Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-04-10 00:00:00

other sufficient testimony, that its contents were known and assented to by them. To admit the letter itself as a proof of that fact, which alone can make it evidence, would be a plain solecism.
And lastly, may it please your honours, if this letter were legal and competent evidence against these persons, it is not worthy of belief; for it contains several direct and evident misstatements of facts. In the first place, it states that commodore Truxton had actually gone to Jamaica, to arrange matters with the naval commanders on that station. This we know to be undeniably false. It next asserts that the navy of the United States was ready to join the enterprise. This we know to be wholly untrue. There are other statements equally destitute of foundation. I do not state these to be wilful falsehoods. It may be that whoever wrote this letter had so far deceived himself, as to believe that Truxton would go to Jamaica, and that the navy would join. There is no accounting for the deceptions which a wild fancy, or a disordered intellect, may practice on itself. These deceptions, I know, sometimes go the length of absolute madness; and hence all the imaginary monarchs and great men, who people the regions of Bedlam. But I say that a man capable of imposing on himself to that extent, is not worthy of belief; and that his testimony, more properly his dreams, ought not to be allowed to affect other people.
Will it be said that this court cannot inquire into the credibility of testimony adduced before it as the ground of commitment? that it must take that as true which is sworn? I apprehend not; for such a doctrine would be contrary to the principles of law, and to an express provision of the constitution. The constitution says, that there shall be no commitment without probable cause. The court, therefore, must consider the facts as probable, or else they cannot commit; and how can they consider the facts as probable, if the witness be unworthy of belief. What is probability but belief; and how can we consider that as probable, which we do not believe? And how can we ascertain whether a thing be probable without inquiry, whether the person who informs us of it, be worthy of belief?
Again, in questions of this kind the court performs the functions of a jury. In trials before a court and jury, the jury alone decides on the sufficiency, and of course, on the credibility of the evidence. The court has nothing to do with the evidence, but to decide on its admissibility. Its effect, when admitted, belongs exclusively to the jury. But in preliminary questions of this sort, where the court alone decides on the law and the fact, the court is substituted for the jury, as to the fact, and must of course exercise all the powers of a jury over the evidence. One of these powers is to decide on the credibility of witnesses, I say, therefore, that whoever wrote this letter, is unworthy of belief—that the testimony contained in the letter, is void of credibility; because the letter, whether from delusion, mistake, or whatever cause, contains the assertion of plain and positive falsehood.
Thus much of the letter imputed to col. Burr, which forms the basis of gen. Wilkinson's testimony. Let us now take some notice of gen. Wilkinson himself. Let us enquire how far the situation in which he stood qualified him for giving him a correct and credible account of the facts concerning which he speaks. He accuses Burr of treasonable projects—he accuses Bollman and Swartwout of participation in this treason. How far was his situation favorable to a correct discernment of the truth? What motives had he for heightening to the utmost the colouring of the facts?
We must recollect in the first place, that this letter was written in cyphers which gen. Wilkinson understood. How did he become able to understand it? I answer that he must have had a key. When was this key furnished? Why was this cypher agreed on? I know not; but I know that such circumstances induce strong suspicion that gen. Wilkinson had previously been engaged, in some very indiscreet communications with col. Burr. It was very indiscreet for the commander in chief of the troops, and the governor of a remote province, to be engaged in communications which required the mystery and concealment of a cypher. This first indiscretion places gen. Wilkinson on very suspicious ground.
It was soon followed by another, still greater. This mysterious letter, so mysteriously understood, was received early in October. The day is not mentioned, but suppose we say the tenth, which is giving the utmost admissible latitude to the vague term "early." The communications by Swartwout were then made. These communications disclosed, according to Wilkinson's mode of understanding Swartwout, that Burr was levying a military force of seven thousand men with which he was to ascend the Mississippi, revolutionize the territory of Orleans, and seize and plunder the city of New Orleans as the first step towards the invasion of Mexico. The project being as general Wilkinson says, that he understood the matter in a course of actual execution, it is plain that no time was to be lost. Yet gen. Wilkinson, very imprudently, suffered Swartwout quietly to depart, omitted for sixteen days to send off a dispatch to the government, with this important intelligence; and, what was still more indiscreet and extraordinary, neglected for a much longer time, to adopt any measures for protecting New Orleans, or the ports above it on the river, against the attack which might be expected. Why did he omit all these obvious and necessary precautions? I know not, but I know that it was very imprudent, and that by that imprudence his conduct was rendered still more suspicious, and his situation still more critical.
In fact, by this succession of imprudent steps, he had advanced to the very brink of a precipice, into which he was ready to plunge and from the jaws of which it was difficult to retreat. Aware at length, of his danger and pressed by the urgent necessity of making some desperate effort to save himself, he resolved to oppose openly and vigorously Burr's project, and to begin by seizing Swartwout and Bollman, by military authority, and in defiance of the principles and the forms of law. Having taken this bold and dangerous step, he found it necessary to provide the means of his own justification. This was best to be done, by loading Burr and all his associates with the odium of rebellion and treason; and by presenting the facts in such a point of view, as to support this charge. After such conduct, and under such impressions, gen. Wilkinson sits down to recollect conversations which had taken place two months before, and draw up an affidavit, which is to furnish the justification of his own proceedings, the vindication of his own character.
Task whether a deposition made under such circumstances, and for such a purpose, can be implicitly relied on? whether we can safely trust to the recollections or the impressions of a mind agitated by so many passions, under the influence of so strong a bias? Gen. Wilkinson had a great object to attain by these depositions. They have not only to remove the suspicions arising from this long course of previous indiscretion; but to justify him in the most daring outrage against the laws and constitution of this country, that has been committed since its existence as a nation. It is not a light thing, may it please your honours, for a military commander, in the territories of the United States, to imprison American citizens by military power. It is not a light thing for him to set the writ of habeas corpus at defiance and to transport his victims, in contempt of the civil authority, two thousand miles by sea, from the place where alone they could be tried, to a place where they could not be tried. These are the light offences, and whatever general Wilkinson might have thought, in the moment of his extreme infatuation, a single hour's reflection must have disclosed to him, the extreme hazard of the steps which he had taken. He had then the strongest possible motives in addition to the extreme agitation of his mind, and the violent exaltation of his passions, for magnifying, distorting, and discolouring the facts, on which his justification was to depend. I do not mean to contend, that even under so strong an impulse he would wilfully swerve from the truth, my position is, that his mind would be incapable of discerning the truth; and that therefore his account of facts, resting on recollection, communicated in conversation, and depending for their true character on an accurate discrimination of circumstance and expressions, is not worthy of credit.
