The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg, Va.), 1774-12-22 00:00:00

VIRGINIA
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JOHN PINKNEY, CLEMENTINA RIND'S CHILDREN.
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WESTMORELAND, December 13, 1774.
To the P. R. I. N. T. E. R.
SIR,
MOVED by an impulse of unfeigned joy, I cannot help congratulating his majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the president and professors of William and Mary college, on such a series of noble events as their repeated election of the patriotic a——y for their representative, their most hearty dissent from the association of the whole continent, and their late well written address to his excellency, on his safe as well as glorious return to the capital of this dominion.
May the many virtues and literary abilities which that most learned and respectable body so cheerfully exert in the service of this country and the college be ever crowned with success! May their pupils be ever distinguished in public life by a conduct perfectly contrasted to that of their preceptors! And though they may not be happy enough to catch that spirit of LOYALTY which breathes through the address, yet may they ever observe the address itself as an example of composition not to be paralleled! And may their venerable tutors never have reason to lament that they have rejected the state virtues of plain truth and patriotism for the more fashionable qualifications of sycophantry and adulation!
O P T A T O R.
See the address of the college.
See the governor's reply.
From a late ENGLISH PAPER.
An ADDRESS to PROTESTANT DISSENTERS of all DENOMINATIONS, on the approaching ELECTION of MEMBERS of PARLIAMENT, with respect to the state of PUBLIC LIBERTY in general, and of AMERICAN AFFAIRS in particular.
P A R T I I.
MY FELLOW CITIZENS,
THE present very critical situation of things in this country, in which you have so much at stake, and in which it cannot be denied that you have considerable weight, is a sufficient apology for an address to you with respect to it. The approaching election for members of parliament calls for all and perhaps for the last efforts of the friends of liberty in this country; and every real friend of this great cause among us, who is acquainted with the history of your ancestors, will naturally look to you for the most active concurrence and support.
Religious Liberty, indeed, is the immediate ground on which you stand, but this cannot be maintained except upon the basis of civil liberty, and therefore the old puritans and nonconformists were always equally distinguished for their noble and strenuous exertions in favour of them both. Their zeal in this cause, and the valuable effects of it, are so well known, that even Mr. Hume (an historian of the most unsearching impartiality in this case) acknowledges, that whatever civil liberty we now enjoy is to be ascribed to them. In fact, all our princes, who have ever entertained designs upon the liberties of their subjects, have been jealous of your principles and influence, and have accordingly used their first and utmost efforts to crush you.
The race of the Stuarts felt that they could not rise except by your fall; but fortunately your rise and establishment ended in their extermination. The tory ministry, which prevailed at the end of the reign of queen Anne, naturally enough began their attempts to restore the pretender and arbitrary power by hostilities against you, and nothing but the most seasonable and providential death of that unhappy and misguided princess saved you with your country. And lastly, to come to the present times, that those who actually guide the measures which are now carrying on in this country are equally enemies to civil liberty and to you, can no more be denied than that William the IId. of glorious memory, and the two first princes of the house of Hanover, were friendly to both. Be assured that your peculiar privileges, and the general liberties of this country, are inseparably connected, and that whenever the altar of civil tyranny shall be erected, you will be the first victims. As, therefore, you value the one, contend for the other.
What was it but the tricks and artifices of the court, and the influence of the bishops, who have the same views and interest with the court, that frustrated your late attempt to procure the repeal of but part of the many laws which bear hard on you, and the rights of humanity? The laws themselves are so repugnant to common sense and common justice, that even your most violent enemies could not but say, that "no man could find in his heart to put them in execution." The equity of your bill twice carried it with eclat through the house of commons; but all was blasted by a nearer approach to the throne, a throne from which mercy is ex-
tended to papists and rebels, because friends of despotism, and even to murderers, if they be employed against the constitution of the country.
It was by the artifices of courtiers that you were at first persuaded to believe that the present ministry wished well to your application; but by them you were even then so far deceived as to be persuaded to clog it with a declaration, which, besides making it less acceptable to many among you, and intolerable to some, made it easy for the bishops to defeat the whole purpose of it.
What can more plainly shew the insidious and hostile intentions of the court than the disgraceful history of your late transactions with respect to the same application? Was it not by courtiers that a majority of the members of your own committee were prevailed upon to drop the solicitation of the bill, at the only time when there was a prospect of its success, viz. before the dissolution of a house of commons peculiarly friendly to you? Circumstances speak too plainly to deny this, when it is known that all who gave the decisive and fatal vote were those who distribute the regium donum, except one, who is known to be particularly acquainted with some ministerial persons, a man of a weak and timid nature, and therefore peculiarly unfit to take the lead in a business of this kind. One ministerial tool, and false brother, is even said to have had the assurance to promise the ministry that they should have no disturbance from the dissenters this year. Does not the painful recollection of these things stimulate you to do something to wipe off your disgrace?
The measures that are now carrying on against the North American colonies are alone a sufficient indication of the disposition of the court towards you. The pretence for such outrageous proceedings, conducted with such indecent and unjust precipitation, is much too slight to account for them. The true cause of such violent animosity must have existed much earlier, and deeper.
In short, it can be nothing but the Americans (particularly those of New England) being chiefly dissenters and whigs; for the whole conduct of the present ministry demonstrates, that what was merit in the two late reigns is demerit in this. And can you suppose that those who are so violently hostile to the offspring of the English dissenters should be friendly to the remains of the parent flock? I trust, that both you and they will make it appear that you have not degenerated from the principles and spirit of your illustrious ancestors, and that you are no more to be outwitted or overawed than they were.
It is said that a great part of the resentment of the court against the dissenters has arisen from a notion that they were the chief abettors of Mr. Wilkes; and I believe that, in general, they were the friends of his cause, because it was the cause of liberty, and of the constitution. But they took no part in this business more than the other friends of this country, except that dissenters, having more depending upon public liberty, are more interested to keep a watchful eye upon every thing that relates to it; so that if your conduct in this affair has given peculiar offence, it must have been because the same conduct appears more offensive in you than in any others, which implies a prejudice against you as dissenters, of which you ought to be apprized, that you may act accordingly.
