Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1807-01-02 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
(No. 2 of Volume VIII.)
FRIDAY, January 2, 1807.
[Whole No. 100.]
PRUSSIAN MANIFESTO.
We this day publish the King of Prussia's Manifesto. This important document was issued at the head quarters at Erfurt, on the 8th of October last. In point of arrangement and composition, this Manifesto is not excelled by any document of a similar nature in modern diplomacy. It is, beyond doubt, the most forcible appeal against the dangers of French ambition which has yet appeared. The facts stated in it are uncontroverted. There is not a state in Europe that cannot bear testimony to them; there is scarcely one in which their effects are not felt. This Manifesto is long, but it will richly repay the labour of perusal.
MANIFESTO.
AS HIS majesty the King of Prussia has taken up arms for the defence of his people, he thinks it necessary to lay before them, and all Europe, the circumstances which have imposed this duty on his majesty.
The politics of France have been the scourge of humanity during the last fifteen years. Those men who in rapid succession, have been at the head of affairs in that country, have only sought the means of their dominion in war, and the guarantee of their existence in the wretchedness of the people, may be viewed without astonishment. But the introduction of a regular government, to which the same necessity could not be imputed gave new life to the hopes of the friends of peace. Napoleon, invested with the supreme power, victorious, surrounded by weaker states, friendly-disposed governments, or exhausted rivals, had it in his power to perform a better part. For the greatness of France nothing more remained for him to do; for her happiness, every thing was in his power.
It is painful to be compelled to say, that French hostilities still remained the same. An insatiable ambition was still the ruling passion of France. She made use of arms and treaties with the same view. The peace of Amiens was scarcely concluded before the signal for the first acts of violence followed.
Holland and Switzerland two independent states, were compelled to accept a constitution which converted them into French provinces. The renewal of the war was the consequence.
Peace however still continued upon the continent. The German empire had purchased it by incalculable sacrifices. In the midst of this peace, nevertheless, the French troops invaded the electorate of Hanover; a country which had no concern in the war between France and England, while the ports of Germany were shut against the British flag, and the better to effect her object, France took possession of Cuxhaven, and the territory of a free state, which was still more a stranger to the war than Hanover.
In the midst of this peace also, the same troops a few months after violated the German territory in such a manner as to wound the honor of the nation still deeper.
The Germans have never avenged the death of the duke d'Enghien; but the remembrance of that event will never be extinguished among them.
The treaty of Lunéville guaranteed the independence of the Italian republic. In spite of the most positive assurances did Napoleon place the Iron crown of Italy upon his own head. Genoa was incorporated with France. Lucca was very near sharing the same fate. Only a few months before had the emperor, on a solemn occasion, an occasion which imposed very important duties upon him, declared before his people and before all Europe, that he wished not to extend the limits of his territory. Besides France was bound by a treaty with Russia, to put the king of Sardinia in the possession of indemnities in Italy. Instead of fulfilling that obligation she made herself mistress of every object which could have been serviceable towards that indemnification.
Portugal wished to maintain her neutrality, but Portugal was compelled to purchase by gold the deceitful security of a few moments.
The Porte who had not forgotten the invasion of Syria and Egypt was the only
power remaining in Europe which had not been subjected to the arbitrary proceedings of France.
But to these acts of violence, a system of abuse and injury remained still to be added. A Journal which proclaimed itself the voice of the government, was chosen as a chronicle of the attacks incessantly made upon every crowned head.
Prussia could be no stranger to any of these general acts of oppression. Many of them were nearly connected with her substantial interests; especially as the wisdom of that system which considers the states of Europe as members of the same family, calls upon each of them for defence of all; and that the unbounded aggrandizement of one state exposed the rest to danger, was sufficiently manifest to experience.
Still it is most essentially necessary to represent in what manner the conduct of France was calculated to operate in its immediate relation to Prussia.
It were superfluous to enumerate all the good offices rendered to Napoleon by Prussia. Prussia was the first power that acknowledged him. No promise, no menaces had been able to shake the king's neutrality. Every thing that the duty of a good neighbor could prescribe was most amply afforded during a period of six years. Prussia esteemed a valiant nation, which also had learned, on its part, to respect Prussia both in war and peace; and she did justice to the genius of its chief. But the remembrance of these times is no longer retained by Napoleon.
Prussia had permitted the territory of Hanover to be invaded. In this she had countenanced an act of injustice; therefore was it her first view to remedy it. She offered herself for it instead of England, under the condition that the latter should cede it. It must, however, at least be recollected, that thus a boundary was prescribed to France, which she should not pass. Napoleon solemnly pledged himself not to compromise the neutrality of the northern states; to exercise no violence towards any of them; and, in particular, not to increase the number of troops in the electorate of Hanover.
Scarcely had he agreed to the stipulations, than he broke them. Every one is acquainted with the violent manner in which sir George Rumbold was seized; every one knows that the Hanse Towns were laid under contribution, under the appellation of loans, not by any means for their interest, but exactly in the same manner as if France had been at war with them. For the first of these injuries his majesty contented himself with accepting an inadequate satisfaction. Of the second he took no cognizance, being prevented by the apprehensions, and representations on the part of the Hanse Towns. His majesty, on his part, did not scruple to make any sacrifice, as the preservation of peace was the dearest wish of his heart.
The patience and sufferance of every other Court, were exhausted sooner than that of his Majesty. War again broke out on the Continent—the situation of the King, with respect to his duty, was more difficult than ever. In order to prevent France from augmenting her troops in Hanover, he had promised to suffer no attack to be made on that territory. The Russians and the Swedes were preparing for an attack upon the French. From this period, the whole burden of the contract between France and Prussia weighed upon the latter only, without producing to her the least advantage; and by a single concatenation of circumstances, it seemed that Prussia, who only wished to remain impartial and neutral, could no longer pursue her former system, except to the prejudice of the Allied powers. Every advantage which resulted from this situation of affairs was on the side of France; and the King was daily threatened with a collision, not less formidable to him, than decisively favorable to the plans of Napoleon.
Who could have thought that the very moment when the King had given to the French government the strongest proof of his determination, and a singular example of the faithful fulfilment of engagements into which he had once entered, should be chosen by Napoleon to do the King the most sensible injury? Who
does not remember the violation of the territory of Anspach, which took place on the 3d of October in the last year, notwithstanding the remonstrance of the provincial administration, and of his Majesty's Minister?
