Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1809-12-27 00:00:00

MR. GILL'S SPEECH.
Concluded from the Ledger of the 18th instant.
Let me now, sir, call your attention to the letter of Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson in reply to these three highly offensive insinuations dated 19th October, 1809, pages 46, 47, of the printed documents—
"The stress you have laid on what you have been pleased to state as the substitution of the terms finally agreed on, for the terms first proposed, has excited no small degree of surprise. Certain it is, that your predecessor did present for my consideration the three conditions which now appear in the printed document—that he was disposed to urge them (both palpably inadmissible and one more than merely admissible) could permit, & that on finding his first proposals unsuccessful the more reasonable terms comprised in the arrangement respecting the orders in council were adopted. And what, sir, is there in this to countenance the conclusion you have drawn in favour of the right of his Britannic majesty to disavow the proceeding? Is any thing more common in publick negotiations, than to begin with a higher demand, and, that failing, to descend to a lower? To have, if not two sets of instructions, two, or more than two grades of propositions in the same set of instructions; to begin with what is the most desirable, and to end with what is found to be admissible in case the more desirable should not be attainable. This must be obvious to every understanding and it is confirmed by universal experience.
"What were the real and entire instructions given to your predecessor is a question essentially between him and his government. That he had, or at least, that he believed he had sufficient authority to conclude the arrangement, his formal assurances, during our discussions, were such as to leave no room for doubt. His subsequent letter of the 15th June, renewing his assurances to me "that terms of the agreement so happily concluded by the recent negotiation, will be strictly fulfilled on the part of his majesty," is an evident indication of what his persuasion then was as to his instructions. And with a view to shew what his impressions have been even since the disavowal, I must take the liberty of referring you to the annexed extracts (see C.) from his official letters of the 31st July and of the 14th of August.
"The declaration "that the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine of the 23d January, is the only despatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it relates, is now for the first time made to this government, and I need hardly add that that despatch had been communicated at the time of the arrangement, or if it had been known that the propositions contained in it, and which were at first presented by Mr. Erskine, were the only ones on which he was authorised to make an arrangement, the arrangement would not have been made."
"The language of this quotation is at once so perspicuous, candid and intelligent, that it requires no explanation or illustration from me. I will therefore pass on to Mr. Jackson's reply, dated 23d October, 1809, pages 59, 60, in the following words:
"I have, therefore, no hesitation in informing you, that his majesty was pleased to disavow the agreement concluded between you and Mr. Erskine, because it was concluded in violation of that gentleman's instructions, and altogether without authority to subscribe to the terms of it. These instructions, I now understand by your letter, as well as from the obvious deduction which I took the liberty of making in mine of the 11th instant, were at the time in substance made known to you; no stronger illustration, therefore, can be given of the deviation from them which occurred, than by a reference to the terms of your agreement."
"Nothing can be more notorious than the frequency with which, in the course of a complicated negotiation, ministers are furnished with a gradation of conditions, on which they may be successively authorised to conclude. So common is the case which you put hypothetically, that in acceding to the justice of your statement, I feel myself compelled to make only one observation upon it, which is, that it does not strike me, as bearing upon the consideration of the authorised agreement concluded here, inasmuch as in point of fact, Mr. Erskine had no such graduated instruction. You are already acquainted with that which was given, and I have had the honour of informing you that it was the only one by which the conditions on which he was to conclude were prescribed. So far from the terms, which he was actually induced to accept, having been contemplated in that instruction, he himself states that they were substituted by you in lieu of those originally proposed."
"The first observation which occurs, in reading this extract, is, that Mr. Jackson here attempts to fix at his object by what, I suppose, he considers an ingenious conceit, shifting his verbiage—the words, "conditions prescribed in the despatch" are here dropped; and the word "instructions" substituted. Thus endeavouring to shew, that Mr. Erskine's instructions themselves were in fact known to Mr. Smith at the time of the arrangement. And why, sir, do you suppose he attempts to get at this? Why, sir, he tells you from Mr. Smith's letter just read, which so far from justifying that conclusion, that it positively denies it; and even goes further, it furnishes, and refers to extracts of two letters from Mr. Erskine to Mr. Smith, the one dated the 31st July, the other the 14th August, 1809; and also to one of the 15th June, all of which sufficiently show, that the instructions in question were not known to Mr. Smith, and that Mr. Jackson every period of time thought his instructions competent to the arrangement. Sir, these extracts ought to have relieved Mr. Jackson's mind
from every vestige of a doubt, respecting this fact, if it were possible that he could even before have thought so unworthily, as well of Mr. Erskine, as of our government; but very far from yielding to the influence of all this evidence, in the very face of it, with the most extraordinary effrontery, he contradicts the whole, and renews his offensive insinuation with all the aggravation of this impudent contradiction. But, sir, this is not all, he here reiterates this insinuation by referring to what he calls the "obvious deduction" he took the liberty of making in his letter of the 11th of October which I have before animadverted on to the senate—this reiteration demonstrates the propriety of my animadversions on that letter; the whole of which are equally applicable to the letter of the 23d of October now under consideration, and noticed in the resolution before you; with this additional aggravating circumstance, that at the time of writing this last letter Mr. Jackson knew that he wrote the first under false or mistaken impressions.
Nor, sir, can it escape observation that he here again renews his insinuations deduced from his ridiculous and contemptible interpretation of what he calls the act of substitution.
Let me now, sir, proceed to Mr. Smith's letter to Mr. Jackson, of 1st November, replying to these reiterated and aggravated insults. It will be found in pages 66, 67, of the printed documents, in the following words:
"But it would be improper to conclude the few observations, to which I purposely limit myself without adverting to your repetition of a language implying a knowledge on the part of this government that the instructions of your predecessor did not authorise the arrangement formed by him. After the explicit and peremptory asseveration that this government had no such knowledge, and that with such a knowledge no such arrangement would have been entered into, the view, which you have again presented of the subject, makes it my duty to apprise you, that such insinuations are inadmissible in the intercourse of a foreign minister with a government that understands what it owes to itself."
This language is also too perspicuous and correct in itself, to require any explanation from me. But I cannot help remarking, sir, that surely every American patriot must feel a smile of confidence and complacency towards his own government, when he beholds the openness, the frankness, the candour and the intelligence with which it gets at the truth, compared with the miserable and contemptible conceits and subterfuges, with which the British minister attempts to disguise and obscure it.
After this admonition, made with dignified decision and moderation, let me turn your attention to Mr. Jackson's reply. It will be found in his letter to Mr. Smith of the 4th November, page 72, of the printed documents, in the following words:
"You will find in my correspondence with you, I have carefully avoided drawing conclusions that did not necessarily follow from the premises advanced by me, and last of all should I think of uttering an insinuation, where I was unable to substantiate a fact. To facts, such as I have become acquainted with them I have scrupulously adhered, and in so doing I must continue, whenever the good faith of his majesty's government is called in question, to vindicate its honour and dignity, in the manner that appears to me best calculated for that purpose."
It cannot have escaped your observation, sir, that the executive government, with a moderation and forbearance almost peculiar to itself, would not impose upon Mr. Jackson the pain either of explanation or retraction. Notwithstanding his reiterated affronts, it made no demand of either. It appeared only to desire to throw out of the way these offensive insinuations. And how, sir, has it been requited for this moderation and forbearance? Why, sir, instead of dropping a subject in which Mr. Jackson was so clearly in the wrong, he again renews it with still further aggravation. He tells Mr. Smith that he had carefully avoided in all his preceding correspondence drawing conclusions, that did not necessarily follow from premises advanced by him; or uttering an insinuation, where he was unable to substantiate a fact: That he had scrupulously adhered to such facts as he had become acquainted with, and he should continue to do so, whenever the good faith of his majesty's government was called into question, to vindicate his honour and dignity, in the manner he thought best calculated for that purpose.
