Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-05-02 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER
[VOL. IV
MONDAY EVENING MAY 2, 1808.
NO. 123.]
A LETTER TO MR. HARRISON GRAY OTIS, A Member of the Senate of Massachusetts, on the present state of our National Affairs, with remarks upon Mr. T. Pickering's letter to the Governor of the Commonwealth. BY JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
Washington, March 31, 1808.
DEAR SIR,
I have received from one of my friends in Boston, a copy of a printed pamphlet, containing a letter from Mr. Pickering to the governor of the commonwealth, intended for communication to the legislature of the state during the session, recently concluded. But this object not having been accomplished, it appears to have been published by some friend of the writer, whose inducement is stated, no doubt truly to have been the importance of the matter discussed in it, and the high respectability of the author.
The subjects of this letter are the embargo and the differences in controversy between our country and Great Britain—the subjects upon which it is my misfortune, in the discharge of my duties as a senator of the United States, to differ from the opinion of my colleague. The place where the question upon the first of them, in common with others of great national concern, was between him and me, in our official capacities, a proper object of discussion, was the senate of the union. There it is discussed and, as far as the constitutional authority of that body extended, there it was decided. Having obtained alike the concurrence of the other branch of the national legislature, and the approbation of the president, it became the law of the land, and as such I have considered it entitled to the respect and the obedience of every virtuous citizen.
From these decisions however the letter in question is to be considered in the nature of an appeal; in the first instance, to our common constituents, the legislature of the state and in the second, by the publication, to the people. To both these tribunals I shall always hold myself accountable for every act of my publick life. Yet, were my own political character alone implicated in the course which has in this instance been pursued, I should have forborne all notice of the proceeding, and have left my conduct in this as in other cases, to the candour and discretion of my country.
But to this species of appeal, thus conducted, there are some objections on constitutional grounds, which I deem it my duty to mention for the consideration of the publick. On a statement of circumstances attending a very important act of national legislation, a statement which the writer undoubtedly believed to be true, but which comes only from one side of the question, and which I expect to prove, in the most essential points, erroneous, the writer with the most animated tone of energy calls for the interposition of commercial states, and asserts that "nothing but their sense, clearly and emphatically expressed, will save them from ruin." This solemn and alarming invocation is addressed to the legislature of Massachusetts, at so late a period of their session, that had it been received by them, they must have been compelled either to act upon the views of this representation, without hearing the counter statement of the other side, or seemingly to disregard the pressing interest of their constituents by neglecting an admonition of the most serious complexion. Considering the application as precedent, its tendency is dangerous to the publick. For on the first supposition, that the legislature had been precipitated to act on the spur of such an instigation, they must have acted on imperfect information, and under an excitement, not remarkably adapted to the composure of safe deliberation. On the second, they would have been exposed to the unjust imputations, which at the eve of an election might have operated in the most unenlightened manner upon the characters of individual members.
The interposition of one or more state legislatures, to control the exercise of the powers vested by the general constitution in the congress of the United States, is at least of questionable policy. The views of a state legislature are naturally and properly limited in a considerable degree to the peculiar interests of the state. The very object and formation of the national deliberative assemblies was for the compromise and conciliation of the interests of all—the whole nation. If the appeal from the regular, legitimate measures of the body where the whole nation is represented, be proper to one state legislature it must be so to another. If the commercial states are called to interpose on one hand will not the agricultural states be with equal propriety summoned to interpose on the other? If the east is stimulated against the west, and the northern and southern sections are urged into collision with each other, by appeals from the acts of congress to the respective states, in what are these appeals to end?
It is undoubtedly the right, and may often become the duty of a state legislature to address that of the nation, with the expression of its wishes, in regard to interests peculiarly concerning the state itself. Nor shall I question the right of every member of the great federal compact to declare its own sense of measures interesting to the nation at large. But whenever the case occurs that this sense should be "clearly and emphatically" expressed, it ought surely to be predicated upon a full and impartial consideration of the whole subject—not under the stimulus of a one sided representation—far less upon the impulse of conjectures and suspicions. It is not through the medium of personal sensibility, nor of party bias nor of professional occupation, nor of geographical position, that the whole truth can be discerned, of questions involving the rights
and interests of this extensive union. When the discussion is urged upon a state legislature, the first call upon its members should be to cast all their feelings and interests as the citizens of a single state into the common stock of the national concern.
Should the occurrence upon which an appeal is made from the councils of the nation, to those of a single state be one, upon which the representation of the state had been divided, and the member who found himself in the minority, felt himself impelled by a sense of duty, to invoke the interposition of his constituents, it would seem that both in justice to them, and in candour to his colleague, some notice of such intention should be given to him, that he too might be prepared to exhibit his views of the subject upon which the differences of opinion had taken place; or at least that the resort should be had, at such a period of time as would leave it within the reach of possibility for his representations to be received by their common constituents, before they would be compelled to decide on the merits of the case.
The fairness and propriety of this course of proceeding must be so obvious, that it is difficult to conceive the propriety of any other. Yet it presents another inconvenience which must necessarily result from this practice of appellate legislation. When one of the senators from a state proclaims to his constituents that a particular measure, or system of measures which has received the vote and support of his colleagues, are pernicious and destructive to those interests which both are bound by the most sacred of ties, with the zeal and fidelity to promote, the denunciation of the measures amounts to little less than a denunciation of the man. The advocate of a policy thus reprobated must feel himself summoned by every motive of self defence to vindicate his conduct: and if his general sense of his official duties would bind him to the industrious devotion of his whole time to the publick business of the session, the hours which he might be forced to employ for his own justification, would of course be deducted from the discharge of his more regular and appropriate functions. Should these occasions frequently recur, they could not fail to interfere with the due performance of the publick business. Nor can I forbear to remark the tendency of such antagonizing appeals to distract the councils of the state in its own legislature, to destroy its influence and expose it to derision, in the presence of its sister states, and to produce between the colleagues themselves mutual asperities and rancours, until the great concerns of the nation would degenerate into the puny controversies of personal altercation.
It is therefore with extreme reluctance that I enter upon this discussion. In developing my own views and the principles which have governed my conduct in relation to our foreign affairs, and particularly to the embargo, some very material differences in point of fact as well as of opinion, will be found between my statements, and those of the letter, which alone can apologize for this. They will not, I trust, be deemed in any degree disrespectful to the writer. Far from pleasing would it have been to me, could that honest and anxious pursuit of the policy best calculated to promote the honour and welfare of our country, which, I trust, is felt with equal ardour by us both, have resulted in the same opinions, and have given them the vigour of united exertion. There is a candour and liberality of conduct and of sentiment due from associates in the same publick charge, towards each other, necessary to their individual reputation, to their common influence, and to their publick usefulness. In our republican government, where the power of the nation consists alone in the sympathies of opinion, this reciprocal deference, this open hearted imputation of honest intentions, is the only adamant at once attractive and impenetrable, and can bear, unshattered, all the thunder of foreign hostility. Ever since I have had the honour of a seat in the national councils, I have extended it to every department of the government. However differing in my conclusions, upon questions of the highest moment, from any other man, of whatever party, I have never, upon suspicion, imputed his conduct to corruption. If this confidence argues ignorance of publick men and publick affairs, to that ignorance I must plead guilty. I know, indeed, enough of human nature, to be sensible that vigilant observation is at all times, and that suspicion may occasionally, become necessary, upon the conduct of men in power. But I know as well that confidence is the only cement of an elective government. Election is the very test of confidence—and its periodical return is the constitutional check upon its abuse; of which the electors must of course be the sole judges. For the exercise of power, where man is free, confidence is indispensable—and when it once totally falls—when the men to whom the people have committed the application of their force, for their benefit, are to be presumed the vilest of mankind, the very foundation of the social compact must be dissolved. Towards the gentleman whose official station results from the confidence of the same legislature, by whose appointment I have the honour of holding a similar trust, I have thought this confidence peculiarly due from me, nor should I now notice this letter, notwithstanding the disapprobation it so obviously implies at the course which I have pursued in relation to the subjects of which it treats, did it not appear to me calculated to produce upon the publick mind, impressions unfavourable to the rights and interests of the nation.