I object to this deposition on another ground also. It was not made for the purpose of procuring an arrest. It was not made before the judicial officer, on whose warrant the proceedings of the court was to be founded; and who would have been bound to cross examine the witness, to sift the facts, and to judge how far they were proved, and how far they were sufficient to justify the proceedings. But after a military arrest, this deposition is drawn up by the author of the arrest, without cross examination, without inquiry, and is sworn to by him, as the justification of his conduct. The persons whom he has thus arrested, are sent to a distant part of the country, and this deposition is sent after them, to operate as the ground of their commitment and detention. I contend, may it please your honours, that no person can be committed on testimony so taken. In cases of arrests and commitments, the general rules of evidence are to be no further departed from, than the necessity of the case requires. The testimony for commitment must be, in all other respects, the same with that for trial and conviction. On trial the testimony cannot be written or ex parte. It must be oral, and the party accused must have an opportunity of cross examination. On arrests these rules must sometimes of necessity be dispensed with. The testimony may be written, and it must be ex parte. But there is another great rule of law respecting testimony, that it shall be taken before the tribunals, which is to act upon it, under the direction of that tribunal, that the person who is to decide, shall also inquire; that the inquiry shall not be made before one tribunal, and the judgment pronounced by another. This rule, so important to the safety of persons accused, is equally applicable to arrests and commitments as to trials, and therefore should be equally observed. The effect of it will be to require, that when application is made to a judicial officer, for an arrest or commitment, he shall himself hear, examine, and take the evidence. He will then be informed of the object, and put on his guard against surprise. The party accused may in many cases be confronted with his accuser, may cross examine the witnesses, and may often explain circumstances, which would at first view appear to make against him. Where the circumstances of the case might render this impossible, the judicial officer would act as counsel for the accused, would cross examine for him, and would protect him from unfounded prosecution. These great and inestimable advantages, for the protection of innocence, would be secured to the accused, by adhering to the principle for which I contend; by requiring that in all cases of arrest and especially of commitments, the judicial officer or court granting the warrant, should examine the witnesses and investigate the facts, and apply the same to the practice which has in this country been universally adopted; once permit a military officer to seize a man and send him to a distant part of the country, and after him a mere ex parte deposition, and then ground for his subsequent arrest and trial, on the ground of this great security provided by our laws for the protection of liberty, is broken down; the power of the accuser; the privilege of cross examination, is taken away, without necessity; and the whole case might be considered, as giving an indubitable proof of an outrage unheard of in this country, and a palpable of being surpassed in any country in the world. I therefore contend that no commitment can be ordered or supported on this deposition; because it was made to bolster up a previous unlawful arrest, and because the court which committed had not the means of cross examining the witnesses.
But may it please your honours, admitting all these objections to be invalid, admitting this deposition to be inadmissible and worthy of belief; and taking it in connection with that of general Eaton, what do they prove as to the designs of col. Burr, and the participation of the persons now before the court?
The insane notion of assassinating the president, and deposing congress, has been sufficiently exposed. Nothing is more doubtful than the existence of such a project; nothing is more certain than its immediate abandonment, if it ever were formed. The next scheme to establish a kingdom in the west, whose capital was to be at New Orleans, in its extreme and weakest part, whose frontiers were to extend over boundless forests, to the Allegany mountains, the Lakes, the Pacific ocean, and the confines of New Spain, and whose monarch was to be Aaron Burr, was hardly less extravagant and absurd. Its extravagance and absurdity would be sufficient to render its existence exceedingly doubtful; and these doubts cannot be removed by the testimony of gen. Eaton; resting as it does on his distant recollection of the substance of various and detached conversations, on different subjects, the different parts, of which he may well be supposed
to have confounded with each other. To ascertain, in this uncertainty, the nature of Burr's plans, it is proper to inquire what he actually did; the ends which he had in view will best be explained, by the means which he employed.
If his project were to separate the western states, he must have intended to effect this purpose by the free consent of the people there, or by force. If by the free consent of the people, without the use of armed force it was not treason. It might be a great offence, but it could not be levying war against the United States. There is no doubt that I may to-morrow invite and endeavour to persuade the people of Maryland to separate themselves from the union without committing treason; and that if they should make the attempt without military force, not a man of them would be guilty of treason. Such an attempt would be a great offence. It might and probably would lead to treason; but it would not in itself be treason.
It is, however, manifest that col. Burr had no intention of separating the western states by this method. Nothing is done or attempted which can indicate such a design, or tend to the accomplishment of such a purpose; no meetings of the people, no resolutions, no committees, no harangues, no writings to sound or to prepare the publick mind; none of these measures which always and necessarily precede an attempt to produce a revolution in government, by the means of the people themselves. If therefore, col. Burr intended to effect such a revolution, he must here have intended to effect it by force.
What force? General Wilkinson tell us of 7,000 men raised in the western states themselves; which 7,000 men were to be induced, by what means we know not, to take up arms against their brothers, to cut the throats of their fathers, to burn down their paternal mansions, to stain the land of their nativity with the blood of their relations, and by all those horrors ever attendant on civil war, to fix on the neck of their country, and on their own necks, the yoke of a government the most abhorrent to their principles, their habits, their feelings, and their very nature, that can be imagined! and for what? For the mere pleasure of separating themselves from a government to which they have ever manifested the strongest attachment, the actual administration of which is highly acceptable to them, and the protection of which their weak, remote, and detached situation renders all important to their prosperity and safety.
And these 7,000 men are to subdue whom? The whole western states. The hardy and enterprising sons of Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio; nursed in independence, mured to hardship and war, and of numbers sufficient to crush and annihilate in a single week, a force five times as great. And such a project is seriously ascribed to a military man and a statesman of no common talents and discernment, and well acquainted with that country.