Now, sir, permit me to ask you, if the executive government had gone on to receive any further communications from Mr. Jackson after these declarations; in what situation would the American secretary of state have been placed? When Mr. Jackson in substance, here tells us with a superciliousness bordering on mental infatuation, I have insulted you, I here repeat the insult, and now give you notice that I will continue to repeat it, whenever I may think proper, during the whole course of our future negotiations. For, sir, at the time of writing this letter, you will be pleased to remark, that there remained no doubt of the true meaning of the offensive insinuations; because Mr. Smith had put an interpretation upon them in his letter of the 1st November, which was plain and explicit, and which could not be misunderstood. Mr. Smith then tells Mr. Jackson, that his, Mr. Jackson's language implied a knowledge on the part of the American government, that the instructions of his predecessor did not authorise the arrangements formed by him: That after the explicit and peremptory asseveration that this government had no such knowledge, and that with such knowledge no such arrangement would have been entered into, &c. such insinuations are inadmissible, &c. &c. This interpretation of the meaning of Mr. Jackson's insinuations is not denied, and therefore admitted by Mr. Jackson; and with that admission he goes on su-
perciliously to repeat them, and to declare that he will continue to do so in all future discussions whenever he pleases.
Is there one single gentleman in the U. States, with an American heart in his bosom, who could wish to see his government and his country placed in so degrading a situation? And what prospect of benefit could there be to the United States, in proceeding with a negotiation conducted with such a spirit of hostility and superciliousness on the part of the British negotiator? Is there a gentleman whose highest sensibilities are not excited by this insolent conduct of the British minister? and whose judgment is not convinced of the propriety of the conduct of his own government? And, sir, after all these outrageous and premeditated insults, what is the measure proposed by the executive in relation to this contumacious minister? Why, sir, the mildest in the whole vocabulary of expedients—Simply to refuse to receive any further communications from him, and to request his recall by his own government; and in the mean time, to receive communications through any other channel—Thus merely shielding itself from any further insults, and manifesting a solicitude for friendly intercourse with Great Britain, which must shield it from every imputation as incincerity in its professions of friendly views in relation to that government. Yes, sir, negotiation is still open, although in my judgement without the smallest possibility of success or advantage. Upon the whole review of this part of the subject then, sir, is there a gentleman, who is not prepared to say, that in refusing to receive any further communications from Mr. Jackson, the executive government has manifested a just regard to its own dignity and honour, as well as to the character and interests of the American people? and can there be a gentleman of this senate who is not prepared to pledge himself to stand by and support the executive government in this respect to the last extremity? Permit me now, sir, to call your attention to a still more aggravated conduct on the part of Mr. Jackson. I allude to his letter headed "circular," dated 13th November and published and circulated through the country. In all its essential parts it seems to be the same with the note of the same date delivered to Mr. Smith by Mr. Oakely at the request of Mr. Jackson in the following words—and will be found in the printed documents pages 74, 75.
"That Mr. Jackson has seen with much regret, that facts which it has been his duty to state in his official correspondence, have been deemed by the American government to afford a sufficient motive for breaking off an important negotiation and for putting an end to all communication whatever with the minister charged by his sovereign with that negotiation so interesting to both nations, and on one point of which an answer has not even been returned to an official and written overture."
"One of these facts alluded to has been admitted by the secretary of state himself, in his letter of the 19th October, viz. that the three conditions forming the substance of Mr. Erskine's original instructions were submitted to him by that gentleman. The other, viz. that that instruction is the only one in which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, is known to Mr. Jackson by the instructions which he has himself received."
"In stating these facts and in adhering to them, as his duty imperiously enjoined him to do, Mr. Jackson could not imagine that offence would be taken at it by the American government, as most certainly none could be intended on his part."
It is to be observed, sir, that the letter headed "Circular," and this note officially presented by Mr. Oakely, at the request of Mr. Jackson, are of the same date, and essentially in the same words; and what must have been the surprise of the executive government, to find that within very few days after an official note had been presented to it at the request of the British minister complaining of some of its acts; that the same note should be published and circulated through the country, as an appeal to the people against the conduct of their executive government in relation to these acts? Nor can it escape observation, sir, that this circular letter contained the first official announcement of the rupture of the negotiations between our government and Mr. Jackson. This, sir, was such a premeditated and inexcusable affront to the whole American people, as well as to their government, that nothing could have restrained me at this time from submitting a resolution to the Senate, requiring the President to send Mr. Jackson immediately out of the country, but the consideration, that his contumacious and insolent conduct has been presented to the British government, as one of the grounds upon which his immediate recall is requested, and I am unwilling to interfere with this milder course, which the executive has thought proper to adopt. Yes, sir, I wish it now to be explicitly understood, that I think Mr. Jackson ought instantly to be sent out of the country. That it is due to the honour of the people and the government; and even that measure would afford a poor atonement for his insolent affronts to both.
I wish it also understood, sir, that I consider the insult to consist in the appeal itself, in the publication and circulation of the paper, without any reference to the question of the truth or falsehood of the facts stated as the grounds of the appeal, but sir, as an aggravation in this case, the facts stated are manifestly false and fallacious, and in some respects I believe both false and fallacious. As an incontestible evidence of this, sir, I beg your attention to the first paragraph of this impudent appeal, which has been already read in the following words—
"That Mr. Jackson has seen with regret, that facts which it has been his duty to state in his official correspondence, have been deemed by the American government to afford a sufficient motive for breaking off an important negotiation, and for putting an end to all communication whatever with the minister charged by his sovereign with that negotiation so interesting to both nations, and on one point of which an answer has not even been returned to an official and written overture."
What, sir, is the evident design of Mr. Jackson in thus presenting this complaint to the people against their own government? Why, sir, to impress them with a belief that he really was engaged in an interesting negotiation highly interesting both to the United States and Great Britain, and that there was a fair prospect of bringing it to a happy conclusion; when the executive of the United States causelessly and capriciously put an end to it, utterly regardless of the high interests of both nations. Thus, sir, if well founded, is a serious complaint, and let me ask every gentleman, and especially those, if there be any, who have habitually placed their faith in British orthodoxy, whether this was not the impression intended to have been made by Mr. Jackson? Sir, it is too obvious, to be denied. Now, sir, let me look into the state and prospect of this negotiation, and see whether it was likely to eventuate in these intimated and anticipated advantages to either nation? without animadverting upon the general spirit and temper of the whole of Mr. Jackson's communications, the nature and tend-ency of which cannot be mistaken by any gentleman, who has given them an impartial consideration, let me call your most particular attention to a principle of administration as I understand it, contained in pages 38, 39, of the printed documents. Speaking of the orders in council and the British principle of blockades in p. 38 Mr. Jackson uses these words:
"The effect of this new order is to relieve the system under which the former orders were issued, from that which has always been represented in this country, as the most objectionable and offensive part of it, the option given to neutrals to trade with the enemies of Great Britain through British ports on payment of a transit duty. This was originally devised and intended as a mitigation of what is certainly more correct, but more rigid in principle, the total and unqualified interdiction of all trade with the enemy."
In speaking on the same subject in the same page and page 39, Mr. Jackson uses these words:
"And that by the capture of Martinique in addition to that of almost all the colonies of the enemies of Great Britain, together with the blockade of Guadeloupe, the extent to which the liberty of commerce with enemies colonies applied, has been so far narrowed, that there is little of practicality in recurring to the rule which however occasionally mitigated in the application, Great Britain can never cease in principle to maintain."
Now, sir, let me ask, if there is one single gentleman in this senate or in the United States, who would formally admit by treaty, that Great Britain has a right to interdict the whole of our trade with her enemy? Or what prospect there could be of a happy termination of a negotiation, in which that principle is asserted by Great Britain, and a positive declaration made, that she never will cease to maintain it?
But again, sir, let us see in what manner this negotiation was to be conducted; and what were the powers of Mr. Jackson in relation to it? To do this, sir, with the most perfect fairness and impartiality let me present this subject in Mr. Jackson's own words. His first announcement will be found in page 63, of the printed documents:
"Beyond this point of explanation which was supposed to have been attained, but which is now given by the present letter in the form understood to be most agreeable to the American government, my instructions are prospective; they look to the substituting for notions of good understanding, erroneously entertained, practical stipulations on which a real reconciliation of all differences may be substantially founded; and they authorise me not to renew proposals which have already been declared here to be unacceptable; but to receive and discuss any proposals made on the part of the United States and eventually to conclude a convention between the two countries."
