Lynchburg star (Lynchburg [Va.]), 1806-05-08 00:00:00

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No. XXVIII.]
THURSDAY, MAY 8.....1806.
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Latest News.
FOREIGN.
LONDON, Feb. 17. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—Mr. Secretary Fox was introduced between Lord Henry Petty and Mr. Whitebread, and took the oath, and then took his seat on the Treasury Bench.
Lord Henry Petty said he did not wish to do any thing that might be considered as taking the House by surprise; and he would therefore give notice, that to morrow he should move that the House do adjourn till Monday, and on Monday he should move for the joint account between Great Britain and Ireland.
Mr. Lee moved for a return of all the writs that have issued from the Court of King's Bench and Common Pleas in Ireland, for the last four years.—Ordered.
Act of Union with Ireland.
Mr. Alexander said, he rose for the purpose of asking for an explanation from a Right Hon. Gentleman opposite to him, relative to an expression which lately fell from him on the subject of the Union with Ireland. Such an opinion given by a person in his present situation had given rise to many conjectures, and considerable agitation in another part of the kingdom; and it was extremely important that the public mind should be satisfied as to whether any measure was likely to be hereafter adopted.
The Speaker said, the Hon. Member was wholly regular in making an allusion to any thing that passed in a former debate.—However, Gentlemen are at liberty to make any explanation they may think proper.
Mr. Secretary Fox said he was ready to give any explanation that should be required of him. That he thought the words he had used were very clearly understood.—There had been a motion before the house for paying certain honors to the Marquis Cornwallis, a member then took occasion to notice the share that noble person had taken in bringing about the Union, and he (Mr. Fox) in allusion to what has been said, gave that opinion as to the measure which he had ever entertained. But when, he said, he gave an opinion upon a thing which had already been done, he said nothing prospectively.—He knew very well it was not every bad measure that could be repealed. From what he had said it could not be inferred that he wanted the repeal of the measure, which he had always considered a bad one—and indeed every body must perceive, that of all measures, the repeal of which was not connected with the enacting of it, it was the Act of Union. It did not follow, from any thing he said, that the repeal of this Act was a thing which he should recommend.
Mr. Alexander said his object in alluding to this subject was to quiet the public mind, which had been in a state of considerable agitation.
Lord St. Vincent's intended command is, we understand, not to interfere either with Lord Keith or Lord Gardner. His Lordship, it is said, is to hoist the Union Flag at the main, with the same powers that were formerly exercised by Howe.
It is said that his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence will immediately hoist his flag as Admiral of the White, and take the command of the second division of the Channel Fleet, under the Earl of St. Vincent.
SALEM, April 10.
(We acknowledge our obligations to Mr. Thos. Williams, supercargo of the Schooner Eleanor, in 36 days from Nantz, arrived at Marblehead, for papers which he kindly favoured us.) By the help of the French papers from Marblehead, we have been able to obtain the following articles of information. In the Monitor of the 16th of February, are given translations of the diplomatic papers in the late alliance upon the continent of Europe. By the treaty of 11th April, 1805, at Petersburg, between Great Britain and Russia, a plan was formed for a general league, and to employ five hundred thousand troops against France. The motives which are offered, are to oblige an evacuation of Hanover, to secure the independence
of Holland and Switzerland, to restore Piedmont to Sardinia, to relieve Naples, and to obtain the evacuation of Italy by the French. In fine, to restore such an order of things, as the allied powers should judge sufficient, in the best manner to prevent future usurpations. One million and a quarter sterling is promised by the English for each hundred thousand of troops. A separate article extends the encouragement to Austria and Sweden. Another article provides that as the whole number might be raised, that four hundred thousand should be immediately raised, and another article providing for the Russians after they should leave their country. Another article declares that no intentions are to meddle with the internal affairs of any country or for conquest. Another provides to oppose all the allies of France. Another gives the promise of a million from the British to the first on the field. A secret article is then given, obliging Austria and Sweden to be in action in a limited time, and an additional article, that if the Russians did exceed the first number of troops promised, they should be entitled to an augmentation of pay. Another article provides respecting the design to announce hostilities. On the ninth of August provision was made for Austria, and Count Stadion pronounces 3 millions not sufficient, and reserves for future claims, and the court of Vienna, after explanations, subscribes to the treaty. On the 3d of December 1804, at Stockholm, the British court had promised to pay 60 thousand pounds to assist in the defence of Pomerania, upon the opening of it to the English, and Russia acceded to the treaty, on the 31st of August 1805, this treaty was renewed, and provision made for the defence of Pomerania, and the landing of the Russians in that country was stipulated, with articles providing for the subsidies and for the Hanoverian troops in Pomerania to be subject to the orders of the commander in chief. On the 3d of October, 1805, the Swedes agreed to furnish troops to unite with the allied powers against their common enemy. In this outline we have the negotiations upon which the late important events have been produced, which have so completely frustrated the designs of this memorable alliance.—In the North of Europe many opinions are indulged respecting the advantages which Prussia will derive from the present state of the continent. Some speculations assign him a very ample recompense for his inflexibility, and represent that the same spirit which professes to humble Naples to perdition, will enrich Prussia which has withheld all the policy of England and its allies. The forces of Prussia are to be increased, and the title of the elector of Westphalia is already mentioned. Bernstorff, the Minister of Denmark, was at Berlin the 4th of February, and the Minister of Bavaria had presented his new letter to the Prussian court. Count Munster had protested on the 3d of February, upon leaving Hanover, against the measures of Prussia, in virtue of the powers with which he was invested. The protest is in the French papers. The Prussian troops had left Bayreuth, Matternich, formerly from Vienna to Berlin, is to go to Russia, and the Austrian Minister at Bavaria, is to go to Berlin.—The Grand Duke Constantine passed through Konigsberg to Warsaw Russia, on the 29th January.
The attempt that has been made by some indiscreet individuals in the American Congress to carry through a violent law respecting the protection of American seamen, will probably be scouted by the sober and considerate. Such new ideas in legislation can hardly receive any countenance from those who know the real state of the question, and if there be any individuals on either side who cannot plead ignorance as an excuse for intemperance, it is the Americans themselves. It may be true that some individuals, who were born in America, have been impressed into our service; but, where does the blame lie? Is there a single American alive who does not know that every artifice is employed to naturalize as they call it, all the British seamen whom they can persuade to desert their own country? as if an American certificate could convert a born Briton into any thing but a Briton. If no act of a British tailor, in a British bottom, can give him an exemption from being called upon to fight the battles of his
country, will it ever be conceded to America, to suspend or interdict the power which Britain has over her native born children? No, no: If there be any real cause of complaint, it is on our side. Let America abandon the nefarious system which has led to the impressment of seamen from American bottoms. At least ninety nine out of every hundred seamen so impressed have been British born seamen, and against the one in a hundred that may have been taken by mistake, it would be easy to prove that a much greater number has been dishonorably screened and protected by false and forged certificates of American citizenship. The American government is well acquainted with those facts, and therefore we cannot believe will encourage and countenance violent and hasty proceedings. The whole of this important question, however, will probably soon come into discussion officially, between the two countries; and we have no doubt that, while on the one hand, prompt redress will be given for real injustice, not a jot will be yielded of those rights which this country has always asserted and exercised as just towards others, and essential to its own preservation.
London Paper.
PARIS, February 18.
This day the emperor accompanied by the arch chancellor, and minister for foreign affairs, inspected the imperial Lyceum.
When the prefect of the Seine and Oise, with the deputies from Versailles had an audience of the emperor, they supplicated his majesty to cast a favorable glance on a place once so flourishing. The emperor answered, that he had already given orders for restoring the chateau of Versailles to its former splendor, to accomplish which great sums were necessary, and that he wished to reside some time in the palace in the world.
At the grand military festival which was to be given on the 25th of May, and the following days, all the manufactures of the French Empire will be exhibited. The minister of the interior has written to all the prefects to forward specimens of the arts and manufactures in their respective departments, and has allotted 6,000 francs for defraying the expences of this part of the plan.
