The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg [Va.]), 1776-05-04 00:00:00

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NORTH CAROLINA, March 6, 1776.
Gentlemen, Your inserting the following in your gazette will oblige your humble servant, B. A.
BILL for settling an unalterable regulation between the mother country and America, for the future government and tranquillity of the latter country, is now under consideration of the cabinet; a certain noble Lord in office, who has planned the bill, is to make the motion the second week after the meeting of Parliament.
The general object of the proposed regulation is to put the Americans on the same footing of freedom, and under the same advantages, with the rest of his Majesty's subjects. The whole continent is to be divided into large districts, each of which is to send a representative to the British Parliament. The number of representatives at first is to be rendered proportionable to the revenue that is expected to be raised by the introduction of the same laws of custom and excise, and the same privileges of trade, prevailing in Great Britain. In proportion as that revenue shall increase, their number is to be enlarged, but provision is to be made, that at no period that number shall exceed one sixth part of the House of Commons. In consequence of this regulation, all the governments subsisting in America (except Canada) are to be dissolved; no Governor, no Council, no Assembly for the future! For as all the inhabitants of the British empire have (to use a metaphor) but one fold, they are to have but one shepherd. Boards of custom and excise are to be established in places thought the most convenient, and courts of justice, possessing the same powers within their respective jurisdictions with those of the King's bench and exchequer in England, are to be erected in the most suitable situations; and the mode of appeal, as here, is to be in the House of Lords. In short, every regulation now existing, calculated to keep up a distinction, is to be removed. The acts of the American Assemblies are to be entirely abrogated, and the law of England is to take place every where except in Canada. To prevent inconveniences against which the law of England does not always provide, an act is to be passed comprehending all the necessary and local regulations contained in the acts of the different municipal legislatures of America.
Americans! have you read the above without emotion? I hope not. Surely the breast of every one that bears the name of an American, and of every inhabitant of this wide extended empire, that has sense enough to know the inestimable value of the rights and liberties of America, must glow with indignation on the perusal of so vile, so insidious a plan. Is it possible they can avoid seeing in it the grossest affront, indignity, and injustice, that ever was offered to freemen? Have not the Americans continued in a state of good order and tranquillity for above a century, under those laws that every colony framed for themselves, agreeable to their respective charters, and assented to by the Monarch that filled the British throne at the time they were made? Is it from a defect in those laws that the Americans are not now in the same tranquil state? NO, it proceeds not from one, but many causes, originating in Britain, none of which relate to us. They say they labour under the weight of an enormous national debt, and they endeavour to make the less knowing part of their people believe that it was made thus heavy by the vast sums expended for our protection, and that they intend eating them by taxing us. Their right to do the latter we deny. Some articles of expence in the national account I presume they are not fond of reminding their people of; but perhaps it may not be amiss here to mention a few of them, and they shall be such as are of no inconsiderable magnitude.
The first I shall mention is, extravagant subsidies paid to foreign Princes, to hire them to do that which many times (not to say at all times) it was their interest to have done, though we had not paid them one farthing; it surely being their interest, and a duty due from them to their subjects, to have protected their own dominions. But this point has been so often discussed in their House of Commons, that I should not have mentioned it here, but to shew it cannot be an inconsiderable part of the accounts. To this may be added, extravagant salaries to an almost infinite number of offices under Government, many of which seem to have been created for the sole benefit of those that should fill them, who are thereby the better enabled to wallow in every kind of extravagance and debauchery. A standing army kept up in time of peace, at an immense expence, for the laudable purposes of silencing the just complaints of a much injured people, and for supporting a number of Court dependents, slaves to Ministers, and the obsequious assassins of British liberty, many of whom may be truly said to procure their daily support by their obsequious diligence in executing the schemes of the most abandoned wretches that ever basked in the sun-shine of royal favour. But here I take pleasure in saying all do not deserve this severe censure. Some few noble spirits have dared to refuse to be the instruments of oppression, and have virtuously resigned rather than to assist in destroying the liberties of their fellow subjects in America. May their glorious example be followed by many. The last article that I shall mention, generally supposed to dissipate the public treasure, is the immense sums expended in procuring the return of a sufficient number of such persons to Parliament as, when there, may be depended on for their readiness to vote agreeable to ministerial direction. These wretches are to be kept in a fit humour to do the dirty work which their lordly masters cut out for them. Provided for they must be, and their masters have no other way to provide for them but by a misapplication of the public treasure, or by providing some lucrative place for them, or their more needy dependents, for whom themselves are rarely able to provide.
The latter method of providing for Court dependents has been so long practised, that Britain and Ireland are eaten almost bare by them. AMERICA seems to be the place to which these locusts are next to take their flight. But lest, on their arrival, the leaves of the liberty trees (which have spread their sheltering
branches over the whole land) should prove noxious to them, their prudent masters are, and for some time have been, endeavouring to cut them down; in hopes, that though the leaves of the flourishing tree be deadly to them, they may, like other INSECTS, fatten amidst its decaying foliage. Our charter rights, and antient laws, make no provision for such hated creatures. Therefore it seems necessary that those antiquated forms, so odious to modern Ministers, and so unfriendly to their hungry dependents, should be rendered null and void, and others better calculated to satisfy their voracious appetites established amongst us; which manifestly appears to be the design of the noble (pardon me the expression, I mean the ignoble) Lord who planned the bill now recommended to your perusal; by which you see is intended the entire demolition of every thing that is, or ought to be dear and sacred to every American. Surely that American, or inhabitant of America, who can stand a tame spectator, while such destructive measures are attempted to be carried into execution, ought not to be permitted to contaminate our air with his pestiferous breath. Banished, if possible, he ought to be, or lodged securely in some well guarded cell, till he has either made atonement for his foul offence against his justly offended country, or resigned, according to the law of nature, his detested life. Neutrality is criminal. He that is not for us, is against us." I call upon you, Americans, and every other inhabitant of America, as the natural and proper guardians of your laws and liberties, unanimously to stand forth in their defence. They are just on the point of being taken from you. A base, vile, and unmanly submission, is by Britain endeavoured to be extorted from you. You are required to acknowledge that the Parliament of Britain has a right to tax you, and to make laws binding on you in all cases. What will be the consequence of such submission you may see plainly, from the bill laid before you. The methods they pursue to enforce obedience you cannot be a stranger to, having all heard of the treatment of the people of Boston, Lexington, Cambridge, Falmouth, &c. &c. The burning of Norfolk is of a later date. Innumerable are their robberies, both on land and water; and left the mischief they have done to our towns, that lay open to their attacks from the water, should not be sufficient, measures you know have been taken to harass Virginia, South, and lately North Carolina, by encouraging the idle and abandoned in each of those provinces to butcher those who should dare to oppose the enslaving scheme in its progress. But we have reason to adore the Divine Being, who has not given us up a prey to our enemies. Witness their defeat at the Great Bridge in Virginia, at Ninety Six in South Carolina, and, latest of all, that at the South river in this province, but a few days ago, when the brave Col. Caswell, with only nine hundred men, not only sustained the attack of upwards of two thousand men (consisting of Highlanders and Scotch Irish regulars) but drove them, and made their safety consist in their flight, having lost their two principal officers, Col. M c Leod killed, and Donald M c Donald taken. THESE are some of the lenient measures made use of by our British rulers to compel us to submit to that slavery which they would entail upon us and our's. Having mentioned some of their methods (for I have not room to mention all that they have used to enslave us) to compel us by force, it will not be improper to inform you of the offers in the before-mentioned bill, which they make to deceive us into a compliance, which I shall do after having observed to you, that the Ministry cannot but know that they and their tools are in imminent danger, if their plans fail of success. If, after such a profusion of blood and treasure, the people of England should find (as I trust in God they will) that instead of lightening their burthen, they have made it insupportably heavier, and by destroying their trade rendered them less and less able to stand under it, they will undoubtedly inflict the deserved punishment on their deceivers. From hence it is that we have heard of their wanting us to agree to pay them an annual sum, so large as to be satisfactory to the ravenous appetite of a British Parliament, at whose disposal it is to be. But lest they should fail to obtain this annual sum from each province, which they absurdly call a free gift, though to be required of us with their bayonets at our breasts, they shift their ground, and alter their mode: They tell us, that if we will tamely submit to have our constitution destroyed, our laws abrogated, and a new code drawn up for us, by them, who have long since convinced the world, that they are as far from being infallible as his Holiness at Rome, and who have lived to see, that unconstitutional acts made by them are as little regarded in America as his Bulls are at present in London (how long they may be disregarded in London, or rather at St. James's, I will not undertake to say, for Canada makes me doubtful) on condition of our submitting to all this, and much more, then, say they, you shall experience our tenderness; you shall have the liberty of sending a few representatives to sit in the British House of Commons; but never more than in the proportion of about one to five, when they may assure themselves there will be nothing for them to do but to sit and see chains forged for their American constituents; and, if they are honest men, lament what they cannot prevent. But to this I hope every American will say, we have in each colony a legislative power which we will not part with to any nation upon earth; and though it has, by the force of ministerial opiates, been compelled to slumber, yet our people are possessed of an antidote to rouse and invigorate it; or should the head be found useless, they have surgeons so skilful, that they can form a new one that will answer every purpose as well as the old one, and continue in vigour for ages. The next indulgence they kindly offer is a free trade. But this bait smells so strong of customs and excises, that I hope it will not be bit at. A free trade with, if not to, every maritime power in Europe, is in our power to have, without asking leave of Britain, much less purchasing it of her at such a price as she asks. Many years ago it was declared in their House of Commons (when debating on the broad wheel act) that they were understood at most, if not all foreign markets, and that the plantations were the only markets they could trade at to advantage; and it may be observed, by the bye, that they would be but little able to trade at any foreign market, were they to lose the imports from America which they carry to
those markets. Why then should we pay them for leave to trade at those markets, where they own they cannot trade to advantage themselves? A foreign trade they know we can have, and they dread our engaging in it.
