Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1809-11-29 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER. SINT HIC ETIAM SUA PREMIA LAUD.
VOL. VI.
WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 29, 1809.
NO. 58.
FOR CHARTER. The Ship ARISTIDES, Captain Williams,
Moses Myers & Son. Who have for Sale, 60 hhds. and 5 tierces choice Molasses...
FOR CHARTER. The Ship PLUTARCH, Captain George Bacon,
Moses Myers & Son. For Sale on board of said Ship, 8000 Bushels Coarse SALT.
For Charter. The Ship General Colbourn, Capt. Prince, burthen 243 tons.
MOSES MYERS & SON. Stoved SALT for sale on board the above Ship, and a few CRATES.
For Sale or Charter. The new copper fastened Brig ERIN,
E. Higgins, or J. Moran. For Charter, The Brig CONCORD, J. Nason, master, burthen 300 hhds.
Moses Myers and Son. Who offer for Sale, A few firkins fresh BUTTER,
For Freight or Charter, The Schooner SIBAE, Capt. Star, burthen 800 barrels.
AND FOR BOSTON. The Sch'r Two Brothers, Capt. Gentman—will take freight.
Moses Myers & Son. Who have for Sale, 15 pipes best Holland GIN.
WILLIAM PENNOCK, Respectfully informs his friends and the publick, that he has commenced the Auction and Commission Business.
His Office is at present on Bowdoin's wharf, lately occupied by Alexander Maclure, where orders will be thankfully received.
Office of the Marine Insurance Company, Norfolk, October 16, 1809. The President and Directors of the MARINE INSURANCE COMPANY OF NORFOLK, have this day declared a dividend of ONE DOLLAR and TWENTY-FIVE CENTS on each Share of Stock...
John Cowper, Sec'y. THE SUBSCRIBERS Offer for Sale at their Warehouse at the corner of Maxwell's Wharf, 22 bales Louisiana COTTON,
25 pieces Russia CANVAS, 40 do. German RAVENS DUCK, 150 do. do. OZNABURGS, 350 do. do. BROWN ROLLS, 100 do. do. WHITE ROLLS, 40 do. do. Hessian ROLLS, 4000 COFFEE BAGS,
1500 Three Bussel SACKS, A few pieces extra fine SHIRT LINEN, 20 Pieces German SHEETING, 70 Boxes superior quality Spanish SEGARS, 800 weight GLUE, 120 boxes Short PIPES, 30 dozen excellent SIEVES, 6000 weight St. Domingo COFFEE, 4000 do. Jamaica do.
Nicmeyer and Von Kapff. NOTE—We will take in payment Norfolk, Newbern, and Cape Fear Bank Notes; or barter for Flour, Sugar, Pork, &c. &c.
We also offer for Sale, on a credit of 6, 12, and 18 months, with approved security, or in barter for West-India or Domestic Produce, That entire Stock of our GOODS, contained in our Store on Main-street, consisting in an elegant and particularly well-selected assortment of Cutlery, Glassware, Looking Glasses, and Fancy Articles.
Together with the unexpired lease of the year from the 1st January next, of the whole HOUSE, which may easily be converted into two separate Tenements, and has very excellent dry Cellars. For Wholesale and Retail Business, that stand is fully equal to any on the Main-street. Apply to Moses Myers. November 10.
NEW GOODS.
Wood & Hastings,
Have just received via Baltimore, an additional supply of Staple and Fancy Goods, Among which are COTTONS.
5 Trunks Fancy Calicoes, 2 do. Shirting Cottons, part very fine, 2 do. Cambric Muslins, 1 case Dimities, Cambric do. Fancy Muslins, 1 do. Ginghams, Genoa, Constitution and Madison Cords, 1 do. Madras Handkerchiefs, 1 do. Cotton Balls (white and coloured) 1 do. Suberine Quiltings, &c. &c.
SILKS and FANCY.
Elegant Rich Lace Handkerchiefs, worked with gold, do. Silk Shawls, great variety of Lustings, Black Florence Silks, Black Florentine, Elegant Silk Hosiery, Madison do. Silk Gloves, Lace Sleeves, and Armlets, Sewing Silks assorted, &c. &c.
LINENS.
1 case 4-4 Irish Linens, part very fine, 1 do. brown do. 1 do. Irish Sheetings, 1 do. Long Lawns, 1 do. White Rolls, 3 bales German Linens, Linen Cambricks, Threads, &c. &c.