Do not imagine, however, that what I have hitherto said is a preamble to a declaration of war, or that I wish you to take arms in defence of your liberties, as your brethren in America will probably be compelled to do. That were equally ineffectual and improper. But it is most earnestly to be wished that you would exert yourselves in doing what the constitution of your country both permits and requires of all good citizens. Carefully avoid all undue influence on the approaching election, and strenuously exert yourselves to procure a return of men who are known to be friends to civil and religious liberty.
Attend particularly to the characters of the several candidates for whom your votes are requested. Regard none of their professions of zeal for the public service, but look to their past conduct; and if in any case they have promoted the corrupt measures of the court, and have concurred in passing any of the late laws that are unfavourable to your liberties, be not accessory to their future crimes, by giving them another opportunity of betraying you, and acting the same part over again. More especially avoid, as you would the pestilence, every man who voted against the repeal of the oppressive laws to which you are exposed, and take every proper method of expressing your just sense of their enmity towards you. Consider them as the declared enemies of liberty, justice, and humanity.
The conduct of the quakers is said to be peculiarly chaste and exemplary with respect to elections. They join as a body to discountenance all undue influence, and admit not the smallest favour, or hardly a civility, from those for whom they give their votes. And certainly
you cannot too carefully avoid all suspicion of corruption in a business of so much importance, and where freedom and independence of mind are so much concerned.
The popular cry against members of parliament is, that they are corrupt, subservient to all the measures of the court; and that, in fact, they sell their constituents. But is it really any wonder that a man should sell what he is known to have bought and paid for? Instead of making the office a matter of favour, honour, and trust, is it not made exceedingly burthensome and expensive to them? And is this an age in which a man can be expected to be at very great expences, without endeavouring to reimburse himself? There are characters so truly disinterested and great. I could name several such; but, certainly, it were absurd to expect they should be found every where.
If then you would have it in your power, with any face and decency, to call your constituents to account, or even upbraid them for sacrificing their liberties in the house, do not oblige them to sacrifice their fortunes in order to get thither. Have no demands upon them before they enter upon their office, that you may have the more afterwards.
An eminent foreigner has foretold, "that England will lose its liberty whenever the legislative part of the constitution should be more corrupt than the executive." But he had no occasion to have said so much. Our liberties must necessarily be gone, whenever the power of the house of commons shall be united to that of the crown, whether the court be corrupt or not. For how can there be any equilibrium, when every weight is thrown into one scale. But he might have said farther, and more to my present purpose, that the house of commons will lose its liberty and independence whenever it be more corrupt than the elected.
If, therefore, you wish that your representatives be uncorrupt and independent, first shew them the example of being so yourselves. This step is certainly necessary in order to gain your point, though it will not absolutely insure it. The disease may perhaps be too desperate for any power of medicine; acquit yourselves however of all just blame, by applying all such as are of approved efficacy. This conduct will at least mitigate the evil, and make you the objects of compassion in your sufferings.
The diseases of our constitution are too many to yield to any remedy, while the court has so much to give, and so many lucrative places to dispose of; so that it is to be feared, that though your members be sent to parliament in the most uncorrupt and honourable manner, they will not long continue uncorrupt. It is too much to be expected of human nature, especially in this luxurious and expansive age.
The radical fault is in the administration of the revenues. If this were in proper hands, and managed with propriety and frugality, so that no part of it, and no place created by it, should come into the hands of your representatives, or if the multitude of places were reduced to such only as are necessary and their enormous emoluments to a more equitable payment for service done, it could not be made the interest of your servants to betray you, and they would then make your interest their own, because there would be no other to come into competition with it.
But though an effectual remedy may not be found, a palliative may be administered, which may abate the virulence of the disease, and procure time for the application of something more efficacious. Though you cannot remove every temptation to which your representatives are exposed, because many of them arise from others, at least remove all those that depend upon yourselves. However they may be influenced to betray your interest after their return to parliament, let them not have it in their power to excuse their conduct by any necessity laid upon them antecedent to their being returned.
There is the more reason why we, in England, should watch with care and jealousy over the remains of our civil liberty, because the state of the rest of Europe is so extremely critical and alarming in this respect. In no part of the world was there ever such a scene of revolutions as there has been in this. Power has shifted and fluctuated in a most extraordinary manner among the different ranks of men, people, lords, clergy, and princes. But, after almost all the modes and combinations of which the distribution of power is capable, it has at length almost wholly, and every where, reverted to the princes; so that they are nearly as arbitrary in Europe as in the east, though established maxims and customs (from which results, what we call the spirit of the times) have hitherto prevented their giving into so wanton an abuse of their power. But a longer continuance in power may be attended with these excesses, as was the case with the Romans.

in their inductive history, we see as brave and as high-spirited a people as the English, tamely submitting to so vile an abuse of power, as one would have thought a priori , had been absolutely impossible among men; indeed such a thing in the shape of man could be trained to be. And why may not this be the case with us? We have already taken the first step towards it in the corruption and venality of the lower ranks of the people. Had not they been needy, profligate, and willing to sell themselves, Sylla, Cæsar, or Augustus had never been their masters.
Such, however, is the state of Europe, in all the states of which the princes were originally, the farthest in the world from being arbitrary; that they are now almost universally so. Indeed not one who bears the name of king is excepted besides that of Great Britain. And when things shall be equally ripe for it, who can tell but that, by a revolution as sudden as that of Denmark, or more lately that of Sweden, the very forms of our free constitution may be set aside at once, and undisguised despotism take place. It is no disparagement to the English to say that they are not more brave or independent than the Swedes, and it is certainly not saying less than the truth, of our princes, to affirm, that like the kings of Sweden, they are men .
Supposing now the three powers of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, to have completed the partition of Poland, in which they have already made considerable progress; nothing will remain but the much-vaunted work of similar partition of the states of Switzerland , of the united provinces, and despotism will without controul rule all the continent of Europe. Shall we flatter ourselves that these islands will remain a sanctuary for the sons of freedom, and not (after having been the testators of the progress of arbitrary power abroad ) become the last and most dreadful sacrifice to it?
The hope of mankind (who have been so long debased and trampled upon by forms of unequal government) is that, in time, this horrible evil may find its own antidote and cure. Kings being always worse educated than other men, the race of them may be expected to degenerate, till they be little better than idiots, as is the case already with several of them, needless to be named, and, it is said, will be the case with others, when the present reigning princes shall be no more; while those that are not the objects of contempt will be the objects of hatred and execration .