This contrast between that moderation which pardoned every thing—that integrity which remains true to its engagements to the last on the one part, and the abuse of power, the insolence inspired by deceitful fortune, and the habit of only reckoning on this fortune, on the other, continued several years. The King declared to the French government that he considered all his connections with it as dissolved. He placed his armies on a footing suitable to circumstances. He was now fully convinced, that no pledge of security remained for the neighbours of France, but a peace established upon firm principles, and guaranteed by all the Powers in common.
His Majesty offered the Allies to be the mediator in negotiations for such a peace, and to support them with all his force. It is sufficient to know the conditions then proposed, to be convinced of the moderation which, at all times, has governed the politics of his majesty in their whole extent. Prussia, at this moment, listened not to the voice of revenge; she passed over the events of the late war, however violent they might have been, since they had been sanctioned by existing treaties. She required nothing but the punctual fulfilment of those treaties; but this she required without limitation. Count Haugwitz repaired to Vienna, where the French Emperor then was. Scarcely had this Minister been there a few days, when the whole face of affairs was changed; the misfortunes experienced by the Court of Vienna had compelled it to sign an armistice, which was immediately followed by a peace. The emperor of Russia sacrificed his views to the wish of his ally, and his troops returned home. Prussia stood now alone on the field of contest. His Majesty was obliged to limit his policy by his powers; and instead as has been his wish, of embracing the interest of all Europe, make his own security and that of his neighbours, his first object.
[The manifesto then proceeds to recite at length the conduct of Bonaparte with respect to Oleves, Wesel, Hanover, &c.]
The French emperor proposed to count Haugwitz a treaty in which was stipulated, on one side a mutual guarantee of possessions, the inviolability of the Turkish territory, and the results of the peace of Presburg; and, on the other, the taking possession of Hanover by Prussia, in return for the cession of three provinces.
The first part of this treaty promised at least for the future, an acknowledged guarantee, and if Napoleon had so pleased a firm political constitution. The results of the peace of Presburg was a general misfortune for Europe; but Prussia sacrificed herself alone when she accepted them; and to place a limit to the incessant usurpations of France, should the treaty be considered by the court of St. Cloud as any thing more than words, appeared an advantage; the king, therefore, ratified this article unconditionally.
The second half of the treaty of Vienna related to an object, the importance of which had been manifested by serious experience. Prussia could not rely on security for a moment, so long as Hanover remained involved in a war in which that country had, in fact no concern. At whatever price it might be purchased, Prussia was resolved that the French should not return thither. She had her choice to obtain this end either by treaty or a war. The cession of three provinces, which had been faithful and happy for a long series of years, was a sacrifice not to be made for the plan of vain ambition; but these provinces, in case of a war, would have been the first sufferers; all the calamities of the war would have pressed upon the monarchy; while the acquisition of Hanover, could it have been made under less unhappy circumstances, would have been productive of the most salutary advantages to Prussia. The king, therefore, conceived, that he reconciled his wishes with his principles,
when he accepted the proposed exchange, only under the condition that the fulfilment of the same should be deferred to the general peace, and the consent of his majesty the King of Great Britain should be obtained.
All the advantages of the treaty were for France. On the one side, she received guarantees, which put the seal on her conquests; on the other, she gave what she did not possess, what might be again conquered by the chances of an uncertain war; while in the cessions of Prussia she found the means of enriching her Allies.
But between a policy which will do every thing in its power, and an integrity which regards its duties, and especially its promises, the contest is ever unequal. The King approached the moment when he was convinced of this by experience; this moment was the most painful of his reign.
It was the affair of France to reject the modifications under which the King had confirmed the treaty, if she did not approve them. But she avoided doing this, for the whole Prussian army was still under arms. She continued to be lavish of assurances of friendship; she fulfilled the treaty as far as it suited her; but when his Majesty wished to reap the only advantage which he had proposed to himself from the late negotiations, and which was nearest to his heart, she suddenly altered her language. The modifications, added to the treaty of Vienna, were now rejected at Paris. Endeavors were made to force Prussia into the most injurious measures; and when Count Haugwitz who was at Paris remonstrated against this, the unconditional fulfilment of the treaty was thoughtfully insisted on, as were the immediate cessions of the three provinces, and to recal the patent by which the occupation of Hanover was declared provisional. Prussia was required to resign a part of the advantages stipulated, and to shut the ports against the British flag, in the same manner as the French had returned into the electorate.
The King, at length, was perfectly convinced of the true character of the friendship of the emperor of the French, a soporific draught for a power which still feels its own strength; an instrument of degradation, and finally of subjection, to every power which no longer possesses strength.
In the mean time, Napoleon was in possession of every advantage. The Prussian army had returned; his own; after some movements of no consequence, at which deceived Germany prematurely rejoiced, on some frivolous pretences, established itself on this side of the Rhine. The first conflict might produce misfortunes. War, which is not, under all circumstances, the greatest of evils, might become such under those then existing. The King determined to continue the part he had hitherto acted for some time longer. Wishing to preserve his force, now more than ever necessary to Europe, and at the least to secure the tranquility of the North, he confirmed the new treaty. Confidence, however, was now utterly lost. Prussia was convinced that, on the first opportunity to weaken her without danger, she might expect an attack from the pretended ally; convinced there is a degree of ambition which nothing can satisfy—which proceeds, without intermission, from usurpation to usurpation, sometimes without a plan, but ever intent on destruction; careless of the choice of means, and employing alike arms, and the pen, violence, and oaths. But even with this conviction, so great is the unfortunate superiority obtained by such policy, over those who wish only to be just, the King fulfilled all conditions of the treaty with the punctuality of a faithful Ally. It is known what the consequences were with respect to the connections of his Majesty with England. France gained nothing by this; but she triumphed in secret at the thought of having disunited two Courts, the union of which might have been dangerous to her; and what, in the view of France, gave the principal value of her alliance insulated his Majesty, since it produced an opinion, that Prussia was a participant in the cause of so many misfortunes.
But not content with this, we shall soon see in what manner the politics of France, assured that she had now an en-

envy to fear, believing that she had annihilated Austria, forming a judgment of Russia with equal ignorance and rashness, and blinded by the apparent tranquility of Prussia, she at length threw off the mask; and despising forms which she had hitherto sometimes respected, openly trampled on all treaties & all rights. Three months after the signing of the treaty with Prussia, all its articles were violated.
