Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1803-02-25 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 48 of VOLUME IV.]
FRIDAY, February 25, 1803.
[WHOLE No. 304.]
We are authorised to inform the Citizens of Berkeley County, that JAMES CAMPBELL, Esq. and MAGNUS TATE, Esq. will stand a poll at the ensuing election for Representatives in the State Legislature.
TO THE CITIZENS OF JEFFERSON COUNTY.
WE, the undersigned, at the request of our Friends, offer as Candidates at the ensuing Election, to represent you in the next General Assembly of this State.
We are, Gentlemen, with due respect, your obedient servants, ABRAHAM MORGAN. GEORGE TATE.
January 13, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. October Court, 1802. John Myles, Tunis Newkirk, George Newkirk, Henry Newkirk, John Newkirk and Joseph Newkirk, which said Henry, John and Joseph, are infants under the age of 21 years, by George Newkirk, their Guardian—Comp'ts.
AGAINST David Watkins, Jane Logan, (widow) Executrix and Devisee of James Logan, dec'd. Brian Bruin and James Wilson, Def'ts. In CHANCERY.
THE Defendants, David Watkins and Bryan Bruin, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainants, by their Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the Complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, C. S. C.
CONGRESS of the U. STATES.
HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES.
February 8.
The following memorial was presented by Mr. Leib:
To the SENATE and House of REPRESENTATIVES of the U. States. THE MEMORIAL of the Alien-Inhabitants of CHESTER COUNTY, Pennsylvania, Respectfully sheweth,
That your memorialists during the last session of congress, took the liberty of addressing you, entreating a repeal of the Naturalization law.
That whilst your memorialists feel the deepest sense of your wisdom and goodness, in repealing the most oppressive of the disabilities of that severe act; they cannot in justice to themselves, refrain from deferentially expressing their regret, that the present law should, to so high a degree, tend to prevent them from enjoying the benefit of the constitution.
That your memorialists submit the circumstances under which those of them residing here from the summer of '98, until the summer of 1801 were placed. Every Alien distinguished for his attachments to the principles of liberty, was incessantly abused in the papers countenanced by the administration then in power. The American minister at St. James' notified in the name of his government, that the Irish state prisoners would not be permitted to reside in this country—And the British government made this the pretext for detaining them in dungeons for the space of four years, in open violation of a solemn compact—The presidency was at that time in the hands of a man notoriously hostile to Aliens of Republican principles—And the president was authorised by law, to banish any Alien at his pleasure; without trial and without appeal. Under these circumstances, your candor will allow, that an alien president could have little inducement to declare his intention of becoming a citizen. For by so doing,
he placed his name on a list of proscription and subjected himself to banishment, at the arbitrary will of an individual.
That your memorialists do most respectfully presume to suggest to the wisdom and justice of congress, that the poorest emigrant who arrives here, has a property in his life, in his liberty and in his labour; and is as liable to the laws as the richest citizen. That to Tax him, imprison him, or put him to death by laws, in the framing of which he was not represented, is to exercise against him an act of tyranny. That though this doctrine, viewed in the abstract is sound; and tho' the venerated example of America, who justified her resistance to Britain, on this precise footing, gives it sanction; yet your memorialists are aware that in the internal regulations of states, it may, nay ought to be subject to some modification.
That your memorialists with all due submission conceive, that society would be sufficiently secured and right sufficiently preserved, but admitting such aliens immediate enfranchisement, as adduced satisfactory proofs of pure moral character—evidence of having paid taxes toward the support of government, and of attachment to its form; with a renunciation of his allegiance to any other: and a declaration of his intention of permanently residing in this country.
That whilst your memorialists glory in the privilege of thus speaking to the great council of the nation, of their rights, as men, they would not, merely on these rights however sacred, rest their cause, or their claims. They would appeal to your justice and to your policy, as well as to their rights.
Your memorialists believe that a considerable majority of their number might, without regard to abstract right, lay their claim on plighted faith. This majority are the natives of Ireland—an ill starred country, to whose inhabitants slavery was more intolerable, after seven hundred years of diversified cruelties and oppressions, because they still retained a love for liberty; & still could appreciate the value of freedom. Congress, struggling for independence, condoled with them; warmly acknowledged the services of Irish Patriots and the cause of 'Humanity and America'; eagerly invited them to partake of their country and of their success; and the countrymen of Montgomery, have never by their conduct in War, or their votes in peace, proved unworthy of the blessing.
That your memorialists respectfully appealing to the Policy of the measure, request leave to observe, that those who have sacrificed their country and all its charities, which render country dear to man, for the principles on which your constitution is founded; are not to be undeserving of the trust and of the functions of citizenship.
Your memorialists farther beg leave to adduce the example of the enlightened state in which they have the happiness to live, as well as of the others which were the mildest in their laws, and mostly liberal in their institutions respecting foreigners. It is believed that they are not inferior in attachment to the American union, in morals, in freedom, in arts, industry or prosperity to any of their sister states. In the rapid increase of population, which affords strength and security to your young and enviable form of government they are the foremost. For by their constitutions, the stranger of good conduct after two years residence was to be a citizen—and in these he then hoped to find a HOME.
Spain, sunk by the expulsion of the Moors. France expelled the Hugonots, and England and Ireland established their staple manufactures. Encourage your Aliens, you will have the arts & manufactures of Europe;—neglect us, we suffer, but you are not served.
Your memorialists therefore pray, that you may, in your wisdom and goodness admit to citizenship those who are now excluded by the default, on account of not having made a declaration, three years previously of their intention. And that you may restore the time of two years residence specified by the law originally enacted to establish an uniform rule of naturalization.
(Signed)
FRANCIS ALISON, JOHN M'CONNEL, and others.
Mr. Davis said that petition was simi-
lar to one offered yesterday from another gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) and he was surprised that any gentleman would bring forward another of the same nature, after the treatment that one received. He had no idea of encouraging those restless people to intrude on the house. They were not well disposed people who could send a petition to congress, which derogated from the national character. He begged that the reading of it might cease, and that the house might go to business of more importance.
Mr. Leib moved that it should be referred to a select committee.