In this situation, the temptation to men to assert their natural rights, and seize the invaluable blessings of freedom, will be very great; and it may be hoped that, enlightened as the world now is, with respect to the theory of government, and taught by the experience of so many past ages, they will no more suffer themselves to be transferred, like the live stock of a farm, from one worn out soil to another, but establish every where forms of equal and equal government, by which at infinitely less expense than they are now to be oppressed and abused, every man may be secured in the enjoyment of as much of his natural rights as is consistent with the good of the whole community. If this should ever be the case, even past usurpations of the pope will not excite more astonishment and indignation, than the present disgraceful subjection of the many to the few in civil respects.
PART II.
MY FELLOW CITIZENS,
S your late representatives have acted as if they were the representatives of all North America, in that assumed capacity have engaged in measures which threaten nothing less than the ruin of the whole British empire, it were greatly to be wished that their successors might learn by their example to know themselves better, and keep within their proper province. This is a business of so much consequence, that I cannot help joining a few plain considerations relating to it. True that I can advance nothing new upon the subject but I shall endeavour to comprise the merits of the subject in a very small compass, which may give it a chance of being better understood; and some advantage may from the same things being said in a different manner and upon a different occasion.
The minds of many, indeed, are so obstinately shut against conviction, and they are so blindly bent on pushing the vindictive schemes of the present ministry, with regard to reason or consequences, that I despair of making any impression upon them. But I wish to address myself to those who have not yet taken their part, or though they may have been deceived by the false in which this affair has been represented, are cool enough to attend to what may be said on the other side. Such I should think that some impression might be made by three considerations; one drawn from the nature of our constitution, another from the nature of the principles of liberty in general, and the third from the effects which the oppression of America have on the liberties of this country.
As ever been a fundamental maxim in our government, that the representatives of the people should have a voice in enacting all the laws by which they are governed, and that they should have the sole power of giving their own money. Without these privileges there can be no true British liberty. These maxims were so well understood, and were held so inviolable in all former times, that though all the kings of this country, since the conquest, have had several realms , or principalities subject to them, each has always had its separate legislative body, its separate laws, and its separate system of taxation; and no one of them ever thought of laying a tax upon another.
When the kings of England were likewise dukes of Normandy, and held other principalities in France, the English parliament never thought of making laws for the Normans, or the Normans for the English; and still less did either of them presume to tax the other. Scotland, though united under one head with England, had its own system of laws, and taxation, altogether independent of the English, till the union of the parliaments of both nations. Wales also, and several counties palatine , taxed themselves, without any controul from the parliament of England; and so does Ireland to this day. So independent were all these governments of one another, though the same king had a negative upon the resolutions of them all, that when a man fled from any one of the
realms, and took refuge in another, he was as effectually exempted from the jurisdiction of the country he had left, as if he had gone into the dominions of another prince; so that no process at law commenced in the former could affect him.
Agreeably to these ideas, it could not but have been understood, that when many of our ancestors, the old puritans, quitted the realm of England, they freed themselves from the laws of England. Indeed they could have had no other motive for leaving this country; and how could they have expected any relief from taking refuge in America, if they had found in that country, or carried with them the same laws and the same administration by which they were aggrieved in this? But going into a country which was out of the realm of England, and not occupied, they found themselves at first without any laws whatever. But they enacted laws for themselves, voluntarily chusing, from their regard to the country from which they came, to have the same common head and center of concord, the king of Great Britain, and therefore submitted to his negative upon all their proceedings. They adopted as many of the laws of England as they chose, but no more; and if they had preferred the laws of Scotland, those of Ireland, or those of any foreign country, they were at liberty to have done it.
These colonists also provided for the expences of their own separate governments, granting the kind aids for that purpose, according to their own judgment and ability, without the interference of the English parliament, till the fatal period of the stamp act , which was absolutely an innovation in our constitution, confounding the first and fundamental ideas belonging to the system of different realms subject to the same king, and even introduced a language quite new to us, viz. that of America being subject to England . For America was never thought to be within the realm of England, any more than Scotland or Ireland. If there have been any exceptions to this system of legislation, or taxation, with respect to America, it has been the exercise of tyranny, and it has not been the less so for having been disguised, or having passed without suspicion.
According to the language that was universally in use till of late years, to say that America was subject to England , would have been considered as equally absurd, with saying, that it was subject to Ireland or to Hanover, that is, the subject of subjects, all being equally subject to one king, who is himself subject to the laws, and who is no longer our legal and rightful king , than he is so. In this great principle the very essence of our liberty, and the independent liberty of each part of the common empire , consists.
Secondly, with respect to the principles of liberty in general, I would observe, that if any realm or country be taxed by another, the people so taxed have no proper liberty left, but are in a state of as absolute despotism as any of which we read in history, or of which we can form an idea; since the same foreign power that can take one penny from them without their consent, may take the last penny that they have; so that, in fact, they have no property at all of their own, every thing they have being at the mercy of others. This would be the case with England, if we were taxed at the pleasure of the king, or by the parliament of Ireland, or by the houses of representatives of America; it would be the case of the Irish if they were taxed by the English; and therefore it will be the case of the Americans if they be taxed by us.
It is said that Leeds, Manchester, and other large towns in England, send no representatives to parliament, and yet are taxed by it. But there is this very essential and obvious difference between their case and that of the Americans, viz. that those who tax Leeds, Manchester, &c. always tax themselves at the same time, and in the same proportion; and while this is the case, those towns have no reason to be apprehensive of partiality or oppression. To make the cases parallel, let the parliament lay a separate tax on the towns that send no representatives, and exempt from such tax those that do send members. In this case, I doubt not, but the unrepresented towns would complain as loudly as the Americans do now, who see that we assume a power of loading them, and easing ourselves; and that we are endeavouring to establish a principle, which will at once give us all the property they have. If there be in nature a justifiable case of resistance to government, it is this; and if the Americans have any thing of the spirit of Englishmen, they will risk every thing, rather than submit to such a claim. They are willing to be our fellow subjects , having the same common head; but are not willing to be our slaves .
