Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-06-01 00:00:00

From London Papers received at the Office of the Publick Ledger by the Sheffield.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, APRIL 9.
DISMISSAL OF THE LATE MINISTERS.
(Continued.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Percival) agreed that nothing was more abhorrent to the freedom of debate, or more inconsistent with free discussion, than that any set of men should impute to others as the motives of the opinions they offered, the consequences which they themselves conceived likely to result from these opinions. He imputed no such motives to the hon. gent. opposite, and hoped they would do similar justice to him and his hon. friends; and if from ideas, however mistaken in their minds, he had conceived and argued that great mischiefs might follow from the measure they had introduced and abandoned, they would not charge him with raising a cry that the church was in danger, merely with a view to promote party objects. (Hear, Hear.)—He had already stated the grounds on which he conceived the measure introduced by the noble lord opposite was of a tendency dangerous to the church establishment. That measure was to be considered not merely as a single measure; it was brought in as a measure intended to conciliate the Catholicks, but it was acknowledged that it could not effect that object unless it should be followed by another measure of a greater extent. He believed the expressions he had used on a former night, at least the sentiments he held on this subject were, that if that measure should be conceded, Catholick claims would not stop short of the admission of Irish Catholick bishops into the house of Lords. The hon. and learned gentleman who had just sat down confirmed him in this opinion: for he stated, that it was not in human nature that the Catholicks should rest satisfied as they were, or that they should be contented without opening to them honours and distinctions from which they were now excluded. It had been supposed, that when the elective franchise was granted, accompanied with other concessions to the higher ranks, all further demands were completely stopped. Yet the Catholicks were not content and why? Because from the repeated concessions that had been made to them, it was not consistent with human nature they should be satisfied with less than the Protestants enjoyed.—Upon the ground of this insatiability, and this encouragement given to new demands by continued concession, he opposed the motion for the introduction of the bill; and those who were now in office with him were influenced by the same principles and the same opinions. This was not the time to go much at length into the Catholick question; for he agreed that the points on which the merits of the question immediately before the house were very distinct from that question. How the hon. gent. opposite reconciled to themselves their abandonment of the bill, and their sense of its indispensable necessity, as he had not the benefit of hearing the explanation they had given, he should not take much pains to inquire. The hon. and learned gentleman opposite, his learned friend, if he would allow him to call him so, had not only made an appeal to the real friends of the church, and the real friends of religion, which implied a contradiction of the pretended friends of both; but had also told the house it was unconstitutional to endeavour to procure Addresses to parliament on measures pending in parliament.
Mr. Plunkett hoped the right hon. gentleman would excuse him for interrupting him, just to set him right. He had not spoken of interference to procure addresses to parliament; but that the undue use of the sovereign's name to procure addresses to himself.
Mr. Percival said it was not necessary to apologise to him for such an interruption as the hon. and learned gentleman had given. He was much better pleased to be set right in the beginning than to be suffered to go on in error. But his hon. friend was still guilty of a mistake with respect to the principle. It was the use of a name in that house never so used before, that was in reality unconstitutional and dangerous beyond any precedent ever before established, and not any argument or inducement held forth by any person to offer an address of any description to his majesty. He would forbear to touch upon many topics irrelevant to the immediate subject of the debate, and among them the merits of the late administration.—(a laugh from the Treasury benches).—He had already employed himself for the greater part of two sessions in doing justice to those merits, and it was hardly to be supposed, that he could now comprehend them all in the remainder of one small night (a laugh). In confining himself to the immediate question before the house, he could not, however, exclude the consideration of the circumstances so immediately connected with it. It was idle to debate the resolution proposed from the chair, as an abstract proposition; it must of necessity be considered with reference to the facts upon which it was acknowledged to be founded; and the house should be cautious of being led, by joining in that abstract resolution, into an implication of facts of which there was no proof. First the adoption of the proposed resolution would imply, that the dismissal of the late ministers was an act which the house looked upon as highly censurable; for, coupling the consideration of the resolution with the explanation made by the noble lord, out of which the motion grew, it would be implied, that a pledge of a censurable nature had been required; and that on the refusal to accede to that pledge, a censurable dismissal followed; and further that those who were now in office, had expressly, or by implication, given that pledge (hear,
hear, from the opposition benches). He was glad he had rightly conceived the objects of the hon. gentleman. He wished the motion had distinctly that object rather than attempted by means of general language, to draw the house into an implied assent to what it would expressly never give its sanction to.—(Hear, hear, from the ministerial benches) The house was called upon to consider the question stripped of all its circumstances, and then it was expected that a censure should be passed upon the mere naked act of the union in dismissing the late ministers. But the circumstances of the case immediately alluded to were to be considered; and if the sovereign was to be called to the bar of the house, not less justice should be shown to him than to a private individual.—(a cry of hear, hear, and order, order)—He felt the difficulty he was under with respect to the forms of the house; but upon a question relating to the dismissal of ministers, and a question upon which these ministers justified themselves against their sovereign, much latitude was to be allowed to those who appeared on the opposite side. It was certainly true, that for parliamentary purposes it was supposed that the King did nothing without advice; but the fact was in this case, as he believed and had reason to know the King had acted without any advice whatever, he meant so far as regarded the pledge required of the late ministers; for as to their dismissal he did not mean to say that there had not been advice. In saying that so much had been done without advice, he did not however mean to repudiate from himself, or from those connected with him, the responsibility of the demand of the pledge. He was ready to defend the wisdom of requiring such a pledge. But if the fact was to be argued with all its legal consequences, he thought it still right that it should be known to parliament, and to the country, that there was no secret adviser whatsoever, nor any adviser connected with the proceedings that had taken place in this respect, till the dismissal of the ministers was resolved upon, it became necessary to recur to others to carry on the business which had been determined upon, and in his opinion those referred to were not at liberty to give a refusal, which would put a stop to the publick business, even though they should disapprove of the principles which led to the change, as the present ministers certainly did not disapprove of the proceedings that led to the application from their sovereign to them. He conceived it would be convenient in the discussion to consider the measure which had been the occasion of the dismissal in three stages—first, when the application had been made for his majesty's consent to bring it in; secondly, when it had been brought in in a shape very different from that in which his majesty had understood and sanctioned it; and thirdly, when it was withdrawn, and the circumstances attending that proceeding. As to the first, it was quite clear that his majesty could not have understood the original intention only as meant to extend the provisions of the act of 1793 to Great-Britain, by means of clauses in the mutiny act. The first dispatch to his majesty, turning on the anomalies of the law in Ireland and Great-Britain, and on the obligation of the pledge given in Ireland in an extension of the law of that country to this, and then the use of the words of the Irish act, in that dispatch, that is, to grant all commissions, and all the arguments offered to gain his majesty's consent, tended to shew that nothing more was meant at that time than to extend that act to this country. This was rendered still more clear and unquestionable by the change which was introduced into the expressions when it began to be in the contemplation of the late ministers to grant more than was granted by the Irish act. Then the former expression of commissions was omitted, for it did not apply to the staff, and the words "warrants and appointments" were introduced into the bill. It was besides to be considered, that it was not till after much reasoning that his majesty had been induced to withdraw his dissent from the original proposition, and that his majesty had then declared, that nothing should ever induce him to go one step further. His majesty, at the same time, expressed a hope that his forbearance in this instance would save him from being pressed further upon a subject upon which his mind was unalterably made up against all further concession. It was not his majesty alone that understood the original intention in the limited sense of extending the Irish act to this country. The person who was employed in Ireland (Mr. Elliot) to communicate with the Catholicks, did not feel himself authorised to give any larger understanding till he had referred to his principals for explanation, and the noble lord employed to communicate to his majesty (lord Sidmouth) had understood it merely as a measure to get rid of an anomaly between the laws of different parts of the empire. He believed the noble lord opposite (Howick) when he stated a different understanding on his own part; but the rt. hon. baronet, late chancellor of the exchequer for Ireland, had given some sanction to the other belief, when, in opposing the delay of the proceedings on the bill, which was urged by some on the ground of the absence of the Irish members, the rt. hon. baronet stated that the bill was already law in Ireland, and already sanctioned by the Irish members. But there was a still further sanction in the understanding of his majesty, as three members of the late cabinet were under the same difficulty. (A communication from the other side, across the table, only two.) He begged pardon—he thought the Lord Chancellor, the lord chief justice of the king's bench, and the Lord President (Sidmouth) had been dissentient to the exclusion beyond the limits of the Irish act; but he found that the Lord Chancellor had not been summoned on the second day, and he thought it not so right that the lord who had the particular guardianship of the king's conscience, should have been omitted in the order of summonses;