Mr. Varum hoped it would not be referred to a select committee. Whatever might have been the difference of political opinion, in this country it did not become the Aliens who were asking favors, and on whom many benefits had been already conferred, to make such remarks as were contained in these memorials presented to the house yesterday and this morning. He hoped the house would immediately decide against them.
Mr. Thatcher thought the petition ought not to be referred to a select committee—it would reflect disgrace upon the house, to refer to a committee a petition couched in very indecent terms, and whose principal object appeared to be to criminate the late administration. As it was precisely like the one offered yesterday, and the house had been told that many others were expected, it was time to give their decided disapprobation of the sentiments, as well as the disrespectful manner in which the petition was expressed. He thought people paid a very ill compliment to the majority of the house in attempting to obtain their favor by abuse of the late administration.
It would be recollected that early in the session, the house had manifested great uneasiness even at the reading of a memorial from a late officer of the government (Mr. McHenry) though expressed in very respectful terms. Certainly those gentlemen who upon that occasion discovered so much sensibility for the honor of the house, would not feel less when these restless aliens imported them in language extremely abusive. He did not object to the commitment merely on account of the abuse of the former administration. He should have objected had the same language been used with respect to the present. There was a dignity attached to the Government and the representatives of the nation, which those aliens should be taught to respect, and which rendered such language inadmissible.
Mr. S. Smith said it had been usual to refer petitions which had been presented to congress to a committee, who would report in whole, or in part as their discretion should direct. He had observed, that some parts of the memorial were not so agreeable—and yet there were others which deserved attention. The gentleman last up from Massachusetts (Mr. Thatcher) had adverted to a memorial from a late officer of government (Mr. McHenry) he was not present when that memorial was read, but he could never see the drift of it, unless it was to have it printed, in order that it might go forth to the world, and perhaps create a prejudice against the present administration. The gentleman had said that his opposition to the petition would be the same, had it made a similar reference to the present, as it had to the former administration. How that could be his sentiment, when he had on a certain occasion during the present session, declared by his solemn vote that he had no confidence in the executive, he was at a loss to determine.
Mr. Thatcher did not know what had led the gentleman (Mr. S. Smith) to conclude that the late secretary's object in presenting his memorial to the house was, to have it printed. If he had been present he would have known that there was no attempt, in the house to print—nor even a motion to commit it. Although he considered the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. S. Smith) out of order in recurring to the votes respecting the affairs of New-Orleans, he would take the liberty to observe—that the vote which he alluded to, was forced upon the minority. That gentlemen with whom he had the honor to vote on that occasion, stated to the house several very important objections to that clause of the reso-
lution presented by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) one of which, was, that it pledged the House of Representatives to wait the issue of such measures as the Executive should have adopted, without knowing what they were. He believed that many gentlemen in the majority had since found reason to doubt the policy of their vote upon that occasion.
Mr. Smilie said the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Thatcher) had stated strong objections to some of the expressions of the petition. He acknowledged that there were some things which he wished had not been inserted—but if some parts of it were wrong, why should they reject the commitment of these parts which were unexceptionable. He would just mention the situation of those people in the year 1798, and 1799 when the Alien law was in operation. When he considered the feelings, those people must have experienced from their situation at that time, he thought there was some excuse for them. He believed every fact stated in the petition was true. Their situation under the Alien law was truly dreadful. They were at the mercy of the President and liable to be banished from the country upon the complaint of a single individual. Whatever the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Thatcher) might think, he thought himself, that his declaration by vote, that he had no confidence in the executive was quite as insulting as anything contained in that petition.
Mr. Elmer hoped it would not be referred to a committee. He thought the gentleman (Mr. Leib) who presented it, was wrong, after what had taken place yesterday. That petition he said, was not of the nature which ought to have come from Aliens. He would do every thing for that class of people which humanity and policy would justify—but they were not to insult that house nor the nation. When they thus reflected on the government, they should have recollected that every government claimed, or ought to claim the right of regulating its own concerns. He had no idea that such language should be addressed to American Representatives.
Mr. Nicholson did not recollect that he had ever voted against a petition till the one presented yesterday. He was for examining every complaint—but there was a respect due to them as the representatives of an independent nation which ought not to countenance such language. When they were told that the former president was hostile to the principles of republicanism they ought not to countenance it. He did not think any man more especially foreigners should be indulged in those animadversions. For those reasons he should vote against the commitment.
Mr. Claiborne wished the clerk might proceed with the reading—he could then judge of its merits.
The petition was read through. Mr. Leib called for the Ayes and Nays on the question.
Mr. Randolph said as the Ayes and Nays had been called for, it was necessary that he should give a reason, why he should vote differently on that petition, from the one presented yesterday which he was told was of the same description, but he had not heard it, being out of his seat when it was read. He thought it was enough to receive petitions from their own citizens—their tables were crowded with memorials from them. Beside, the house should consult their own dignity—language of the nature contained in the petition first read should never meet his approbation.
Mr. Dennis. Unless the house were disposed to constitute itself into an organ, through the medium of which every factious, discontented Alien, might, in the most diffusive manner propagate his lectures on republicanism and his calumnies relative to the administration of our government, he presumed the house would not refer the petition. He had given the petition a very cursory reading and from that he found, that the petitioners seemed to have it in view, rather to recommend themselves to their supposed advocates here, for other purposes, than with a view to obtain the apparent object of the memorial. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) had attempted to vindicate the petition, because he says the facts stated are all true. He knew

not what particular facts the gentleman alluded to, but Mr. Dennis said there is one fact which he had not known, but which is stated by the petitioners to be true, and which he should therefore acknowledge—and that is that these petitioners are all convicted of the British dominions. They state, that during the existence of the Alien law, our minister at the court of St. James's, was requested by Mr. Adams, who was hostile to republicans, to notify the British ministry, that it was not desirable to us to be burdened with their state prisoners, and that in consequence of this notification, they were not shipped to this country, but were confined for several years in England. This I suppose is one of the truths, alluded to by the gentleman from Pennsylvania—and admitting it to be true, he did not perceive how this would give a licence to these people to insult us by giving us lectures on our constitution, and by reviving the anti-republican tendencies of a past administration. Mr. Dennis said, the gentleman from Pennsylvania, had in his conception not been very respectful to the house in comparing the language of these persons with observations that have fallen from members on this floor, in regard to the executive and he might say he thought he had been very disrespectful. It had been said, it may be proper to decide this petition and refer the parts of it which were not exceptional—but he very much doubted whether there was to be found in the parliamentary annals of any nation, an instance of the kind.—In practice it will be found, that this discrimination amounts to nothing, since the committee to whom it is proposed to refer it, will be obliged to read the obnoxious part as well as the rest of it, for although stated as an amendment to another object that the object seems to have been to revive the former administration. But the reason for referring the several parts of it, if there be such, for we know all points on which the petition is founded and if relief be proper, it ought to be general; and any gentleman may bring the subject before the house by a resolution.