It is alledged that we have protected the Americans, and that they ought to pay for that protection; but have we not also protected Ireland and the electorate of Hanover without pretending either to make laws for them or to tax them? What we may do, or attempt to do, when this new doctrine shall have been established in the case of the Americans, is as yet unknown. Any favour that we do to the Americans certainly gives us a claim upon their gratitude, but it does not make them our slaves. Besides they have, in many respects, made abundant requital, and we were actually reaping a rich harvest for the little we have sowed in that fruitful soil. But our present ministry resemble the man who would kill the hen that laid the golden eggs, in order that he might come at all the treasure at once; and the event will equally disappoint them both, or rather they resemble the dog, who, by catching at the shadow, lost the substance.
Many persons of this country are so grossly ignorant as to imagine that while we are heavily taxed for the welfare of the common empire, and have even incurred a prodigious debt on that account, the Americans pay nothing at all. But have not the Americans their own separate governments to support, as well as we have ours, and do they not tax themselves for that purpose, and do we help them to bear any part of those taxes? If they incur debts, as they sometimes do, do they not discharge them as well as they can? And should we not laugh at them if they should pretend to have any demand upon us for the payment of them? Should we not also treat the Irish with the same contempt in the same case?
In a common cause the Americans have always been ready to exert themselves with as much zeal as we have shown; nay, by our own acknowledgment, they have done more; for at the close of the last war we voluntarily
voted them large sums of money, because we were sensible that they had exerted themselves even beyond their ability. But their exertions were voluntary , as was our acknowledgment.
As to the conduct of the present ministry with respect to America, it is no part of my present argument; but I cannot help observing, that it must give pain to every reasonable man to see an English parliament so readily giving their sanction to measures so exceedingly absurd and ruinous. Admitting that the East India company has been injured by some of the inhabitants of Boston, reasonable people would have contented themselves with demanding satisfaction, and would not have punished the innocent with the guilty, by blocking up their port.
An offence of this nature could not in reason draw upon them the abolition of their charter; demonstrates that none of the colonies have the security for so much as the form of a free constitution being at the mercy of a foreign power.
An offence of this kind did not require that a fleet eleven ships of war, and eight regiments should be sent hither, with a power to commit all crimes and murders with impunity, and that the wretched inhabitants should be compelled, upon every accusation, to leave their friends, and submit to a trial, and consequently an iniquitous trial, in a foreign country; an instance of oppression which, of itself, is absolutely intolerable, and which it cannot be that any person who has arms in his hand, will not resist that of a man within him, can possibly submit to.
What man, in any government of his country provided him no satisfaction for the murder of a near relation or friend (which will necessarily be the case, when a trial cannot be had upon the spot, or without crossing the Atlantic ocean, whither he cannot carry his witnesses, and still less his feelings) will not think him not only excuseable, but even bound in conscience to take his own satisfaction, and engage his private force to assist him in procuring blood for blood?
I need not ask any Englishman how the Americans (who a prelatial tyranny drove from this country, and who are now grown numerous, strong, and high spirited under a very different treatment) must feel in these circumstances; especially when, at the same time, they see the boundaries of Canada extended, and made a perfect arbitrary government, as a model no doubt, for their own, in due time, and a check upon them till that time. It is what he himself would feel in the same circumstances.
Lassly, do you imagine, my fellow citizens, that we can sit still, and be the idle spectators of the chains which are forging for our brethren in America, with safety to ourselves? Let us suppose America to be compleatly enslaved, in consequence of which the English court can command all the money, and all the force of that country; will they like to be so arbitrary abroad, and have their power confined at home, especially as troops in abundance can be transported in a few weeks from America to England, where, with the present standing army, they may instantly reduce us to what they please? And can it be supposed that the Americans, being slaves themselves, and having been enslaved by us, will not, in return, willingly contribute themselves to bring us into the same condition?
These considerations are so obvious, that I think none but a very obstinate man can help seeing them. Indeed the nature of it is of so gross a nature, and of so dangerous a kind, that I cannot help thinking it resembles that which usually proceeds the downfall of states; and it calls to my mind the Latin proverb, Deus vult perdere prius dementat .
Philip the second, and the king of Spain, at the height of its power, so as to threaten Europe with universal monarchy, were under a like infatuation. That obstinate prince imagined that he could easily reduce the Belgic provinces by writing dispatches from his closet. The thing that was really effected by all his orders, generals, his fleets, and his armies, after a bloody war of many years, was the independency of those provinces, and the ruin of Spain.
We too affect to speak with the same contempt of the people of North America, though the disparity of forces between Great Britain and them is nothing, compared with the apparent disparity between those of Spain and the Belgic provinces.
Also, because the Americans have more of the appearance of religion than ourselves, we ridicule them as hypocrites . But if they be such hypocrites as the puritanical party in England (whom the royalists diverted themselves with stigmatizing in the same manner) in the time of civil war, true valour and perseverance will go hand with their hypocrisy; and the history of our approaching contest will teach mankind the same lesson our last, and shew the different effects of sobriety or figacy in soldiers. The king began with a manifest advantage in point of discipline and generals; and so was he in this war. But it soon appeared that generals and discipline are more easily acquired than principles; and in the course of two or three years, the superiority of parliamentary forces was as great in one respect as in the other.
To pursue this subject, would carry me far beyond the bounds of my present purpose. I shall therefore return to it, by earnestly advising to oppose, at the next election, every candidate, who, in the present parliament, has concurred in the late atrocious attempts to establish arbitrary power over so great a part of the British empire, to the imminent hazard of our most valuable commerce, and of that national strength, security, and felicity, which depend on UNION AND LIBERTY. If you make any terms with your future representatives, do not forget to require of them, to do by others as they would have others do by them. It is only by justice, equity, and generosity that nations, as well as individuals, can expect to flourish; and by the violation of them, both single persons, and states, in the course of the righteous providence of God, involve themselves in disgrace and ruin.
That thinking persons may form some idea of what we have to expect from a war with our colonies, I shall conclude with citing two paragraphs from Doctor Price's additional preface to his appeal to the public, on the subject of the national debt .
"Before the revolution, the supplies of every year were raised within the year, by temporary taxes. After

the revolution this became too difficult; and money was raised by perpetuating and anticipating the taxes, and forming them into funds for discharging the principal and interest of sums borrowed upon them. But even in this way, sufficient supplies for carrying on king William's and queen Anne's wars could not have been procured, had it not been for the establishment of the bank. This provided a substitute for money, which answered all its purposes, and enabled the nation to make payments that it could not otherwise have made.