Having understood that a motion in the senate of Massachusetts was made by you, requesting the governor to transmit Mr. Pickering's letter to the legislature, together with such communications, relating to publick affairs, as he might have received
from me, I avail myself of that circumstance, and of the friendship which have so long subsisted between us, to take the liberty of addressing this letter intended for publication, to you.—Very few of the facts which I shall state will rest upon information peculiar to myself. Most of them will stand upon the basis of official documents, or of publick and undisputed notoriety. For my opinions, though fully persuaded, that even where differing from your own, will meet with a fair and liberal judge in you, yet of the publick I ask neither favour nor indulgence. Pretending to no extraordinary credit from the authority of the writer, I am sensible they must fall by their own weakness, or stand by their own strength.
The first remark which obtrudes itself upon the mind, on the perusal of Mr. Pickering's letter is, that in enumerating all the pretences (for he thinks there are no causes) for the embargo, and for a war with Great Britain, he has totally omitted the British orders in council of Nov. 11, 1807—those orders, under which millions of the property of our fellow citizens, are now detained in British hands, or confiscated to British captors—those orders, under which tenfold as many millions of the same property would have been at this moment in the same predicament, had they not been saved from exposure to it by the embargo—those orders, which if once submitted to and carried to the extent of their principles, would not have left an inch of American canvas upon the ocean, but under British taxation. An attentive reader of the letter, without other information, would not even suspect their existence.—They are indeed in one or two passages, faintly and darkly alluded to under the justifying description of "the orders of the British government, retaliating the French imperial decree;" but as causes for the embargo, or as possible causes or even pretences of war with Great Britain, they are not only unnoticed but their very existence is by direct implication denied.
It is indeed true, that these orders were not officially communicated with the President's message recommending the embargo. They had not been officially received—but they were announced in several paragraphs from London and Liverpool newspapers of the 10th, 11th, and 12th of November, which appeared in the National Intelligencer of the 13th December, the day upon which the embargo message was sent to congress. The British government had taken care that they should not be authentically known before their time—for the very same newspapers which gave this official notice of these orders, announced also, the departure of Mr. Rose, upon a special mission to the United States. And we now know that of these all devouring instruments of rapine, Mr. Rose was not even informed. His mission was professedly a mission of conciliation and reparation for a flagrant-enormous-acknowledged outrage. But he was not sent with these orders of council in his hands. His text, was the disavowal of admiral Berkeley's conduct—the commentary was to be discovered on another page of the British ministerial policy—on the face of Mr. Rose's instructions, these orders of council were as invisible, as they are on that of Mr. Pickering's letter.
They were not merely without official authenticity. Rumours had for several weeks been in circulation, derived from English prints, and from private correspondence, that such orders were to issue; and no inconsiderable pains were taken here to discredit the fact. Assurances were given that there was reason to believe that no such orders to be contemplated. Suspicion was lulled by declarations equivalent nearly to a positive denial; and these opiates were continued for weeks after the embargo was laid, until Mr. Erskine received instructions to make the official communication of the orders themselves in their proper shape, to our government.
Yet, although this authenticated, and even although in some sort, denied, the probability of the circumstances under which they were announced, and the sweeping tendency of their effects, formed to my understanding a powerful motive, and together with the papers sent by the president, and his express recommendation, a decisive one, assenting to the embargo. As a precautionary measure, I believed it would rescue an immense property from depredation if the orders should prove authentick. If the alarm was groundless, it must very soon be disproved, and the embargo might be removed with the danger.
The omission of all notice of these facts in the pressing enquiries "why the embargo was laid?" is the more surprising, because they are of all the facts the most material, upon a fair and impartial examination of the expediency of that act, when it passed—and because these orders, together with the subsequent "retaliating" decrees of France and Spain, have furnished the only reasons upon which I have acquiesced in its continuance to this day. If duly weighed, they will save us the trouble of resorting to jealousies of secret corruption, and the imaginary terrors of Napoleon for the real cause of the embargo. These are fictions of foreign invention. The French emperor had not declared that he would have no neutrals—he had not required that our ports should be shut against British commerce; but the orders of council, if submitted to, would have degraded us to the condition of colonies. If resisted, would have fattened the wolves of plunder with our spoils. The embargo was the only shelter from the tempest—the last refuge of our violated peace.
I have indeed been myself of opinion that the embargo, must in its nature be a temporary expedient, and that preparations manifesting a determination of resistance against these outrageous violations of our neutral rights, ought at least to have been made a subject of serious consideration in congress. I have believed and do still believe that our internal resources are competent to the establishment and maintenance of a naval force publick and private, if not fully adequate to the protection and defence of our commerce, at least sufficient to induce a retreat
from hostilities and to deter from a renewal of them by either of the warring parties; and that a system to that effect might be formed, ultimately far more economical, and certainly more energetick, than a three years embargo. Very soon after the closure of our ports I did submit to the consideration of the senate, a proposition for the appointment of a committee to institute an enquiry to this end—But my resolution met no encouragement. Attempts of a similar nature had been made in the house of representatives, but have been equally discountenanced, and from these determinations by decided majorities of both houses, I am not sufficiently confident in the superiority of my own wisdom to appeal by a topical application, to the congenial feelings of any one—not even of my own native section of the union.
The embargo, however is a restriction always under our own control. It was a measure altogether of defence, and of experiment. If it was injudiciously or over hastily laid, it has been every day since its adoption open to a repeal; if it should prove ineffectual for the purposes it was meant to secure, a single day will suffice to unbar the doors. Still believing it a measure justified by the circumstances of the times, I am ready to admit that those who thought otherwise may have had a wiser foresight of events, and a sounder judgment of the then existing state of things than the majority of the national legislature, and the president. It has been approved by several of the state legislatures, and among the rest by our own. Yet of all its effects we are still unable to judge with certainty. It must still abide the test of futurity. I shall add that there were other motives which had their operation in contributing to the passage of the act, unnoticed by Mr. Pickering, and which having now ceased will also be left unnoticed by me. The orders of council of the 11th of November still subsist in all their force; and are now confirmed, with the addition of taxation by act of parliament.
As they stand in front of the real causes for the embargo, so they are entitled to the same pre-eminence in enumerating the causes of hostility, which the British ministers are accumulating upon our forbearance. They strike at the root of our independence. They assume the principle that we shall have no commerce in time of war, but with her dominions, and as tributaries to her. The exclusive confinement of commerce to the mother country, is the great principle of the modern colonial system; and should we by a dereliction of our rights at this momentous stride of encroachment, surrender our commercial freedom without a struggle. Britain has but a single step more to take, and she brings us back to the stamp act and the tea tax.
Yet these orders—thus fatal to the liberties for which the heroes of our revolution toiled and bled—thus studiously concealed until the moment when they burst upon our heads—thus issued at the very instant when a mission of atonement was professedly sent—in these orders we are to see nothing but a "retaliating order upon France"—in these orders, we must not find so much as a cause—nay, not so much as a pretence, for complaint against Great Britain!
To my mind, sir, in comparison with those orders, the three causes to which Mr. Pickering explicitly limits our grounds for a rupture with England, might indeed be justly denominated pretences —in comparison with them, former aggressions sink into insignificance. To argue upon the subject of our disputes with Britain, or upon the embargo, and keep them out of sight, is like laying your finger over the unit before a series of noughts, and then arithmetically proving that they are all nothing.
It is not however in a mere omission, nor yet in the history of the embargo, that the inaccuracies of the statement I am examining, have given me the most serious concern—It is in the view taken of the questions in controversy between us and Britain. The wisdom of the embargo is a question of great, but transient magnitude, and omission sacrifices no national right. Mr. Pickering's object was to dissuade the nation from a war with England, into which he suspected the administration was plunging us, under French compulsion. But the tendency of his pamphlet was to reconcile the nation, or at least the commercial states, to the servitude of British protection, and war with all the rest of Europe. Hence England is represented as contending for the common liberties of mankind and our only safeguard against the ambition and injustice of France. Hence all our sensibilities are invoked in her favour, and all our antipathies against her antagonist—Hence too all the subjects of difference between us and Britain are alleged to be on our part mere pretences , of which the right is unequivocally pronounced to be on her side. Proceeding from a senator of the United States, specially charged as a member of the executive with the maintenance of the nation's rights against foreign powers, and at a moment extremely critical of pending negotiation upon all the points thus delineated, this formal abandonment of the American cause, this summons of unconditional surrender to the pretensions of our antagonist, is in my mind highly alarming. It becomes therefore a duty to which every other consideration must yield, to point out the errors of this representation. Before we strike the standard of the nation, let us at least examine the purport of the summons.
