Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-01-02 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE  SINT HIC ETIAM SUA PREMIA LATEAT  D. 1806 bound to be seen Dec 58 + 59
VOL. III.]
FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 2, 1807.
NO. 70
WHOLESALE PRICE-CURRENT.
NORFOLK, FRIDAY, JANUARY 2, 1807.
   ARTICLES. per From To Notes     Bacon lb. 10 15   Beef, cargo bbl. 8 50   Prime 9 50 10   Mess 13   Brandy, Sp. 1st p. gal. 80 81   2d p. 82 85   3d p. 84 87   4th p. 90 93   Pr. 3d p. 1 4 1 10   4th p. 1 10 1 15   Peach, 90   Apple, new, 50   Bread, Pilot 100lb. 6   Navy. 4 50   Ship 3   Butter, Export. lb. 16 18   Candles, Dpt 19   Mould 22   Sperm. 54   Coal, English bus. None.   Virginia 22   Cocoa, Island 100lb. 20 22   Caracas None.   Coffee, W. India lb. 30 33   Cordage, Country 100lb. 15   Foreign 10 11   Cotton, Geo. Upland lb. 23   Sea Island   St. Domingo 28   Surinam None   Duck, American bolt. Scarce   Ravens 16 17   Russia 20 22   Holland 26 28   No. 1 to 7, English 34 40   Flour, Sup. bbl. 7 7 5   Fine 7 2 5   X Middlings 6 7 5   Middlings 6 35   Fish, Cod, dry quin. 3 50 4   Herrings bbl. 4 25 4 50   Shad 7   Fustick ton. 40 42   Gin, Holland, 1st p. gal. 1 10 1 15   N. E. 1st p. 68 70 None   Grain, Wheat bus. Brisk.   Corn 95   Barley   Oats 30   Hemp, Russian ton. 275   Hides Dried lb. 10 12   Hog's-Lard 15 None   Indigo, Flotant None   N. Orleans None   Iron, Pig ton. None   American ref. 120 125   Russia 100   Logwood, Bay 55 60   Camp. 65   Meal, Kiln-dried bbl. 4 4 50   Mahogany, Bay sq. feet 12 15   St. Dom. 5 15   Molasses, gal. 1 25 20   Peas, Black-eyed bus. 1 1 20 Scarce.   Pepper, lb. 19 20   Pimento, None   Pitch, bbl. 2 75 3   Pork, Cargo 15   Prime 17   Mess 21   Raisins, cask.   ditto, box. 4 20 4 25   Rice, 100lb. 4   Rosin, bbl. 3 75 4   Rum, Jamaica, 4th p. gal. 88 90   Antigua, 3d p. 82 85   St. Croix, 3d p. 80 85   W. Island, 3d p. 75 77   Country, 48 50   Salt, St. Mart. bus.   Turks Island, 85   Isle May, 80   St. Ubes, 65   Cadiz, 65   Liverpool, 55 58   Soap, Brown, lb. 11 12   Castile, 17   Sugar, Muscovado, 100lb. 9 11   Hav. Brown, 10   White, 14   Shingles, Cyp. 22 in. M. 3 50 3 75   18 in. 3   Staves, W. O. hhd. 28 30   pipe 50 60   barrel 15   do. red oak 20   Tar, bbl. 2 50   Tobacco, Richmond, 100lb. 6 50 7   Petersburg, 6 6 50   Rappa, 4 50 6   Tallow, Russia, lb. None   American, 14 16 Scarce   Turpentine, bbl. 2 75   Wax, Bees, lb. 37 None   Wines, Madeira, pipe. 200 300 Plenty   Lisbon, gal. 1 25 1 30   Teneriffe, 86 90   Sherry, 1 20 1 25   Port, pipe. 160 220 Scarce   Malaga, gal. 90  
Premiums of Insurance on American Property.
   To Great Britain, Ireland, Portugal, and Spain, without the Straights of Gibraltar. 3   France, Holland, Bremen, and Embden. 3 4 1-4   In the Mediterranean, - - - - - 5 6   Gibraltar, Madeira, Canaries, Azores, and Cape de Verd Islands, - - - - - 3 1-2 4   British and Neutral Windward Islands from Barbadoes to St. Thomas - - - - - 3   Jamaica and Honduras - - - - - 5   Porto Rico, - - - - - 2 1-2 4   Havanna, - - - - - 3   City of St. Domingo, - - - - - 4   Persia, India, and China, - - - - - 5 1-2   Coasters, - - - - - 1 1-2 3  
Prices of Stocks.