WOOLLENS.
4 bales superfine, middling, and common Broad Cloths, London superfine Dress Casimere, Coatings, Bookings, Bays, Plains, Kendal Cottons, Point Blankets, Rose Blankets, Scarlet, Red, and White Flannels, do. do. Drab and Green Pelisse Flannels, do. do. Black Bumbazets, Wildbores, Hosiery, &c. India Cottons, large assortment. November 10.
FALL GOODS.
Richard and John Taylor,
Have received by the Ships Caledonian and Desdemona, from London, and United States from Liverpool, their FALL SUPPLY, which with their Stock on hand comprises a very extensive and general assortment, consisting of almost every kind of Woollen, Silk, Linen, and Cotton GOODS, Cutlery and Hardware.
ALSO, Fine and coarse Hats, Some Twine, Stationary, Pipes, Copperas, and Patent Shot—All of which they will sell on very moderate terms for Cash or approved paper. October 11.
Fall and Winter Goods.
The Subscriber having this summer visited the principal Manufacturing Towns in England and Scotland, where he collected an extensive assortment of DRY GOODS, (Part of which he is now landing, the balance are daily expected) his assortment consists of Gentlemen's Superfine and Ladies' fashionable Pelisse Cloths; Casimere and coarse Woollens; Linens, Diapers and Sheetings; Cotton Goods in great variety; Hats, Hosiery, and Glassware; Hardware, Nails and Cutlery of every description.
From his experience and mode of purchasing, he flatters himself in being able to supply his friends and the publick, on as good terms as can be found in any part of this country. October 11.
DRY GOODS,
George M'Intosh. Fall and Winter Goods. WOOD & HASTINGS, HAVE JUST RECEIVED 53 packages of Staple & Fancy Goods, Comprising an extensive assortment, which will be sold at low prices for Cash, or approved paper. October 12.
Fresh Malaga FRUIT.
The CARGO of the Schooner Two Brothers, landing this day on Commerce-Street, consisting of 150 Qr. Casks Rich Sweet Mountain WINE; 50 barrels SUN RAISINS, 6.0 boxes Muscatel do. 1.0 do. Bloom do. 25 kegs FIGS; 25 bags soft shelled ALMONDS, 250 jars GRAPES; 50 do. OLIVES, 25 boxes VERMACELLA, A small quantity of CORK. For Sale on moderate terms by Moses Myers & Son. Who Want, White Oak STAVES. November 10.
A BARGAIN.
Will be exchanged for NEGROES at a fair valuation. That Valuable Fire-Proof HOUSE, in the intersection of Commerce and Little Water-Street, is extremely well calculated for a Boarding House, as it contains two tenements, and is eligibly situated. Apply to William Commock, or John Brown. November 8.
FOR SALE, 1000 SPANISH HIDES,
Of superior quality. Apply to J. MORAN. October 12.
Samuel Coleman,
Opposite the Market, Westward, has received supply of fresh Newark SHOES, consisting of Ladies' KID SHOES,
do. Cork Soled Morocco Shoes, do. thick bottomed do. do. do. Slips and Ties do. do. Velvet do. Gentlemen's Fine Shoes, do. Morocco Pumps, Girls Morocco Slips and Ties, do. Leather do. do. do. Strong Shoes, Boy's Morocco Pumps, do. Lined and bound Leather Shoes, do. Strong do. do. Children's Morocco and Leather Bootees and Ties, Servant's very strong Leather Shoes.
ALSO, A quantity of
Ladies' and Gentlemen's SHOES, made here, and a very large assortment of BOOTS made in his Factory, of the best materials and workmanship that Philadelphia and Norfolk would furnish; Boys BOOTS, &c. &c.
The above articles will be sold as low, some of them lower than such can be purchased in this country. A few bales of COTTON—and Martin's Double Branded FLOUR. November 15.
FOR SALE,
The LOT in the town of Portsmouth, situated on North-Street, between the property of W. W. Wilson, Esq. and the late Robert Elliott's, fronting on North-Street 47 1/2 feet, and extending back to Elizabeth River. On which are situated a substantial two story DWELLING HOUSE, 29 feet square, in good order; a Smoke House and a large well of excellent Water; also a Garden extending about 300 feet towards the river. Terms may be known by applying to Mr. ANDREW KIDD, of Portsmouth, or to the Editor of this Paper. November 8.
Boot and Shoe Factory.