They say, as they would have us to be but one fold, so they would there should be but one shepherd. But we call each American province a fold; and, to pursue the metaphor, say, each fold has shepherds, whose voice is known to the sheep, and who have shown their care of their flocks, at least so far as to defend them from the wolves of the NORTH. In Britain there are but twenty six persons that by way of eminence are called shepherds, and as they all but one slumbered or slept when the wolves from the NORTH broke in upon that part of their flock that was folded in the west, surely the men of the west will not trust to the care of those men of Britain? The men of the west, like those of antient Greece, are folded in different folds, and have certain antient boundaries which they do not intend to alter, nor suffer the men of Britain either to alter or pull down. They think it prudent that each fold should be under the care of more shepherds than one, because one wiser than all the northern shepherds has said, in a multitude of counsellors there is safety. Report says, persons are come, or to come, from Britain, to treat with the Americans. With separate colonies, surely, they will not be permitted to treat! With the Continental Congress only ought they to be allowed to treat. But that they have affected to treat with so much contempt, that one would be inclined to think them strangers to their own history. For when their runaway King deprived them of a Parliament, a Congress settled the nation. It is worthy of notice, that they did not meet by the call of a King's writ, yet disposed of the diadem; and who dare say that they had not a right to do so. Surely Britons do not deny that power originates in the people! When, in obedience to ministerial instructions, the several American Governors so often prorogued or dissolved their Assemblies as to render them useless to the people, for every purpose for which they were chosen, one in particular, and that a most essential one, that of petitioning the King for redress of grievances, they were thereby deprived of, and at the same time to add to the distresses of the Americans, seemed to be the sole study of the British Administration, who took every precaution to prevent our cries from piercing the royal ear. The Americans seeing the Assemblies which they had chosen rendered useless to them, and, as it were, annihilated, proceeded freely to choose their provincial Conventions, to whom they gave instructions to choose out of their own bodies a number of persons of the most distinguished abilities to go to Philadelphia, and there having met to form one great body, representing, in a collective capacity, the several provinces by which they were chosen, and to act and do every thing that should have a tendency to promote the good of the whole. This venerable body have repeatedly petitioned the King, and taken every other humble and prudent measure that could be devised to obtain for themselves and their constituents that redress which, without injustice, could not be denied. These men have been treated with the greatest contempt, called self-created Assemblies, and their constituents the sweepings of British gaols. Yet to these men, it is said, Britain deigns to send persons to treat. Surely she does not mean to treat in earnest! That, she says, would be not only paying America too great a compliment, but a kind of acknowledging the power of Congress, which they wish they were able to deny, but cannot on revolution principles. Perhaps this talk of a treaty is calculated to lull us to sleep, while they surround us with fleets and armies, to enable them to get this summer a few more acres than Bunker's hill contains. Be their designs ever so base (for any thing that is good we cannot expect from them) I rest assured the Continental Congress are equal to the trust reposed in them, and think myself, and every American, happy and secure in having our rights and liberties under their guardianship. Britain has certainly released them from the obligation of their first offer, to return to our former connection, on being put on the same footing as we were in 1763, by refusing to comply with it. At the same time that offer was made our towns were not burnt, our people were not murdered, nor our property stolen from us, nor had we been put to such extraordinary expences as we since have. It will not be forgot, that the iron bill was passed about the year 1750, a bill as unjust as almost any other passed since. However, the present disputes can, to appearance, be only terminated by the sword. We have reason to believe Britain intends to try to support injustice by force, and probably more provinces than one or two may be attacked this summer. Therefore, Americans, be ye unanimous. Sacrifice every mean and sordid view to the good of your country. Be ready to run to, and not from, the place of danger; and, when there, to convince your enemies, by your deeds, that you scorn to be slaves to any power on earth. Then will your names be handed down to latest posterity, as the glorious deliverers of your country from British tyranny and oppression.
To the people of PENNSYLVANIA. LETTER VI.
IN the conclusion of my last letter I charged the author of Common Sense with perverting the Scripture, in his account of the origin of the Jewish monarchy. I proceed to offer some remarks in support of that charge.
"Monarchy," says he (meaning probably the institution of monarchy) "is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of Jews, "for which a curse in reserve is denounced against them. The history of that transaction" (either the transaction of monarchy, or the transaction of denouncing a curse in reserve) "is worth attending to."
This confused proposition he endeavours to establish, by a commentary (upon 1st Samuel, chap. 8.) full as far-fetch'd and ridiculous, as he will probably say mine is upon the prophecy of Mount Seir. But this matter must be treated more seriously, for the sake of a country, in which (God be thanked) the scriptures are read and regarded with that reverence, which is due to a revelation from Heaven. I must, therefore, endeavour to rescue out of our author's hands that portion of the sacred history which

he has converted into a libel against the civil constitution of Great Britain; and show in what sense the passage has been universally received, as well by the Jews themselves, as by Commentators, venerable for their piety and learning, in every christian country.
The Jews were long privileged with a peculiar form of government, called a Theocracy , under which the "Almighty either stirred up some person, by an immediate signification of his will, to be their judge, or, when there was none, ruled their proceedings himself, by Urim and Thummim , directing what course they were to follow in the public concerns of the nation."
But they were of an ungovernable temper, fond of pomp as well as dominion over their neighbours; and being disgusted with the misconduct of Samuel's sons, whom, in his old age, he had made his assistant judges over Israel, they came to him, and entreated him to appoint a King, who might rule their nation, and avenge them of the Philistines. Samuel, deeply afflicted at the impious design they entertained of rejecting the divine government, prays the Almighty for direction who authorises him to hearken to their voice, for they have not rejected thee, but they have rejected me (says God) that I should not reign over them. He also instructs Samuel to enter a solemn protest against them for their folly and ingratitude, in preferring a human to a divine government; and to show them the manner of the King that shall reign over them, since they desired a King to judge them like all the nations.
Now, all the nations, which they knew, were ruled by Kings, whose ARBITRARY WILL stood in the place of LAW ; and it appears also that the Jews, since the day that they were brought out of Egypt, had still retained a particular hankering after the customs of that country. The Almighty, therefore, by his Prophet, not only signifies his displeasure against all such arbitrary rulers, but against every people who would impiously and foolishly prefer such a government to one immediately under himself, where, in his providence, he might think fit to appoint such a one. And as I have no difference with our author. But Samuel proceeds further to reason with the Jews, and in the 12th chapter reminds them of the many deliverances which God had given them by the hands of their Judges, Moses, Jephthah, Gideon, &c. having with a strong hand brought them out of Egypt; having subdued the Assyrians, Ammonites, Moabites, and Philistines before them; and that, for all this, they preferred a government, even after the most corrupt models, to his just and righteous government. And, to convince them still further of their folly and ingratitude, the Prophet appeals to a signal which he would give them from Heaven. He accordingly calls down an uncommon storm in the midst of harvest, and the astonished multitude cry out—WE HAVE ADDED TO OUR SINS THIS EVIL TO ASK US A KING.
Here our author erects his standard, and here he compliments himself with the mockery of triumph. "These portions of scripture (says he, in all the assurance of infallibility) are direct and positive. They admit of no equivocal construction. That the ALMIGHTY hath here entered his protest against MONARCHICAL GOVERNMENT is true, or the scripture is false." But I will take the liberty to say, that the scripture is true, and that this author's inference is horribly false; nay, further, that from the whole spirit of the passage, as well as the reason of things, it is to be inferred that the Almighty would have as strongly expressed his displeasure against the Jews, had they rejected his government for one of their own appointment, whether it had been monarchical or democratical —to be administered by one man or a thousand men.