and still further he thought it right that the dissentient members of the council, as well as the contentious should be summoned, in order that the king may have the benefit of hearing the opinion of those who confirmed as well as the opinions of those who invalidated his principles, with respect to the church, which were known to have been heretofore unaltered. Having established that when it was a thing unknown to some of his majesty's cabinet ministers, and to the minister in Ireland, charged to negotiate this particular point, that it was intended to exceed the Irish act of 1793, it was not extraordinary that his majesty himself should have been at a loss to understand the extent of the proposed measure. Here he closed the first point of the question, contenting himself with having clearly established, that his majesty had no knowledge in the first instance of its being intended to carry the measure so far as was afterwards proposed. As to the time when the measure was introduced into the house in its present extent, no communication had been made to his majesty on that subject till the 3d March. In the intermediate time, dispatches had been laid before his majesty, stating that the Irish catholicks would not be content with the measure then pending, without large additional concessions. The hope of keeping back the agitation of the general petition of the Catholicks, could not, in the opinion of the Lord Lieutenant, nor of the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, who was more particularly concerned, could not be accomplished without granting in addition to the officers' bill, the situations of sheriffs and members of corporations to the gentry, and the situations of king's counsel in the courts of law. The dispatch, containing this intelligence, was certainly sent to the king, but without any precise notification of its meaning; and here he must say, without any charge of intention to circumvent, or overreach the king, that the want of precision and explanation that existed, was the cause of all, or a great part of the difficulties that were found to incurr this question. When the doubts arose in Ireland, and the dispatch sent back with a view to remove those doubts led to a more clear disclosure of his majesty's mind, it was attempted first to modify the proposed measure to his majesty's wish—but when it was found that that could not be done with the satisfaction which it was at first proposed to give to the Catholicks, it was thought better by the advocates of the measure to withdraw it. And here was a point upon which the late ministers had overlooked a material duty indeed. After they had urged that the importance of the business would not admit of its being postponed a single day, they had, he would not say for the motive, but certainly with the effect of keeping their places, by the oddest sacrifice that had ever been known, the sacrifice of private feelings to publick principle. His majesty's late ministers claimed a right in withdrawing the measure lately before the house, to state their sentiments strongly in favour of that measure, and of a general system of favour towards the Catholicks. This was the strangest plan he had ever known; and wished those who were so anxious to guard against the case of a crown, without responsible ministers to consider in what situation we should be if the ministers in this case were allowed to come down and state their own case against their sovereign, and to say they were favourable, and they were right, but his majesty opposed him, and they were obliged to concede.—(A cry of no, no!)—Was not that the fact?—(Hear, hear!)—and he was sure the noble lord would support himself in nothing but the fact, and every thing he saw and heard confirmed the impression he had stated. What responsibility then had the house to look to? The late ministers would have said, if the pledge, of which he would say a few words by and by, had not been required, we are strongly for the measure, but the king is strongly against it, and therefore we must give way. In such a situation what responsibility would parliament have to look to? His majesty here contented himself upon this too, with regretting that his ministers should have opinions different from his, and with lamenting the necessity of introducing discussions so improper; but when the right of submitting other measures was insisted on, not to combat a mere loose opinion, but a settled principle of his majesty's mind during his reign, the house would see the mischiefs that must result. He was ready to allow that, abstractedly, ministers were not to fetter themselves in the right to advise how the prerogative, to give or withhold consent to acts of the legislature, should be exercised. But the case in agitation was a case of bringing forward a great legislative question against the crown, with the authority and influence of ministers of the crown. It was ridiculous to say the king had the prerogative of changing his ministers, unless he could change them upon certain topics and principles. His majesty's mind was made up not to concede further upon this question, and further instances could produce nothing but agitation and irritation. If the minute had been suffered to pass without a pledge, an attempt might be afterwards made to bring forward the measure again, on the ground, that it was not contrary to the sanction of the profession, and acquiesced in. His majesty therefore required a pledge in writing, that he should not be disturbed with applications which could only produce distress and irritation; and that pledge at the present moment went only to extend for a little time, the forbearance which the late ministers were disposed to shew in conceding the measure lately proposed by them.—When they could not go farther into that concession, they were bound to no eternity of service, they might resign. Under these considerations his majesty may be justified in saying his ministers should not come to him with advice repugnant to his fixed principles and coronation oath. Others, also, thought with his majesty. He, for one, thought
that measure would lead to the destruction of the church establishment in Ireland. It was, therefore, not to be wondered at, if his majesty should have thought his coronation oath in this instance endangered. The reformation, and the union with Scotland, had sanctioned the original church establishment, which was adopted also for the sake of political freedom. He was now surprised to hear that an attachment to principles of such value, was looked upon as antiquated, and belonging to the dark ages. An attachment to such darkness could, however, never be matter of shame, and he should wish always to preserve it (hear, hear!)—He censured the determination to concede to the Catholicks of Ireland, in consequence of the disturbance of the last year, as an encouragement to disturbance, by holding out concession as the consequence. He also condemned the idea of holding out advantages to the more wealthy Catholicks, in order to engage their favourable influence on their inferiors. The loyalty of these gentlemen was not worth much if it could not be active on the considerations now enjoyed. In answer to the charge against him, of having wontonly offered to enact strong measures with respect to Ireland, he stated that he had made such offer only in the contemplation of its being necessary to adopt such measures. In that case he would have supported such measures without any regard to the loss of popularity, in which as a member of a new opposition, he was involving himself. He denied that the Catholicks could now with truth be said to be given over to a persecuting spirit. For himself he defied any one to shew the instance in which he had shown a want of moderation in his power, or a want of charity in his religion. He thought the proper way to maintain tranquillity in Ireland, was to hold not only a just and tranquil, but a firm hand towards the Catholicks, and by no means to encourage them to new hopes by forward concessions. Instead of encouraging hope from recent disturbances, it should be encouraged, if at all, after a long period of loyalty and approved attachment. He was convinced that nothing could be conceded without danger to the establishment, and therefore he would not hold out any hope to the Catholicks. It was highly impolitic to keep up a fluctuation in Ireland; the Catholick and the Protestant churches would be in danger of a ruinous conflict from all concessions which would go to approximate the situation of the Catholicks with that of the Protestants, and would be highly injurious. Then as to the pledge rejected by the late ministers, and supposed to be granted by the present, no such pledge, he could assure the house, had been given, at least no such pledge had been given by him. Nor was it to be supposed that, because such a pledge was required from the ministers, who had urged the obnoxious measure, such a pledge, or any pledge, had been required of the new ministers. He, and those with whom he acted, were known to be of opinion that no measure, of the nature to which the pledge applied, should be brought forward without the consent of the crown, and the parliament and the people of this country. Therefore a pledge was superfluous from them. He believed no such pledge had been required from any of his colleagues—certainly no such pledge had been required from him.—If the late ministers were dismissed on the refusal to give the pledge, it was not to be concluded that the new ministers had given that pledge. But the conclusion was not fair; and though they should even have disapproved of some of them, he did not think the new ministers were at liberty to refuse to come into office; for the business of the country was not to be allowed to stand still for want of a government. Neither was it to be supposed that the new ministers had adopted the pledge supposed to have been refused by their predecessors. He hoped the house would be cautious of implying a censure on the dismissal of the late ministers, and if they did so, that they would be particular to see that they did not do it without just ground.
Mr. Grattan hoped that the sway of government over the Irish Catholicks would always be mild; for if not mild it would not be permanent. The government of Ireland had been guilty of extravagant excesses of power, and had been compelled to capitulate with the people; for capitulation with the people were the consequences of enormous stretches of power. To such fluctuations much of the distresses that had existed in Ireland were to be attributed.—The speech of the honourable gentleman who had just set down, may be divided into two principal points; first, their conduct towards the Catholicks; and secondly, their conduct towards his majesty. The benefit of the Catholick bill, had been felt by experience in the last 14 years. It was not enough that the mutiny act provided a remedy for certain difficulties in which Catholick officers were involved here; there ought to be a provision more explicit to secure them against a penalty of 500l. and the chance of being disabled from suing at law, and of bringing a witness. Innumerable complaints had been made of severities to Catholick soldiers, in the exercise of their religion, since 1795. They had been prevented from going to mass, and had been forced to go to church. This was by a double cruelty, to make the religion of the Catholick soldier his tormentor, and your religion the means of his punishment. He owned he had the agonizing foresight to see the destruction of the protestant establishment, in the relief which was proposed to be granted in this respect to the catholicks, nor from not having catholick generals on the staff. The bill went to give to the country the benefit of the powers of the catholicks, physical as well as intellectual; and in order to do that, it was proposed to give to the catholicks, in some degree, a community of rights, as they had a community of danger in the fullest extent. All dissention between the different classes of the subjects ought to be removed, and all the united energy and hostility of all turned against the common enemy. The late government had

TRIAL OF COL. BURR.
Our last number upon the subject of this important trial, finished with the opinion of the court upon the motion of the attorney for the United States, to commit col. Burr for high treason. It will be remembered by our readers, that that opinion closed with some remarks upon the bad effects likely to be produced by a publick examination of witnesses, and a discussion at this time. In consequence of which, the following circumstance occurred, as detailed in the Virginia Argus extra. of the 27th ult.
"Mr. Hay then rose and declared that he was fully sensible of the inconveniences which might result from a publick examination of the witnesses at this stage of the prosecution; that nothing but the necessity of taking this step, to secure the appearance of col. Burr to answer the charge, had induced him to make the motion for commitment. He was willing therefore, if any arrangement could be made to attain the same end, and to obviate the inconveniences mentioned by the court, that such arrangement should be made. He observed that he understood from the counsel on the other side that they were disposed to confer with him and the gentlemen who assisted him, on the subject of adopting some such arrangement. He proposed therefore with the permission of the court to retire for a short time for the purpose of holding the conference proposed.
The court having consented, the counsel on both sides retired together; and returning, after an absence of a few minutes, informed the court that they had not been able to come to an agreement, and wished further time to consider the course which it might be most advisable to pursue; to which the court acceded.