But gen. Eaton tells us that he relied on other assistance. The troops of the United States were to be drawn into the scheme—and this handful of troops, foolishly miscaled "The army of the U. States," which consists of about two thousand men, and is scattered in small detachments thro' two thousand miles of forests, from New Orleans to Michilimackinac, and along two thousand miles of coast, from the extremities of Maine to the confines of East Florida; this shadow of a force, which could not be embodied in three months, by the utmost exertions of the government, and could never be embodied without its orders; this little band, which if embodied, would not be sufficient for the conquest of two counties—this inconsiderable and widely scattered corps is to be united to 7,000 men raised in the western states, is to subdue the western states, and to erect them and Louisiana into a monarchy for Aaron Burr, with New Orleans for his capital, a thousand miles distant from the body of his kingdom!
The execution of this very singular scheme is no less extraordinary than the scheme itself, and the means relied on for its accomplishment. The men collected for this mighty conquest are to be found at the falls of Ohio; and from thence to commence their operations for the conquest of the western states. In what direction? Towards the country to be conquered? No, but to the north; they are to go down the Ohio and the Mississippi—that is, they are to go away from the object, which it is their object to subdue. A very strong proof of invasion it must be confessed; which, if the object of nations, it were to be wished that it were universally adopted!
It will be said, that New Orleans and Louisiana are the first objects. They were to be first seized, and then the re-action, or retrograde attack, was to be made on the upper country. Be it so. To carry this off, from the weakest; to carry on the Mississippi instead of down it; to have a formidable enemy in your rear; and to have no time and time for preparation; and to have, long before hand, the government of the western states, instead of taking it by surprise, prepared to resist; all this would be simulated if such was the plan, that New Orleans was to be first attacked, as the first step towards the subjugation of the western states. This, we must admit, would require the neutrality at least of Spain, if not her active co-operation.
And yet we find, in this letter and deposition, that a deliberation was to be held at Natchez, whether Baton Rouge should be attacked on their way down the river! Whether a project which required absolutely the acquiescence at least of Spain, should be commenced by an attack on the Spanish territory!
Really may it please your honours, the absurdities of this supposed plan to separate the western states by force of arms, with such means and in such a manner, are so numerous and glaring, that it would be a waste of time further to expose them. It is impossible to believe that col. Burr, in the operations described by the letter and depositions, had that object in view.
What then was his object? I answer the invasion of Mexico. Every thing proves it. His conversation with general Eaton; his declaration in the letter ascribed to him; the declarations of Swartwout; the propositions which he made; the steps which he took, and those which he proposed to gen. Wilkinson; all these agree with this object. How were the troops of the United States to be gained? by double pay and double rations, by the hope of plunder and the prospect of achievement. How were the double pay and double rations to be procured? From the revenues of Mexico: not certainly from those of the Western States and Louisiana, which
are wholly inadequate to the purpose—Where was the plunder to be found? Not surely in the Western states and Louisiana, which contain but few objects of plunder—but in Mexico, which abounds with publick property, that to an enemy going there for the purpose of emancipating the country, might be fairly considered as booty.—To conquer, or rather to revolutionize and emancipate Mexico, might also be considered as a glorious and honourable achievement, capable of exciting the ambition of every ardent or enthusiastic mind. What achievements, except the most atrocious crimes, could be performed in an attempt to subdue the Western states?
But, it may be said, if colonel Burr's project really was an expedition to Mexico, why did he talk, as he certainly did, about a separation of the western states, and Louisiana from the union. I think that a satisfactory answer may be given to this objection.—His object in throwing out these ideas was to conceal his real plan from the prying eyes of the Spanish minister.—This was and object of the utmost importance to him, and it was almost impossible to attain it in any other manner. He probably had even a further object in view. There has been nothing in the conduct of the Spanish minister, which can induce us to suppose that he would see with regret, any project by which the United States might be injured, especially if it could be useful to his own nation; or that he would refuse to aid its execution, so far as could be done without danger to himself or his country.—Such a project as to separate from the union the countries on the Mississippi and its waters, and to erect them into a state, in alliance of course with Spain, if not dependent on her, would not be likely to displease him; and he might secretly furnish many acts for its execution which would be very useful for a very different enterprise. He might even be brought unintentionally but powerfully to co-operate in that different enterprise, by drawing the troops of Spain towards our southwestern frontier, under pretence of supporting the limits contended for by Spain, but for the real purpose of favouring the separation of our territory, which he would suppose to be intended. Thus we see that col. Burr, supposing his real design to be an expedition to Mexico, had an obvious and very powerful inducement for veiling that design from the eyes of the Spanish minister, and covering it with an apparent project, the most likely to draw him into an unintentional co-operation. Upon this supposition every thing is consistent and rational. Upon the other he must be considered guilty of a tissue of absurdity which would disgrace a Bedlamite.
When I say that upon this supposition every thing is rational, may it please your honours, I do not mean to say that the project of a military expedition to Mexico, for the purpose of producing a revolution in its government, and rendering it an independent nation, was lawful, prudent, or proper. I know that it was contrary to express law, and highly penal. I mean to say that the means employed, however inadequate, would at least be in unison with the end proposed.
And here, may it please your honours, while I admit the enterprise in which col. Burr was engaged, to be unlawful, I cannot prevent my mind from adverting to the distinction between acts immoral and flagitious in themselves, such as creating a civil war, or turning our arms against the bosom of our country, and acts merely unlawful, as being forbidden by a positive statute. I cannot resist my inclination to find in the conduct of these persons an object and a motive free from moral turpitude, perhaps entitled to indulgence, perhaps even to praise. The project of raising an armed force within the United States, and conducting it to Mexico, for the purpose of enabling the people of that wealthy, populous and delightful country to shake off a foreign yoke, to become a nation, to enact their own destinies, to employ their resources for their own benefit, to do in fine what we glory in having so lately done ourselves, this project is no doubt forbidden by our statute, and if proved by any one, must be punished by fine and imprisonment. But may we not suppose the possibility, and even the probability, of such a project being conceived by a mind free from moral guilt? May not such a project have received its birth in a mind of the purest philanthropy, the most enlarged and correct political views, and the sublimest patriotism? Can we disguise from ourselves the present situation of the world? Can we shut our eyes to what is passing all around us? Do we not see a power of gigantic size suddenly erected in the midst of Europe, which overturns in an instant whatever has heretofore been deemed stable, and like a mighty torrent sweeps away in its irresistible course, thrones and kingdoms which it cost centuries to erect? The individual who rules and guides this destructive storm, pursues his designs active as light and inexorable as death. We know that among these designs is the most stupendous schemes of family aggrandizement, that has ever been imagined by the mind of man.