The author had said before, that Samuel did not shew the manner of any "particular King, but the general manner of the Kings of the earth, whom Israel was so eagerly copying after." If he means to confine himself to these Kings, I have given them to him, to make the best of them. But if he means to argue from particulars to generals, and to make the old Prophet extend his protest against all future monarchical governments , such as were to subsist some thousands of years afterwards, however limited and mixed, particularly that of Great Britain (which must certainly be our author's meaning, or he proves nothing to his purpose) I say then, if this be his meaning, I cannot so easily part with him. For in this lies our whole difference, and the particular case of the Jews cannot be applied to any other nation, in this instance, as none else was ever in similar circumstances.
ACHERLEY, in his Britannic constitutions (and I think our author borrows some of his principles, where they can serve his purpose) says expressly, "That the nations round about Israel invested their Kings with absolute power—and that it is a wild imagination to say, that the Israelitish Kings, who were but copies (of these Kings) should, either in their election or power, be a pattern to Great Britain." "There cannot be found, either in the Old or New Testament, any particular description of the race of men, which are or ever were Kings of this nation." How then can there be a scripture protest against a race of men, who are not even described in scripture? † Mark that, Common Sense.
Let me add one authority more, from a commentator at least as good as our author, and who, nevertheless, flatly contradicts him—I mean the celebrated GROTIUS. He tells us that Samuel, in this passage, does not speak of what our author calls the "general manner of Kings," or the just and honest right of a King to do such things; because his right is otherwise described elsewhere, as shall be shewn. The Prophet also speaks of such a right as the Kings round about Israel had acquired, which was not a true right ; for such is not the signification of the original word Mispat , but such an action as (being founded in might and violence) hath the effectum juris , or comes in the place of right.
Grotius, I fear, is too learned for us inferior writers ( scriptores minorum gentium ) to follow him in this place. But SIDNEY, that great martyr to liberty, adopts the same explanation. "Samuel's words, says he, are acknowledged by all interpreters, who were not malicious or mad , to be a dissuasion of the Jews from their wicked purpose; not a description of what a King might justly do, by virtue of his office, but what those, who should be set up against God and his law, would do when they should have the power in their hands."
Both Grotius and Sidney are well warranted in this interpretation, not only by the Hebrew text, but other clear passages of scripture, and particularly the 17th chapter of Deuteronomy, where, with the approbation of Heaven, the duty of a good King is described and limited. The Jews commonly understood this chapter as containing an absolute promise from Heaven of a royal government, and a sufficient authority for the request made to Samuel more than three hundred years afterwards. Others understood it conditionally,—that if they did reject the divine government, and set up one of their own appointment, God would permit them, but their King should be chosen in the manner, and with the qualifications, in that chapter described. All this, however, was disregarded, when they asked an arbitrary King , like those of their neighbouring nations; and therefore, it is demonstratively certain that Samuel, in entering his protest against such Kings, did not protest against Kings or monarchical governments generally . Either this remark is true, or one part of scripture is a direct contradiction to the other. But let the passage to which I refer speak for itself.
When thou art come unto the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, and shalt say, I will set a King over me, like as all the nations that are about me; thou shalt in any-wise set him King over thee, whom the Lord thy God shall choose, one from among thy brethren, not a stranger, &c. It is further directed, that he shall not be given to covetousness,—nor multiply horses,—nor wives to himself,—nor greatly multiply to himself gold and silver.—That when he shall sit upon the throne of his kingdom, he shall write a copy of the law in a book (which it was understood he was to do with his own hand.)—That this book shall be with him (or always carried about him) and he shall read therein all the days of his life, that he may learn to fear the Lord his God, to keep the words of the law, and make it the rule of his government, as well as private life. If he does this, God promises a blessing on his government, to prolong his days in his kingdom, he, and his children, in the midst of Israel. Does not this smell strong of monarchy , and even of hereditary monarchy ? Is not some sort of approbation, yea and a blessing, promised to both, when religiously administered, notwithstanding all that this writer has said to the contrary?
But he has not the candour to compare scripture with scripture; nor does he give a single passage complete, and connected with the parts necessary to explain it—a clear proof that other craft may be employed, as well as King-craft and Priest-craft , in "withholding the scripture from the people," even in Protestant countries. Had our author proceeded a little further, or given the passages complete as he went along, it would have appeared that, notwithstanding the just displeasure of the Almighty, and his protest against the Jews for throwing off his righteous government, yet, as mercy and forgiveness are his chief delight, and he knows that there is no perfection in man, the matter was pretty amicably settled at last, and the divine countenance was given to the establishment of monarchy, even in the person of Saul. God himself directed his election and appointment; and to prepare him for his office, gave him another heart , and also the spirit of prophecy .
As to the thunder storm in which our author exults, as an absolute disapprobation of all monarchical government, it was no more than a sign called for by Samuel, to convince the people that he spoke in the name of the Lord. But what did he speak in the verses immediately preceding? Not, surely, that God had a particular quarrel with monarchical government, as such, and that "blood would attend it;" but rather the contrary—that since the Jews would still insist upon a government of their own appointment, the Almighty would yet give them a blessing under that very form, upon condition of their obedience to his law. If ye will fear the Lord and serve him, and obey his voice, &c. then shall both ye, and also the King that reigneth over you, continue following the Lord; to which duty of following the Lord a blessing is always promised in scripture. But if ye will not obey, &c.—the hand of the Lord shall be against you. So it would have been for disobedience had they not asked a King! and, immediately after the thunder storm, Samuel confirms this doctrine, and comforts the people. Fear not, said he; although you have sinned, the Lord will not forsake his people. As for me, God forbid that I should sin against the Lord and cease to pray for you. But I will instruct you in the good and right way. Thus, it seems, a good and right way was yet to be found under monarchical government. From all which it is plain that the Almighty had now pardoned the Jews; and the prophet follows the example, promising still to proceed in the discharge of his duty among them, as a people yet in covenant with God. But, as I hinted before, it did not suit our author's purpose to take notice of such passages as these; and he has been guilty of still as great a perversion of scripture concerning David, whom God undeniably approved of and appointed to monarchical rule.
The high encomium given to David, takes no notice of him "officially as a King, but only as a man after God's own heart." I know the poor equivocation which the author has here in reserve to offer, for his saying that this character was not given to David officially as a King, but as a man. It is true, that when Samuel first applied the character to David, he had not yet entered on his office; but when it was predicted that the Kingdom should not be continued in the family of Saul, because he had violated the law, and intruded himself into the Priest's duty, which did not belong to him; the Prophet tells him, that the Lord hath sought him a man after his own heart, with the express design of making him the successor of Saul, on account of his excellent and God-like disposition. The Lord hath commanded him (this man after his own heart) to be Captain over his people, because THOU [Saul] hast not kept that which the Lord commanded thee. That one man is here rejected from being a King, because of his disobedience to God, and another chosen as his successor, because of his goodness of heart, and regard to religion, "is true, or scripture is false." But one greater than Samuel, even St. PAUL, puts this beyond all doubt, and appropriates the encomium to David not merely as a King elect, but one actually exercising the office. When he had removed him (says the Apostle, meaning Saul) he raised up unto them David, to be their King, to whom also he gave testimony and said, I have found David, the son of Jesse, a man after mine own heart, which shall fulfil all my will," namely, in his character of a King.
Numerous are the passages of scripture which might be brought to shew, that the Almighty approved of David officially as a King, on account of his public virtues, and that a divine blessing was given to the Jewish monarchy under his direction. The reader may consult 2 Samuel, v. 10, 12.—viii. 6.—1 Kings, viii. 16—Psalm lxxviii. 70, 71, 72—Psalm lxxxix. 20, 28.
I have now done with our author on this head, and can return one of his polite expressions. "I despise him" equally as a perverter of scripture, and of the fundamental principles of mixed government. I am threatened with being "hunted from every lane and lurking-hole." Hunt on. I skulk in no such places, but keep the open streets. "Wait a little," say others, "Cato will soon be found tripping, and stumbling upon TORY DOCTRINE, the divine right of Kings, non-resistance, and the like." Well, Gentlemen! wait patiently till it so happens; but let me, in the mean time, have fair play. I claim it of the public, as being engaged in a cause which is of the utmost importance to them, as well as to myself; and while I handle it decently, I can rely on their candour. I have got over what some may have viewed as the most thorny part of my way; and, upon the whole matter, I contend for this—That where a people are left to choose their own forms of government, as has been the case of all the world for some thousand years, there is no particular denunciation of God's displeasure against any FORM, whether MONARCHICAL or DEMOCRATICAL, under which such a people think their civil happiness best secured, and their duty to God best performed.