The treaty had for its basis the statu quo of the moment in which it was concluded, also the guarantee of the German empire and its states according to the constitution then established. This truth arises not only from the nature of things; the treaty had expressly prescribed to the two powers their duties. The relations in which the peace of Presburg has left his majesty the emperor of Austria, were guaranteed to him, consequently, also the imperial crown of Germany, and the rights connected with it. The existence of Bavaria, and consequently the relations which had connected it for so many centuries to the empire, were likewise confirmed by the same common guarantee. Three months after, the confederation of the Rhine overthrew the German constitution, deprived the emperor of the ancient ornament of his house, and placed Bavaria, and thirty other princes, under the tutelage of France.
But is it necessary to appeal to treaties to form a just judgment of this extraordinary event? Previous to all treaties nations have their rights and had not France sported with the sanctity of an oath, the act of unexampled despotism would exasperate every mind. To deprive princes who had never offended France, and to render them the vassals of others, themselves the vassals of the French government; to abolish with a stroke of the pen a constitution of a thousand years duration; which long habits, the remembrance of so many illustrious periods, and so many various and mutual relations had rendered dear to such a number of Princes; which had so often been guaranteed by all the European powers, and even by France herself; to lay contributions on the cities and towns in the midst of profound peace, and leave the new possessions only an exhausted skeleton, to abolish the constitution without consulting the emperor of Germany, from whom a crown was wrested of Russia, so lately became the guarantee of the German league, or Prussia interested intimately in the league thus arbitrarily dissolved. No; wars and continued victories have some times produced great and remarkable catastrophes; but such an example in times of peace was never before given to the world.
The King commiserated the unfortunate Princes, who suffered by these transactions, but he pitied not less those who had suffered themselves to be lulled by the hope of gain; and he would reproach himself, should he increase their unhappiness by judging them with too great a severity. Deluded by the reward of their compliance; probably, forced to obey commands which admitted of no opposition; or, if surprized into consent, sufficiently punished by their acquiescence, and by being reduced to a state of vassalage, as harsh and degrading as their relations were honourable, they deserve not to be treated by Germany with the utmost rigour. Perhaps, when the magnanimous nation, to which they formerly belonged, arises around them on every side to contend for their independence, they may listen to the voice of gratitude and honour, and, at least abhor their chains, when they find they must be stained with the blood of their brethren.
It was not enough that these despotic acts were immediately injurious to Prussia. The Emperor of France was intent on rendering them sensible to the person of the King in all his states. The existence of the Prince of Orange was under the common guarantee of the two powers; for the King had acknowledged the political changes in Holland only under this condition. For several years this prince had expected that his claims, secured by the mutual stipulations of Prussia and France should be satisfied. The Batavian Republic had been willing to enter into an accommodation, but the Emperor Napoleon forbade it. Neither the recollection of the circumstance, nor the consideration of the ties of blood which united his majesty to the prince, nor the declaration, twenty times repeated, that the King could not desert the rights of his brother-in-law, could prevent his being added to the heap of victims. He was the first who was deprived of his paternal property. Eight days before, he had received from the Emperor a letter, condoling with him
in the customary forms, on the death of his father, and wishing him joy on his undisturbed succession to the states of his House. None of these circumstances are unimportant; each throws a light on the whole.
Cleves had been allotted to Prince Murat: Scarcely become a Sovereign, he wished likewise to be a conqueror. His troops took possession of the Abbeys of Essen, Werden, and Essen, under the pretext that they appertained to the Duchy of Cleves, though they were entirely territories newly acquired, and there was not the shadow of a connexion between them and the ceded province. Great labour was employed, in vain, to give even a colour to this outrage.
Wesel was to belong to the new Duke, not to the Emperor Napoleon. The King had never resolved to give up the last fortress on the Rhine into the power of France. Without a word by way of explanation, Wesel was annexed to a French department.
The existing state of the Austrian Monarchy, and of the Porte, had been mutually guaranteed. The Emperor Napoleon certainly wished that Prussia should be bound by this guarantee; for in his hands it was an instrument which he might employ as suited his politics, a pretext for demanding sacrifices in a contest which his ambition might occasion. He himself, however, did not observe it longer than it contributed to his interest. Ragusa though under the protection of the Porte, was taken possession of by his troops—Gradiska and Aqualteta were wrested from Austria, under nearly the same pretexes which had been employed when the French seized the Three Abbeys.
In all political proceedings it was naturally taken for granted, that the new States formed by France were states in the proper sense of the term, and not French provinces. But it cost the Cabinet of St. Cloud only a word to deprive them of their independence. The appellation, The Great Empire , was invaded, and that Empire was immediately surrounded with vassals.
Thus there was no trace of the treaty left, and Prussia proceeded to shut her ports against England, and still considered herself as having obligations to fulfil.
The Emperor, at length, informed his Majesty that it was his pleasure to dissolve the German Empire and form a Confederation of the Rhine, and he recommended to the King to establish a similar confederation in the North of Germany. This was according to his customary policy; a policy which had long been crowned with success: at the moment of the birth of any new project to throw out a lure to those Courts which might occasion difficulties in the execution of such project. The King adopted the idea of such a confederation, not that the advice he received made the least impression on him, but because, in fact, it was rendered necessary by circumstances; and, because, after the succession of the Prince who had acceded to the confederation of the Rhine, a close union between those of the North became more than ever the condition of their safety. The King took measures to establish this league, but on other principles from those of the model presented to him. He made it his pride to collect the last of the Germans under his banners; but the rights of each he left unimpaired, and honour alone was the bond of the league.
But could France advise the King to any measure which should be productive of advantage to Prussia? We shall soon see what is to be expected when France makes professions of favour.
In the first place, care had been taken to introduce into the fundamental statute of the Confederation of the Rhine, an article which contained the germ of all future innovations. It provided, that other Princes should be received into this Confederation, should they desire it. In this manner, all relations in Germany, were left indeterminate; and as the means were still reserved to detach and annex to this league the weaker States, either by promises or threats, it was too probable that in time, this Confederation would be extended into the heart of the Prussian Monarchy.
And, that this might no longer remain doubtful, but be manifest to every one, the first attempt was immediately made. Fortunately, it was made to a prince who knows not fear, and who considers independence as the highest object of his ambition. The French Minister at Cassel invited the Elector to throw himself into the arms of his Master. Prussia, it was alleged, did nothing for her Allies! It is true, Napoleon knows how to manage his better; and every one sees that Spain and Holland, and the Kings of
Wartemberg and Bavaria, have to thank their alliance with him for peace, independence and honor!—Prussia did nothing for her allies.—Napoleon on the contrary, would reward the accession of the Elector by an enlargement of territory.