From that period, paper credit and taxes have been encreasing together. When moderate, these promote trade, by quickening industry, supplying with a medium of traffic, and producing improvements; but when excessive, they ruin trade, by rendering the means of subsistence too dear, distressing the poor, and raising the price of labour, and manufactures. They are now, among us, in this state of excess; and, in conjunction with some other causes, have brought us into a situation, which is, I think, unparalleled in the history of mankind—hanging on paper, and yet weighed down by heavy burdens: Trade necessary to enable us to support an enormous debt, and yet that debt, together with an excess of paper money, working continually towards the destruction of trade; public spirit, independency, and virtue, undermined by luxury, and yet luxury necessary to our existence. Other kingdoms have enacted sumptuary laws for suppressing luxury; were we to do this with any considerable effect the consequence might prove fatal. In short, were our people to avoid destroying themselves by intemperance, or only to leave off the use of one or two foreign weeds, the revenue would become deficient, and a public bankruptcy might ensue. On such grounds it is impossible that any kingdom should stand long. A dreadful convulsion cannot be very distant. The next war will scarcely leave a chance for escaping it. But we are threatened with it sooner: An en rupture with the colonies may bring it on immediately.
The poor rate alone is now equal to all the ordinary taxes formerly, and the expenses of peace double to those of war in King William's time.
Mr. PINKNEY,
As you at present sustain the character of public printer, it is expected of you that you should communicate to the public all such matters as materially concern them. In this many of his majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, and your readers, appear to be disappointed; for while the country are alarmed with the apprehensions of the expenses attending the late campaign to the westward, and dread heavy taxes, and another emission of paper money, joy and gladness seem to reign in the city of Williamsburg. All your readers are glad to hear of his excellency's arrival at your city, and pleased with the addition to his domestic felicity, but till they have some more particular account of the rise, progress, and conclusion, of the late manoeuvres on the frontiers than has hitherto appeared, they cannot partake of that unfeigned joy and gladness that distils itself so plentifully through Williamsburg. It may reasonably be supposed that you can, from proper authority, give a satisfactory account of these matters, and until you do it, many of your readers will think themselves neglected. Pray do not omit the article of expense that may arise to the country (if any) and let us know what influence it may probably have in raising the exchange. This is expected of you, and if you cannot comply with it, be pleased to publish your reasons, with this letter.
I am sorry that the above correspondent, and many of my readers, as he tells me, are displeased with my papers of late, on account of their not containing a minute detail of the expenses his lordship has been at with respect to his late manoeuvres, &c. It would be useless to give a long answer to the gentleman's letter; indeed, I have not time to do it. All I can say is, that reports have been various; inasmuch, that I have not been able to draw any satisfactory conclusion, or I should most readily have obliged those readers whom I have so unluckily neglected. In a little time our assembly meets; at that period, in all probability, the gentleman will be more sufficiently informed, and from far greater authority, than I am at present able to produce, with the late disturbances to the westward, and also of the expenses which may have attended them.
THE PRINTER.
LONDON, October 24.
FOLLOWING IS MR. EDMUND BURKE'S SPEECH TO THE ELECTORS OF BRISTOL.
GENTLEMEN, come hither to solicit, in person, that favour which my friends hitherto endeavoured to procure for me, by the most obliging, and to the most honourable exertions. I have so high an opinion of the great trust which you have to confer on this occasion, and, by long experience, so just a diffidence in my abilities, to fill it in a manner adequate even to my own ideas, that I should never have ventured of myself to intrude into that awful situation. But since I am called upon by the desire of several respectable fellow subjects, as I have done at other times, I give up my fears to their wishes. Whatever my other deficiencies may be, I do not know what it is to be wanting to my friends. I am not fond of attempting to raise public expectation by great promises. At this time there is much cause to consider, and very little to presume. We seem to be approaching to a great crisis in our affairs, which calls for the whole wisdom of the wisest among us, without being able to assure ourselves that any wisdom can preserve us from many and great inconveniences. You know I speak of our unhappy contest with America. I confess it is a matter on which I look down as from a precipice. It is difficult in itself, and it is rendered more intricate by a variety of plans of conduct. I do not mean to enter into them. I suspect a want of good intention in framing them. But however the intentions of their authors may have been, we all know the event has been unfortunate. The means of recovering our are not obvious. So many great questions of commerce, of constitution, and of policy, are involved in this American question, that I dare engage, for nothing, but that I shall give it, out any predilection to former opinions, or any sinister bias whatever, the honest and impartial consideration of which I am capable. The public has a full right to it; and this great city, a main pillar in the commercial interest of Great Britain, must better on its base by the slightest mistake, with regard to our American measures. Thus much, however, I think it not amiss to lay before you: That I am not, I hope, apt to take up or lay down my opinion lightly. I have held, and ever shall maintain, to the best of my power, unimpaired and undiminished, the just, wise, and necessary constitutional superiority of Great Britain. This is necessary for America, as well as for us. I never mean to depart from it. Whatever may be lost by it, I avow it. The forfeiture even of your favour, if by such a declaration I could forfeit it, though the first object of my ambition, never will make me disguise my sentiments on this subject.
But I have ever had a clear opinion, and have ever held a constant correspondent conduct, that this superiority is consistent with all the liberties a sober and spirited American ought to desire. I never mean to put any colonist, or any human creature, in a situation not becoming a free man. To reconcile British superiority with American liberty shall be my great object, as far as my little faculties extend. I am far from thinking that both, even yet, may not be preserved.
When I first devoted myself to the public service, I considered how I should render myself fit for it; and this I did by endeavouring to discover what it was, that gave this country the rank it holds in the world; I found that our prosperity and dignity arose principally, if not solely, from two sources; our constitution and commerce. Both these I have spared no study to understand, and to endeavour to support.
The distinguishing part of our constitution is its liberty. To preserve that liberty inviolate seems the particular duty, and proper trust, of a member of the house of commons. But the liberty, the only liberty I mean, is a liberty connected with order, that not only exists along with order and virtue, but which cannot exist at all without them. It inheres in good and steady government, as in its substance and vital principle. The other source of our power is commerce, of which you are so large a part, and which cannot exist, more than your liberty, without a connection with money.
think many here are acquainted with the truth of what I say. This I know, that I have ever had my house open, and my poor services ready, for traders and manufacturers of every denomination. My favourite ambition is to have those services acknowledged. I now appear before you to make trial, whether my earnest endeavours have been so wholly oppressed by the weakness of my abilities as to be rendered insignificant in the eyes of a great trading city, or whether you chose to give a weight to humble abilities, for the sake of the honest exertions with which they are accompanied. This is my trial to-day. My industry is not on trial; of my industry I am sure, as far as my constitution of mind and body admitted.
