contraband of war and military men in hostile service. But, whatever may be said as to the abstract principle, I could wish any gentleman, if it be in his power, to exhibit either proof or probability that its adoption in practice would be for the interest of the American merchants.
Mr. Findley (Penn.) inquired what was the question. The Speaker said it was on the army bill.
Mr. Dana. The reverence I bear to the age of the gentleman will induce me to state the reason of my course. Our attention has been called to a view of our relations with the two great belligerent powers. Gentlemen have taken a wide range in debate. I had noticed observations relative to the topic on which I was speaking when the gentleman from Pennsylvania rose to inquire what was the question. If he had fully attended to the scope of what has been urged in support of the present bill, if he had considered that the additional army is proposed to be raised with a view to the state of our foreign relations, and if his reflecting mind had been permitted to embrace the subject in its whole extent, I persuade myself he would not have thought my remarks altogether foreign to the question under debate; and of course he would not have indulged in himself such a departure from his usual decorum as to interrupt me in making an inquiry about the question—an inquiry which is well understood in its sarcastic implication. Considering the avowed cause for the present bill, I have supported it in debate unquestionably proper to examine some of the main points of controversy relative to our foreign concerns.
When interrupted by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, I was about to observe that if our merchants have a sufficiency of capital or solid credit to enable them to own the cargoes on board American vessels, they would as neutrals be more benefited, in this case, than they would be if belligerents, under cover of the American flag, were allowed to divide the business and thus share the profits generally arising on charges of merchandise. Under the operation of the belligerent claim to make prize of hostile property on board neutral vessels, the neutral merchants may enjoy a manifest advantage over belligerent competitors in the exemption from war charges and war risks. The difference in the rates of insurance is altogether in favour of the neutral merchant. And it need not be mentioned, at how high a rate the war risk is usually estimated in comparison with the ordinary perils of the sea. Let it once be generally admitted in practice, that the neutral flag is to cover the merchandise of belligerents, and the neutrals may indeed expect the benefit of freight, but the belligerents will share the profit on merchandise. But while the property of belligerents, although on board neutral vessels, continues liable to capture, the benefits of neutrality belong exclusively to neutrals; and the neutral ship owners and merchants may share between them both the freight and the profit, if they have sufficient capital or credit for the whole concern. However, sir, I am not anxious at present to discuss this topic in detail, if in the opinion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania such a discussion would be irrelevant. Indeed, Mr. Speaker from a respect to him, since he has seemed to think it a deviation from the question, I am now willing to dismiss the point.
Questions have existed, as to participation in the colonial trade, and in relation to the subjects of blockade and contraband.
Mr. D. R. Williams (S. C.) rose and said, he should be gratified to hear the gentleman further on the question of the flag's covering the cargo and believed the house would be generally.
Mr. Findley explained, and said, the principle was given up in the treaty of '94.
Mr. Dana. As to the right of blockade, I do not know that we now make any serious question on the general principle. And as to participation in the colonial trade I do not know, that gentlemen are for asserting the claim to a direct trade between the parent country and the colony of a belligerent. The list of articles denominated contraband of war has been various. But the extension of the list is not understood at present to be an affair of serious controversy on our part.
On a general view of the controversies between this country and the two great belligerents, one broad remark is obvious. The controversies are of a maritime nature; they relate to rights claimed to be exercised on the ocean. And how do you propose to maintain them? Is it by light dragoons?—The controversies relate to neutral commerce in time of war: But, the moment you engage in war, the claims of neutrality are abandoned. You claim the enjoyment of maritime rights; and you practically renounce the whole.
According to what has been said by gentlemen, we must either surrender our maritime claims, or engage in war for their support, or withdraw from the ocean. Submission, forcible resistance, or retreat, are then the alternatives. The embargo retires from the scene of controversy; it surrenders the field. You assert your right in words, and renounce it in practice. What more would your opponents require? You do not presume to exercise the right where they deny it.
With a view of the British interest and military means lead us to expect an invasion from that power? The British, with a population of fifteen millions, have to withstand the force of a far greater number of millions, the population of various states and nations, wielded by one of the most tremendous of conquerors, whose means are extensive like his ambition of aggrandizement, and whose resentment yields to no regret and acknowledges no limitation. The relative powers of France and Britain have been
compared to those of Rome and Carthage although perhaps, on full examination, the analogy might be found to fail, as to several considerations of primary importance. But whatever may be thought of the comparison, it is understood to be the language at the court of Napoleon, that Carthage must fall. If this may be deemed characteristic of the French hostility against the British, what must be the pressure of the contest, and what force could the British government think of sending to invade the U. States. There are perhaps about forty millions of people who are subject to British control in India; and if retained in subjection, they must be holden by military power. It is no easy task, to maintain the Asiatic dominion of the British; yet this is one of the most interesting objects embraced by the British policy.
It is known also to be the British policy, as a maritime power, to have command of positions which are favourable to purposes of maritime control. These positions as relative to naval operations bear analogy to military posts which may command the more important passes with reference to operations on land.
Such a position the British have in Asia. It is near the southern point of the hither India, from which the attention may be directed towards the seas on either side of that country.
As to the southern extremity of Africa, the British occupy another position, well known for its importance between Asia and Europe. As a place for the convenience of their Asiatic trade, as a port of relief or refreshment, and as a position for maritime command, the importance attached to the Cape of Good Hope, especially in the present state of the world, is abundantly proved by transactions of general notoriety. It may be considered as the great pass of the eastern and western oceans, while the view is extended along the coasts of Africa towards the Asiatic and European regions.
The southern point of Europe presents another British position, one of the pillars of Hercules, which is to be maintained by no trivial portion of the British power; a position celebrated as a theatre of heroic achievement, and eminently interesting to military and naval, and commercial character of the British empire. In saying this, it is needless to name the famous rock. The facilities for affording assistance or relief to merchant vessels or ships of war are not the only considerations which give importance to the establishment. From their military and naval station, at Gibraltar, the British may look to the Atlantic ocean and to the Mediterranean sea. With the command of the rock and bay, and the control of the straits so as to divide the naval armaments of the ocean and the Mediterranean, they may be able to counteract or place in check different armaments of their enemy by one of their own, and with vigilance of observation may give to their own naval force an extensive efficiency decidedly superior to that of the opposite forces.