Now, sir, in what manner were these negotiations to commence? And to what point were they to extend? Why Mr. Jackson tells us, that his prospective instructions do not authorise him to renew proposals which have already been declared to be unacceptable to the United States, but to receive and discuss any proposal made on the part of the United States and eventually to conclude a convention, &c. Here, sir, Mr. Jackson has nothing on his part to propose; but he sets himself up to be courted by new proposals on the part of the United States; and then he has power to receive and discuss any such proposal, and eventually to conclude a convention, &c. underscoring the word eventually to give it a peculiar character and emphasis. Nor, sir, I should like to know, what were Mr. Jackson's instructions would call for a fair place between his positive power to receive and discuss and his eventual power to conclude a convention, &c. Why, sir, I suppose the eventual power on the part of this government, must consist in his instructions without the government's knowing what they were, and in case of such a lucky hit, these proposals might be transmitted to the British government, and if there also approved; and then Mr. Jackson might eventually be authorised to proceed to conclude a convention, &c. In what way of conjecture, is to Mr. Jackson's instructions power? Now, sir, let me ask you, what does it all amount to? Why, sir, it is all a sham, a pretence, a deception. Why, sir, every word of it

A circumstance of a singular nature has occurred in the Legislature of North Carolina, during its present session. A person of the name of John Clary, had been elected a member of the house of commons from the county of Pasquotank. He was much opposed at the time of the election, on account of a crime alleged against him, of a nature too indecent to be here inserted; he was however elected. The house of commons, conceived that body degraded by such a member, and by a resolution expelled him; of course a writ was issued for a new election, and strange to relate he was re-elected, and appeared again in the house on the 20th of this month; on motion he was that very day again expelled from the house, 68 to 28!
To those who regard republican institutions, such an exercise of the right of suffrage is painful. The only advantage which an elective government has over others, is the opportunity which it affords of selecting the most virtuous and wisest of the citizens for office; but if ignorant and immoral men are elected, the advantage is lost, and it moreover is an evidence of the want of virtue and intelligence in the people, who are the chief supports of a republican government; other governments can be supported by power and force, but a republican government depends for support principally on the virtue of the people.
We cannot find room for the proceedings of our state legislature, without neglecting the proceedings of the general government, and the foreign intelligence which occasionally arrives. Nothing as yet has occurred of sufficient importance to demand particular attention, or we should have given an abstract. We are astonished in perusing the journals of the House, at the number of petitions for divorce. We did not count them exactly, but we are satisfied, that there were not as many during the first twenty years of our independence. Whether the number of applications has been increased from the facility with which they have been lately granted, or from an increase of vice, we do not undertake to determine. There have been, and no doubt will be cases, in which the legislature ought to interpose, but we are of opinion, that it should not but for the most powerful reasons.
The schooner Sampson, Dayton, has arrived at Philadelphia from Havana, which she left the 30th ultimo. By this vessel advices are received that the port of Havana was opened on the morning the Sampson sailed, and that the property stored in the custom-house had been restored to the consignees.
The ship United States, Harding, from this port, arrived at Gottenburgh the 27th September, having been several months detained in Norway. The brig Concord from this port for Fayal, was spoke on the 23th instant, in lat. 40, 40, long. 66, 32.
The important bill which we publish in this day's paper, will excite no extraordinary degree of attention. Letters from Washington speak in positive terms that it will pass into a law. The more violent demotick papers are outrageous upon the prospect of this bill being passed, from which we infer it must be a salutary measure. It appears to us that there was nothing but this or war, the further continuation of restrictions on commerce, was obviously absurd.
It is stated in several respectable papers, that Mr. Gallatin is about to retire from publick life. Considerable coolness is said to exist between that gentleman and some members of the cabinet.
WASHINGTON CITY, December 20. The VICE PRESIDENT of the United States arrived here on Sunday last.
Message from the president of the United States transmitting extracts from the correspondence of Mr. Pinkney.
To the House of Representatives of the United States, "Agreeably to the request expressed in the resolution of the 13th inst. I lay before the house extracts from the correspondence of the minister plenipotentiary of the United States at London.
December 16, 1809. JAMES MADISON.
Brief account of an unofficial conversation between Mr. Canning and Mr. Pinkney, on the 18th of January, 1809, continued on the 22d of the same month. [Transmitted by Mr. Pinkney to the Secretary of State.]
I dined at Mr. Canning's with the corps diplomatique, on the 18th January. Before dinner he came up to me, and entering into conversation, adverted to a report which he said had reached him that the American ministers, (here and in France) were about to be recalled. I replied, that I was not aware that such a step had been resolved upon. He then took me aside, and observed that, according to his view of the late proceedings of congress, the resolution of the house of representatives, in committee of the whole, appeared to be calculated, if passed into a law, to remove the impediments to arrangement with the United States, on the subjects of the orders in council and the Chesapeake, by taking away the discrimination between Great Britain and France in the exclusion of vessels of war from American ports. He added that it was another favourable circumstance that the non-importation system, which seemed to be in contemplation, was to be applied equally to both parties, instead of affecting as heretofore Great Britain alone.
I proposed to Mr. Canning, that I should call on him in the course of a day or two for the purpose of a free communication upon what he had suggested. To this he readily assented; and it was settled that I should see him on the Sunday following (the 22d) at 12 o'clock, at his own house.
In the interview of the 22d, Mr. Canning's impressions appeared to be in all respects the same with those which he had mentioned on the 18th; and I said every thing which I thought consistent with candour and discretion to confirm him in his disposition to seek the re-establishment of good understanding with us, and especially to see in the expected act of congress (if it should pass) an opening for reconciliation.
It was of some importance to turn their attention here, without loss of time, to the manner of any proceeding that might be in their contemplation. It seemed that the resolution of the house of representatives, if enacted into a law, might render it proper, if not indispensable, that the affair of the Chesapeake should be settled at the time with the business of the orders and embargo, and this I understood to be Mr. Canning's opinion and wish. It followed that the whole matter ought to be settled at Washington, and as this was moreover desirable on various other grounds, I suggested that it would be well (in case a special mission did not meet their approbation) that the necessary powers should be sent to Mr. Erskine.
In the course of the conversation, Mr. Canning proposed several questions relative to our late proposal; the principal were the two following:
1. In case they should wish either through me or through Mr. Erskine, to meet us upon the basis of our late overture, in what way was the effectual operation of our embargo as to France, &c. after it should be taken off as to Great Britain, to be secured? It was evident, he said, that if we should do more than refuse clearances for the ports of France, &c. or prohibit under penalties voyages to such ports, the effect which my letter of the 23d of August, and my published instructions, proposed to have in view, would not be produced; for that vessels although cleared for British ports, might when this would go to France instead of coming here; that which the American laws might denounce against offenders could not, he imagined, be doubted; and he therefore presumed that the government of the United States would not, after it had itself declared a commerce with France, &c. illegal, and its citizens, who should engage in it, delinquents, and after having given to Great Britain by compact an interest in the strict observation of the prohibition, complain if the naval force of this country should assist in preventing such a commerce.
2. He asked whether there would be any objection to making the repeal of the British orders and the American embargo contemporaneous? He seemed to consider this as indispensable. Nothing could be less inadmissible, he said, than that Great Britain, after rescinding her orders, should for any time, however short, be left subject to the embargo in common with France, whose decrees were subsisting, with a view to an experiment upon France, or with any other view. The United States could not upon their own principles apply the embargo to this country the moment after its orders were removed, or decline after that event to apply it exclusively to France, and the powers connected with her in system.
I took occasion to avow the close of our conversation to mention the recent appointment of admiral Berkeley to the Lisbon station. Mr. Canning said, that whatever might be their inclination to consult the feelings of the American government on that subject, it was impossible for the admiralty to resist the claim of that officer to be employed (no other objection existing against him) after such a lapse of time since his return from Halifax, without bringing him to a court martial. The usage of the navy was in this respect different from that of the army. But I understood Mr. Canning to say that he might still be brought to a court martial; although I did not understand him to say that this would be the case. He said that admiral Berkeley, in what he had done, had acted with authority. I did not propose to enter into any discussion upon the subject, and therefore contented myself with speaking of the appointment as unfortunate.