EDWARD GRANNISS,
RETURNS his thanks to his customers for past favours, and informs the re-continuance. He has on hand an assortment of KID and MOROCCO LEATHER; likewise Ladies' KID and MOROCCO SHOES; MEN'S SHOES, and BOOTS of different qualities; he has supplied himself with a stock of good materials as any in Norfolk, and flatters himself that by strict attention, and a desire to give satisfaction, that he will obtain the approbation of those who will have the goodness to favour him with their custom; having a number of good workmen, he is able to execute all orders with neatness and despatch.
He has also Morocco of various colours, that are esteemed as fashionable in New-York, and would thank the Ladies to call and examine them. E. GRANNISS, informs those who are in the habit of retailing COMBS, that he has samples of Mock Shell Combs, persons wishing to purchase will please to call at No. 87, Main-Street, where orders for any quantity will be attended to, and punctually executed. November 13.
A small, but Valuable FARM for Sale. THE SUBSCRIBER owns a Farm of about 200 acres, in the County of York, which he is disposed to sell. It lies nearly half way between the towns of York and Hampton, and is bounded on its southern side by the main road leading from Hampton, through York and Williamsburg to Richmond. It would therefore be a good stand for a Tavern or Store, or the Shop of a Mechanick; the soil is everywhere fertile, and in some parts highly so; and perhaps no land promises, from the nature of soil and other advantages, with more certainty to reward its cultivator. It lies near a Water Grist and Saw Mill, and within about two miles of a good publick landing. The river on which this landing is established, is remarkable for the fine quality as well as the abundance of its Fish and Oysters. Upon the upper part of the land, there is a small Dwelling-House, in which there is a tenant for the present year; but the house is of little value; there are no other buildings on the land. Mr. Guerard Robinson, who resides near it will show it to any one disposed to view it, and either he or Capt. Mallory Todd, of Smithfield, or Mr. Richard Young, of Warwick Town will treat for the sale of it, or application may be made to Merit M. Robinson. Smithfield, October 18.
NOTICE.
A Petition will be presented to the next General Assembly of this Commonwealth, praying that an Act may be passed to allow the Dismal Swamp Canal Company to increase the rates of Toll on the Canal when finished. September 27.
THE SUBSCRIBER
Is authorised to treat with any person disposed to purchase the whole or any part of the Following LANDS, Situated chiefly on Cumberland River, and derived from Military Titles, to wit, Four Tracts of 640 acres each, on Obey's river, a branch of Cumberland, navigable at this place, and where the usual price of Land of late has not been less than four dollars per acre. Two other Tracts, one of 1950 and another of 1500 acres, these are also on Cumberland river, laying in a neck between it and Obey's river. These tracts are nearly all river bottom of uncommon fertility, and such as have commanded there no less a price than eight dollars per acre. One other Tract of 640 acres in Powell's Valley, which is said to be the best and most valuable. One other Tract of 1000 acres in Grayson Valley, represented to be of excellent soil, but exceptions Grayson Land. For further particular apply to Luke Wheeler. October 22.
GEORGE MINTOSH,
Has received by the Ship General Colbourn, from Liverpool, and the Norfolk from London, in addition to his former assortment, Patent Silk HATS, Glazed Leather do. Superfine Blue and Black Cloths, and fashionable Casimere, A great variety of Fashionable and Fancy Water-coatings, Scots and Venetian Carpeting by the piece or bale, Superfine Welch Flannels and Plaids, London Glue and Turkey Oil Stones, Spikes, Nails and Tacks, Copperas and White Lead, Hardware in great variety, consisting of fashionable and plain Buttons, Fashionable Sets of Tea Trays, Plated Sets of Harness and Bridle Mounting, Worsted Webbing and Coach Lace, Plated Bridle and Chair Sets of every description, Plated patent and common Stirrup Irons, Patent Locks of all sorts, made on a new principle, so that they cannot be picked, nor opened with false keys. Metal Tea Kettles and Stew Pans, with almost every article in the Hardware and Cutlery Line. ALSO, Crates of EARTHENWARE,
Small Sets Blue Table China, Assorted hogheads of the best Liverpool Glassware, which will be disposed of on reasonable terms. November 8.