With these, may be recollected other positions of a similar nature, but none of them equally important with Gibraltar. The rock of Malta, so distinguished in European controversy, owes its value to its relation as a position of importance with respect to the inland seas of the Mediterranean and the Levant.
It is the British policy to maintain such commanding positions as are essentially instrumental to maritime prosperity.
In addition to these interesting claims upon the military means of the British possessions in India are not the only provinces or colonial establishments which require military support from Great Britain. There are British possessions of this description in North America, in the West Indies, and other parts of the globe.
To the numbers of men, which all these objects require the British to send abroad for service on land, let gentlemen add the numbers that are required, by the British policy, to serve at sea. Reflect on the exertions necessary for keeping the British navy manned so as to be competent for decisive action!
Add to all these, the numbers required for the service in Great Britain and Ireland!
After this review, let it be asked—What part of the British population can be spared, and sent across a thousand leagues of ocean, to attack the United States? Why should any British force come into our country, to reap defeat and disgrace?
What motive of interest is there for the British to invade our territory? What are the British means for the invasion? The population of their United Kingdom, liable as it is to various existing requisitions, is unequal to this service. To say nothing of any regard to justice, the British government must be unwise in the extreme to meditate the invasion of this country. The idea has too much of the imaginary character to be admitted for a moment.
Can any supposed commercial jealousy be so operative as to make that country go to war with this? If the British are jealous of our prosperity, and indulge the wish that our commerce and navigation may be checked or swept from the ocean, can this constitute a motive for their being at open war with us? If war were declared between this and any European country, our navigation, it is to be presumed, would at least be allowed to appear on the ocean, under the impulse of enterprize and courage, provided with means for defence; and a hope might be cherished, that the acquisitions resulting from such active commerce as should be successful, on the average of all the adventurers would be sufficient to counterbalance the losses by capture, and leave a benefit to the concerned. But, however stimulated by jealousy of our maritime growth, would any foreign government, unless grossly uninformed and foolish, be capable of proclaiming war against us with a view merely to reduce our share in the trade of the world; while our own government is taking measures so efficacious to destroy the navigating interest of the country? Whoever may have been jealous of our success in maritime pursuits might well be content at the present time to abstain from attempting any thing further against us. Exertions on their part are needless, while such efficacious means are practised in this country. The embargo is operating to accomplish more against our navigating interest than any foreign jealousy could otherwise hope to have realized. Ships rotting; merchants failing; seamen quitting the country; the domestic trade checked; industry discouraged; business stagnated; if a policy so prostrating is to be continued, what more can be necessary to satiate the most vindictive excesses of commercial jealousy? To destroy our navigating interest, the addition of war is needless.
Permit me, Mr. Speaker, to observe, that there seems to be some inconsistency in continuing to insist on the policy of the embargo, and yet contending for the additional army proposed by this bill. Advocates of the embargo have asserted the policy of adopting it as tending not only to secure the vessels and seamen and merchandise of the country, but also by operating against other countries to constrain them to recognize and respect our maritime rights. According to declarations of its advocates, the policy of the embargo was to be commended for its efficacy to conserve and to coerce. For protecting ourselves, this was to be the impenetrable shield—for annoying others, the irresistible spear. As to navy on the ocean for securing maritime rights, we have none. For this service we want an army?
In viewing our foreign concerns with a reference to the present bill, the next question is, whether the proposed army is wanted against France? The president of the United States has not so told us, although the measure is brought forward on his recommendation: nor are we so informed by gentlemen on this floor, who are among the warmest supporters of the president and the bill. Although there is no territorial contest with the British government, it is well known, that questions of a serious nature respecting territory have existed for a considerable time between the United States and Spain, the vassal of France. With regard to those territorial disputes, it is clearly true, that an army might be properly employed to maintain the exercise of rights claimed on land. And the uncertainty as to the result of the territorial controversies with a vassal of France, has almost induced me to decide on giving my voice for this bill. But there remained one objection to making this decision.
I am not informed that the executive intends to maintain the territorial claim on our part by arms. I have no official information, that this army is wanted with a view to that point. And this want of information is no cause for acting; although in my estimation it may justify the abstaining from a positive act of legislation. The want of satisfactory information is reason for not acting.
The proposed army may cost about two millions of dollars annually. Cannot the sum be more beneficially expended? I agree to the principle of employing regular forces for stations on the frontier. But is this bill the proper mode of giving effect to that principle? It is not pretended by gentlemen, that the whole of this additional force is wanted for the service of the different garrisons. As to all that portion of the force not wanted for what may be considered as garrison duty I would rather apply the expenditure in a mode which appears to be more beneficial and necessary. Let it be applied to preparing durable fortifications, which are so much wanted and earnestly requested. Or let it be applied for some other preparatory purpose, corresponding to the exigencies of our own situation and the general state of the world. As to maintaining regular forces constantly in service for the fortifications on the Atlantic frontier it might be more correct to have artillery perhaps than infantry, certainly than dragoons.
The national utility of a military school has been mentioned by my colleague (Mr. Talmadge) as an argument in favour of the bill. Let it not be supposed Mr. Speaker, that I would question his superiority in the knowledge of military affairs and tactical principles. I cannot, as he could, appeal to the recorded evidence of acknowledged military merit. I will not say of him only, that he has the soldier's sense of honour, and that his gallantry has been repeatedly proved in the hour of serious trial. For this would be no more than might be said of those whom he has led to danger and victory. Higher praise, that which honours the capacity of the officer united with the qualities of the soldier, has been publicly awarded to him, in a journal of the proceedings of congress during the war of the revolution. I find his meritorious services acknowledged in the following terms:
Wednesday, Dec. 6, 1780.