And first, with respect to the impressment of our seamen. We are told that 'the taking of British seamen, found on board our merchant vessels, by British ships of war, is agreeable to a right claimed and exercised for ages.' It is obvious, that this claim and exercise of ages, could not apply to us as an independent people. If the right was claimed and exercised while our vessels were navigating under the British flag, it could not authorize the same claim when their owners have become the citizens

of a sovereign state. As a relict of colonial servitude, whatever may be the claim of Great Britain, it surely can be no ground for contending that it is entitled to our submission.
If it be meant that the right has been claimed and exercised for ages over the merchant vessels of other nations, I apprehend it is a mistake. The case never occurred with sufficient frequency to constitute even a practice, much less a right. If it had been either, it would have been noticed by some of the writers on the law of nations. The truth is, the question arose out of American independence—from the severance of one nation into two. It was never made a question between any other nations. There is therefore no right of prescription. But, it seems, it has also been claimed and exercised during the whole of the three administrations of our national government. And it is meant to be asserted that this claim and exercise constitutes a right. If it is, I appeal to the uniform, unceasing and urgent remonstrances of the three administrations—I appeal not only to the warm feelings, but to the cool justice of the American people—nay, I appeal to the sound sense and honourable sentiment of the British nation itself, which however it may have submitted at home to this practice, never would tolerate its sanction by law, against the assertion. If it is not, now it can be affirmed that it is on our part a mere pretence.
But the first merchant of the United States in answer to Mr. Pickering's late enquiries has informed him, that since the affair of the Chesapeake there has been no cause of complaint—that he could not find a single instance where they had taken one man out of a merchant vessel. Who it is that enjoys the dignity of first merchant of the United States we are not informed. But if he had applied to many merchants in Boston as respectable as any in the United States, they could have told him of a valuable vessel and cargo, totally lost upon the coast of England, late in August last, and solely in consequence of having had two of her men, native Americans, taken from her by impressment, two months after the affair of the Chesapeake.
On the 15th October, the king of England issued his proclamation, commanding his naval officers to impress his subjects from neutral vessels. This proclamation is represented as merely 'requiring the return of his subjects, the seamen especially, from foreign countries,' and then 'it is an acknowledged principle, that every nation has a right to the service of its subjects in time of war.' Is this, sir, a correct statement either of the proclamation, or of the question it involves, in which our right is concerned? The king of England's right to the service of his subjects in time of war, is nothing to us. The question is, whether he has a right to seize them forcibly from on board of our vessels while under contract of service to our citizens, within our jurisdiction upon the high seas?—And whether he has a right expressly to command his naval officers to seize them? Is this an acknowledged principle? Certainly not.—Why then is this proclamation described as founded upon uncontested principle? and why is the command, so justly offensive to us, and so mischievous, and it then might have been made in execution, altogether omitted?
But it is not the taking of British subjects from our vessels; it is the taking, under colour of that pretence, our own native American citizens, which constitutes the most galling aggravation of this merciless practice. Yet, even this, we are told, is a pretence—for three reasons:
 1. Because the number of citizens thus taken, is small.  2. Because it arises only from the impossibility of distinguishing Englishmen from Americans.  3. Because such impressed American citizens are delivered up, on duly authenticated proof.  1. Small and great, in point of numbers, are relative terms. To suppose that the native Americans form a very small portion of the whole number impressed, is a mistake. The reverse is the fact. Examine the official returns of the department of state. They give the names of between four and five thousand impressed since the commencement of the present war. Of which number, not one fifth part were British subjects. The number of naturalized Americans could not amount to one tenth. I hazard little in saying, that more than three fourths were native Americans. If it be said, that some of these men, though appearing on the face of the returns American citizens, were really British subjects, and had fraudulently procured their protections; I reply that this number must be far exceeded by the cases of citizens impressed, which never reach the department of state. The American consul in London estimates the number of Impressments during the war at nearly three times the amount of the names returned. If the nature of the offence be considered in its true colours, to a people having a just sense of personal liberty and security, it is in every single instance, of a malignity not inferior to that of murder. The very same act, when committed by the recruiting officer of one nation within the territories of another, is by the universal law and usage of nations punished with death.—Suppose the crime had in every instance, as by its consequences it has been in many, deliberate murder. Would it answer or silence the voice of our complaints to be told that the number was small? (To be continued.)
THEATRE.
On Wednesday Evening, the 4th of May, the THESPIAN SOCIETY will perform the Play of LOVERS VOWS. To which will be added, the Farce of ALL THE WORLD'S A STAGE. Admittance One Dollar. Tickets to be had at Mr. Klein's Store; the Ledger Office; and at the Theatre. The Doors to be opened at half past five, and the performance to commence at half past six o'Clock precisely. April 29.
On Friday next, the 6th of May, at XI o'Clock, will be Sold at the Dwelling-House of the late Mrs. Anne Calvert, The Household and Kitchen FURNITURE, belonging to the estate of the deceased. April 29.
FOR SALE, The CARGO of the ship Latonia , capt. Walker, from Liverpool, consisting of 7000 bushels coarse SALT, 27 crates assorted Queen's Ware; 30 ton of Coal. James Young. April 27.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, MAY 2, 1808.
The arrival of Captain Gilbert, in the Rising States, from New-York, has enabled us to anticipate the mail, and to lay before our readers some further European articles of intelligence in addition to those contained in our last. That which not only strikes with attention, but excites horror, is the enormous contribution imposed by the French emperor, upon the poor little kingdom of Portugal, a contribution which is calculated, and was no doubt intended to, authorize the universal plunder of that wretched country. To those who have been accustomed to notice the conduct of France since the commencement of her revolutionary career, this abominable act of oppression, will appear as nothing more or less than a part of that system which she has observed to all those nations who by force or fraud have fallen under her dominion. The sympathy which every generous heart must feel for the fate of this unoffending nation, we can very readily conceive, and it would afford some consolation if this dreadful example of tyranny could but open the eyes of our deluded countrymen, and exhibit to them France (under her present ruler) and her partizans in their true colours—but this we fear is more to be desired than expected.
We had intended to have commented upon some of the articles of this decree, but when we attempted to carry that design into execution, we found it impracticable to select one that was less abominable than another—nor was it an easy task to find language sufficiently strong to express our indignation—we endeavoured in vain to invoke the eloquent strains of those patriots in and out of congress, who can feel for the fate of Copenhagen, and her fate only.
If the present ruler of France, (once for all, we do not mean to include the whole French nation in our detestation) could only succeed in his work of destruction to the British navy, we should find there were more than one General Junot. He would find us wonderfully well prepared—our sea-ports fortified "the whole body of the militia" armed and ready to receive him, and two hundred thousand dollars appropriated for their equipment, about thirty cents per man. Mr. Jefferson and his economical congress would soon find that their economy was of that sort which as the adage says is "penny wise and pound foolish."
"The great national bubble has burst," that is congress has risen. On Monday last they were informed by the President that the nation had no further occasion for their labours at present; when to the great saving of this half-ruined nation, this august body dissolved itself, first agreeing to assemble on the first Monday in November next, by which they will enter into pay one month sooner than the constitutional time of meeting would have permitted, and by which they will be gainers so much. The last act of the national farce was in strict conformity to those which preceded it—a squabble about what sort of dress would best become their persons when they are to present themselves again on the national stage—a subject worthy of their grave attention. There are however those who think more attention to the minds, and less to the persons of the honourable members would be productive of greater advantages to their constituents, and redound as much to their own honour.