   Virginia Bank, par. little to be had.   Norfolk Marine Insurance Company, 10 per cent. discount.   United States Bank, note in the market.  
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY-FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION
FROM THE FREDERICK-TOWN HERALD.
John Randolph, Esquire. —This gentleman ever since he obtained a seat in Congress, has contrived, in some way or other to be a conspicuous member, has of late been honoured with much of the public notice. At first, the rash and intemperate foe, of every measure which federalists proposed, and sound policy dictated—Afterwards the leader of all the daring and destructive projects of the administration, his claims to retain the high grounds on which he had been placed were deemed to be unquestionable. But Mr. Randolph was doomed to experience the common fate of great men.—While yet his influence was supposed to be unbounded, and the confidence of the executive in him to be unimpaired, his standard is seen to be deserted by its former followers, and he who had led or rather driven on his party, was all of a sudden heard to exclaim against their folly and wickedness and to hold them up, as objects of contempt and ridicule.
The speeches of Mr. Randolph during the last sitting of congress, if they do not show the enlarged views of an able and experienced statesman—display the first rate talents for invective and obloquy. If they do not prove him to possess an accurate and extensive acquaintance with the interests of our country, prove him to be inferior to none in his knowledge of the talents, and views of his political friends and associates. They have been read as master pieces of abuse if not of argument, and those, who have denied to him solidity of judgment, were willing to acknowledge the brilliancy of his imagination.
Mr. Randolph however has rather over-rated his exertions—and the effects produced by his parliamentary eloquence not having equalled his own sanguine expectations—disappointment has soured his temper, and the ebullitions of his wrath have at length been discharged upon the poor federalists. In a late newspaper essay, which has been ascribed to him, he has been pleased to say, that the federal presses cannot obtain belief, while those which are republican will not publish. We are not at all surprised at the illiberal strictures of this gentleman upon federal men and federal prints. Mr. Randolph has been so long accustomed to this kind of injustice, for party purposes, that he would now, even if disposed to speak more favourably of them find it extremely difficult to divest himself of his old habits. Nor shall we insist as we might upon the high characters and splendid talents of many of the federal editors, as a pledge to the community, which none of democratic printers can give, that their presses will never be prostituted to the base and unworthy purposes of "falsehood, scurrility and error." Still more we shall not invite our fellow citizens to consider, who are the men who compose the federal party, in the foremost ranks of which will be found the brightest worthies of our country, the distinguished heroes of our revolution. Men whose best exertions were directed to the establishment of that constitution, to which they are charged to be inimical—whose lives and fortunes were risked in the achievement of that independence and liberty, which they are said to be ready to subvert. These are charges too ridiculous to require to be repelled.
Wretched indeed must be the condition of the good people of this country if the opinion expressed by Mr. Randolph is correct. If republican printers will not publish the abuses, and errors of government, and federal representatives cannot be trusted—if the poor federalists must not be believed, although they should tell the truth, and republicans will not tell the truth, though they would be credited—then indeed the people must forever remain in ignorance of the misdeeds, and malversations of their officers, and must be content to wear the chains which have been forged for them in secret, and which will be fastened upon them, while they, unapprized of the disasters which have befallen them, are exulting in the excellence of republicanism, and the virtues and wisdom of those who govern them.
We are willing however to admit the justness of the portrait which Mr. Randolph has given of democratic printers. No man is better acquainted with them and no man can describe them with more correctness. It is indeed a solemn truth that the republican printers will not publish the abuses and tyrannical measures of the government. And is it a subject of wonder that men, utterly destitute of principle, without any ties, to attach them to the country, alien incendiaries many of whom are flying from their native land, have made a lucky escape from the gallows and the pillory—base hirelings who trade in slander, and subsist by calumny, should be willing to leave the people in utter ignorance of the follies and vices of their rulers, and should refuse to publish any truth, injurious to those by whom they are supported?