The case of col. Burr was therefore, without any further proceedings at present, adjourned until the next day."
A private letter received by last mail, states, that on Friday the witnesses were examined upon the attorney's motion for the commitment for high treason, which resulted in the decision of the court, that the evidence was not sufficient to commit Aaron Burr for high treason. The court, however, we understand, has increased the sum for which col. Burr was heretofore bailed from ten to twenty thousand dollars, for which sum bail has been given, to the great mortification of the mild and amiable friends of humanity, who condemn before trial, and would anticipate a part of the punishment which the law contemplates in the event of conviction of the crime alleged.
The grand jury still remain impanelled, and no indictment had been filed by the attorney, who stated that he declined doing so until the arrival of general Wilkinson, who is said to have embarked from New-Orleans on the 1st of May, and was daily expected. We notice the arrival of a vessel at Charleston, which left New-Orleans the 4th of May, but does not report that the general had previously left New-Orleans. We further notice, that about the middle of May, there was very severe weather in the gulph of Florida, in which several vessels were dismasted, two from New-Orleans are noticed, as having been in that situation. It is possible that the vessel in which the general had embarked (if he has embarked) may have met with some accident.
THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, finishes an article of some length, (which was written with a view to defend the administration against the charge of neglecting the defence of the harbour of Charleston) in the following words:
"Now, for a single fact, with which we shall leave the reader to the exercise of his own judgment. This same jargon was rung within the walls of Congress during the last session. The zeal which systematically out Herod's Herod, portrayed in vivid colours, the immense wealth deposited in Charleston, the extensive trade that frequented the port, and its defenceless state! Every thing, fitted for protection, was in ruins! Mr. Marion, the honest and enlightened representative of that town, rose. He said, he deprecated, as sincerely as any gentleman could, the defenceless state of that great depot of commerce; but he denied that the general government were in the least to blame for it. They had long since been anxious to take measures for its defence; but it was but recently that the legislature of the state had ceded to the United States the necessary sites for the fortifications required to protect it, without whichcession they had in all similar cases refused to expend money on their erection."
This is certainly a very candid statement, and would do all the good that was intended, if unluckily there was no such thing as memory among the wicked federalists, or documents to resort to. The readers of the National Intelligencer will no doubt be perfectly satisfied, that the executive has done every thing possible; they will not give themselves the trouble to enquire when was recently, of which Mr. Marion speaks, and sorry we are that we cannot tell our readers exactly when was that recently. We can however do something in order to prove when it was not. It certainly was not after June 1806, as appears from the following extract of a report of the secretary of war, made to a committee of congress on the 9th of December last.
"In South Carolina every thing remains as heretofore, owing to a disappointment in fixing the sciles."
"Although captain Macomb, of the corps of engineers, in pursuance of orders from this department, proceeded on the 20th June last to Charleston, and remained there until the 11th of July, nothing on this head could be done, in consequence of his being unable to procure from the office of the deputy secretary of the state of South Carolina,
had shewed an honest intention to execute the laws already passed in favour of the Catholicks, and to give the benefit of the constitution as far as could be. That the Catholicks desired more was, however, unquestionable. Hence it was argued by their opponents that it was the course of human nature that they should go on to the destruction of the church establishment. But this was to suppose every man a high churchman, which was not human nature. The right hon. gentleman mistook human nature, and made every man a casuist in order to establish his own casuistry. It was not, however, to be supposed, that the Catholick would expose his family, for what? in order to have priests! No, for he already had them; in order to have bishops! No, for he had them also; but to have magnificent bishops—(Hear, hear!) and that by the aid of the French, who had made bishops poor in their own country. The Catholicks were satisfied with the concessions already made to them when their government was mild; they were not satisfied when their government was otherwise—in 1793, when the last concessions were made to them, the very minister who proposed these concessions represented them as still barbarous, and said it was an act of insanity to grant them the elective franchise. Two persons of the name of Hamilton, who signed the Catholick petition, were afterwards persecuted as defenders by means of witnesses so infamous that the judge from the bench said those witnesses ought themselves to be the objects of prosecution. To give the Catholicks the pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious war, was some ground of attachment, if the gift was conferred in a proper shape. The various acts of the Irish parliament since the 14th of George III. had done justice to the loyalty of the Catholicks, and had truly characterised the hardships with which they had been treated. The Irish Roman Catholicks were as much the constituents of this house as any subjects of England; and when any member stigmatized the Catholicks of Ireland, he stigmatized his own constituents. The universities of Oxford and Cambridge, on addressing his majesty against the bill, strove to weaken the strength of the empire, and to endanger the church establishment by endangering that empire in whose security the church and every thing else we held dear was comprehended. Here the right hon. gentleman detailed the proceedings on the officers bill, and the references to his majesty upon it, and argued that there was no intention to surprise his majesty. Then as to the pledges required of his majesty's late ministers, they must have forfeited their stations, if they had given such a pledge, and have constituted themselves as the tools of place, and the mere hirelings of salary. To what part of the duty of a minister may not such a pledge be extended, if the precedent was once established. It was very necessary that ministers should hold themselves free to advise, according to circumstances. Circumstances may be such as in a short space of time to render a different policy necessary. In 1792, the Catholick petition was rejected in Ireland; and in 1793 the same grants were made. So it was with all the concessions made; what had been granted subsequently, had been thought dangerous to be granted, in the first instance. If a French force were in the country, it would be terrible to have the hands of ministers tied up from what the most essential policy would dictate. His majesty's late ministers would have forfeited their duty as privy counsellors by agreeing to such a pledge, and would have covenanted against one-fifth of his majesty's subjects. He commended the late government for its care in putting an end to religious dissensions in Ireland. He stated the lamented consequences that had been produced by a contrary system, when government, desirous to promote dissention, had encouraged poisonous paragraphs, the tendency and consequence of which was, to drive God out of his attributes, and parliament out of the constitution, that the country was at last reduced to the lowest step of human calamity. He wished the imperial people to be identified, and not to be at issue at one part with another. He wished the people of England to be impressed with a spirit of moderation and charity; and he was proud to see so honourable a specimen of that moderation in the city of London. He dwelt upon the importance of Ireland in a commercial as well as in a military point of view. He recommended to treat the Irish with softness, gentleness, and affection. He applauded the government of the duke of Bedford, and that of lord Hardwicke, for their beneficent character. He recommended to those who had been lately in administration still to pursue the same plan. And as their principles would preserve their authority, and that authority would probably be strengthened by the division of this night, which would at the same time shew the Catholicks that their cause had deep root in the house, he recommended them to use that authority to promote peace, union, and concord. If the cry of the church being in danger was raised, both Catholicks and Protestants, and all parts of the empire would be ruined. He gave his support to the original motion, as tending to maintain the constitution, and the integrity and independence of the empire.
(To be continued.)
PARIS, March 24.
Intercepted letter of the Russian minister for foreign affairs, to Count Italinski, minister plenipotentiary to the Porte.
SIR,
When by order of his Imperial majesty, I sent you the messenger Kouliobkowsky, the time necessary to receive your answer was calculated here, and means prepared at the same time to obtain in a different manner the results which the constantly amicable representations of our august court with the Sublime Porte had not presented us with. The messenger might have returned by the 1st of October; and as we had no news of him at that time, his majesty had reason to believe that the Porte had given you no satisfactory answer, or, at least, that she attempted to prolong the negotiation, in order to gain time, and prepare means of resistance, in concert with the common enemy. Although neither the one nor the other of these hypothesis square with the most essential interests of his Imperial majesty, he would not, however, hurry any thing forward; and still flattering himself that Sultan Selim would at length perceive, on the one side, the repeated proofs of his majesty's moderation and loyalty, and on the other, the snare laid for him (the sultan) by ministers little worthy of the confidence of their sovereign, his majesty determined to delay to the 15th of October, all further measures,
persuaded that if, about this time, advices did not arrive from you, no doubt were entertained of the existence of one of these pre-supposed causes.
"It was not without a painful feeling, that his majesty saw the term fixed on draw near, without any intelligence whatever concerning the result of the steps you had taken with the Sublime Porte, to throw light on the proceedings which henceforth the Imperial court was to follow with regard to it.
"In this state of uncertainty, there was no other resolution left for the emperor to adopt, than to follow, with firmness and perseverance, the plan which his majesty had previously traced out for the maintenance of his dignity and rights, as well as to lead back the Porte, by an extraordinary commotion, to the only principles which the most positive interests commanded her invariably to follow. In consequence, general Michelson, commander in chief of the army on the Dneister, received orders to enter Moldavia, not as an enemy, as malevolence will not fail to cause him to be looked on, but with the sole intention of re-establishing the old relations which have so long subsisted between the two empires, in pursuance of treaties, to prevent the pernicious effect of the French domination which prevails at Constantinople, and which threatens the Porte with a total servitude, and finally to paralyze the designs loudly given out by Sebastiani, to cause a French army to cross the Ottoman empire, in order to attack us on the Dneister. Such were the pressing motives for the orders given to general Michelson, dated the 16th October. Such was also the sense and spirit of these orders, which this general was to publish from the time of his entrance into Moldavia, both with the government of that principality, that of Wallachia, and with the different pachas commanding fortresses on the Dneister and the Danube.