And what has congress done? That is a question which will be resolved when the circulars are sent out, those valuable communications, which in mercantile phraseology may be compared to a pro forma account of sales, in which much is promised and very little is realized. People complain without applying a remedy for the removal of the cause of complaining. If we persuade ourselves that men without talents or experience are competent to all the purposes of legislation, we shall deceive ourselves to our cost. Now almost eight years have elapsed since the present rulers have governed without opposition, or only such a one as they have affected to despise. We ask any candid man to shew wherein the condition of the country has been improved under their management? But we will forbear—the circulars are now about to appear, and if they do not inform us what has been done, we shall discover that a great deal has not been done.
PHILADELPHIA, April 26.
Yesterday arrived ship Enterprize , Watkins, 82 days from the Isle of France. On the 22d February off the Cape of Good Hope, spoke French frigate La Caroline from Europe, standing to the eastward, full of men. This may possibly be the frigate that was said to have sailed from France with 200 officers and engineers on board. Captain W. informs, that the French cruisers are very successful, having sent in upwards of 20 English prizes in the course of a few months before his sailing.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, April 25.
The Senate returned the embargo bill No. 4, with two trifling amendments, which were taken up and concurred in.
Mr. Quincey presented a petition from some of the fishermen of Massachusetts, praying for relief from the embargo, laid on the table.
At 4 o'clock the house adjourned to meet again at 5.—At half after five the house again met.
motion was made to postpone indefinitely the bill from the senate for authorising the president to suspend, conditionally, the non-importation act, which, after debate was agreed to.
The speaker informed the house there was no business then on the table. A committee was appointed, jointly with a committee from the senate, to wait on the president, and inform him of the proposed adjournment of congress. Messrs. G. W. Campbell, and Nicholas were named as the committee.
Mr. Bibb offered the following resolution—Resolved, That the members of the house of representatives will appear at the next meeting of congress clothed in the manufacture of their own country.
Mr. Macon and Mr. Rea were opposed to the resolution, and said they would pay no respect to it. Mr. Bibb withdrew it.—Mr. Eppes renewed and spoke at length in support of it. Mr. Macon followed in opposition. The resolution was at length withdrawn, and the debates of this all important session of congress terminated with an argument on hunting shirts and linsey woolsey petticoats.
Mr. Clark observed that as he had made certain statements to the house concerning gen. WILKINSON, he begged leave to lay on the table the correspondence which took place between the Spanish officers relative to the receipt of money by general Wilkinson. This statement and documents were read.
Mr. Randolph moved that they be printed. Mr. Smilie opposed the motion.
Mr. Randolph called for the ayes and noes.—They were taken and it was carried, ayes 52, noes 30.
On motion of Mr. Kelly, the papers were ordered to be transmitted to the president of the United States.
Mr. Holmes, from the committee of claims to whom was referred the petition of Eugene de Beau-marçais, made a report thereon, which contains a request that the committee be discharged from the further consideration thereof. Agreed to.
On motion of Mr. Smilie, Resolved, That there be a call of the house at six o'clock this evening. And the house adjourned to that hour.
Mr. Bibb renewed his resolution, which the house refused to consider—40 to 32.
A message was received from the president of the United States, informing the house that he had no farther communication to make to the legislature.
On Motion of Mr. Smilie, the house ADJOURNED TO MEET AGAIN THE FIRST MONDAY OF NOVEMBER NEXT.
The senate have agreed to some of the amendments made by the house to the bill in addition to the EMBARGO, and made some additional amendments, which were concurred in by the house. So the bill has passed.
The senate have agreed to the amendments of the house to the bill making appropriations for the support of the additional military force. So that it will become a law as published.
* The following is the statement:
Pursuant to a resolution of the house calling on me for testimony relative to gen. Wilkinson's receipt of money from the Spaniards, I now lay before it some original papers corroborating the statement which I have already given.
No. 1. The first is a translation of a letter in Spanish from Thomas Power to Don Thomas Portell, dated at New-Madrid, June 27, 1796, containing the reasons why it was proper for Portell to deliver to Power without an order in writing from gen. Wilkinson, a sum of money which had been placed for that purpose in Portell's hands by the Spanish government of New Orleans. The original letter is subjoined in the hand writing of Power, with which I am acquainted.
This letter explains the deposition of Mr. Derbigny, and also makes mention of the letter in cypher from gen. Wilkinson to Gayoso, then governor of Natches, of which a translation in the hand writing of Gayoso has heretofore been laid before the house. It may be proper to add that I am well acquainted with the hand writing of Gayoso in which the translation is written, and that he has been dead more than eight years.
No. 2. A translation of Portell's answer to the foregoing, dated New-Madrid on the same day, June 27, 1796, the original is subjoined, in the hand writing of Portell, with which I am also acquainted.
The object of the correspondence seems to have been to have furnished Portell with the means of explaining to his superiors his motives for delivering the money without a written order.
Nos. 3 and 4. Are two original papers in the hand writing of Philip Nolan, with which I am well acquainted. Nolan was the confidential agent of gen. Wilkinson in 1796, and has been dead several years.
These two papers are stated by Mr. Power to be secret instructions given by him to gen. Wilkinson, after the latter received the money from Portell mentioned in Nos. 1 and 2. The instructions, according to Mr. Power's statement were given in the hand writing of Nolan as a measure of precaution against the danger of detection. The 640 of which they make mention, are stated by Mr. Power to be a part of the sum received for gen. Wilkinson of Portell, which Power, after his arrival in Kentucky was obliged to use for the expenses of his journey.
No. 5. Is the translation of a letter to the Baron de Carondelet, from Mr. Thomas Power; dated at New Orleans, March 9, 1797, after his return from Kentucky. The original letter in Spanish is subjoined; it is in Mr. Power's hand writing with which I am acquainted. It explains the affair of the 640 dollars mentioned in the secret instructions, No. 3 and 4 and refers to and quotes those instructions as the instructions of gen. Wilkinson.
No. 6. Is the translation of the Baron de Carondelet's answer to this letter. The letter is of Spanish and in the hand writing of Don Andres Armesto, secretary to the government, which I know.—It is signed by the Baron de Carondelet, with whose signature I am acquainted.
DANIEL CLARK.
LONDON, March 21.
Hostilities have commenced between the Swedes and the Russians—but they have as yet been confined to mere partial affairs, and no general action has taken place. The Russians in breaking up from their cantonments endeavoured to penetrate into Finland between the gulph of Finland and the Pajana lake. The Swedish frontiers on that side
are not very strong, and the Swedish advanced posts fell back upon the approach of the Russians. On the 24th ult. part of the first brigade of the Swedish troops was attacked by a superior Russian force, and after a gallant resistance was forced to retreat. The second brigade was attacked by the Russians on the 25th, near Artsis, and on the night of the 27th near Kakela; the Swedish troops repulsed them after an obstinate conflict. It was however judged proper that the two brigades should fall back upon the main body of the army, which occupied a position at Talwasthus. The latest news from the Swedish head-quarters is of the 4th of March—the Russian head-quarters were at Louisa.
But not relying entirely upon manly fighting, the Russians have endeavoured to corrupt the fidelity of the Swedish army, and have issued proclamations, in which they offer rewards to such as shall lay down their arms, or carry them over to the enemy. The proclamation is pretty much in the French style. It has produced however, no effect; or rather it has produced the effect of increasing the general disgust and detestation in which the Russians are held by the Swedes. If his Swedish majesty chose to retaliate, he might address a strong proclamation to the Livonians. But to return to our military operations.