But let not the people and Mr. Randolph be disappointed. To those who seek for the truth it will be unfolded. The federal presses, will continue to warn them of the dangers which impend over them—of the daring violations of the constitution, and of the inroads of tyranny and corruption. The alarm will still be sounded, though many may be unwilling to hear it. The iniquity and madness of those who have the management of public affairs will yet be exposed, though popular delusion should continue to prevail. And let not the ruling party dare to hope, that the era of their
for ever remain shut to the disasters and ruin, which await them—that they will never be prevailed upon to listen to the well grounded charges of federal men. The time will yet arrive when the people will trust no longer to the professions of men, who boast of principles which they do not possess, and where professions are belied by their actions. The reign of error will be short. The cause of truth must in the end prevail. Men, whose claims to publick confidence are founded on the purity of their views and their devotion to the happiness of the people, cannot fail to awaken them to the dangers which threaten, and the aspiring views of those who meditate their ruin.
The tale about the federal prints being unworthy of credit, is too silly for refutation. Mr. Randolph himself laughs at the credulity of those, who have believed it. He knows the arts, which have been practised to injure the papers of federalists. He knows well what exertions have been made to prevail upon the weak and the ignorant to reject all knowledge, which might be derived from that source, and he is acquainted with the views of his former friends in producing that belief. If the publications of federalists are not read, and the democratic prints are bribed into silence as to the abuses and errors of government, then the ruling sect, would feel secure, in the continuance of their ill-gotten power, and the people would be without means of detecting the designs of men, who are abusing the publick confidence to the publick ruin.
The federal prints have never asked that implicit credit be given to their statements or reasoning. Their charges are publickly made, and if groundless, may be publickly refuted. They reprobate the measures of those in power, and those measures are to be found in the records of the country. By those records may be tested the truth of the accusations and to the understandings of the people it is submitted, whether the opinions of federal men, founded upon the actions of those in power be correct. Every man is capable of judging for himself, and every man ought to search for materials, with which he is to form his judgment of the conduct of his rulers. Those who would dissuade the people from enquiry cannot be their friends. Those who would be persuaded not to enquire deserve to be slaves. No body says that publick men ought to be condemned unheard, or that the accusations of their enemies ought to be credited without proof and without examination. But the vigilance of the people ought ever to be awake to the designs and conduct of publick officers. And those who shrink from enquiry—who are afraid to meet the charges which are brought against them—who use their influence over some presses to conceal from the people a knowledge of their plans and actions, while their influence with the people is exerted to discredit and destroy those, who have the independence to publish their oppressions—show by their conduct that they are unworthy of publick confidence, and that they and their own convictions of the baseness of their plans can only be secured by shrouding the understandings of the people with a veil of secrecy over their proceedings.
It is not because the publications of federalists are false, and their principles are bad, that the people are to be persuaded not to listen to them, surely they are not thus easily misled. They cannot be induced to abandon their dearest friends, upon mere suspicion, and the unsupported charges of their foes. No. It is the dread of the impressions, which the truth would make upon every man, who was open to conviction and would exercise his own judgment, which is felt by those, who know how to deceive, and whose interest it is to deceive. Those, who tell the people, not to listen to complaints and charges by federal men, offer a gross insult to their understandings. If they are groundless, where would be the danger of hearing them? What is this, but to say to the people, we wish to deprive you of the liberty of thinking for yourselves. We are afraid to risk our characters and our power, upon a result of the free and dispassionate exercise of your judgments.—Or we do not believe you capable of judging correctly? Falsehood when circulated of the publick conduct of men, is easy of detection. The refutation of it, would always be within the reach of those whom it was designed to injure, and the refutation of it would serve to disgrace the accuser, while it would strengthen the confidence of the people in the accused. If the men who rule us believed that federal prints are "a polluted source" and that "no republican could or would listen to charges" made in them, they would never put themselves to the trouble of saying so. It is because they know the assertion to be false, and that the charges of federalists are true, and cannot be refuted, that they answer them in this way.
In spite of every thing, which Mr. Randolph, in a moment of passion, has been provoked to say against federalists and federal prints, we appeal to his sober judgment to pronounce a different sentence. What scurrility have they published? They have accused men in power, of imbecility—of ignorance of the real interests of the country, and of a prostration of the national honour. If that be calumny, it has again and again been repeated by Mr. Randolph himself, and the repetition of it by him, has been couched in language much more inuendo and offensive to the party, than was ever to be found in the publications of federal men. Who has forgotten with what keen and indignant severity this gentleman, in the course of the last session (and for some weeks) almost every day of the session assailed the leaders of his party in congress and almost every member of the executive department. Who has forgotten in what terms of sarcasm and ridicule he spoke of a federalist, and what was the
manner in which he expressed his contempt for the invisible and unconstitutional cabal, and for the messages—breathing a spirit, in direct opposition to publick communications—for "buckaroos" and "counting house politicians"—and for the manner in which were introduced measures which went to the utter ruin of every thing that was dear and honour in the nation, and for men whose principles his confidence had died, never to be regained.