Mr. Bacon said it would be time enough to attend to the situation of those Aliens when they came forward in a decent manner. He thought there could be no great difficulty in settling the question, he believed the house were ready to give their disapprobation to the memorial.
Mr. Smith said he did not know what the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Dennis) meant by conflicts. The abuse they had received from the former administration, was in his opinion sufficient to show that it had been hostile to the principles of republicanism.
Mr. Claiborne was sorry that he had called for the reading of the petition—had he believed that its contents were such as he now discovered them to be, he should not have desired it. He should vote against a reference.
The question was taken on the reference to a committee and lost.—Yeas 23.—Nays 61.
February 9.
The house resolved itself into a committee of the whole (Mr. Varnum in the chair) on the bill to provide for an additional armament for the protection of the Seamen and commerce of the U. States. This bill empowers the President to build four vessels of war not exceeding sixteen guns each, to man them and fit them for service, as the public exigency may require.
The committee rose, reported the bill without amendment, in which the house concurred.
February 10.
An engrossed bill to provide an additional armament for the protection of the commerce and seamen of the U. States, was read a third time and passed.
Mr. Greene presented certain resolutions of the legislature of the Mississippi Territory expressive of their sense of the shutting of the port of New Orleans.
Referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union.
Mr. Greene presented a memorial from the Mississippi Territory praying sundry things.
Referred to a select committee.
February 11.
About two o'clock Mr. Nicholson said he had a report to make on a subject which had been acted upon with closed doors.
The galleries were cleared, and the House continued their sitting until four o'clock, when an adjournment took place.
IN SENATE.
Wednesday evening, February 2.
This morning the order of the day was called for on the following report:
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES January 28th, 1803.
Mr. Morris, from the committee to whom was referred the memorials of judges Basset, Benson, Bourne Griffith, Hitchcock, Key, Magill, Smith, Taylor, Tilghman and Wolcott,
REPORTED—
That the petitioners were judges of certain courts, inferior to the supreme court, constituted by an act of the 13th of February, 1801, and duly commissioned to hold their offices during good behaviour.
That while holding and exercising their offices, an act was passed on the 8th of March last to repeal the said act of the 13th of February, 1801, and transfer the duties of the said judges from them to others.
That a question has risen, whether, by reason of the premises, the said petitioners be deprived of their offices.
That this question depending on the construction of the laws and constitution of the United States, is not properly cognizable by the Senate.
The committee, therefore, conceive it improper either to give reasons, or express opinions; but they consider it as a question of high and serious import, and believe that a speedy investigation and final decision is of great moment to the commonwealth.
Wherefore, they submit the following resolution.
Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to cause an information in the nature of a quo warranto , to be filed by the attorney-general against Richard Basset, one of the said petitioners, for the purpose of deciding judicially on their claims.
Mr. WATSON moved the consideration of the subject to be postponed until tomorrow.
Mr. MORRIS objected to the postponement; but the question being taken, it was carried in the affirmative.
February 3.
In the senate this morning the report of the committee upon the memorial of the district judges was taken up. Mr. G. Morris opened the debate with a very eloquent speech in favor of the report. Mr. Ogden, of New-Jersey, and Mr. Ross, of Pennsylvania spoke upon the same side. More eloquent and argumentative speeches have rarely been heard.—They were answered by Mr. Cock, Gen. Jackson and Mr. Wright.
At about half past four the question of agreeing to the report was taken by yeas and nays and lost, yeas 13, nays 15.
IMPORTANT FOREIGN NEWS.
PARIS December 10.
We learn from the Hague, that the embarkment of the 5th and 17th demi-brigades of French troops, destined for Louisiana, will take place immediately; that already forty vessels for transports have arrived from Dunkirk at the mouth of the Meuse, to take them on board and carry them to the place of destination.
BORDEAUX December 8.
The frigate Furieuse and other vessels, have left the port of Brest, to join the naval expedition destined for Louisiana; she has on board a number of persons who are to be employed in that colony.
DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE.
BOSTON, January 5.
The Hon. Timothy Pickering, it is said will be considered a candidate for the seat in the Senate of the United States to be vacated by the resignation of the Hon. D. Foster.
NEW-YORK, February 13.
THE LATEST.
Yesterday arrived here the fast-sailing new ship Delaware , after a passage of only thirty-six days from Greenock. To captain Bebet and a respectable mercantile house of this city, we are indebted for London papers to the 2nd and Glasgow papers to the 5th of January. These papers mention, That
Accounts from Alexandria, of the date of Sept. 20, states that war still continued to be carried on between the Turks and Mamelukes in Egypt. Both parties having had several severe skirmishes.—During the cessation of arms for some days the Turks formed the design of surprising the camp of the Mamelukes by night, and putting every man of them to the sword. The Mamelukes being apprised of the plan—and on the night of treachery arriving, silently retired from the camp and formed an ambuscade.—When the Turks arrived, and found the camp deserted, they proceeded to plunder,
During this scene of disorder and confusion, they were attacked by the Mamelukes, and not a soul of them escaped.—There were not 20 of the assailants killed. The Turks acknowledged the loss of 2000, but it appears to have fallen short of the real number. The British still kept possession of Alexandria, and it was uncertain whether it would be evacuated very soon.
The late earthquake appears to have extended over the greatest part of the Turkish empire.
At Algiers, on the 7th November, the shock of an earthquake was so violent at that place, that the people for more than 40 seconds, expected every moment to be buried under the ruins of their houses. Several houses have been damaged, and most of the houses rent. A village six leagues from Algiers, containing two hundred houses, was destroyed, and all the inhabitants perished. Two English ships of the line felt the shock in a violent degree, at the distance of thirty miles from land.