In both of these conversations, Mr. Canning's language and manner were in the highest degree conciliatory.
Extract of a letter from William Pinkney, esq. minister plenipotentiary of the United States in London, to the secretary of state, dated London, May 28, 1809.
In the interview which took place (on May 25) Mr. Canning said, that the British minister had acted in his late negotiation and engagements with you not only without authority, but in direct opposition to the most precise instructions; that the instructions actually given to him had been founded on his own letters received here in January, in which were set forth the particulars of several conversations that had passed between him and Mr. Madison, Mr. Gallatin and yourself, but especially the two last; that it appeared from these conversations, that, in the opinion of the persons with whom they were held, the government of the United States would be willing that Great Britain should consider the measures then contemplated by congress, relative to non-intercourse, and the indiscriminate exclusion of belligerent vessels from our waters as presenting an opening for the renewal of amicable discussions with this country; that it would be disposed, in the case of the Chesapeake, to receive as sufficient reparation, in addition to the prompt disavowal and recall of admiral Berkeley, the restoration of the seamen forcibly taken out of that vessel; that, on the subject of the orders in council, it would have no objection in case they were revoked as regarded the United States to repeal the embargo and non-intercourse laws as to Great Britain, and to continue them as to France and Holland and such other countries as should have in force maritime edicts similar to those of France, so long as those edicts remained; that it would allow it to be understood that the British cruisers might capture American vessels attempting to violate the embargo and non-intercourse laws so modified; that it would even agree to abandon during the present war, all trade with enemies' colonies from which we were excluded in peace; that it was prepared to regulate by treaty, the commercial relations of the two countries, upon the basis of the most favoured nation, or upon that of reciprocal equality, and in a word, that it was extremely desirous of establishing the most perfect good understanding, and the most friendly renunciation with Great Britain.
Mr. Canning proceeded to inform me that in consequence of the representations, some parts of which he said I had myself confirmed in two conversations in January, he had framed and transmitted to Mr. Erskine, two sets of instructions, dated the 25th of that month, but not forwarded till some time afterwards, the first of which related to the business of the Chesapeake, and the second to the orders in council, and the proposed commercial arrangement. These instructions, together with the passage in Mr. Erskine's letter, written I believe in December last, which contained the above mentioned representations and some other details which I ought not to repeat, Mr. Canning read to me.
Although Mr. Canning made me acquainted with Mr. Erskine's instructions, he did not perfectly apprise me of the explanations, transmitted by that minister, of the grounds and motives of his proceedings; and I could not be sure, from anything which Mr. Canning had stated to me, that he had been made to understand the exact nature and character of the transaction. I believed, therefore, that it behoved me to be particularly careful in what I received that Mr. Canning thought fit to communicate to me. In looking back upon the past I discovered no inducements to a less cautious course. I discovered that Mr. Canning had not told me in our conversation in January (one of which occurred before the date of his letter to Mr. Erskine) that he intended to concede to him such powers as he must have been in the act of preparing to exercise, as to the powers at all. That in our conference in April,
presented as that power; and indeed every body too, sir, has the power to receive and discuss; and especially to include a convention, &c. But, sir, the power merely to receive and discuss, it what is very properly called, and is in fact, no power.
I apprehend that Mr. Jackson places this subject upon a ground somewhat different in his next letter; or at least it would appear so, if that letter were taken by itself, but in fact I apprehend there is no material difference in the two statements. Let me, however, call your attention to his own words which will be found in page 71 of the printed documents—in addressing Mr. Smith Mr. Jackson says:
"I am surprised at the transition by which it appears to you that this part of the subject is connected with the authority empowering me to negotiate with you. It will not, I dare say, have escaped your recollection that I informed you at a very early period of our communications, that in addition to the usual credential letter, his majesty had been pleased to invest me with a full power, on the great seal of his kingdom, for the express purpose of concluding a treaty or convention."
Here, sir, Mr. Jackson in a peculiarity of style and manner, says that his majesty has been pleased to invest him with a full power, and for the express purpose of concluding a treaty, &c. But here Mr. Jackson omits the mode of conducting the negotiation, and the conditions upon which he would be authorized to conclude, &c. But, sir, he had been very explicit upon those points before; and this sentence, therefore, must be taken in connection with his previous explicit declarations in this respect; or Mr. Jackson would be reduced to the dilemma of a direct contradiction; therefore, sir, this new declaration, is nothing more than an equivoque upon the former; and makes no material variation in the first announcement of his powers, and the mode pointed out for conducting the negotiations under them. Especially, sir, as he took the precaution to underscore the word eventually, and therefore cautioned Mr. Smith to regard it as the most important and significant word in the sentence. Let me here enquire, sir, whether there is a single gentleman in the United States who now believes, that a negotiation commenced and conducted under such auspices, could be highly interesting to the United States or to Great Britain? or that it promised the smallest advantage to either? Still less could any gentleman conclude, that it was causelessly or capriciously broken off by the executive of the United States. And if impressions to this effect were intended to have been made on the American people, as is most obvious, then I am warranted in concluding that if this part of the appeal is not both false and fallacious; it is at least, false or fallacious and thus justifies to the full extent the expressions in the resolution.
I beg now, sir, to turn your attention to another part of this insidious appeal in the following words:
"One of the facts alluded to has been admitted by the secretary of state himself, in his letter of the 19th October, viz. that the three conditions, forming the substance of Mr. Erskine's original instruction, were submitted to him by that gentleman. The other, viz. that that instruction is the only one in which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, is known to Mr. Jackson by the instructions which he has himself received."
I now assert, that the facts here stated are not true. If Mr. Jackson had never made any other statement than the preceding, I do not know, that any offence would have been taken at it by the executive government. The offensive insinuations of Mr. Jackson are fully explained by Mr. Smith in his letter of the 8th November in the following, which could not have been misunderstood by Mr. Jackson:
"In my letter of the 19th ultimo, I stated to you that the declaration in your letter of the 11th, that the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine of the 23d January, was the only despatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, was then for the first time made to this government. And it was added that if that despatch had been communicated at the time of the arrangement, or if it had been known that the propositions contained it, were the only ones on which he was authorised to make an arrangement, the arrangement would not have been made."
"In my letter of the 1st inst. adverting to the repetition in your letter of the 25th ultimo of a language implying a knowledge in this government that the instructions of your predecessor did not authorise the arrangement formed by him, an intimation was distinctly given to you that, after the explicit and peremptory asseveration that this government had not any such knowledge, and that with such a knowledge, such an arrangement would not have been made, no such insinuation could be admitted by this government."
"Finding that in the reply of the 4th inst. you have used a language which cannot be understood but as reiterating and even aggravating the same gross insinuation, it only remains in order to preclude appropriation which are thus abused, to inform you that an in fact communications will be received from you, and that the necessity of this determination will, without delay, be made known to your government."
"Now, sir, is it not most obvious, that the grounds of complaint against Mr. Jackson which caused the rupture in the negotiation, are very different from what he states them to have been in his insidious appeal to the people; and if so, sir, is not the appeal false or fallacious? or both?"
"Sir another part of this insidious appeal, deserves some animadversion. It is in the following words: "Including these facts and in adhering to them, as he may innocently enjoined him to do, Mr. Jackson could not imagine that offence would be taken at it by the American government, as most certainly none would be intended on his part."
"Sir, it seems to me to be so often compelled to question the candor of any gentleman, particularly one clothed with the high functions of Minister Plenipotentiary to his Britannick majesty; but permit me to ask you sir, how is it possible for Mr. Jackson not to conceive that offence would be taken at his offensive insinuation after Mr. Smith's letter of the 1st November telling him in strong and decisive terms that offence had been taken at them? or how can Mr. Jackson reconcile it to himself to say that in adhering to these gross insinuations, he did not intend to give offence? Let me ask you, sir,
what else he did, or could intend for my part? I can see nothing else that he could either rationally intend or expect. Here then, sir, is another instance of fallacious disguise through which before the people of the United States, as will be seen, he endeavoured to excite their resentments and distrusts against their own government."