"Eight days after the expedition of these orders, i. e. the 23d October, we received your relations of the 6-18th of the same month, by which you state the reinstatement of the princes Morouzi and Ypsilanti, confining yourself to this simple information, without entering into the least detail on any thing which might enlighten the Imperial ministry concerning circumstances of this nature. Whatever might have been the desire of the emperor, our august master, to revoke from this time the orders given to general Michelson, his Imperial majesty has thought it to be his duty to wait the further elucidations stated in your report of the 6-18th October, in order to obtain a more positive and detailed data concerning subjects of so important a nature, and to be enabled to take measures in consequence. On these results we received your different dispatches of the 11-23d October. I do not conceal from you, sir, that by their contents his Imperial majesty has not observed, without grief and surprize, that in such a crisis you should have conceived it your duty to confine yourself to the mere reinstatement of the princes.
"Whatever be the interest that, under so many considerations, the emperor has been forced to take in maintaining, with regard to the Porte, this part of his rights, you cannot, however, sir, be ignorant, that they are not the only ones which his majesty is well entitled to claim; and that besides the principal end the Imperial court has in view, being to ascertain, in a positive manner, the dispositions of the Porte, this single and naked demonstration, carried into effect with so bad a grace, cannot suffice to afford us in this respect that guarantee which we hold to be indispensable. Who can answer us, in fact, that this partial satisfaction has not been given to us by the Porte, in consequence of advice even of our common enemies?—The different conferences which the ambassador Sebastiani had with Ibrahim-Kiaya, and the other ministers of the Porte, in the course of this negotiation, plead but too much in favour of this supposition.
"Let us suppose, for a moment, that the dismissal of the Hospodars had been the only grievance which we had to charge the Porte with; how, even in this case, could we rely with certainty upon the strict and full execution of reparation which the imperial court has just obtained after the more than equivocal tergiversation of prince Morouzi, and in the sad state which Wallachia is reduced to, the finest part of which is invaded by the troops of Passwan Oglou, without the Porte appearing to have either the intention or the necessary means to repress these disorders. Were it then only under the latter consideration, his majesty cannot be satisfied with the satisfaction given, before he be assured that it will have its full effect; and it is for this purpose that the presence of the Russian troops must efficaciously contribute to restore to the two principalities, particularly Wallachia, that state of calmness and security which the imperial court has guaranteed to them by the most solemn transactions. You very well comprehend that it is not the persons of the Hospodars Morouzi and Ypsilanti that essentially interest the imperial court, but the tranquility and welfare of the two principalities intrusted to their administration. It is thence that ensues the obligation which Russia is under, of supporting an order of things which was only established by her intervention, and under her auspices; and she can no longer tolerate the vexations which the Passwan Oglou, and other Ayans approximate to Wallachia, overwhelm that unfortunate province, without essentially derogating from what she owes to herself.
"Independent of these considerations, which relate exclusively to the two principalities, there are others which would not allow his imperial majesty to look upon the satisfaction which he has just obtained, as a sufficient pledge of the sincerity of the Porte, in her return to the principles which occasioned our remonstrances. Not to repeat again the new grievances set forth in my dispatch of the 20th August, I shall confine myself to recapitulating with the principal ones, without the redress of which his imperial majesty will never think he can rely upon the friendly dispositions of the Porte towards him with the security which the safety of his states requires, combined with the present general situation of affairs.
"The pretension of attempting to hinder the passage of his majesty's ships of war and transports through the canal of Constantinople, and reiterated difficulties which the Porte has thought proper to manifest upon recent occasions, but too evidently demonstrate the blind submission of the Turkish government to the will of France, and the in calculable deviations into which these dispositions may lead it, since it no longer respects the most solemn treaties. To obtain in this respect a guarantee proportionate to the importance which we ought to place in the preservation of our right of passage
through the canal,* his imperial majesty thinks it his duty to demand a solemn and authentic declaration, by which the Porte shall oblige herself never and in no case in the least to obstruct it, under any pretext whatsoever.
"Another object to which the Imperial court must attach equal importance, is the renewal of the treaty of alliance between the Porte and Great Britain. The motive which makes his imperial Majesty wish that this renewal may take place as soon as possible, is moreover only a consequence of his dispositions, constantly friendly, towards the Sublime Porte, and of the solicitude with which his majesty endeavours to maintain the independence and integrity of the Ottoman empire; for if, on the one side, it is evident that the Porte would thereby free itself for a long time from the despotic influence of the French government, it is not less so on the other, that in persisting in her refusal to the British government, she might at length provoke the resentment of a power, whose great maritime means would not fail to become fatal to her.
"To sum up the contents of this dispatch, which I have the honour to address to you by express order of our august sovereign, you will observe that his Imperial majesty cannot think the relations existing between Russia and the Ottoman empire as replaced upon their ancient basis; but—
"1. When the rights and prerogatives secured to the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, by the different stipulations relative thereto, shall be re-established in their full force and vigour; and that namely, the latter of these provinces shall be delivered from the rebels which lay it waste, by the care of the Porte, or by his majesty's troops and that at the same time its tranquillity and future welfare shall be sufficiently guaranteed by the establishment of a national force capable of defending the province against its neighbours of the Danube.
"2. When the Porte shall have formally renounced the intention of obstructing, under any pretence whatever, the passage of his majesty's ships of war and transports through the Bosphorus.
"3. When we shall have renewed her treaty of alliance with England.
"You are charged, sir, to make these different demands come to the knowledge of the grand seignor through the channel which shall appear to you most proper, and not to let his highness be ignorant of all the importance which our august sovereign attaches to their being duly received by him. But you will take care at the same time to assure Sultan Selim, in the most positive manner, that it is with great repugnance the emperor has been under the necessity of having recourse to the military occupation of the two Principalities; and that this determination far from concealing any hostile intention against the Ottoman states, has no other aim than those declared here above, but still more particularly the ardent desire of his imperial majesty to be so much the more able to baffle the projects of invasion which the French government has ever manifested at the expense of Turkey, and which, in the present conjuncture, in which Buonaparte will, no doubt, avail himself of the pretext of the reinstatement of the Hospodars, might soon be on the eve of being put in execution. In general, you will omit nothing to convince the Sultan Selim more and more of the constancy of the sentiments of friendship and consideration which the emperor has vowed to him, adding that his majesty will only wait the accession of the Porte to the just demands which you are instructed to address to her by the present, to give her anew the most unequivocal proofs of it. From that time his majesty would testify the greatest readiness to arrange the different other points in contest; the intimate relations, which have so happily subsisted for many years past between St. Petersburg and Constantinople, will be re-established upon a more solid basis than ever; and, assuredly, both empires can only gain by it, in every respect.
"The more to consolidate so happy a state of things, his majesty will be ready to receive the minister whom Sultan Selim shall judge proper to send him, to prove in the eyes of all Europe an accommodation which shall complete the wishes of his Imperial Majesty, and the happy results of which will thenceforth subsist without it appearing necessary that the Porte should accredit here a permanent minister.
"You will be kind enough, Sir, to acquit yourself of the different offices which the present dispatch prescribes to you, with the least possible delay, and to inform me in like manner of the result of your steps, that I may give an exact account of them to his imperial majesty.
"I have the honour to be, with very distinguished consideration, sir, your very humble and most obedient servant,
(Signed) "A. DE BUDBERG." St. Petersburg, 15th Nov. 1806.
* The Dardanelles.
GERMAN LINEN, &c.
JOHN C. NIEMEYER,
Has just received and offers for Sale, for approved paper at 4 and 6 months,
27 Packages of GERMAN LINEN, entitled to drawback—Cmisting of Platillas, Dowlas, Cholets, (or brown Hollands) Common Oznaburghs, and German Rolls.
Also on Hand,
Heavy Ticklenburgs, Oznaburghs, fine Shirt Linen, &c. elegant Musquito Gauze or clear Linen, Bed Ticking two yards wide, Flanders Sheetings, &c.—Also, 160 boxes first quality Spanish Segars, elegant Glass Ware and China, 90 boxes Window Glass, 6500 best Coffee Bags, 4000 Gunny Bags. May 29. it
The Subscribers have removed to Lee's wharf, where they offer for sale on liberal terms, the following GOODS,
2000 sacks of SALT,
1500 bushels loose stowed do.: 130 hhds. Molasses, 40 puncheons Old Antigua Rum; 100 do W. Island do. 30 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, A few cases Medock Claret, 10 pipes fourth proof Cogniac Brandy, 250 barrels prime Pork; 15,000 wt. prime Green Coffee, 85 barrels Apple Brandy, 250 do. Richmond fine and superfine Flour, 20 boxes assorted Cotton and Wool Cards.
And a-float,
4000 bushels Northern CORN. Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co.
May 20.
37

the map on which the lands and sites for fortifications, ceded to the U. States, were particularly delineated.
"Having been ordered a second time to Charles-ton, it is expected that he will be able to do something on the subject this winter."
How long before captain Macomb set out, the cession was made by the state of South Carolina, we cannot say, but it is presumed it was in the session of the legislature of that convened the preceding winter. It is not unfair to conclude that the difficulty, as to the cession, was removed as early as February 1806, upwards of fourteen months before the insult from the Driver sloop of war was given.
For the amusement of the panygerists of our active and energetic administration, and for the information of the people, we submit the following Question:—"If 14 months are required by Mr. Jefferson's War Secretary to fortify the port of Charles-ton so as not to be able to resist a sloop of war of 16 guns, how long will he require to fortify the same port, so as to resist with success,
  2 ships of 50 guns.   4 ditto 28   1 ditto 22   1 ditto 20 
And a Bomb-ketch?