This scheme we see advancing in its accomplishment, with a rapidity surpassing even its magnitude. We know that Spain forms an essential part of this scheme; and that a man now exists in Italy, destined and ready to ascend the throne of this last remaining branch of the Bourbons, whenever it shall please the cabinet of St. Cloud, to order the present feeble and enslaved incumbent to descend. We know that a nod from the monarch of France, can effect in an instant this great revolution, which will convert Spain into a province of France, and Mexico and all her sister provinces into French colonies. Can we be ignorant of the manner in which such a revolution must affect us? Do we not know that the great, the immediate and darling object of French policy, is to break down the maritime power of England, which rests in so great a degree on her commercial and colonial system, and forms almost the only remaining obstacle to the plan of universal empire? Can we conceal from ourselves how important, how powerful an implement we might be in the hand of France, for effecting this destruction of the commerce, the colonies and the marine of England? Do we not know consequently, that an attempt will be made as soon as it shall be practicable, to compel us, as other nations have been compelled, to enter into this league? Yes, we do know all this; in spite of all the efforts we may make to shut our eyes. And we also know that when by a revolution no doubt determined on, and capable of being at any moment effected, a member of the reigning family in France shall be placed on the throne of Spain; and the Spanish provinces in our neighbourhood shall become French colonies filled by imperceptible but rapid degrees with French officers and French troops, and governed wholly by French policy; the means of annoying us, and of forcing or inducing us into this league will be increased to an almost irresistible degree.
May we not conceive that an American patriot and statesman, knowing and seeing all this, might suppose that the best service which he could render to his country would be to improve a favourable opportunity which he supposed to exist, for anticipating this terrible plan; to aid the people of Mexico in emancipating their country; and thus to shut that country forever against a power, whose introduction and establishment there must be so disastrous to us? Might not the feelings of universal philanthropy, aiding those of patriotism, induce him to believe, that he should confer lasting benefits on a great portion of mankind, by bringing a new and powerful nation into existence, uniting it in a close alliance with his own country, and thus laying the first stone of a great western confederacy, now become highly important, if not indispensable to the preservation of national independence in this quarter of the globe? A confederacy which resting on the population, and territorial strength of the western nations, connected by the commercial marine of the United States, and supported by, and supporting the naval power of Britain, might defy the threats and set limits to the power of that giant, who overrides and tramples in the dust the prostrate nations of Europe. Surely these are views, which, however visionary are not criminal. They might have found a place in the breast of Scipio or Hamper. Some portion of enthusiastic ardour might induce a great and

humble mind, even to attempt their accomplishment; more especially when it is recollected, that at the time when this project was formed, the government whose power was to be attacked, had practised towards this country, a series of insults and aggressions, which fell little short of actual invasion, and rendered a speedy rupture in the highest degree probable. In such a state of things these views might have entered, without dishonour or immorality, into such a mind as the author of this project is known to possess. To the ardor of youthful imagination such a scheme would be irresistibly seductive. That adventurous spirit, that military enthusiasm, which distinguish the young men of this country, and have led them to glory whenever an opportunity of acquiring it has been offered, could hardly fail to be excited by those brilliant prospects. And thus the flower of the country might be enlisted, in an enterprise forbidden by every honorable feeling of the human heart.
One of my clients, may it please your honours, is a native of Germany, and of that part of Germany which has suffered most, under the scourge that afflicts the nations of Europe. However, the place of his nativity, was weak, peaceful and unoffending, but it was connected with the British monarch and to seize and oppress it might therefore be a mean of operating on the conduct of Great Britain. It was seized, pillaged, and oppressed, with as little remorse as if it had been given up to military government, impoverished by supporting large armies, and subjected to every species of injury and insult, that could result from the most wanton abuse of military power. All this he had seen, and he knew that the same motives would produce towards the country of his adoption, the same conduct which had been observed towards the country of his birth. Might not sentiments of affection and gratitude towards his adopted country, where he has formed the dearest connections, combined with the philanthropy of his disposition, and the generous enthusiasm of his mind produce an honorable and praiseworthy desire, to become instrumental in warding off from one the calamities by which he had seen the other overwhelmed? And might he not have honestly believed, that to promote this project of an expedition to Mexico, was the best method of effecting so noble a purpose?
While then, may it please your honours we admit this enterprise to be unlawful, let us not deny that the motives of its author and abettors may be entitled to indulgence, and even to respect; let us not endeavour to imprint on their names the stain of moral guilt.
But it is said, that however free the expedition to Mexico may in itself be from the guilt of treason, it was to be attended by treasonable acts, or accomplished by treasonable means. New Orleans, it is said, was to be seized and plundered; the territory of the United States on the Mississippi was to be revolutionized, as the first step, in this expedition. If so, I have nothing further to say; but I ask, where is the proof of the fact? where is the proof that col. Burr entertained such a design? where is the proof if he did entertain it, that the persons now before the court were apprised of the design? The letter imputed to col. Burr contains no trace of such a project. There is no intimation, no allusion which can lead to such an idea; nor does any thing of this sort appear in the deposition of gen. Eaton.
But the proof of this design, it may be said, appears in the verbal communications made to gen. Wilkinson, by Bollman and Swartwout.
Gen. Wilkinson does indeed attribute to Swartwout some vague expressions, which may admit of such a construction. But will your honours recollect, that those expressions were called out of many conversations, by other parts of which, if related to this court, they might be very differently explained? Will you not advert to the danger of permitting so heinous a charge as that of treason—so important a question as that of im-isonment, to depend on a few vague expressions, thus selected by the accuser, whom there is no opportunity to cross-examine? Will you not recollect that nearly two months had elapsed, between the time when the conversations took place, and the time when general Wilkinson made this deposition? That during all this period he had suffered this person, whom he at last accuses of treason, to go un molested? And that when at length he made the charge, his mind was to the utmost degree agitated by conflicting passions, and he had the strongest possible inducements, for his own justification, and even safety, to criminate Swartwout? Can it be doubted, that under such circumstances, the view of his mind was distorted; that every thing was magnified to his sight; and some unmeaning phrases, uttered by an enthusiastic young man, whose mind was heated and inflamed by a magnificent prospect, might easily pass with general Wilkinson, on this distant recollection, for proofs of a crime which it so much behoved him to establish? Surely such testimony is too slight and too suspicious to support a charge of treason, or to warrant the imprisonment of a citizen.