Now, sir, upon the most critical review of this exposition, is there a single gentleman present, who is not prepared to say, that the facts stated in the resolution are fully justified by the correspondence? And if they be, sir, what inducement can possibly prevent unanimity on the present occasion? Surely those, who wish peace with Great Britain, will find unanimity upon this occasion the most likely to deter from war; and surely, sir, every gentleman must feel and see that the declarations contained in the resolution are imperiously due to the dignity and honour of our own government, as well as to our respect for the people and ourselves. Sir, what would be the effect of passing by unnoticed these gross and insidious insults to both the people and government? Why, sir, foreign ministers would begin to conceive, that an appeal to the people was amongst the most sacred of their privileges and immunities. The frequency of them already is almost sufficient to establish sanctity the rule. The cases of Guest, Yrujo, the publication of Mr. Canning's letter in one of the Boston newspapers, &c. never received sufficient animadversions from Congress; and if this most aggravated case of all should pass over unnoticed, I should not be surprised to see Mr. Jackson during the present winter set himself as a British President in New York contesting the point of jurisdiction before the people with the American president at Washington; whilst congress, regardless of their own constitutional powers, &c. &c. should stand by and behold the extraordinary scene in a state of perfect neutrality. Sir, is it possible, that congress can so forget their duties to the people and their respect for themselves? Independently of the obvious propriety of this proceeding in itself have we not, no examples of the course of conduct recommended by the resolution? Let me remind you sir, of the case of count De Palm in the British parliament. In that case, sir, the count De Palm, presented a memorial to the British king, by the express order of his government, complaining of the misrepresentation of facts made in the king's speech to parliament, which complaint, British historians admit was well founded. After presenting the memorial, he caused it to be published and circulated through the country, &c. &c. What, sir, was the conduct of the British parliament and nation upon that occasion? Sir, the parliament unanimously entered into resolutions expressing the highest indignation at the insolent procedure; and presented an address to his majesty requesting him to order the count De Palm out of the country immediately. Sir, I will not trouble the senate with reading the proceedings of the house of commons upon this memorable occasion; because I presented them to the senate last winter in the case of the publication of Mr. Canning's letter in the Boston paper, and I therefore presume they are now fresh in the recollection of every gentleman. And what, sir, was the conduct of the opposition in the British house of commons, when their king and country were insulted by a foreign minister? Did they hold back, did they attempt to paralyze the proceedings of their government in resenting this conduct and retrieving its wounded honour and dignity? No, sir, they were Englishmen and felt the indignity to themselves! They were patriots and could not see their government, and nation insulted with indifference! They stopped forward, sir, and were the first to move the resolution and address. The proceeding was unanimous, and what benefit did the British nation receive from this unanimous and prompt proceeding? Why, sir, from the year 1726 to the present time, the insult has not, I believe, been repeated, and probably never will again.
Sir, how honourable, how patriotick, was this course of conduct to the British opposition! How honourable and laudable would be its imitation here! Especially, sir, when union is all that is wanting to make us happy and victorious. Why then, sir, should we not have union, when it is so easy, and efficacious a remedy for all our difficulties? Sir, the nation expects it; the nation has a right to demand it. May I not then hope, sir, that the hitherto dominant spirit of party will now yield to an occasion, so obvious, so urgent, so honourable! Sir, I cannot express to you the pleasure I should feel at my heart, if I could see all animosities banished, and harmony and mutual good will universally pervading all political scenes and all social intercourse. That the present occasion may be improved to this desirable end, is the most fervent prayer of one, who, in the present delicate, interesting crisis of the nation, feels a devotion for his country beyond every thing else on this side Heaven!
To be Sold at Publick Auction on the premises, on FRIDAY the 5th of JANUARY next, by virtue of a Deed in Trust from the Reverend James Whitehead, deceased, to secure a sum of money due to Doctor Augustine Slaughter,
All that LOT, Piece or Parcel of LAND, With the Appurtenances, Situate on Commerce-street and Main-street, which the said James Whitehead leased of William Eyre, for the term of ninety nine years, renewable for ever. The terms of sale to be regulated by the act of assembly passed the last session of the legislature of this state, respecting executions, deeds in trust, &c. THE TRUSTEE. December 11. tds
Having sold the Lease advertised on the 5th inst. I shall proceed to sell on the premises, on THURSDAY the 25th of the present month,
The Crop of Corn and Fodder; a valuable stock of Sheep, and a few good Cows and Hogs, Plantation Utensils, and a few articles of Household and Kitchen Furniture; a Brood Mare, and a strong northern made Top Chair. Some of the above articles will be sold for cash, the remainder a credit till the 25th December, 1810, will be given for all sums above ten dollars; bond and security will be required, carrying interest from the day of sale, but if punctually paid the interest will be remitted.
ROBERT SMITH. Princess Anne, Bay-Side, December 11, 1809. tds

after the arrival of the Pacific , the same reserve was... Mr. Canning admitted that... Mr. Erskine's instructions...
With these impressions I could do little more than manifest my concern that a conciliatory arrangement... between the American secretary of state and his majesty's accredited minister at Washington...
Extract of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to the Secretary of State, dated London, June 6. 1809. Mr. Canning tells me that the conversations detailed in Mr. Erskine's letters did not, as I had supposed, suggest that the government of the United States would stop to be understood that British cruisers might stop American vessels...
It will, I am sure, occur to you, as the fact is, that the little which I may have thrown out upon that occasion did not look to the admission of Mr. Canning's object into any stipulation between the two countries... I viewed it only as a consequence that might and would, if France persisted in her unjust decrees, grow out of arrangements similar to those offered by us in August last.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Smith, dated London, June 9. 1809. Mr. Erskine's instructions concerning the orders in council having been laid before the house of commons, are now printed. You will find them in the newspaper included.
It is not improbable that when Mr. Canning read these instructions to me, I inferred from the manner in which the three points stated in the 5th, 6th, and 7th paragraphs, are introduced and connected, that they were all considered, as suggested by Mr. Erskine's "report of his conversations with Mr. Madison, Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Smith;" whether I was led by any other cause into the mistake of supposing that the third (as well as the first and second) was so suggested, I am not sure; and it is not very material.
Mr. Canning's misapprehension of some informal observations from me in January last, has been in part mentioned in my letter of the 6th instant. But the published instructions show what I had not collected from hearing them read, that he understood me to have stated that the American government was itself aware that without an enforcement, by the naval power of Great Britain, of the regulations of America with respect to France, those regulations must be altogether nugatory.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to the secretary of state, dated June 22. 1809. I had an interview yesterday with Mr. Canning, in conversing upon the first of the conditions, upon the obtaining of which Mr. Erskine was to promise the repeal of the British orders in council...
Mr. Canning observed that the expedient of an actual blockade of Holland had occurred to them as being capable of meeting that exemption; but that Mr. Erskine had obtained no pledge, express or implied, or in any form, that we would enforce our non-intercourse system against France and her dependencies...
Upon the second of the conditions mentioned in Mr. Erskine's instructions I made several remarks. I stated that it had no necessary connection with the original subject; that it had lost its importance to Great Britain by the reduction of almost all the colonies of her enemies; that Batavia was understood to be affected by it; that it could not apply to Guadalupa (the only other unconquered colony) since with Guadalupa in peace; that I did not know what the government of the United States would upon sufficient inducements consent to do up-
on the point; but that it could scarcely be expected to give the implied sanction which this condition called upon to give, in the way of the act of 1796, without any legislative or reciprocal stipulation whatsoever.
Upon the third condition I said a very few words. I re-stated what I had thrown out upon the matter of it in an informal conversation in January, and expressed my regret that it would have been misunderstood.
Congress of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Dec. 19.
A BILL.
Respecting the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France; and for other purposes.
Read the first and second time, and committed to a committee of the whole house on Friday next.
Be it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled, That from and after the passage of this act, the entrance of the harbours and waters of the United States and of the territories thereof be, and the same is hereby interdicted to all ships or vessels belonging to Great Britain or France...
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall not be lawful for any citizen or citizens of the United States or the territories thereof, nor for any person or persons residing or being in the same, to have any intercourse with or afford any aid or supplies to any public ship or vessel as aforesaid...