At Constantinople, only a few houses in the suburbs of Pera have been injured.
Malta, it appears, is still to be retained by the English. It is said that 6000 troops will be stationed at that place.
The equipment of vessels in the French ports is carried on with the greatest activity.
A private letter from Paris mentions that a new expedition of not less than 20,000 men is about to be sent from France to St. Domingo. Another letter mentions, that 4000 soldiers, of the most abandoned description, are ordered to embark at Havre for St. Domingo. Which implies that the regular troops are not willing to go on the service, or the government is unwilling to throw them away.
The departure of the French troops for Louisiana has been deferred for a fortnight.
SALEM, February 4.
FROM THE MEDITERRANEAN.
Capt. Allen, who arrived here yesterday saw, at Malaga, the 13th December, a letter from Consul O'Brien at Algiers; which gave information that six Tripolitans were out on a cruise against the Americans, and two more preparing to follow; that it was difficult for our vessels to obtain convoy; and that consequently our commerce was exposed to great hazard in the Mediterranean.—It is to be hoped that the sensibility of our government may at last be excited in favor of our brave seamen; and that they will not continue to be exposed by such shameful neglect and ill timed economy, to all the horrors of the worst slavery.—Intelligence is received, in Alexandria, that a cessation of hostilities has taken place between the Swedes and Tripolitans for six months, and that a permanent peace is expected to follow; leaving thus the Tripolitan force to be more fully directed against the unprotected Americans.
MARTINSBURG, February 23.
For the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer .
To the Editor.
SIR, I suppose it will not be denied that every citizen is interested in having such laws passed, by our legislatures, as will have a tendency to promote a due administration of justice, and secure individuals in the safe enjoyment of their lives and property.
Now, in order to promote this desirable end, such laws should be enacted, as would require causes which come to be tried before a court of any grade or denomination, to be substantiated by testimony delivered under the solemnity of an oath. This mode of giving testimony obtains generally in Christian countries, and presupposes a belief in the Christian Religion, which includes a belief in a future state of rewards and punishments, (and we have no other revelation of this but that contained in the sacred Scriptures) because in the act of taking an oath, God is called upon to witness the truth of those facts which may, perhaps, be only known to him and the party attesting; but if the juror does not believe in the Christian Religion, and can gain anything by swearing a false oath, which he may think will probably not be detected by his fellow-citizens, there can be but little doubt, in the present state of human nature, but what he would do it. Then, in order that the lives and property of our citizens be rendered secure, courts of justice ought to be careful not to suffer any person to give testimony in a cause which might come before them, unless he was
a believer in the Christian Religion—and this belief to be manifested, not only by the declaration of the party himself, but by his attendance on divine ordinances. For it is the opinion of a very celebrated judge, and what reason might teach every man, "That all moral evidence, and all confidence in human veracity, must be entirely overthrown by infidelity."
If then the administration of justice, depends so much upon a belief in the Christian Religion, how careful ought the inhabitants of this state, and of the United States in general to be, in having such men elected to serve in our legislatures as do now, and have uniformly, professed a firm belief in that Religion.—Suppose we were to have a legislature composed entirely of infidels, i. e. of men similar in sentiment with Thomas Paine and his associates, in what manner might we reasonably expect such gentlemen would act? Why, Sir, they would act just as the National Assembly of France did in similar circumstances, banish Religion, together with its professors and propagators, out of our country, after sacrificing the principal objects of their antipathy, i. e. the most eminent of the clergy. And if we suffer Religion to be once extirpated from amongst us, we, as I hinted before, throw our lives and property into immediate jeopardy.
We should, moreover, be careful not to entrust a man to legislate for us, who makes a practice, or has at any time been guilty of opposing the Christian Religion in any shape whatever—or who has used such arguments, either seriously or in jest, as had the least tendency to invalidate that religion—because such conduct gives us ample reason to believe him to be an infidel at heart. The best criterion which we can have to judge of a man's sentiments, is the general tenour of his actions; for if a man's actions seem to comport pretty uniformly with what he, at any time, has declared to be his sentiments, we certainly have a right to believe those are his real sentiments. But admitting that a man argued against the Christian Religion in jest, is he not culpable in so doing? What! to jest with that on which our salvation depends! To jest and trifle with matters of such vast importance; with the solemn declarations of Almighty God!! It is a subject too awful for any man but an infidel to be ludicrous with! It is, therefore, greatly the interest of every citizen, whether he be entitled to a vote or not, to use his utmost exertions to have our legislature composed of well-informed men, who not only profess, but prove by their actions, that they believe the Scriptures to be the word of God.
A TRUE REPUBLICAN.
* See Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England .
On Tuesday the 7th inst. the Senate of the commonwealth of Massachusetts proceeded to the choice of a Senator of the United States, when the Hon. John Quincy Adams , was chosen in concurrence with the house. Of 26 votes, Mr. Adams had 19.
On Wednesday Mr. Ross made another speech in the Senate on the measures recently pursued at New-Orleans. In this speech Mr. Ross undertook, at considerable length to prove the policy of immediately taking possession of New Orleans; and concluded by moving resolutions, authorising the President to take New Orleans—authorising a draft of 50,000 militia; and appropriating five million of dollars.
The Senate ordered the resolutions to be printed, and postponed their consideration till Monday next.
[National Intelligencer.]
Extract of a letter from Bordeaux , dated November 24, to a merchant in Philadelphia.
"We have been informed by the Minister of Marine here—that the squadron destined to carry troops to take possession of Louisiana will sail in 3 or 4 weeks from Havre and Flushing."
By the Mars from New-Orleans, which she left the 7th ult. we learn that the dispatch boat from our government had reached there previous to her departure, and the Intendant so far from relaxing or regarding the recommendation of Chevalier D'Yrujo to restore the right of deposit—treated his interference with the utmost contempt, and persisted in his conduct with unabated rigor. It is further stated, that no other opinion was entertained at New-Orleans, than that the Intendant was acting from positive instructions from his Court, which were considered as originating with France. That both political parties at Natchez (which he left the 6th of Jan.) were in favor of

redress, and were fully persuaded, with the inhabitants of New-Orleans, that the executive would enforce the restoration of our rights.
(Phil. Pap.)
From the (Charleston) City Gazette, of January 21.