German Linens, Sacking, &c. For Sale by the Subscriber, 8 Bales Hempem OZNABURGS, 3 do. Fax do. 5 do. Brown ROLLS, 3 do. HESSIANS, 750 Sacks of best twilled SACKING, COFFEE, LOAF SUGAR, &c. James Thorburn. November 8.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has commenced business on Campbell's wharf, No. 5, where he has on hand, and will constantly keep, a good supply of Articles in the GROCERY LINE, Which he will sell on moderate terms for Cash. Dennis Dawley. WHO WANTS, A Smart LAD of respectable connexions to attend the Store. November 8.
ROBERT GREENHOW, MERCHANT, in Williamsburg, WILL SELL at a credit of 1, 2, 3, and 4 years, his most Desirable, Large, and Commodious DWELLING-HOUSE, In the centre of the City, on the Main-street thereof, whereon he at present resides—Captain JAMES TUCKER, residing in Norfolk, will give a more particular description of the property to any person applying—If this property is disposed of, he will then sell Eight other TENEMENTS, All well situated for commercial or other purposes, on the Main-street, at a price which shall net the purchaser a certain annual return of eight per cent in rent, and which are scarcely ever untenant. November 8.
To Parents and Nurses. As Worms are the greatest enemy to Children, so the Oil of Worm Seed is found, from long experience, to be the greatest friend. It is easy to administer, a drop to every year, and requiring no particular restrictions, put up with printed directions, and warranted pure by N. Gregory. November 8.
John & Wright Southgate, Have received by the Schooner Norfolk, from London, The following ARTICLES, Which will be sold low for Cash or short credit, 44 cases HATS, fine and coarse, 11 bales Superfine Cloths; 6 do. Oznaburgs, 2 do. Sacking, 1 do. Sail Cloth, English and East Colon, 2 do. of Slops, Seize Jackets and Trowsers, 32 casks Copperas; 20 brass Pipes, 78 do. of Spikes, from 3 to 7 inches, 29 do. Nails, 4d, 6d, 8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d, 5 tons best London White Lead, 100 casks London Brown Stout Port. And in Store, A general assortment of Dry Goods, 50,000 weight best Green Coffee, 10,000 do. St Domingo do. 2,000 bushels Liverpool Stoved Salt, 100 sacks do. And a few Well Toned Grand and Square PIANO FORTES, With additional Keys. October 25.
Columbian Mills FLOUR. THE SUBSCRIBERS Are, and will be regularly supplied with FLOUR From the above Mills, which will be found equal to any in the United States. C. & F. WALKER. September 22.
For Rough Hides, of good quality, will be sold by C. & F. WALKER. October 2.

By one ship arrived, we have received our files of London papers to the 5th of October—they are exclusively occupied with the dispute between the citizens of London and the managers of the Covent Garden Theatre, and the ministerial arrangements. The former is a subject in which the people of America have no concern; the latter may interest them. We think it is very evident that the new ministers do not feel themselves firm in their places, and we shall not be surprised if the next arrivals bring information that the Grenville's are in power.
We shall continue to furnish our readers with every thing, which can shed any light upon the rupture between our government and Mr. Jackson. The National Intelligencer avers that the statement given in that paper of the 18th instant is strictly correct. Much is said of Mr. Jackson's appeal as it is called. We must not forget that the attack being made on that minister, will extenuate much of his conduct, for we still think it is not dignified in our government to authorise an accusation, and permit no defence to be made. Amidst the contradictory statements, it is difficult to make an opinion.
Facts respecting the British Minister.
We averred in many successive papers, that the paragraphs of the Intelligencer, respecting the rupture with this minister were false and fabricated.—This we did from a knowledge we possessed, that the chief statement was a gross misrepresentation. But we had no conception of the extent of the profligate falsehoods, with which that paper has dared to abuse and deceive the people. From the hesitation which it was so natural for cautious men to feel in such circumstances, and the desire to expose the truth in its true colours, we some days ago wrote for the facts to a friend in Washington, who moves in a circle enabling him to obtain correct intelligence. Yesterday evening, when the matter for our paper was too nearly completed to admit of sufficient room for the whole communication, we received his answer. The following is a contradiction of his statement.
On Saturday preceding the Intelligencer's manifesto, Mr. Jackson did send not for a passport to leave the country, but for a safe guard for himself and his family, foreseeing, what has since happened, that as soon as the government had broken off communication with him, an attempt would be made to influence the passions of the people, and to excite them to violence, to which they had before been rendered prone by the same pens, which afterwards pretended to calm them. Mr. R. Smith was expressly informed, that the minister did not mean to leave the country. On the Monday, before he knew that the rupture was published, a notification was given of the minister's intention to remove from Washington, accompanied with such explanations as might have led to an accommodation, if it had been desired. An inclination was even shown to further explanations, which was abruptly refused by Mr. Smith, unless the minister would consent to say, that was not fact, which he had before been told by the same secretary was a fact.