The Russians seem to be pursuing the course of the Finland Gulph, from Louisa, to Borgo, Helsingfors, and Sveaborg. In the province of Heliola, the first Swedish province on the western bank of the Rymme, which separates the Swedish and Russian territories, there is no strong place—Louisa is no longer considered as such. It was this province that was the theatre of the last war between the Swedes and the Russians, though there is no fortress of any magnitude in it, could not make any durable progress. The Swedes in the present war, abandoned Heinola, have fixed themselves in the province of Nyland, or what is called the pre-fecture of Tavasthus. The town of Tavasthus, where the Swedish army is concentrated is small, but the fortres near it, which is called Tavasteburgh, is a very strong one—it is an excellent support to the left wing of the Swedish army, whilst the right stretches down to Helsingfors and Sveaborg on the Finland Gulph. The province of Nyland is intersected by rivers and small lakes, which render the rapid March of an invading army impracticable. Sveaborg is the strongest place in Sweden, and is a chief deuvre. It is properly an assemblage of seven fortified islands, which command a magnificent port. There are parts in which the ramparts cut in the rock present a single mass of stone, 48 feet high—the whole however is covered with grass to deaden the effect of the bursting of bombs. It is considered almost as a second Gibraltar. It serves as a station of the Swedish flotilla, composed of gallies, gunboats, and barks, carrying 20 and 30 guns, and 300 men. The other divisions of the flotilla are at Abo, Stockholm, and Gottenburgh. It is upon this kind of navy that depends in a great measure the success of an offensive or defensive campaign on the coast of the Baltic. To comprehend the employment of a flotilla, our readers should study the topographical maps of Sweden and Finland—they must figure to themselves a labyrinth of little islands and rocks, such as are not to be found in the world, or at least in Europe. There are places where in the space of a square mile, 800 points have been reckoned above the water. We may easily conceive that the sea, confined and cut into a thousand little straits and basins by these isles, breaks with great violence against the rocks.—No vessel drawing much water would dare to penetrate betwixt the isles. It is easy to imagine the astonishing variety which such a species of warfare must give rise to—here a line of gun boats and barks guards a position between inaccessible rocks—three light vessels push out unexpectedly from a straight—at other times the two squadrons are driven by the current on each other—here a masked battery opens from the land—in that a perfect calm arrests the progress of the victor.
Whilst the Russians are occupying the Swedish arms on the side of Finland, the French and Danes meditate an attack upon Sweden on the side of Scania—but they must cross from Copenhagen or Elsinore. The French have not yet entered Zealand, and the preparations at Copenhagen are not completed. A British fleet in the Sound and before Copenhagen would effectually prevent the enemy from attempting to pass over to Scania, or if they did, would make them repent having undertaken it. It has been supposed, however, that the enemy may effect it if they should embark, before a fleet from England reaches the Sound—but it must be recollected, that we have already three sail of the line, a frigate, and some other vessels at Gottenburgh, a force stronger than the French and Danes have.
PORTUGAL.
New Decree of General Junot.
In pursuance of his Imperial majesty's decree, bearing date the 22d December, 1807, in the name of his said majesty, we, the governor of Paris, first aid-de-camp to his imperial majesty, general-in-chief of the French army in Portugal, have decreed, and do decree as follows.
Art. 1. An extraordinary war contribution of forty millions of crusades, shall be levied on the kingdom of Portugal.*
The contribution of twelve millions of crusades, imposed and already discharged since the arrival of the French shall be set off from the present contribution, and be accounted for by our receiver-general.
II. Towards the said extraordinary contribution, the merchants, bankers and holders of rents and contracts, in the kingdom of Portugal, shall pay six millions of crusades, through the intervention of the board of trade, which is proportionally to divide the said sum on all the individuals, according to the fortunes which they are known or supposed to possess; and this contribution shall be discharged in the following manner;—The first third shall be paid the 10th of the month of March next ensuing; the second third shall be paid the 1st of May; and last shall be paid the 1st of August.
III. All English manufactures being liable to confiscation on the sole ground of their origin, shall be ransomed by the merchants who possess the same, and who are at liberty to dispose thereof as they please, by paying one third part of their value, according to their invoices. The said payment shall be made in three installments, and at the periods fixed in the preceding article.
* A crusade or cruza do is equal to three shillings sterling, so that this contribution will amount to thirty millions of dollars.

IV. All gold and plate of all the churches, chapel fraternities of the city of Lisbon, and the district belonging thereto, shall be carried to the mint, and received by the treasurer thereof, under the inspection and direction of the mint, within the term of fifteen days. In the churches no silver vessels shall remain, but such as are required for the decent observance of religious worship, and of those vessels a list shall be delivered, signed by the person or persons who are charged with the custody or management thereof. The person who carries the same to the mint, shall receive from the treasury a receipt, in an authentick form, for the articles delivered. All persons convicted of fraud, either with regard to the declaration of the articles existing in such churches or left there, or with respect to any like articles embezzled for their own use, shall be sentenced to pay four times the value of the article not declared or embezzled.
V. All the articles above mentioned, belonging to churches, chappels, and fraternities in the provinces, shall be delivered at the houses of the receivers of tythes, within the term of fifteen days on the same condition and penalties mentioned in the fourth article. The several receivers shall give authentick receipts for the same, and send the articles received to the mint in Lisbon, the treasurer of which is to give them a proper receipt for the same. The above receivers shall have an escort if required.
VI. The total amount of the value of the said articles shall be deducted from the present contribution.
VII. All archbishops and bishops of the Realm, all prelates and superiors of religious orders of both sexes, the regular and secular congregations which possess landed property, or capitals placed out at interest, shall contribute two thirds of their annual produce, in case that the latter does not exceed sixteen thousand crusades; should it exceed sixteen thousand crusades, they shall contribute three-fourths of the said produce, they shall however, all be exempted from the payment of the tythes in the present year.
VIII. In fifteen days after the publication of the present decree, all the prelates shall be bound to deliver to the secretary of state of the interior and of the finances, a correct return of their yearly income, which he shall cause to be examined and verified. And every person whose return shall be found incorrect, shall be sentenced to pay double the amount of his contribution. The said fine shall be recovered out of the property of the offender by the readiest means of execution.
IX. The first third part of this contribution shall be delivered at the office of the receiver-general of the contributions and publick revenue of Portugal, within the term of one month next ensuing the publication of the present Decree, by the prelates above mentioned residing in Lisbon; and within the term of six weeks, by those who reside in the provinces.
X. The second third part shall be delivered at the said office within six months next ensuing the delivery of the first third, by such prelates as reside in Lisbon, and one month after the first delivery, by those who reside in the provinces.
XI. The last one third part shall be delivered at the said office one month after the delivery of the second, by those prelates who reside in Lisbon, and three months after the second delivery, by such prelates as reside in the provinces.
XII. All persons who possess church livings of 600 to 900 milreis per annum, shall contribute two third parts of their annual income, and should such livings exceed 900 milreis per annum, they shall contribute three-fourths of the annual produce; the payment thereof shall be made into the chest of the ordinary receiver of tythes of the district, under the inspection of the respective superintendants of tythes who are to examine the said returns, and the same penalties shall be inflicted on the offenders.
XIII. The respective receivers of tythes shall under the inspection and direction of the superintendants, deliver within the shortest time possible, the amount of the sum by them received into the chest of the receiver-general of the publick revenue and contributions of Portugal.
XIV. All the knights commanders of the three military orders, and of the order of Malta, shall contribute two-thirds of the produce of their Commanderies, in the instalments and under the penalties abovementioned, with regard to the prelates.
XV. All the holders of the grants of the Crown shall pay double the amount of the annual contributions which has hitherto been imposed on them. The payment and delivery thereof shall be made in the manner aforesaid.
XVI. All the proprietors of the houses situated in Lisbon and in the district belonging thereto, shall contribute one moiety of the annual rent for which they are let, in case of their being let; and should the proprietors inhabit the said houses themselves, one moiety of the rent, to be determined by valuation. Payment and delivery thereof shall be made in the manner above mentioned, and under the same penalties. All proprietors of houses situated in other towns and boroughs of the kingdom, are liable to the same contribution, payable in the same form, and under the same penalties.
XVII. All proprietors of lands shall pay this year double the amount of the tythes imposed on them.
XVIII. For all horses, mules, and servants, double the tax shall this year be paid which was laid on them by former regulations, and the amount of the said tax so doubled shall be paid at once.
XIX. All publick buildings and establishments, which contribute towards the expenditure of the police, shall this year pay under the said contribution a sum equal to the amount thereof.
XX. The sheriff shall, under the direction of the senate, make a proportional reduction of the contribution, on all the companies of mechanics and tradesmen, whether they keep open shops in publick places or elsewhere, levying the sums assessed by prompt execution, applying them to the purposes intended, and giving proper receipts to those who have paid their quota of the contribution. The senate will cause the total amount thereof to be delivered into the chest of the receiver-general of the contributions and the publick revenue of Portugal, every eight days, until it shall be entirely discharged.