And this testimony, moreover, applies to Swartwout alone. There is nothing to show that Bollman had any knowledge of the seizing at New Orleans, the forced loan from the bank, the revolution in the Orleans territory, of which Swartwout is supposed to have talked. Yet as Bollman was the most intelligent and confident agent of Burr, the person of all others best acquainted with his designs, it is not believed that so important a part of the plan, had it existed, would have been unknown to him. He had many and confidential communications with general Wilkinson. He was firmly persuaded of Wilkinson's participation in the scheme of Burr. The general represents his infatuation on this point as continuing to the last. He therefore had no motive in concealing from general Wilkinson any part of the plan. It was perfectly natural, on the contrary, that he should mention to the general what he knew. And yet in the course of so many and such long conferences on this subject, not one word is said by Bollman, of this design to seize New Orleans, plunder the bank, and revolutionize the territory. Surely this is conclusive evidence that Bollman knew nothing of such a design, and very strong evidence that no such design existed.
There is, indeed, one expression imputed by gen. Wilkinson to Bollman, from which it might, at first sight, be inferred that he was apprised of an intention to use force against New Orleans. He tells Wilkinson that Burr must come to New Orleans in order to get shipping and supplies. It is not said or intimated, however, that they were to be obtained by force. Wilkinson replies, "If he comes this way I must oppose him." Bollman, to use general Wilkinson's phrase, "obliqued a sham defence, and waved the conversation." This last expression seemed to imply, that New Orleans was to be attacked, and that Bollman proposed to Wilkinson to make a mere show of defending it, so as to save appearances and then to give it up. But if we attend to the whole conversation, we find that general Wilkinson, in his eagerness to criminate these men, and in the agitation of mind under which his deposition was made, has inadvertently used the word "defence," instead of the word "opposition;" and has thereby varied the whole meaning of the sentence.
They were talking of Burr's course to Mexico. Bollman said that he must come by New Orleans, for supplies and ships. There were other ways of going. He might ascend the Red River to Natchitoches, and proceed by the way of St. Antonio and Santa Fe. He might go through the Iberville and Lake Pontchartrain to Pensacola, seize that port, and then wait for ships to transport him to La Vera Cruz. But Bollman said that his plan was to take the route by New Orleans, as being the shortest and the best, and to stop at New Orleans for shipping and supplies. Wilkinson replies that being posted at New Orleans with the troops of the U. States, if any attempt were made to invade the Spanish dominions by that route, he must oppose. What? not the seizure of New Orleans, which had not been spoken of—but the passage of troops by New Orleans to La Vera Cruz. Bollman intimates that Wilkinson might make a feint. Of what? not of defending New Orleans, but of opposition to the passage of the troops, and to their obtaining shipping and supplies, which was the subject of conversation, and occupied the minds of the speakers. This word "opposition," gen. Wilkinson, in the agitation of his mind, and the hurry of writing his deposition, has translated into "defence," a word which very often means almost the same thing with "opposition," but here conveys an idea altogether different. This is an inaccuracy of language into which the most cautious witness, in the calmest moment, might fall; for want of the habit of attending to the precise force and signification of words. How often has it happened to every one of your honours, in your practice at the bar, to correct such inaccuracies in a witness, by cross-examination? Correct this inaccuracy, by a reference to the context and to the subject of the conversation, and the phantom of treason vanishes into air.
I have said this much, may it please your honours, not because I thought it necessary; for after the careful examination which this court had already given to the subject, it certainly needed no aid from me in forming a correct decision; but because I thought that I might be permitted to say it in justice, to my own feelings; to the reputation and safety of those who have confided their defence to part to me; and to the great principles of law and the constitution which are involved in the case.
I have endeavoured to show that no evidence has been produced competent and sufficient to charge these applicants with any offence whatever; and that taking the evidence relied on to be competent and credible, and giving it the utmost effect to which it is fairly entitled, it furnishes no proof of treasonable acts or designs, on the part of col. Burr; much less the participation in such acts or designs, on the part of my clients. Relying on the justice of their cause, on the equity of the law, and on the wisdom and justice of this tribunal, I submit the case with confidence to its decision.
BALTIMORE, April 4. The editor of the Federal Gazette received this morning his file of the New Orleans Gazette, to Sunday (a supplement dated Sunday) 1st March, inclusive.
Owing to the enslaved state of the press there, we find but little news in these papers. By the extracts which follow, the reader will be enabled to form his own opinion.
At a public dinner, given by the officers of the army and navy, on Washington's birth day (February 22) general Wilkinson did not attend. He was prevented by the indisposition of his lady—who is since dead.
HIS EXCELLENCY, BRIGADIER GENERAL JAMES WILKINSON.
SIR, The subscribers, masters of vessels in the port of New Orleans, beg leave to express to you through this channel of communication, the high sense they entertain of your services in the present alarming crisis.
Surrounded as we are by suspicious or deluded persons, more than ordinary means are requisite to frustrate their nefarious designs, and though we deprecate military ascendancy in a free government; yet, we consider it at this juncture, the only alternative to preserve the peace of the country, and maintain inviolate the real interests of the U. States.
In all your measures, sir, we have perceived the arm of power, guided by the dictates of patriotism; and we are well convinced that the civil authority is set aside only because it is incompetent from the nature of its process, to avert the storm which was ready to burst over us.
That your exertions may be crowned with success, and your services meet the reward they so justly merit, is the sincere wish of,
Sir, your admirers and friends, Signed by thirty-one masters of vessels.
Richard Stites, } Committee appointed to Lloyd Jones, } wait on the general. William J. Pigot, } To captain Richard Stites, Lloyd Jones and Wm. J. Pigot,—a committee from thirty one masters of vessels in the port of New Orleans.
Gentlemen, I receive with great satisfaction this testimony of your approbation of my conduct, pending one of the most painful and interesting scenes of my life.
The spontaneous offerings of a band of patriots, assembled on this remote point, from various quarters of the American union of a body of respectable citizens, who, though personally unknown to me have had an opportunity of witnessing my whole conduct, cannot be too highly appreciated; because they must be considered the genuine offspring of the breast, uninfluenced by management, and untinctured by prejudice or personality.