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the entrance of the harbours and waters of the U. States and the territories thereof, and the same is hereby interdicted to all ships or vessels sailing under the flag of Great Britain or France, or owned in whole or in part by any citizen or subject of either...
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That from and after the passing of this act, it shall not be lawful to import into the United States or the territories thereof, in any vessel or vessels not owned wholly by citizens of the U. States, and registered according to law, any goods, wares, or merchandise whatever...
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That from and after the fifteenth day of April next, it shall not be lawful to import, in any manner whatever, into the United States or the territories thereof, any goods, wares or merchandise whatever being of the growth, produce or manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland...
any colony or dependency of Great Britain, or any place situated in any of the said colonies or dependencies... being of the growth, produce or manufacture of any colony or dependency of France...
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That whenever any article or articles, the importation of which is prohibited by this act, shall be imported into the United States or the territories thereof...
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That if any article or articles, the importation of which is prohibited by this act, and which shall nevertheless be on board of any ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, arriving after the passage of this act in the United States...
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That every collector, naval officer, surveyor, or other officer of the customs, shall have the like power and authority to seize goods, wares and merchandise, imported contrary to the intent and meaning of this act...
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That the president of the United States be, and is hereby authorized, in case either France or Great Britain shall so revoke or modify her edicts, as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States...
Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That all penalties and forfeitures arising under or incurred by virtue of this act, shall, during the continuance and after the expiration thereof, be recovered and distributed, and may be remitted or mitigated in the same manner which was prescribed by the act, entitled "An act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies..."
Sec. 11. And be it further enacted, That an act entitled "An act to amend and continue in force certain parts of the act, entitled an act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies..."
Sec. 12. And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue in force until the end of the next session of congress and no longer.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Ship Argo, Wheelwright, 7 days from Boston, ballast, C. Fry. Brig Herman, Fowler, 5 days from Newburyport, ballast, C. Fry.
Sch'r Dispatch, Smith, 3 days from New-York. Sch'r Constellation, Fisher, 5 days from Philadelphia. Brig Hunter, Babson, 7 days from Boston, Salt & Hemp, Moses Myers & Son.
For Sale on board the Brig Hunter, 3,200 bushels Blown Salt, 15 tons clean Russia Hemp, 30 pieces Raven's Duck. Moses Myers & Son.
Also in Store, 2,600 barrels Flour, Antigua Rum, Hollands Gin, French Brandy, Hyson Tea, 1st and 2nd quality Russia Duck, Sack Salt. And afloat, 100 hogsheads Maryland Tobacco, December 27.
For SALE - Afloat, 15 hhds. Richmond Tobacco, and 300 barrels Flour. James Dykes & Co. December 27.
To Parents and Guardians. On the 2d of January a Seminary for Young Gentlemen, as before advertised, will be opened by the Rev. Robert S. Symes, in the house lately occupied by Mr. Fulgham in Catharine Street. Parents who wish to enter children before the 1st of April, will be pleased to enter them on that day. Robert Seymour Symes, December 27.
On Friday the 2d of January, 1810, at the house of the late Mrs. CALLAHAN, on the Suffolk road, THAT PROPERTY, an excellent stand for a Tavern, Country Store, with Houses, &c. containing 15 acres, more or less, at the fork of the road about 12 miles from Natick, and immediately after.
That Piece of GROUND, lying immediately at the head of the road leading to Hodge's Ferry, and containing about 25 acres, more or less, also well situated for a Tavern, about 6 miles from Natick; the Lands are well watered, the deeds may be seen and terms of payment known on application to the subscriber at Natick. Dan. M'Laughlin, December 27.
FOR SALE, 75 boxes brown Havana Sugars, 40 bags of Pepper, and Apple Brandy - for Sale by J. O. Walker, No. 2, Maxwell's wharf, December 27. For CHALSTON, The Sch'r Rising Sun, John Jackson, master, Will sail on Thursday next. For freight or passage apply to Jennings & Rodney, December 27.
For SALE - Afloat, 800 bbls. Richmond superfine Flour, 48 do. Gallego's family do., 43 hhds. Richmond prime Tobacco and heavy weights, 25 b. rees Pork. JAMES THORBURN, Who wants to Purchase, 20,000 rough hoghead Staves, for which cash will be paid on delivery, December 27. SALT. 1000 Liverpool filled Sacks, and A few thousand bushels loose, coarse, and fine Salt, will be sold on reasonable terms if taken from alongside the ship Justina immediately. A. Mixture, December 27.
FOR SALE, Eighty Pounds Sterling worth of GARDEN SEEDS, Imported in the Ship Weddrop Sims, Capt. Haynes, the latest ship from England, and which the exporters, Forsyth & Co. vouch for their being new Seeds, consisting of PEAS, Early Frame, Carlton, Hotspur, Golden, Green Round, Dwarf Marrow, Dwarf Sugar, Dwarf Spanish, Dwarf Prussian. Purple and White Broccoli, CARROT, Early Horn, Orage, Onion, Silver Skinned, Strasburg, Blood Red. RADISH, Early Short Top, Scarlet, Salmon, White Turnip, Red do. CUCUMBER, Early Frame, Long Prickly, Patagonian. MELLON, Romana, Cantaloupe, Rock, Spinage, White Mustard, Sweet Marjoram. Dealers in this line will find it to their interest to purchase - The whole will be sold at a small advance or to suit purchasers, they will be divided into four parts - The price is 50 per cent on the London charges and the duties. Apply to Adam Lindsay, Hermitage, December 27.
MARTIN FISK, has now Landing, 100 barrels choice Rye Whiskey, 100 do. Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 50 boxes fresh Mackerel of three sizes, 10 bales India Cottons, Jalaparo, Mamboos, and Bourbon; Carraways of a superior quality, 20 bags Black Pepper, 20 chests fire in H. Tyson & TEAS of a late importation. Afloat, 500 barrels Alexandria fresh superfine Flour. In Store, 100 boxes fresh Bloom Raisins, Malaga Wine in quarter casks, 15 bales prime Upland Cotton, 300 barrels superfine Flour, 100 do. No. 1, 2, and Mess Beef, Boston Institution, 25 casks F and FF glazed Gunpowder, superior quality; Russia and Raven's Duck, A few sets Derrit's Patent Balances, Iron, German, &c. December 27.
Pursuant to a Deed of Trust, executed on the 8th of April, 1809, by JOHN GRIFFIN, to satisfy a debt due to JOHN H. HAYWARD, deceased, Will be Sold at Publick Auction, on the 1st day of JANUARY next, on the premises, A HOUSE and LOT in Middle-street, in Portsmouth, lately occupied by John Reynolds. Terms, Cash. THE TRUSTEE, December 11.
On Tuesday, 2d of January, 1810, at XII o'clock, at the house of the late Mrs. CALLAHAN, on the Suffolk road, THAT PROPERTY, an excellent stand for a Tavern, Country Store, with Houses, &c. containing 15 acres, more or less, at the fork of the road about 12 miles from Natick, and immediately after. That Piece of GROUND, lying immediately at the head of the road leading to Hodge's Ferry, and containing about 25 acres, more or less, also well situated for a Tavern, about 6 miles from Natick; the Lands are well watered, the deeds may be seen and terms of payment known on application to the subscriber at Natick. Dan. M'Laughlin, December 27.