And this treachery was exercised towards an ally; and at the very moment when the king was advised to form his alliance of which Hesse was to be the first bulwark; endeavours were made to detach from him a power whom family connexions, alliances, and relations of every kind, united in the closest manner to his majesty's person.
But even these hostile steps were not sufficient. Does any one wish to know what was the lure by which it was hoped to gain the Elector of Hesse, and what the augmentation of territory with the expectation of which he was flattered! It was the Prince of Orange, the brother in law of the King, that Prince who had been twice deceived in the most shameful manner—who was now to be robbed the third time! He still possessed the territory of Fulda; this was promised to the Elector, and it would have been given, and the Elector consented to accept it, had not Prussia taken up arms.
His Majesty saw the system of usurpation advance every day; he saw a circle, continually becoming narrower, drawn around him, and even the right of moving within it beginning to be disputed with him; for a sweeping resolution forbade a passage to any foreign troops, armed or not armed, through the states of the Confederation. This was to cut off contrary to the rights of nations the connexion between the detached Hessian provinces; this was to prepare pretexes on which to act; this was the first threat of punishment aimed at a magnanimous prince, who had preferred a defender to a master.
But even after this his Majesty cannot reflect on it without admiration; the King considered whether a combination might not be found, which should render this state of things compatible with the maintenance of peace.
The Emperor Napoleon appeared to be solicitous to remove this doubt. Two negotiations were then carrying on at Paris, one with Russia, the other with the English ministry. In both these negotiations the intentions of France against Prussia were evidently manifested.
By the treaty which the Emperor of Russia has refused to ratify, France offered, in conjunction with Russia, to prevent Prussia from depriving the King of Sweden of his German territories. Yet, for many months, the Cabinet of St. Cloud had continually pressed the King to seize those states, with the threefold view—first, to revenge himself on the King of Sweden; secondly, to embroil Prussia with all other powers, and thirdly, to purchase her silence with respect to the subversion of Southern Germany. But the King had long been aware that such were the views of France; and his unfortunate dispute with Sweden was painful to him. He had therefore, been careful to provide against every suspicion of self-interested motives, and he confined his explanations to the Emperor Alexander. The scene now again changed; and Napoleon, who had so long been the enemy of the King of Sweden, was suddenly transformed into his protector.
It is not superfluous to remark, that, in this insidious treaty of the French Emperor, in order to satisfy the honourable interest which the court of St. Petersburg took in the maintenance of the rights of the King of Naples, he promised the latter an indemnification; engaging to prevail on the King of Spain to cede to him the Balearic Islands. He will act in the same manner with respect to the augmentation of territory he pretends to bestow on his allies.
These were all preludes to the steps he took against Prussia; we now approach the moment which determined his Majesty.
Prussia had hitherto derived nothing from her treaties with France but humiliation and loss; one single advantage remained. The fate of Hanover was in her power; and it must remain, unless the last pledge of the security of the North were annihilated. Napoleon had solemnly guaranteed this state of things, yet he negotiated with England on the basis of the restoration of the Electorate. The King is in possession of the proofs.
War was now, in fact, declared—declared by every measure taken by France. Every month produced a new notification of the return of his army; but, on one frivolous pretext or another, it was still continued in Germany; and for what purposes!—Gracious Heaven! to eradicate the last trace of sovereignty among
the Germans—to treat Kings as Governors appointed by himself—to drag before military tribunals citizens only responsible to their own governments; to declare others outlaws who lived peaceably in foreign states, under foreign sovereigns, and even in the capital of a German Emperor, because they had published writings in which the French government, or at least its despotism, was attacked; and this at the time when that same government daily permitted hired libellers to attack, under its protection, the honour of all crowned heads, and the most sacred feelings of nations.
The French troops were in no manner diminished, but continually reinforced and augmented, and continually advanced nearer to the frontiers of Prussia or her allies, till they at length took a position which could only menace Prussia, and were even assembled in force in Westphalia, which certainly was not the road to the mouths of the Cattaro.
It was no longer doubtful that Napoleon had determined to overwhelm Prussia with war, or to render her for ever incapable of war, since it was evident he was aiming her from humiliation to humiliation, till she should be reduced to such a state of political degradation and feebleness, that she could have no other will than of her formidable neighbor.
The King delayed no longer. He assembled his army. General Knobelsdorff was sent to Paris with the final declaration of his Majesty.—Only one measure remained which could give security to the King, which was the return of the French troops over the Rhine. General Knobelsdorff had orders to insist on this demand; it was not the whole of the King's just demands, but it was necessary that it should be the first, since it was the condition of his future existence.—The acceptance or refusal of it must shew the real sentiments of the French Emperor.
Unmeaning professions—arguments, the real virtue of which were known by long experience—were the only answer the King received. Far from the French army being recalled, it was announced that it would be reinforced; but, with a haughtiness still more remarkable than this refusal, an offer was made, that the troops which had advanced into Westphalia should return home, if Prussia would desist from her preparations. This was not all; it was insolently notified to the King's Ministers, that the cities of Hamburg, Bremen, and Lubeck, would not be suffered to join the Northern Confederation, but that France would take them under her protection; in the same manner as in the other confederation, she had given away cities, and promulgated laws, without permitting any other power to make the least pretension. The King was required to suffer a foreign interest to be introduced into the heart of his monarchy.
Another contrast of conduct incensed the king to the utmost. He received from the Emperor a letter full of those assurances of esteem which certainly, when they do not accord with facts, ought to be considered as nothing, but which the dignity of sovereigns renders a duty to themselves, even when on the eve of war. Yet a few days afterwards, at a moment when the sword was not yet drawn—which the minister of the Emperor endeavoured to mislead those of the King, by assurances on assurances of the friendly intentions of France—the Publiciste of the 15th of September appeared, with a diatribe against the King and the Prussian state, in a style worthy of the most disgraceful periods of the revolution, insulting to the nation, and what, in other times than ours, would have been considered as amounting to a declaration of war.
The King can treat slanders that are merely abusive, with contempt; but when these slanders contribute to explain the real state of things, it would be unwise to treat them so.