As our readers may wish to know why the particular force above, has been selected, we inform them that it was the force with which the British attacked Charleston in 1776. With a view to exhibit the energy of Mr. Jefferson's administration by way of comparison, we inform our readers that the first intimation of the attack on Charleston was given in April, and on the 28th of June, in the same year, the place was attacked, and the British repulsed.—So much for the energy of 1776, and so much for that of 1806, and yet Mr. Jefferson's friends are all Seventy-Six-men. We think with Mr. Cheetham, the editor of the Citizen, on this occasion, that there is too much "Virginia influence," which produces Virginia economy.
Captain Hilbourn, of the sloop Hunter, arrived at Charleston on the 25th of last month from Havana, after a passage of 6 days. On the 21st of May, in lat. 29, 50, long. 79, saw a fleet of seven sail of ships of war, steering S. by E. as they showed no colours, could not tell whether they were English or French.
The Wasp sloop of war, is still at Crany Island, and the Chesapeake frigate has not yet got into Hampton Roads.
The Races will commence To-Morrow, when the Purse of FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be run for by Eolus , Potomack , and Sweet Lips .
A circular letter from Tobias Lear, esq. dated Tunis, 1st March, 1807.
Sir, I have the honour and satisfaction to inform you that the differences which existed between the United States of America and the regency of Tunis, and which on the departure of the Tunisian ambassador from the U. States, threatened to terminate in a rupture between the two nations, are now happily and honourably settled. And the commercial intercourse between the citizens of the United States and this regency, may be carried on with as much security and advantage as that of any other nation with whom the bey is in friendship. To the several consuls of the U. States in the Mediterranean.
From the United States' Gazette. SUPREME COURT OF THE U. STATES, FEBRUARY TERM, 1807.
Rhinlander vs. Insurance Company of Pennsylvania. This was an action upon a policy of insurance upon the freight of the ship Manhattan from New-York to Batavia, &c. and back. It was tried at the October sessions of the circuit court of the Pennsylvania district, and a verdict found for the plaintiff subject to the opinion of the court upon a case stated; which case was adjourned from the circuit to the supreme court, and now came on to be heard.—The case stated the Manhattan to be a neutral ship. On her return voyage, on the 10th Feb. 1805, she was captured by the British sloop of war Busy—the mate and 21 of the crew were taken out and two British officers and 15 sailors put on board, and she was ordered to Bermuda. On the same day, the mate was put, by the captors, on board a vessel bound to New-York, where he arrived on the 26th February. The owners being informed of the capture on the 2d March claimed a total loss by reason of the capture, and offered to abandon. On 2d April, payment was demanded of the office and refused. On 6th June, the action was brought.
The vessel after being carried into Bermuda was libelled as a prize. On 20th April, vessel and cargo were acquitted and restitution ordered. From this sentence, so far as respected the cargo, the captors appealed, which appeal is still undecided. The cargo was ordered to be delivered to the owners on their giving security. On the 8th May security was entered and this was known to the owners before the action was brought; but the captain did not take actual possession of the ship till 11th June. The owners applied to the office for counter security, which was refused.
The question referred by the case to the court was: whether the plaintiff is entitled to recover for a total loss. Rawle and Lewis argued for the defendants, 1st. That the stopping of the Manhattan, on the 10th February by the Busy, and ordering her to Bermuda, did not constitute a loss so as to authorize an abandonment. It was not a capture by an enemy, but merely a stopping on the high seas of a neutral by a belligerent for search; and a sending in for further examination. As the abandonment was made on the information of this taking only, without any knowledge of the subsequent proceedings, as it was made for this cause only—as this cause did not authorize it—and as no other abandonment has been since made, the subsequent transactions cannot relate back so as to give the plaintiffs a right against the underwriters. 2. The mere institution of judicial proceedings
against a neutral vessel, unless followed by condemnation, gave no right to abandon.
3. That though after the vessel was acquitted on the 20th April, an appeal was entered as to the cargo, yet by the entry of security on the 8th of May, the vessel was virtually restored to the owners, and in perfect safety; and was known so to be by the owners.—As therefore, no loss existed at the time of the action brought, the plaintiffs could not recover; for they argued that the state of the loss at that time was the rule.
4. That though not before action brought, yet as before plea pleaded, the vessel had arrived in safety at the port of her destination; had performed her voyage; and had earned her freight; the plaintiffs had no right to recover.
Ingersoll, Hopkinson, and Tilghman, for the plaintiff argued: 1st. That the capture of the Manhattan by the Busy, was not an exercise of the acknowledged right of search; but a capture as prize. Her crew was taken out; British officers and seamen put on board; she was sent to Bermuda and libelled as prize. The plaintiff was therefore authorised to abandon on the 2d March.
2. The state of the loss at the time of the abandonment is to decide the right of recovery. By the abandonment, the property is divested from the insured and vested in the insurer, and a subsequent order of restoration, restores it not to the former owners, but to the underwriters. As therefore there was a loss at the time of the abandonment the plaintiff may recover.
MARSHALL, Chief Justice, delivered the opinion of the court. After stating the case he proceeded in substance as follows:
 1. Had the insured a right to abandon when the offer was made?  2. Have any circumstances since occurred to affect their right? 
To give a right to abandon there must have existed a total loss by one of the perils insured against, either real and absolute, or legal and technical. A capture by one belligerent from another constitutes a technical total loss, and gives an immediate right to abandon, though the property may afterwards be restored. So too of an embargo or detention by a foreign friendly power. On general principles and on analogy there is no difference between the capture by a belligerent from a belligerent and from a neutral. In both it is made with a design to deprive the owner of the property. A distinction has not been taken in any adjudged case in England and the best general writers arrange them in the same class. [The learned judge then went through an examination of the English authorities and cases and concluded the first point as follows.] It is therefore the unanimous opinion of the court, that where, as in this case, there is a complete taking at sea by a belligerent who has taken full possession of the vessel as prize, and continues that possession to the time of the abandonment, there exists in point of law a total loss and the act of abandonment vests the right to the thing abandoned in the insurer, and the amount of the insurance in the insured.
2d Point. The assured in this case has done nothing subsequent to his offer to abandon which can be considered as a relinquishment of the right vested in him by that act. Does the release and return of the vessel deprive the assured of his right to resort to the insurers for a total loss which he acquired by the abandonment? This point has never been settled in England. In Hamilton v. Mendez, lord Mansfield leaves it undecided whether the state of loss at the time of abandonment, or at the time of action brought, or at the time of the verdict, shall fix the right to recover for a partial or a total loss. A majority of the judges are of opinion that the state of the loss at the time of the abandonment must fix the right of the parties to recover in an action afterwards brought, and the judge who doubts respecting it, is of opinion that in this case counter security having been refused by the insurers, the question of freight is yet suspended. It is therefore the Unanimous opinion of the court that the plaintiff in this case is entitled to recover for a total loss.
NEW YORK, May 23.
We are informed by a gentleman from New Orleans that a short time previous to his departure, major Sparks who had been ordered by general Wilkinson to proceed with a detachment of the army to reinforce the garrison at Fort Stoddert and Fort Stephens in the Mississippi territory, returned to that city in consequence of the refusal of the Spanish commandant at the mouth of the Mobile to permit him to pass with the force under his command. Major Sparks having left the detachment on the borders of Lake Pontchartrain had himself proceeded to head quarters for further orders; and upon his arrival was directed to recall the whole of his force. The general at the same time declaring that he had then an opportunity of repelling the charges of his being a pensioner of the Spanish government, were he to consult his private interests in preference to the welfare of his country. Yielding, however, to the dictates of his patriotism, he had, with a magnanimity for which he took praise to himself, recalled the reinforcements destined for the ports at the head of the Mobile, and prevented his government from being immediately involved in the horrors of warfare.
A report of the trial of judge Workman and col. Kerr, is now publishing at New Orleans—a small part only was finished at the time the vessel sailed which brought us the documents we have in part laid before the publick. Enough however, is come to hand to enable us to give the reader an idea of the nature of the accusation, and to afford a specimen of the manner in which this free country is governed and protected.
The shortness of the time that we have had to look over the pamphlet forbids our giving in this day's paper a particular detail of the trial. The thing, which the transient glance we have taken of it, strikes us as getting to the marrow of the business, is the testimony of major William Nott, and that of doctor Watkins, mayor of the city of New Orleans. Both of which we offer to our readers as they stand in the report. People's Friend.
Evidence on the part of the defence.
Major William Nott, sworn— Mr. Duer: Please to inform the court and jury of every thing you know relating to the Mexican society.
Mr. Kerr:—My intention in introducing the testimony of major Nott, is to develop to the jury the real objects and views of the Mexican society of which he was a member. Major Nott please to relate to the jury what you know respecting that association.
Witness—Nearly two years have elapsed since we were threatened with a Spanish invasion—I became extremely alarmed for the safety of the Territory and of this city. Col. Freeman, with whom I conversed respecting a review about to take place, declared that he had not ninety men fit for active service—Our militia existed only upon paper, and that the whole colony was in the most defenceless state.