There has been no impeachment of veracity. Mr. Jackson took Mr. Erskine's statement as he found it, (which is not verbal but written) without vouching for the correctness of it. He would have received Mr. Smith's contradiction, as he says, in the same manner, if Mr. Smith had given one, which he did not, and that he had nothing to do with the veracity of either party, but to take the fact officially stated by the one and admitted by the other, to wit, that the three conditions, forming the whole substance of the instructions of the 23d January, had been not only communicated but expatiated upon at considerable length.
This is a fact and no insinuation, and beyond this, he declares, nothing was meant nor said. There was no intemperate or indecorous language used, but only a resistance to an attack upon the independence of a foreign minister, who it is to be remembered, treats upon a footing of perfect equality, and who would be condemned by his government, if he submitted to be schooled.—Fed. Repub.
It was with a considerable share of reluctance, that we found ourselves compelled to dwell at some length upon the conduct of the administration towards the British minister. For though we themselves not mistaken in the motive to the intemperate step, which has been taken, we should willingly have waited for a full disclosure of the correspondence, had the government papers left it in our power to remain silent. But seizing the first moment to make a false impression and ever since pursuing the original object with incessant zeal and perseverance, they have rendered the fulfilment of our duty to the readers of the Federal Republican prematurely necessary. Nor have we shrunk from meeting the ministerial pioneers, from the moment the design to anticipate mislead and prejudice, became apparent—That our observations have been received by the candid and independent citizens with approbation, we know; and we have reason to hope, that before long we shall be supported in our sentiments by most men, who are not enslaved nor enthroned by party.
We never can be brought to admit, that the law of nations permits the functions of a foreign public minister to be suspended for any contradiction of fact, however pointed and however persisted in. No nation, since our independence, practiced such a violence upon any minister of ours, and never before the reign of democracy did we assail a foreign legation sent us, in an equally unauthorized manner. But if such rigour were even admissible among the nations of Europe, there is something in our remoteness and in our temporary condition which ought to have arrested the hand of the present administration in inflicting the blow. If we stop the communication with a minister, his sovereign must remain unrepresented and his affairs become suspended, to the very end of the time which will be consumed in conveying a knowledge of the incident and in replying to it. But if he may be hoped to be induced to accept a new minister, we have reason to believe that the American government was bound to refer,
that we are not prepared for war nor willing to engage in it; that the general voice of the country imperiously calls for a compromise and settlement with either nation, that is disposed upon honourable terms to arrange its differences with us; and that having hitherto intentionally thrown obstacles in the way of a treaty with England, and having recently dismissed Mr. Rose, the envoy specially sent here for that purpose, because the dignity of Thomas Jefferson would not suffer a punctilio, it was high time to prove our sincerity, if it even cost us a little patience or condescension.
There are two branches in the subject, which when the proper season arrives will undergo a scrutiny. The first is the canonical fact alledged by Mr. Jackson, that Mr. Erskine communicated his instructions to our secretary of state; and the 2d, whether for the contradictory but devious assertion of this important circumstance, be the truth on either side, the functions of the minister can be suspended. We have but little to say on the first point at present. It will be seen that in the circular published by Mr. Jackson he declares, that in a letter addressed to him on the 19th ult. Mr. Smith admits—"that the three conditions, forming the substance of Mr. Erskine's original instruction, were submitted to him by that gentleman." When we come in possession of a copy of the letter alluded to, and find this statement verified, there will probably be but little to dispute about. Mr. Erskine is also said to have declared the convention he made was understood to be merely provisional. Add to all this the permission expressly given to him by his government to communicate them; and the precise and peculiar structure of the letters embracing the convention he made, which have been not unaptly compared to special pleadings; and our impatience to see the letter of the 19th ult. will be greatly increased. However it may suit the purposes of personal vindication to lay a peculiar stress upon the offensiveness of asserting that our government assented to Mr. Erskine's convention, with a knowledge of its being unauthorised by his instructions, such an allegation is not intrinsically and necessarily so.