The emperor has demanded of the prefect of police a list of all the Swedes resident here, with a statement of the means of subsistence which they possess.
The electoral prince of Baden, who is to marry a niece of the Empress, resides here in the palace of the Tuileries.
Last Tuesday the Prussian cabinet minister was in the box of M. D. Talleyrand, at the opera, when the emperor was received in such a distinguished manner.
The Swedish coastal general, M. Signeul, has suddenly left this city.
ST. PETERSBURG Jan. 29.
Respecting the system of politics which our monarch has adopted, and the future line of conduct to be pursued, the most profound silence is to be observed; and they remain, of course, an impenetrable secret; but for want of external signs the most extravagant conjecture take their full scope. In the interim, every thing returns to the same state in which it existed before the war. Our armies retreating from Germany, approach the Russian frontiers, to occupy their former garrisons.
Berlin, Feb. 22.
The king and Queen, with the royal family, have proceeded to Potsdam to witness the arrival of the regiment of guards, which takes place this day. To-morrow the infantry of Mollendorf, the gen. d'armes, the battalions of grenadiers, and other troops will return hither.
M. Bock, a cabinet messenger, arrived here the day before yesterday from St. Peterborg. He is supposed to be the bearer of very important dispatches.
It has already been stated, that the regiments of the inspections of Berlin, Potsdam, Pomerania and the March, remain on the war footing; and that they have received orders, by effasette not to tell the horses employed to carry their baggage and tents. There remains in consequence on the war footing, a Prussian army of 100 squadrons and 20 battalions, without in-
cluding the inspection of Baren which is still ready to march.
PRINCE DOLGORUCKI.
The following letter from Prince Dolgorucki has been circulated on the continent. It affords a full and authentic explanation of the ruses de guerre which were practised on both sides at Hollabrunn. It now appears that even there the fraud originated with the French, and that it was not, as we were led to believe, an attempt on the part of the confederates to retaliate for the deception practised upon them to preserve the bridge at Vienna:
BRASSZ, Feb. 5.
"Having seen in No. 14 of the Hamburgh paper of the present year, a vindication of Count Noltiz's conduct at Hollabrunn, I feel it incumbent on me to point out its inaccuracy; for I cannot with patience behold any attempt to detract from the glory so well earned on that occasion by Prince Barrathion, and the five thousand Russians under his command.
"Count Noltiz, who commanded the Austrians and the advanced posts of the Prussian rear guard, withdrew himself and his troops in the midst of the engagement, in consequence of a message from the French General Sebastiana, informing him that as a separate peace was already concluded between France and Austria, he ought no longer to co-operate with the Russians.
"This separation enabled the French army to take quiet possession of the village of Schongraben, which lay about four hundred paces from their lines, and directly opposite the centre of the Prussian position.
"By this movement, the Russians, who were in the act of passing the river, were cut off from their communication with the French, and were in a state of great danger, from the superior force of the enemy. He was then in the act of passing the river, and was in a state of great danger, from the superior force of the enemy. He was then in the act of passing the river, and was in a state of great danger, from the superior force of the enemy.
"A summons from the Commander in chief of the French forces, Prince Barrathion would listen to no proposals, but, with the unanimous consent of all the Russians under him, declared that every man of them was prepared rather to perish, than to merit the censure of his Sovereign by any conduct that might tarnish the honor of his country.
"In order, however, to gain time, the conferences were protracted, with a view to cover the retreat of the army, and a determination to hazard any extremity rather than to surrender. In this state, things remained during twenty four hours. Prince Hohenzollern, who commanded the Austrian forces under General Kutusoff, was incensed, as every brave soldier must have been, at the conduct of General Noltiz, and sent an order to Colonel More to rejoin the Russian rear guard, and to support its operations. This was executed with the greatest bravery by the Austrians, who did not, however, cover the retreat more effectually than the Russian cavalry. As to gen. Noltiz, he remained some days at the French head quarters.
"I appeal to the facts of this battle to the testimony of himself. But the conduct of General Noltiz is well known to all the officers of the Austrian army. PETER. PRINCE Adjutant Gen Russian Majesty, vision of Lithuania several Orders."
We learn by private communications from Vienna, the falsehood of the rumours circulated in the French papers, respecting the ignominious dismissal of M. Cobenzel from the high office which he filled. So far from it, his resignation was voluntary; the permission, for it was repeatedly solicited before it was granted; and with his imperial majesty found himself obliged to yield to the wishes of that faithful and able servant; he did it with extreme reluctance, and with all the circumstances calculated to soften the impression it might have made. As a proof of his esteem, the emperor did him the honor of dining at his house in Moravia, on his way to take possession of his capital.

Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 23.
The two Houses of Congress brought their sitting to a close on Monday night at about eleven o'clock, when an adjournment took place to the first Monday in December. The sitting of Monday was continued from ten o'clock in the morning until eleven in the evening with only the intermission of one hour. Too much business was transacted to enable us to give a detail of it in this paper. The most important matters adopted were,
The passage of a bill for continuing until the end of the next session the Mediterranean fund, disconnected from the repeal of the salt tax, the Senate having adhered to their disagreement to the last object of the bill.
The passage of the naval peace establishment bill.
The passage of a bill for the temporary relief of Hamet Caramalli, allowing him 2,400 dollars.
The passage of the bill for the payment of all the witnesses summoned on the trial of Judge Chase—the House of Representatives having receded from their amendment.
The indefinite postponement of the report of the committee of enquiry on the official conduct of Gideon Granger, Post Master General.
But that business, which excited more attention, mingled with, perhaps, becoming warmth, was the presentation by Mr. Quincy of two memorials, one from Samuel G. Ogden, the other from William Smith, of the city of New York.
The memorials are very long, and give a minute detail of the circumstances alleged to have attended the execution of Miranda; acknowledge the participation of the memorialists in the enterprise; and declare it to have been their impression that the expedition was countenanced by the implied sanction of the President and Secretary of State. The memorialists further complain of the unjust and illegal proceedings of the circuit court of New York. The memorials are couched in language uncommonly acrimonious, and ascribe to the public agents unworthy and impure motives.
After the reading of these memorials an interesting debate ensued, whose length forbids its insertion in this day's paper. We shall only, at present, attempt a brief sketch, reserving its full detail for a future paper.
Mr. Lyon reproached the style and contents of the petition, and moved that the petitioners should have leave to withdraw their petition.
Mr. Williams, of New York, insisted in terms of strong indignation, against the nature and tendency of the attempt. He pronounced it unprecedented, while a prosecution was coram judice , for the accused to come forward, and attempt to wrest their case from a legal tribunal; declared his total disbelief of the charges criminating the executive, and spoke with the greatest emphasis of the effort of men thus situated to disseminate suspicion with regard to the motives of the executive government, and said it was ridiculous to imagine that any legislative enquiry could be made on the very last day of the session.
Mr. Quincy rose to explain. He said he deemed it his duty to present the memorials, disclaimed all intention to exert a censure on the administration; but he thought, considering the facts alleged by the memorialists, it was proper to make an enquiry; and added that from circumstances known to gentlemen on the floor, the executive had been advised of the sitting out of the Leander time enough to have prevented her sailing.
Mr. Quincy was followed by Messrs. Smilie, and Rhea of Tennessee, who delivered opinions nearly the same with those of Mr. Williams.
Mr. Jackson then rose, and pronounced the memorials a tissue of falsehoods and calumnies basely intended to defame the government, and denied that the executive had possessed the information stated by Mr. Quincy.
After a few remarks from Messrs. Mumford, Masters, and Bidwell, Mr. Early offered the following resolution.
Resolved, That the charges contained in the memorials of S. G. Ogden and William Smith are, in the opinion of this House, unsupported by any evidence which in the least degree criminate the executive government of this country; that the said memorials are calculated to excite unjust suspicions in the minds of the good people of this nation against the existing administration of the general government—and that it would be highly improper in this House to take any step which might influence or prejudice a cause now depending in a legal tribunal.
nal of the U. S.—therefore, Resolved, that all memorials be by the Clerk of this House returned to those from whom they came.