If an ardent honest zeal has impelled me to anticipate the tardy course of the law, for the salvation of the constitution, I hope the magnitude of the motive may extenuate the partial, personal, momentary trespass; and that the decisive steps which may have been forced upon me by a combination of imperious circumstances, may, be preferred by every vigilant, faithful citizen, to a timid circumspection, which would have put to hazard the safety of this emporium, and a whole country.
I beg you, gentlemen, and through you represent, to accept my acknowledgements for your partiality, and my warmest wishes for your individual prosperity and happiness.
JAMES WILKINSON. We call the attention of our readers to the proceedings of congress, published in this day's gazette, which we deem particularly important as relating to this country. It seems that the rights of the citizen, and the writ of Habeas corpus are not well understood on the floor of congress, as in New Orleans.
COMMUNICATION.
Mr. Bradford, Be pleased to say, in reply to a very insolent remark in your last number respecting captain Wilkinson, that this gentleman is not an aid-de-camp to gen. Wilkinson—that he did not proceed from Natchitoches to Mexico, but from his own seat to Natchez—and that he went on no mission.
Thus we find in thirteen short lines, three falsehoods, insidiously designed to reflect on gen. Wilkinson, for some illicit intercourse with Spaniards. But in this case the vile attempt failed, when it is known that Mr. Burling is one of the first respectability in the Mississippi Territory, in easy circumstances; and that his character is so elevated for honour and patriotism, as to be impervious to the shafts of calumny, however ingeniously or cunningly directed.
Remarks on the above. The above paragraph comes from my superior officer, and I am under the painful necessity of either submitting to it in silence, or repelling it with a full conviction of being again subjected to arrest, imprisonment and the degrading punishment incident to the state of a soldier. I have already been threatened—I have already suffered a long and loathsome confinement in a dungeon, amongst the dregs of the regular army, because I had the audacity to utter sentiments not relished by my superiors. I must submit without a murmur. Can I give my fellow-citizens of those happy regions of America, where the laws are respected, a more striking proof of our melancholy situation, here, than by the mortifying silence and submission to which I am doomed: And may I not ask him who inflicts the blow, whether it is not cruel, unmanly and ungenerous to apply such unjust and injurious epithets to a man trammelised as he finds me by the strong arm of military power.
J. M. BRADFORD.
"On Friday last, capt. Walter Burling, aid-de-camp to gen. Wilkinson, reached this city from Vera Cruz. Capt. Burling, we understand, went from Natchitoches to the city of Mexico, and from thence to Vera Cruz, where he took shipping for this place. What was the object of his mission we know not; nor do we know whether he brings any news—all we have learnt is, that whenever he went, he was received with distinguished attention—and had an interview with the viceroy."
THE PUBLICK LEDGER. TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIMES, IN HIS FORM AND PRESSURE. FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 10, 1807.
MR. HARPER'S SPEECH.—Some time since we published a sketch of Mr. Harper's argument before the supreme court of the United States, in the case of Bollman and Swartwout. We this day present our readers with the speech, delivered on that occasion, at full length, originally published in the Atlantic World, but under the disadvantage of being divided. To a friend who was present, we are indebted for the correction of some errors, which the most accurate reporter could not avoid, in taking down a speech as delivered; others no doubt will still be found, yet we persuade ourselves that that which we now present is the most accurate that has been published.
It would be as difficult, as it would be unnecessary for us to pronounce an eulogium on this admirable speech. The professional man, and every reader of taste and feeling, cannot, we think, withhold his approbation of this distinguished proof of solid learning, and brilliant display of eloquence and ingenuity. Proud to place on our files, under the most advantageous circumstances, this unquestionable evidence of the talents of our country, we have to the exclusion of other interesting matter, given this speech entire in our paper, persuaded of the disadvantage which every subject experiences from being divided, although the limits of a newspaper oftentimes render the practice unavoidable.
Yesterday and part of the last night, the wind blew with great violence, and has we fear occasioned much damage in the bay. We understand that several vessels have been driven from their moorings in Hampton Roads, particulars of which had not reached us when this paper went to press. The wind being from West to N. W. the vessels on the coast would be in no danger, being off shore.
In several of the democratick newspapers it is noticed, that the securities for Mr. Burr's appearance, are all federalists! The fact may be so, for what we know; we are not disposed to question it. The manner in which it is mentioned, and the quarter from whence it proceeds, gives it the appearance of censure. We do not for our own parts perceive any cause for censure. The highest judicial authority has declared at the examination of Mr. Burr, that the evidence, sufficient to commit him for trial, was not sufficient to convict, would not be sufficient to convict. Under these circumstances, was it a crime to become Mr. Burr's bail? Or has it come to pass, that he against whom the government raises its claim, is to be abandoned to the miseries of a dungeon, even before he is convicted of a crime? One of the papers of the description we have mentioned, notices with a tone of regret, that Mr. Burr would not want counsel to defend him! Men who have abandoned themselves to the fury, which feeling too often engenders, are strangers to the feelings of humanity but those who possess any, will clearly see that politics had no share in this matter. We have heard it stated, and we have seen more than an hundred persons at the examination of Mr. Burr, who were ready to be bail for him if he had been required.
REPORT.
Be pleased to say, in reply to a very insolent remark in your last number respecting captain Wilkinson, that this gentleman is not an aid-de-camp to gen. Wilkinson—that he did not proceed from Natchitoches to Mexico, but from his own seat to Natchez—and that he went on no mission.
Thus we find in thirteen short lines, three falsehoods, insidiously designed to reflect on gen. Wilkinson, for some illicit intercourse with Spaniards. But in this case the vile attempt failed, when it is known that Mr. Burling is one of the first respectability in the Mississippi Territory, in easy circumstances; and that his character is so elevated for honour and patriotism, as to be impervious to the shafts of calumny, however ingeniously or cunningly directed.