The last doubt at length disappeared; troops marched from the interior of France towards the Rhine. The intent to attack Prussia was clear and certain. The king ordered a note to be transmitted by gen. Knobelsdorff, containing the conditions on which he was ready to come to an accommodation. These conditions were:
1. That the French troops should immediately evacuate Germany. 2. That France should oppose no obstacle to the formation of the northern confederacy; and likewise that this confederacy might embrace all the larger and smaller states not included in the fundamental act of the confederation of the Rhine. 3. That a negotiation should immediately be commenced for the adjustment of all objects in dispute; a preliminary arti-

cle of which should be, the restoration of three Abbeys, and the separation of the town of Wesel from the French empire.
These conditions speak for themselves: they shew how moderate the king has been in his demands, even at this moment, and how much the maintenance of peace, if France wishes peace, depends upon herself.
The term peremptorily fixed by the King, for the decision of peace or war has elapsed. His Majesty has not received the answer of the Cabinet of St. Cloud; or rather, the preparations made around him, daily, give the answer.—The King can henceforth confide the safety and honor of his crown only to arms. He takes them up with pain, because the chief object of his wishes was not a glory purchased by the tears of his people, but by their tranquility; for his cause is just. Never has a sovereign made greater sacrifices to peace. He pushed his condescension to the last limit that honour would allow. Every thing which was directed against him personally he passed over in silence. The opinions of the ignorant and the reflections of the slanderous, he despised, animated with the constant hope, that he would be able to conduct his people, without injury, to that period, which must sooner or later arrive, when unjust greatness shall find its bounds,—and ambition which obstinately refused to acknowledge any limits, shall at length overleap itself.
The motives which induced his majesty to take up arms are not to satisfy his resentments, to increase his power, or to render a nation uneasy which he shall always esteem, as long as it confines itself to its just and natural interests; but to avert from his kingdom the fate which was preparing for it; to preserve to the people of Frederick, their independence and their glory; to rescue unfortunate Germany from the yoke by which it is oppressed, and to bring about a safe and honourable peace. The day of which he shall effect this, will be the proudest of his life. The events of the war which is now beginning, are in the disposal of Supreme wisdom. His majesty leaves it to others to indulge in premature exultation and gratuitous insult, as he has for a long time allowed them the miserable satisfaction arising from unjust invectives. He leads to honorable combat an army worthy its former glory. He reigns over a people of whom he may be proud; and while he is ready to shed his blood for them, he knows what he may expect from energy and affection. Princes, the honor of the German name, who can confide in his gratitude and honour, and who, fighting by his side, are not dubious of victory, have joined their banners with his; and a Sovereign who adorns with his virtues one of the first thrones in the world, is penetrated with the justice of his cause.—His arms are blessed by the voice of his people. With so many motives to be conscious of his strength, Prussia may be permitted continually to confide in her high destiny.
HEAD QUARTERS, Erfurt, 9th October, 1806.
New-York, Dec. 25. IMPORTANT.
Buenos-Ayres retaken.—Mr. Hall, a passenger in the brig Adeline, captain Wickham, 18 days from Havanna, has sent us from Cravenend Bay, the following important intelligence:
“Two or three days previous to the sailing of the Adeline, news was received from Panama, stating, that accounts had just been received there (the 20th of October,) of the RE-CAPTURE OF BUENOS-AYRES, on the 8th of August, by a Naval commander, named Don St. Yago Le Niar, at the head of 1500 troops, and 2 or 400 volunteers; that they had killed about 500 and took about 1000 Englishmen prisoners, including in the latter the commander KURLET, and a number of officers. The Spanish troops were from Montevideo, and were carried up the river about 24 miles N. W. of Buenos-Ayres, to the river Conchos, in launches and small vessels. It appeared to have been an enterprize of Le Niar and his followers unknown to the Spanish government.”
“P.S. The accounts received at the Havanna make no mention of the English shipping.”
FRANKFORT, (K) December 20.
A letter from a gentleman now at St. Louis, to his friend in this place, dated the 6th instant, was received a few days ago, containing the unpleasant intelligence, that the French and Spanish inhabitants had evinced a disposition very unfriendly, and even hostile to the government of the United States. A similar disposition is said to prevail at St. Genevieve.
The writer of the letter observes, that he has seen an affidavit which states, “that the standard of rebellion is to be raised on the 15th inst.” but that preparations had been made to meet the revolt, and it is thought that the publicity of the measure had defeated the object. The Americans are represented as being zealously attached to the interest and honour of their government. The letter further says, that “two militia captains of St. Louis had said they were prepared to shake off the yoke of the United States, and would join in the rebellion the instant it commenced.”
From the Frankfort (K) PALLADIUM, of December 4, 1806.
The committee appointed to enquire into the conduct of Judge Sebastian met on Thursday last, and after a very laborious, patient and impartial investigation, unanimously agreed on Monday, to a resolution expressive of the Judge's guilt. The charge of having received a pension from the Spanish government, was not only satisfactorily proved to the committee by testimony, but acknowledged by the Judge himself.
Previous to the meeting of the committee on Thursday, Mr. Sebastian addressed a letter to the house of representatives, requesting that no enquiry should be entered into until he had a reasonable time allowed him to bring forward his testimony to rebut the charges. After considerable debate, the house rejected the application and the committee proceeded. Soon after the committee met, the chairman read a letter from the governor, enclosing the Judge's resignation; the committee, notwithstanding, proceeded with the enquiry, conceiving that his resignation could not come properly before them, as they were acting under the orders of the house, and until discharged by it, they felt themselves obliged to pursue the object for which they were constituted.
In conformity to the wishes of the chairman of the committee, we shall not attempt to present any epitome of the evidence adduced on this momentous and highly interesting occasion; but our readers will have no reason to regret this as the whole is incorporated with the report, for the purpose of being laid before the public with all possible dispatch.
MARTINSBURG, January 2.
The Editor of the Intelligencer congratulates his friends on the return of another year: He feels truly grateful for past favours, and while he endeavours to deserve well, he shall not despair of their future support and approbation.
The Intelligencer, in common with other vehicles of useful information, has laboured to produce good, and admitted all pieces from every quarter of a scientific and instructive nature. The Editor is gratified to hear of its favourable reception among the people, and assures the public, that every exertion shall be made in future to extend its usefulness, and from its merit, to add to the list of its subscribers.
With sincere good wishes for a happy and propitious new year, he remains, with affectionate esteem the public's friend.