I communicated to Dr. Watkins the apprehensions I entertained—He expressed the conviction that it was necessary to put the country in a condition to make resistance, observing at the same time, that the first object of government ought to be to acquire the confidence of the people of Louisiana, who were generally not well disposed towards the territorial government. I again visited Dr. Watkins—He told me that if I would accompany him in the evening, he would introduce me to a society composed of true Americans—I consented to his proposal, and became a member of the society. In a subsequent meeting, at which I was present, a good deal of conversation took place as to the best means of attacking the Spanish provinces, in case a war should be declared by our government against Spain. It was then I believe that the society assumed the appellation of the Mexican association. It was determined that each member should endeavour to obtain every kind of information respecting Mexico, which might prove useful should we be permitted to carry on an expedition against it. I proposed that we should take possession of Baton Rouge; Dr. Watkins and judge Workman were opposed to the measure—Mr. Kerr approved of it. I offered to contribute 5000 dollars for the purchase of arms, on the condition that I should have the command of the expedition—to this Mr. Kerr objected, as he wished to head the attack himself. It was decided by the society that I should communicate the project to the governor, and in consequence of that determination, I proposed to him to take possession of Baton Rouge, provided he would add to the volunteers that I could procure, a small number of regular troops. He refused the offer, and told me that he had himself conceived and formed a plan for capturing Baton Rouge, which he would execute whenever he was properly authorised by government to act offensively—and that I should have a conspicuous share in the enterprise. In one of our meetings a resolution was proposed and unanimously agreed to, which was to engage ourselves to support the local and general governments, and the laws of the United States. This every one who entered the society was understood to be engaged to. The society dissolved itself when it was known with certainty that the general government disclaimed all connexion with Miranda's expedition.
I then spoke to Mr. James Brown, United States attorney for this district, upon that subject. He told me he was assured that the government of the United States had not approved of that expedition, and never would sanction any similar projects. The opinion of Mr. Brown on the subject, decided me to abandon our projects. I informed my associates that since government would not sanction our designs we ought to renounce them. To this opinion we all agreed. The society held no more meetings from that time, and was entirely dissolved. The motives of the society to keep secret the names of its members are obvious—Had their names been made publick they could not with safety have visited the Spanish possessions, where business often rendered the presence of some of them necessary. The governor, when he introduced me to Mr. Kerr, informed me that he was one of his best friends.
Mr. Brown: What was the form of initiation?
Witness—I swore to endeavour by all lawful means to accomplish the emancipation of Mexico. It was always understood by me, and I believe by every member of the association, that our designs were never to be attempted to be executed, unless they had previously obtained the sanction of the government of the United States.
Dr. Watkins, mayor of the city, sworn. Q. Please to relate to the court and jury what you know of a Mexican association.
A. I have resided in Louisiana for upwards of ten years—the future destinies of that country have occupied much of my attention. I was in Europe about the time of its cession to France, and had an opportunity of learning something relative to the future intentions of the then government of France respecting it. Notwithstanding its transfer to the United States, I have always been apprehensive that France had not lost sight of her designs upon that quarter of the globe. The conduct of the Spaniards, and the intrigues of the French, from the time the United States took possession of the country, tended to confirm this opinion. Such was the political standing between the United States and Spain for better than two years after the former had taken possession of the country, that every body believed a war highly probable. This subject became the general topic of conversation in every circle, as well out as within doors; it involved the invasion of Mexico—the conquest—the emancipation—and various other dispositions of that country, according to the different views of those who talked upon the subject. After the president's war speech, as his address to congress is called, I, with several other gentlemen, of whom the traverser was one, believing a war almost certain, formed ourselves into a club for the purpose of collecting all the information in our power relative to the geography, population, and military force of the internal provinces, with a view of laying it before the government of our country, and offering our personal services in case of war with Spain.
The greatest secrecy was necessary on the part of the members of this association, inasmuch as some of them have property in the Spanish dominions, and others were largely engaged in commercial speculations with the different provinces of his Catholic majesty. Neither this association, or any one of its members, as far as I know or believe, ever heard of Aaron Burr's projects for severing the American Union, or invading Mexico, either directly or indirectly, or of his or any other scheme or plan whatever for violating or infringing any one of the laws of the United States, or in the least degree troubling its peace or tranquility, until the arrival of gen. Wilkinson here in the month of November last. On the contrary, this club was established on the most virtuous and patriotic principles—never speaking of, or contemplating any expedition—the raising of one dollar—the levying one soldier—the purchase of one arm, or engaging one single man, unless under the sanction and by the express orders of the government of the United States. The society to my knowledge, never consisted of
more than ten, twelve or thirteen persons; they were never organized, never had any president, clerk or any other person, and never heard of Mr. Small or Mr. Murray being members of the said association. As to the robbing of banks, or of any such infamous proceedings, I flatter myself, from my character and standing in society, it is not necessary to express my indignation against it by solemnly declaring that it was in this court that I heard of it for the first time. And all those with whom I have spoken upon this subject, talked of the expedition to Mexico (in the event of a war with Spain) authorized by the United States, an army of at least from 20,000 to 30,000 the number conceived adequate to such an enterprise.
In the beginning of December, when I first heard from the governor of the territory the plans of Burr, I disclosed to him, the governor, without reserve, every thing I had ever heard spoken of in this club about an invasion of Mexico. After the rising of congress in April last, finding that the senate of the United States had resolved upon settling their differences with Spain by negotiation instead of war, the society broke up, and have not since that time assembled, or to my knowledge or belief conversed upon the subject, otherwise than every other citizen of the country has done. It is not without pain, that I see an attempt to stigmatize an association, the object of which appeared to me praiseworthy. And I hope to God, however I fear the contrary, that our country may never have use for its labours.
Q. Did you ever hear of an expedition intended against Baton Rouge?
A. I have heard of three contemplated expeditions—the first was to have been accomplished by the governor, in a manner that seems too foolish to be mentioned seriously—the second, which was to take the fort by open force, was projected by governor Mead, and the third was to be effected by gen. Wilkinson with the army when returning from Natchitoches.
Q. What was the project of gov. Claiborne?—Please to relate to the court what you know on the subject.
A. His intention was I understood, under the pretence of a grand entertainment, to collect a number of carriages; after supper to arm the guests, put them in the carriages, and thus to enter Baton Rouge, where the sight of such merry cavalcade could excite no alarm; having thus obtained admission into the place, the soldiers rushing from their cabriolets were to surprise the garrison, and possess themselves of the fort.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Sch'r James, Waughop 22 days from Surinam, Molasses, Thomas Wilcock—Left there ship Commerce, Stevens, of Portland; barque Moses, Searle, Salem; brigs Merchant, Tucker, Portland; Traveller, Cook, Providence; Pesta, Petty, ditto.—May 12, off Martinique, was boarded by an officer from a British 74, one of admiral Cochrane's squadron, 3 others then in sight, treated politely and dismissed—On Saturday in sight of Cape Henry was boarded by an officer from the British frigate Melampus, the Bellona of 74 guns in company, after examining the schooner's papers and about one hour's detention, desired us to proceed—She then brought to and boarded an armed brig under American colours, about one hour after, the brig made sail and stood the same course with the frigate to the Southward—supposed she was detained. Sch'r Three Friends, Hawes, 5 days from Charleston.
On Wednesday the 3d instant, on Wheeler's wharf, will be Sold at Publick Auction, at XI o'clock, The CARGO of the brig Venus, Consisting of 119 hhds. 4 tierces, 8 bbls. SUGAR, 1 tierce, 36 barrels COFFEE. Terms of sale, approved endorsed notes at 60 and 90 days William H. Thompson. June 1.
GRAND FIRE-WORK, At Mr. Burt's Garden, TO-MORROW EVENING, the 2d of June.
 1. Six beautiful Rockets of Showers of Gold, Serpents, Crackers, Stars, &c.; the Hairs of Berenice, never performed here.  2. The Grand Pillar of Trajan, a Roman emperor, which is elevated 40 feet, surmounted with a Tripple Sun, ornamented with fixed Suns of various colours, and upon which will be a remarkable inscription according to the epoch.  3. A Vivat of America, accompanied with a discharge of artillery.  4. A beautiful Sun, unknown here, as the last time the rain hindered its effects.  5. A Cross of St. Sinary, in which will be an Eagle, that will show three different colours, with a grand fixed Sun, composed of blue and brilliants, the forms of which will be marked by two kinds of Fire-Work Candles.  6. The Chimney Piece of Lady Washington, worked elegantly.  7. Piece called a conference between General Washington, the Secretary of State, &c.; the genius of Columbia for the prosperity of this country, in transparencies; this will be accompanied by two Cascades, and a Vertical Wheel of varied colours. 
Price 50 cents, Children half price. All this Fire-Work will last long, and satisfy the spectators, and it will be fixed upon the water for the accommodation of the company, as was lately the Mill. Notice will be punctually given at the setting off of every piece. The publick is invited to come and see the pieces at 12 o'clock, which at that time will be fixed in the Garden.
For Freight or Charter, The good Sloop DIRECTOR, James Tarlington, master, burthen about 800 barrels, in complete order.—For terms apply to Richard Bowden, & co. June 1.
NOTICE.