XXI. The senate of the city of Oporto will cause the amount of the contribution to be levied in the
same manner in the city of Oporto, and in the district belonging thereto. And the said senate is further charged to compel all magistrates of all other places in the north to do the same, the northern provinces in this case only subjected to the senate.
XXII. The board of publick welfare is to make, under the inspection of the royal exchequer, a similar requisition on such ships as shall be found without the jurisdiction of the senate, observing in point of payment and delivery the forms and penalties above mentioned.
XXIII. The general in chief being desirous to indemnify the unfortunate inhabitants of Beira for what they have suffered from the march of the army through that province, orders that the boroughs and villages situated between the Tejo and the road of Salterrosa, &c. shall be exempted from the payment of the two first thirds of the present contribution, and from the provisions contained in the 21st article. The boroughs and villages situated on the road to Lisbon, shall enjoy the same examples. Lands belonging to knights commanders, to holders of grants of the crown, and to other persons, pointed out in the 7th article, shall not be included in the disposition of the present article.
XXIV. The secretary of state of the interior and of finances is charged with the execution of the present decree, which shall be printed and posted throughout the whole kingdom.
Given in the palace of head-quarters in Lisbon, the 1st of February, 1808.
JUNOT.
PETITION.
To the honourable the commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in parliament assembled.
The petition of the undersigned merchants, manufacturers, and others of the city of London, interested in the trade with the United States of America,
HUMBLY SHEWETH.
That your petitioners contemplate with the greatest anxiety and apprehension the alarming consequences with which they are threatened from certain orders in council, purporting to be issued "for the protection of the trade and navigation of Great Britain;" but on which, they are induced, after mature consideration, to believe that they must be productive of the most ruinous effects. Your petitioners are duly sensible of the necessity of making every sacrifice of personal interests, to promote the strength and resources of the country in the present extraordinary crisis of publick affairs; and if the total change introduced into the whole commercial system of this country and of the world by the orders in council, could be conducive to so desirable an object; your petitioners, great as their losses must be, would submit without a murmur; but understanding that these orders are principally, if not wholly, recommended by an opinion, that they will prove beneficial to the commercial interests of this country, they feel it to be their duty, humbly to represent their conviction, that this opinion is founded in error; and that if the prayer of their petition be granted, they shall be able to prove, that they must be productive of the most fatal consequences to the interests not only of your petitioners, but the commerce and manufactures of the empire at large.
Your petitioners will abstain from enforcing, by any details, their apprehension, that these measures are likely to interrupt our peace with the United States of America; our intercourse with which, at all times valuable, is infinitely more so since we are excluded from the continent of Europe. To this only remaining branch of our foreign intercourse, we must now look for a demand for our manufactures, for many of the most important materials for their support; and for the supplies of provisions and naval stores, necessary to our subsistence and defence.
Your petitioners feel assured that they will be able to prove to the satisfaction of your honourable house, That the neutrality of America has been the means of circulating to a large amount, articles of the produce and manufactures of this country, in the dominions of our numerous enemies, to which we have no direct access:—
That the annual value of British manufactures exported to the United States, exceeds ten millions sterling; and
That as our consumption of the produce of that country falls far short of that amount, the only means of paying us must arise from the consumption of the produce of America in other countries, which the operation of the orders in council must interrupt, and in most instances totally destroy:
That the people of America, even if they remain at peace with us, must by a want of demand for their produce, and by the general distress our measures must occasion, be disabled from paying their debts to this country, which may fairly be estimated to amount to the enormous sum of twelve millions sterling:
That the neutrality of America, so far from being injurious to the other commercial interests of Great Britain, has promoted materially their prosperity:
That the produce of our colonies in the West Indies, of our Empire in the East, and of our Fisheries on the Bank of Newfoundland, has frequently found a foreign market by this means; and
That by the destruction of the neutrality of the only remaining neutral state, all possibility of intercourse with the rest of the world being removed, trade cannot possibly be benefited, but must necessarily be annihilated.
Your petitioners feeling, as they do most sensibly with their fellow subjects, the pressure of a war in which their commerce has principally been aimed at by the enemy; would fain plead their distress in recommendation of measures inconsistent with the honour and substantial interests of their country; but they humbly rely upon the wisdom of the legislature that this distress shall not be increased by our own errors, and they confidently believe that if they are permitted to illustrate by evidence the facts here stated, and to explain many others which they shall here refrain from enumerating, they cannot fail to establish the conviction with which they are so strongly impressed;
That the orders in council are founded on the most mistaken opinions of the commercial interests of the empire, and must be particularly fatal to those of your petitioners.
Your petitioners therefore pray that they may be heard by themselves or council at the bar of this honourable house, and be permitted to produce evidence
in support of the allegations of their petition; or that this honourable house, will examine into the nature and extent of their grievances in any mode which may appear advisable, with a view of affording such relief as this honourable house in its wisdom may think proper.
And your petitioners will ever pray.
Declaration of the Emperor of Russia against Sweden.
PETERSBURGH, Feb. 24.
The following declaration has been published here:—
"Justly indignant at the violence which England has displayed towards the king of Denmark, the emperor of Russia, faithful to his character and to his system of unceasing care for the interests of his empire, notified to the king of Great Britain, that he could not remain insensible of so unjust and unexampled an aggression on a sovereign connected with him by the ties of blood and friendship, and who was the most ancient ally of Russia.
"His imperial majesty informed the king of Sweden of this determination by a note, dated the 24th of September last, presented to the Swedish Ambassador.
"An article of the treaty concluded in 1783, between the empress Catharine and Gustavus III. and another in the treaty of 1800, between the late emperor Paul and the present king of Sweden, contain the reciprocal and stipulated agreement, to maintain the principle, that the BALTIC IS A GLOSE SEA, with the guarantee of its coast against all acts of hostility, violence, or vexations whatever; and further, to employ for this purpose all the means in the power of the contracting parties. His imperial majesty, referring to these treaties, considering himself not merely authorised, but bound, to call upon the king of Sweden for his co-operation against England.
"His Swedish majesty did not disavow the obligation imposed upon him by the treaties referred to, but refused all co-operation until the French troops should be removed from the coasts, and the ports of Germany opened to English ships. But the question here was the checking of those aggressions which England had commenced, and by which all Europe was disturbed. The emperor demanded from the king of Sweden a co-operation founded on treaties; but his Swedish majesty answered by proposing to delay the execution of the treaty to another period, and by troubling himself with the care of opening the Dutch ports for England. In a word, with rendering himself of service to that England, against which measures of defence ought to have been taken. It would be difficult to find a more striking proof of partiality on the part of the king of Sweden towards Great Britain, than this which he has here given.
"His imperial majesty, on the 16th of November, caused a second note to be delivered, in which his Swedish majesty was informed of the rupture between Russia and England.
"The note remained two months unanswered, and the answer which was transmitted on the 9th of January to his majesty's ministers, was to the same purport as the former.
"The emperor is, however, far from regretting his moderation. He is, on the contrary, well pleased to recollect that he has employed every means that remained to him for bringing back his Swedish majesty to the only system of policy which is consistent with the interests of his states; but his imperial majesty owes it at least to his people, and to the security of his dominions, which is to a sovereign the highest of all laws, no longer to leave the co-operation of Russia with Sweden a matter of doubt.
"Informed that the cabinet of St. James's, endeavouring to terrify Denmark into a concurrence with the interests of England, threatened that Swedish troops should occupy Zealand, and that the possession of Norway should be guaranteed to the king of Sweden; assured also that his Swedish majesty, while he left the Russian note unanswered, was secretly negotiating a treaty at London, his imperial majesty perceived that the interests of his empire would be very ill secured were he to permit his neighbour, the king of Sweden, at the commencement of a war between Russia and England, to disguise his well known sentiments of attachment to the latter power, under the appearance of a pretended neutrality. His imperial majesty, therefore, cannot allow the relations of Sweden towards Russia to remain longer in uncertainty. He cannot give his consent to such a neutrality.
"His Swedish majesty's intention being therefore no longer doubtful, nothing remained for his imperial majesty but to resort to those measures which Providence has placed in his hands, for no other purpose except that of giving protection and safety to his dominions; and he has deemed it right to notify this intention to the king of Sweden, and to all Europe.