By the John and Francis, captain Easterbury, we have received Paris papers to the 10th of December, their contents are not very interesting. The following paragraphs appear most worthy of notice.
The disturbances in Switzerland are brought to a close. A congress of deputies from that republic have met at Paris, to put the last hand to their constitution. The indemnities in Germany are settled, and the parts allotted to the different princes, who have lost territory on the left bank of the Rhine, have been taken possession of by their new owners—and from all appearances, there is no probability of any war or disturbance taking place in Europe. On the other hand, says a Paris Paper, the immense influx of strangers from Russia, Germany, and even from England, into France, to enjoy there the brilliant spectacle of luxury and the arts, is an happy augury of the tranquillity of Europe.
The following Law was passed at the last session of the general Assembly of North Carolina.
An Act to prevent the vile practice of duelling within this state.
Be it enacted by the general assembly of North Carolina, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same, that from and after the passing of this act, no person sending, accepting, or being the bearer of a challenge, for the purpose of fighting a duel, though no death ensues, shall ever after be eligible to any office of trust, honor or profit in the state, any pardon or reprieve notwithstanding—and shall be further liable to be indicted, and on conviction before any of the courts, in this state, having cognizance thereof, shall forfeit and pay a sum not exceeding one hundred pounds to the use of the state.
And be it further enacted, That if any person fights a duel, in consequence of a challenge sent or received, and either of the parties should be killed, then the survivor on conviction thereof, shall suffer death without benefit of clergy—and all their aiders or abettors shall be considered accessories before the fact, and likewise suffer death without benefit of clergy.
The irascible Mr. Hay begins to feel the consequence of his bludgeon-law and sedition-statutes, as Callender recovers to wield his pen. After castigating his antagonist with the well-merited lash, the latter makes a short digression to introduce the following exemplification of the mean doctrine of the former:
"This person (Hay) proceeds to tell that if the licentiousness of the press could not be stopped, it would end in overwhelming all that was moral and virtuous. We suppose, that this general destruction was to be accomplished by the fatal pages of the Recorder. For an hundred and fiftieth time, we ask, we demand, what virtuous character has been destroyed by this paper? If seduction, and hypocrisy, if the grossest breach of personal friendship, and of domestic confidence, form a department in the new code of morality and virtue, it is indeed true that the Recorder has overwhelmed them. In the numerous and respectable list of the patrons of this paper, John Walker, of Albemarle, appears as one. A few weeks ago, he came down to Richmond. He brought along with him a celebrated correspondence, which the Recorder has more than once hinted at, as being on the point of publication. He shewed this to a number of gentlemen, several of whom we must, for the tenth time, affirm, that we can produce in a court of justice.—Mr. Walker was advised to postpone the publication. The reason we take to be this. It is still almost two years till the election of the next President. It was suspected that the horrible infamy of the contents of a part of this correspondence might have its edge blunted in eighteen months of newspaper repercussion. That the letters will be printed, first or last there can be no question. The destruction of such characters is what Hay refers to, when he speaks of the overwhelming of all that was moral and virtuous. Did Juvenal overwhelm virtue, by exposing the vices of Nero and Domitian? or Juvenal, by holding up to scorn Burgoyne, the gambler, and compelling him to sit down infamous and contented?"
"Secrets worth knowing."—Last week we presented the public an account from the United States Gazette of Mr. Boyar's
speech, whereby it appeared that the democrats in congress, while sitting with closed doors, had proposed to place TWO MILLIONS of DOLLARS at the discretion of the president! All we have to say is, that this seems to us a tolerable round sum—Two millions of Dollars!—As Goldfinch says, "Damme, boys, that's your sort." And these two millions of dollars are to be placed under the president's discretion. Better still! It is true indeed, that the late federal officers have been held up as sad rogues, because they did not take a particular parcel of money for each particular expense; and because when one parcel was not enough for one purpose, and another was too much, they used them in common for the public service, therefore the democrats insisted that they had violated the laws, and were guilty of robbery. In future, under Mr. Jefferson's reign, every thing was to be regulated by "specific appropriations." How far specific appropriations agree with this extraordinary proposal, in a secret sitting, to trust two millions of dollars to the discretion of the executive, we shall leave for the people to decide. To us it is all a mystery, that we shall not attempt to explain, further than by subjoining the keen and valid reprehension which the subject has called forth. [Frederick Town Herald.]
From the New-York Evening Post.
Thus does every day furnish new proofs of the inconsistencies of those who now direct our national affairs. All sense of propriety seems to be disregarded, and in the possession of power they forget the means by which they acquired it. The great body of the people however it is believed have better memories, and will be more disposed to exercise them. It is but a short time since the ruling party took every occasion to declare that a government like ours should have no secrets, that as it was instituted by the people, and for their benefit, the practice of hiding from them any of its transactions had a high "anti-republican tendency," say, that it favoured of downright monarchy. Yet do we now see these same gentry shutting their doors and hiding their productions from public view, upon a subject too on which the community feel an uncommon interest and ought to be correctly informed. Conclave now succeeds conclave and the veil of mystery invelopes the conduct of these very men whom we recently heard envying against government secrets and representing them to the people as hostile to their freedom.
It is but a few years since the same party obstinately and peremptorily demanded from the executive all the papers which related to the British treaty; papers to which they had no right, as by the constitution they are not authorised to participate in the treaty making power, and which were not necessary to assist them in their deliberations. They were accordingly refused; but this did not prevent the authors of the measure from making it the cause of insidious attacks upon the government. Not even the name of Washington was saved from the rancorous zeal with which they propagated their slander. They calculated on the people to whom liberty is dear, and seized the opportunity of inflaming their jealousy against their rulers; these they accused of withholding information that ought to be disclosed, and which they artfully insinuated, the administration were fearful of doing, as a illicitly would then be given to transactions that would prove all that had been charged against them.