Remarks on the above. The above paragraph comes from my superior officer, and I am under the painful necessity of either submitting to it in silence, or repelling it with a full conviction of being again subjected to arrest, imprisonment and the degrading punishment incident to the state of a soldier. I have already been threatened—I have already suffered a long and loathsome confinement in a dungeon, amongst the dregs of the regular army, because I had the audacity to utter sentiments not relished by my superiors. I must submit without a murmur. Can I give my fellow-citizens of those happy regions of America, where the laws are respected, a more striking proof of our melancholy situation, here, than by the mortifying silence and submission to which I am doomed: And may I not ask him who inflicts the blow, whether it is not cruel, unmanly and ungenerous to apply such unjust and injurious epithets to a man trammelised as he finds me by the strong arm of military power.
J. M. BRADFORD.
"On Friday last, capt. Walter Burling, aid-de-camp to gen. Wilkinson, reached this city from Vera Cruz. Capt. Burling, we understand, went from Natchitoches to the city of Mexico, and from thence to Vera Cruz, where he took shipping for this place. What was the object of his mission we know not; nor do we know whether he brings any news—all we have learnt is, that whenever he went, he was received with distinguished attention—and had an interview with the viceroy."
phie, bound to Washington City, lost both anchors in the Delaware.
CUSTOM-HOUSE—ENTERED. Brig Ann Elizabeth, Skinner, Havanna. Sch'r Eagle, Woodward, Nevis. CLEARED. Brig Ann, Bascom, Honduras.
NEWCOMB's Packet will sail for New-York the first fair wind. April 10.
GOULD's Packet will sail for Baltimore on Tuesday next. April 10.
Dismal Swamp Canal Company. For Publick Sale, on MONDAY the 4th of May next, at ten o'clock, (being the day of the annual meeting of the Stockholders,) to be held at the Eagle-Tavern in the Borough of Norfolk,
THIRTEEN SHARES, belonging to delinquent Stockholders in said Company, on a credit of 60 days. William Charles Lee, CLK & Treas'r D. S. Canal Co. April 3. 14thM
SPRING GOODS. Imported in the ships Hercules and Edward, arrived at Baltimore, from Liverpool, and now opening and for sale by
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 41, Main-street, at reduced prices for Cash, or short approved credit, by the package or piece only,
Consisting of Fine and common CALLICOES, 7-8 and 9-8 Pink, Buff, and Blue Ginghams, 6-4 Cambric Dimities; narrow do. 7-8, 9-8, and 6-4 Cambric Muslins, Elegant Lace and Fancy do. Printed and Threadabout do. Chambrey, Calabrian, Book, Plain Piquet, Checked and Plain Leno, Imperial Net, American Net, Diagonal, Spider Net, Fancy and Tambored Stripes, Muslins, Elegant Fancy Velvet Vestings; do. Imperial Shawls, Japanned and Tambored do. Turkey Gauze; Cotton Cassimeres; Granderels, Umbrellas; Braces; Adelphi Thread; Cotton Hosiery, &c.
A few bales India MUSLINS. All of the above GOODS are entitled to debenture, and many are calculated for the Spanish and West-India markets. April 10. tf
For Freight or Charter, The fast sailing Ship INTREPID, Miles King, master, burthen about 400 hds. or 3000 barrels, now ready to receive a cargo. Apply to
J. & W. Southgate. tf April 10.
WANTED, A SCHOONER of 600 barrels, to load for a Windward Island Robert Dickson.
Who offers for Sale, Jamaica and Antigua Rum; Sugar, Salt in sacks; Port and Madeira Wines, in pipes, hds. and quarter casks, old and fit for present use; and 15,000 wt. Coffee in bags, lately landed. April 10. 3
Wanted by the Subscribers, A quantity of OAK BARK, For which the following prices will be given in Cash, delivered at their Tan-Yard,
For Spanish Oak Bark, $ 10 per cord, Willow or Water Oak, 9 Red Oak, 8 Young White Oak, 7
It is recommended to those who get Bark, to bring it in early in the season, for if kept out and exposed to heavy rains, it will not be received. William Plume, & Co. tf April 10.
For SALE, About 15 dozen of SALLAD OIL, of the first quality, in baskets of 6 three half pint bottles each. Enquire of the Editor of this Paper. April 10. 6
For SALE, A likely Negro BOY, About 18 years of age. For terms apply to James G. Mallory, or Johnson Mallory, in Boush-street. April 10. 3
NOTICE. The Subscribers having formed a copartnership under the firm of
SELDEN & CLARK, inform their friends and the publick, that they have taken the Store in Market-square, lately occupied by John L. Leland, where they carry on the Vendue and Commission Business.
Cary Selden, Edward Clark. tf April 10. 3
Now landing from the brig Ann Elizabeth, from Havanna, A choice parcel of prime Green Coffee, 56 hogheads and 40 barrels Muscovado Sugar, And a few pots Sweetmeats—For Sale by
John Brown, Marsden's wharf. tf April 10.
Office of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, April 6, 1807.
The Stockholders in the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk are notified, that an election for the purpose of choosing fifteen Directors, will be held at the Office of the said Company on Friday the first day of May next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
John Cowper, Sec'y. tf April 6.
NOTICE. The Freeholders and others in this Borough, entitled to vote, are desired to meet at the Town-Hall, on Monday the 27th instant, (being the fourth Monday in the month) for the purpose of electing a Representative to Congress, and a Delegate to the General Assembly. Thomas H. Parker, Mayor. tf April 3.
Fresh supplies of Drugs & Medicines, Have just been received by
FREDERICK HEBERMAN, & SON, Per the Ship Proteceus, from London, and Herald from Liverpool—Also, an assortment of
SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS. A great variety of GENUINE PATENT MEDICINES. All sorts of
GLASS AND SHOP FURNITURE, And a prime collection of VALUABLE PERFUMES, including OTTER of ROSES from Barbary.
Importing regularly twice a year from the most respectable Druggists in Europe, we assure those who favour us with their orders, that the strictest attention will be paid to furnish them with articles of the best quality, and on the most reasonable terms.
PERRY'S and LETTSON'S Golden Antibilious PILLS; CHURCHES and J. K. READ'S COUGH DROPS for Sale.—MEDICINE CHESTS as usual.

For LONDON, The Ship LIVE OAK, Captain Yarrell, master, will sail within 20 days...
For GREENOCK, The Ship INDUSTRY, N. Wright, Master, will positively sail in 15 days.
For LIVERPOOL, The fast sailing Ship BETSEY, Captain Treadwell, will sail in 15 days.
For Freight or Charter, The Brig ROEBUCK, Thos Bolton, master, burthen 270 bds.