ACHERLEY shall again shelter me in this conclusion, which is the main purport of the present letter. "JESUS CHRIST left all the potentates of this world, and their subjects, to decide their several rights by the temporal laws of each nation—and never intimated WHAT FORM OF GOVERNMENT WAS CONVENIENT OR ELIGIBLE." This directly contradicts our author, who says that the Almighty has entered his protest against the particular form of monarchy. Yet ACHERLEY was a GOOD WHIG, and desired to leave scripture out of the institution of modern governments. It might be well for the author of Common Sense to follow the example, in his future works, without stirring up an old dispute, of which our fathers were long since wearied.
It has been asked, why does not Cato come to the point? He is but yet in the suburbs. Softly, Gentlemen. If this be true, why do you, who are in the citadel, make such a noise, and betray
such fears? Can you not let me pursue the siege in my own way? I really thought that if I could tap, or overturn your foundations, the aerial part of your fabric would tumble to the ground. You call on me to shew my plan? I have done it, and mentioned, as such, a safe return to a connection with our ancient friends and kindred, accompanied with all the advantages we have formerly experienced, and perhaps more; which, I trust, are things yet practicable; or if it should prove otherwise, we can lose nothing by the exercise of deliberation and wisdom, in the mean while. But what have you done? Although it was incumbent on you to have shown the advantages of your plan, to the great and respectable number of good men who will always be averse to changes, except in the last necessity; although you ought to relieve their honest doubts, concerning their future safety and peace, which have been plentifully thrown out to you; in short, although you ought to have counted the cost of your work, and have tried to reconcile, with your design, a multitude of interests, commercial, political, and economical,—you have only entertained us with some loose declamations upon abuses in the English government; and shocked us, for want of better arguments, by a perversion of things sacred; filling the papers with personal invectives and calumnies against all who cannot swallow, at a venture, every crude notion, which you may cook up, as the politics of the day. This will as little agree with the stomachs of others as with mine; although I have declared, that when the last necessity comes, I have no expedient in view, but to take chance with you, for better and for worse.
C A T O.
In COMMITTEE of SAFETY, at Williamsburg, April 24, 1776.
ORDERED, that the letter from Ralph Wormeley, jun. Esq; to John Grymes, Esq; lately intercepted, together with the resolution of this board thereupon, be published in the Virginia gazette. (A copy)
JOHN BECKLEY, Assistant Clerk.
Dear Sir, ROSEGILL, April 4, 1776.
WHEN you and Mr. Neilson returned from Norfolk, you informed me that Lord Dunmore either wished or expected, or thought it my duty, that I should immediately, in person, repair to his Lordship; that some such ostensible mark of my attachment to Government, and loyalty to my King, were looked for from me; and that, notwithstanding my unequivocal, steady, and invariable conduct, if I still continue at home, I may be exposed to the indiscriminating ravages of war, without any chance of reparation. Whether this opinion is founded on the last proclamation of the King's, on the late advices from the Minister, or from his Lordship's conjectures, I do not know. As to the proclamation, and the late advices from the Minister, I have an easy answer: 1st. I have never seen the proclamation, never heard it either read or repeated; it cannot then be expected of me to pay respect to any instrument of that sort whose contents I can have no cognizance of before they are submitted to my senses. 2d. As to the advices of the Minister which may lead his Lordship to conclude it to be the duty of every man, now, when the friends of Government are in such a state of impotency, or rather are under such complete dominion, to repair to his Lordship, without probability of advancing any practical scheme of utility, of concerting any effectual plan of operations, and without regard to circumstances, I say, Sir, such advices are repugnant to the words and meaning of the King. In the true knowledge of our present situation, his Majesty thus expresses himself: "And although many of these unhappy people may still retain their loyalty, and may be too wise not to see the fatal consequences of this usurpation, and wish to resist it, yet the torrent of violence has been strong enough to compel their acquiescence, until a sufficient force shall appear to support them." A few observations on the above quoted passage will prove the repugnancy. "Unhappy people," in what? In being overpowered by these usurpers, so overpowered, that they cannot even hope, they can only wish, to resist it. This being the case, what are these unhappy people to do? What does his Majesty expect? Not their fruitless vain endeavours, which prejudice every cause; he knows that the torrent of violence is strong enough to retain them in their compulsive acquiescence, "till a sufficient force shall appear to support them." He expects, then, they will wait the event. They will have, they have a right to protection. Every effort and endeavour now, on their part, would only issue in ruin to themselves, and in ruin to their cause. No man bears the accursed tyranny that is erected with more impatient mortification than I do; and, if there were a corner on the face of the earth that I could support myself in, and enjoy that freedom that I am now violently deprived of, I would, for the gratification of my own happiness, fly to it. I have too much feeling not to be exquisitely sensible of my slavish condition.
I have made no reply as to his Lordship's conjectures. As he must be furnished with intelligence that I am ignorant of, it must be supposed that he can form a better judgment than I can. In a matter of such weight, I wish he had extracted the paragraph, if he drew his opinion from his late advices; or had given the reasons on which he formed it. To convey myself, together with the absolute necessaries of life, without my intention being discovered, is almost impossible. Besides, I am only an inferior member of the family, have not the command of furniture, bedding, &c. nor provisions; and exportation being prohibited, if I could afford, I could not command money for my support. Add to this the probability of all resources being cut off, whereby wheat, flour, or corn, are now furnished; as the army of the provincials increases, unless one of equal or superior force should soon arrive from Britain. Numbers, in such a case, will add to the difficulties that the fleet, army, and people at Norfolk, labour under. Hundreds will only multiply these inconveniencies; thousands alone can remove them. These reasons weigh with me at present, and restrain me from taking the step Mr. Neilson advises with so much urgency. But, after all, what beneficial consequence could my personal attendance operate in favour of that cause whose success I have at heart. My example is not efficacious enough to influence others to follow it. What exertions of mine could now avail? And are not ineffectual exertions capitally erroneous in policy? Would not, or might not, the departure of a person of my insignificance quicken the jealousy of the present rulers, give fresh vigour to persecution, and make them lash our few party-friends, not with that rod of iron which we have experienced, severe enough for the most criminal atrocity, but with a red-hot one fresh from the infernal forge of tyranny. If, though, the Governor should think my presence necessary, and that I can, in any degree, be assistant to his Lordship, Government, or my country, will give me an official summons, and afford me proper facilities to reach him, I will, at the hazard of that precarious negative quiet that is now indulged to me, I will, to the prejudice of my health, which is, as you know, at present interrupted by a most inveterate disorder, and which disorder would certainly be aggravated by a diet exclusive of vegetables, at the risk of my life, of every thing, obey it. Will you be so obliging as to communicate this where you think it necessary? And, under all vicissitudes of fortune, believe me to be, with the most unalterable sincerity,
Your most affectionate friend,
RALPH WORMELEY, jun.
To JOHN GRYMES, Esquire.

In COMMITTEE of SAFETY, at Williamsburg, April 22, 1776.
RALPH WORMELEY, jun. Esq; appearing before this Committee in custody, and being examined touching his letter to Mr. John Grymes, of the 4th of April 1776, lately intercepted from the said Grymes, on his way to Lord Dunmore, the Committee hearing what he alleged in his defence, also examining Charles Neilson on oath, are of opinion, that nothing appears to us in his conduct, or in the said letter, to be within the offences defined by the late ordinance for establishing a mode of punishment for the enemies to America in this colony; but the said letter being, in the opinion of this Committee, a full proof of the inimical disposition of the said Ralph Wormeley, jun. Esq; against the rights of America, and shewing a readiness to join the enemy of this colony, provided he should be called and enabled to do so, this Committee do resolve, that the said Ralph Wormeley, jun. Esq; be discharged out of custody, upon entering into bond, with approved security, in the penalty of 10,000l. conditioned that he do not correspond with the enemies of America, join, or in any manner aid or assist them; that he do not depart this colony, without leave of the Convention, or Committee of Safety; and further, that he appear before the said Convention, at any time during their next meeting, if he shall be required so to do, JOHN PAGE, V. P.
LONDON, January 8.
LETTERS from Rome bring an account of the death of Cardinal Yorke, who had been in a decline for three months before his death, which happened the 26th of October last. The letter adds, that it is thought the disappointment he met with in not being chosen Pope, first brought on his disorder.