Unmindful, however, of all this, we now see the same persons refusing to call upon the executive for such documents respecting the cession of Louisiana as he shall deem proper to communicate. Let it be remarked, and in distinction too to their conduct on the occasion just alluded, that the request proposed by Mr. Griswold is not in general or unqualified terms; but that it is expressly restricted to such papers only as it is proper the house of representatives should be acquainted with. Still even this is denied. Executive secrets are no longer frightful; they must be preserved with all possible vigilance; the president must not even be asked a question touching them, least unluckily he should divulge something that might come to the ears of the people, which would lead them to suspect that things were not quite so well managed as the political jugglers of the day wish them to believe. Nay, it is not even prudent to examine the "aspect of our foreign relations" in the face of the country; galleries must be closed; all official tattling observers must be excluded. It is in this way the people are to become acquainted with every step which their servants take in their concerns; it is thus that they can observe and watch over them with all that assiduity which is so essential to the
preservation of republican institutions! But who can find fault with closed doors, when they consider the nature of the business that has of late so much occupied the attention of the lower house? Will any man of common prudence say that a proposition to vest in the executive the moderate sum of "two millions of dollars, to be disposed of at his discretion," should have been openly proposed on the floor of congress? Daring and hardened as are the leaders of democracy, it was not to be expected that they would have hazarded so public an exposure of their true character and views. Hence the necessity of broaching it in private.—Where is now the cant about executive patronage—executive influence—economy and specific appropriations? Formerly the exercise of the powers confided by the constitution to the president, and the execution of those with which he was vested by the laws ordained in the usual way, was a frequent source of apprehension to these timid patriots. Liberty was then in constant danger from every thing that looked like executive discretion: even the distribution of a few thousand dollars of secret service money was not to be confided to it without murmuring. It might be profligately employed in the corruption of our citizens; or it might be put into the pockets of the officers of government, or converted into some engine or other, to oppress and chgat the people.—How altered is their tone at the present moment! Confidence the most unbounded is now to be placed in the chief magistrate: He is so pure, so upright, so free from all the frailties of our nature, that no powers can seduce, no authority, however unlimited, can render him dangerous. Two millions of dollars are to be entrusted to his disposal, without knowing or enquiring what are the objects for which they are to be expended. It is hoped that after this we shall hear no more about specific appropriations—men who can so lavishly appropriate the funds of the country, for unknown purposes, must surely have abandoned the scrupulous notions they have been pleased to profess on this subject. No longer ago than last session, the celebrated investigating committee "flattered themselves that the federal government required no services of any nature which ought to be concealed from the officers of the Treasury, or from the Legislature"—and yet these consistent gentlemen now propose to give the President two millions of dollars, to be employed in 'services' which neither the officers of the treasury, nor the legislature, nor any body else is to know anything about. It may be for the purpose of enabling Mr. Monroe, to purchase from the Spaniards a right already guaranteed to us by treaty, and which, if we are fools enough to buy, they can't sell us—or it may be to insure to our extraordinary ambassador a more favorable reception, at the court of Buonaparte than awaited a late embassy to France—or, in short, it may be some great economical project of our philosophical president, by which he is going to extinguish the 'whole national debt.' Be it what it will, it behoves Americans to think of these things, and to determine for themselves how long they will submit their affairs to the controul of men, who are constantly betraying their want of capacity, if not of principle.
From an European Publication. E P I G R A M.
A BULL AND NO BULL. A WAG having waged with Teague half a crown About how many signs of the Bull were in town, Teague swore there were three—which was flatly denied, And to point out a Bull more than two was denied; When thus 'gan to count—'Ther's the black Bull in Foregate, That's one—then the second's the white Bull in Norgate; And as for the next, which makes THREE you'll allow, In the very next lane, ther's a little brown Cow; 'A right Irish blunder!' says each standerby, And the bet you have lost—'Tut' says Teague that's a lie! I'll be bound 'stead of losing my wager I win it,' For that blunder's a Bull or the devil is in it!
EXHIBITION.
THE Students of Charles-Town Academy, will have an Exhibition at said Academy, on Wednesday the ninth day of March next, which will commence about 10 o'clock, A. M. February 25, 1803.
TO RENT
THE whole or a part of the House wherein the subscriber now lives, in Queen-Street, Martinsburg, with every necessary building; it is completely fixed for a Store or any kind of public business: there are two large dry cellars under the house. For terms apply to MICHAEL M'KEWAN. February 25, 1803.
Also TO RENT, a FARM on the west side of Back Creek, adjoining lands of Mr. Grantham and Michael M'Kewan's Mills, whereon Mr. Jacob Kizer now lives; there are on the place a good two story Log Dwelling House, with a Kitchen under the House, and other buildings, a good Garden, about 90 acres of bottom land, which is chiefly enclosed, about 15 acres in grass and more meadow may be easily made—good water—a sulphur or spaw spring near the house, a few Apple trees, only about four acres sowed down on the place. Possession may be had the 15th of March next. For terms apply to James Quin, or Michael M'Kewan. Martinsburg, February 25, 1803.
A FEW 3 and 5 Acre out Lots adjoining the South side of Martinsburg, for sale, for cash, enquire of John O'Ferrall or MICHAEL M'KEWAN
ONE CENT REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber's employ on the 15th inst. an indented servant girl, named MARGARET LAMARS, bound to me by her parents. She came with her a variety of clothing none present recollected. The above reward of no thanks will be given to any person who will apprehend and return her to the subscriber, living in Berkeley County. SAMUEL CUNNINGHAM. February 23, 1803.
CARRIAGE OF FLOUR, &c.
THE subscribers beg leave to inform those who have Flour or produce of any kind to send down the river Potomac, that they are provided with strong and safe Boats for the conveyance thereof, and will deliver Flour, &c. in George-Town or Alexandria, on the most moderate terms—and for the further encouragement of those who favor us with the carriage of their produce, we have taken that spacious Ware-House, formerly in the possession of Mr. James Moseley, in which their property will be deposited free of any charge.
BLACKFORD & ZUCK.
Shepherd's-Town, February 25, 1803.
TO RENT.—A HOUSE & LOT in Shepherd's-Town, conveniently situated for any kind of Public Business, is calculated for a store and the accommodation of a family. Possession may be had the first day of March next. Apply to
JOHN BLACKFORD
Sweatingen's-Ferry, February 25, 1803.
ONE CENT REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber living in Middletown, Berkeley County, on the 20th day of April, 1801, an apprentice boy named ABRAHAM SINKLEARN, was bound by his father to Joseph Moony, of Frederick County, and his indenture assigned to the subscriber, who will pay the above reward for him, but no thanks. ZACHARIAH CHAPMAN. February 25, 1803.