Mr. Clark required the previous question, which was taken by Yeas and Nays, as follows: "Shall the main question be now put?"—Yeas 74—Nays 35.
The question was then taken by Yeas and Nays on the several members of the resolution as divided by paragraphs.
On agreeing to the 1st member, the Yeas were 75—Nays 22—Yeas 70—Nays 13. 2d—Yeas 84—No Nays. 3d—Yeas 71—Nays 14.
We shall not refrain from expressing our satisfaction at the completely abortive issue of this miserable attempt, viewed either relatively to time or substance, to impair the confidence of the people in the purity of the motives and the fairness of the conduct of the Executive, and particularly of the President and Secretary of State. The object was undoubtedly to sow suspicion, to scatter misrepresentation, to cast a cloud over the fair fame of men whose names and services have become identified with republican principles. But the poison has been met by its antidote, and the blow menaced at them has recoiled with double, with overwhelming force on the heads of its authors. The attempt has extorted from the Representatives of the people a vote of confidence, almost unparalleled in the annals of legislative bodies—a vote of seventy to thirteen .
A LIST OF ACTS passed at the first session of the NINTH CONGRESS.
1 An act making an additional appropriation for the naval service, during the year one thousand eight hundred and five.
2 An act supplementary to the act making provision for the payment of claims of citizens of the United States on the government of France, the payment of which has been assumed by the United States, by virtue of the convention of the thirtieth April, one thousand eight hundred and three, between the United States and the French republic.
3 An act to provide for light-houses in Long Island Sound, and to declare Roxbury, in the state of Massachusetts, to be a port of delivery.
4 An act making an additional appropriation to supply the deficiency in the appropriation for the naval service, during the year one thousand eight hundred and five.
5 An act making provision for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the U. S. and foreign nations.
6 An act making a further appropriation for the support of the library.
7 An act for the relief of the governor, secretary, and judges, of the late territory of the United States, northwest of the river Ohio.
8 An act to repeal, in part, the fourth section of an act, intitled "An act to authorise a grant of lands to the French inhabitants of Gallipolis, and for other purposes therein mentioned."
9 An act authorising the sale of a tract of land in the town of Cincinnati, and state of Ohio.
10 An act to suspend commercial intercourse between the United States, and certain parts of the island of St. Domingo.
11 An act extending the powers of the surveyor general to the territory of Louisiana, and for other purposes.
12 An act for altering the time for holding the circuit court in the district of North Carolina, and for abolishing the July term of the Kentucky district court.
13 An act declaring the consent of Congress to an act of the state of Pennsylvania, intitled "An act to empower the board of wardens for the port of Philadelphia to collect a certain duty on tonnage, for the purposes therein mentioned."
14 An act to extend jurisdiction in certain cases to state judges and state courts.
15 An act declaring the town of Jersey, in the state of New Jersey, to be a port of delivery, and for erecting a light house on Wood island, or Fletcher's Neck, in the state of Massachusetts.
16 An act to regulate the laying out and making a road from Cumberland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio.
17 An act to incorporate the trustees of the Presbyterian congregation of George town, and for other purposes.
18 An act declaring the consent of Congress to an act of the state of South Carolina, passed on the 21st day of December, in the year 1802, so far as the same relates to authorising the city council of Charleston, to impose and collect a duty on the tonnage of vessels from foreign ports.
19 An act for the relief of Peter Landais.
20. An act relating to bounties given by marshals.
21. An inrolled resolve expressive of the sense entertained by Congress, of the distinguished and benevolent attentions manifested by his Danish majesty's consular residing at Tripoli, to captain Bainbridge, his officers and crew, during their captivity in Tripoli.
22. An act for establishing rules & articles for the government of the armies of the U. States.
23. An act to provide for persons who were disabled by known wounds received in the revolutionary war.
24. An act to regulate and fix the compensation of the officers of the Senate and House of Representatives.
25. An act directing the secretary of the treasury, to cause the coast of N. Carolina, between cape Hatteras and cape Fear, to be surveyed.
26. An act regulating the currency of foreign coins in the United States.
27. An act to authorise the secretary of war to issue land warrants, and for other purposes.
28. An act for the relief of Gilbert C. Russell.
29. An act to suspend the sale of certain lands in the state of Ohio, and the Indiana territory.
30. An act authorising a detachment from the militia of the United States.
31. An act making appropriations for the support of government for the year one thousand eight hundred and six.
32. An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchandise.
33. An act making appropriations for the support of the military establishment of the U. States, for the year one thousand eight hundred and six.
34. An act supplementary to the act, intitled "An act to extend jurisdiction in certain cases to the territorial courts."
35. An act supplementary to the act for the payment of claims of citizens of the United States, on the government of France.
36. An act to authorise the state of Tennessee to issue grants and perfect titles to certain lands therein described, and to settle the claims to the vacant and unappropriated lands within the same.
37. An act to repeal so much of any act or acts as authorise the receipt of evidences of the public debt in payment for lands of the United States & for other purposes relative to the public debt.
38. An act for establishing trading houses with the Indian tribes.
39. An act making appropriations for carrying into effect certain Indian treaties.
40. An act making appropriations for the support of the navy of the United States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and six.
41. An act for erecting certain light houses in the state of Massachusetts; for building a beacon or pier at Bridgeport, in the state of Connecticut, and for fixing buoys in Pamlico sound, in the state of North Carolina.
42. An act making a further appropriation towards completing the fourth wing of the capitol, at the city of Washington.
43. An act further to alter and establish certain post roads, and for other purposes.
44. An act to regulate and fix the compensation of clerks, and for other purposes.
45. An act to provide for the adjustment of titles of lands in the town of Detroit and territory of Michigan, and for other purposes.
46. An act making provision for the compensation of witnesses who attended the trial of the impeachment of Samuel Chase.
47. An act supplementary to the act, intitled "An act for ascertaining and adjusting the titles and claims to land within the territory of Orleans and the district of Louisiana."
48. An act for fortifying the ports and harbours of the United States, and for building gun boats.
49. An act to amend in the cases therein mentioned, the "Act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage."
50. An act in addition to an act, intitled "An act regulating the grants of land and providing for the disposal of the lands of the United States, south of the state of Tennessee."
51. An act regulating the claims to land in the Indiana territory and state of Ohio.
52. An act in addition to an act supplementary to an act providing for a naval peace establishment.
ANY person, having in possession my 3d and 4th Vols. of Moore's Tour through Italy, will please to return them immediately.
CHARLES HOYLE junr. 1st April, 1806.
LYNCHBURG.
THURSDAY, MAY 8, 1806.
Delegates elected to the next General Assembly.
J. Goodwin, Dinwiddie.
T. B. Robertson, William Lindsay, James W. Murdaugh, Garret, John Bowe, Bathurst Jones, Thomas Miller, Wm. R. Fleming, Isaac Coles, Sandford, George Summers, James H. Blair, William Tazewell, Peyton Southall, Wm. Lightfoot, Robert Greenhow, John H. Smith, Henry Gaines, S. C. Roszel, Burr Powell, Peter Johnston, John Purnall, Prince-Edward.
"TICKLEPITCHER" is under consideration.
"CRITO" shall appear in our next.
It is altogether impossible that Mr. Fox, the present British prime minister can retain his place, and his principles. One or the other must sink. His principles, we fear, will be sacrificed. A rigid practical adherence to Mr. Fox's former professions would beget instant revolution. As a profound peace would, in less time than five years, subvert the British government Mr. F. if he retain his place, will be obliged to adopt, in a less sanguinary manner perhaps, Pitt's war measures.
It yet remains to be determined how the execration inseparable from apostasy will act on Mr. Fox, or whether true to his honor, his fame, and his principles, he will attempt the regeneration of his country, or deeming the project impracticable, retire, hopeless of success.
SKETCHES OF THE HISTORY OF FRANCE. FROM THE EARLIEST HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS, TO THE PRESENT TIME 1806, WITH SOME REMARKS CONCERNING THE LIFE AND ATCHIEVEMENTS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, NOW EMPEROR OF FRANCE.