To be enabled during the present flood of interesting foreign and domestic occurrences, to keep pace with the events of the times, we are compelled to compress within narrow bounds, as well such articles as are of minor importance, as many more interesting, which the want of room prevents us from giving in detail.—but we have no time to apologize.—The last accounts from GENERAL MIRANDA, are to the 14th of November—he was then at Trinidad with his army, in a deplorable condition! destitute of provisions, money, & credit.—The legislature of Maryland, by the last accounts, were discussing the propriety of enacting a law “to tax bachelors and bank stock, for the education of poor children.” The increase of banks, in that state, is thought to be as dangerous to the principles of republicanism, as that of bachelors are to the interests of the FAIR SEX!—The ship Titus, from Bourdeaux bound to Philadelphia, (with a pilot on board) was captured on the 8th ult. in sight of Cape Henlopen light house. The pilot and 17 passengers were put on board a pilot boat, which was driven ashore by a gale of wind!—Conspiracies at home and insidies abroad, appear to be the peculiar blessings of the administration of Mr. Jefferson; and ever will be that of any other alike destitute of energy.—The resolution offered to the Senate by Mr. Tracy, calling upon the Presi-
dent for information relative to his message of the 3d inst. in which a suspension of the non importation law is recommended, has been negatived.—“a republican government ought to have no secrets.”
A London paper states that some difficulty has occurred to delay the intended court martial of Capt. Whitby, of the Leander, on the charges urged by the American minister. It appears, says the paper, that Capt. Whitby was not on board, when the shot was fired which killed Pearce, but was at dinner on board the Cambrian—“Gilded vice oft shoves by justice!”—A letter from Amsterdam, dated Oct. 28, says the plenipotentiaries of France and Prussia, were at Berlin.
“This kingdom,” (Prussia) says a modern geographer, “which commenced with the 18th century, by gradual accretions, not the most honorable, has become so extensive, as to rank among the first powers of Europe.” Tho’ this might tend to lessen our sympathy for her present misfortunes, it cannot that regret every nation must feel, at the great additional resources the conquest of this kingdom must give to the modern tyrant, Napoleon, to prosecute his schemes of universal conquest.
The bill from the Senate of the United States, suspending the non-importation act till July 1st, with the amendment giving the President power further to suspend till the 2d Monday in Dec. was agreed to by the House.
It is reported, and we have reason to believe the report true, that the second bill of indictment sent up to the Grand Jury by the Attorney for the District of Kentucky, on the 2d ult. against Col. Burr, met the same fate as the first, to wit:—Not a true bill. It is further said, that the citizens of Frankfort gave a splendid ball to Col. Burr, in honor of his acquittal, and that the morning following he left Frankfort on his way to Tennessee.
A letter from an officer in the American army at Natchitoches, says—“The Spaniards are, three to one against us, and all on horseback, and armed as follows—a spear on a pole, and tied with a string to the saddle, which they throw with great certainty—also a carbine slung across their shoulder, a large pistol and a rope which is called by them a cabras, which they throw 10 or 12 yards with such certainty that they seldom fail to catch a man on horseback in full speed; they look like Indians; every man has 2 or 3 horses which he takes with him to war.”
A detailed account has been given in the American prints of the trial and execution of J. P. Palm, (a printer of one of the free, imperial cities of Germany) by the slaves and executioners of Bonaparte—An amiable man—the tender and affectionate parent of five small, destitute children—who had committed no offence and against who his enemies could prefer no charge was, after a mock trial, most inhumanly butchered by fell and brutal assassins, in obedience to the orders of the tyrant republican Bonaparte.—The life of the latter,—his progress from obscurity to power—the arts which were practised by him to obtain that power—his pretended affected love of the people and regard for their happiness, would afford volumes of instruction to those among us, who suffer themselves to be the dupes of designing demagogues; and to trust to the professions of men, whose professions, are the same, and as hollow and as false, as those which Bonaparte has made to every people whom he designed to enslave—And while we reflect upon the cruelties, and oppressions under which the slaves of Bonaparte groan,—the desolation of Germany—the ruin of Holland—and the degradation of Italy, let us ever bear in mind, that nothing but energy and spirit in our councils, and virtue and patriotism among our people, can enable us to escape the iron chains of this unfeeling despot. Let us spurn at the idea of soothing by submission, a man, who is only to be deterred by danger,—of winning by money a tyrant whose object is dominion and who having effected the conquest of these states, will find ready means to extort from us, the last farthing which the public coffers contain or the resources of individuals can furnish.
Let us regret the short sighted and pusillanimous policy which has been pursued towards this scourge of the human race, and which in the end, must reduce us to a state of abject slavery.
The following tender and pathetic letter, written by Palm, to a fond wife, but a few hours before the last act of tyranny had hastened him to a premature death, has excited much interest
and feeling in Germany and cannot fail to awaken kindred sympathies in every American bosom. [F. T. Herald.]
LETTER FROM J. P. PALM TO HIS WIFE.
“In the Dungeon of the Military Prison of Brannau, Aug. 28, 1806. six o'clock in the morning—
“My dearest beloved—when you read these lines you are a widow, and our dear, dear children have no longer a father. My destiny is fixed; in five hours I cease to live. But though I die the death of a criminal, you know that I have committed no crime; I fall a victim of the present calamitous times! times when an untimely end can neither dishonour a man, whose whole life has been irreproachable, nor throw a stain on his surviving family. In our miserable days what virtue has not expired by the hands of the executioner? Do not let your affliction for the fate of a husband, deprive you of firmness to support the duties of a mother. Our dear, dear babes, (Oh, my God!—I shall never more press them or you to my bursting heart!) have now a double claim on your maternal love, as well as on your maternal tenderness. Implant in their tender minds all those virtuous sentiments which made their good mother so very dear to their unfortunate father. I advise you to collect as soon as possible the wreck of our fortune (if any) and to retire with it to England or America. In those fortunate lands, innocence is still secure, and patriotism is yet revered.
“In my last fervent prayers, I recommend you all to the protection of an Omnipotent Providence; and to the compassion of those contemplary patriots of all countries, whose noble bosoms sympathise with my own feelings, and deplore, if not weep over the destruction of liberty in wretched Germany.
“Reward the friend who delivers this, and forgive, and teach our dear children to forgive my murderer. May Heaven pardon him as much as I do. I cannot—I dare not say more—my breast is too full. Oh, my God! never—never more to behold and embrace them and you!!!—Almighty Creator bless and preserve you all until we meet in another and better world to part no more. With my last breath, your ever affectionate husband. “JOHN PALM.”
Subscribers to the Protestant Episcopal Church, who have not paid up their subscriptions, are respectfully invited to do it, as the period is drawing to a close when the engagement ceases, and regard to the interest of several, will compel the measure.
Public Sale.