For PHILADELPHIA, The Sloop SALLY, Capt. J. Williams, a good vessel.
For FREIGHT or CHARTER, The ship WILLIAM & MARY, Erasmus Tipling, master—burthen 2,000 barrels.
The Ship Good Hope, burthen 187 tons, or 1800 barrels, is offered for charter...
For NANTZ, The good Brig Pandora, burthen 220 tons, having most of her cargo engaged...
For FREIGHT or CHARTER, The Phil'a built Ship William Penn, coppered, burthen 360 tons...
Who has for Sale, 3 Trunks excellent Linen; 7 doz. Chairs; 1 case Umbrellas...
For CHARLESTON, The fine new Schooner Ploughboy, Frederick Hall, master...
For Amsterdam, The elegant new Ship GEORGIANA, Edward Chamberlain, master.
I want to Charter, A British SHIP, of from 150 to 300 TONS, MOSES MYERS.
FOR SALE, On board the ship Betsey, from Liverpool, 7,000 bushels coarse Salt...
The BETSEY is a fine fast sailing ship, almost new, and will return direct to Liverpool...
The American Ship AMELIE ANTONIETTE, Captain Williams, burthen 450 hogheads...
Landing from on board the Schooner Weymouth, captain W. W. Weymouth, 10 pipes of old Cogniac Brandy...
4000 bush. coarse Salt; Antigua Sugars, Antigua Rum; Jamaica Coffee; Guadalupe do.
The Subscribers offer for Sale, at their Warehouse, No. 3, Maxwell's wharf, 1000 dozen of CLARET...
Vin de Grave and Bourdeaux Cordials, Prime Sugar in bds. and bbs.; Coffee in bags, and a few bds. Rum...
All persons having claims against the late LEWIS REYNOLDS, are desired to render them legally authenticated to the subscriber.
FOR SALE, $3,000 white oak hoghead drawn Staves, $4,000 red do., $30,000 rough do.
GERMAN LINEN. To close sundry consignments, I will sell for approved andor see paper at 4, 6, and 8 months, 45 pieces heavy Ticklenburgs...
The partnership of Gilliat & MacKender being dissolved by the mutual consent of those concerned in it...
THOSE who have claims against the estate of BENJAMIN WOLF, deceased, are requested to produce them...
CASH Will be given for Thirty or Forty SHARES of Virginia Bank Stock. Apply to the Editor of this Paper.
The Subscriber will sell fourteen LOTS in the Borough of Norfolk, well situated for private residence.
For RENT, The Fire-Proof HOUSE on Market-Street, occupied by Mr. S. Marks, jun.
LEWIS AUGIER, Corner of Market-Square, intending to go to New-York in a few days...
An assortment of Spring GOODS, Consisting of Ginghams, Chambrays, Calicoes, Cambrie Dimities...
A GREAT BARGAIN The Subscriber offers for Sale, THE HOUSE AND LOT on which he now resides...
125 boxes White Sugar, of the first quality, now in Sewell, for Sale by
DR. JAMES, Begs leave to inform his friends...
PHYSICK, and hopes to merit public patronage at his shop in Main-street.
370 bags Coffee, 200 hogsheads clayed Sugar, 50 do. raw do.
10 chests German Goods, consisting of Britannias, Platilias, and Crease a la Morlaix—cuttled to drawback.
15,000 feet St. Domingo Mahogany, of large dimensions and choice quality.
LOTS for Sale, Lease, &c. THE Subscriber purposed to lay out and dispose of for Building Lots...
FOR SALE, Now landing from the brig Sally and Jenny, 64 hhs. Sugar; 11 barrels do.
NOTICE. The concern of Davis and Dickson, being settled by arbitrators, those indebted will make immediate payment to Thomas Davis...
FOR RENT, (And possession given immediately,) The HOUSE lately occupied by Mr. R. L. Taylor...
FOR SALE, Kanhaway LAND, of the first quality. One thousand Acres lying on Duck-Creek, which is a branch of Elk River...
Miscellaneous POETRY. Selected generally from the most entertaining and instructive writings of the British Poets, By the Reverend THOMAS DAVIS.
RICHARD JEFFERY, & Co. Have just received from London by the last arrival a very full assortment of DRUGS & MEDICINES.
THE HOUSE AND LOT on which he now resides, being one of the most pleasant situations in the town of Portsmouth...
NOTICE. All persons indebted to the Estate of JAMES DICKINSON, deceased, are desired to come forward...
WHO HAS FOR SALE, A pleasant place BELL VIEW, consisting of TWO HUNDRED Acres, lying on the lower side of Barrett's Neck...
FOR SALE, 12 pipes choice old L. part. Madeira Wine. And on a credit of twelve months for approved paper.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf...
THE Exchange Coffee-House. Any person inclined to rent may have it furnished with suitable furniture and servants...
FOR RENT, And possession given the 1st June next, that well known Tavern, THE Exchange Coffee-House.
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States...
NOTES for the Virginia Bank; Checks; Bills of Lading, and of Exchange, printed on paper of superior quality...
Just Published, A NEW WORK, ENTITLED Geographical Compilation for the use of Schools, Being an accurate description of all the Empires, Kingdoms, Republics, and States in the known world...
For Rent or Lease, The WHARF in Gosport, late the property of Bartholomew Clinch, deceased, in complete order...
NOTICE. The Subscriber having purchased the Plantation near Hampton, formerly called the Glebe, forewarns all persons from cutting wood, or trespassing in any manner under the penalty of the utmost rigour of the law.
LAND FOR SALE. The subscriber is empowered to sell a Tract of LAND, situate on the south side of the Eastern Branch of Elizabeth River...
FOR RENT, (And immediate possession given) That commodious Fire-Proof WAREHOUSE, on the North side of Wide Water-street...
A valuable Tract of LAND for Sale. The Subscriber will sell his Plantation called Level Green, adjoining the town of Kempsville...
COCKE & SANFORD, Have received per the Father and Sons from London, and Laura, from Liverpool, an extensive assortment of Fall and Winter Goods, viz.
Superfine CLOTHS, Blue, Black, Bottle, Drab, Mill'd Drab, Liver, and Claret, Fashionable Cassimeres; Union Cloth; Swansdown and Silk Waistcoating...
FOR SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hoghead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen.
Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes.
PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE