Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1806-04-21 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER.
VOL. II.]
MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 21, 1806.
[NO. 119.]
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY-FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION
For CHARTER, The good Ship FAME, 315 hlds. burthen, now in port and in complete order to receive a cargo—A freight to Falmouth and a Port in France will be preferred. Apply to C. & F. Whittle.
FOR LIVERPOOL, The good Ship MONTICELLO, John Drysdale, Master; two thirds of her cargo being now ready, she will positively be despatched on the 10th May—130 hlds. tobacco and a little cotton will be taken on freight, if immediate application is made to R. Maitland & Christian, Petersburg, or to Robert Maitland, Esq. Co.
FOR SALE, The new Brig BETSEY, Burthen 155 tons, now lying at Calvert's wharf—the terms will be made accommodating to the purchasers. Apply to the master on board, or to Phinehas Dana, Esq. Co.
For Sale by the Subscriber, 50 Hogsheads Muscovada SUGAR, 40 Puncheons St. Vincents RUM, COFFEE in bags and tierces, 45 Tons Campeachy LOGWOOD, Teneriffe and Madeira WINES.
WANTED, A SHIP, to carry 180m lumber.
Landing on our Wharf, for Sale, Antigua RUM, by the sch'r Mount Vernon, St. Martin's SUGARS, by the schooner Virginia, New-Orleans do. in Store—With some of the articles formerly advertised, and some additions.
The schooner VIRGINIA about 700 barrels, for Sale or Charter.
Direct for LIVERPOOL, The SHIP TWO BROTHERS, James Harrington, Master, burthen 217 tons, very fine vessel, one year old—she will be ready to receive a cargo in a short time, and has part already engaged—Apply to the master on board, or to N. Heron.
For AMSTERDAM, The good Snow ECHO, Jacob Forman, Master, Will carry 330 hogsheads—For freight or passage, apply to the master on board, or to Moses Myers.
FOR LIVERPOOL, The fast sailing Brig MERCHANT, Samuel Read, Master, will sail in 12 or 15 days—For passage only, having good accommodations, apply on board at Gibson's wharf, or to Fisk & Catlett.
FOR TOBAGO, The Schooner ADAMS, John Hall, Master, Will sail in a few days, and will take freight on reasonable terms if offered immediately.—For terms apply to Fisk & Catlett.
FOR BOSTON, The Schooner ELIZA, Capt. Haws, Will sail in 4 or 5 days.—For freight or passage, apply on board, or to Fisk & Catlett.
For Freight or Charter, The Brig EDWARD & CHARLES, Edward Pettigill, jun. Master, burthen 1300 barrels, will be ready to receive a cargo in 6 days. For terms apply to Phinehas Dana, Esq. Co.
A few hlds. and quarter casks particular Teneriffe WINE, which they offer for Sale.
FOR MADEIRA, THE BRIG ANN ELIZABETH, Richard Owens, Master, will sail in 12 days. For passage only, (having excellent accommodations) apply to the master on board, at Marsden's wharf.
For London, The Ship SHEFFIELD, John Davis, Master, Burthen 420 hogsheads, will be ready to depart from hence by the 20th inst. two thirds of her cargo is already engaged; for the remainder or passage, having most excellent accommodations, apply to C. & F. Whittle.
FOR CHARTER, The good Ship FREDONIA, Nathaniel Richardson, Master, Burthen 220 tons, will be ready for the reception of a cargo in 3 or 4 days.—For terms apply to Moses Myers.
For Bordeaux, In Fifteen Days, the fast sailing coppered Ship Susan and Sarah, Richard Marner, Master—For freight of 120 hlds. or passage, (having good accommodations) apply to the master on board, or to Moses Myers.
1988 Sacks Liverpool filled SALT, 100 Tons loose do. 28 Crates EARTHENWARE. Just received by the Ship Huntress, from Liverpool, and for Sale by Alexander Maclure.
VESSEL, If applied to immediately, 150 hogsheads Tobacco on freight for Liverpool.
Now Landing from on board ship Courtney, Wm. Bryant, Master, from Jamaica, 103 Hogsheads RUM. For Sale by William Pennock.
Said SHIP, for Charter. Wanted to Charter, Two or three VESSELS, from 50 to 100 tons burthen, to load at Nixons, N. C. for which a liberal freight will be given. Apply to James M'Clenachan.
NEW CUT-NAIL MANUFACTORY, ON TOWN POINT, A small distance below County Wharf, Wide Water Street.
THE Subscriber has, at a considerable expense, fitted up, in addition to his other business, a complete set of machinery, adequate to finish 500 to 600 lbs. of Nails daily. He is also provided with a good stock of Iron; and with a sufficient number of skillful workmen.
He has on hand a constant supply of Nails, Flooring Brads, and Sprigs, which he offers for Sale at the reduced prices as follows, by the keg, viz:
ALSO—HOOP AND BAR-IRON ASSORTED. LEVIN DOOLITTLE.
MRS. MACDOUGAL, INFORMS her friends and the publick, that she has taken that handsome house belonging to Mr. Roberts, in the Centre of Market Square, where she will receive Boarders on moderate terms—the strictest attention will always be paid to the diet rooms, and lodging, and every endeavour used to render a transient or permanent abode at her house satisfactory.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, A NEGRO WOMAN, who is a good House-Servant and Sempstress; one without children will be preferred. For one well recommended, a liberal price will be given. Apply to the Editor.
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE, Norfolk, Virginia, August 31, 1795. HIS Britannic Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, hereby gives notice, to the merchants concerned in the trade to His Majesty's Dominions, that according to the terms of the Act of the 57th of the King C. 97, no British built vessel captured by His Majesty's enemies, afterwards purchased by citizens of the United States, and sailing under a Sea Letter can be admitted to entry under the said Act, as an American vessel.
The STOCKHOLDERS in the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, are informed that an Election for Fifteen Directors will be held at the Office of the said Company, on the first day of May next, to commence at 10 o'Clock in the forenoon of the said day.
COW-POX. The subscriber informs the publick, that some VACCINE MATERIE which he has received from Philadelphia, has succeeded; and that those persons who have been prevented taking the disease from the loss of the infection here, can now be inoculated.
JOHN STRATTON, HAVING removed to the house lately occupied by Mr. William Hartsborne, nearly opposite the Exchange Coffee House, would be glad to take 8 or 10 BOARDERS, by the week, month, or year. Every attention will be paid to render those comfortable who may favour him with their custom, and charges reasonable.
Liverpool Coarse and Fine SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Monticello, Captain Wilson—Apply to William Pennock.
CASH Given for Twenty Shares of VIRGINIA BANK STOCK. Apply to the Editor of this Paper.
New-England RUM in hlds. and bbls. Malaga WINE in quarter casks, New-York PRIME PORK, Russia and Raven's DUCK, Two Casks CORDAGE, Mould and Dipped CANDLES, SOAP in Boxes, Imperial and Souchong TEAS—By James M'Clenachan.
Who would receive Goods on Storage, at his fire-proof Warehouse, on Marsden's Wharf.
We invite the attention of our readers to the able speech of Mr Dana in this days Gazette, upon a subject of primary importance to the United States. At the same time we request the gentleman at Washington, to whom we are indebted for a copy of it to accept our thanks for the favour. Gaz. U. S.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Saturday, March 29. MR. DANA, of Connecticut. Mr. Speaker! It is well known, sir, how highly the publick expectation has been excited with respect to the proceedings of the present congress. Before we assembled in this place, there existed a strong sentiment of indignation, in consequence of the injuries and indignities accumulated upon the United States. The language of the President's communication to congress at the opening of the session corresponding to this tone of the publick mind. The sentiment has been decidedly manifested in the memorials laid before congress from different parts of the union. The frequency of our deliberations in conclave, the speeches delivered in publick, the conversations of gentlemen without the bar, all might be mentioned as evidence of the general conviction that the state of publick affairs imperiously required something to be done—something adequate to the exigencies of our peculiar situation—something worthy of the moderation, the firmness and the wisdom, which should characterise the representatives of a free, enlightened, magnanimous people.
From the interesting nature and magnitude of the subjects on which the President has given us information, from the general character of the measures which he has officially recommended to our consideration, a serious weight of responsibility has been devolved upon this house. And an ample portion of it in my apprehension, has vested on those members upon whom the management of business has been more especially devolved in the course of political events and by the peculiar circumstances of the time. The session has now continued for more than sixteen weeks. During this time, the gentlemen have had opportunity to present for consideration such measures as they have thought proper for liberating the country from evils which are experienced, and for guarding it against such are to be apprehended. After all the patience of expectation, during so long a period, in waiting for the gentlemen to develop whatever of system they may have formed or adopted for the publick welfare, I hope it will not be judged improper if I now request your attention to some of the subjects which have not been considered in the house, although they are mentioned in the President's communication, and are perhaps not less immediately interesting than others, about which there has been so much said in the form of publick debate.
With the exception of the reference to affairs with several Indian tribes, and the measures for exploring certain parts of the interior of this continent, the communication of the President principally regards our foreign relations. He gives us information of the state of affairs with the powers of Barbary; but no difficulties on that coast are mentioned as requiring the particular attention of congress. The prominent topics are our relations with some of the greater powers of Europe. With them we have questions of serious moment.
We have controversies, nominally, with Spain, on account of territorial claims and aggressions, and for seizures during the former war. With respect to these, we have done nothing in publick. Of what has been done in secret, I abstain from speaking; as the majority of the house has not yet consented to remove the veil which hides the proceedings in consequence from the eyes of the people.
Between this country and Great Britain, there are serious questions, relative to the impressment of seamen, and the trade with the colonies of other enemies. With a view to these questions, we have had various propositions before us; and the house has adopted such as undoubtedly seemed to the majority most advisable.
But among all the propositions and resolutions which have been laid on your table, not one has contained any provision relative to some of the gross outrages mentioned in the President's message—outrages committed by persons under the flags of various belligerent powers, the British, the French, the Spanish. I speak of outrages at the entrance of our harbours, on our coasts, and in the West Indies.
Our coasts have been infested, and our harbours watched, by private armed vessels, some of them without commissions, some with illegal commissions, others with those of legal form, but committing piratical acts beyond the authority of their commissions. They have captured, in the very entrance of our harbours, as well as on the high seas, not only the vessels of our friends coming to trade with us, but our own also. They have carried them off, under pretence of legal adjudication; but, not daring to approach a court of justice, they have plundered and sunk them by the way, or in obscure places where no evidence could arise against them, maltreated the crews, and abandoned them in boats in the open sea or on desert shores, without food or covering. These enormities appearing to be unreach- ed by any controul of their sovereigns, I found it necessary to equip a force, to cruise within our own seas, to arrest all vessels of these descriptions found hovering on our coasts, within the limits of the Gulf Stream, and to bring the offenders in for trial as pirates."
"The same system of hovering on our coasts and harbours, under colour of seeking enemies, has been also carried on by publick armed ships, to the great annoyance and oppression of our commerce."
Such is the language of the President. Some redress for these enormities is demanded by a regard to national honour, justice, interest, humanity. What redress is provided? On this subject, the gentlemen have done nothing, proposed nothing—doubtless because their faculties have been so much absorbed in other considerations which they deemed more important.
On examining the documents before the house, the injuries, the insults, the barbarities, which are mentioned by the President in general terms, will be seen to have been too fully realized in detail. You have decisive proof of the atrocious practices in the West Indies. Permit me to turn your attention but to a single page of the official documents! In a letter, of the 7th of June, 1805, from Mr. Blakeley our consul at St. Jago in Cuba, we have this information—"Since the last evacuation of Hispaniola, more than one thousand American seamen have been landed in this port, most of them without clothes, and all of them without any possible means of support, but such as they received from their own government." In another letter, of the 1st of July, 1805, he speaks in these terms—"The scene of robbery, destruction, evasion, perjury, cruelty,
and insult, to which the Americans captured by French pirates, and brought into this and the adjacent ports, have been subjected, perhaps has not been equalled in any century past." Shall these sufferings of our countrymen be disregarded, because the seamen perhaps were not employed by capitalists engaged in a trade carried on in distant seas, in Europe, or Asia? Is all the philanthropic sensibility, which has been professed in debate, to be confined exclusively to seamen impressed into British service? Some portion of it, I hope, will yet be found for our own countrymen in the West Indies, captured, robbed of their property, loaded with indignities, and abandoned in a sickly climate, in a strange land, without shelter, without clothing, without means of subsistence. What can justify a desertion of the cause of our fellow-citizens suffering under these infamous outrages.
With these observations respecting the depredations of our commerce and sufferings of our seamen in the West Indies, I leave the subject for the present, to the reflections of gentlemen. It is my intention at this time to advert, more particularly to the conduct of belligerent cruisers near our ports and on our coasts.
Of the violations of our neutral rights by these cruisers, one of the most memorable cases has been stated in a memorial from South-Carolina. On casting an eye over the memorial, I find it supported by the signature of the President of the South Carolina insurance company, with a long list of names which as I am well informed, are among the most respectable in Charleston, comprehending merchants and planters, and professional gentlemen. Without stating the whole of the memorial, I will now mention only certain parts of it as being more immediately applicable. This is the language—"Your memorialists are deeply affected by the recent capture, at the very entrance of this port, of the American ship Two Friends, by a French privateer. This event has excited among all classes of citizens, the strongest sensations, not only because the ship was captured without any colour of pretence, within sight of land, but because she is our only regular London trader, and had on board a full supply of spring and summer goods. This most extraordinary capture has already been followed by events no less alarming; our harbour being at this moment completely blockaded by three French privateers." "These just alarms and apprehensions of your memorialists, are heightened by the well known circumstance of many of the cruisers which infest our shores belonging to St. Jago de Cuba and Barra-coa; in which receptacles, our vessels and their cargoes, with the knowledge of the government of Cuba, are instantly sold, without any condemnation whatever, or even the formality of a trial, thereby precluding every future possibility of redress." "Your memorialists avail themselves of this occasion to notice a late decision of the district court within this state, grounded on an act of congress whereby the territorial jurisdiction of the United States is limited to the short distance of three miles or a marine league from the coasts or shores, which by the said court, is construed to mean three miles from the land; consequently the middle channel of our harbour being more than three miles distant from the nearest land, is pronounced by judicial authority to be without the jurisdiction of the United States; the very entrance of our harbour, in full sight of the city, where vessels are frequently obliged to anchor, while waiting for a tide, and with a pilot on board, is, by our own tribunals, acknowledged to be without the protection of our government."
The seizures of merchant vessels on our coasts and near our ports are mentioned in memorials from other ports of the Union. We have before us complaints on this subject from Baltimore, from Philadelphia, from New-York, New Haven, and Salem. Indeed the conduct of belligerent cruisers in the tracts of sea adjacent to our territories has been a subject of general condemnation. Persons who have differed on other topics have agreed on this.—The sentiment has been common to people of different professions, and classes and parties. The main facts are notorious. Near our ports within the recesses of our coasts, almost within our harbours, belligerent cruisers have watched for opportunities of seizing merchant vessels employed in the trade of this country. Need I mention the indignation excited by the blockade of New-York? The interruptions of the commerce of that great port are well known. British vessels of war were stationed off Sandy Hook. Among them, I remember the names of the Leader, the Cambrian, the Driver; there may have been others, which I do not recollect; but such particulars are not of consequence in the present estimate; the general fact is sufficient. By taking such stations, belligerent cruisers have been able to seize our merchant vessels on the return voyage and carry them in for adjudication, under pretext of their being employed in trading between the parent country and a colony of the enemy or of having violated the outward voyage some regulation respecting contraband or blockade. Millions of property have thus been exposed to seizure, which might otherwise have been added to the commercial stock of our country and swelled the receipts of the treasury.—Such stations too have afforded opportunities for the impressment of seamen.
With respect to these outrages, Sir, I will not fatigue you by profession of patriotism; nor will I invoke the spirit of 1776; nor will I declaim about our revolution, or about our right to national independence. Such observations have no specific bearing on the subject. In whatever degree it may have become fashionable to occupy the time of the house in this manner, I trust it will not be supposed to manifest any want of respect to the understandings of the house if I attend to considerations more directly applicable to some practical purpose.
Permit me, sir, to call your attention to the causes of these outrages, with the view of providing some effectual remedy. One general cause is to be found in the habitual rapacity of those who cruise under the belligerent flags. But we must expect the rapacity to exist, whatever we may say about the justice or generosity. The men who roam the seas in quest of prey will not be deterred from rapine and violence by general declamations about the principles of virtue or the rights of neutrality, while they can seize their object with ease and impunity. Adopt means of prevention, which cut off their hopes of success! These will be found more effectual than any vague profession of patriotism.
There is another cause: The defective nature of the existing law of the United States. This we may reform, unless restrained by some of the duties of neutrality. In June, 1794, was passed "an act in addition to the act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States." You will find it in the third volume of the laws. Originally the act was temporary; but, after being once continued in force for a further term, it was ultimately made permanent, by an act passed in the year 1800. By the sixth section it is provided, That the district courts

shall take cognizance of complaint, by whomsoever instituted, in cases of captures made within the waters of the United States or within a marine league of the coasts or shores thereof. The comprehensive form of expression, assigns to the district courts the cognizance of libels for damages in cases of capture as well of libels for restitution. Before this act was passed, a question had existed. Whether the district courts, as courts of admiralty, were authorized to take cognizance of such complaints, even where the captured property was within a port of the United States, and nothing more than restitution was the object of the complaint. The fact may be ascertained by recurring to the state papers of the time. I presume, sir, it is well recollected by yourself. The act of June, 1794, terminated the question about the judicial cognizance of such cases, but by its very terms did not permit the district courts to extend the claim of jurisdiction from the shore to a greater distance than a marine league.
In the case decided in South Carolina, and noticed in the memorial from Charleston, it would seem that considerable dissatisfaction had been felt in consequence of the opinion judicially given not fallacious, some censorious remarks were published in a paper or papers of the day. That serious discontent should exist when the very entrance of such a harbour as that of Charleston was officially pronounced, ought not to excite surprise in any reflecting mind. There was serious cause for inquietude. But, if I understand that case, I can have no hesitation in declaring my opinion, that in his construction of the law, which marked the extent of his authority, the decision of the district judge was correct. And, instead of censuring, we ought to approve and hold in honour that spirit of judicial independence which pronounces sentence according to the existing law, however unacceptable may be the result even to persons worthy of high estimation. If no relief is provided for cases of this nature, the fault is not in the district judge, but in the existing law. The evil is one for which we have the power to authorise a remedy. It belongs not to any judge or court of the United States under the law as now existing: And while no other provision is made by congress with respect to the extent of the territorial protection of the United States, it is not to be expected, that the president will assume the responsibility of attempting to enforce an extension of the principle in any case whatever beyond a marine league from the shore.
Does our duty, as a neutral power, require us to submit to this limitation in all cases? According to my apprehension of the subject, the act of June, 1794, ought to be considered as defining the limits within which this country would assume the national duty of protecting the interests of all in friendship with us. It assumes a publick obligation in favour of foreigners as well as citizens: but the extent of that obligation is not the whole extent of privilege which we may claim for our own national interest and security, for the safeguard of our commerce and the supply of our treasury.
Among the documents laid before congress, I find a letter, of the 5th of January 1804, to Mr. Monroe from the secretary of state; in this there is a reference to the British extension of territorial jurisdiction to four leagues from the shore. The secretary observes, "This extension of the British law to four leagues from the shore is inferred from an act of parliament passed in the year 1736." The fact of this British extension of jurisdiction I believe to be unquestionable. According to the view which I have entertained of the subject, a jurisdiction to this extent is legally established for purposes of revenue, and not on account of any supposed claim to the honours of the flag within the narrow seas. One thing at least is certain. A like extension of jurisdiction is established on the part of a country whose government makes no high claim to honours of the flag within any seas contiguous to the territory. Allow me, sir, to turn your attention to the act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage. By the 9th section, the officers of the revenue cutters are required to go on board all ships or vessels, which shall arrive within four leagues of the coast, if bound for the United States, to search and examine the same: and to affix and put proper fastenings on the hatches, and to remain on board until they arrive at the place of destination. The 10th section requires the revenue cutters and boats to be distinguished by a characteristic ensign and pendant; and in case any ship or vessel liable to examination shall not bring to, on being required or chased by any cutter or boat to fire at or into such vessel which shall not bring to, after such pendant and ensign shall be hoisted, and a gun shall have been fired by such cutter or boat as a signal. Here we see a jurisdiction asserted by the United States to the distance of four leagues from the coast. It is exercised for the protection of the national revenue. Officers in the immediate service of the government, with a body of men constantly paid and supported out of the products of the customs, are employed to enforce the law, and are armed with a power to wound or kill those who refuse to conform. Merchant vessels bound to the United States, within four leagues of the coast, are to be placed under the charge of publick officers, who are to remain on board until the arrival in port. While the vessel is thus under the charge of the officer within the actual jurisdiction of the United States, will you permit a foreign cruiser, within this space of sea, to bid defiance to your law, to seize the vessel with your officer on board, and proceed with vessel and cargo and officer for a foreign port to be adjudicated?
Soon after the commencement of the French revolutionary warfare, the captures made by belligerent cruisers gave rise to enquiries with respect to the extent of the protective jurisdiction of the United States. Amidst all the political agitations of the time, it became the duty of the administration to fix on some rule for preventing the disturbance of our publick peace by foreign hostilities. Under the existing circumstances, it was determined to restrict the exercise of the authority of the United States, for that time to the least distance claimed on the coasts of any nation in any case. That this was the fact, may be seen by examining the papers laid before Congress, by the President of the U. States near the close of the year 1793.
With respect to the right of territorial protection along the coasts of a neutral power, the general principle is clear. Questions have been made about its extent. The right to a reasonable distance is admitted. But this does not distinctly solve the difficulty. What is a reasonable distance?
If regard is to be had to the nature of our coasts and to our distance from all the nations of the civilized world, the general principle would allow to the United States an ample extension of the territorial immunity from hostilities. A right of protective jurisdiction over some portion of adjacent sea is founded in the general right of a neutral power to provide for the common safety, prosperity, and tranquility. It is essential to the neutral character of a country. It results from the principle of the great law of self-preservation. It is a necessary attribute of territorial sovereignty. With respect to the practical exercise of this right, different distances from the shore are mentioned by writers on publick law. Where the coast is prominent, as well as free from shoals, the least distance towards the main ocean is the full range of a bomb or cannon shot, estimated at three geographical miles or a marine league. Authorities might be mentioned in support of other distances—two leagues, three leagues, the distance at which
ships may be discovered, and from which ships may discern the land, the extent of soundings unless the coast be so steep that soundings cannot be found near the land, in which case the measure is the reach of a cannon shot supposed to be fired from the shore. This opinion was entertained by Valin, the celebrated commentator on the marine ordinance of France. With respect to the U. States the idea has occurred of extending the protection as far as the gulf stream. From the President's communication at the opening of the present session, it would seem as if he had some view to this in equipping a force to cruise for pirates within the limits of the gulf stream and to bring them in for trial.
Amidst all the variety of authorities and opinions on this subject, the general principle is not in dispute. And it is certain, that the benefit of the principle cannot be equally enjoyed if any specifick measure be assumed for the extent of territorial protection in all cases. In a case where the coast is prominent, where the passage into the harbour is free from obstructions or hazard, and where the harbour is so situated that a vessel may be in port instantly on quitting the open space of the main ocean, the distance of a marine league from the shore may afford ample immunity to the navigation of such neutral port. But the case is materially different, where the entrance of a harbour is rendered difficult or hazardous in consequence of bars or shoals or other causes, where the principle of safety requires vessels employed in the trade of the port to remain for any time in a road or place of anchorage at greater distance than a league from shore, and to wait for wind or tide, or pilot, or day light, or clear weather—in any such case, if the marine league is to be the uniform measure of territorial protection, the principle would be sacrificed to the particular rule; whereas every rule of this kind ought to be subservient to the principle. Another distinction is to be made with respect to ports and harbours situated in curvatures or recesses of the coasts more than a league from the open space of the main ocean; any specifick distance from shore, if made the uniform measure of protection, will not allow to them the degree of maritime security which they might fairly claim in comparison with others. In principle, sir, the rule of a marine league or any other precise measure is applicable to coasts not curved, or to the prominent portions of coast. Places of anchorage, such as I have mentioned, whether called roads or roadsteads or however denominated, are to be regarded as appendages of particular ports, and as such are within the protective jurisdiction of the country to which they belong.
In considering, therefore, the protective jurisdiction of a neutral power as a privilege which may rightfully be claimed for securing the interests of its commerce and revenue, the principle admits an extension to various distances from shore, according to the nature of the coasts as diversified by shoals, bars, curvatures, recesses, head lands, or small islands.
This, in effect, agrees with the opinions of writers on publick law, in relation to the neutral immunities of havens, roads, gulfs, or bays.
In support of the sentiments now suggested on this subject, I do not rely merely on the abstract principle of right or the opinions of writers on publick law. In national usage, it is already established, "that in places where the land, by its curve, forms a bay or gulf, we must suppose a line to be drawn from one point of the inclosing land to the other, or along the small islands which extend beyond the head lands of the bay, and that the whole of this bay or gulf is to be considered as territorial sea." The principle has been clearly recognized in the practice of the predominant maritime power in Europe. It has been repeatedly acted upon in England. Two centuries have passed since it was unquestionably holden as a rule of conduct in that country. The tracts of sea within the recesses of the coasts are distinguished by an appropriate denomination, they are called the chambers. A particular statement of them was returned to the high court of admiralty in the year 1604.
In modern times, it has not been usual for England to remain neutral during maritime wars in Europe. But in the seventeenth century there was a period of such neutrality; when various reports were made to the king in council, with respect to alleged violations of the immunities of havens, roads, or chambers. They are to be found in the words of Sir Lionel Jenkins. I will not detain you at this time by reading those reports; as the law of the English admiralty on this subject is distinctly stated in a charge given at the admiralty sessions, by Sir Lionel Jenkins, who was judge of the high court of admiralty. I will read those parts of the charge to which I refer:—After speaking of the claim to the honours of the flag upon the four seas, he says, "The next thing is the right of sanctuary and safe conduct, which the king hath, time out of mind, exercised, not only in his harbours and ports, but especially in his chambers, that is, in those tracts of sea which are between some of the most eminent promontories or points of land, a straight imaginary line being drawn between them; for instance, between Flamborough Head and the Spurn, between Portland and the Start, between the Land's End and Milford; these chambers being so reputed time out of mind, and so returned in the year 1604, about seventy years ago, by jurors upon their oath, to the court of admiralty."
"You are therefore to enquire if any men of war, under foreign commissions from any of the parties now in war, do lie hovering near any of his majesty's ports, havens or harbours, or skulking within any of those places called the king's chambers, in order to surprise merchant ships belonging to the king's friends and allies, and to snap them as they are coming or going out of our ports. You are to present such, if you know any; and the king's majesty is to be informed of it out of the records and presentments of this court; that they may be seized and arrested, if they be driven or do come up, or else may be fetched in by his majesty's ships, and punished, as wilful violators of the treaties his majesty hath with his neighbours, and as malicious disturbers of our trade."
This authority is full, decisive; possibly it may be questioned as being of ancient date. How is the case in modern time? To prove, sir, that the same principle prevails, and is practically recognized as a rule of publick law within the present century, I may appeal to the authority of a person distinguished for judicial talents and eloquence, and celebrated by his countrymen as the oracle of maritime law in Europe; it is the authority of Sir William Scott, the present judge of the high court of admiralty in Great-Britain. The principle was brought into view in a case before him in the year 1801. The case arose on a capture made by a detachment from a British squadron employed in the blockade of Amsterdam. The vessel was proceeded against for breach of blockade. It was claimed as having been taken within the territorial protection of Prussia, when a neutral power; and the claim was given under authority of the Prussian ministry. On the part of the captors it was denied that the vessel was so taken.
Sir William Scott held the claim not to be established. In speaking of the place of capture, he refers to the principle respecting maritime chambers as being a point perfectly understood and admitted. With respect to the place he says, "It is quite open and patent to the sea; there are no head lands that shoot beyond so as to make what are called chambers; no shores projecting extra."
After a principle of publick law has been so fully recognized in practice by the belligerent power which now holds the decided superiority on the ocean, I think, sir, we may fairly claim the benefit of it for our country against the cruisers of that and every other maritime power.
To enjoy this benefit, some legislative provision is requisite; there must be some amendments of the existing law of the United States. Without altering the act respecting the jurisdiction of district courts perhaps the main object might be attained by vesting a discretionary authority in some of the departments of government. It has been supposed that the repetition of outrages, such as have lately been experienced near our ports and our coasts, might be essentially checked, if not wholly prevented, by giving effect to some legislative provisions, which would require no addition to the national expenditure, no augmentation of the naval force of the United States beyond what may be judged proper for a peace establishment. The executive might have a discretionary authority to be exercised for the safeguard of merchant vessels employed in the trade of the U. States, and for this purpose might be empowered to interdict captures within the roads or spaces and precincts which have been mentioned.
Whether these sentiments are approved in their full extent or not, the house, I trust, will have no hesitation in agreeing, that the subject is of such importance as to deserve the examination of a committee, who may present some provision in a detailed form. For the purpose of having this examination, I would propose that the following resolution be adopted by the House:
"Resolved, That the committee to whom was referred "so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to aggressions committed on our coasts by foreign armed vessels, to the defence of our ports and harbours, the building of 74 gun ships, and preventing the exportation of arms and ammunition," be instructed to enquire into the expediency of providing by law for the further safeguard of merchant vessels in the vicinity of the United States, and to report by bill or otherwise." (Carried, without division.)
MONDAY, April 14. The following message was received from the President of the United States. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
During the blockade of Tripoli by the squadron of the United States, a small cruiser, under the flag of Tunis, with two prizes, (all of trifling value) attempted to enter Tripoli, was turned back, warned, and attempting again to enter, was taken, and detained, as prize by the squadron. Her restitution was claimed by the Bey of Tunis, with a threat of war in terms so serious, that on withdrawing from the blockade of Tripoli, the commanding officer of the squadron thought it his duty to repair to Tunis with his squadron, and to require a categorical declaration whether peace or war was intended. The Bey preferred explaining himself by an ambassador to the United States, who on his arrival, renewed the request that the vessel and her prizes should be restored. It was deemed proper to give this proof of friendship to the Bey, and the ambassador was informed the vessels would be restored. Afterwards he made a requisition of naval stores to be sent for the term of three years, with a threat of war, if refused. It has been refused, and the ambassador is about to depart without receding from his threat or demand.
Under these circumstances, and considering that the several provisions of the act of March 23, 1804, will cease in consequence of the ratification of the treaty of peace with Tripoli, now advised and consented to by the senate, I have thought it my duty to communicate these facts, in order that congress may consider the expediency of continuing the same provisions for a limited time, or making others equivalent.
TH: JEFFERSON. April 14, 1806. Referred to the committee of ways and means. Mr. Gregg from the committee on publick lands, made a report, recommending the indefinite postponement of the petition of And. D. West, William Fitzhugh, Joseph Jackson, and Bushrod Washington and Lawrence Lewis.
TUESDAY, April 15. The Speaker laid before the house a report from the secretary of the treasury, transmitting a statement of receipts and expenditures for the year 1804. The house took up the amendment proposed by the senate to the bill authorising a detachment of the militia, to substitute, in that part of the bill relative to the militia to be called into active service, "as the President in his discretion shall deem most proper"—in the room of "which from their local situation shall be deemed most convenient." The house concurred in this amendment. The bill has consequently passed both houses.
A bill, from the senate, for regulating the time of holding the courts in the district of Columbia and for other purposes, was referred to a committee of the whole to morrow.
The bill alters the time of holding the court in Washington county to the first Monday in June, and in Alexandria county to the 1st Monday in July—and makes some further provision for insolvent debtors.
On motion of Mr. Masters the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole. Mr. VARNUM in the chair, on the bill "for fortifying the ports and harbours of the United States, and for building gun-boats."
The first section was read as follows: Section 1. That a sum of money not exceeding 150,000 dollars, in addition to the sums heretofore appropriated, shall be, and the same is hereby appropriated, to enable the President of the United States to cause the ports and harbours of the United States to be better fortified and protected.
M. D. R. Williams moved to strike out this section, which motion was disagreed to—Ayes 20.
Mr. Masters moved to strike out the sum of "150,000 dollars," for the purpose of inserting "500,000."
A division of the question having been called for; the question was put on striking out, and lost—Ayes 27.
Mr. Masters moved a new section—viz. that a sum, not exceeding _____ be appropriated to enable the President of the United States to cause the ports and harbours of New-York to be better fortified and protected.
Mr. Smilie opposed this motion. Mr. D. R. Williams moved to amend the motion by adding Charleston after New-York.
Mr. Eppes moved to add Norfolk.
Mr. Early moved to add New-Orleans.
Mr. N. Nelson moved to add Baltimore.
Mr. Goldsborough moved to add George town.
Mr. Quincy spoke at considerable length in favour of making a liberal appropriation for the fortification and protection of our ports and harbours.
Messrs. Dawson, Smilie, Sloan, and Lyon spoke against Mr. Masters's motion, which was disagreed to—Ayes 31.
Mr. Dawson stated that the fate of the Philadelphia was well known, and added that the frigate Boston and General Green had been condemned as unfit for service. To supply the deficiency in the naval establishment, he offered a new section appropriating a sum not exceeding 500,000 dollars to enable the
President to cause three additional frigates to be built. Mr. Lyon moved to add, after frigates, or two seventy-fours. This amendment was disagreed to—Ayes 28.
When the section offered by Mr. Dawson was likewise disagreed to—Ayes 40—Noes 54.
A new section, offered by Mr. R. Nelson, authorising the President to sell such of the national vessels as in his opinion shall be in such a situation, as to make it the interest of the United States not to repair the same, was agreed to—Ayes 63.
The committee then rose and reported the bill, which the house took into consideration.
Mr. J. Clay moved to strike out the first section. Messrs. J. Clay, R. Nelson, and Bedinger supported; and Messrs. Dawson, Varnum, Gregg, Dana, and Elmer opposed this motion, which was disagreed to—Ayes 24—Noes 76.
Mr. Masters then moved to strike out "150,000" and insert "500,000" dollars. Motion disagreed to—Ayes 30—Noes 71.
When the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
The Speaker laid before the house the following letter from the secretary of the treasury:
Treasury Department, April 15, 1806.
Sir, In answer to the request contained in the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 8th inst. I have the honour respectfully to state, "no application has been made to draw money from the Treasury for the purchase of the Floridas before an appropriation made by law for that purpose."
The circumstances, which may have produced an impression that such an application had been made, being unconnected with any matter pertaining to the duties of the office of secretary of the treasury, are not presumed to come within the scope of the information required from this department by the house.
I have the honour to be, With great respect, Sir, your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN.
From COBBETT'S WEEKLY JOURNAL.
Change of Ministry.—This being a subject, which, at this moment, engrosses the attention of every thinking man in the kingdom, it would be improper to pass it by in silence, otherwise I should have wished to reserve every thing I have to say upon it, until we shall know, of what persons the new ministry is to be composed, and what is to be the distribution of the powers which they are called upon to exercise. On Monday, the 27th inst. his majesty, having been previously advised to bestow the lucrative office of Warden of the Cinque Ports upon lord Hawkesbury, who has been in some office one way or other ever since he was a boy, whose father has been in office with all the ministers that have succeeded each other during the last half century, and who has never, for several years past, been in the receipt of less than from six to ten thousand pounds a year of the public money! Having previously been advised to take this step, and the warrant for the office having been executed, his majesty was graciously pleased to send for lord Grenville, and to give him his royal commands to form, without delay, a new ministry. Lord Grenville, in consequence of this, immediately consulted with Mr. Fox; and this day (it is now Friday noon), the result of the several meetings that have taken place, is, it is said, to be communicated to the King. With what that result may be I am not acquainted. I know, indeed, at present, nothing at all about it; but as I suppose, that the perilous situation of the country, produced by the insufficiency of the former ministry, has led, or will shortly lead, to the formation of a ministry of talent, of wisdom, and of disinterested views, it will be proper, here, briefly to speak of the difficulties which they will have to encounter, and of the line of conduct, which, to answer the great ends of their appointment, they ought to pursue.
First of all, however, there is a circumstance, connected with the composition of the intended ministry, to which circumstance, though it must have for a long time past been the object of every party politician, I cannot refrain from particularly advertizing; and that is, the readiness, even as a thing of course, with which the king has now consented to receive Mr. Fox into the cabinet. The publick cannot have forgotten, and they ought never to forget, the language and the conduct of the Pitt faction in the spring of 1804. At that memorable epoch, that critical period, that excellent opportunity for forming a strong administration, before it was too late to oppose a barrier to the out-stretching power of France; at that epoch Mr. Pitt was, after a previous interview with the Lord Chancellor Eldon, and after a communication or two had, through that channel, been had between him and the king; after this Mr. Pitt waited upon his majesty, received his commands to form a ministry, and, in obedience to those commands, did form that ministry, which, with some after-patching, contrived to retain its power in England, until the power of France had spread itself over every part of Europe. But the publick will remember, and with what indignation will they remember it! that, at that time, all their hopes, all their expectations, so confidently entertained and so loudly expressed, were baffled and blasted by the rejection of Mr. Fox, without whom and his friends it was, as all people of sense saw it would be, quite impossible to form a ministry commensurate with the exigencies of the times. The cause of this rejection was by me, by those writers who thought with me, and indeed, by all the incorrupt, all the unbought and un bribed part of the nation, ascribed to the intriguers and to Mr. Pitt's unconquerable ambition to rule upon any terms, where he was induced to submit to those intriguers. The supporters of Mr. Pitt did, however, choose to ascribe it to another cause; and for proof that they had the baseness to impute the blame to his majesty, in order to shift it from the shoulders of their leader and remunerator, I shall now quote a passage from the Oracle newspaper, well known to be, at that time, under the immediate controul of the Upstart. There are two extracts; the first of the 9th, and the second of the 11th of May, 1804. They are worthy of great attention, and with such attention I hope they will be read—"There appears no reason to doubt that Mr. Pitt, following the dictates of his own enlarged understanding, and acting in conformity to what we may confidently assert to be the unanimous wish of the country, represented to his majesty that the circumstances and situation of the publick affairs imperiously require a strong, comprehensive, and united administration; and he is reported to have declared, that, for this important purpose, he was himself ready and desirous to obliterate all recollection of former differences; and that he was persuaded of the existence of a similar disposition on the part of all those other persons of rank, influence, and talents, who share with him the confidence of the publick. His representations on this subject are unfortunately supposed to have been ineffectual. The permission to communicate with Mr. Fox on this subject, is said to have been peremptorily and finally refused; and the natural consequence of this refusal is understood to have been, that part of the members of what has been called the new opposition, have, on being invited to take a share in the arrangements now pending, expressed

the utter impossibility of their acceding to such an exclusive system, after having openly pledged their opinions, both by their language and conduct, to the necessity of looking to the most comprehensive plan for a new administration. In this situation the business is now reported to rest; the murmurs which were floating in the course of yesterday, pointed towards arrangements of a description so contracted, inadequate, and humiliating to the country, that we are unwilling even to detail them. Should they be realized, we shall think it our duty to call the attention of the publick, in the most serious manner, to the shame and danger which the country must sustain, from seeing its first situation of trust still doomed to be filled by a succession of underlings, while the first talents of the country are proscribed and excluded: but we look with more satisfaction to the belief which generally prevailed in the course of the afternoon; that Mr. Pitt, disdaining to employ in such situations any of the members of the Doctor's administration , whose capacity, both collective and individually, was not ten days ago the object of his bitterest sarcasm, irony, and invective , and finding it hopeless to collect new recruits for so desperate an expedition, has thought it his duty to represent, in the highest quarter, this plain truth; that however desirous he may be to execute the wishes and obey the commands he has received, he finds it impossible any longer to contend against his own conviction, backed by the unanimous sense of a loyal, but a free and united people, and must therefore recur to the same proposition which he originally submitted, as indispensable in the present moment." Two days afterwards, when it was found, that Mr. Pitt had in spite of all this, resolved to make up a ministry of, and to enter the cabinet with a far greater part of the very men here so reprobated, whom he himself had, a few days before, so severely lashed, whom he had represented as the most weak and incapable of creatures, and with the whole of whom he, in less than six months afterwards, sought for and made a junction; when it was found that this resolution had been taken, a resolution so abhorrent to the feelings of the people and so evidently calculated to produce those fatal effects which it has produced; when it was found that this resolution was taken, the following justification was set up for Mr. Pitt, throwing, as the reader will see, the whole of the blame upon the king:—"We do not pretend to state all that has passed in the several written communications and personal interviews which Mr. Pitt has had with his majesty upon this subject; but from the superior sources of information which we possess, we have no hesitation in assuring the publick, that every possible exertion was made, both in the one and in the other, to induce his majesty to confer on Mr. Fox a place of the highest trust and importance in the new cabinet ; and that Mr. Pitt persisted in his endeavors for the attainment of this desirable object till the royal negative was given in such a manner as left neither room for, nor hope of success by any further perseverance . We shall not presume to surmise the grounds on which his majesty was induced to exercise this, the undoubted prerogative of his crown. However much we may regret the use that has been made of it in this instance; it is a subject upon which our respect for the constitution and our loyalty for the king, equally preclude all discussion."—What then must this absurd and cajoled nation think of all this, when they are informed, when indeed, they know that his majesty was acquainted by Lord Grenville on Monday last, that the first person he should consult with as one, not only in part, to compose, but one to act in the selection and formation of a new administration, was Mr. Fox, that very Mr. Fox whom all Mr. Pitt's persuasion could not prevail upon his majesty to think of for a single moment? Not only were Mr. Pitt's strenuous exertions thus urged in his defence in the newspapers and other publications of the day; but they were so urged, both in and out of parliament by all the close adherents of Mr. Pitt, all those who, excluding the Addingtons, were looked upon as the repositories of his sentiments. The natural and necessary conclusion, is, that the assertions, upon which this defence was grounded, were false; and that the object of making them, was, to screen Mr. Pitt from the imputation of grovelling ambition and of a submission to low intriguers; and that, too, observe, at the expense of the reputation of their sovereign; than which, most assuredly, nothing ever heard of in the world was, or could be, more base or more detestable. That nothing of this sort will now be attempted I am confident, and, if it were, it certainly would not succeed; no, not even for a single month. The nation is not again to be duped in that way. It would look with abhorrence upon the attempt at such a juggle; or, which is still worse. It would entirely give way to that feeling of indifference, which has long been creeping over it, which of all possible feelings, is the best calculated to insure and accelerate our destruction as an independent people. Let us, however, hope for better things; let us hope, there is now forming, and what we shall soon enjoy the benefit of, an administration, including all the distinguished men in the country, all the weight, whether of rank or of talent, that the nation possesses. Let us hope, that after this long, long night of ignorance, of jostling selfishness, of serpentine intrigue, of crawling sycophancy, and of miring corruption, the dawn of knowledge, of talent, of publick spirit, and of integrity is approaching.—If so, and, surely, we have good reason to hope that this is the case, we safely rely upon the spirit of the people.—That spirit is not dead: it is only dormant; it only wants to be rouzed; but, as was before observed, this is not to be done by rabble-rouzing words. The threats of invasion, and other, all other terrors, will now be of no avail. The people have 'supped of terrors,' foreign and domestic. They want nothing to terrify them. They want something to confide in; something to cheer them; something that shall present itself to them as a fair foundation for hoping that they will at some time or other, be restored to the former state of happiness at home, and of renown in the world; something that shall make them love their country as Englishmen were wont to love it; something that shall make them think it an honour to arm and to defend it.—They want to feel the beneficent effects of the acts of the government; they stand in need of the impression to be produced only by great and striking measures, with a fair prospect of success, they demand an exertion of legitimate influence to be hoped for only from the union of all those publick men, who have distinguished themselves as enemies of corruption and of corrupt rulers. Upon this last score it is, that the people (without whose hearts , let men say and think what they will, the nation cannot be saved) feel most sensibly; and, it must have been evident to every tolerable observer, that, by his tortuous measures to protect peculators, Mr. Pitt lost more of the publick confidence than by all his other measures and tricks put together.—If, therefore, the new ministers shall set their faces against all measures of this sort; and, if, as I trust it will be the case, they should resolve to institute an inquiry into the corruptions of the last twenty years, if they should do this, they need fear neither the "blood-suckers" voices, nor the arms of the French. But, if they do not something, at least, in this way, all their other measures will be useless. They will inspire no confidence. To a change, a great change in this respect, I have always looked forward as the natural consequence of the overthrow of the Pitt system of rule; and, if no such change take place not only shall I be cruelly disappointed and mortified, but, though I trust, I never shall des-
pair of my country, I shall be compelled to transfer my hopes from the present to a future day; for, as to going on in the corrupt path of the last twenty years, I should hate myself if I did not recoil with horror at the prospect.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIME, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 21, 1806.
We had hoped that we should have been able to have furnished our readers with some London intelligence by the Ship Protectress , arrived in Hampton Roads, having left the river on the 4th March; for this purpose we sent down early this morning, but the wind and tide having been a-head, we are obliged to request the indulgence of our friends until our next. Generally, we understand, there is nothing new.
Captain Seaman arrived here this morning in 4 days from New-York; we have been favoured with a paper of that city of the 17th inst. but it contains nothing new or interesting, except the state of the Massachusetts election, from which it appears that Gov. STRONG will be re-elected.
One part of our sage legislators tell us that in a few months we shall starve the British colonies into a compliance with all our demands; that they cannot exist without our beef, pork, fish, &c. Another set of the same wise men, complain of the monopolizing spirit of England, in refusing to permit our salt provisions to an entry into her West-India colonies, relying on Ireland and her North American colonies. The latter, to remedy this grievance, propose that we shall not let them have any trade with us which we do not equally participate in. When doctors differ, who shall decide?
We would invite the attention of our readers to the letter which we republish from the Inquirer , in our paper of to-day. At present we have only time to remark "two precious confessions," viz. that the money is for France, to enable her to subdue that nation, whose fleet off Cape Trafalgar, the writer of that letter says, saved us from a rising storm.
COMMUNICATIONS.
The house of representatives on Monday was engaged till nearly five o'clock in discussing the propriety of publishing Mr. Jefferson's confidential message of December 6th. Mr. Randolph thundered damning truths against the administration. He dared the publication, but to no purpose. Between Mr. Randolph, Mr. Varnum, Mr. Jackson, Mr. Findley, &c. changes were rung on all Shakespeare's seven degrees of quarrelling, "the quip modest, the retort courteous, the reproof valiant, the counter-check quarrelsome, the lie with circumstance, and the lie direct." We hope no bones will be broken in consequence, nor blood spilt. 74 opposed and 44 favoured the publicity of a message, which taken with all the facts and proceedings relative to the administration's conduct towards Spain, would as Mr. Randolph said, throw a stain which all the waters of the ocean would never wash out. Uphold the President a little longer; "twill be in vain—the pyramid of his reputation has already "sloped to its foundation;" and publicity must soon turn it bottom upwards.
Wash. Fed.
SLOAN.—The following ludicrous circumstance cannot fail to excite in the minds of those who have seen little Jemmy Sloan, of the House of Representatives (from Jersey,) a mixture of mirth and commiseration, whilst it shews the immeasurable vanity and ignorance of the creature. Some body the other day by way of fun wrote him a most polite, and complimentary note in the name of the French minister, tending him the homage of his high respect, and telling him that "the great fame of his late speech, could not have escaped the attention of the minister of France, that he had ordered it translated into French, and wished to know when two or three thousand copies could be had, at any price, to send to France, that the Emperor and King his master, might duly appreciate the resplendent talents that now adorn the American congress, and that the great nation might see they were yet gratefully remembered by the revolutionary patriots of America." The cully, so far from suspecting the spurious origin of the note, had scarcely swallowed his dinner, when he packed off in great haste bursting with his imaginary importance, to the French Minister's. On his way (to the great amusement of some gentlemen who happened to be not far in his rear) he seemed to have forgotten entirely that he was in the city, or that any one could see him? he was no doubt preparing an address to the minister, his arms were going in every direction, he moved sometimes with a quick step, then slow, and occasionally halted to make bows. General Turreau was at dinner when the Honourable Mr. Sloan was announced; the interview I am told beggar'd all description, as you must suppose, when you consider the odd grotesque figure, and stiff mummyish appearance of Sloan, contrasted with the multiplicity of the General's congees and the splendour of his military dress, added to his utter surprise at the visit, and at the man himself, when informed he was a member of congress. Neither of them could comprehend a word the other said. In this awkward situation they continued till the secretaries were called upon to interpret between them. Sloan still continued his harangue in the most animated style, abusing the British, applauding the French, talking of Buonaparte, Italy, and Austerlitz, of glorious campaigns and brilliant victories, thanking the general for his high compliments upon HIS SPEECH, and assuring him that he sold them at only five cents each, that they were in great demand; but that a few thousand copies could be furnished to him in the course of a week, at that price; and that if the general wished he would present him with a copy of his chronicles . All this was Hebrew to Turreau and his secretaries, they were fixed with astonishment, crying out "derange, derange, fourre disordinaire,"—they could have no idea of what he would be at till Sloan shewed them his note; this unravelled the mystery and produced from the minister a hearty laugh, and the explanation soon relieved him of his troublesome guest. Ibid.
From the RICHMOND ENQUIRER.
Extract of a letter to the Editor, from a member of Congress.
H. of R. April 11, 1806.
You will observe in the National Intelligencer of this day, a "communication" on the subject of "the secret proceedings of Congress"—said by the editor of that paper, to have been written by a member of this house. Many of these statements are extremely un candid, some absolutely false. There was no intention expressed, or ('tis believed) entertained by
any person on this floor of "invading the possessions of Spain, of acting offensively against her. In the case of the obstructed navigation of the Mississippi, three years ago, negotiation had been tried; the misconduct of the Spanish officer at New-Orleans, was then deemed and expressed by this government to be unauthorised by the court of Madrid.—Here it was avowed: their experiment of negotiation had been tried and disgracefully failed: every proposition for accommodation being insolently rejected.—Spain was collecting troops at the Havannah and pouring them into Pensacola; she was also assembling forces on the eastern frontier of New-Mexico. (The secretary of war's letter to the secret committee.) The battle of Trafalgar recalled Spain to the defence of her own W. Indian possessions; forbade the weakening of the Havannah, and effectually stopped all offensive operations on her part.
The conduct which France might find herself compelled to take in consequence of her "compacts" with Spain, was not the question under consideration. It was that France was the instigator and fomentor of the mischief, that she threw every difficulty in the way of a territorial adjustment of differences between the U. States and Spain, a mode of accommodation mutually advantageous and convenient to the parties, in order to compel them into a monied accommodation , suitable to neither, for her especial benefit. It is well understood that the money was for her.
These statements will hereafter be fully substantiated.—Let not the false gloss and colouring be given to national proceedings. Let not the press, which should furnish the daily bread of free governments, vend only poisons for their destruction.
This letter, tho' pithy, is uncommonly pregnant with information, and speaking as it does from official documents, it is entitled to the most respectful consideration. It contains some facts which are not yet generally known—
That negotiation has already been tried by our government:
That this negotiation had disgracefully failed:
That it had embraced different propositions for accommodation:
And that every one had been insolently rejected.
It does not appear from the words of this letter, whether our own executive had itself come forward with the proposition to purchase the Floridas, or whether this proposition had come originally from Spain. Nor does it appear, at what time this proposition by whatsoever nation first made, whether by Spain or the United States, was communicated to Congress; whether before or after the report of the secret committee was made. From Mr. Randolph's speech on the 5th of April, it would seem that no such idea was advanced in the President's message of the 6th of December, and that of course the report of the secret committee was made up, without any official means of deciding whether such a proposition for accommodation would be attended with success. It is still too a secret, at what time France made that "threat of hostility" which Mr. Clay alluded to on the 5th of April, on what occasion it was made, and in what manner it was intended, to bring about a monied accommodation for the special benefit of France. But from this letter too it appears:
That the money was intended for her: And that Spain was collecting troops at the Havannah, and on the Eastern Frontier of New-Mexico, either to accelerate the period of this monied accommodation by holding out the shew of hostility, or to prevent our own troops from occupying the contested territory.
The battle off Trafalgar dissipated this rising storm. So says at least the writer of this letter. With these imperfect explanations, we may reduce our relations with Spain to a very simple case:
Spain and France are two nations, who ought to be , but are not , independent of each other. The history of Europe, for the last six years, proves that Spain is scarcely more than the vassal of France.—It was owing to this domineering influence, that Buonaparte obtained Louisiana for a petty indemnity in the North of Italy. It is owing to this, that Spain has been impressed into the two last wars of France, without a single object in view; that her ships have been beaten at Trafalgar and her Peruvian treasures dissipated. It is owing to this, that the cabinet of Madrid has been literally transferred to Paris; her interest in the old and new world there adjusted; and Buonaparte the real ruler of the ruler of Spain.—There is in fact "no Spain;" by a convulsive force, not inferior to an earthquake, Buonaparte has sunk the Pyrenees to the level of France. It may be presumed under those circumstances that Spain will enter into no accommodation, which may not be pleasing to France; that the very money which we give her for Florida, will pass into the French Treasury. But we cannot be certain that such will be its destination. We are willing to compliment Spain by pursuing the usual forms of negotiation: we will treat her as far as she will let us, like an independent nation; but it is our fault that she casts away this independent station to become the mere broker of France? Is it any thing to us, whether the money that we pay her, goes into her own coffers, or crosses the Pyrenees? According to this principle, we must remain in eternal risk of a war with Spain; willing as we are to give her the worth of her property, we must not even purchase it, however valuable to ourselves, as territory or as frontier; because we ridiculously choose to respect a nation more than she respects herself: we must wait until the monarch of Madrid shall choose to rise from his trance, recall his cabinet home, build up once more his political Pyrenees; or till Buonaparte shall lose his sceptre of France.
We admire that high-minded and chivalrous spirit, which would not take the smallest advantage of the distresses of Spain. But there is no man that we know of, whose chivalrous spirit would in such a case carry him farther than John Randolph; no man who would shrink so instinctively from any thing that bears the semblance of dishonour. And to this we are prompted to ascribe much of the opposition he has made to a monied accommodation with Spain. But it is this very enthusiasm, which has here misled him. "To excite France by money, to bully Spain out of her property." Surely this is not the course we are pursuing. We would give territory for territory. Spain or rather France, who governs her, will not consent to it. We will then buy her territory. We will give her what it is worth: what may glut even the "lustful appetite" of France. Can this be called bribing of a bully?
If it be essential to our own interests to come to an amicable adjustment with Spain; if Spain is in that degraded state of pupilage, that she will do nothing, but what is acceptable to France; if France compels her to ask money and we are willing to give her the full value of her possessions; where let us demand, is this "base prostration of our national character?" Must we wait in a still higher tone of chivalrous enthusiasm, until France has made her peace with England, liberated her ships and troops from European warfare, and she shall come forward to negotiate with us in the full display of all her power?
On these grounds we see no reasonable objection to appropriating money for the purchase of the Floridas. As to the other measure, proposed by the secret committee, the raising of additional troops, it might have been advisable at the time, when they made their report; but the battle off Trafalgar removed its strongest recommendation. There was no necessity to increase our troops, when Spain could not increase her own.
WASHINGTON, April 16.
The Senate have consented to and advised the ratification of the Tripolian Treaty —The votes were—Yeas 21—Nays 8.
The Senate yesterday passed the bill, from the house of representatives, prohibiting the importation of certain [British] goods, wares, and merchandise, without amendment—Yeas 19—Nays 9.
This bill only requires the signature of the President to become a law.
NEW-YORK, April 17.
The last Boston paper states the following result of the election for governor of Massachusetts, as far as the returns have been received.
Total in 185 towns.
For Gov. Strong, 23652
For Mr. Sullivan, 20168
Majority 3484
In the same towns in 1805.
For Gov. Strong, 21857
For Mr. Sullivan, 18473
3384
The Federal lists of Senators have succeeded in Suffolk, Essex, Worcester, and Hampshire counties—19 of the 40 senators are therefore federal; and if Messrs. Storer and Cushing are chosen in Cumberland, there will be a federal majority in the Senate. In York, it is expected there will be no choice. Letters from Bristol county say the number of Federal votes will be much greater than last year.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Brig Friends Adventure, Dickson, 21 days from Jamaica, Rum, to the Master.—Left there brig William, Molton, of Portland to sail in a few days; Ischiaurus, to sail in a few days for Wiscasset.—Arrived at Kingston 30th March, sch'r Nobby & Lucy, Barrot, from Philadelphia.—Left there the sch'r Fair American, Barry, of Alexandria to sail with the fleet, and the ship Josiah Collings, of New-York.—Sailed in company with the sch'r Industry of and Washington N. C.—On the 10th April was chased by two Felluccas and a sch'r, supposed to be Spaniards; same day was boarded by a British brig of war treated politely; she went in pursuit of the three vessels we had seen; the brig had been chased two days before that, by a Spanish 80 gun ship—April 14, fell in with the sch'r Fame of Salem, on the reef to lee ward of Memory Rock, she having a signal of distress flying, sent our boat to take the people off, but on getting on board found her abandoned, bro't away a few bags of coffee & some small articles. In lat. 26, long. 70, 40, spoke brig Lady Washington, from Portsmouth (Eng.) for N. Orleans, 69 days out—all well. The brigs Philanthropist, Copeland, and Equator, Miller, sailed for New-York, and the Margaret, Hamilton, for North Carolina, on the 27th March. The ships Almy, Crow, and Emeline, Murdock, arrived at Falmouth (Jam.) the 26th March. The sch'r David, Bernard, sailed from Kingston bound to North Carolina the 29th March. Sch'r Seventy Six, Wills, 24 days from Curraoaa, Cocoa & Salt, Theo. Armistead.
Brig Nancy, Reynolds, 25 days from Berbice, Sugar & Coffee, James Young.
Brig Elizabeth, Barclay, 30 days from St. Vincents, Rum, W. Ashley. Left there brig Victory, of Falmouth, waiting for payment; Nancy Berry, of and for Hallowell, to sail in 15 days; Julius Caesar, Lions, of New-Haven; Paulina, Williams of Augusta for Boston, in 18 days; Camillus, Harrold, of Portsmouth (N. H.); Merchant, Millen, Kennebec, in 7 days; Margaret, McIntosh, of Portland.—Sch'r Augusta, Smith, Brookhaven for New-York, in 10 days; Laura, Rich, of Bath, in 20 days; Friendship, Ryland, of Wiscasset for Boston, in 10 days; Bond, of —; Nancy Washington, Freeman, of Edenton, just arrived; Fanny, Whullesly, of New-Haven; —, Newly, from Edenton; —, Otis, from Norfolk.
Sales at Auction.
On account of the Owners, Underwriters, and others concerned in the CARGO of the British brig Mary, Capt. Morrison,
30 tierces, 1 barrel Green COFFEE.
The Sale to commence on Whittle's Wharf, TOMORROW, (Tuesday) the 22d inst. at 12 o'Clock—Terms, Cash. April 21. 1 681
For Sale, or Charter, The stout copper bottom SHIP WOODROP SIMS, John P. Davis, Master, burthen 400 bds. is ready for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to George M'Intosh. April 21. tf 682
For Freight, or Charter, The Brig ELIZABETH, R. Barclay, Master, burthen 1300 barrels. Apply to John Davis. Portsmouth, April 21. tf 684
FRESH TEAS.
Just received from Philadelphia, in whole, half, and quarter chests,
Imperial, } TEAS. Hyson, } Young Hyson } all of this Spring importation, and we warrant them of the very first quality imported, by wholesale or retail.
Fisk & Cullett.
Who has this day landing, 75 tierces choice NEW RICE, in whole and half tierces. April 21. tf 683
I want to Purchase, 10,000 wt. Old Copper and Brass, for which Cash will be paid.
Nathaniel Munroe.
Who has for Sale, 600 sets low priced Knives and Forks, 20 Pair Silver and Plated CANDLESTICKS, 1 NEW CLOCK, his manufactory, WATCHES and JEWELLERY.
Also, Clocks, Time Pieces, and Watches carefully repaired. April 21. 2* 686
FOR SALE,
A HOUSE and LOT,
(or a part thereof) situated on the west side of Great Water-Street, at the head of Woodside's wharf, running to Hall's Lane; the House is 60 feet in front and 30 in width; the Lot 60 feet in length and forty feet deep, renting at 936 dollars per year—on a lease for 99 years renewable for ever, subject to an annual ground rent of 136 dollars.—Enquire of the Editor of this paper. April 21. tf 685
AUCTION.
By virtue of a Deed in Trust from John Burscher to the Subscriber, Will be Sold at Publick Auction, On Wednesday, the 23d Instant, before the New-Market—For Ready Money, A likely Negro BOY and DRAY the Boy about 8 years old.
C. Roy.
A 11 684

The Members of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company , are requested to meet at the Eagle Tavern, opposite the Market House, on the 23rd day of May next, to elect a President and Directors, and other business of importance to the said company—Notice is also given to those who are delinquent in the payment of the quotas heretofore called for, that unless they make payment of their respective balances, on or before the said day, that their Shares will be Sold on Monday, the 3rd of May, following the above mentioned day of meeting.
By order of the President and Directors, William Charles Lee, Clerk D. S. Canal Co.
April 2. 12d May 634 Now landing from on board the Ship Maria, from Jamaica, and for Sale, 83 Puncheons of RUM. William Pennock. April 4. 3w 638
TO RENT, (And possession given immediately,) That commodious STORE on Main-Street, No. 22, near the old market-place, together with a large Cellar and other apartments, well calculated either for Groceries or Dry Goods.
ALSO, Two large DWELLING-HOUSES, with Stores in front, on Bank-Street.—Apply to Robert Farmar.
Who has for Sale, on low terms, A few CANAL SHARES, The property of a gentleman to the Northward. April 4. tf 640
Landing from on board the Ship Susan and Sarah, from Bordeaux, 30 Pipes choice 4th pf. Cogniac BRANDY, 100 Cases Medoc WINE, of Poutet Canet, of the vintage of 1800,
50 Cases FRUIT in Brandy, 50 do. CAPERS, OLIVES, and ANCHOVIES. On hand of former importations, 500 Hogsheads CLARET; 200 Cases do. Entitled to drawback, and for Sale by Moses Myers. March 26. tf 612
For Sale by the Subscriber, at his Bake- House, on Commerce-Street, 500 Barrels Navy BREAD, 200 do. Superior Pilot do. 100 do. Ship do. All of which will be sold on reasonable terms, or exchanged for West India produce. Stephen Harris. PILOT BREAD in half barrels of a superior quality, for Sale as above. March 26. tf 614
CASH given for Rough Hogshead STAVES. C. & F. Whittle. March 31. tf 629
WANTED, 25 Shares of Virginia Bank STOCK. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. April 4. tf 643
FOR SALE, An Elegant COACHEE, with Harness complete, has been but little used.—For terms apply at the Office of the Public Ledger. March 7. tf 567
For SALE by the Subscribers, a general assortment of Ship Chandlery, Cordage, and Cables, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12 inches, English PAINTS and OILS, Sheathing PAPER, Bar IRON, TOBACCO, Richmond Inspection; FLOUR, PORK, Prime and Cured, New-York Inspection, 200 Gin CASES; 20 Boxes SEGARS. They have also on hand, an extensive and good as- sortment of GROCERIES. Noble, Arbuthnot, & Co. March 31. tf 623
NOTICE. MARTIN FISK has taken Mr. CHARLES J. CATLETT into partnership, the business in future will be transacted under the firm of Fisk & Catlett.
Who have for Sale, 4000 pieces Yellow NANKEENS first chop, Fresh Imperial Hyson and Young Hyson TEAS, 150 Cases CROCKERY WARE, well assorted, 8 Tons Patent SHOT, assorted, 75 Kgs English GUNPOWDER, 100 Boxes London Crown GLASS, 100 Kgs White LEAD, ground in oil, 1500 lbs. Seine TWINE, 150 Casks NAILS, assorted, cut, and wrought, 50 Rolls OZNAURGS, 200 Boxes Mould CANDLES, 25 do. Spermaceti do. 50 do. Fresh CHOCOLATE, 200 lbs. Spanish float INDIGO, 50 Boxes fresh MUSTARD, (Dixon's Manufactory) 100 Reams Writing PAPER, 200 do. Wrapping do. Also— This Day Landing, 50 Barrels BEEF, Boston Inspection, 50 do. MACKAREL, 12 Hogsheads choice retailing MOLASSES. Feb. 24. tf 525
FOR SALE, At Wm. B. LAMB's Vendue Office, 25 Puncheons third Proof RUM, 15,000 Weight GREEN COFFEE, 40 Hds. and 30 bbls. SUGAR, 10 Pipes French BRANDY, 12 Quarter Casks Madeira WINE, 2 Pipes and 3 bds. do. 40 Quarter Casks Malaga WINE, 90 Cases GIN. April 15. 3t 663
LOTS FOR SALE. I will sell two well situated LOTS in the Fields. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser. Robert B. Taylor, April 2. 3w 635
We have received by the brig Fame, Capt. Cox, from Jamaica, 75 Puncheons high proof RUM, 4 Hogsheads MOLASSES. —For Sale by Redmond & Frith. Feb. 24. tf 523
EAGLE TAVERN. The Subscriber has taken that eligible stand in Market-square, and has to inform his friends and the public in general, that he will spare no pains to make them as comfortable as possible while with him—he would be glad to take in Eight or Ten good BOARDERS by the Year. Thomas F. Lee. January 15. 3w 635
FOR RENT, The three large and commodious Ware Houses on the lower end of Gibson's Wharf—Possession may be had immediately, by applying to John Southgate, or William Dickson. Feb. 26. tf 534
Landing from on board the ship Sheffield, and for Sale by the Subscribers, on their Wharf, 282 Hogsheads CLARET, 50 Cases do. 6 do. BURGUNDY, 56 do. HERMITAGE, 25 do. Sallad OIL, 25 do. Preserved FRUITS, 25 do. OLIVES and ANCHOVIES—All of ve- ry superior quality, and entitled to drawback. C. & F. Whittle. March 24. tf 601
FOR SALE, 3000 Pieces Yellow NANKEEN, 11 Boxes Imperial TEA, 6 Chests Hyson do. The above of the best quality and entitled to drawback. Apply to Robert Maitland & Co. WHO HAVE ON HAND, Hibbert's best bottled Port and Brown Stout. Also, Old L. P. Madeira Wine, fit for immediate use. March 5. tf 560
For Sale or Rent, A PLANTATION, situated on Hamp- ton Creek, consisting of about 500 acres; being the property on which Mr. W. Brough has long resided. It possesses all the necessary buildings for the convenience of a family, or agricultural purposes. There are some valuable orchards, one particularly of Apples, is considered more productive than any other in that part of the country. There is also a Wind-Mill most eligibly situated—For particulars, application may be made to Mr. G. Hope, Hampton, Mr. John Dunn, Norfolk, or the Subscriber in Richmond, who will give immediate possession. James D. McCaw. Feb. 21. tf 519
HUNTER & GATEWOOD, Have received per Ship Jane, Captain Clift, from Liverpool, the balance of their supply of FALL AND WINTER GOODS, Which in addition to their former importation from London, makes their assortment general and complete—it consists of almost every article of useful and fashionable goods too tedious to enumerate, which they offer for sale, at their Store No. 42, Main-Street, by Wholesale and Retail, on the lowest terms for cash, or short payments. November 8. tf 962
JUST RECEIVED, By the ship Roba & Beisey, Capt. Richardson from London, and for sale by the Subscriber, A LARGE SUPPLY OF DRUGS AND MEDICINES, of all kinds. Patent Medicines, Perfumery, &c. &c. Also received by the ship Amira, Capt. Stover A LARGE ASSORTMENT OF SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS, Consisting of Amputating, Trepanning, Cupping, Midwifery, Tooth of different sorts, Crown and Common Lancets, and Surgical Pocket Instruments &c. &c. HARDHAM'S SNUFF, No. 9. Also, by the ship Olive Branch, Capt. Le Breton from Bristol,
A LARGE & EXTENSIVE ASSORTMENT OF GLASS & FURNITURE, For Apothecary's and Practitioner's Shops. Those who favour us with their orders will be supplied on the most reasonable terms, and the articles of the best and freshest quality, as our importations are regularly twice a year, and laid in with cash, from the most respectable Druggists in London. MEDICINE CHESTS made up as usual. Also, a few elegant Mahogany Chests of the newest construction, with furniture complete, PERRY'S ANTI-BILLIOUS PILLS. Fredrick Heermann & Son.
GERMAN GOODS. JOHN C. NIEMEYER, Has lately received and offer for Sale, the following Goods, for Cash, or inconvenient credit, for approved Notes, viz. 7000 Bags of 2 and 3 bushels, in bales of 600 each. 1000 East India Gunny Bags. 190 Pieces Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs. 400 Brown Rolls. 400 White Rolls, different qualities. 100 White Plaitillas. 75 Brown Hollands. 100 Bretannias. 20 Dowlass. 62 Fine White Flanders Sheeting. 25 Shirt Linen of 20 to 100 dollars per piece of 37 yards. 40 Fine Bed Bunts and Bed Tickimg. 390 Velvet Ribbands, No. 2 to 150. 30 Russian Sheeting, and Diaper. 320 Dozen Snuff Boxes. 100 Boxes Baltimore Window Glass, in whole and half boxes, viz. 8 by 10, 9 by 11, 9 by 12, 10 by 12, and 12 by 14, at the manufac- tory prices, with the addition of the usual charges.
A few Barrels Philadelphia bottled Porter 105 Boxes Short Pipes. 120 Spanish Segars, of different quality. 150 lbs. Shoe Thread. 130 Twine. 15 Boxes Glass Ware, of different kinds, cut and plain. 37 Barrels Turpentine. ALSO, 20 Dozen of Shoe Brushes. Violins, Flutes and Fifes. ditto Strings and Bows. Looking Glasses of all kinds. Nuns' Thread and Fine Lace. Thread Stockings, Plush for Saddles. Coffee Mills, Beads, and Bird Cages. Razors, Spectacles, and Penknives, 1st quality. Backgammon Tables, Dice, Cards, Chesmen. Fowling Pieces, Pistols, and Agut Flint. 40,000 Marbles. And a great variety of other Articles. Apply as above. September 25. 164
SPRING GOODS. COCKE AND SANFORD, Have received per the Ship Two Brothers, from Liverpool, an assortment of SPRING GOODS, Which they offer low for Cash or approved paper. A further supply of FANCY GOODS is daily expected per the Dumfries, from London. April 16. 3w 674
FALL AND WINTER GOODS. GILLIAT AND MACKINDER, Have received per the Ship PLANET, Boats, from London, and FREDONIA, from Liverpool, their supply of FALL AND WINTER GOODS, And will be Sold on low terms, for Cash, or approved Acceptance in Town.—Among which are 17 Bales of Napf Cottons. 15 Boxes Boys' and Men's Hats. 15 do. of Rose Blankets. 6 Trunks of Manchesteres. 8 do. Stripe do. 4 Boxes Cutlery, assorted 9 do. White and Red Flannels. 50 Casks Shot. 10 do. White Plains and Kersies. 150 Kgs of Gunpowder. 12 do. Blue do. 40 Casks Nails. 14 do. Blue & Green Half Thicks. 4 do. Seine Twine. 6 do. Stripe and Grey Coatings. 6 Trunks Mens' and Women's Worsted Hose. 2 do. Yarn Hose. 3 Bales of Oznaburgs. do. Carpeting and Carpets. Fleece Hosiery, for Ladies' and Gentlemen's wear. 8 do. Mixed Fearnoughts. Muslins, Dimities, Calicoes, &c. &c. The above packages are well assorted. September 16. tf 145
NOTICE. My health being such as to require a change of air, I shall leave this State some time in April; such persons as have claims against me will bring them forward for settlement, and those indebted are requested to discharge the same, or give security for future payment. William Leigh. Portsmouth, Feb. 28. tf 539
For Sale, by the Subscriber, 250 Hogsheads Petersburg Tobacco, 80 do. Richmond } 50 Bales Upland } 4 do. Sea Island } Cotton, 12 Pipes Holland GIN, 5 Puncheons Old Jamaica RUM, 11 Hogsheads Philadelphia Loaf SUGAR, 100 Casks Claret WINE, 12 Casks } 61 Baskets } Cordials, 6 Casks FRUIT, preserved in Brandy, 12 Boxes Castle SOAP, 23 Casks well assorted GLASSWARE, 23 Crates do. EARTHENWARE, 3 do. and 1 hhd. do. assorted for family use. 30 Pieces Twilled SACKING, 6 Casks Sheathing NAILS, 20 Boxes Windsor GLASS, 8 by 10, and 40 Gross Wine and Porter BOTTLES. Alexander Maclure. March 21. 1m 597
ROBERT GIBSON, Has removed to the Fire-Proof Ware-House in Wide Water Street, nearly opposite Commerce Street. Feb. 28. tf 553
FOR RENT, (And possession to be had immediately) A comfortable small TENEMENT, on Smith's Point, neatly fitted up; having two rooms below with two closets in each, and three rooms above, a new double storied Brick Kitchen, and other requisite out buildings. A spacious Garden and large front Yard are attached to this Tenement. P. Barraud. Jan. 29. tf 465
For Rent, The Store, Compting Room & Cellar, No. 41, Main-Street, lately occupied by Mr. Wm. McCutchen. Apply to Thomas Willock. March 17. tf 597
One Hundred Dollars Reward. WILL be given, to white or black, that will deliver to me dead or alive, a negro named DAVEY, who runs away from me on the 5th instant. He is about 5 feet 9 inches high, very black, well made, and very active, with a full face, and speaks part when spoken to. He has been a servant to a family as a carriage driver, and has been lately put to the shipcarpenter's and caulkar's trade, and works well at the latter. As he is a lazy fellow, he no doubt, will attempt to live with some person as a servant. He made an attempt to run away from his former master, and made for the northward, but was apprehended in Virginia, where he is well acquainted, particularly in the towns, and I have no doubt but his intention is again to get off to the northward, either by land or water. I recollect a very notable white-speck on his two upper middle fore-teeth, which will be discovered on examination. He may have other marks for what I know, not having owned him more than four years. I cannot describe any particular ones about him, but make no doubt he has scars, as he has been whipped before I purchased him. He is very fond of spirits, and will get drunk when he has an opportunity; plays cards, and is much given to roguery. He wore with him blue negro cotton cloth- ing, and had second hand clothing; but no doubt he will change both his clothing and his name, as he is an artful fellow; and if taken, will fight; and when taken, if not well secured, will make his escape. I do hereby forwarn all masters of vessels and others from harbouring or carrying him off at their peril. The above reward, and all travelling expenses, will be paid, if the distance exceeds 75 miles. John Drew, Jr. Port Tombstone, near Edenton 587
VILLAINY EXPOSED. On the 11th of August, 1805, JOHN ROBERTS, master of the schooner Aurora, of Baltimore, sailed from Norfolk with 500 bushels of Coal, taken at City Point from on board the ship Belisarius, John Hair, master, from Glasgow. The said Coal was shipped for Mr. Merry, the British minister at Washington; but instead of proceeding to that place, the said Roberts went round to Philadelphia, and there disposed of the Coal on his own account; after which he sold the vessel, and has not been heard of since. It was stated by him at Philadelphia, that the Coal was Virginia produce, and he entered a protest on oath before Nicholas Dicheil, Esq. Notary Public in Philadelphia, asserting that he sailed from Norfolk bound to Baltimore, with the Coal on board as ballast; and having in a heavy gale of wind sprung his fore mast, was drove out to sea, and compelled by stress of weather to, ut into that port. Being bound to an adjoining state, and the cargo under the value secured in the 14th section of the Coasting Act, he was authorized to proceed without a clearance; but on his arrival at Philadelphia, being other than a district in the same or an adjoining state, in order to his being permitted to an entry he made the said protest, and reported his vessel agreeably to the 22d section of the said act, declaring at the same time that the cargo was shipped by and consigned to himself. Should the said JOHN ROBERTS have returned to Baltimore, or his residence elsewhere be ascertained, it will be subserving the cause of justice to make it known to the Collector of that port, or those of Philadelphia, Norfolk or Petersburg. February 28. tf 553
Forty tons Campeachy LOGWOOD, of the first quality, for Sale. Apply to Edward Roberts. March 26. 6t 615
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER, AT HIS LUMBER YARD ON CALVERT'S WHARF, 700,000 SALE SHINGLES. 50,000 BUILDING do. 50,000 STAVES—White and Red Oak. 10,000 CYPRESS PALES. 5,000 CEDAR and CHINQUEPIN POSTS. Also shall keep a supply of PLANK AND SCANTLING. Thomas H. Parker. August 19. 7t
WARM SPRINGS In the County of Bath, Virginia. HAVING taken a lease on the Warm-Springs for 10 years, from the 1st April, 1805, we wish to acquaint the public, that at great expense and much labour we have improved it, to accommodate gently one hundred and fifty persons, having erected 15 new houses, among them is a range of farm stables 240 feet long, together with other stables roomy enough to hold about 100 horses; also 10 new houses 21 by 17 feet, built convenient to the Bath, with stone chimneys, and finished off neatly—a large and commodious sitting room for the ladies, furnished with different kinds of instruments of music, and kept for that purpose only.—A new Bath will be made distinct from the present one, intended for such persons as may not chuse to mix with the strong and healthy. We have also taken a lease on the SWEET SPRINGS in the county of Monroe, distant 50 miles from the Warm Springs for 9 years, and are making the necessary preparations for the accommodation of the visitors.—The strictest attention will be paid to give satisfaction, as we know from many years experience, that without it but few customers can be expected. It is with much satisfaction that we have it in our power to assure the public that the different houses of entertainment in the roads leading to the Springs, have of late been much attended to by the proprietors, most of which, (above the Ridge) the subscribers have visited, and have found that appearances seem to indicate, that in future, travellers will be well accommodated.
We wish to purchase a BLACK SMITH, for one that comes well recommended, a generous price will be given—Also, wanted to employ a discreet elderly WOMAN, to undertake the management of the place of House-keeper, either at the Sweet or Warm Springs, one inclined to be industrious, and qualified to discharge such duties, will meet with liberal wages on application to us. Robt. & Geo. Turner. 18d M 572
In addition to the above advertisement, a correspondent who is well acquainted with that part of the state, and all the different houses of entertainment on the road, observes, that from the Bell Tavern in Richmond, kept by the Turners, the mail stage goes once a week to that healthy and social town of Staunton, fifteen miles beyond the Blue Ridge, where there are two Taverns, one kept by Wm. Chambers, and the other by J. Edmundson, equal to comfort and good living to any tavern perhaps on the continent, each of them keep a stage and excellent horses, with careful drivers, well acquainted with the mountain roads, and one or the other always ready to convey passengers to the Warm Springs, and from thence the Turners have a carriage and horses to convey them to the Sweet Springs, so that a passenger can step into the stage at Norfolk, and without any further trouble than paying those who attend him, be conveyed 300 miles to the Sweet Springs. It was determined last fall by the different tavern-keepers and others concerned, to oblige the overseers of the roads to do their duty, and to give personal assistance themselves where it was most wanted.
To those who have seen that country, description is unnecessary—but to the stranger it may be justly observed that two weeks of indulgence at the Warm Spring Bath, is a full compensation for the fatigues of the journey. March 17. tf 551
At a Court held for Norfolk County, the 26th day of January, 1806. Thomas Davis and Thomas Dickson, merchants and partners, under the firm of Davis and Dickson, Fults. Gilbert Robertson and James Brown, merchants and partners, under the firm of Robertson & Brown, and Robert Gibson, Defts. In Chancery.
The Defendants Robertson and Brown, not having entered their appearance, and given security for performing the Decree to be made in this cause, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are out of the country: On the motion of the Plaintiffs by their Counsel, it is ordered, that they the said Defendants, appear here on the third Monday in April next, and give security for performing the Decree aforesaid. And it is further ordered that the Defendant Gibson, who has left effects of the other Defendants in his hands, or is otherwise indebted to them, do not pay, convey away, or secret such debts or effects, until the further order of this Court concerning the same. A Copy, Teste, William Wilson, jun. C. C. 18d Mon Ap. 472
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE, Norfolk, Virg. Jan. 18, 1806. His Britannic Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, takes this method of communicating to such officers on the British half-pay establishment, as are resident within his district, the following Notice from the Army Pay-Office, in London, in respect to the form of the Certificate required from British half-pay Officers, by whom it is highly essential that the regulations therein specified should be strictly complied with. John Hamilton, Consul.
PAY-OFFICE, Horse-Guards, August 28, 1805. NOTICE is hereby given by direction of the right honourable the Pay-Master General of his majesty's forces, that the affidavits of Officers on half pay and military allowances, who reside in the United States of America, commencing subsequently to the twenty-fourth day of December 1805, will not be passed at this office, unless the officer's place of residence, and also the county, district, or place for which the magistrate acts, before whom the said affidavit is made, the competency of whom must be certified by the British Consul, if any shall be resident in the province or state, or by the governor, chief justice, or some other person in authority in the government thereof, are therein specified, agreeable to the undermentioned form. D'd. Thomas, Accountant.
A. B. maketh oath, that he had not between the twenty-fourth day of _____ and the twenty-fifth day of _____ any other place, or employment of profit, civil or military, under his majesty besides his allowance of half-pay, (or his military allowance, as the case may be) as a reduced _____ in the Officer to sign his name here, together with his place of residence. Sworn before me at _____ this _____ day of _____ in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and six The Magistrate to sign his name here, and the county or place for which he acts. N. B. Chaplains must insert in their affidavits the following words between the words "Majesty" and "besides," viz. "or any Ecclesiastical Benefice in Great-Britain or Ireland." No alterations or interlineations of any sort will be allowed to be made in the above mentioned affidavit. January 20. tf 446
NEW RICE. For Sale a-float on board the schooner Comfort, capt. Drummond, from Charleston, 180 Tierces choice NEW RICE. Fisk & Catlett. March 24. tf 607
FRANCIS SMITH, Has opened his Vendue and Commission Office at the Store lately occupied by Messrs. Bowman and Walker, No. 48, Main-Street. Jan. 20. tf 451
BLANK NOTES AND CHECKS for both Banks, for Sale at this Office.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE. Price Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.