The copartnership of Perren & Graves, being from the 21st May dissolved by mutual consent, all those having claims against the concern are desired to bring in their respective accounts to Patrick Perren, and those indebted to them to make immediate payment to the said Perren, who is fully authorised to settle the same. Patrick Perren, Robert Graves. June 1. tf
For RENT, (until September next,) That commodious brick Dwelling-House, lately occupied by the subscriber, situated on Catherine-street, opposite to Mr. Richard Buggall's, and next door to Mr. Thomas Gatewood's, well calculated for a family.—For terms apply to Richard Bowden. June 1.

For FALMOUTH, The Ship DUMFRIES, R. Beard, master, will be ready for sea on the 2d of June, and can accommodate a few passen- gers. Apply to captain Beard, or Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. Who have for Sale, Liverpool SALT, loose and in sacks. May 29
Wanted for a Port in Ireland, A SHIP of about 200 tons burthen. JAMES HERRON. May 29.
For Freight or Charter, The good Ship FRANKLIN, Thomas L. Quvesberg, master, burthen about 15 to 1600 barrels, and will be ready for the recep- tion of a cargo in a few days—a freight to Bordeaux or to the Havanna would be preferred. Apply to Wilson, Cunningham, & Co. May 29.
For LONDON, direct, (Will sail by positive agreement the first week in July, or sooner.) The Ship ALMIRA, Job Whipple, master, having two thirds of her cargo engaged. For freight of the remainder or passage, having excellent accom- modations, apply to the master on board, or N. Heron. May 27.
For Freight or Charter, The Schooner HULDAH and ANNA, George Fitzhugh, Master, which has lately run as a packet between Norfolk and New-York;—a freight to the West-Indies would be preferred. Apply to the master on board, or Moses Myers. May 27.
For Freight or Charter, The fine fast sailing Schooner VIRGINIA ANN, Wm. Hodson, master, burthen 750 barrels. For terms apply to the master on board, or to Daniel R. Waddey, & Co. May 27.
For SALE, The Cargo of the brig Nancy, capt. Muren, consisting of 90 puncheons high proof SPIRITS, 14 hogsheds choice retailing Molasses, 9 puncheons Castor Oil, containing each about 15 dozen bottles, 6 tierces Pimento. The Brig NANCY, is offered for Sale; she is a remarkable strong well found vessel, burthen about 1500 bbls JAMES YOUNG. May 27.
For Charter, The good Ship UNION, P. Remington, master, burthen 215 tons.— For terms, apply to Moses Myers. May 20.
For Sale, Freight, or Charter, The good brig JOHN ADAMS, Winslow, master, burthen 160 tons, or 1300 barrels, can be ready to receive a cargo immediately. For terms apply to the master on board, or to Christopher Fry. Who has for Sale on board, 30 casks Stone LIME, and 14 puncheons New-England Rum. May 11.
For Sale on board the Ship Huntress, from Liverpool, 6500 bushels coarse SALT, 80 crates Earthenware; 64 do. Glass Bottles, 650 bushels Coals. The HUNTRESS, will return direct to Liverpool, and will be ready to receive freight in 10 days, considera- ble part of her cargo being already engaged; for the balance apply to A. Maclure.
FOR SALE, 30 casks Oil; 10 boxes Candles, 10 boxes Wax Candles; superfine and fine Flour. I want to Purchase, A fast-sailing VESSEL, from 130 to 140 tons. April 17
For FREIGHT or CHARTER, The Phil a built Ship William Penn, coppered, burthen 360 tons, now ready to re- ceive a cargo. Apply to Edward Watson. Who has for Sale, 3 Trunks excellent Linen; 7 doz. Chairs; 1 case Umbrellas, well assorted. March 23.
For Freight or Charter, The Brig ROEBUCK, Tho's Bolan, master, burthen 270 hds. to acco; a freight to France would be preferred. Apply to Noble, & Arbuthnott, & Co. April 3.
Office of Discount and Deposit, U. S. Bank, Norfolk, May 20, 1807. WANTED TO PURCHASE, A few Thousand Pounds Sterling, in approved endorsed Bills on, or payable in London at Sixty Days sight. Robert Oliphant, Cashier. May 20.
The subscribers have just received by the lat- est arrivals from Europe, and now opening at their Store on Market-square, a handsome assortment of Dutch and English GLASS, consisting of
Wine, } GLASSES. Punch, } Cordial } Tumblers, Cordial Bottles, Pint Decanters, 1 1-2 pint do. Quart do. Salt Cellars, Glass Bowls, &c. &c. Looking Glasses of various sizes. An assortment of Marbles, consisting of Chimney Pieces, Table ends of coloured do. Slabs, Brackets &c. On hand, in Store, 50 puncheons Tobacco Rum, 15 hds. Muscovado Sugars, 10 barrels Loaf Sugar, 3000 wt. Green Coffee, 25 barrels Whiskey, 15 barrels Apple Brandy, 50 boxes Soap, 180 boxes Candles, 120 do. Herrings, 150 reams Wrapping Paper, 100 do. writing do. 200 casks Lime, 6 boxes Chocolate, 12 quarter chests Imperial Tea, 4 chests Hyson do. Also landing This Day, 4 cases assorted French Cambrics. Selden & Clark. May 22.
CASH Will be given for Thirty or Forty SHARES of Virginia Bank Stock. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Nov. 5.
Just received an additional supply of SUMMER GOODS, Among which are Mens' best London Beaver HATS, do. do. do. Japanned do. 25 groce black and coloured Hat Linings, Green and plaid silk Parasols, French Lustrings & Sarconets, Elegant long French silk Shawls, Linen Cambricks, Black silk Florentine, fancy Muslins, Japanned and tambores Shawls, fine Dimities, Musquito Netting, Threads, Pins, sewing Silks, &c. &c. One case fashionable Bonnets, Tea Trays, &c.—For Sale at No. 41, Main-street, by Wood & Hastings. May 29.
For RENT, A TENEMENT, calculated for a small family, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Apply to J. Palmer, adjoining the premises. May 29.
We offer for Sale, The entire Cargo of the ship Franklin, capt. Quvesberg, from Matanzas, consisting of 217 hlids. Muscovado SUGAR, and 100 do. retailing Molasses, on accommodating terms for good paper, with approved endorsers. T. & W. A. Armistead. May 29.
FRESH TEAS. 116 boxes Imperial, 26 do. Hyson, 56 do. Young Hyson, 10 do. Souchong. The above are of the very first quality, and are all entitled to drawback of duties if exported, will be sold low for cash or short credit, by Mackinder & White. May 29.
Spring and Summer GOODS. RICHARD & JOHN TAYLOR, Have received by the ships Hunter, from London, and Dumfries, from Liverpool, their supply of Fancy and Fashionable GOODS, Irish Linens, Hardware and Cutlery, &c. &c. which they offer for sale by wholesale and retail on the most reason- able terms, for cash or good paper. May 6.
SPRING GOODS. COCKE AND SANFORD, Have received per the Ship Hunter, from London, an as- sortment of SPRING GOODS, Consisting of Muslins, plain and figured, Cambricks, Dimities, Calico, Ginghams, Chambrays, Irish Linens, Long Lawns, 5-4 and 6-4 Sheet ngs, Oznaburgs, Tickenburgs, Dowlas, Checks, Seine and Wrapping Twine, Cotton and Silk Hosiery, Gloves, Best superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, Bombazens, Bombazets, Crapes, Lustrings, Folding Matrasses, Fashionable Hats, and a few pair Dress Boots. They are in daily expectation of A supply of Cutlery and Sadlery, &c. from Liverpool. May 4.
300 dozen empty BOTTLES, will be sold low if applied for immediately. John C. Niemeyer. ALSO, An invoice of fine Linen GAUZE, for Musquito Curtains. May 27.
NOTICE. The creditors of Gilbert Robertson & Co. and of Robertson & Brown, who have executed the Deed of Trust, and the creditors of Gilbert Robertson and James Brown insolvent debtors, are requested to exhibit their accounts to Alexander Van Patter without delay, as it is in- tended to make the first dividend of the estate on the twenti- eth day of June next. James M'Evans, Alex r Van Pfister, } Assignees. John Jones, jun. }
The creditors designated in the foregoing notice, residing in Norfolk, or whose accounts are against the firm of Robertson & Brown, are requested to exhibit the same to the subscribers. Theo. Armistead, James Taylor, } Assignees. Robert Dickson, }
Cambric Handkerchiefs and Cravats, For Sale by COCKE & SANFORD. May 25.
For SALE, 230 Barrels of PORK. Apply to Richard & John Taylor. May 25.
For SALE, 500 bbls. Corn, 40 do. sup. Flour, 29 do. fine do. 6 do. Ship Stuff; and a few hampers Double Glou- cester CHEESE. FRANCIS SMITH. May 25.
Valuable PROPERTY for Sale. One Lot of Land on Smith's Point, opposite Mr. Collins' house, containing 107 feet front, and 199 feet deep, bounded on the South by Butte street, North by York-street, and East by Dunmore-street. ALSO, The Water LOT, where the old ship Tom lies, containing about 200 feet on the front of the channel, and running back about 700 feet to Henry-street, agreeable to Moore's plan. Terms, 4, 8, and 12 months credit. Daniel R. Waddey, & Co. May 25.
Landing on Newton's wharf, from on board the sch'r Experiment, from Tobago, and for Sale by the Subscribers, 17 tierces Molasses, 1 hhd. Rum. AND IN STORE, 13 tierces prime Green Coffee, and 6 hogsheds prime Sugars. Wilson, Cunningham, & Co. May 20.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given) That commodious Fire-Proof WARE- HOUSE, on the North side of Wide Water-street, a few doors West of Commerce-street, at present in the occupancy of Mr. R. Gibson. David Patterson. January 16.