But we grant, that what might have been correct and laudable in the beginning, may, by the use afterwards made of it, be the source of uneasy apprehensions in responsible ministers. If they had agreed to the convention, after reading every line of the instructions, it might have been a commendable experiment to obtain more than the British ministry were at first willing to yield. But if it were merely provisional and experimental, and if they held it up as absolute and complete, that would indeed subject them to fearful consequences. In such case the assertion of a priority to the instructions would naturally harrow up the feelings, but the nature of the fact could not be changed by defensive contradictions, nor the usual course be dispensed with for disproving or establishing disputed statements interesting to both parties, because either might wish to foreclose the enquiry.
The naked fact, that they knew, that Mr. Erskine was acting without instructions, could not be offensive. The treaty, signed between Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, and lords Holland and Auckland, and which Mr. Jefferson contemptuously rejected, was declared by the American negotiators, to be without the previous sanction of the President, and therefore liable to be disowned, but the accession of the British government to it was never censured.
The Freeman's Journal, a ministerial paper, and a Southern Federal paper having equally fallen into the error, that Gen. Washington's administration refused to communicate with Mr. Genet, after his offensive conduct had determined them to insist upon his recall, we have taken the pains to examine the correspondence, and find our recollection entirely accurate. Both general Washington and Mr. Adams concurred to what we conceive to be the only course permitted by the law of nations, except in the most extreme case.
Mr. Jefferson's letter to Mr. Morris of the 16th August, 1793, in which he was instructed to request Mr. Genet's recall, deserves perusal. It is too long to be inserted, and we must therefore forego the desire we feel to lay before our readers an example of the scrupulous delicacy, with which their government, in a case of incomparably greater importance, acted towards a foreign legation, which threatened and insulted it. It was written, as mentioned above, on the 16th August, 1793, and the correspondence with Mr. Genet, as printed, was continued so late as the 30th November. The following is an extract from the letter to Mr. Morris.
"That friendship, which dictates to us to bear with his conduct yet awhile, lest the interest of his nation here should suffer injury, will hasten them to replace an agent, whose dispositions are such a misrepresentation of theirs, and whose continuance here is inconsistent with order, peace, respect and that friendly correspondence, which we hope will ever subsist between the two nations. His government will see too that the case is pressing. They will foresee, that if Mr. Genet perseveres in his proceedings, the consequences would be so hazardous to us, the example so humiliating and pernicious, that we may be forced even to suspend his functions before a successor can arrive to continue them. If our citizens have not been already shedding each others blood, it has not been owing to the moderation of Mr. Genet, but to the forbearance of our government."
But this minister, who directed the government of this country to be forcibly resisted; who repeatedly violated the sovereignty of the United States; who daily insulted it, and who threatened to appeal to the people against it, was permitted to act till his successor arrived. Let Mr. Madison's personal dignity be compared with General Washington's, and Genet's conduct with the late contradiction by implication, and let it be decided which case merited the severer treatment? [Fed. Rep.]
* We feel ourselves alluded to, and confess that we were in an error in this particular.—[Ed. Led.]
From the National Intelligencer.
The paper denominated a "Circular," which Mr. Jackson, the British minister, has just uttered, is an appeal to the people of the United States from the decision of their government. The fact is established by the complexion of the production, the statement of particulars in which was altogether unnecessary, if his object had merely been to notify the sub-secrets of England resident in this country to address their communications to him at New-York.
It is contrary to the law of nations and repugnant to the very nature of the diplomatic function, for a foreign envoy to plead, in his official character, the merits of his cause before the citizens of the country wherein he resides. There can be no dispute as to the impiety of addressing them in a direct or indirect form, in person or by "Circular," because he is prohibited by the attributes of his mission from arresting them as a minister in any form. Mr. Jackson is the representative of the government of Great-Britain to the government of the United States; and that is all he is. If he speaks to the American people in any other manner than through, which is the constitutional organ, he sets himself up as the rival of the executive and is justly censureable. The transition from addressing the publick to intriguing with the people against the government by which he is accredited, is easy; and the manifest tendency of his conduct in either case is to subvert the constituted authorities of the republick. If Mr. Jackson were a private man, he would have no right to controvert and denounce the acts of the President, because he is an alien, and therefore not even a solitary unit of the constituent part of the nation; much less is he justifiable, being a minister, in assuming that freedom, which belongs only to the citizen.