"Having thus acquitted himself of that duty which the safety of his dominions require, his imperial majesty is ready to change the measures he is about to take, to measures of precaution only, if the king of Sweden will, without delay, join Russia and Denmark in shutting the Baltic against England until the conclusion of a maritime peace. He himself invites the king, his brother in law, for the last time, and with all the feelings of real friendship, no longer to hesitate in fulfilling his obligations, and in embracing the only system of policy which is consistent with the interests of the northern powers. What has Sweden gained since her king attached himself to England?
"Nothing could be more painful to his imperial majesty than to see a rupture take place between Sweden and Russia. But his Swedish majesty has it still in his power to prevent this event by, without delay, resolving to adopt that course which can alone preserve strict union between the two states.
"Done at St. Petersburg, Feb. 10, 1808."
Imperial Parliament.
HOUSE OF LORDS, March 22.
Commercial Policy of the Orders in Council.
The order of the day was then moved and lord Lauderdale rose to make his promised motion, respecting the result of the operation which the orders in council must have on the general commerce of the country. His lordship took a wide field in arguing this point, but insisted chiefly on the injurious tendency they must have, first and directly on America; 2dly, and indirectly, on ourselves. The orders in council must sink the value of all articles of American export, and thus disable the United States from paying the debts they owed to this
country. By suspending or annihilating the trade of America, there would be no inlet into the Continent for our colonial produce. In a word, it was the object and boast of the orders in council to receive our West India colonies, and to increase our general trade. Now, experience would prove the fact to be, that they would aggravate the embarrassments of our West India planters whilst they must tend to the detriment of the general commerce of the empire. Besides their operation upon France would be very different indeed from their effects upon the inhabitants of this country. In France it was well known that 16 out of 20 subsisted on agricultural pursuits, while in England 15 out of 20 depended upon their commercial and manufacturing industry. In a word, the orders in council might effect the luxury of France; but they must prey upon the very subsistence of Great Britain. His lordship concluded with reading the resolutions, which generally stated the injurious effects of the orders in council, as affecting our external and internal trade, as improving the commercial resources of the enemy, and stating this experiment as highly impolitic, both as a temporary and permanent measure.
Lord Bathurst made a very comprehensive and able reply to all the statements of the noble lord, and proved, by facts, that since 1806, both our exports and the imports of America had considerably decreased, previous to the issue of the orders in council, and that since December last, they had again recovered and increased in the very articles, the demand for which, according to the arguments of the noble lord, must have been diminished by the operation of these orders.
Lord King spoke in support of the resolutions of his noble friend.
Lord Grenville went over his former ground, of the ruinous consequences to our commerce, which might result from the orders in council, particularly as they effected America, and which he contended, would be the real cause of the war between the two governments, if war should ultimately prove the consequence of what was now transacting. He did not stick at saying, that the intention of such measures as the orders in council, was the real cause of the embargo laid on by the United States; and that such an intention was known to the American government, antecedently to laying on the embargo.
Lord Hawkesbury would not at so late an hour enter again on the repetition of arguments, which had already been adduced in this question; but would content himself with saying, that as far as his information went, the American government knew nothing of the orders in council, when the embargo was laid on in the American ports.
The question was now impatiently called for, and the house divided on the question of receiving lord Lauderdale's resolutions.
Contents 21 Non-Contents 56 Majority for ministers 36
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Petitions against the Orders in Council.
On the motion of the chancellor of the exchequer, the house went into a committee, to hear evidence on these petitions, that mode of hearing evidence being most conformable to the general practice of the house; though the speaker stated, that it was not uncommon to hear evidence with the speaker in the chair.
On the motion of the chancellor of the exchequer, the house went into a committee, in which adjourned consideration of the petitions against the orders in council was resumed.
The following witnesses were then called in and examined, Mr. Wm. Bell, Mr. Thos. Martin, Mr. Alexander Forrester, and Mr. Abraham Mann.
On account of the lateness of the hour, and there being then 5 other witnesses to examine, the further consideration of the question was postponed till tomorrow, when the latter witness was again ordered to be examined.
Adjourned at 12 o'clock.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Brig Mehitable, Hannah, 16 days from St. Bartholomews, Rum and Coffee, George Wilson.
Sch'r Jane, Jackson, 8 days from Philadelphia.
Sch'r Rising States, Gilbert, 4 days from New York.
Sloop Mahala, Pryor, 5 days from Philadelphia.
The meeting of the Stockholders
in the Dismal Swamp Canal Company, adjourned till TOMORROW 11 o'clock, at which time the Stockholders in town are requested to attend at the Eagle Tavern.
RICHARD BLOW, President.
May 2.
BY FRANCIS SMITH.
On Wednesday the 4th instant, at 11 o'clock, on Marsden's wharf, will positively be Sold, the CARGO of the Brig Mehitable, consisting of 156 puncheons Grenada Rum, and 5,000 weight Coffee—Terms, approved endorsed notes at 60 and 90 days for sums over 100 dollars, under 1000 and exceeding 200 dollars 60 days, under 200 dollars cash.
And at 12 o'clock, will be Sold on a credit of 3, 6, and 9 months.
The Brig MEHITABLE, with all her tackle and apparel as she came from sea; she is a strong vessel and will carry about 2000 barrels.
May 2.
The creditors of GEORGE LYNHAM,
are requested to meet on Tuesday, May 3d, at 12 o'clock in the forenoon at Francis Andre's Store, on Maxwell's wharf, where something to their interest will be communicated to them.
May 2.
Military LANDS for Sale.
1100 acres of LAND lying in the State of Ohio, on the waters of the Little Miami, in three different surveys—The subscriber having seen the Land, can affirm that there is no Land in that State superior in point of fertility, situation or climate. Any person wishing to purchase the above Land will know the terms by applying to CHARLES SNEAD, living in Northampton, Eastern Shore, Virginia.
May 2.
FOR SALE.
50,000 acres valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana—Particulars with regard to local advantages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to purchasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS TUNNO, in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER, in Savannah.
Feb. 8.
† Such as shooting the said person, and confiscating his whole estate, as the butcher Le Clerc (the Emperor's brother-in-law) did to poor Fadin in St. Domingo.
‡ A milreis is 124 cents.

FOR BOSTON. The Schooner BARTHOLOMEW , Capt. Crawford, will sail in a few days. For passenger freight or passage apply to the master on board at Newton's wharf, or to Christopher Fry. April 29.
TIMBER.
The following Timber is wanted for the Navy Yard at Gosport—Persons disposed to furnish it will be pleased to make immediate application to Theo. Armistead, N. A.
A 6 Gurdur Beams —47— 10 by 12 B 40 Joists —36— 3 12 C 40 do. —18— 3 12 D 7 Gurdurs —30— 12 12 E 7 do. —20— 12 12 F 7 do. —38— 12 12 G 7 do. —48— 12 12 H 20 do. —40— 12 14 I 20 do. —28— 12 14 K 30 do. —36— 3 12 L 35 do. —33— 4 12 M 76 Principal Rafters —30— 4 10 & 4 by 6 N 38 Collar Beams —28— 4 9 O 46 Peasants —33— 4 5 P 40 do. —24— 4 5 R 186 Jack Rafters —30— 3 5 S 186 do. —20— 3 5 T 186 do. —24— 3 6 W 16 do. KP —16— 4 10 Y 35 Plaits —33— 4 12
The above Timber must be of Heart Pine or Poplar. April 29.
LOST, Tuesday evening between the United States' Bank and the Virginia Bank, by the way of Catha- rine-Street, TWO SEALS and a WATCH KEY, marked V. affixed to an old steel chain. The finder will be handsomely rewarded (if required) by leaving them at the Ledger Office. April 29.
ADVERTISEMENT.
A good Price will be given for the First Vol. of the History of France, BY GIFFORD. This Book was sent to the late Mr. Mirick to be bound, and sold at Auction with the rest. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 29.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has esta- blished
A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY. For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those will be well served who choose to promote an in- stitution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.
New SHOES from New-York, as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 9d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 10s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.
VERNON'S BOOTS,
which are no doubt the most elegant made in the United States. Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he be- lieves there are very gentlemen who cannot be fitted. A few hundred bushels of ground Alum Salt; India Cot- tons; Brown Sugar, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. April 29.