For SALE, 50,000 white oak hogsheds draw Staves 50,000 red do. 50,000 rough do. 20,000 Cypress Pales 2,000 Cedar and Chinquepin Posts 50,000 building Shingles. Proby, Harman & Co. March 2.
Spring and Summer GOODS. The Subscribers have received by the Ship Hunter, from London, their supply of Fancy and Fashionable GOODS, which they offer on reasonable terms for cash, or approved notes. Mackinder & White. May 1.
NEW STORE. KIDD AND OWEN, Have just received at their Store, No. 39, Main-street, by captain Walker, from Baltimore, a handsome collection Of Seasonable GOODS, Amongst which are A few pieces 7-4 wide black and blue superfine Cloths; 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen; 7-8 wide Cotton Cassimere; narrow do.; 6-4 wide Leno Shawls; 4-4 and 6-4 figured and plain Leno; Dimities; 4-4 wide pink coloured Ginghams; 6-4 wide pink plaid Muslin; Linen Cambricks; Calicoes; and a variety of other GOODS in their line, which being chosen out of the first spring arrivals in Baltimore, and purchased on the best terms, will be sold low for cash. April 29.
We want to Purchase, A few Shares of STOCK in the Vir- ginia Bank. Campbell & Wheeler. May 22.
LOST, On Sunday evening, either in Church or Bermuda street, a large Gold EAR-RING—The finder will be rewarded to its full value, on leaving it at the Office of the Publick Ledger. May 20.
For RENT, (and possession given immediately.) My WHARF and WARE-HOUSES, at present occupied by Mr. John Moore, and others—it is the best situation in the Borough for a Lumber Yard, and will be let low to a good tenant. Also to Lease, That convenient Lot of LAND, on Commerce and Little Water-Street. For terms apply to James Tucker. May 20.
For RENT, The Fire-Proof HOUSE on Market- Street, occupied by Mr. S. Marks, jun. possession to be had on the 1st June next. George Vashon. Feb. 23.
For Sale by the Subscriber, 5 hogsheds Loaf SUGAR, 42 boxes Window Glass 10 by 12, 83 pieces twilled Sacking. A. Maclure. April 27.
Wanted by the Subscribers, A quantity of OAK BARK, For which the following prices will be given in Cash, deli- vered at their Tan-Yard, For Spanish Oak Bark, $ 10 per cord, Willow or Water Oak, 9 Red Oak, 8 Young White Oak, 7 It is recommended to those who get Bark, to bring it in early in the season, for if kept out and exposed to heavy rains, it will not be received. William Plume, & Co. April 10.
I wish to purchase from 3 to 400 cords of Oak & Beach Bark, to be delivered at my Tan-Yard, for which cash will be paid at the usual prices. Complaints having been frequently made by persons who procure Bark, and are too careless to preserve it, that op- pressive deductions are made for that which may be damaged, thereby subjecting them to the alternative of carrying it home, where it is of no value, or of submitting to what they think an imposition. It is necessary to apprise them, that it is my determination to receive hereafter no Bark which may be in- jured at any deduction whatever. THEO. ARMISTEAD. April 15.
For Sale by the Subscriber at his Soap Manufactory, in Bank-Street, 150 Boxes of Mould CANDLES, warranted to answer the warmest climate, 4000 wt. of Brown SOAP, for family use, or can be put up in boxes on the shortest notice for exporta- tion, 100 Kegs of BUTTER, and a quantity of ROSIN—all of which will be sold low for cash or good paper. Henry M'Dowell. May 6.
John & Wright Southgate, Have received by the Hunter, from London, an assortment of GOODS, suited for the season. ALSO, A few patent and grand Piano FORTES. May 1.
For RENT, The Store and Dwelling-House, on Market-Square, at present occupied by Messrs. Quemper & Duon. Apply to William B. Lamb. WANTED, A few Shares Virginia Bank Stock. April 13.
Saddle and Harness Manufactory. The inhabitants of Norfolk, and the publick in general are respectfully informed, that ROBERT Y. M'BRIDE, & CO. have just commenced the SADDLING BUSINESS in this place, at No. 10, Church-street, where they intend carrying it on in all its variety; they make all kinds of Ladies' and Gentlemen's Saddles in the newest fashion; Coach and Gig Harness of all descriptions, with every other article in the Saddlery Business, and they take this opportunity of inform- ing the publick that their work will be executed in a style of neatness and utility, equal to any imported from London or any other place, and far superior to any thing of the kind ever done in Norfolk; their materials will be of the very best quality, and every attention paid to give satisfaction; from these considerations, and in the hope that the best work will always command the preference, they rely on the pub- lick for encouragement. Those who have been in the habit of importing, or sending to Richmond, Petersburg, &c. for Saddles and Harness, will now have an opportunity of being supplied in their own neighbourhood. May 13.
FOR SALE, 50,000 white oak hogsheds draw Staves 50,000 red do. 50,000 rough do. 20,000 Cypress Pales 2,000 Cedar and Chinquepin Posts 50,000 building Shingles. Proby, Harman & Co. March 2.
ICE. A constant supply of this article during the season is expected from Mr. Nivison's Ice-House, and will be sold at the customary price, in the cellar under Major Coleman's Shoe Store, opposite the market. Persons wishing to be daily customers, commencing with the season, (if a sufficient number be obtained) and supply- ing bags, will be furnished on moderate terms. Robert Wilson. May 22.
A WORK That ought to be in the possession of every MAN. THE LIFE OF GENERAL WASHINGTON, Complete in 5 volumes 8vo. with an elegant PORTRAIT, and a variety of Maps, is now ready for subscribers, and a few copies for Sale by JAMES TUCKER. The following remarks from a late London publication, at- test the high opinion entertained of this authentic and in- teresting work. "The publick will learn with interest that the literary mon- ument which has long been projected to the memory of the most illustrious character of modern times, is at length com- pleted. No apology can be requisite for erecting such a mon- ument to him, who was the first in war, the first in peace, and the first in the hearts of his fellow citizens: to him who was the founder of a great and prosperous empire, and whose moderation and pure patriotism challenge the imitation of all statesmen. This performance of judge Marshall has already been distinguished by the most honorable & unequivocal testi- monies; it has been hailed as an acquisition to standard lit- erature; and it has been considered as deserving, in point of execution, a place by the side of Robertson's Charles the Fifth, and as unrivalled in the authenticity of its materials, by any work in the entire compass of history and biography." April 1.
145,000 wt. prime COFFEE. We will commence landing the above quantity from on board the ship Rebecca, to-morrow; it is offered for sale on liberal terms, by C. & F. Whittle. April 13.
Just received from Philadelphia, 6 hogsheds of Rye WHISKEY, 1 pipe and 4 bbls. Country Gin, 8 boxes first quality Chocolate; 15 do. do. Mustard, 10 Kegs best Gun Powder: 14 doz. Wax and Grain Calfskins, 2 dozen Boot Legs; 500 lbs. Seal Leather, 50 pieces Russia Canvas; 50 do. Ravens Duck, Bar Iron and Castings—For Sale by John D. Haldane. April 27.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogsheds, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13.
EDUCATION. Notice is hereby given that the trus- tees of Margaret Academy, in the County of Accomack, have engaged Teachers and made the necessary arrangements to commence said School on the 8th day of June next.—In this Seminary will be taught the English, Latin, and Greek Languages, Geography and the Mathematics. The Teach- ers are graduates of Yale College, in Connecticut, and come highly recommended as gentlemen of learning and irreproach- able moral characters. The buildings are erected on an emi- nence which commands a fine prospect of Pungoteague river and the Chesapeake, and is supposed to be inferior, in point of health, to no situation on the Eastern-Shore. The Scho- lars who board in the School must find their own bedding, and also make an advance to the steward of Twenty-five Dol- lars. May 25.
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court, held at the former ca- pitol in the city of Williamsburg, the 28th day of April, 1807, Josiah Riddick, against Michael and John Wallace, and Barnet Pulliam, defts. The defendant, Barnet Pulliam, not hav- ing entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it ap- pearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an in- habitant of this country; on the motion of the plaintiff, by his counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith in- serted in one of the newspapers published in the borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A copy. Anthony Robinson, C. C. May 18.
For Rent or Lease, The HOUSE now in the occupancy of Messrs. Caton and Veale, fronting the Market; it contains an excellent Cellar, a Dry Good Store, and two Rooms be- low stairs, and three above; a Kitchen may be had with the house. Apply to Messrs. Caton & Veale, or to Robert Taylor. May 4.
NOTICE. The Street Commissioners will allow to all Craft from the rivers and shores of the bay, One Dollar per ton for every ton of good round paving Stone, which may be delivered upon their wharf in Norfolk, between this time and the 20th June next. May 11.
400 barrels Tar, 20,000 pipe Staves, 30,000 White Oak Hogsheds do. 50,000 Red do. do. 100 Barrels Flour—For Sale by L. Mansfield. Portsmouth, May 8.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
HERMITAGE & CLARET. We are landing from Bordeaux a few cases of each of very su- perior quality. C. & F. Whittle. April 27.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Price Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.