This is the title of the Pamphlet noticed in our last, and from which we propose to make such extracts, from time to time, as may subserve our purpose.
The work consists of two parts subdivided into chapters. It is remarkable throughout for method and brevity. The first chapter is a synoptical sketch of French events from Brennus to Hugh Capet, during a period of about 1036 years, and such as might be expected from the pen of an accurate, classical, and historical scholar.
The second chapter embraces events from Hugh Capet to Louis XI.
Our author's account of the Capets or Bourbon family, with the four French dynasties is extracted from this chapter, & cannot but be acceptable to the reader.
Duke Hugh, or Hugh Capet, the ancestor of the Bourbons, and founder of the new dynasty, usurped the sovereignty of France, and expelled the Carolingian race in the year of the Christian Era 987 It does not appear that Hugh pursued the ancient practice of submitting his pretensions to the great council of the nation—though he afterwards found it necessary to obtain the confirmation of his title by that means. From this usurper have descended the entire race of kings and princes who have swayed the sceptre of France until the abdication of Louis XVI in 1792, which was soon succeeded by his execution. And although there were wars, assassinations, usurpations, plots, and conspiracies, with and against each other, with but few examples, and without number, during the events just mentioned, the sovereign power always remained in that family.
Thus it appears, that France, after it was dismembered from the old Roman Empire and had become an independent nation was governed by four different family dynasties, to wit:
1 By Pharamond who conquered and established the kingdom, & his son Clodian
2 By Merovius who supplanted the sons of Clodian, and was the founder of the Merovingian race.
3 By duke Pepin, son of Charles Martel, who supplanted the Merovingian and founded the Carolingian succession.
4 By duke Hugh, or Hugh Capet, who usurped the sovereign power, and established the Capetian race, which ended with the death of Louis XVI. in the year 1792.
The following exhibits a true picture of the perfidy, war, massacre, usurpation, cruelty, and rapine, practised in both England and France in part of the tenth and eleventh centuries.
"England as well as France and the other southern parts of Europe had been overrun and conquered by northern adventurers. First the Saxons, and then the Danes had established themselves, and governed England under a long succession of kings. Edward the confessor, the last of the Saxon race, dying without issue, bequeathed the sovereignty to William, Duke of Normandy, an independent province of France. But before William had an opportunity of claiming the succession, duke Harold an English nobleman of considerable influence and opulence, with great artifice and address prevailed upon the nation to acknowledge him as their sovereign. During the short course of this unfortunate prince he gave many proofs of his merits. William, however prepared to enforce his claims by the sword: He collected an army of adventurers from all parts of Europe, and shortly after the accession of Harold, landed on the coast of Sussex, in England, at the head of sixty thousand men, inured to war, and anxious for plunder. This army was met and opposed by Harold at Hastings. A general engagement ensued at that place in September 1066. Each of the rival competitors fought in person. Harold, after having performed prodigies of valor, received a mortal wound, and expired on the field of battle. This event gave to William a complete victory. The English everywhere submitted to the victor, who immediately obtained the sovereignty; and from this great event, in the History of England is called William the Conqueror, though, in reality, he had only succeeded against the pretensions of Harold. After William had thus obtained the sovereignty of England, he made that country the place of his residence; so that instead of making England a province of his continental dominions, he made Normandy a province of England; and the English experienced no other change or difference, than such as would naturally exist between the mild and beneficent policy and reign of Harold, and the tyrannical ferociousness of William. Nor is it likely that they would have fared much better, even if Harold had not opposed his pretensions. When the difference of character between these two competitors is considered even after the revolution of so many centuries, we are tempted to drop the tear of condolence and commiseration over the ill fated Harold. For although the English were not conquered by the victory over Harold at Hastings, yet William, after he was firmly established on the throne, treated his English subjects with unexampled tyranny. From William, have descended all those who have since swayed the English sceptre, except Oliver Cromwell. The History of England for many centuries, exhibits a tissue of plots, assassinations, parricides, and rebellions, among the descendants of William not inferior to those which have been noticed among the Capetian race; so that even if the original titles by which these families obtained the sovereignty were without blemish, the conduct of the Royal families towards each other, as well as towards the rest of the nation, upon many occasions, was such, as to forfeit their rights and pretensions. William the Conqueror was the descendant of duke Rollo, an enterprising Danish Marauder, who having collected a number of adventurers on the shores of the Baltic, of different nations and tribes made a descent upon Normandy, one of the provinces of France, and compelled the king of France to cede that important province to him and his heirs, to be held in fealty, as the other provinces of France were then held, by other petty and subordinate chieftains; so that the achievement of William in England, was an event similar to that, by which his ancestor Rollo had acquired the Duchy of Normandy. After the battle of Hastings, France became so much connected with England by wars, alliances, marriages, and other intercourse, that it is impossible to understand the history of either of these countries without reading that of the other. The hereditary hatred which had arisen from repeated wars and jealousies, aided by local situation, has been kept alive to this day. They have been ever since considered as rival nations, and each has sought every opportunity to inflict an injury on the other, with as much avidity, as to obtain a benefit for itself. This malignant spirit seems indeed to have increased with time, and while all Europe acknowledges the powers and rights of civilization, while these nations in particular, hold the first rank in all useful and ornamental improvements, they disgrace themselves and the human character by an implacable hostility. After the usurpation of Hugh Capet and the establishment of that family on the throne of France, the whole country for a long time exhibited a picture of rapine, war, oppression, and desolation, and it is indeed astonishing that the nation did not sink into the most deplorable barbarism. It neither comports with the design of these sketches, nor will it entertain a benevolent mind to contemplate details which cannot fail to shock a reader of sensibility. The difference between what France was, and now is, is too wide for comparison. Very little change appears to have taken place during a long course of time in any of the important objects of civilization. Commerce, agriculture, arts, sciences, and literature, were either neglected or languished. The whole nation was bent down and oppressed by religious enthusiasm, military tyranny, or petty despotisms; and although, every year, nay, almost every day produced some new events of horror, still similar scenes were repeated. The President of the United States has nominated, and the Senate unanimously advised and consented thereto: JAMES MUNROE, now Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of London, and WILLIAM PINCKNEY, of Maryland, to be Commissioners Plenipotentiary and Extraordinary for settling all matters of difference between the United States and the united kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland relative to wrongs committed between the parties on the high seas or other waters, and for establishing the principles of navigation and commerce between them."

To the Freeholders of the Congressional District composed of the Counties of Halifax, Pittsylvania, & Campbell.
FELLOW CITIZENS,
IT is a well known fact, that a schism has taken place among the republicans, and it is a circumstance seriously alarming; it tends to invigorate the declining spirit of federalism, and is a prognostic of their future elevation. Under the delusive and agreeable found of moderation, a third party, called tertium quids , has arisen; and when they use the term, they mean it as a go-between to both parties, as a token of admission to both; not because their object is political happiness, but to receive the favor and caresses of both parties. The found of moderation is happily adapted to win the feelings, and increase the number of its advocates. Fellow citizens, I trust your vigilance is not to be eluded by such stale pretensions and false principles. In advocating political orthodoxy, let the faithful tongue pronounce the honest feelings of the soul; not in terms of ambiguity, but in unvarnished, full-toned words. Firmness and decision, are certainly considered the best pillars to political faith, and unless we prove this, how is it possible for us to commit the safety of our rights and liberties to men, who shrink from a manly support of our cause, and screen themselves under the garb of moderation.