"The committee, to whom was referred the letter of November 28th, from general Washington; whereupon congress came to the following resolution:
"While congress are sensible of the patriotism, courage, and perseverance of the officers and privates of their regular forces as well as of the military throughout these United States and of the military conduct of the principal commanders in both; it gives them pleasure to be so frequently called upon to confer marks of distinction and applause for enterprises which do honour to the profession of arms, and claim an high rank among military achievements. In this light they view the enterprize against fort St. George on Long Island, planned and conducted with wisdom and great gallantry, by major Talmadge of the light dragoons, and executed with intrepidity and complete success by the officers and soldiers of his detachment.
"Ordered, therefore, That major Talmadge's report to the commander in chief be published, with the preceding minute, as tribute to distinguished merit, and in testimony of the sense congress entertain of this brilliant service."
The use of a military school is to qualify persons for military command, by instruction in the theory and application of principles relative to the art of war. The great object is to provide officers of skill, who may be competent to the various duties of the field in case of actual service. I would refer, therefore to my colleague as an officer, whether the adoption of this bill is the best mode to form a military school. Are officers to become accomplished in the art of war, are they to be formed for ornaments of the profession of arms, by being distributed over the country for enlisting recruits? In this employment, they might indeed acquire some knowledge relative to military affairs, although not that knowledge which should most distinguish the officer. They might acquire, in the recruiting service, a knowledge corresponding to that employment, a practical acquaintance with such qualities as have distinguished sergeant Kite. But qualities far other than those are required to form the accomplished officer according to the modern system of warfare.
I admit that the art of war in modern times, is one of the most extensive and complex of arts. The discoveries of genius, the attainments of science, the labours of industry, the wisdom of experience, the improved capacities of civilized society, all have been rendered contributory to the art of destruction. So fully do I accede to the importance of having skilful officers to conduct brave men, and such is the opinion entertained of my colleague,
that I can have no hesitation in declaring my readiness to agree to any system for a military school, which, after mature consideration, he might propose as best adapted to the specific purpose.
Shall the provisions of this bill be regarded as our system of preparation for meeting a war? If presented in this view either to Britain or France, will the force be of any value? Is it not rather an implied admission of weakness than a respectable display of strength?
Gentlemen have spoken of the state of the world and the aspect of our foreign affairs as requiring measures of preparation—measures not necessary in confirmed peace, nor yet fully adequate to the exigencies of determined war. What then is the preparation which would be the least expensive, and the most useful to this country in relation to military force?
Strength, activity, courage, we have in readiness. Unless the spirit of the country should be prostrated by a fatal policy, we may rely on finding them in the general mass of population which a serious war might require to fill the ranks of our battalions. Arms, discipline and tactical skill, we principally want. These, especially discipline and tactical skill, it is the most important to prepare. With an ample preparation of these, in the event of serious war, a numerous army might soon be arrayed.
So much of the force mentioned in this bill as may be requisite for the general service of our garrisons and military posts, let us provide. This may be done by acting upon the bill expressly relating to the peace establishment, as I have already mentioned. If the sum which may be saved to the treasury in this manner should not be applied for durable fortifications or further supplies of arms, it may still be applied to another mode so as to be of essential service. It may be applied to providing a fund of military science, of discipline and tactical skill that we may have in readiness a sufficient number of our own officers well qualified to direct the valour of our countrymen, that we may have in readiness an ample proportion of our countrymen, worthy to command some of the bravest of men.
NEW-YORK, May 18.
The Osage may be daily expected here, as intelligence has been received of her arrival at Portsmouth. It is fervently to be hoped, that Mr. Nourse may not return to the United States so unsuccessfully as Mr. Rose did to England. The king of England in his last message to Parliament, declared his ultimatum relative to the compromise with the United States; and it is not probable that his ministry will recede from those declarations. The consequence must be, that, either we must relinquish our pretensions, or the "evils of war" must befall us.
If the mission of Mr. Lewis to France is to endeavour to obtain a relaxation of the Milan and other decrees, there does not appear much prospect of success. France and England, while they aim at injuring each other by interrupting the commerce of neutrals, adopt the policy of the dog in the manger: and, in time, one or the other must be overpowered. Peace is the general demand throughout the world, but the wicked policy, and the boundless ambition of a few tyrants prevent this blessing of the human race from being adopted.
May 19.
Communication.—Yesterday the ship Cotton Planter and cargo, were seized by the surveyor of the port. She has on board rum belonging to several persons who had no concern in her outward cargo, and some for one of the Insurance Companies in Philadelphia. This vessel is said to have cleared out at St. Marys, before the embargo law reached that place; and, that her case is exactly similar to that of the vessel which cleared out at Sag-Harbour with Flaxseed !
From the Paris Argus of the 28th of March.
BERLIN, March 12.
The following General order has been published here.
Messrs. Iffland, director, and Jacoby, inspector of the national theatre of Berlin, having caused the anniversary of the birth of her majesty the queen of Prussia to be publicly celebrated, without having given notice of the same to the French authorities, to whom it would have been a pleasure to join the inhabitants of Berlin in the expression of this homage of their good wishes to their Sovereign, have been condemned to confinement at their own houses for two days, according to the orders of his excellency Marshal Victor, Governor, for having been so far wanting to the rules of decorum and to the confidence which they owe to the French.
Berlin, March 11, 1808.
The general of division, commander of Berlin and the Middle March.
(Signed)
SAINT HILAIRE.
The French troops, which are in the Prussian provinces are distributed as follows:—The corps of marshal Victor is posted between the Oder and the Elbe. The third division of the third corps under the orders of marshal Davoust, is between the Middle Mark and West Prussia. The 4th corps of the army, commanded by marshal Soult, occupies Pomerania; the head quarters are at Stettin. The 5th corps of marshal Massena, which is, ad interim, commanded by gen. Souchet, is in Lower Silesia. The 6th corps (of marshal Ney, at present commanded by marshal Mortier) occupies Upper Silesia.— Courier de l'Europe .
TRIESTE, March 7.