January 9. The prisoners brought from America, and now in Cornwall, were taken by a small party of Indians inhabiting the back settlements of New York; two of their Chiefs are now in town, and lodge in Lad lane, with several other American Gentlemen lately come over with Col. Johnston; the Chiefs are come with an offer of their services to Government.
Extract of a letter from Portsmouth, Jan. 6.
This morning arrived the Tartar man of war from Boston, after a fine passage of 21 days, having on board 75 rebels of the American army, which were taken in a privateer the Americans had fitted out at Boston. She brought some fresh despatches, which were sent to the Secretary of State's office on Saturday night.
A Commodore with six line of battle ships and eight frigates, will sail, we are told, to America the beginning of March next; the above ships are to take on board their full complement of marines, and are to be laden as deep as possible with provisions, &c.
The Council, it is said, is much agitated with contrary opinions since General Burgoyne's arrival from Boston; some, we are told, are for conciliatory measures.
By a letter from Rochfort, we are assured 13 frigates are fitting out at that port only, for the American settlements, each of which is to carry over land forces.
We are well assured the following is a list of the forces Government purpose to have in America in the spring.
Foreign troops for America.
  Hessians 12,000   Brunswickers 4000   From Hanau. 500   Waldeck 500   17,000   British troops.   Go with General Cornwallis 4000   More to be sent in spring 4000   More at Boston, including marines, 8000   33,000 
Press warrants are sent out to Admiral Graves to press all American seamen.
Press warrants are expected to be issued out soon, as the Captains of all the outward bound ships have been very solicitous to procure protections.
Orders have been sent to Plymouth for all the guardships there to take on board their full complement of men, as in time of war.
Orders have been sent to all the out ports, to be very cautious and strict in examining all persons and vessels, &c. that may be judged the least suspicious.
Orders are given for a quantity of beef and pork, sufficient for ten ships of the line for six months, to be got ready as soon as possible.
We hear from Dublin, that the discontents of the people have been lately considerably increased by the appointments given to Mr. Jenkinson, Welbore Ellis, and Lord Clare, whom the Irish hold in a very contemptible light; the coffee-houses in Dublin abound with the most virulent abuse against these ministerial favourites, for attempting to get an increase of salary annexed to offices, which are mere sinecures, and a burthen to the nation; may the Irish Gentlemen in the interest of the Crown, think themselves ill used by having such appointments bestowed on Jenkinson and Ellis, who are strangers to the country, and consequently no ways interested in its prosperity, further than it may answer the particular views of their patron.
A compact is lately signed between our Court and that of three northern powers, by which they have stipulated to furnish Great Britain between them with 60,000 troops, the better to enable the latter to carry on the continental war.
Several transports are brought up to the tower in order to take in cannon, balls, and other warlike stores, for Boston; which transports are to be conveyed by six men of war, to prevent their being taken by the provincials.
A small vessel will be despatched to America this week, with orders for all the transports that have delivered their cargoes at Boston, &c. to leave that place immediately, and return to England with all expedition.
Monday a brig from Quebec arrived at Portsmouth. She brings an account of the provincials having taken Montreal.
Some distinguished members of the minority have, it is confidently said, been offered to have their names inserted in the commission appointing Delegates to pardon the American colonies, which several of them have accepted.
A correspondent says, that premiums of ensurance on shipping, especially to the westward, are as high now as at any time in a French or Spanish war.
A considerable general repair of all the fortifications in France on the frontiers of Germany, is now going on, particularly in Alsace; which looks as if the Court of Versailles had apprehensions of an attack in that quarter.
WORCESTER, APRIL 12.
ON Thursday the 4th inst. the body of Major General Warren was found, about three feet under ground, on Bunker's hill. It was afterwards carried to Boston, and on Monday last re-interred with the honours and respect due to so illustrious a hero.
It is reported, from different quarters, that Quebec was taken by storm last month, and that our loss is computed to be 600 men killed and wounded. However, it does not amount to a certainty.
NEW-YORK, April 18. Saturday last his Excellency General Washington arrived here from Cambridge, attended by Mr. Palfrey and Mr. Moyland, his Aid de Camps, and Horatio Gates,
Esq; Adjutant General, and several other Gentlemen of distinction.
The first division of the ministerial fleet, consisting of the Fowey and Nautilus, with 68 transports, from Boston, failed for Halifax on the Monday preceding the 1st of April. The second division, consisting of Admiral Shuldham in the Chatham, the Centurion, and the Lively, with 62 transports, failed the Thursday after, for the southward, not half manned, and had but short allowance for 14 Days. The Renown, of 50 guns, the Senegal, of 28, and the Hope, of 16, remain below; but have moved from their station in Kingroad, off the light-house, for fear of our fire ships. The Niger man of war is also gone to Halifax; and it is said, by a vessel from London to the fleet, that 50 merchantmen, loaded, were bound to Boston.
PHILADELPHIA, April 17.
Extract of a letter from ESECK HOPKINS, Esq; Commander in Chief of the American fleet, to the President of the Congress, dated on board the ship Alfred, New London harbour, April 9, 1776.
WHEN I put to sea, on the 17th of February, from Cape Henlopen, not thinking we were in a condition to keep on a cold coast, I appointed our rendezvous at Abacco, one of the Bahama islands.
"I arrived at the rendezvous, in order to wait for them fifteen days, agreeable to orders. I then formed an expedition against New Providence, which I put in execution the third of March, by landing two hundred marines under the command of Captain Nicholas, and fifty sailors under the command of Lieut. Weaver, of the Cabot, who was well acquainted there. The same day they took possession of a small fort, of seventeen pieces of cannon, without any opposition, save five guns which were fired at them without doing any damage. I received, that evening, an account that they had two hundred and odd men in the main fort, all inhabitants. I then caused a manifesto to be published, the purport of which was, that the inhabitants and their property should be safe, if they did not oppose me in taking possession of the fort and King's stores. This had the desired effect, for the inhabitants left the fort almost alone. Captain Nicholas, by my order, sent to the Governor for the keys of the fort, which were delivered, and the troops marched directly in, where we found the several warlike stores agreeable to the inventory inclosed; but the Governor sent one hundred and fifty barrels of powder off in a small sloop the night before. I have taken the Governor, Montford Brown, the Lieutenant Governor, who is a half pay officer, and Mr. Thomas Arwin, who is a Counsellor and Collector of his Majesty's quit rents in South Carolina; and it appears, by the Court Callendar, that he is also Inspector General of his Majesty's Customs of North America. Since we came out, we have lost company with the Wasp."
"The fourth instant we fell in with the east end of Long Island, and took the Schooner —, commanded by young Wallace, of six carriage guns and eight swivels; and the fifth we took the bomb brig of eight guns and two howitzers, ten swivels and forty eight hands, well found with all sorts of stores, arms, powder, &c. The sixth in the morning we fell in with the Glasgow, and her tender, and engaged her near three hours. We lost six men killed, and as many wounded. The Cabot had four men killed, and seven wounded, the Captain is among the latter. The Columbus [which mounts 36 guns] had one man who lost his arm. We received a considerable damage in our ship, but the greatest was in having our wheel rope and blocks shot away, which gave the Glasgow time to make sail, and I did not think proper to follow, as it would have brought on an action with the whole of their fleet, and I had upwards of thirty of our best seamen on board the prizes. I therefore thought it most prudent to give over the chase, and secure our prizes, and having taken the Glasgow's tender, arrived the seventh with all the fleet."
"Among the dead are Mr. Sinclair Seymour, Muster of the Cabot, a good officer; Lieutenant Wilson, of the Cabot; and Lieutenant Fitzpatrick, of the Alfred."
"The officers all behaved well on board the Alfred; but too much praise cannot be given to the officers of the Cabot, who gave and sustained the whole fire for some considerable time, within pistol shot."
INVENTORY of STORES, taken at FORT MONTAGUE, March 3, 1776
17 cannon, from 9 to 36 pounders. 1240 round shot. 123 shells. 81 iron trucks for carriages. 22 copper hoops. 1 worm. 2 copper powder measures. 1 ladle. Some old iron, copper, and lead.
STORES taken at FORT NASSAU, March 4, 1776.
71 cannon, from 9 to 32 pounders. 15 mortars, from 4 to 11 inches diameter, and beds. 5337 shells. 9831 round shot, and 165 chain and double head do. 140 hand grenades. 816 fuzes, or false fires. 99 sponges, rammers, and worms. 46 copper ladles. 407 copper hoops, and 5 copper powder measures. 220 iron trucks for carriages, 3 bells. 24 casks of powder. A quantity of match rope, not weighed. 2 double blocks, with braft sheafs. 1 Scale beam, 1 hammer, 3 tanned hides. 2 boxes of tallow candles. 4 barrels of flour, 4 ditto bread, 4 ditto beef. Part of a cask of spirit, 1 sun dial, and 1 English flag.