WILL be sold on Tuesday inst. at Thomas Lee's (Middle Creek) all the property of White deceased, late of Berlin, consisting of the following viz.
One strong Road Waggon, 10 Horses and Gears, all in complete order for immediate use, two smaller Wagons, a quantity of Wheat and Corn, and other dry articles too numerous for insertion. The sale will commence at ten o'clock. A reasonable credit will be given to purchaser giving bond and approved security.
ALL those indebted to the deceased, in any manner, are required to make immediate payment; and those having claims, are desired to bring them forward, on or before the first day of March next, properly attested, for settlement; those who neglect this notice will please to recollect, that their accounts will not be received after that time.
ANTHONY LEE.
Acting Adm.
Berkeley County, January 2, 1807.
Public Sale.
WILL be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Monday the 26th inst. at a farm called Hill and Dale, near Battle Town, in the County of Frederick, three Young Negro Men, from 20 to 30 years of age, also, all the crop of Corn, Rye, and Grain of every description, and all the Horses, Cattle and Farming Utensils, now on the said farm, which will be shown at any time previous to the sale, on application to Mr. Shively, the Overseer. The above property is sold under a Deed of Trust from Richard B. Lee to the subscriber, for securing the payment of a certain sum of money to Rawleigh Colston.
G. DENEALE, Trustee.
January 2, 1807.

HAVING been long, alike unfortunately for my convenience and advantage, in the habit of giving a very unlimited credit, henceforward a different system shall be adopted: Those, therefore, who may please to favour in a call, which is respectfully solicited, if a very general and well-chosen assortment of WET and DRY GOODS, DYE-STUFFS, PAINTS and MEDICINES , vending on the lowest terms possible, should prove an inducement to leave their money or produce in exchange therefor with me, they shall not retire either dissatisfied or unfurnished.
In honor, if conscience, or a sense of justice can at all influence—pray, let not their loud and pressing claims in my behalf remain longer unheard, by you, my PATIENT friends! Debtors from the latest—but more especially, up to some twenty years standing, and do yourselves the highest credit, and me the greatest favour.
A boy, of decent connexions, if suitably qualified—and not too wise to be taught—not too good to improve, nor too dignified to obey! would be taken on such terms as might prove satisfactory.
I am, very devotedly, the public's much obliged, Wm. SOMMERVILLE. Martinsburg, December 19, 1806.
NOTICE.
ALL persons indebted to the subscriber, either by bond note or book account, are requested to come forward and settle their accounts on or before the 20th of January next, as no longer indulgence will be given.
JACOB SNYDER. December 19, 1806. Hides and Skins will be taken as cash.
For Sale.
THE subscriber intending to remove to the state of Ohio wishes to sell his property in the Town of Smithfield, Jefferson County Virginia, viz. three Houses and Lots, also one unimproved Lot, one of said Houses is an excellent stand for a Public House, being occupied as such by the subscriber for 7 or 8 years past. For further particulars apply to the subscriber living on the premises. December 19, 1806. JOHN SMITH.
Public Sale.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Joseph King to John Hite and the subscriber, for the purpose of securing a debt due from said King to Reuben Kirk, will be sold at public sale for money, on Saturday the 31st of January next, a House and part of a Lot of Land, situate on the main street in Shepherd's-Town, adjoining the house which the subscriber lives, and now occupied by Miss Elizabeth Strong: The situation is excellent, healthy, the House is a new building, and the Lot esteemed valuable. The sale will take place on the premises, at twelve o'clock, where the subscriber will attend. JOHN BAKER, Trustee. December 28, 1806.
Lands for sale.
By virtue of the authority of a Deed of Trust, executed to William R. Henshaw, now deceased, and William Tate, John Dixon and Margaret his wife, on the sixth day of July 1805, to secure the payment of a debt due to Henry Gantt on the first day of October 1805, with interest on the same from the said sixth day of July 1805,—Will be sold at public auction, to the highest bidder, for Cash, on the premises, on the 8th day of January next the two following Tracts of Land, viz. a Tract of Land lying in the County of Jefferson, and situated in the neighbourhood of Hall's Mill, being the same Tract of Land which was purchased by the said John Dixon of a certain Thomas Fairfax, and containing three hundred and forty five acres: and a Tract of Land adjoining the foregoing Tract, which was purchased by the said John Dixon from a certain John Rion, and contains forty five acres:—The sale of the foregoing Tracts of Land to commence at 12 o'clock, on the above mentioned day, when a complete legal conveyance of the same will be made to the purchaser by the undersigned in charge of surviving trustee. WILLIAM TATE, Trustee for Henry Gantt. December 12, 1806.
Land for sale.
AGREEABLE to the last will and testament of William Henshaw, Esq. dec. will be sold a Farm, (called Springfield) containing about 600 acres of valuable lime-stone land, late the property of said Henshaw, dec. situate in Berkeley County, Virginia; more than 300 of which is cleared and under good fence, the residue well clothed with timber; about 12 acres in meadow, which can be watered, and much more can be made. The improvements are a large and convenient stone dwelling house; stone spring house, with good lime-stone water running through it, within 12 feet of the kitchen door; smoke house; barn; stables; with other necessary buildings for the convenience of a farm. About 120 yards across the creek stands the GRIST and MERCHANT MILL , with two pair of stones in her, one pair of burrs, and two water wheels; and near the mill is a house for the reception of a miller—Also, a large Stone Still House, with tubs, &c. and constant over head water. About half a mile below at a separate dam, are a Saw and Fulling Mill, with a log dwelling house; and two lime-stone springs breaking out of the side of the dam. These mills are built upon that well known creek, for its constancy called Mill-Creek, which runs through the above land. One fourth of a mile above the merchant mill is a double log house, kitchen, barn, &c. and a never failing lime-stone spring within 40 yards of the door. Three other log buildings and a smith shop, suitable for tradesmen. There are four bearing apple orchards, containing about 600 trees of excellent fruit, and a sufficient number of other kinds of fruit. It will be sold altogether, or in two or three tracts, as may best suit the purchaser or purchasers. This property is situated in a rich and fertile settlement, and not inferior to any in the country; about 12 miles from Winchester, 10 from Martinsburg, 1 from Maj. Stephenson's stoneavern, and 18 from Potomac, where the produce may be carried to market to George-town, the city of Washington or Alexandria. We deem it unnecessary to give a further description of the property. Any person wishing to purchase will please call upon the subscribers living on the premises, who will show the property and make known the terms.