I have no doubt, but that the public mind has been considerably agitated, and their curiosity very much excited, to know, what has been the result of the frequent private sittings of Congress. Early in the present session several confidential messages were received from the President of the United States, with some confidential documents, and some other papers which have been published, relative to our affairs with Spain. These several papers were acted on by the House, in a committee of the whole; the result was, three several resolutions: one for raising a number of troops, which was finally rejected; one for appropriating two millions of dollars, towards purchasing the two Floridas, which passed into a law; and one expressive of an acquiescence in this House, to settle our disputed limits with Spain, by an exchange of territory. Those resolutions were discussed for several days, with great vehemence. The first resolution was rejected, by a considerable majority: the reasons for a rejection, were, because, no apparent cause existed to justify the nation in a war. The other two resolutions gave a discretionary power to the executive, either to give money, or an exchange of lands, for the two Floridas. As to the proper time for removing the injunction of secrecy, there appeared a difference of opinion; the reasons are obvious: it was not necessary to conceal the proceedings of Congress from the people of the United States, but from foreign nations, with whom we had a pending negotiation; and the question was, whether a full disclosure at this time might not prove injurious to our foreign relations; and it is well if it does not; however, two days after the vessel sailed with the dispatches to our ministers in Europe, the injunction of secrecy was removed, in part; that is to say, our proceedings were made public.
A number of private and local acts have been passed in the course of the present session; such as do not immediately concern the people of the district I have the honor to represent. The following list contains such as are deemed of a general public nature, viz.
An act making provision for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations. This act furnishes the executive with two millions of dollars, towards purchasing the two Floridas.
An act to suspend commercial intercourse between the United States and certain parts of the island of St. Domingo, meaning such parts of the island, as are in the possession of the revolted blacks.
An act to provide for persons who were disabled by known wounds received in the revolutionary war. This act places on the pension list, such persons as are not already provided for, by the United States, nor any individual state; it also admits of an increase of pension in certain cases.
An act regulating the currency of foreign coins in the United States. This act makes foreign gold and silver coins a tender by weight.
An act authorizing a detachment from the militia. This act gives the executive power to call out one hundred thousand militia, if occasion shall require.
An act to prohibit the importation of British goods, wares, and merchandise. This act is bottomed upon Mr. Nicholson's resolutions; and prohibits, after the 15th November next, certain goods, wares, and merchandise, being of the growth, or manufacture of Great Britain, or its dependencies, viz. All articles of which leather, silk, hemp, and flax, is the material of chief value; all articles of which tin or brass is the material of chief value, tin in sheets excepted; woollen cloths, whose invoice prices shall exceed five shillings sterling per square yard; woollen hosiery of all kinds; window glass, and all other manufactures of glass; silver and plated ware; paper of every description; nails and spikes; playing cards; beer, ale and porter; pictures and prints. This is done with a view to coerce Great Britain, and it is hoped will reduce her to a spirit of accommodation; it will most sensibly affect her dearest interest, and is the lesser evil of the two, (meaning war as the other) and only alternative.
A bill has passed the house of Delegates, and is now before the Senate, repealing the duties on salt, and is to take effect from the first day of October next.
The estimated price of exports for one year prior to the first day of October, 1805, was ninety-five millions five hundred and sixty six thousand and twenty dollars; forty-two millions three hundred and eighty seven thousand and two dollars of which were of American production; the balance were of foreign production. Were exported in the same year, seventy-one thousand two hundred and fifty-two hogheads of tobacco, estimated at the value of about six millions of dollars. Cotton exported in the same year was estimated at about seven millions of dollars. The exports of wheat and flour for the same year were much less than several former years, owing to the abundant crops made in Europe the last year.
The receipts at the treasury for the last year, exceeded any former year; it therefore results that no change is necessary in our fiscal arrangements to increase the revenue.
About eighteen or twenty million of dollars of the national debt has been paid since the commencement of the present administration, which has reduced it down to about seventy two millions. From the great increase of revenue, arising from the import and tonnage, and the rapid sales of the public lands, we have every reason to hope a speedy extinguishment of the whole public debt, which is to me a most desirable object.
Several Indian treaties have been made since the last session of Congress, by which large tracts of country have been acquired by the government of the United States.
The Tunisian ambassador at this place, has made an application to the executive for naval stores, to be sent to the Bey, his master, in order to secure a peace with that power for three years, accompanied with a threat of war if refused; it has been refused, and the ambassador is about to depart without receiving from him his threat or demand.
I have heard many complaints against the present executive, none of which, in my opinion, deserve serious notice, (one excepted). I hold it incompatible to a republican form of government, to heap offices on any one man, or set of men. I speak with confidence when I say it is repugnant to the spirit of a republican government to unite a plurality of offices in the person of a single individual: no person ought to hold more than one office of profit at the same time; it tends to the introduction of an arbitrary government; it has ever been considered as the first and leading feature of monarchy.
Fellow citizens, government is instituted by social compact, for the common good, benefit and protection of all, and not for the interest of a single man, family, or class of men; therefore, the people have an incontestible right to alter, reform, or totally change the same, when their safety, protection, and happiness require it: the foundation of all free governments is, that the people have a right to participate in the legislature; this is the best security of liberty, and for this purpose elections ought to be free and frequent. Every white free man having property in a common interest with, and an attachment to the community, ought to have a right of suffrage. It is not fair that a part of the community should be compelled to pay taxes, to support a government, and bear arms to defend it, when they have no part, nor lot, in the making of the laws; for this cause, therefore, I ever have been, and now am decidedly in favour of calling a convention, and do most earnestly recommend it to the people, to remonstrate to the next general assembly to that effect.
Accept the assurance of the high respect of your Fellow Citizens, Matthew Clay. CONGRESS HALL, April 18, 1806.
The following paragraphs are taken from the New Orleans Gazette of the 15th inst. It is reported and believed, that a vessel bound to Fort Stoddart, with provisions for our troops, has been brought to at the town of Mobile, and is not permitted to proceed on her voyage. It is considered like this be permitted in, it is hoped that some efficient means will be adopted to obtain a free navigation of the waters of the Mobile. Such navigation is essential to the welfare of our settlements on the Tombigbey, and it is presumed, that a suspension of it will not be submitted to by the American government.
Just as our paper was going to press, we received information that one of the carriers of the mail of the United States had returned to this city, and that he reports, that he was not permitted to pass the town of Mobile with the mail. He further states that Governor Folk informed him, that for the future the mail of the United States would not be permitted to pass either by land or water, through the dominions of the King of Spain.
BREST FLEET TAKEN. It will be observed, by our correspondent's letter (given below) that the French Brest Fleet is reported to have been captured. What adds to the probability of this is the information from Cadiz contained in the same letter. Phil. Pa.
HARTFORD, April 10.
Liberty of the Press Subverted. The editor and printer of the WITNESS have been the second time, for the same offence (being what is termed a libel on Julius Deming, esq.) bro't before the court and fined 100 dollars, each, to pay costs of prosecution, and to give bonds with security of 500 dol.
each, to keep the peace and be of good behavior to all the citizens of this state. They were imprisoned on Thursday at terroon of last week.
The public are well acquainted with the unremitted exertions of federalists in Litchfield county, to elect exclusively federal jrymen, and to prostitute courts and juries, the palladiums of our liberties, to party purposes. Within the last year gen. HART, the Republican candidate for governor, has been brought before such juries on Litchfield Hill. By such juries the editor of the MERCURY has been subjected to a penalty of 1000 dollars, for publishing what republicans believed to be true, but what a federal jury thus selected decided to be a libel against Dan. Huntington.
Messrs. Osborn and Ahlrey, for publishing in the Witness what they and other candid men believed to be an accurate statement of gen. HART's trial, have been condemned for a libel on the court, and it remains for the court, a party, to pass the final sentence, whether the editor and printer are to be fined, imprisoned or banished! A suit is now depending against Messrs. Osborn & Ahlrey, for a libel on Tom. Collier, who has printed more abuse and gross calumny than any other printer in the state (the printers of the Connecticut Courant excepted.) To complete the list of proceedings, tending finally to subvert and annihilate the freedom of the Press, they are fined and imprisoned for publishing that Julius Deming, esq. went across the meeting house, and reminded a Republican that he owed him a note, with a view to influence his vote.
If there remains among the Republicans of Connecticut, that ardent attachment to principles, and that sacred and inviolable regard for the liberty of the Press, they have avowed, the unprecedented conduct of the federalists in prosecuting printers, and stripping them of their property and liberty, will arouse them from their lethargy, and prompt them to act like men and freemen. Moderate & candid federalists, who are not prepared to follow a party heading to ruin, will look forward with horror to a final destruction of their rights and the liberties of their children, and no longer prostitute the privileges of freemen to support candidates for office, who are thus aiming a mortal blow at the Liberty of the Press, the grand Palladium of our Rights.