Published by order of Congress.
CHARLES THOMSON, Sec'y.
Extract of a letter from an officer on board the Alfred ship of war, dated New London harbour, April 10, 1776.
"I doubt not but you have heard of our arrival at this place, and of our engagement with the Glasgow man of war [of 24 guns] of which I shall now give you some particulars. — On the 4th instant we made the east end of Long Island, and discovered the Columbus, who had parted with us the night before, to windward, with a Schooner of six guns (one of Capt. Wallace's tenders) which she had taken in the morning. We made Block Island in the afternoon, when the Commodore ordered the brigs to stand in for Rhode Island, to see if any more of the fleet were out, and to join us the next morning, which was accordingly done, without seeing any vessel except a New York sloop, which Capt. Biddle brought to the fleet, and after her papers were examined the was released. At day-light we discovered a brig to leeward, made sail, soon came up with, and after a few shot took her; she proved to be the bomb brig belonging to Wallace's fleet, mounting 8 guns and 2 howitzers, commanded by one Snead, a Lieutenant in the navy. We continued to cruise all day within sight of Block Island, and in the evening took a brig and sloop from New York, and have brought both into port with us, not being satisfied as to their clearances. At sun-set we were 12 sail in all, and had a very pleasant evening. At half past one I was awaked by the cry of all hands to quarters. We were soon ready for action, the main body of my company, with my first Lieutenant, being placed in the barge on the main deck, and the remaining part, with my second Lieutenant and myself, on the quarter deck. We soon discovered a large ship standing directly for us. The Cabot was foremost in the fleet, our ship close after, not more than 100 yards behind, but to windward withal. When the brig came close up she was hailed by the ship, which we then learned was the Glasgow man of war. The brig immediately fired a broadside, and received a return two fold, which, owing to the weight of metal, damaged her so much in her hull and rigging, that she was obliged to retire for a while to refit. Our ship then came up (not having it in our power to fire a shot before, without hurting the brig) and engaged her side by side for three glasses, as hot as it could possibly be on both sides. The first
broadside she fired my 2d Lieutenant fell dead by my side, having a musket ball through his head. In him I have lost a worthy officer, a sincere friend, and a companion that was beloved by all the ship's company. Unfortunately for us, our tiller rope and main brace were shot away soon after the fight began, which made the ship broach to, and gave the enemy an opportunity of raking us fore and aft. The engagement continued until day-light, at which time the crowded all the sail she could, and stood in for Newport. Our rigging was so much hurt, that we could not make sail time enough to come up with her again. At sun-rise the Commodore made the signal to leave of chasing, he not thinking it prudent to risk the prizes near the land, lest the whole fleet should come out of the harbour. The Glasgow continued firing signal guns the whole day after. I lost three of my people out of 12 that were on the quarter deck, and two others who were in the barge were slightly wounded. Capt. Hopkins, of the Cabot, is wounded, his master killed, and the 2d Lieutenant of marines is since dead of his wounds. Upon the whole, it was a very hot engagement, in which our ship and the brig were much damaged; but we have this consolation, that the enemy suffered full as much; for, by several express from Rhode Island, we are assured that it was with much difficulty she got into port, with both pumps going."
WILLIAMSBURG, May 4.
WE have advice from Portsmouth, that our troops entered that town without opposition, and have taken a number of waggon loads of effects, viz. rum, sugar, molasses, and a variety of dry goods, belonging to persons who are enemies to the American cause; they have also destroyed two or three houses which were the property of John Goodrich, and brought off some prisoners. Lord Dunmore is very strongly entrenched at Tucker's mills, and has a great quantity of cannon mounted, defended by about 500 men. His Excellency General LEE returned here from Portsmouth last Thursday evening.
Extract of a letter from PHILADELPHIA, April 23.
"There is an express arrived to the Congress, from Canada, the purport of which yet remains a secret; the report is, that 500 Canadians had attempted to get in to Carleton's assistance, but were attacked and driven off by the continental troops. The loss on either side is not known."
MILNER'S, April 10, 1776.
EARLY in May I propose going to the West Indies for a few Months. Those who have any Claim against Michael and John Wallace and Company will please to apply for Payment; and it will be obliging in those who are indebted to them to call and settle their Accounts, by Payment, or otherwise, as may be most convenient, before I go away, as there may not be any Person left to transact the Business in my Absence. MICHAEL WALLACE.
SUFFOLK, April 10, 1776.
I AM under the Necessity of sailing for the West Indies, about the first of next Month, from whence I propose returning as soon as I possibly can. — As no Partner of the House of Gibson, Donaldson, and Hamilton, will be in the Country after I sail, I request all those who have any Claims against the said Concern will apply before that Time, and they shall be paid. I shall take it extremely kind in those indebted to the Concern, who have not yet settled their Accounts, if they will call and have them adjusted, and settled by Specialties, or otherwise, as may be most expedient. DOUGLAS HAMILTON.
To be SOLD by the Subscribers, at their Stores in PETERSBURG,
A QUANTITY of LISBON, TENERIFF, PORT, SHERRY, and MADEIRA WINES, of the best Quality. — LISBON by the Quarter Cask, TENERIFF by the Pipe, PORT and SHERRY by the Dozen, and MADEIRA by the Gallon. WILLIAM BEATTIE. WILLIAM BUCHANAN.
BEDFORD, April 25, 1776.
WHEREAS I gave two Bonds, bearing Date the 27th of September 1774, each for the Sum of 251. one payable the 20th of May 1776, the other the 20th of May 1777, to Anthony Haden of Albemarle County, in Consideration of a certain Parcel of Land in Bedford; I hereby forewarn any Person from taking Assignments of the said Bonds until the said Haden makes me a legal Right to the said Land. WILLIAM WILLIAMS.
TO BE SOLD;
A VALUABLE Tract of LAND containing 400 Acres, with an Entry of 199 Acres adjoining the said Land, lying on the Middle Fork of Cunningham Creek, in Albemarle County. The Plantation is in very good Order for Cropping, and has pretty good Buildings on it. Any Person inclined to purchase the Land may know the Terms by applying to the Subscriber, in the said County, near the Courthouse. JOHN TANDY.
PETERSBURG, March 28, 1776.
WHEREAS there are many Accounts still unsettled on the Books at our Store in Charlotte, formerly kept by Mr. Samuel Wimbish, but by Mr. William Barkdale since Fall 1774, who has still full power to settle and adjust the same, to pay and receive, and grant Acquittances; and as Mr. Wimbish is about to leave the Colony (in Order to prevent future Disputes) all those that have open Accounts on the Books are desired to apply immediately, and adjust the same, as no Discount, otherwise than what are on the Books, will be allowed after his Departure. WILLIAM CALL, Survivor of Field & Call.
STOLEN from the Subscriber, in Brunswick, on Nottoway River, the 7th of March, a black MARE that is with Foal, inclined to a Chestnut Colour, about 4 Feet 7 or 8 Inches high, with a small Star in her Forehead intermixed with white Hairs down to her Nose, which appears to be a Snip; has some Saddle Spots, the Mane under the Bridle is cut and mixed with white Hairs, a dark Spot on her Rump about the Size of a Man's Hand; she paces and trots, and is dockt. Also was stolen, at the same Time, a white Horse about 4 Feet 7 Inches high, has a hanging Mane and Switch Tail, and branded, as well as I remember, on the near Shoulder W, on his near Buttock H G, on the off Shoulder and Buttock O, and on his Jaw Something resembling a Flower de Luce, trots and gallops very hard. Whoever delivers the Mare to me shall have 5l. Reward, and 40s. upon Delivery of the Horse, or 10l. for the Horses and Thief. JOHN BANTON.

TAKEN up on Little River , in Hanover , a dark bay MARE about 9 Years old, 4 Feet 8 1/2 Inches high, has a Star in her Forehead about the Size of a Dollar, a few white Hairs down the Side of her Face and near the Root of her Tail, and paces altogether. She has been in the Neighbourhood ever since October last. Potted, and appraised to 15l.
THOMAS BURCH HULET.
TAKEN up, in Cumberland , a BLACK MARE about 19 Years old, 4 Feet 8 or 9 Inches high, with a large Star in her Forehead, a Snip on her Nose, a roached Mane and Switch Tail, and branded on the near Buttock TE in a Piece. Potted, and appraised to 4l.
JOHN NEWTON.
TREASURY OFFICE, April 26, 1776.