When I was invited by many respectable merchants, freeholders, and freemen, of this city, to offer them my services, I had just received the honour of an election at another place, at a very great distance from this. I immediately opened the matter to those of my worthy constituents who were with me, and they unanimously advised me not to decline it; that they had elected me with a view to the public services; and that as great questions relative to our commerce and colonies were imminent, that in such matters I might derive authority and support from the representation of this great commercial city; they desired me therefore to set off without delay, very well persuaded that I never could forget my obligations to them, or to my friends, for the choice they had made of me. From that time to this instant I have not slept, and if I should have the honour of being freely chosen by you, I hope I shall be as far from slumbering or sleeping, when your service requires me to be awake, as I have been in coming to offer myself a candidate for your favour.
October 26. A letter from a gentleman of veracity, who was present at the late sale of the French East India company's goods at l'Orient, says: "That the merchants of Nantes purchased there almost all the tea, and are going to embark it for America, in order to sell it, in a clandestine manner, to the English colonies. It is pretended some of the officers of the English ships on that station favour such commerce. Several ships belonging to Bourdeaux, Rochelle, and Marseilles, are arrived in those ports with rich returns, in exchange for all sorts of silk and woollen goods, stockings, linen, &c. which they have sold there by the same means. The manufacturers at Louviers, Rhodes, Sedan, and Poitou, in the woollen branch, and those of Lyons and Nimes, in the silks, have been so fully employed for 18 months past that the workmen can with difficulty supply the demands. This shews the effect of the act of parliament made against the colonies. M. de Vergennes will take advantage of the mistakes of the English government, to ruin their commerce, and augment that of France; and unless a speedy remedy be applied, in less than six months, England will lose all the commerce of her colonies."
An estimate by bills of lading of all the British manufactures which were shipped last summer for America, and have lately been returned on merchants hands in London, and other out ports, is ordered to be laid before the privy council.
Tuesday two fellows took snuff for a wager at a public house, Goswell street, till one of them strangled himself, and died on the spot. A coroner was sent for, but his assistance was in vain.
WILLIAMSBURG.
By the Peggy, Fisher, just arrived in James river, we learn that Mr. WILKES is at length LORD MAYOR of London, to the great displeasure of his majesty. The mob, upon this occasion, was extremely clamorous, going through the streets with a continual cry of WILKES and LIBERTY! and shewed every other mark of joy and gladness that so proper a person was chosen for the mayoralty. Captain Fisher also informs that the new parliament was sitting before his departure from England.
At a meeting of the freeholders of the county of Caroline, assembled at the courthouse, on Thursday the 8th day of December, 1774, for the purpose of chusing a committee to see that the association is duly kept, agreeable to the resolutions of the continental congress, the following persons were elected: Edmund Pendleton, James Taylor, Walker Taliaferro, William Nelson, James Upshaw, William Woodford, Anthony Thornton, George Baylor, Thomas Lomax, Richard Johnson, John Tennent, George Taylor, John Minor, Thomas Loury, John Armistead, John Jones, George Guy, Benjamin Hubbard, Samuel Haws, and Edmund Pendleton, junior, gentlemen.
Edmund Pendleton, esquire, was unanimously elected chairman of the committee, and Samuel Haws, junior, appointed clerk. SAMUEL HAWS, Clerk.
THURSDAY, December 4, 1776.
ORDERED, that the clerks of the several county courts in this colony do transmit to the clerk of this house, in the first part of every meeting of the GENERAL ASSEMBLY, a list of the titheables in their counties, containing the names of such titheables; and that they transmit also, at the same time, a list of the public charges of their respective counties;
Ordered, that the clerk of this house do cause the same to be published in the Virginia gazette, BY THE HOUSE OF BURGESSES. G. WYTHE, C. H. B.
I have already received copies of the lists of titheables in Accomack, Amelia, Caroline, Charles City, Dinwiddie, Dunmore, Isle of Wight, King and Queen, King William, Lancaster, Mecklenburg, Middlesex, Northumberland, Princess Anne, and Prince William, and certificates of the numbers of titheables, on which the levies were laid, in Charlotte and Halifax, with the accounts of the two latter counties, and of Lancaster, against the public. G. WYTHE.
To be SOLD, at the plantation of Mr. William Cammock, junior, in Spotsylvania county, on the 2d Tuesday in January next,
ALL the PERSONAL ESTATE of William Cammock, junior, deceased, consisting of cattle, hogs, and plantation utensils; likewise several fine colts of the first blood in Virginia, one 3 years old, a stone colt, got by colonel Taylor's Yorick, his dam a Fearnought, out of a Diamond; also a grey, 2 years old, and very large to age, got by Fearnought, out of a Nonpareil mare; likewise a fine Diamond mare and filly colt, got by captain Upshaw's Trifram Shandy; with many others, too tedious to mention. Credit will be given till the first day of August, 1775, the purchaser giving bond and security to MARY CAMMOCK, Administratrix.
To be SOLD, on Wednesday the 25th of January next, at the Rocky Ridge,
THIRTY valuable Virginia born SLAVES, consisting of men, women, and children. Twelve months credit for one half, and two years for the remainder. Bond and security will be required, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid to PHILIP W. CLAIBORNE'S EXECUTORS.
WILLIAMSBURG, December 21, 1774.
To be SOLD, on Monday the 6th day of January, THE houses and lots of the late Matthew Tewell, deceased, very pleasantly situated in St. Mary's street, leading to the capitol landing, with a well of good water. At the same time will be sold, a great variety of exceeding good household and kitchen furniture, carpenters, joiners, and turners tools; a quantity of timber, plank, boards, and pipe staves, a riding chair, &c. &c. on six months credit. Bond, with sufficient security, will be required for all sums above fifty shillings. All persons that are indebted to the said estate are desired to make immediate payment, and all those who have any demands are desired to bring them in, properly authenticated. MARY TEWELL, executrix.