From Philadelphia, April 8. The ship Bingham, capt. Williamson, arrived at this port yesterday from Canton. On its homeward bound passage, off the Cape of Good Hope, the Bingham was boarded by the British ship Reasonable of 64 guns, by which one of the Bingham's crew was impressed.
On the 22d March, in lat. 25, long. 65, the Bingham was boarded by the British frigate Cleopatra, capt. White, by whom captain Williamson was informed that a French squadron, under admiral Gantheaume, had captured the outward bound China fleet, from England.
The capt. of the Cleopatra also informed capt. Williamson, that he had boarded Miranda's vessel, the Leander, on her passage from N. York, detained her 24 hours, and impressed 20 of her men.
HYMNS.
Just published and for sale at the Star Office, (Price, Twenty Five Cents.) A choice selection of Hymns.
This first part, contains the newest and so much admired Spiritual Songs, practised with such beneficial effects, during the late Camp, and other Meetings, in the counties of Amherst, and Bedford, and in the vicinity of Lynchburg.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE public are hereby informed that B. ESSEX,
From Fredericksburg, just arrived at this town, has taken a tenement in the house at present occupied by Mr. THOMAS WIATT, where he has commenced, and purposes carrying on the TAILOR'S BUSINESS.
He makes Gentlemen's clothes in the different modes, with neatness and dispatch, and is acquainted with the latest modes in use. He also makes Ladies' Great Coats, Pelisses, Spencers, &c., in different fashions, and in the neatest manner. From his knowledge of, and attention to the above business, he hopes to be encouraged therein by the citizens of this Town and its vicinity. Lynchburg, May 6, 1806.
CHASE'S TRIAL OF SAMUEL CHASE.
An ASSOCIATE JUSTICE of the Supreme Court of the United States, IMPEACHED By the House of Representatives, for HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS, before the Senate of the United States.
Taken in short hand By SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS LLOYD.
In two large Octavo Volumes—in Boards, price—to subscribers four dollars and a half—and to non-subscribers five dollars.
A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this than the Editor contemplated. It has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the public at an earlier period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the Managers and Council. The publication might long since have been made in a less perfect dress; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be a precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the public with the expectation of the Editor that it will be considered as meriting the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised, and inserted at length, in connection with whatever else formed a part of the trial.
Editors of other prints will confer a benefit by inserting this advertisement a few times in their papers. Federal City, March 24, 1806.
RAN away from the subscriber in Pennsylvania County, on Monday the 21st of April last, a black young NEGRO MAN named DICK, who I bought of a Mr. Harden last summer, he says he was raised in Orange County, he is low well set, black, sensible, and artful—had on when he left me no other clothing but an ozanburg shirt, and Virginia cloth-pantaloons.—Any person who will apprehend and bring, or contrive said negro to me, shall be handsomely compensated for their trouble, &c.
ARMISTEAD SHELTON. May 2d 1806
RAN away from the subscriber living in Campbell County on Otter river, on Sunday night last, a NEGRO MAN by the name of JAMES, and a Girl named SALLEY, the man about thirty-five or forty years of age, of low stature, has a scar over his right eye, bald headed.—The girl thirteen or fourteen years of age, yellow complexion. It is likely he has a pass—any person that will deliver them to me, or Thomas Jones near Lynchburg, or secure them so that I get them again shall be handsomely rewarded. WIAT ARNOLD. April 29,—1806.
10 Dollars Reward
WILL be given to any person who will deliver me my POCKET BOOK containing a bond for 520 dollars, due 8th September next, from Burris's Griffin for Thomas Jefferson to Vernon Metcalf and assigned to the subscriber; also a bond from William Laine (waggoneer) for seventeen pounds sixteen shillings and six pence to Dillard and Cabell, and one other bond from Richard Herndon to Elisha Edwards of Kentucky, due the 1st day of March 1807,—with some other papers not recollected.
Said pocket book was lost on Easter Monday last, on the road (it is expected) from Jacob Wood's Mill in the county of Amherst to Mr. Seaton M. Penns of said County.
The obligors in the bonds above mentioned, are hereby requested, to guard against any fraud which the holder of the above pocket book may attempt to practise, to withhold payment until applied to by the subscriber. WILLIAM PENN. Amherst Ct. House, 27th April, 1806.
Reward
THE Subscriber on February last, a NEGRO HARRY. (commonly called HARRY) (a comeweod's or Jones's reward) will be given to any person that will deliver said Negro Man to me in Bedford County, or a generous reward to any person that will deliver him to jail so that I get him. The said negro has for many years been employed as a waterman on James River.
THOMAS ANDERSON. Bedford, April 23.. 1806.
NOTICE, It is hereby given, that on the tenth day of June in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and six, will be exposed to public sale on general premises, in Bedford county, following Lands, Mills, and Slaves, to wit:
ONE TRACT OF LAND,
about two hundred and twenty three acres purchased by Joseph Nichols from L. Woodward,—ALSO— One hundred acres of land, lying near the Ivy Mills, conveyed by Jos. Poindexter of said county to Joseph Nichols by Deed bearing date 23d, July, 1803, and also on the same day on the premises, will be exposed to like sale the Ivy Mills and one acre of land, on which the same are built, in said county, by said Poindexter to said Nichols by Deed bearing date the day and year last aforesaid also on the same day at the said Ivy Mills will be exposed to like sale the following Slaves, to wit: Cesar, Isaac, Clay, Jude, Milly, & Rachael, the property of Joseph Nichols, and by him conveyed to the subscriber by Deed bearing date the 23d day of July, 1803, to secure the payment of sundry Bonds executed to said Joseph Poindexter, as the same shall become due and payable and more particularly described in said Deed, or so much of the same as shall be necessary to raise the sum of four hundred and fifty-four pounds, thirteen shillings and ten pence, with interest and the costs of sale, &c. The sale to begin at 10 o'clock, at the Ivy Mills, and to continue according to the provisions of said Deed, until so much of said lands and slaves shall be sold as shall amount monies aforesaid.
THOMAS WIATT, Trustee. October 20th, 1805. 400 Dollars Reward.
THE above reward of 400 dollars is hereby offered for the detection and prosecution to conviction of the Villain or Villains who, on Saturday night last, set fire to the house of Dr. Waddy Tate, on the back street in the town of Lynchburg, now occupied by Paxton & Houton Cabinet Makers.
On behalf of the citizens of Lynchburg and in pursuance of their subscription, JOHN WIATT, Mayor. April 9, 1806.
At a Court continued and held for Amherst County the day of March, 1806.
Dennett Witt, Plff. AGAINST James M'Clain & Robert Shields, Adms. of John Shields, dec. Defts. IN Chancery.
THE defendant James M'Clain, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the third Monday in August next and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Lynchburg Star for eight weeks successively, and posted up at the front door of the Court-house of this county on some court-day. A Copy—Teste, S. GARLAND, D. C. A. C.
A Gold Watch Lost.
LOST on Thursday, the 11th of July, in the Town of Carter'sville, an
ELEGANT GOLD WATCH, half capped and jewelled; horizontally constructed; Makers name, MAR-GETTS, London, No. 1. Gold chain, key, and Cornelian seal, set in gold. Whoever will deliver the said Watch, &c. to Mr. Samuel Irvine, of Lynchburg, or Mr. Edmund W. Robbes, of Richmond, or to the subscriber, in Amherst, shall receive thirty dollars reward. ALEXANDER B. ROSE. September 23, 1805.