The English squadron which has made its appearance on our coast, has received reinforcements, and for three days past it has been cruising between our port and that of Aquileia. It has come so near as to be very distinctly described from our city.—There are 12 sail, of which five or six appear to be ships of the line. The admiral's name is not known. The wind has not been sufficiently favourable to allow the English to attack the five ships of the line and the frigates belonging to the Russians, which are at present at anchor in our Roads. At all events, the batteries of our port are in the most respectable condition.
HAMBURG, March 14.
The Hanse Towns are to furnish 8000 sailors, who are to be sent to Flushing and Boulogne.
The Prince of Ponte Corvo must have this day arrived in Copenhagen.
By letters which are received from Stockholm, by some Swedish mercantile houses in this city, it appears, that Sweden, about to be attacked at three points at once, is threatened with a total revolution. It is affirmed that the English ambassador has ef-

fered to the King Gustavus IV. to get him conveyed to England.
The treaty of commerce between France and Russia has been published in St. Petersburg and received there with great joy; it contains, that France shall annually purchase a great quantity of the territorial productions of Russia, such as tar, ship timber, &c.— Publiciste.
PARIS, March 12.
The conservative senate has this day held a meeting under the presidency of the prince arch chancellor. His highness notified at this meeting several imperial statutes and decrees, by which, in virtue of the senatus consultum of the 18th of Aug. 1806, various titles of princes, dukes, counts, barons and knights of the French empire have been decreed. All the great dignitaries of the empire have been raised to the rank of princes and their eldest sons are to be entitled dukes. The ministers, senators, and counsellors of state are to retain for their life, as well as the president of the legislative body the rank of count. The first president and the imperial procurator at the court of Cassation, the first president and the imperial procurator at Chamber of accounts, are barons. The same title is given to the first presidents and imperial procurators of the court of appeal, but not till they shall have filled their offices ten years, and the emperor shall have issued an express decree for that purpose. In like manner, after three years service, the presidents of the departmental electoral assemblies, and the mayors of thirty-seven great towns who were present at the emperor's coronation, members of the departmental electoral assemblies who possess an income of 15,000 francs, may be created barons by an express decree of the emperor. All the members of the legion of honour are to assume the title of knights (Chevaliers.) The emperor reserves to himself the raising by special decrees to the rank of dukes, counts, and barons, those of his generals, and other of his military and civil officers as he shall deem worthy of his honour. Other imperial decrees determined in what manner these titles may pass over to the eldest branches of the families.—This new nobility confers nothing but honour, and gives no right for privileges before the law.
March 24.
Their majesties the emperor and empress, are gone to St. Cloud. They went on the 22d inst.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 25, 1808.
We have been favoured with London papers to the ninth of April, received last night by the British brig Belle Anne, Captain Touet, 42 days from Jersey.—Their contents are uninteresting.
A letter from Eastport, dated the 10th inst. says, "there were entered at the custom-house in Passamaquoddy, from the 2d to the 7th May, from different ports of the U. States, 19,000 bbls. flour, 4,700 do. pork and beef, 1,700 do. bread, 2,059 do. naval stores, 4,500 bushels corn, besides great quantities of butter, lard, &c."
By a gentleman directly from Vermont, we are informed, that in an attempt of the inhabitants to take a large raft to Montreal, contrary to the embargo laws, they were resisted on Lake Champlain by two sloops belonging to the government—when an action took place, in which fourteen or fifteen men were wounded. The raft made its escape and proceeded to its place of destination.
Utica Patriot.
From the St. Albans Adviser, (Vermont.)
A number of militia have been this day detached from this regiment, by order of the governor, to enforce the laws of the United States, and quell all combinations against the due observance of the same. The detachment from Vermont is commanded by capt. Hopkins, of Swanton, and we believe consists of about twenty-five men, who are, or will be immediately joined by a detachment from New York side, to proceed with all possible dispatch to the British lines, in order to prevent the passing of a large quantity of lumber in rafts, which is now near the lines. There is now a heavy gale from the S. and the raft being supplied with such a quantity of sail, that we think it hardly possible for human force to restrain their movements, till they pass the provincial line. We hope no serious consequences will arise from this conflict between the sovereignty of the United States, and the sovereignty of pecuniary want.
From Bennington, May 8.—Governour Smith is said to have gone to the northward to reconcile the opposers of the embargo.
A report is in circulation, that an engagement lately took place on Lake Champlain, between the crew of a large raft and the custom-house guards, in consequence of the former attempting to pass; thirty-nine were severely wounded and one killed. It is supposed that they were conveying large quantities of tea into Lower and Upper Canada.
FRANCE.—We needed not the French revolution to teach us that violence, denunciation, and the striking off of heads, are acts inconsistent with and destructive of republican freedom. The genius of liberty flies from intemperance. The French revolution, occasioned by oppression, has ended in a military despotism more awful to her and menacing to the world, than any thing by which it was preceded. In France, legislation is mockery. There is no party but the party of the Emperor, who by a nod creates and destroys. And every one knows that there is no such thing as trial by jury. The Emperor appoints the judges, and the judges without an institution so admirable as that of a jury, in all cases decide. As to the press, which is licenced and superintended by licencers, its office is approbation and eulogy. Add to this awful spectacle an army in France of six hundred thousand men, and thou let the reader ask whether the mind can admit of an idea of tyranny more complete? Externally, the French government, is equally, perhaps more alarming. Kingdoms and republics are with equal ease and without remorse thrown down. Blood begins to flow in Spain, where the monarch, first by French intrigue and next by French force, has been deposed. Whether the world, including our own Republick, is to be an universal monarchy under the dynasty of the Buonapartes, is yet to be determined.
Amer. Cit.
PHILADELPHIA, May 20.
"St. Croix, April 29, 1808.—Gen. Harcourt, our new Governor, arrived yesterday, and assumed the government of the island. Several merchant ships have arrived from England, laden with provisions, clothing, and plantation necessaries, which relieve our present wants and remove our apprehensions of future scarcity."
We have great satisfaction in announcing the arrival of the very valuable ship China Packet, capt. Hewit, from Calcutta and Madras. This is the last India ship from either of those ports, looked for in this port the present season.