If these charges, when made by federalists against a federalist, do they become any thing else, when Mr. Randolph deigns to utter them? Or is he allowed the licence of speech, while the poor federalists, degraded and oppressed, are not permitted to speak of their wrongs and to warn their fellow citizens of abuses and malversations of which they are common with Mr. Randolph, they have reason to complain. Surely this is not to allow equal freedom to men who are "all federalists—all republicans."
To the charge of conspiracy by federal men, at abuses in government, even by their enemies, we must be allowed to oppose the readiness with which our printers published the eloquent invective of Mr. Randolph delivered against those abuses. We might ask that gentleman whether the numerous columns of federal prints, enriched by his eloquent speeches, furnish evidence in verification of the charge that the federal presses are vehicles of nothing but falsehood, rancour and scurrility.
It would be unreasonable in Mr. Randolph to expect, that federalists would approve of every measure which he has supported, and it is unjust in him to lay hold of any diversity of opinion between him and them, & make it the ground of indecent and unmerited abuse. It is true indeed that the federalists could not approve of the abolition of the judiciary law, in open violation of the constitution, or of a repeal of the internal taxes, which it was foreseen could not long be spared, and would induce a necessity for further taxes, which have since been imposed, and a continuance of those duties which had been laid upon the necessities of life. And after the experience which we have had of the folly of their measures, all that in reason ought to be asked, is an oblivion of their faults, not the privilege of abusing federalists for their superior wisdom. The federalists opposed measures, because at the time of the adoption of them, they knew them to be unwise and unconstitutional, and now that the folly of them is manifested, they are not the less inclined to give to them their approbation, because the authors of them are pleased to say that they are national reforms. Nor can they admit either that Mr. Randolph's old or Mr. Randolph's new friends are the only persons worthy of publick confidence, because they have had the arrogance to assume to themselves the title of the friends of the people.
But what will the many thousands of our deluded fellow citizens say to those declarations of Mr. Randolph—"When the republicans came into power upon their own virtue alone it depended whether there would exist such a thing as a check upon the exercise of power as they should make of it?"—And again—"It essentially rested upon the vigilance and firmness of the republicans alone whether there should exist an efficient opposition to unconstitutional or other injudicious measures."—These are the words of Mr. Randolph extracted from the second number of his Decisions. Let them be read with deep attention by the people of America.—Above all let them be well considered by those among us, who, though honest and upright in their intentions, have been misled and basely deceived by the artful and unprincipled demagogues, who had stolen their confidence.—What! After all the noise, which has been made by the leaders of the party, about the power and sovereignty of the people, and after their solemn and oft repeated professions, that they adored them, can it be that they had succeeded in their views, and had secured themselves into honour and office, they could find no other check to the abuse of their own power, than their own virtue? That they considered the sovereign people to be so blind and ignorant, as to be incapable of judging of the tendencies of publick measures, and of violations of the constitution, that unless those in power would become their own accusers, or expose the folly or unconstitutionality of their own "doings" there could exist "no check" "no efficient opposition" to them!—Let us no longer wonder at the philosophick unconcern with which these men regarded all attempts to restrain their designs, and expose to the publick the enormities of the noxious system, which was pursued by them in the possession of power they thought it was upon themselves alone to determine how they should enjoy it. Against measures of oppression, the constitution was to afford no security, the people could make no stand. The virtue of the men in power could be the only check, and upon that alone it depended whether any efficient opposition to an unconstitutional or other injudicious measure would exist. No wonder then, that all their influence should be exerted to discredit and destroy federalists. Secure of the fidelity of their friends, and knowing that federalists were not believed, they had nothing to apprehend; and they might in national security proceed to destroy the constitution, to enslave the people and ruin their enemies. And thus they might grandize themselves and their friends, and have been so long the masters of the country. Recent events, however, have shown that they are no longer to be secure in their confidence, and that a right of publick opinion has been restored to the people. Against their own opinions, against their own self-interest, they are compelled to admit that what has been done, was done against the will of the people.