NOW IN THE PRESS, and will be published on Friday next, in the form of a pamphlet, AN INTERESTING ACCOUNT
OF THE PROJECT OF FRANCE RESPECTING LOUISIANA.
Drawn up by a FRENCH COUNSELLOR OF STATE, addressed to BUONAPARTE, translated from the French. Intelligencer Office, February 25, 1803.
The Young MILL-WRIGHT AND MILLER'S GUIDE, for sale at this Office.
PRINTING,
In all its variety, executed at this Office, with correctness and expedition.

TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
STRAYED or stolen from the Lick Mill, on Friday evening the 11th inst, two HORSES, one of them a light bay, remarkably hollow in the back, has some saddle marks, is about fifteen hands and an inch high, will be eight years old next spring, shod all round and is a natural trotter—the other is of an iron roan colour, about fourteen and an half hands high, between four and five years old, has a short switch tail, shod all round, trots, racks and canters well, and is an excellent saddle horse. Five dollars reward and reasonable expenses will be given for the above horses, (should they have strayed away) if brought home, or delivered to Mr. Edmund Graham, in Martinsburg; if stolen, the above reward will be given for the horses and thief. JAMES MARSHALL. February 18, 1803.
TO be sold at Public Vendue, on Tuesday the 15th of March next, at the subscriber's Plantation, one and an half miles from Buckles Town, HORSES, Milch Cows, Hogs, Sheep, a variety of Household Furniture, a Wagon, Plows, Harrows, a Wind-Mill, and a number of other Farming Utensils too numerous to mention. The terms will be made known on the day of sale. The sale to commence early in the day, when due attendance will be given by JAMES STARRET. February 18, 1803.
STOLEN up by the subscriber, living near Hedges' store, six miles from Martinsburg, an estray BULL, of a red and white colour, about one year old, horns cropped not branded, appraised according to law. The owner is requested to prove property, pay charges and take him away. PETER HOUT. February 18, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. OCTOBER COURT, 1802. Andrew Waggener, surviving Executor of William Cunningham, dec'd —Comp't AGAINST Ann Henshaw, widow and adm'x of William Henshaw, dec'd, who was Ex'r of James Cunningham, dec'd, Nicholas Henshaw, Rachel Lemon, Lewis Moore and Rebecca his wife, Levi Henshaw, Hiram Henshaw, Seth Duncan and Rheumanna his wife, Adam Stephen Henshaw, Jonathan Seamon Henshaw, Washington Henshaw, William Slaughter Henshaw and Uriah Springer Henshaw, the said Adam Stephen, Jonathan Seamon, Washington, William Slaughter and Uriah Springer, are infants under the age of 21 years, which said Nicholas, Rachel, Rebecca, Levi, Hiram, Rheumanna, Adam Stephen, Jonathan Seamon, Washington, William Slaughter and Uriah Springer, are children and co-heirs and co-heirs of the said William Henshaw —Defendants. In CHANCERY. THE Defendants, Nicholas Henshaw, Lewis Moore, and Rebecca his wife, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County. A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. s. c.
NOTICE
IS hereby given, that the partnership of Evans & Jamieson , late of Shepherd's Town, is this day dissolved by mutual consent.—All persons indebted to said firm are requested to make payment to John Baker, Esq. of Shepherd's Town, Attorney for Walter Jenkins, assignee of the debts due to said firm.—Given under our hands, this 3rd day of February 1803. THOMAS B. EVANS, JOHN JAMIESON. Shepherd's Town, } February 10, 1803. }
PRINTING.
In all its variety, executed at this Office, with correctness and expedition.
AN ADDITIONAL SUPPLY OF NEW GOODS.
AMONG a variety of other valuable and nice GOODS (suitable to the present and approaching seasons,) the subscribers have just opened THREE BOXES IRISH LINENS , of the latest importations, one Box of which principally contains, (very low price 4-4 wide Linnens) suitable for the lining of Hats, &c. They have also lately received a large quantity of excellent long FLAX and COTTON , BAR-IRON , Crowley and Blistered STEEL , CASTINGS , TIN , STONE , GLASS , QUEENS and CHINA WARE , SOAP and UPPER LEATHER , &c. GROCERIES , PATENT and other MEDICINES , together with an extensive and complete assortment of SADDLERY of every description—all which we will sell cheap for CASH or COUNTRY PRODUCE . JAMES S. LANE, & Co. Shepherd's Town, } January 21, 1803. }
N. B. We invite and earnestly request all persons indebted to us in any manner whatsoever, to come forward immediately and discharge their respective debts. JAMES S. LANE, & Co.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. October Court, 1802. Ann Hunter, Guardian of Ann Evelina Hunter, Moses Hunter and David Hunter, children and Heirs of Moses Hunter, deceased —Complainants AGAINST John Davis, Sarah Keemer, Thomas May and James Keemer, Executors of James Keemer, dec'd, Elizabeth Davis, an infant under the age of 21 years, James K. Davis, William Magowan, and Mary his wife, late Mary Davis, which said Elizabeth, James K. and Mary, are children of said John Davis, and Legatees of said James Keemer, dec'd . Defendants. In CHANCERY. THE Defendants Thomas May, and James Keemer, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly, and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainants, by their Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the Complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County. A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. s. c.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. November Court, 1802. John Offerrall, Complainant. against Patrick M'Caffry, surviving partner of Tabb & M'Caffry, Samuel Craig, Anthony Kennedy and Patrick Campbell, trustees of Tabb & M'Caffry, and Michael M'Kewan and James Faulkner, Defendants. In CHANCERY.
THE Defendants Patrick M'Caffry, Anthony Kennedy & Patrick Campbell, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in February next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County. And it is further ordered, that the said Defendants, M'Kewan, Faulkner and Craig, do not pay, convey away, or secrete any debts by them owing to, or effects in their hands belonging to the Defendants M'Caffry & Tabb, until the further order of this Court. A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. s. c.
ALL persons, in any manner indebted to the subscriber, are solicited to settle up their accounts by the first day of next April, as no longer indulgence can or will be given. WILLIAM RIDDLE. Martinsburg, January 4, 1803.