For SALE,
By the SUBSCRIBER,
THE FOLLOWING PARTICULARS, viz. COFFEE, single and lump sugar, brown ditto, butter, cheese, molasses, candles, bacon, hard soap, vinegar, and many other articles, which, to mention, is too tedious. I have two hogheads of good West India rum, which will be sold reasonably to any person that will apply soon; or if it would not be convenient to purchase the whole, I will draw it off, but not under ten gallons. Ready cash must be paid for the above articles. Also for sale, a very good horse and chair, having every thing complete for them, three feather beds, half a dozen of black walnut chairs, two or three black walnut tables, a looking glass, some pictures, and other household furniture. Credit for these articles will be allowed till the 10th of June next; or longer, if required, on bond and good security. Likewise an excellent negro wench to be sold, for which credit will be given till next October. Bond and security will be expected.
N. B. A good, well disposed woman, properly recommended, will meet with great encouragement by applying to me. Her whole business will be, as I have long laboured under a cruel disorder, to take care of me, and to see that family affairs are properly regulated.
I have two or three rooms to LET to young gentlemen; the price of which will be far from unreasonable. DANIEL BAXTER.
TAKEN up, a pied steer, each ear marked with something like a swallow fork, said to be poled and appraised.
THE owners of 200 acres of LAND, drawn in colonel Ernard Moore's lottery, in Caroline county, are desired to make it known to Edmund Pendleton and Peter Lyons, esquires, administrators at John Robinson, esquire, numbered in the said lottery 12 and 47.
LOST, in the road, the 18th of November last, about 3 miles above Hanover town, a piece of Irish HOLLAND, 25 yards in quantity, wrapped in blue paper, and in an oznabrig wallet marked with copperas cotton W A. Whoever will deliver the said piece of holland to Mr. Thomas Simpson of Hanover town, or the subscriber in the said county, shall be entitled to a reward of 30s. THOMAS ANDERSON.
WHEREAS Hannah Burk, daughter of Patrick and Mary Burk, was taken prisoner by the Shawanese Indians, but was relieved from them about three years ago, is now living at Fort Pitt, and married to one Robert Robabuck, has heard her mother was living on Hogan's Creek, Dan River, in Orange county, North Carolina, but has reason to believe she has since moved, any account given of her parents to Mr. Thomas Dalton, of Pittsburg, will be forever acknowledged. She was a captive about 10 years. Her mother was taken at the same time, and relieved at colonel Bouquet's treaty.
RICHMOND county, December 10, 1774.
Mr. PINKNEY,
OBSERVING lately an advertisement in your paper, under the signature of Joseph de Sabbe, informing the public of his arrival and proposed residence in Williamsburg, in the character of a physician, and as such professing a rare depth of skill in effecting the cure of several dangerous diseases, we whose names are hereunto subscribed, actuated by a principle of the purest regard for the welfare of the community we live in, and effecting our bounden duty as members thereof, to endeavour, by all possible means in our power, to obviate every (what we conceive) intended imposition upon any part of the fame, do certify, that having been for some time afflicted with a hectic disorder, and prevailed upon by his pompous recommendation of himself, whereby he obtained a little credit among us, in the course of the last year we became his patients; in which capacity we continued five or six months, adhering most invariably, through the whole time, to every regimen by him prescribed for our observation. Notwithstanding this strict attention, finding ourselves considerably weakened, rather than relieved, we at length deemed it highly expedient to decline any further use of his simple applications, for with these only he pretended to practise, which deep was generally found necessary to be pursued by almost all who were unlucky enough to have employed him in these neighbourhoods. This suspicion in us, of his want of acquaintance with physic, seems to well strengthened by many concurrent accounts received from Maryland, where he resided a short time before his coming hither, that we think ourselves sufficiently authorized to make this insertion. We are, Sir, Your most obedient servants,
JAMES WEBB, NEWMAN MISKELL.
The subscribers having applied to the above mentioned Joseph de Sabbe for his assistance in several kinds of sickness, so fully experienced therein the ill success attending his practice, that we do most cordially agree in sentiment, respecting him, with the above gentlemen.
SAMUEL HERRINGTON, ISAAC ALLOWAY.
WILLIAMSBURG, December 12, 1774.
THE subscriber intends going to England about the middle of February next, and requests the favour of all persons indebted to him to be as speedy as possible in their payments; those who cannot immediately pay, are requested to settle their accounts by giving bond, with approved security. And whereas many debts due to the estate of Mr. Thomas Hornsby, deceased, yet remain unsettled, notwithstanding many former advertisements relative thereto, all persons indebted to the same are earnestly requested to settle, and if they cannot immediately pay, to give bond to the subscriber, with approved security. All debts that remain unsettled will be left in the hands of my attorney, with directions to commence suits as soon as the courts of justice are opened. The subscriber has on hand about 1200l. sterling worth of European goods, which he would sell wholesale, at a low advance, and allow credit; also 500 acres of land, in James City county, to dispose of, very cheap, and on long credit. JOSEPH HORNSBY.
CHARLES CITY, December 10, 1774.
To be RENTED for a year, and entered on at A TRACT of LAND on Powhatan Swamp, in containing, by an old survey, 550 acres, the farm is not more than 6 miles from Williamsburg. This is verified for sale, and now would willingly sell it at a price much under its real value, as the wood is nearly to a gentleman in the city. At least 400 acres of the same are clear, which are exceeding good for grain, and several meadows, rich and firm, that, by little pains, may be made arable. If I do not part with the above by Christmas, I purpose to sell wood by the load, to those who chose to cart it. For further information apply to Mr. Robert Anderson, in Williamsburg, or the subscriber. JOHN TYLER.
WHEREAS about the ninth day of April, 1773, I Amos Livsey was arrested, or pretended to be arrested, by one Peter Williams, at the suit of Gloucester Hunnicutt, of the county of Sussex, merchant, which said Hunnicutt refused to accept bail, though I offered the same, and insisted the said Williams should take me to prison, unless I would give him security on my land in Prince George county for a debt of 24l. 10s. which he pretended to be due to him, when there was not 13l. due; I do hereby therefore give this notice to prevent any person or persons whatsoever from taking any assignment of my said land from the said Hunnicutt, being determined to pay only my own debt (for which I have given him notice) and not to deliver up to him, or any one else, the possession of my said land. AMOS LIVSEY.