MAJOR George Lyne, formerly appointed to sign the Treasury Notes of the Denomination of 20/ 12/6. 10/ 7/6. and 5/ being unable, through Sickness, to prosecute that Business, I have, pursuant to the Authority to me given by the General Convention, appointed Col. John Dixon to sign the said Notes.
RO. C. NICHOLAS, Treasurer.
THE following Counties have not hitherto returned Lists of the Number of their People; and as the Colony may receive Injury from the Want of a Return being soon made to Congress, it is hoped the Committees will procure the Lists, to be taken and sent by the Delegates to the next Convention.
Accomack, Albemarle, Amelia, Augusta, Bedford, Botetourt, Brunswick, Buckingham, Berkeley, Caroline, Charles City, Charlotte, Chesterfield, Culpeper, Cumberland, Dunmore, Essex, Fauquier, Frederick, Fincastle, Goochland, Hampshire, Hanover, Henrico, Isle of Wight, King & Queen, Loudoun, Louisa, Lunenburg, Middlesex, Mecklenburg, Nansemond, Norfolk, Northampton, Orange, Pittsylvania, Prince Edward, Princess Anne, Southampton, Stafford, Surry, Sussex, and Warwick.
EDMUND PENDLETON.
AS an Army without Cavalry is in all Countries a very defective Machine, but in this Province, circumstanced as it is, it is impossible to carry on the Service with any tolerable Degree of Credit, without a certain Proportion of this Species of Troops. General Lee begs Leave to address himself to the young Gentlemen of the different Counties, entreating that they will form themselves into Companies of LIGHT DRAGOONS , consisting of one Captain, one Lieutenant, one Cornet, two Serjeants, two Corporals, and a Trumpet, or Horn-Sounder. As it is intended, and hoped, that the Whole will be composed of Gentlemen Volunteers, it will not be expected that they should receive any Pay; but at the same Time, as it is not reasonable that they should put themselves to the Expence of maintaining their Horses, they are to be allowed Rations for them, as well as for themselves. Their Arms should be a short Rifle Carbine, a light Pike of eight Feet long, and a Tomhawk. General Lee is confident, if the young Gentlemen approve, and adopt this Scheme, they will not only do very great Honour to themselves, but very important Service to their Country.
HALIFAX ( North Carolina ) April 12, 1776.
ALL Persons indebted to the Estate of Joseph Montfort , deceased, are desired to make immediate Payment, or give Bonds for their respective Balances. All those who have Demands against the said Estate are desired to make them known to
HENRY MONTFORT, Executor.
THE Students at the Academy increase so fast, that I cannot pretend to furnish Beds for any considerable Number more. Those Gentlemen who send their Sons hereafter will do me, and perhaps themselves, a Favour by sending Beds with them. It can be no great Trouble to them, if two Gentlemen will agree to send their Children together, to furnish and convey a Bed at their common Expence. I find it will be too chargeable for me to provide this Article at the Rate I have hitherto done, as young Persons are less disposed to be careful of the Property of another than of their own.
PHIL. HOLCOMBE, Steward.
N. B. I will give good Encouragement to a Man who understands cooking, and managing the Business of the Kitchen and Table in such a large Family.
FOR SALE, SEVEN Hundred and fifty five Acres of LAND in Buckingham , lying on both Sides of Bridle Creek , which is remarkably good for Tobacco and Hemp, affords good Meadow Ground, and has about 50 Acres cleared, under a good Fence. The Terms may be known by applying to the Subscriber, about five Miles below the Head of Appomattox River .
PETER PATTESON.
STRAYED, or STOLEN, from the Subscriber in Williamsburg , about the 10th of April , two Horses, viz. a large dark Bay, about 7 Years old, with a hanging Mane and Switch Tail, has had a Fistula, the Marks of which are very plain to be seen, and seemed inclinable to rise again, as the Place was a little swelled on one Side the Shoulder; he is branded on the Buttock A . The other is a small Sorrel, 10 or 11 Years old, with a hanging Mane and Switch Tail, has had a Fistula some Years ago, which is very discoverable, is crest fallen, and branded on the Buttock C , or a Horse Shoe, but very faint. I will give 10s. for each, if brought home.
(tf) BENJAMIN BUCKTROUT.
April 25, 1776.
STRAYED, or STOLEN, from Williamsburg , about three Weeks ago, a DARK BAY MARE about 4 Feet 6 Inches high, branded on the near Buttock IG . She has got a Fistula on her Withers, and has a long Mane and Switch Tail. Whoever conveys the said Mare to Mr. Richard Charlton in Williamsburg , or to my Plantation in King William , shall be handsomely rewarded by
THOMAS ELLIOTT.
STOLEN, from the Subscriber, the 7th of March , a black HORSE about 4 Feet 10 Inches high, 6 Years old this Spring, paces slow, and branded on the off Buttock X . I will give a Reward of 50s. for the Horse, and 5l. on Conviction of the Thief.
(2||) HENRY HAYES.
Just come to Hand, and to be SOLD at this PRINTING-OFFICE, A large and exact VIEW of the late BATTLE at CHARLESTOWN, Elegantly coloured, Price one Dollar. Also an excellent MAP of
The present SEAT of CIVIL WAR, Taken by an able Draughtsman who was on the Spot at the late Engagement. Price one Dollar.
STRAYED from the Subscriber, on Rappahannock River , in the upper End of Caroline , the 24th of January , a BAY HORSE four Years old, about 4 feet 10 Inches high, branded IT , shod all-fours, and paces when rode. He was bred in the upper End of Culpeper near Thorn's Gap . I have been informed such a Horse was seen following a Waggon that was going over the Mountains. Whoever brings me the said Horse shall have forty Shillings Reward.
HANNAH BATTAILE.
WILLIAMSBURG, April 19, 1776.
THE Visitors and Governors of the College, are desired to meet on the 2d Monday in next Month, at 10 o'Clock in the Morning:
(2) M. DAVENPORT, Cl. Visit.
A COMPLETE FULLING-MILL is now finishing on Lansdown Mill-Dam , in Richmond County , where all manner of Fulling, Shearing, Pressing, and Dying , will be performed, on the most reasonable Terms, by
LAWRENCE M'KINNY.
WHEREAS the Bonds taken on the Sale of the Estate of Samuel Swann , late of Nansemond , deceased, will become due the 24th of May next, and the Executor being desirous to make up his Administration as soon as possible, he begs the Favour of all Creditors and Debtors to the said Estate to meet him in Suffolk at that Time, in Order to settle their respective Accounts. As he lives at a considerable Distance from that Place, he hopes Gentlemen concerned will not disappoint him; and as it may be inconvenient to some concerned to meet at any particular Day, he proposes attending till the Middle of June .
JOHN SWANN, Executor.
GLOUCESTER, April 10, 1776.
For SALE, for ready Money only.
NARROW Hoes, Bar Iron, Iron Spice Mortars, Door Hinges and Bolts, Saw Rests, Gouges, Augers, Sheep Sheers, Hand Saws, Table Butts, &c. Dovetail Hinges, Desk and Cupboard Locks, Chair Nails, Tobacco and Snuff Boxes, Tailors Shears, Women's Scissors, Silver and Brass Thimbles, Watch Seals, Stock, Shoe, and Knee Buckles, Lancets, Cork-Screws, Pencils, Taper and Center Bits, Watch Keys, Spectacles, Knitting Pins, Awl Blades, Inkpowder, Nuns and coloured Thread, Knee Garters, plain and Diaper Tape, Sewing Silk, Pewter Porringers and Dishes, Tin Cullenders, Egg Slicers, Iron Candlesticks, Copper Tea-Kettles, Lustrine, Persian Taffeta, Waistcoat Stuff, English Persian, Velvet Hoods, Bombazine, black Silk Gloves, Chintz, printed Linens and Calicoes, thick and Book Muslin, Marbeilles Quilting, Muslin Handkerchiefs, spotted Gauze, Cambric, Men's, Women's, and Girls Gloves, Women's Cotton Hose, Men's Worsted and Silk ditto, black Gimp, Cloth Mantlet, flowered Silk Capuchins, Blond and Silk Lace, Common Prayer Books, Bibles, Watt's Hymns & Psalms, Testaments, Psalters, Spelling Books, Histories, Children's Books, Pocket Books, Playing Cards, Horn and Ivory Combs, Fans, Dutch Pretties, Gartering, Quality Binding, Silk Ferreting, Stone Water Pitchers, Porringers, Cups, &c. Wine Glasses, Tumblers, Glass and China Bowls, Mustard Pots, Rings and Castors, Punch Ladles, Stone and Delf Plates, Queen's China Dishes, black Leather and Seal Skin Trunks, Riband, Collaring, Necklaces, Women's and Girls Bonnets, Hand-Saws, Trowels, Dripping-Pans, Girths, Bridles, Stirrup Leathers and Irons, Bridle Bits, Whips, Men's coarse and fine Hats, Youths ditto, Shot Belts, Needles, Silk Twist, Buttons, Crewel, Bangles, Gold Rings, common and Bristol Stone Sleeve Buttons, Thimbles, Razor Straps, Violin, Shalloons, Calimancoes, Durants, Cambric, Dr. Norris's Antimonial Drops, Glass of Antimony, Salt of Amber, Cinnamon, Ingredients for Bitters, Reap Hooks, Ginger, Men's and Women's Leather Shoes, Women's Calimanco ditto, Children's Morocco ditto, Shirt Buttons, Waistcoat do. common Laces, Fishing Tackle, Snuff, Chewing Tobacco, Coffee, Seal Leather, Harness ditto, Calf Skins, Loaf Sugar, Soap, Candles, Leather Breeches, Hair Sifters, Wool Cards, Writing Paper, Wires and Brushes for Muskets, and many other trifling Articles too tedious to mention.