Also for sale by the subscribers, three hundred acres of Land, lying in the county of Monongalia, adjoining lands of Anthony Sell, on Sillwell's Creek, a branch of the Canawa.
Also, four hundred acres of Land, lying on Salt Lick Creek in said county.
LEVI HENSHAW and } Adm'rs. HIRAM HENSHAW, } August 29, 1806.
N. B. A good Fuller is wanted to attend the above fulling mill. He will be hired or may have it upon a moderate rent.
Berkeley, ss.
November Court, 1806. Ely Beall, Complainant, AGAINST Joshua Boring, Frederick Stitely, John Branham and Lewis Duckwalt, Def'ts, In CHANCERY.
THE defendant, Joshua Boring, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant by his Counsel, it is ordered, that said Joshua Boring do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in February next, to answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste. DAVID HUNTER, C.B.C.
A Miller Wanted.
WANTED, a Young Man, who can come well recommended, to attend in a Mill. Liberal wages will be given by
JOHN ROBERTS. Martinsburg, December 26, 1806.
CASH given for clean Linnen & Cotton R A G S, At the Office of the INTELLIGENCER.
FALL and WINTER
GOODS.
The subscribers take this method of informing their friends and the public in general, that they are now opening at their Store in Shepherd's-Town, (just at the Market-House-Square, and immediately opposite to Mrs. Julianna Eckhart's Tavern,)
A LARGE AND MOST EXCELLENT ASSORTMENT OF
Seasonable Goods,
Among which are:
Best superfine and common Calicos, ditto ditto Furniture Elegant new patterns.
4-4 9-8 and 6-4 Plain and Figured Cambricks,
4-4 9-8 and 6-4 ditto and ditto Leno Muslins,
7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linens, and 5-4 Irish Sheetings,
These are the cheapest Linens we have had for seven years past.
Cambricks and narrow Dimities,
Silk and Cotten Chambroy Muslins,
Black Cambricks, Silk and Cotton Umbrellas,
Elegant Fancy Shawls, ditto ditto Muslins,
Printed Velvets, Constitution, President's, Bennett's and Queen's Cord,
Super Silk, Lamb's wool, Worsted and Cotton Hosiery,
Best Superfine and common Broad Cloths, ditto ditto Casimires,
A variety of Stuff Goods, Best Superfine Shirting Flannels,
Common and low priced white, yellow and red, ditto,
Best stout white, blue and green Kerseys, ditto blue and white mix'd ditto,
ditto drab, mix'd and blue, Plains, Double twilled three point Blankets, very stout,
Rose and Striped ditto ditto, Flushings, Coatings and Baizes,
Gentlemen's Nice Imported HATS, A variety of new Fancy Goods, for Ladies,
Gentlemen's Fashionable Waistcoating, &c. &c. &c.
Together with a general assortment of Best Liquors and Groceries,
Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery and Brass Wares.
THEY HAVE ALSO CONSTANTLY ON HAND, A LARGE SUPPLY OF
Real good Soar and Upper Leather, Bar-Iron and Castings,
Crowley and Blister'd STEEL, Cut and Wrought NAILS, of all sizes,
Sheet-Iron, of every kind, Tin, Stone, Queen's, Glass and China Wares,
Paints; Patent and other Medicines, &c. &c.
It is with pleasure they inform their customers and the public, that they never had a more extensive and complete assortment of Goods than at present; all which having been laid in on the very lowest terms, they are enabled to give all those who may be pleased to call on them (at the Market-House-Square) Far cheaper Bargains than ever.
JAMES & JOHN LANE. Shepherd's-Town, November 7, 1806.
P. S. They continue to take Grain of all kinds, and pay the highest price in Cash for HIDES and SKINS.
R. Worthington, & Co.
Have received their Complete Assortment of
Fall, Winter and
Fancy
GOODS.
ALSO, A General Assortment of Groceries and Liquors,
all of the best quality;
LIKewise, a large supply of
Soal and Upper Leather,
All of which articles will be sold on the lowest terms for cash, or approved of country produce.
N. B. Cash given for Hides and Skins. Shepherd's-Town, November 7, 1806.
Berkeley County.
October Court, 1806. Mary Wilcox, Plaintiff.
AGAINST Robert Wilcox, Walter Turner and John Robinson, Def'ts.
In CHANCERY.
THE defendants, Robert Wilcox and Walter Turner, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant by her Counsel, it is ordered, that said Robert Wilcox and Walter Turner do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in January next, to answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste.
DAVID HUNTER, C.B.C.
FOR SALE,
A VALUABLE Tract of LAND, containing 1360 acres, on Buffalo Creek, in Monongalia County, Virginia, a great proportion of which is contained in the forks of said Creek, and extending below, so that a considerable part is bottom of excellent quality. It is also situated in a fine grazing country, convenient to the Monongalia river, and not far from Morgan-town.
Also 1000, the first choice of a tract of 6437 acres, on the waters of Rockcastle river, in Knox County, in the state of Kentucky. The above Lands will be sold low, or leases given for a term of years. For further information, apply to the subscriber, in Shepherd's-Town, Jefferson County.
JAMES BROWN.
December 5, 1806.
BOLTING CLOTHS.
JUST received an extensive assortment of best warranted BOLTING CLOTHS, of every description, which will be sold unusually low, by
KENNEDYS & RAGAN. Hagers-town, June 5, 1806. [15]
FOR SALE,
A TRACT of LAND, containing about 900 acres, one half of which is cleared, the balance well timbered; and a considerable quantity of well watered meadow. On the premises is a good Merchant Mill and Distillery, on a never failing stream of water, and in sight of the Potomac river. This tract can be divided into several different tenements, with a Dwelling House and Barn to each; it is of the first rate limestone quality; and is situate in Berkeley County, Virginia, on Potomac river, 10 miles from Martinsburg, 8 from Williamsport, and 15 from Mercersburg. This land will be sold together, or divided into two tracts, as may best suit the purchaser. A good bargain will be given to a purchaser, in the mill and one half the land, on paying about two thirds of the purchase money in hand. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises.
GEORGE NEWKIRK.
April 18, 1806.
The following BLANKS , printed with NEW and ELEGANT TYPE, are always kept for sale at this Office: DEEDS, Common BONDS, CONSTABLE'S BLANKS, Promissory NOTES, &c.
WRITING PAPER
For sale at this Office.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.
TERMS OF THE INTELLIGENCER.
THE price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week: Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their advertisements.