Mr. CLARK. My duty, prevailing over my inclination, compels me, Mr. Chairman, to offer a few remarks on the subject under consideration. The measure now under discussion appears to me to involve the best interests of our country, the prosperity, the happiness and the liberties of America tremble before it. In the hands of the resolution are contained the issues of life and death, and it would be criminal in me not to throw in my mite to rescue our common country from the impending danger. The course which I shall take will differ in some degree from that pursued by those who have spoken in opposition to the resolution. I shall not attempt to draw a my marked discrimination between the varying interests of the country, or invidious distinctions between the agricultural and commercial interests. I think they are so essentially united, that one cannot fall to the ground without tumbling the other head-long into ruins. I shall consider the subject relative to its general policy, and whether, on the principals of that general policy or constitutional compact, as has been contended by gentlemen, we are bound to adopt the resolution. If I shall succeed in convincing a single gentleman now in favor of the resolution, that we are not bound by the constitution, and that it will be impolitic to adopt it, I shall consider this amongst the happiest events of my life.
The great objects of our federal engagement in forming the compact under which we now live, were to establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of society. Under this constitution gentlemen call upon us, under the pretext of promoting the general welfare, to adopt a resolution which manifestly goes to the production of a minor interest. This compact, in providing for the general welfare, must mean that of the whole, or at any rate, of the larger portion of the community; it was never designed to promote a subordinate interest at the sacrifice of the general prosperity. Are we then bound by the constitutional compact to adopt the resolution? I think not. Thus much as to the constitutionality of the question.
I must consider this resolution as a war measure, and viewing the policy and present situation of Great Britain, against which it is pointed, I have no hesitation to say, that in my opinion, it will produce instantaneous war. A maritime war, for such an one she will wage, will not add one item to her present expenses; neither will it embarrass her measures on the continent. It can have no such effect. She has eight hundred ships on the ocean, flushed with victory and conquest, and a part of her navy is at this moment triumphantly sailing almost in sight of your shores, ready at any moment to seize, should that course appear expedient to her, all our vessels navigating the ocean. It cannot affect her continental operations. The war she will wage will be altogether maritime. Her navy cannot be essential against her continental enemies in Europe. Already have their fleets been annihilated. The victories off Trafalgar and in the West Indies, have cleared the ocean of almost every sail, and there remains no employment for her navy but to deprecate your commerce; and she will do it, you may rely upon it. Those are but indifferently acquainted with Great Britain and the genius of the British minister, who, suppose all the power in their hands, will not be made use of. Gentlemen tell you, this is not contemplated as a permanent system of commercial arrangement, but a temporary expedient, which by its pressure is to bring our level to a sense of duty, and make her do us justice. But this temporary measure will have on Britain all the effect of war. Declare war, to morrow, and it can only affect her trade, can you believe that she will, with all her advantages, remain quiet? 'Tis not her character; she will not do it. I should think contemptuously of her if she should. Will she suffer you to take war measures and not retaliate? Will she be more afraid of you with your four thousand troops, dispersed over the whole western country, and your thirteen armed vessels routing in the Eastern Branch, than of that power whose conquering arm has extended the limits of her sway beyond former comparison, and whose ambition is bounded only by the habitable world.
What was the conduct of that government about the year 1802, when
it was formed by a Northern power a comparatively peaceful nation? The gallant Nelson's comment of this measure Copenhagen? Will you? It is her intention not be governed by no other rule of action, then correct in considering the measure? And ought not men to abandon the vain illusion they have conceived? It is however said, that she will not be willing to increase the number of her enemies. But she is not well apprised, from the genius of the American people, that nothing is more desired by them than peace; and that the moment she does you justice, you will be bound to seize it; and that she may therefore calculate on making peace when she pleases. Will she not, therefore, use all her power to bring us first to terms, and then if she fail, come to terms herself whenever she pleases.
So much with regard to this as a war measure. For the irresistible conclusion in my mind is, that it will produce war. But suppose it should not produce war; will it not produce consequences equally fatal? Will it not destroy your commerce? Our exports will not be purchased, as the merchants will not sit out their vessels unless they can get a market for them. For this, what are we to gain? The carrying trade. I beg leave here to make some remarks on the position of the gentleman from Massachusetts, and to examine the principle assumed by the British government; by which it will be seen the whole carrying trade is not affected by it. What is the ground which the prize courts of Britain take? That a neutral has no right to deliver a belligerent from the capture of his enemy's hostilities by trading with his colonies in time of war, in a way not authorized in time of peace. This principle so far as it relates to our government, is not so unfair as gentlemen seem to imagine. Let us apply it to Britain and France.
As to Great Britain she is contending for her liberties and her very existence, and, although I shall not contend that a nation at war has not the right to regulate her commerce with neutral neighbours in any way allowed by the law of nations; yet the enemy has certainly the right to prevent every means of relief, to produce, if possible, oppression and poverty, in order to procure peace. Can you expect that Britain will permit you to supply France and Holland with commerce, and on such terms as enables them to go to the cheapest in the market and convert all their merchant ships into armed vessels to privatize upon her trade, and while France is so relaxed in her system, have we a right to expect any indulgence from Britain? War we know always brings some evils to a neutral country. Can we therefore to materially blame Great Britain? Then as to the consequences of this trade. It certainly does not bring more than 170,000 dollars into our treasury, while it draws from the purchase of our domestic productions a large part of the capital that would be otherwise devoted to it. When I say 170,000 dollars, I mean to apply the remark particularly to that trade which has been the object of suppression by the prize courts; for I agree that the revenue arising from the whole carrying trade is stated to 800,000 dollars, but no man will say that the duties arising from this species of trade is under-estimated. Is the whole value of this trade so important as to justify a sacrifice of all our interests? I will ask gentlemen, whether it is correct or proper that the great interests of the country should be given up to a trade only continued in time of war, and in which but a few men are interested? Let it not here be understood that I am the enemy of commerce. No, I am its friend. Without it agriculture would be nothing, and there would be no market for the sale of our surplus produce. We must have trade—but let it be on principles of permanency, and not on such as emerge from a state of war. Britain has never affected our direct trade, and my vote shall be always ready to protect it. I agree that a circuitous trade is beneficial to the country, just as money brought into it is beneficial. But let us take the subject upon calculation. I think it a fair subject of calculation, a question of profit and loss and see whether it ought on that ground to be protected. If it is found the play is not worth the candle, gentlemen will certainly not with its preservation. Is it right to protect, at the hazard of every sacrifice, this trade of so precarious a post, and which cannot continue longer than the period of war? Our exports to Great Britain and her dependencies amount upon an average of three years, to 20,653,000 dollars; of this amount the two articles of cotton and tobacco, the exclusive produce of the states south of the Potomac, constitute more than one half. This will be entirely lost, or at least the most considerable part, for I have no expectation
of finding a market for any thing like this amount, in any other country. Cut up at one stroke under the pretence of temporary expediency the cultivation of these two articles, and you prostrate the expectation, independence, and industry of thousands—then will be applied to your own industrious and virtuous citizens, what the mover of the resolution supposed it would be to the manufacturers of England, a dagger to their vitals. Let us not for God's sake ruin our country under the delusive expectation of injuring our adversaries. Another and very current view may be taken of this subject; it is acknowledged that there are comparatively but few persons immediately interested in this trade, and although to them a lucrative one, yet it must end upon the cessation of hostilities in Europe. It must be unjust, that the great interest of the agricultural should be sacrificed to this trade, or even pledged for its protection and security. I never will agree that one class or profession of people shall underwrite and ensure the success of another class, and this too without any premium. This is precisely the case in this instance—the trader gains all under the protecting arm of the farmer, and the loss falls on the farmer, if it should be attended with any.
Let us view this subject in another light. It is contended that if the British manufactures are prohibited, that our commerce will still go on, that our merchants will find other markets, and that the security of the revenue will not be affected. But I beg gentlemen seriously to consider the situation of Europe. I do believe that our demands cannot be supplied but from Britain, they cannot be supplied elsewhere. Because from 1786, the British manufactures introduced into this country have regularly increased, notwithstanding in France labour is cheaper than in Britain. Not because an English coat was better than a French one. The fact is, the French manufactures cannot be got on the same reasonable terms as the English. What has been the effect on the price of Liverpool cottons since France has menaced the invasion of England? They have increased in price, because her manufacturers have been taken from their shops and converted into soldiers. What is the situation of Europe? Convulsed to her center, will Germany afford us the articles we want? Do we not know that her manufactures have always been limited and confined to particular articles? Where then is a supply to be had? Where is a return to be got for our domestic productions, without which our loss would be incalculable! What evil will its effects be on our treasury?