MATTHEW ANDERSON.
Head Quarters, WILLIAMSBURG, April 19, 1776.
DESERTED from the Halifax regular Company (now in this City) on Wednesday the 16th Instant, three Soldiers, viz.  JOSEPH MITCHELL BLAIR , about 23 Years of Age, 5 Feet 8 or 9 Inches high, has a wide Mouth, blue Eyes, black Hair, and freckled Face. He carried with him a dark coloured new Hunting Shirt. His inside Clothing I do not remember. JAMES TROOP , about the Age of Blair, about 5 Feet 10 Inches high, has blue Eyes, dark curling Hair, stoops in his Shoulders, but otherwise well made. He carried with him a dark coloured Hunting Shirt. What other Clothes he had I do not know. WILLIAM HILL , 19 Years of Age, 5 Feet 8 or 9 Inches high, spare made, of a dark Complexion, with black Hair and black Eyes. He had with him a striped Virginia Cloth Hunting Shirt, which he has dyed almost black, a Snuff coloured Coat, blue Duffel Waistcoat, and Leather Breeches. The above Deserters carried away three of the Country's Rifles. They were enlisted in Halifax County , to which I expect they will endeavour to return. Any Person or Persons who will deliver the above Deserters to the Company to which they belong, or secure them so that I may get them, shall be handsomely rewarded by
NATHANIEL COCKE, Captain.
TO BE SOLD,
THE Houses and Lots wherein the Subscriber now lives, in the Town of Petersburg , consisting of a large Dwelling-House, Storehouse, and all convenient Outbuildings, in good Repair; a large Garden and Pasture adjoining, and the Situation equal to any in the Colony for Business. It is so well known, that a particular Description is unnecessary. Also a few House Servants, Household Furniture, &c. A Lot in the Town of Petersburg , and 400 Acres of good Tobacco Land in Charlotte . The Purchasers may have Possession immediately, and the Payment made easy by giving approved Security. As I intend leaving the Colony, those who have any Demands against me are desired to apply for Payment; and all Persons indebted, it is hoped, will either discharge their Accounts, or think it reasonable to give Security.
As the Purchasers of the Land in Ward's Fork , belonging to John Lidderdale , Esq; of London , are in some doubt of their having a Right, this is to inform them, that the Deeds will be sent, properly executed, with an Acknowledgment of Mrs. Lidderdale's Right of Dower, when the Times will admit of an Opportunity, and may be assured of having a most undoubted Title made them. They will likewise please to observe, that the Deeds will not be recorded till the Money is paid, agreeable to the Terms of Sale. And if any of the Purchasers are in Doubt of my being properly authorised to make Sale of the Lands, they may be fully satisfied at the Secretary's Office, where the Power of Attorney is recorded.
6 RICHARD HANSON.
TAKEN up, in Cumberland , two red and white STEERS , marked with a smooth Crop in each Ear. Potted, and appraised to 6l.
THOMAS WILLIAMS.
TAKEN up, in Charlotte , a BAY HORSE , branded on the near Buttock O , and appears to be very old. Potted, and appraised to five Pounds ten Shillings.
FRANCIS M. PITTY.
FALMOUTH, April 8, 1776.
We intend to leave the Co- lony soon.
ANDREW ROBERTSON. GEORGE CUNINGHAM. DUGALD BANNATYNE.
FREDERICKSBURG, April 10, 1776.
We intend to leave the Co- lony soon.
JAMES BLAIR. JAMES GALLAWAY. JAMES DOUGLAS.
STRAYED, from Burwell's Ferry , on Tuesday the 9th Instant ( April ) a BAY HORSE , shod All-Fours, had on his Saddle and Bridle, and branded on the near Buttock O . I will give 20s. Reward for the Horse, and 10s. for the Saddle and Bridle, if delivered to me in Williamsburg .
JONATHAN PROSSER.
COMMITTED to Essex Gaol , a Negro Man who says his Name is JESSE , and that he belongs to Mr. Robert Nopper of Albemarle . The Owner is desired to prove his Property, pay Charges, and take him away.
ALICE EMERSON, Gaoler.
COMMITTED to Essex Gaol , a Negro Man who says his Name is GABRIEL , and that he belongs to Mr. Robert Payne of Goochland . The Owner is desired to prove his Property, pay Charges, and take him away.
ALICE EMERSON, Gaoler.
COMMITTED to Essex Gaol , a Negro Man who says his Name is DANIEL , and that he belongs to Mr. Robert Payne of Albemarle . The Owner is desired to prove his Property, pay Charges, and take him away.
ALICE EMERSON, Gaoler.
YORICK, IN high Health, and great Perfection, stands at his usual Place ( Mount Airy ) to cover Mares at the Price of 3l. 5s. Pasturage given, but no Enturance against Escapes.
JOHN WHELDON.
RUN away from the Vineyard, a little below Williamsburg , a Negro Man named SAUNDY , 5 Feet 6 Inches high, about 27 Years old, knock kneed; had on, when he went away, a dark red Newmarket Coat. I have been informed he is lurking about Williamsburg . Whoever brings him to me shall have 15s. Reward, besides what the law allows.
ANDREW ESTAVE.
GODOLPHIN,
A BEAUTIFUL bright Bay, high blooded, about 6 Years old, and in great Perfection, stands at Mr. John Baird's Plantation in Prince George County , near Blandford , to cover Mares the ensuing Season, at a Guinea the Leap ready Money, or 5l. by the Season payable in October 1777, but may be discharged by the Payment of 3l. in December next, or 4l. in May following. The Number of Mares put to Godolphin , since he has been allowed to cover, has gained him such Reputation, as well for the Certainty of his getting Colts, as for their Size and Beauty, that a further Description of him is needless. I have procured two fine large Pastures, under excellent Fences, and the greatest Care will be taken of the Mares; but I will run no Risk.
8||
THOMAS FEILD.
ROCKINGHAM,
A FINE bay Horse, 16 Hands high, and well proportioned, will stand at Capt. William Denison's on Cypress Creek , in the lower End of Bute County , to cover Mares at 3l. the Season, or 30s. the Leap, Virginia Money. If Gentlemen will pay by the first of October , I will take 40s. the Season, and 20s. the Leap. Capt. Denison has good Pasturage for the Mares, and good Entertainment for Gentlemen gratis, and will use his utmost Endeavours to prevent any Mares getting away; but I will not be liable for any that may get away.
JOHN WILLIS.
ROCKINGHAM was got by PARTNER , upon an imported Mare belonging to Colonel Thomas Nelson , called BLOSSOM . PARTNER was got by the old English Horse TRAVELLER , upon the imported running Mare SELIMA . BLOSSOM was got by old SLOE , a famous King's Plate Horse; her Dam was a Mare belonging to Lord Rockingham , that won the King's Plate of a Hundred Guineas for five Years old Mares at Hambleton , in Yorkshire , and was got by REGULUS , the Sire of FEARNUGHT . (11)
TO BE SOLD,
THE PLANTATION where I now live, containing 320 Acres of Land, situated about three Miles above Petersburg , whereon is a large new Brick Dwelling-House 54 Feet by 32, with four Rooms and a flush Passage below Stairs, and five Rooms above, very commodiously contrived, and the Building well executed; a Brick Kitchen 32 Feet by 16, two Rooms below and two above Stairs, with all other necessary Offices in good Repair, and several Orchards of the best Kinds of Fruit Trees. This Seat being well known, I think a more accurate Description unnecessary. The Time of Payment will be made easy to the Purchaser, and the Terms known by applying to Mr. Thomas Ruffin , or
ROBERT NEWSUM.