NOTICE
IS hereby given, to those who are indebted to the late firm of Evans & Jamieson , of Shepherd's Town, that the bonds, notes and accounts, of that firm have been transferred to me, for the purpose of discharging their debts in Baltimore, which bonds, notes and accounts have been by me have been by me deposited in the hands of John Baker, Esq. of Shepherd's Town, for collection, with instructions to bring suits on the same indiscriminately, unless they are discharged within three weeks from this date.—If however, those who are indebted by open account, will within the time aforesaid, give their notes with interest to said Baker, for the several sums they owe, they shall receive a credit of six months from this date. WALTER JENKINS. Baltimore, } Feb. 5, 1803. }
At a Court continued and held for Ohio County, on Wednesday the third day of November, 1802. PHILIP DODDRIDGE and ALEXANDER CALDWELL, vs. ELIJAH SMITH, and the heirs of GEORGE BULLOCH, deceased.
THIS day came the Complainants by their Council, and it appearing to the Court that the order for proclamations in this cause hath not yet been executed, upon motion of the Complainants by their Council, it is ordered that the Defendants do appear here on the second day of the next March term, to answer the Complainants bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published for two months successively in the Berkeley & Jefferson Intelligencer , and that another copy of this order be set up on the door of the Court-House of this County for two months successively. A Copy. Teste, MOSES CHAPLINE, c. o. c.
PURSUANT to the last will of Joseph Berry, dec'd, of Hampshire County, the Executors offer, at private sale, the following Tracts of Land, situate in the County of Frederick and state of Virginia, on the head waters of Sleepy Creek, viz. One Tract containing 230 acres, more or less, whereon John Berry formerly lived, the improvements are 70 acres of cleared land, 25 of which are good Timothy Meadow, and much more may be made, with the advantage of watering the whole at a small expense; a good Dwelling House, Kitchen, double Barn, and other out Houses, two good Orchards, consisting of a great variety of Fruit; the place abounds with water and timber sufficient.—This place would be a good stand for a public house, being situate on the State road from the Western Country to the City of Washington. One other Tract adjoining the aforesaid, on the same road, containing 120 acres of good Farming Land—the improvements are a Dwelling House, some Fruit Trees, about 20 acres cleared, part of which is good Meadow, and more may be made, water and timber plenty. One other Tract on Timber Ridge, near the aforesaid Land, said to contain 160 acres, part of which is cleared. Good titles will be made for the above Lands.—The terms will be made easy to the purchaser after the first payment. For terms apply to Jacob or John Jenkins, in the edge of Hampshire County, who will show the Lands, or to William Wilson of Berkeley. JACOB JENKINS, sen. JOHN JENKINS, WILLIAM WILSON, Executors. November 4, 1802.
STRAYED from the subscriber's waggon, from Daniel Royer's Mill, at the foot of the North Mountain, 6 miles from Garrard's-Town, on Friday night last, A Black Horse, with a star in his forehead, has a scar on his left shoulder, some saddle marks, and a hole in his left fore hoof occasioned by being corked—is about 14 hands high, 6 years old next August, and has a bushy tail, trots and paces.—Also—A Sorrel Mare, with a star in her forehead, has a long tail, near 15 hands high, about 6 or 7 years old, is a natural trotter. The Horse had on when he went away, a collar, hames, traces and hip-straps—And the Mare had on a complete set of waggon gears. One Dollar Reward, and reasonable charges will be given to any person, who will take up the said strays, and give information thereof to the subscriber, living on Sleepy Creek, about 3 miles from Sniders Mill. FREDERICK FROSHOUR. February 11, 1803.
To the Inhabitants of Berkeley County.
FELLOW-CITIZENS, BEING frequently solicited by a number of respectable Gentlemen to come forward as a Candidate to represent you in the General Assembly of this Commonwealth, this is therefore to inform you that I have at last got my own consent, not only to enlarge the field of your choice, but if elected, to serve you faithfully, according to my best judgment and ability. I will add, fellow-citizens, that I have lived amongst you nearly thirteen years, and in the course of that time, I have been endeavoring to learn the political situation of our common country, and have established for myself a place of residence in Berkeley County, where it is probable I may pass the balance of my days; it is therefore natural to suppose that my own interest, will lead me upon all occasions, to promote your welfare in general, as a body politic, of which body myself and family forms a part.—I will further add, that there may be a number of persons who vote for measures and not for men, that may wish to know my political sentiments; in order to give them that information, I do declare myself to be a real republican, a true friend to the constitution of the United States, and an approver of the present administration of the general government. With sentiments of esteem, I leave you to judge, and chuse for yourselves. JOEL WARD. Mill-Creek, December 26, 1802.
LANDS FOR SALE.
WILL be sold, to the highest bidder, on the respective Tracts, by the executors of the late General George Washington, the annexed parcels of LAND, at the following periods: Tract in Charles county, Maryland, near the Fish Trap, } First Monday in March next. Tract in Montgomery County, Maryland near Frederick Town, } Second Monday in ditto. Tract in Jefferson County Virginia, called Evanses, 2 1-2 miles west of Charles Town, } 18th day of March, Tract in Hampshire County, Virginia, known by the name of Horse Shoe Tract, to be sold the 18th day of March, on Evanses, } 18th day of ditto. In Jefferson County, Virginia, the Tract on the woted run Bull-Skin, } 19th day of ditto. In Jefferson County, Virginia, the Tract on Wormley's line, occupied by capt. Gabriel Greenfield, } 21st day of ditto. In Frederick County, Virginia, a Tract 1 1-2 mile South of Battle Town, } 23rd day of ditto. In Fauquier County, Virginia, Ashley's bent and Chatten's run Tracts, near Hickes tavern. } 25th—to be sold at Hickes Tavern. One fourth of the amount of the purchase to be paid down, the balance in three equal annual installments, secured by mortgage of the premises, and to draw legal interest from the day of purchase, until paid. THE EXECUTORS. January 28, 1803.
THE Overseers of the Poor of the County of Berkeley, are desired to meet at the Court House, on the First Monday in March next, being the day appointed for their Annual Meeting, by Act of Assembly in that case made and provided. Per Order. ROBERT COCKBURN, c. o. f. February 11, 1803.
Terms of the Intelligencer.
THE price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week; Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their advertisements.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.