Would Mr. Jackson himself be willing to abide the consequences of an appeal thus made, admitting the worst that could, but which certainly will not happen? Supposing the community to be indignant at his behavior and excited to anger against him, would he be willing to meet the terrible judgment of that people whom he had made the arbiter of his actions? Would he be willing to encounter that spirit of vengeance which he had invited, and which, when roused is awful as the thunder of Heaven and overwhelming as the tumultuous waves of the ocean? Would he not require from that executive magistrate whom he insults protection; and would he not demand security and safe-conduct in the name of those very laws of nations which he has outraged?
Mr. Jackson claims consideration as an envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary; In that aspect he is entitled to various important exemptions from restraint, which are denied to private men. In return, he is himself subject to certain restrictions from which individuals are free; and if he breaks through them, he is as guilty in relation to the government as the government would be in relation to him, were it to infringe any of his privileges; for the rights of governments and those of ministers are mutual. The dissemination of Mr. Jackson's "circular" is a gross infraction of the obligations imposed upon him by the nature of his office.
The circulation of the paper in question by Mr. Jackson, even in manuscript, was a publication of it. Its appearance in print is only an aggravation of the original offence. The opposition gazette in which it came forth affords strong evidence in favour of the opinion that it went to the press immediately from himself, or immediately through some of his agents. In either case the misdemeanor is the same; for, let the channels of communication to the publick or to the printer have been what they may, the "circular" is the production of the honourable Francis James Jackson.
This act of Mr. Jackson is more conspicuously obnoxious, because it proceeds from the ambassador of a nation whose parliamentary history furnishes an exalted example of just resentment against a similar appeal, from the sovereign to the subjects of the British monarchy. It was Mons. De Palm, the imperial resident at London, who affords an odious parallel to Mr. Jackson. Palm had caused a memorial, which he had previously presented to the British King, to be printed and circulated among the people of England; and this being considered by the parliament an unlawful interference on the part of a foreign envoy, the houses of Commons and of Lords passed several resolutions reprehending the conduct of Palm in very severe terms, "declaring their utmost abhorrence of this audacious manner of appealing to the people," and voted an address to George the first, assuring him that the Parliament would stand by and support him against the disturbers of the publick tranquility, as well as against those who flattered themselves with hopes "that an obstinate perseverance in their destructive measures could stagger the firmness of the British nation in the defence of their rights and privileges."
The circumstances of this case will be found recorded in the Journals of the proceedings of the House of Commons for the year 1726, a period at which the English parliament was a more legitimate organ of the feelings and sentiments of their fellow subjects than at present. The lords and commons both viewed the case in its true light, the insult thus offered to the executive branch of the government, was, in reality, an insult to the whole empire, and every person who respected the constitution of the country was bound to repel it. The doctrine of ministerial appeals to the people has never been popular in the United States. Genet tried the experiment, and met with nothing but indignant contempt from the citizens of America.
HUME.
ALEXANDRIA, November 23.
We are informed that Mr. Jackson left Washington yesterday on his way to New-York. It is not probable that he will return to the seat of government any more; nor do we expect that another British minister will be sent to this country in the present state of our affairs with that nation.
Congress will meet at the capitol in Washington, on Monday next. We understand that Mr. Varnum, the speaker, and several other members of the house, have already arrived in that city.
We have heard some conjectures from Washington which we hope, to use the language of brother Smith, are unfounded. It has been hinted that the late affair with Mr. Jackson will cost Mr. Secretary Smith his place; and that the whole business has been contrived by a certain cunning Frenchman, who stands ready to step into Mr. Smith's shoes, which he thinks he ought to have worn long ago.
SOUTH AMERICA.
BUENOS AYRES, August 3.
The government of the Supreme Central Junta already appears to dawn in this vast and powerful empire—a country which hitherto been corrupted by intrigue, and by the evil designs of
those who have been invested with authority among us. No department has felt more the miserable effects of these political vipers than the commercial. All the best principles of the mercantile interest have been abandoned, and the disorders which must necessarily attend such a state of things have been occasioned.
In this deplorable condition were affairs in these rich provinces until 30th June last, when at the most seasonable period, to restore us to our meridian splendour, arrived D. Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros, viceroy of these provinces, in the frigate Prosperine. This worthy and honourable chief, who has conferred so much benefit on the nation during his government of Cartago, has come among us to be the depository of the confidence of the Supreme Central Junta, to convert irregularity into method, and essentially and principally to direct his views and to employ his power for the protection and augmentation of our commerce. In the few days he has resided here he has attended to this primary object of his mission, by giving directions that all foreign ships, whether belonging to England or elsewhere, should withdraw from our ports; and he has begun to put in activity the laws by which the Indies have been hitherto governed. By such means the merchants will be restored to their privileges, and will be enabled to pursue with advantage their occupations, under those early maxims of policy by which the prosperity of these countries has been secured.