FOR SALE (If applied for immediately.) THE HULL With Anchor's Work and Spar complete. Anchors and chain of 100 fathoms. 70 feet keel, 20 feet beam, and 10 feet hold, built of the best materials on the sharpest and latest Baltimore construction, flush deck and trunk cabin, ports for nine guns on a side. Charles Grice. Elizabeth-City, N. C. Dec. 30. 1m
For Freight or Charter. The Sloop HERO, J. Stevens, master, burthen about 700 barrels. For terms apply to the master on board, or N. HERON. December 26. tf
FOR CHARTER. The Ship VENUS, David G. Bond, master, burthen 280 hogsheads tobacco. WARREN ASHLEY. Who offers for Sale, 6000 bushels Stoved SALT. October 15. tf
FOR CHARTER. The Ship Georgia Planter, Captain Scasey, Burthen about 530 hogsheads tobacco. THEO. ARMISTEAD. December 13. tf
We want to Purchase or Charter, A SHIP, Of from 4 to 600 hogsheads, FOR SALE, 6000 bushels coarse SALT, 600 hogsheads Richmond and Petersburg TOBACCO, 140 bales Sea-Island COTTON C. & F. WHITTLE. November 24. tf
FOR CHARTER. The Ship ARISTIDES, Captain Williams, Burthen 360 tons. Moses Myers & Son. Who have for Sale, 60 hhds. and 5 tierces choice Molis- sses, on the wharf — V. & S. Store, Russia and Raven's Duck; French Brandy, Muscovado Sugar; best Green Coffee; Teneriffe Wine, Sherry Wine; No. 1, 2, and Mess Beef, New-York Pork. November 10. tf
FOR CHARTER. The Ship PLUTARCH Captain George Mason, Burthen 268 tons. Moses Myers & Son. For Sale on board of said Ship, 8000 Bushels Coarse SALT. November 10. tf
PORTER & CHEESE. Landing from on board the Ship Woodruff Sims, Capt. Haynes, from London, 500 dozen Hibbert's Brown STOUT, 20 barrels very superior double Gloucester CHEESE—For sale by Jennings & Roddey. Also Landing, A few puncheons St. Croix Rum; Prime Codfish in hogsheads; 10 barrels Fish Oil; and 40 bales Cot- ton. December 18. tf
250 bbls. superfine FLOUR, A-float—For Sale by J. & W. Southgate. November 29. tf
CASH For Rough Hhd. and Bbl. STAVES, Of good quality, will be given by C. & F. Whittle. October 2. tf
Phenix Fire Office, Norfolk, Dec. 8, 1809. NOTICE. —The following Policies expire in the months of December and January: Nos. 283,034 283,173 283,174 283,176 283,177 283,370 283,271 283,272 283,273 283,274 283,280 283,283 283,284 283,285 283,286 283,287 283,288 283,067 283,069 283,079 283,192 283,194 283,196 283,197 283,205 283,206 283,207 283,208 283,210 283,289 283,290 283,294 283,297 283,298 283,299 283,300 283,301 283,302 283,303 283,304 283,305. Richard Taylor, Agent.
EDUCATION. Parents and Guardians are respectfully in- formed, that an ACADEMY for young Gentlemen will be opened in a central situation on the first day of January, 1810, where the English, French, La- tin, and Greek Languages will be taught grammat- ically by the Rev. R. S. SYMES, and a Gentleman of professional celebrity—Geography, History, and Bible Letters; Arithmetick, Book-Keeping, Alge- bra, Surveying, and Navigation, will also form a course of study. For terms of tuition apply to R. S. Symes. December 8. tf
LANDING From on board the Schooner Catharine Shepherd, Capt. Forsyth, from Porto Rico, 22 hogsheads Choice Muscovado Sugar, 22 hogsheads Prime Green Coffee. For Sale by H. ALLMAND. December 1. tf
Norfolk Drawbridge Company. NOTICE is hereby given, that at the request of a num- ber of the Shareholders, the interest as well as principal of the Southern Branch of Elizabeth River, will be paid for by the Year to the Shareholders, on the first day of January, at the Company's Cash-Box, in Norfolk. The rent to be paid quarterly, for which good security will be required. December 14. tf
EDUCATION. Mr. HUMM notifies his friends and the publick, that he has commenced Teach- ing, and has a vacancy for some more Scholars.— He is authorised to state that a Clergyman from Edinburgh, distinguished for literary and scientific knowledge, will shortly form a junction with him, whose department will be to teach the French lan- guage, Mathematicks, and likewise Logic by read- ing and explaining written Lectures at two periods in the week, not interfering with the other branches of tuition. Were it necessary, the talents and acquirements of the gentleman referred to, might here be spoken of, by the testimony of several respectable Ameri- cans of professional character, who have in the course of their studies in said city attended his prelections on various subjects. December 22. 4
FOR SALE—A-float, 20 hogsheads TOBACCO, 250 barrels Superfine FLOUR. James Herron. December 22. 2
FOR SALE, 570 bbls. superfine FLOUR, A-float, 7000 weight Spanish Tobacco, 50 boxes Muscatel Raisins, 55 barrels of B. Atkinson's Pork. Mackinder & White. December 20. 6
FOR SALE. 925 barrels soft TURPENTINE, And a Ship's YAWL and LONG BOAT. For terms apply to James Tucker. December 20. tf
BERNARD MULHOLLAN, No. 93, Main-Street, offers for Sale at very reduced prices, a general assortment of fashionable and well selected DRY GOODS; Comprising, Superfine black, blue, brown, bottle green, and mixt Broad Cloths; second and common do. Fine and common Bath Coatings, Black, blue, green and mixt Cassimeres, Rose Blankets and Flannels, Bombazens and Bombazetts, Silk and Tabby Velvets, Superfine and common Callicoes, Lavalck, dark, green, blue, pink, and haircord Gingham, Ladies' worked Dresses, and plain India Mull Mull Mouselins, Natté, sprigged, and colonade do. Sprigged and worked Leno, & Spider Knit Sleeves, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Silk and Cotton Hose, Thread and Cotton Lace, &c.
Great allowance will be made to those who pur- chase by the piece; and a credit of six and nine months will be given for all sums over 500 dollars, on giving approved endorsed paper. As I purpose removing to New-York, I soli- cit those indebted to me by note or book account to make payment on or before the first day of March next, as no longer indulgence will be given—and all those having claims against me are desired to exhi- bit them for settlement. B. M. December 20. 4w
GEORGE M'INTOSH, Has received by the Ship General Colburn, from Liverpool, and the Norfolk from London, in addition to his former assortment, Patent Silk HATS, Glazed Leather do. Superfine Blue and Black Cloths, and fashionable Cassimeres. A great variety of Fashionable and Fancy Waist- coatings. Suits and Venetian Carpeting by the piece or bale, Superfine Welch Flannels and Plaits, London Glue and Turkey Oil Stones, Spikes, Nails and Tacks, Copperas and White Lead, Hardware in great variety, consisting of fashionable and plain Buttons, Fashionable Sets of Tea Trays, Plated Sets of Harness and Bridle Mounting, Worsted Webbing and Coach Lace, Plated Brille and Chair Bits of every description, Plated patent and common Stirrup Irons, Patent Locks of all sorts, made on a new principle, so that they cannot be picked, nor opened with false keys. Metal Tea Kettles and Stew Pans, with almost eve- ry article in the Hardware and Cutlery Line. ALSO, Crates of EARTHENWARE, Small Sets Blue Table China, Assorted hogsheads of the best Liverpool Glassware, which will be disposed of on reasonable terms. November 8. tf
J. S. DUPIN, Respectfully informs the publick, that he has on hand, a very handsome assortment of LOOKING GLASSES, of every description; Pictures, Prints, &c. &c. The sale will be very moderate. Apply at No. 24, Church-Street. December 1. tf
FOR SALE, 6000 bushels Liverpool SALT, stoved and coarse, the sacks of the best twilled sacking, 47 barrels Jamaica Green Coffee, A few trunks of DRY GOODS, which to close the sales will be sold low; they consist of Lappet and Cambric Muslins, Cotton Cambrics and Handker- chiefs, Cotton Counterpanes, &c. A float, 5 hogsheads Richmond Tobacco, 600 barrels Flour. JAMES DYKES, & CO. December 11. 6
Columbian Mills FLOUR. THE SUBSCRIBERS Are, and will be regularly supplied with FLOUR From the above Mills, which will be found equal to any ma- nufactured in the United States. C. & F. Whittle. September 25. tf
NEW GOODS. Wood & Hastings, Have just received via Baltimore, an additional supply of Staple and Fancy Goods, Among which are COTTONS. 5 Trunks Fancy Callicoes, 2 do. Shirting Cottons, part very fine, 3 do. Cambric Muslins, 1 case Dimities, Cambric do. Fancy Muslins, 1 do. Gingham, Genoa, Constitution and Madison Cords, 1 do. Madras Handkerchiefs, 1 do. Cotton Balls (white and coloured) 1 do. Superfine Quiltings, &c. &c. SILKS AND FANCY. Elegant Rich Lace Handkerchiefs, worked with gold, do. Silk Shawls, great variety of Lustings, Black Florence Silks, Black Florentine, Elegant Silk Hosiery, Madison do Silk Gloves, Lace Sleeves, and Armlets, Sewing Silks assorted, &c. &c. LINENS. 1 case 4-4 Irish Linens, part very fine, 1 do. brown do. 1 do. Irish Sheetings, 1 do. Long Lawns, 1 do. White Rolls, 3 bales German Linens, Linen Cambricks, Threads, &c. &c.