We know that the British manufactures yield about five millions of revenue which go to the regular reduction of the public debt, which to this degree must be suspended if they are prohibited. Will gentlemen say that because I hold this language I am the apologist of British measures? No: were I to give way to my feeling on this subject, instead of being governed by my judgement, there is no length to which I would not go. My colleague has told us that Great Britain is fighting our battles, and those of the world. I believe so too. But not from any good will to us or the world—in fighting our own battles, they fight ours. Let us then suffer them to go on, not out of affection to their government which is tyrannical, and which if it had the power, would lord it over the country as it did when we were colonies, not from attachment to the English government or its measures, but from a regard to our own country to which this measure would be ruinous. If the articles we want cannot be got from any other country let us obtain them from them; but do not let us carry our enmity so far to Britain as to ruin ourselves.
But we are told that this only one cause of complaint against the British government; that another cause of complaint is the improvement of our seamen. It is a cause, a most serious cause of complaint. On this subject I have more feeling than on the other. I commiserate the deplorable situation of those men and their friends, and with most ardently it was in my power to relieve them from it. But there is some apology even here to be made for the British government. The inhabitants of the two nations are so like each other, and so nearly the same in their language and habits, that it is extremely difficult to distinguish the one from the other. And I will ask you if we have not more British subjects in our service than they have Americans in theirs? Let us also recollect their principle, once a subject, always a subject. When therefore, we give their subjects the privileges of a citizen by naturalizing them, is it not a counter action of British policy; and is it not some apology for their conduct in pressing this description of men? I recollect of no instance of their refusing persons allowed by them to be American citizens, whose claim was fully substantiated. Let me again repeat
it that in a state of war neutral powers must suffer some injury; when all nature is in conflict, we cannot expect to escape injury. I do not therefore think this ground of complaint a cause of war, for where is the difference between forcibly taking away the citizens of our country, and enticing those of another by the allurements of superior advantage. Every society has the right, and exercises that right, to ordain municipal regulations for its government; and every member of the society is bound by them. By the immemorial usage of England no subject is allowed the right of expatriation and they hold the privilege of impressing their sailors wherever found in time of war, and claim their allegiance whatever may be their condition. We ought not to seduce them. I do not mean this as a justification of the affront. But what is proposed? To go to war in order to obtain the release of a few captive citizens that have been taken on the water; let them get out of the way by turning cultivators of your waste land in which they can acquire a virtuous and honorable competency. But, sir, what will be the sympathy of the gentleman, who sheds tears of grief over your impressed seamen, when they shall view the scenes of devastation produced by war; all your seaport towns in ashes, people of every age and condition mourning over their ruined mansions and fallen fortunes, countries ravaged by a merciless foe, or millions of your citizens slain in fighting your battles; will your carrying merchants then step forth, and fight for you? No indeed, they will not, they are too precious to be made food for gun powder, they will not be shot at all day for seventeen cents, they will all disappear—their rule is wherever money is there is my country. Guard, then, Mr. Chairman, I beseech you, against that fatal infatuation which hath destroyed the universe.
VIRGINIA. At a quarterly Court continued and held for Pittsylvania County the 19th day of March 1806.
John LeGrand Pltf. } AGAINST } IN Jesse Wilson & } Chancery. George Adams Def's }
THE defendant Jesse Wilson, not having entered his appearance and given security, according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this State; On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant Wilson do appear here on the third Monday in June next, and answer the Bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published, in some one of the News papers of this State for eight weeks successively, and posted up at the front door of the Court-house of said County, on some Court day. And it is further ordered that the defendant Adams do not pay, convey away, or secrete any money, goods or effects, of the defendant's in his hands until the farther order of this Court.
A Copy True, WILL. TUNSTALL C.P.C. 8w
FOR SALE.
A Valuable Estate in Henry County on the Horse Pasture Creek known by the name of Jordan's Choice containing 1000 acres of the old survey, all of which is of prime quality; adjoining is a new survey of 86 acres well timbered, and on the opposite side of the plantation, 500 acres which tho' it does not join, is sufficiently near and convenient to furnish the necessary supplies of wood for fencing and fuel.
This plantation for 30 years last past has never rented for less than 7,500 lbs. of Lynchburg crop inspected Tobacco, weighing 1250 or upwards per Hoghead—and during that period the rent was 500 dollars per annum.
At present, only one half of the cleared land is under lease for 5,250 lbs. of Tobacco.—Immediate possession of the residue will be given, and further particulars made known by the subscriber, who has also for sale ONE tract of land on Otter about 6 miles below Leftwich's Mill, at present occupied by Mrs. Vannerson, and containing about 320 acres.
ONE tract of land on Jennings creek in Boteourt, containing 800 acres—occupied by John Johnson.
ONE Ditto.—Ditto—occupied by William Young, jun.—containing 200 acres.
ONE Ditto.—Ditto unimproved, containing 400 acres.
ANDREW DONALD. Bedford County, Feb. 24.—1806. tf
10 Dollars Reward
STOP THE RUNAWAY.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, living in Campbell County, on Sunday night last, a Negro Woman named PEG—she is a likely wench, about 23 years of age, very black, and when spoken to has a very grum look.—She may attempt to get down the country, either by land or water, as she was brought from 40 miles below Richmond about 14 months ago. Her husband, whose name is Harry, has lately started for that part of the country, and I suspect has her along with him—he is a small black fellow, with a grey head, and very long whiskers.—It is conjectured that he may have obtained a Free Pass both for himself and her.—All persons are forewarned harbouring her, and masters of vessels from removing her out of the State.—I will give the above reward to any person who will deliver her to me at William Anderson's, on Staunton River, or secure her in any Jail so that I get her again.
RICHMOND TYREE. March 18, 1806. tf.
Advertisement.
I have for sale 2000 acres of Land lying in Kenhawa County, on the eighteen mile creek, and on the main road leading from Point Pleasant to Charles Town,—the greater part of this land is of the first quality, with a considerable proportion of low grounds, and well timbered.—I will sell a great bargain in this land, either altogether or divide it so as to suit purchasers, or exchange it for land or other property in this country.—Terms may be known by applying to the subscriber living at Brown Leftwich & Co's store near the meadows of goose creek.
JONAH DOBYNS. Bedford, 22d April, 1806. 4t
Coaches and fashionable Giggs.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public that he has just commenced the coach making business in all its various branches in the Town of Lynchburg, where fashionable pleasure carriages of all descriptions will be neatly and faithfully executed on the shortest notice. He has on hand a large quantity of well prepared, and seasoned materials for the above purposes—Orders from any part of the country will be thankfully received and executed with fidelity and dispatch.
MILBY COTTINGHAM. Lynchburg, April 15, 1806. 8t
FOR SALE,
A Tract of
LAND,
CONTAINING One Hundred and Fifty Acres, lying on the main Road leading from Lynchburg to two public Ferries on Stanton river, in the county of Campbell, three miles from the Court house.—This place is considered to be an excellent stand for a Tavern or other public business—The Land lies well, in a pleasant situation, and a considerable quantity of it good for Tobacco. There are eighteen acres cleared last winter and now under a good inclosure.—In case I do not sell privately prior to the first day of August next—on that day I will offer it at Public Sale on the premises—One half Cash will be required, the balance in twelve months—Otherwise I will Rent it for the term of Three years, together with Two likely
NEGROES:
ONE a Woman now in the prime of life, an excellent Cook and capable of any other sort of house business—the other a Boy sixteen years of age.—I will give liberty to clear such a quantity of Tobacco ground as shall be agreed on.—I shall shortly have necessary buildings for the convenience of a family, completed on the place. Those in either case above mentioned, wishing to trade, are requested to apply to the proprietor residing on the premises.
FRANCIS MILLER. 28th April, 1806. tf.