PROCLAMATION
Of D. Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros Y. La Torre, Knight of the Spanish order of Charles the III. Viceroy of the Provinces of Rio de la Plata, and its dependencies, &c. to the Loyal Inhabitants of Buenos Ayres,
Faithful and generous neighbours, and inhabitants of Buenos Ayres.
The abundant and sincere expressions of joy that you have manifested from the moment of my arrival in the august capital of the Viceroyalty, afforded me the most decisive proof of your invincible loyalty, and of the sentiments of honour by which you are animated.
In these I discovered the homage which you offer to the sovereign majesty which I represent, and the liveliest feelings of your tender regard for our monarch. It shows me that if you possess this reverence for me, who am only his shadow, it is on account of your profound respect for the substance from which that shadow is projected, which veneration has always been in perfect consistency with your character and conduct.
Finally, it gives me an authentic proof of the noble enthusiasm that reigns in your bosoms, of your firm adherence to the great cause in which the parent state is engaged, and of all the social virtues which adorn you in your respective stations. Such is the source, and such are the effects of these extraordinary demonstrations of joy, which have exceeded all my expectations.
I should be deficient in my duty, if, under these circumstances, I did not acknowledge the grateful sensibility, and warm satisfaction, which these affecting indications of your disposition have produced in myself. Nothing can ever efface from my memory the delight I experienced on the night of the 30th June. What a magnificent spectacle to every man capable of appreciating the sentiments of the heart to see a numerous people, comprising all classes of society, impelled only by their fidelity, hastening to tender their voluntary services in terms the most affecting, and accompanied by every mark of loyalty, in the presence of the representative of their beloved sovereign.
The tyrant who oppresses us can never enjoy such a scene of delight, with all his pomp and circumstance of splendour, his publick entries and his triumphs—because, by force and violence, he can extort but cold and feeble applause, while yours is the natural result of the impassioned attachment, and ardent loyalty which you bestow on the memory of your august Prince.
Do not doubt it, this act of yours, simple as it appears under all its character of energy has nothing to do with ostentation and vanity, but as being the ingenious manifestation of your loyal sentiments it is the impetrable wall to be opposed to the enemy. In vain will he endeavour to seduce you by his artifices, or to debilitate your strength by spreading the seeds of discord, among you. The impotency of his authority, and the inefficiency of his malicious expedients, will shew to the world that Buenos Ayres is not the country where perfidy can hold her residence.
I assure you with all the frankness which belongs to my character, that I have the most perfect confidence in your loyalty, and that I am firmly persuaded that I have nothing to apprehend from those vile agents which the enemy of our liberty distributes every where, for the malignant purpose of imposing upon the unsuspecting integrity of mankind. If his audacity should attempt to violate your happy soil with his offensive vermin, you will yourselves be vigilant to discover and destroy it.
To this gratifying reflection, which you so justly deserve, I may add another equally desirable. I am not less persuaded that the unity and concord of your sentiments will be the stable support of my government, than that your subordination to legitimate authority will give new vigour and new energy to the expedients of security, circumstances require—and that all ranks among this generous people, animated with the same spirit, and full of the same enthusiasm, will swear with me to defend, to the last moment of their existence, the sacred rights of our beloved monarch, Ferdinand the 7th. Live then tranquil and happy, and rely always upon my most sincere and cordial endeavours, by all the means in my power, to augment your felicity.
(Signed) Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros. Buenos Ayres, 2d Aug. 1809.
LONDON, October, 4.
The Munich Court Gazette of Sept. 14, contains the following general order, published in the Austrian head-quarters:
"My beloved subjects, and even my enemies, know that I did not engage in the present war from motives of ambition, nor a desire of conquest. Self-preservation and independence, a peace consistent with the honour of my crown, and with the safety and tranquility of my people, constituted the exalted and sole aim of my actions."
"The chance of war disappointed my expectations; the enemy penetrated into the interior of my dominions, and overran them with all the horrors of war; but he learned, at the same time, to appreciate the public spirit of my people, and the