WOOLLENS. bales superfine, middling, and common Broad Cloths, London superfine Dress Cassimere, Coatings, Bockings, Baizes, Plains, Kendal Cottons, Point Blankets, Rose Blankets, Scarlet, Red, and White Flannels, do. do. Drab and Green Pelisse Flannels, do. and Black Bumbazetts, Wildbores, Hosiery, &c. India Cottons, large assortment. November 10. 4
FALL GOODS. Richard and John Taylor, Have received by the Ships Caledonian and Desdemona, from London, and United States from Liverpool, their FALL SUPPLY, which with their Stock on hand com- prises a very extensive and general assortment, consisting of almost every kind of Woollen, Silk, Linen, and Cotton GOODS, Cutlery and Hardware. ALSO, Fine and coarse Hats, Swiss Twine, Stationary, Pipes, Copperas, and Patent Shot—All of which they will sell on very moderate terms for Cash or approved paper. October 11. 4w
Fall and Winter Goods. The Subscriber having this summer visited the principal Manufacturing Towns in England and Scotland, where he collected an extensive assortment of DRY GOODS, (Part of which he is now landing, the balance are daily ex- pected) his assortment consists of Gentlemen's Superfine and Ladies' fash- ionable Pelisse Cloths; Cassimeres and coarse Woollens; Linens, Diapers and Sheetings; Cotton Goods in great variety; Hats, Hosiery, and Glass- Ware; Hardware, Nails and Cutlery of every de- scription. From his experience and mode of purchasing, he flatters himself in being able to supply his friends and the publick, on as good terms as can be found in any part of this coun- try. George M'Intosh. October 11. tf
Fall and Winter Goods. WOOD & HASTINGS, HAVE JUST RECEIVED 53 packages of Staple & Fancy Goods, Comprising an extensive assortment, which will be sold at low prices for Cash, or approved paper October 11. tf
John & Wright Southgate, Have received by the Schooner Norfolk, from London, The following ARTICLES, Which will be sold low for Cash or short credit, 41 cases HATS, fine and coarse, 11 bales Superfine Cloths; 5 do. Osnaburg, 2 do Sacking, 15 do. Sail Cloth, English and East Coker, 3 do. of Slops, Settú Jackets and Trowsers, 32 casks Copperas; 20 boxes Pipes, 78 do. of Spikes, from 4 to 7 inches, 29 do. Nails, 4d, 6d, 8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d, 5 tons best London White Lead, 100 casks London Brown Stout Porter. And in Store, A general assortment of Dry Goods, 50,000 weight best Green Coffee, 10,000 do. St Domingo do. 2,000 bushels Liverpool Stoved Salt, 100 sacks do. And a few Well Toned Grand and Square PIANO FORTES, With additional Keys. October 25. 2m
WILLIAM PENNOCK, Respectfully informs his friends and the publick, that he has commenced the Auction and Commission Business. His Office is at present on Bowdoin's wharf, lately occu- pied by Alexander MacLure, where orders will be thankful- ly received. November 10. tf
Wanted to Purchase, TURTLE SHELL and CATTLES' HORNS. The Horns must be of the largest size with the peth out. Apply to Edward Grannis, No. 87, Main-Street. November 20. tf
THE SUBSCRIBER Having been appointed a Commissi- oner of the Chancery Court for the WILLIAMSBURG DIS- TRICT, gives notice to those persons, who are parties to cases referred to him, that he is ready to receive their pa- pers. JOHN COWPER, Master Commissioner's Office, July 11, 1809. tf
200 NEGROES for Sale. Will positively be Sold in Middlesex County, at Christopher Owen's Tavern, in the town of Urbana, the above quantity of NEGROES, belonging to the estate of PETER L. GRAYSON, of Branden, deceased, Among which are, House Servants, Cooks, Carpenters, Blacksmiths, Coopers, &c. Also, 4 Ox Carts, with Chains, &c. and 34 of the most valuable Oxen belonging to the said estate. 30 of the above NEGROES will be sold for cash; the balance with the oxen, &c. will be sold on a credit of nine months, the purchaser giving bond with approved security. The Sale will take place on the 9th of January next, (if fair, if not the next fair day) and will con- tinue from day to day until all are sold. The cash sales will commence on the first day. All leg! creditors are requested to purchase the amount, or any part of their respective claims. Robert West, Administrator of Philip L. Grymes, dec'd, Woodville, Gloucester County, } Nov. 22, 1809. 16jan.
Wanted to Hire by the Month, A smart active Negro Boy. Apply to the Printer. Nov. 29.
In consequence of the death of ROBERT DONALDSON, the partnership, in trade at Nor- folk, under the firm of Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co and at Fayetteville and Wilmington, in North-Carolina, under the firm of Donaldson, MacMillan, & Co will terminate on the first day of November next. The business at Nor- folk will be closed by James Thorburn, and at Fayetteville and Wilmington by John MacMillan. Those who may have claims on either house, will please to present them and their debtors are earnestly requested to make payment. James Thorburn, John Mac Millan, Surviving Partners
The Subscriber will continue the business at Norfolk, for his own account, and solicits the favour of the late company's friends and correspondents. James Thorburn. October 23. 4w
150 bales Upland COT.ON, 1800 bushels CORN. For Sale by Alex. Machure. November 29. tf
For SALE or RENT, That large Dwelling-House, pleasant- ly situated on Town-Point, Main-street, at present occupi- ed by the subscriber—That large Fire-Proof Warehouse on Wide Water-street, and a small Dwelling House adjoining in Holt's lane. Possession of all or any one of them may be had immediately if required; also one end of the House in Fayette-street, at present occupied by Robert B. Taylor, Esq. as his office. Daniel R. Waddey. Who wishes to Sell, 269 ACRES OF LAND, Living in the County of Princess-Anne, on the Eastern Branch of Elizabeth River, distant from Norfolk about 5 or 6 miles by water, running across the main road from this to Kempville; part of which is heavily timbered with oak, pine, ash, &c. July 23. tf
In Council, November 3, 1809. The Governor laid before the Board, Letters Patent under the hand of the President and Seal of the United States, recognizing MOSES MYERS, Esq. as temporary Vice Consul of his Danish Majesty for the State of Virginia, to reside at the port of Norfolk. Whereupon it is advised, that the same be published for the information of the Citizens of this Commonwealth. Extract from the Journal, Daniel L. Hylton, Clerk of the Council
DOCTOR BALFOUR, Will take a Young Gentleman into his Shop as a Student of Medicine. August 19. tf
LANDING This day on Commerce-Street, from the schooner Two Brothers, Capt. Nicholls, 9 pipes, 50 hogsheads particular Te- neriffe WINE, 26 quarter casks superior quality Teneriffe WINE; For Sale by Moses Myers & Son. ALSO, 100,000 feet Northern BOARDS, on board the Ship Orestes July 6. tf
To Parents and Nurses. As Worms are the greatest enemy to Children, so the Oil of Worm Seed is found, from long ex- perience, to be the greatest friend. It is easy to adminis- ter, a drop to every year, and requiring no particular res- trictions, put up with printed directions, and warranted ge- nuine by N. Gregory. November 8. tf
LANDING, 68 boxes White } Havanna Sugars, 68 do. Brown } For Sale by WILSON & CUNNINGHAM. September 18. 3w
Fourth proof French BRANDY, in Pipes—and Sherry WINE in quarter casks. For Sale by Y. & W. Southgate. November 10. 1m
SALT for Sale. 7000 bush. Liverpool coarse & stoved SALT, and 8000 bushels Cadis SALT, of superior quality. Apply to Robert Mainland. November 22. 6w
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House, Price Six Dollars Yearly, in Advance.