Bonaparte some time ago designated a number of favored individuals who should be permitted to publish newspapers in France, and put down all the other presses. His admirer and imitator, Mr. Jefferson, is now about to designate certain of his favorites who shall be permitted to trade in flour and other provisions to the exclusion of all who are not of the true faith in politics.
True American.
In days of old the good people of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, South Carolina and Georgia used to have the privilege of judging for themselves whether they were in want of provisions, and if so they were allowed to procure them from their neighbours in any manner most agreeable and convenient to themselves. Now those states are blessed with good republican governors, the trusty and well beloved friends of Mr. Jefferson. He has therefore commissioned them to judge for the people, what kind of provisions they ought to be indulged with, and in what quantities; and then to name any merchants in whom they have confidence to procure the supplies and enrich themselves by the monopoly.
Ibid.
Time was when the people of Massachusetts were at liberty to send their fish, their rum, their barley, their wooden ware, their hops, and whatever else they might have to spare, to Philadelphia, and here barter them for flour and such other articles of provisions as are wanted for consumption in that state. Under the present despotic system, if a citizen of Massachusetts wants a barrel of flour, he must go to the merchant in whom governor Sullivan and president Jefferson have designed to place their confidence, and must pay him not the fair barter price; but whatever the merchant enjoying executive confidence may have conscience to ask; because no other man is permitted to import a barrel.
Ibid.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
From papers received at the office of the Ledger by the brig Belle Anne, from Jersey.
LONDON, April 4.
SPAIN.
French troops continue to pour into Spain. This very naturally excites alarm and dismay amongst the Spaniards. No pretext can be urged of their being necessary for the subjugation of Portugal—that unhappy kingdom is already subdued, and suffering the inevitable consequences of a French invasion; insult, exactions, poverty and famine. The Spaniards, therefore, apprehend, that the French in Spain is to execute plans hostile to the independence of the kingdom. Buonaparte is shortly expected at Valladolid, and the Spaniards too well know he comes not upon a visit of ceremony or of courtesy. The king of Spain is a weak man, and is kept in continual apprehension of some plots against his life. The prince of peace is the creature of France; and as to the prince of Asturias, Buonaparte, by having lately taken his part against his enemies, enemies which perhaps he had excited against him, has obtained a great influence over him. None of these personages therefore, will counsel or adopt any vigorous measures against this French inundation. The people see the torrent rolling upon them with wonder and apprehension—they feel that they are on the eve of a great crisis; and, in expectation of the storm that is gathering over their heads, and will soon burst upon them, they stand in silent awe and dread. The Pyrenean mountains, we have no doubt, will soon cease to be the boundaries of France on the south; and Buonaparte, perhaps giving part of the Portuguese territories to Spain (he can resume the gift at pleasure) will force Spain to cede her northern provinces, and drawing with a daring hand a line from the mouth of the Douro to the mouth of the Ebro, will demand the cession of all the provinces to the northward of it. The pride and heart of the old Castilian will thus be broken—old Castille will be severed from the new, and Leon, and Arragon, and Galicia, and Catalonia, will be divided into French departments, with all the consequent French frippery of prefects and sub-prefects, and mayors, and procureurs, and communes, and arrondissement, &c. &c.
April 6.
From private advices, we learn that India has not for many years been more tranquil than at present. The projected invasion of India, by the united arms of France and Russia, with the concurrence of Persia, does not appear in India itself, to have excited the least apprehension.
The principle article of intelligence which we have derived from the late arrivals, respects a secret expedition which sailed from Madras on the 10th Oct. of which sir Edward Pellew had the chief command.
The detachment consisted of four men of war, and the Worcester and Lord Duncan Indian men used as transports for conveying troops and stores.—There were on board six companies of European regiments (the 32d or 33d.)
The expedition directed its course towards the east, and it was known that the ships were to call at Penang, for an European regiment. Unfortunately, soon after they set sail, the vessels encountered a gale of wind, by which they were separated.—The Lord Duncan was compelled to return to Sanger Roads. Nothing had transpired at Madras with respect to the object of the expedition, but the best informed persons entertained no doubt that an attack was mediated upon Manilla. It is one of the Philippine islands, and subject to Spain. It lies about 60 leagues south of China. Its length is about 160 Spanish leagues. During one half of the year, it is dry and serene; during the other, it is wet and stormy; and it is extremely fertile, from the richness of the soil.
April 8.
We have received French Journals, in regular series, to the 26th ult. We have made several extracts, which serve to inform us, in some degree, of the state of affairs on the Continent. Nothing had been attempted towards the actual invasion of Sweden from Denmark. The Sound was so full of ice, that had the season not been so far advanced, fears might have been entertained, of infantry being enabled to march over. The relaxation of the weather which we have experienced here, and indeed the period of the year, remove, however, all apprehension of this sort. Active preparations are going forward to expedite the invasion; but a flotilla, sufficient to transport an army, is not very easily, nor very hastily to be got in readiness.
The Swedish flotilla at Abo, has, it is said, been destroyed, to prevent its falling into the hands of the Russians. Perhaps it could not be removed for the ice. But the Russians are yet probably at a considerable distance from Abo. The severity of the season had favoured the Russian operations.—When the snow, however, begins to melt, their operations must, for some time, be nearly suspended.
It appears not, as yet, what are the ultimate measures which are meditated in regard to Spain and Portugal. The information, indeed, which is conveyed in the above journals, respecting Buonaparte, or his designs, is very insignificant.
The exchanges of territory which have been decreed to take place among the German princes, are carrying, partly at least, into effect.
The reports of a reports of a naval victory in the Mediterranean, which we mentioned in our last, have continued throughout almost the whole of the last week, and have assumed a variety of complexions. The whole story, however, is now disbelieved, for the wind having been for some days fair, and no direct intelligence having reached the country, the bubble has burst, and discharged its airy contents.
Accounts were yesterday received of a most gallant action having been fought off L'Orient, between his majesty's frigate L'Aigle of 36 guns, and two French ships of war, of 44 guns each. The latter were the Seine and Italienne, which were on their return to France from the West Indies. The L'Aigle fell in with them in the night of the 26th ult. and notwithstanding the great disparity of force, gallantly attacked them. The conflict was obstinate, and resolutely maintained by our frigate for a considerable time, when the enemy were obliged to shelter themselves under the batteries of L'Orient.
The Diana frigate, of 38 guns, Capt. Grant, lately fell in with a French flotilla, consisting of 50 sail of chasse-marées, from Bordeaux. The Diana had a smart action with the gun-boats, in which she had one man killed, and several wounded. Two of the French flotilla were sunk, and seven captured, of which two have arrived at Plymouth. The gun-boats, and the remainder of the enemy, effected their escape.
Admiral Rowley left town on Wednesday, for Portsmouth, to take his passage on board the Melpomene, Capt. Parker, as commander in chief on the Jamaica station.
By accounts from Portugal, it appears that enormous contributions, imposed by Junot, have been obtained from several merchants, and that the only standard of exaction has been the reputed property of those who are compelled to pay. The amount of the contributions is 800,000,000 of reals; the highest sum imposed upon any individual being 32,000,000, and only one so low as 50,000. The list contains more than two hundred names, with the sums levied upon each.
FRANKFORT, March 18.
The changes projected among the courts of the confederacy of the Rhine, begin to be carried into effect. On the 27th of this month the Bavarians will take definitive possession of the principality of Bayreuth. Wirtemberg will take possession of the town and territory of Ulm. The duke of Wurtemberg will have the town and territory of Swinfurt, in exchange for land ceded to Prussia.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
British brig Belle Anne, Touet, 42 days from Jersey, Ballast, Brunet & Thompson. Sloop Venus, Boush, 8 days from Charleston.
THESPIAN SOCIETY.
A Meeting of the Members of the Thespián Society, is requested at the Borough Tavern, on Wednesday Evening 25th instant, precisely at 7 o'clock. It is hoped the Members will be prompt in their attendance. May 25.
FOR RENT.
The HOUSE at Cedar Grove, during the Race Week. Apply to William Cammack. May 25.
British Consul's Office, 23d May, 1808.
About six weeks ago, a gentleman was so obliging as to call at this office, and to mention that he had at his Store in the Market-Square, a PACKAGE, addressed to the Consul, which had been brought by a vessel (perhaps the schooner Helen) from Philadelphia, and for which the Consul promised to send, without asking the name of the gentleman, with whose person he thought he was acquainted. In this, however, he was mistaken; and having since made many enquiries for the Package before-mentioned without success, the Consul will take it as a particular favour if the gentleman in question will be so kind as to give him his address, that he may send for the package, and pay the freight with any charges.
FOR NEW-ORLEANS.
The new Brig LOUISIANA PACKET, Richard Hurst, master, will sail directly for that port the first of June. For freight or passage, having excellent accommodations, as she is intended for a regular packet, apply to Jennings & Roddey. May 1.
LABOURERS WANTING.
The President and Directors of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company want to hire for the ensuing season, a number of Hands to work on the Canal; they will be provided with good wholesome food, and the usual quantity of whiskey per diem—liberal wages will be given, and their wages paid at the end of every month. Richard Blow, William Cammack, or Samuel Procter, Overseer. May 6.
Astonishing Female Artists!!
The Ladies and Gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, are respectfully informed, that two more singular and surprising instances of the wonderful productions of nature were perhaps never so apparently demonstrated as in the cases of Miss Sarah Rodgers and Miss Martha A. Honeywell, two young Ladies who have just arrived in Norfolk, and by the solicitations of a number of respectable families, have been induced to stay a few days.—They now reside at Mrs. Taylor's Boarding House, No. 35, Catharine-Street, where they will perform during their stay in Norfolk.
MISS RODGERS is a native of New-Hampshire; she was born without the use of either hands or feet, but her amends made in the exercise of her other faculties, surpasses all human belief. Without the use of her limbs, and with her mouth only, she will Paint elegant Flowers and Landscapes, mix colours, write, thread a needle, cut paper or cloth with the scissors held in her mouth, &c. &c.
MISS HONEYWELL is a native of New York; she was born without hands, and with only three toes on one foot. She is not so much a subject of wonder and admiration for her great ingenuity and elegance in embroidering Flowers for framing, and in cutting with rich variety and taste Gentlemen's Watch Papers, as for the peculiar felicity of her disposition, diffusing gaiety all around her. Indeed their sportively engaging aspects at once dispel those painful sensations, which the deprivation of their limbs excites in the sympathizing breasts of their visitors, and give place to the most felicitous impressions, resulting in an admiration of their good sense and cheerful resignation of these young Ladies to their peculiar lot, which they have rendered by their persevering industry, spirit, and wisdom, a happiness to themselves, and a very instructive and consolatory example to the world in general, and to their own sex particularly.
Admission Fifty Cents.—Children half price. Hours of admittance every day from 9 o'clock in the morning till 2, and from 3 till 7 in the afternoon. May 25.
DR. ROBERTSON'S
Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health. Which has proved by experience, to be "the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the stomach: also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, severe Gripings, and all other diseases of the bowels, a dose never fails to remove a cold if taken soon after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile; removing habitual costiveness, sickness at the stomach, severe head ache, &c. &c.
The following certificates are selected from the many respectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession.
Certificate of Mr. William Julian, carpenter and builder, No. 63, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will lay my case before the publick, as an incontestible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robertson's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health.
I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me to such a state that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained. It was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by taking Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business.
I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance in the country, where assistance cannot be immediately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world, I have once recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person with to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure explain it to them by applying to me.
I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM JULION.
MR. DYOTT, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807. Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, of the most effectual service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my stomach, and continual head ache, attended with a sickness at the stomach, which brought on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before.—As I consider your medicines to have been the means of saving my life, I solicit you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by abiding by the directions given with your invaluable medicines, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES.
MR. DYOTT, Philadelphia, August 1, 1807.
ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES. Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pains in my breast and side, and a sickness at my stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and shall certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint.
I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON.
MR. T. W. DYOTT, August 22.
Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia. DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I wish to publish the following:
About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which settled on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption must soon have followed, had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is impossible to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most efficacious remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint.
I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE.
MR. DYOTT, November 11. The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the proprietor, T. W. DYOTT, No. 15, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; and by appointment at BONSAL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVELL & CONRAD'S, Peterburg. May 23.
Herbert's Packet will sail for Baltimore TOMORROW. May 25.

York County Court, April 18, 1808. Ordered, That Thomas Griffin, Gaw- in L. Corbin, and Peyton Southall, gentlemen, be appointed Commissioners to let to the lowest bidder at the expense of this County, the building of a CLERK'S OFFICE as soon as possible, for the use of the said County, on the publick square in the town of York, on the plan and of the dimensions following, viz—The House to be of brick and covered with slate or tile, 20 by 12 feet in the clear, 10 feet pitch in the clear, a chimney, a brick floor, and a passage at the entry; two and an half bricks thick to the water table, and two bricks thick above—the wood work whereof to be neatly painted; bond with approved security for the due and faithful performance of this work of the undetaker to be taken, and returned by the said commissioners to this Court.
Copy, Attest, S. Shields, Jun. C. Y. C. The Commissioners above named are anxious to proceed in the execution of the above order, as early as possible, and will be glad to receive proposals for the erection of the building mentioned in the preceding order immediately. Thomas Griffin, } Com'rs. Gawin L. Corbin, } Peyton Southall, } York Town, 9th May, 1808. 3w
RICHARD & JOHN TAYLOR, Have received by the Ship Rolla, Captain Garet, from London, A few Packages of GOODS, suitable for the season. They have also on Hand,
Cambrick; common and furniture Calicoes; plain and striped Dimities, White and coloured Jeans; Irish Linens. Sheetings and Cotton Shirting; London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 4-4 and 6-4 Cambrick Muslins; Ginghams, Silk and Cotton Chambrys, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Gloves and Hosiery, of all kinds, Sacking, Oznaburgs, and Brown Rolls, Pipes by the box, and Copperas by the barrel, And an assortment of
HARDWARE, NAILS, &c. all of which they will sell low for Cash, or undoubted Paper at Sixty Days—Also for Sale, 150 barrels NEW PORK, 50 kegs Lard; Old Jamaica Rum and Sugar. May 6. 1m
A STRAY COW. Came to my place near Fort Norfolk, about 12 months ago, a large RED COW; she has lately had a Calf, and may now be of some use to the owner, who is required to prove his property, pay expenses, and take her away. Francis S. Taylor. May 6. 3w
TIMBER. The following Timber is wanted for the Navy Yard at Gosport—Persons disposed to furnish it will be pleased to make immediate application to Theo. Armistead, N. A.
Timber Size Quantity A 6 Girders Beams 47—10 by 12 B 40 Joists 36—3 12 C 40 do. 18—3 12 D 7 Girders 30—12 12 E 7 do. 20—12 12 F 7 do. 38—12 12 G 7 do. 48—12 12 H 20 do. 40—12 14 I 20 do. 28—12 14 K 30 do. 36—3 12 L 35 do. 33—4 12 M 76 Principal Rafters 30—4 10 & 4 by 6 N 38 Collar Beams 23—4 9 O 46 Peas 33—4 5 P 40 do. 24—4 5 R 186 Jack Rafters 30—3 5 S 186 do. 20—3 5 T 186 do. 24—3 6 W 16 do. KP 16—4 10 Y 35 Plats 33—4 12 The above Timber must be of Heart Pine or Poplar. April 29. tf
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7-1-21 lb. 6d Nails, 9-1-2d 4d do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d do. 2s. 9d. or 12d Sheathing, 7-1-2d 6d Sprigs, 4s 6d per M. 6d do. 2s 9d 2d, and 3d. do. 2s 3d He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhd. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hhd. and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cogniac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 10 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales Striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffels; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Heffians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24. tf
BANK STOCK LOST. LOST, Certificates for Ten Shares of VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, standing in the name of Ann and Rebecca Begg—Any person who has, or may find the said certificates, will please to deliver them to the deliver them to the subscriber. Wm. G. Camp. law6w April 13.
Phoenix Fire Office. The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals heretofore submitted. IN FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured on one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, if not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 9. 157
A NEGRO WOMAN for Sale. She is an excellent Cook and House Servant—Price 300 dollars. Cash. Apply at the Ledger Office. May 13. tf
Just landed from on board the schooner Ploughboy, Capt. Hall, from Charleston, 50 tierces fresh RICE, 15 Bales Upland COTTON—For Sale by GEORGE RAINCOCK. May 11. 1m
WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received from Baltimore and Philadelphia, a handsome assortment of SPRING GOODS, which with their goods on hand, comprise a large and general assortment, and they will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash only. May 9. tf
WHITE JEANS, &c. Just Received A few pieces very fine White JEANS, Real Patent NANKINEES, Best NAVY CLOTHS, and fashionable BUTTONS. For Sale by WOOD & HASTINGS. May 9. tf
NORFOLK RACES, Over the New Bridge Course, will commence on MONDAY the 6th of June, free for any Horse, Mare, or Gelding, (except those owned by Buwell Wilkes, of Brunswick County, Virginia, or in which he may be interested in the running of, agreeable to the weights of the New-Market Course, and the rules of the course. FIRST DAY. A Post Sweepstakes for 3 and 4 year Colts—weight for age—one mile heats—50 Dollars entrance. SECOND DAY. A Purse of 400 Dollars—four mile heats—50 Dollars entrance—weight for age. THIRD DAY. A Purse of 100 Dollars—one mile heats—the best three in five, with catch weights—10 dollars entrance. FOURTH DAY. A Purse of 200 Dollars—two mile heats—20 Dollars entrance—weight for age. A SADDLE and BRIDLE will be run for every afternoon during the Races. Proof of the Horses ages will be required—Entrance made with Col. Kemp, at the Exchange, by 8 o'Clock, P. M. each day. The Course is well enclosed with a high fence, and so ditched as to secure its being in good order. R. H. COCKE, & CO. May 9. tdr
FOR RENT. The STORE-HOUSE on Main-Street, lately occupied by Hunter & Gatewood, immediate possession may be had. Apply to John Nivison. May 6. 6
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his attorney in fact, Robert Gilson, Corbin Sprigg. tf
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. tf
February 2. FOR SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. tf
November 4. NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
FOR RENT. That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also, That convenient House, where Mr. Cornelius Calvert formerly lived; they have very fine gardens and all convenient out-houses—possession may be had on the first day of May next, on application to James Tucker. tf
April 13. STOLEN from a House in this Borough, about the 15th or 16th instant, TWO TABLE SPOONS, both marked T. M. G. in a cypher. Any person that will inform the Editor of this paper where the Spoons can be obtained, shall be well rewarded. N. B. Silversmiths and others are requested to stop them if offered for sale. April 25. tf
On Hand, A few qr. casks of choice Teneriffe WINE, And a few kegs fresh Dutch HERRINGS.—For sale by the Subscriber. Moses Myers. tf
April 25. STOLEN, A SILVER CANDLESTICK, Stamped on the base J Logue. The negro woman who it suspected took it about a fortnight since, may have offered it for sale or pawn for rum, of which she is very fond—FIVE DOLLARS will be given to the person who may bring it to the Office of the Ledger. April 22. tf
Military LANDS for Sale. 1700 acres of LAND lying in the State of Ohio, on the waters of the Little Miami, in two different surveys.—The subscriber having seen the Land, can affirm that there is no Land in that State superior to it in point of fertility, situation or climate. Any person wishing to purchase the above Land will know the terms by applying to CHARLES SNEAD, living in Northampton, Eastern Shore, Virginia. May 2. 3*
ENGLISH GOODS. Appleton & Co. By the John Adams, St. Johns, from Liverpool, No. 16, Calvert-Street, Baltimore, have received their regular supply of GOODS, calculated for the present and approaching season. Cambrick and Common Callicoos, Plain and striped Dimities; Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans; Furniture Chintz; do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths; do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres; patent Nankinees, Cords; Grandurells; Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambrick Muslins, Japan, Haricord, and Check do. plain and figured Mull do. Leno, Victory, and Riddle Mullin; coloured do. do. do. 4-4 plain Book do.; Ginghams; Silk do. Sattins, Persians, and Sarnets; Bonnet Silks; Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs; Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, do. Braces, do. Laces and Footings, do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks; Buttons; Birmingham Ware In Store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted paper at 60 days. April 15. 10
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7. tf
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Matras Tickling, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26. tf
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has established A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY. For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those who will be well served who choose to promote an institution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.
New SHOES from New-York, as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s and 8s 3d for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s. for 15s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s 3d for 7s 6d; and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.
VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt the most elegant made in the United States. Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very gentlemen who cannot be fitted. A few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cottons; Brown Sugar, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. April 23. tf
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lanters, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. tf
COW-POCK. The Subscriber informs those who wish to be vaccinated, that a parcel of fresh matter lately received from Philadelphia, has succeeded, and is now fit to inoculate from George Balfour. April 20. 1m
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb 13. tf
Mackinder & White, Have just received from on board the schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ticklenburgs, superfine Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 13. tf
For SALE, An elegant and fine toned HARP, made in Paris, and lately imported, with spare strings, and a large collection of MUSIC; the price 250 dollars. Apply at the Ledger Office. May 6. tf
ADVERTISEMENT. A good Price will be given for the First Vol. of the History of France, BY GIFFORD. This Book was sent to the late Mr. M'rick to be bound, and sold at Auction with the rest. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 29. tf
1500 sacks SALT, Liverpool filled, 6000 bushels do. loose, and 30 crates Earthenware—For Sale on board the Ship Sachem, by A. Maclure. May 6. tf
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808. Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs. Against Mary Selater, widow and devisee for life of John Selater, deceased, Richard and William S. Selater, sons and devisees of the said John Selater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb an infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Selater, deceased, and as executor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Selater, deceased, Defendants. On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant, Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
For SALE, On board the ship Dammascotta, Robert Duckendorff, master, at Commerce-Street Wharf, Coarse Liverpool SALT, St Vincent's RUM and MOLASSES. Moses Myers. April 15. tf
FOR RENT. The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Bianchard. April 7. tf
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No 44, Church Street. M 30. tf
CASH for Warwick STAVES. Moses Myers. April 20. tf
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Maclure. March 2. tf
AT PRIVATE SALE, By S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale in this Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA of the present year's importation—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 50 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovade Sugar, 40 barrels and bag. Green Coffee; 25 hhd. old Antigua Rum, 20 hhd. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijhns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26. tf
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18. tf
NORFOLK, April 25, 1808. MR. GEORGE REID, Sir—Take notice that I shall take the deposition of Matthew Hubbard, senior, at the office of Robert B. Taylor, attorney at law, in Norfolk, between the hours of ten in the morning and four in the afternoon of Friday the 27th day of May next, to be used in a suit depending in the Borough Court of Norfolk, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendant. This notice is given in this order, as you do not reside within the State of Virginia, and have no known agent or attorney within the state to whom notice can be given. I am, your obedient servant, TILDSLEY GRAHAM. 1m
FOR RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Messrs. Wood & Hastings, no. 50, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape Fear, or Proc. Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Sept 25. tf
The following prices will be given in Cash for 500 or 600 cords of BARK, deliverable at my Tan Yard, Spanish Oak, $ 6 per cord, Willow or Water do. 5 Red do. 4 Young White do. 3 50 Beach Bark, 3 50 With a view to prevent disappointment to those who purchase this article, arising from the uncertainty of the quantity which may be brought to market, I will receive all which may be delivered at my landing before the first day of June, provided it be well cured and in good order. Theoderick Armistead. April 4. 2m
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House, Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.