STOLEN from a House in this Borough, about the 15th or 16th instant,
TWO TABLE SPOONS,
both marked T. M. G. in a cypher. Any person that will inform the Editor of this paper where the Spoons can be obtained, shall be well rewarded. N. B. Silversmiths and others are requested to stop them if offered for sale. April 25.
On Hand,
A few qr. casks of choice Teneriffe WINE,
And a few kegs fresh Dutch HERRINGS.—For sale by the Subscriber. Moses Myers. April 25.
COW-POCK.
The Subscriber informs those who wish to be vaccinated, that a parcel of fresh matter lately received from Philadelphia, has succeeded, and is now fit to inocu- late from. George Balfour. April 20.
A WET NURSE FOR SALE.
A Strong NEGRO WOMAN, with a good breast of Milk, and her Boy six weeks old—The Woman is used to washing, ironing, and house-work. ALSO,
A NEGRO WOMAN, an excellent Cook and House Servant. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 22.
STOLEN,
A SILVER CANDLESTICK,
Stamped on the base J. Lownes. The negro woman who it suspected took it about a fortnight since, may have offered it for sale or pawn for rum, of which she is very fond—FIVE DOLLARS will be given to the person who may bring it to the Office of the Ledger. April 22.
THE STOCKHOLDERS
In the Marine Insurance Company, of Norfolk, are hereby notified that an Election will be held at the Office of the said Company, on the first day of the next month (May), according to law, for the choice of six- teen Directors, for one year, from the said first day of May. John Cowper, Sec'y.
Office of the Marine Insurance Company, the 11th of April, 1808.
THE STOCKHOLDERS
In the Dismal Swamp Canal Compa- ny, are requested to meet at the Eagle Tavern, opposite the Market-House, on Monday, the 2d day of May next, at 12 o'Clock, to elect a President and Directors, and other bus- iness of importance to the said company. RICHARD BLOW, President. April 13.
Intending to leave the country for a few months, I have appointed Mr. William Dickson my attorney. Bartholomew Redmon. April 7.
BOOTS. Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS, Just received and for Sale by Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market-Square. Feb. 8.
NOTICE.
The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
Cognac Brandy, Hollands Gin, Coun- try do. in pipes, Rice in tierces and half tierces—For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. February 24.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store,
Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13.
For SALE, 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. Kitts RUM. MOSES MYERS. January 8.
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4.
NOTICE.
The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
First quality Jamaica COFFEE.
Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 28.
For RENT,
The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
For SALE,
2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse— For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc. Money will be taken in payment.—Apply at the Of- fice of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25.
For RENT,
That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at pre- sent occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also,
That convenient House, where Mr. Cornelius Calvert formerly lived; they have very fine gar- dens and all convenient out-houses—possession may be had on the first day of May next, on application to James Tucker. April 13.
Mackinder & White,
Have just received from on board the schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO,
A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ticklenburgs, superfine Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 15.
ENGLISH GOODS.
Appleton & Co.
By the John Adams, St. Johns, from Liverpool, No. 16, Calvert-Street, Baltimore, have received their regular sup- ply of GOODS, calculated for the present and approach- ing season,
Cambricks and Common Callicoes, Plain and striped Dimities; Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans; Furniture Chintz; do. Dimities, London superfine Broad Cloths; do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres; patent Nankeens, Cords; Grandurelle; Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambricks Muslins, Japan, Haricord, and Check do. plain and figured Mull do. Leno, Victory, and Riddle Muslin; coloured do. do. do. 4-4 plain Book do.; Ginghams; Silk do. Sattins, Persians, and Sarsnets; Bonnet Silks; Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs; Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, do. Braces, do. Laces and Footings, do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks; Buttons; Birmingham Ware. In Store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted pa- per at 60 days. April 15.
FOR RENT.
The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Blanchard. April 7.
MR. GEORGE REID, Sir—Take notice that I shall take the deposition of Ma- thew Hubbard, senior, at the office of Robert B. Taylor, at- torney at law, in Norfolk, between the hours of ten in the morning and four in the afternoon of Friday the 27th day of May next, to be used in a suit depending in the Borough Court of Norfolk, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defend- ant. This notice is given in this mode, as you do not reside within the State of Virginia, and have no known agent or at- torney within the state to whom notice can be given. I am, your obedient servant, TILDSLEY GRAHAM. Norfolk, April 25, 1808.
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7.
Fresh Imperial TEA.
Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation.—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26.
NOTICE.
The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all per- sons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. February 17.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Matras Tickling, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26.
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York,
17 hhds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-street to William Hull, Jun. October 16.
Just got to Hand.
22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18.
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn,
120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castile Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12.
WOOD & HASTINGS,
No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS,
Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Floren- tine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Na- vy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambricks Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirts; a variety of Woolens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assort- ment of
WOOLLEN GOODS.
Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c.
On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; La- dies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11.
The Subscriber grateful for past fa- vours, takes the liberty of informing the publick, that in ad- dition to his BEER and PORTER-HOUSE, he has rented the upper apartment of that commodious house situated at the corner of Wide Water and Commerce-Streets, formerly occupied by Mrs. Bryan, which he has opened as a Tavern, by the name of the GLOBE TAVERN, and will keep a con- stant supply of the best of Liquors; and for the accommo- dation of customers, he will keep a constant supply of prime New-York Ale, Philadelphia Beer and Porter.
Solicitous for a share of publick patronage, he assures those who may favour him with their custom, that every atten- tion will be paid to give satisfaction. Gentle Boarders can be accommodated by the week, month, or year, upon moderate terms. Good Stabling and forage for a few horses. WILLIAM TONKIN. April 7.
TWO TENEMENTS situated on Town-Point, will be rented cheap, together or separate.— For terms apply as above. Im
Intending shortly to leave this town, the Subscriber informs the publick, that from this day he will sell at the first cost,
All his STOCK,
Consisting of DRY GOODS, and every kind of ready made CLOTHES. B. Danfossy. No. 24, Market-Square. April 13.
For SALE, On board the ship Dammascotta, Robert Duckendorff, master, at Commerce-Street Wharf, Coarse Liverpool SALT, St. Vincent's RUM and MOLASSES. Moses Myers. April 15.
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street March 30.
CASH for Warwick STAVES. Moses Myers. April 20.
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Machure. March 2.
NOTICE.
I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceas- ed, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admr'x. December 9.
AT PRIVATE SALE, By S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar.
The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. Feb. 20.
He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM.
30 hhds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffles; 1 do fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Heffians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Camp- bell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water- street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his as- sortment of
Groceries and Ship Chandlery,
Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels Loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hds. and 6 bbls Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received,
20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 4. kegs and 2 bbls Salmon, 5 bbls Mackarel, 15 cases Salad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 to do Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31.
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18.
6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat.
IN STORE, 35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 100 hogsheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 30 tierces London Brown Stout, 20 hogsheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, fit for use, 600 ready made Check Shirts. 20 hds. Petersburg Tobacco, 30 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Heimitage For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. February 6.
Thirty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the Subscriber on the 22d of last month, a bright mulatto, named CALER, about 24 years of age, bow legged; he has a red mark upon his neck just below his right ear, (as well as I can recollect) I will give the above reward to any person, or persons that will se- cure the said negro so that I get him again, and if delivered to me all reasonable charges shall be paid. H. PITTS. Northampton, Eastern Shore, Virg. April 11, 1808
Landing from the schooner Antelope, Capt. Putnam,
100 hhds. & 12 tierces MOLASSES, 24 bags Green Coffee. Also received from New-York, New Mess and Prime PORK, Mess and Prime BEEF. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. April 13.
The following prices will be given in Cash for 500 or 600 cords of BARK, deliverable at my Tan Yard,
Spanish Oak, $ 6 per cord, Willow or Water do. 5 Red do. 4 Young White do. 3 50 Beach Bark, 3 50
With a view to prevent disappointment to those who pro- cure this article, arising from the uncertainty of the quantity which may be brought to market, I will receive all which may be delivered at my landing before the first day of June, provided it be well cured and in good order. Theoderick Armistead. April 4.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR. Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.