HEREBY forewarn ALL PERSONS from HUNTING or SHOOTING on my LANDS at Westover and Buckland. W. BYRD.
To be SOLD, on Friday the 13th of January, if fair, otherwise next fair day, at a plantation near Peter'sburg, lately the property of doctor John Ravenel, to the highest bidder,
ABOUT twenty very likely NEGROES, chiefly Virginia born, consisting of men, women, boys, and girls; also several HORSES and CATTLE, a yoke of OXEN, a CART, all the UTENSILS of husbandry belonging to the said plantation, and a considerable quantity of FODDER. Twelve months credit will be allowed for all sums above 5l. the purchasers giving bond with approved security, and, if the bonds are not punctually discharged, to carry interest from the date. BOLLING STARK, Attorney for George McMurdo, and John Ravenel.
TEN POUNDS REWARD.
RUN away from the subscriber's plantation on Bull Run, the 7th of September last, a convict servant man, who says his name is John Horne, but was convicted by the name of Pooling Horne, and imported into Powhatan river, last month, in the ship Taylor. He is an Englishman, about 24 years of age, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, with short black hair, a smooth face, and a scar under his left eye. Had on, and took with him, an old blue sailor's jacket, very short, with small black buttons, set thick on both sides, a black waistcoat, cord dyed breeches, light marled stockings, and old shoes; also new light grey jacket and breeches of coarse cloth, with white metal buttons, and two new oznabrig shirts, with several other shirts, silk handkerchiefs, and other things. He carried off a likely black blooded mare, about 14 hands high, with a star on her forehead, branded on the near shoulder H, and on the near buttock M. I will give the above reward for the servant and the mare, delivered to me in Gloucester. ALEXANDER HENDERSON.
THERE was a hoghead of tobacco inspected at Rocky Ridge warehouse the 9th of August, 1769, for Francis Smith, and entered on our book, number 1370, 1170, 80, 1090, nett. If not claimed in time, it will be sold according to law. SCOTT and PANKEY, Inspectors.
TAKEN up in Spotsylvania, 4 sheep, viz. one ram, marked with a swallow fork in each ear; one ewe, marked with a crop, slit, and underclap in the right, and crop and underclap in the left; one wether, marked with a crop and slit in the right, and a crop in the left ear; the other is a lamb, unmarked. All the above sheep are white. Posted, and appraised to 1l. 18s. WILLIAM CARTER.
TAKEN up, in Orange, a small flea bitten grey horse, about 11 years old, and branded on the near buttock with a cross. Posted, and appraised to 3l. REUBEN DANIEL.
TAKEN up, on Deep Creek, in Cumberland, a bay mare, about 4 feet 6 inches high, with a white tail, and no brand per-

Mr. PINKNEY. An advertisement having appeared in your paper some time ago, signed John Green , the tendency of which may be extremely injurious to me, I should be glad, through your press, to controvert what the said Green has urged with respect to myself. He says that a partnership never existed between us, but only intended: In answer to which, I declare we were permanently engaged in partnership some time before the death of the late Mr. Henson ; at whose decease the said Green consulted me about purchasing a wench of Mr. Henson's widow, which I readily agreed to, as also towards purchasing a stock of goods; all which I looked upon myself culpable for, in case of default in him. It would be useless to take notice of the frequent reports of the said Green , relative to our partnership; I shall therefore rest my cause with those friends who have given me their custom, to whom I return my sincerest thanks.
All persons indebted to the above partnership are requested to make payment to me immediately, as I have the books in my possession; and those to whom we are indebted are desired to bring in their claims.
I think it necessary to inform the public that I now carry on the business for Mr. Richard Lewis , of Fredericksburg .
JOHN SORREL. (3)
W HEREAS David Hamilton obtained a bond illegally from the subscriber, therefore he forewarns all persons from taking an assignment of the same, as he will not answer it.
Frederick county, October 20, 1774. JAMES BLACKBURN.
Maryland, September 25, 1774.
F I F T E E N P O U N D S R E W A R D. R UN away last night, from Dorsey's forge, 3 servant men, viz. William George , born in England , about 34 years old, about 5 feet 7 inches high, has a down look, light coloured short hair, pock marked, round shouldered, and has had his left wrist broke, which occasions it to be much larger than his right; he is a carpenter and joiner by trade; had on and took with him, 1 check and 1 oznabrig shirt, old leather breeches, light blue jacket without sleeves, a small round hat, bound with black worsted, and has a small piece of crape tied round the crown, a pair of ribbed worsted stockings, and a pair of pumps, with steel buckles; he had on an iron collar.
Solomon Burnham , born in Yorkshire , and speaks in that dialect; he is about 26 years of age, about 5 feet 10 inches high, swarthy complexion, down look, short black curled hair; had on and took with him, 1 oznabrig shirt, blue grey jacket without sleeves, leather breeches, a coarse hat about half worn, a pair of yarn stockings, and 1 pair of shoes and buckles, professes himself to be a complete farmer, and had on an iron collar.
Samuel Chapman , an Englishman , 28 years of age, 5 feet 7 inches high, a lardy well made fellow, a little round shouldered, swarthy complexion, has a large bony face, thick lips, and a very full set of teeth; had on and took with him, a cloth jacket, 1 oznabrig and 1 check shirt, oznabrig trowsers, 2 pair of stockings, new shoes with buckles, and a new felt hat. Whoever takes up said servants, and brings them to the subscribers, shall have, if 20 miles from home, 30s. if 30 miles, 40s. and if 60 miles, 5s. for each, including what the law allows, and reasonable charges.
COMMITTED to the gaol of Hampton county a negro man named JOHN , who says he belongs to Jack Daffon in St. Martin's , in the West Indies , and was sold to him by captain Atkinson , at whose quarter, in Charles City county , he formerly lived. He is about 5 feet 9 inches high, and has on an oznabrig shirt, green coat, and rolls breeches. The owner is desired to prove his property, pay charges, and take him away.
TAKEN UP , in Spotsylvania , a sorrel mare, 3 years old last spring, about 4 feet 6 inches high, with two small black spots in her forehead, and branded on the near buttock WH in a piece, as near as can be made out. Posted, and appraised to 3l.
T O B E S O L D. T HE purchase I lately made of Warner Washington , esquire, consisting of an exceeding good BRICK HOUSE , five windows in front, a very good KITCHEN and LAUNDRY , COACH HOUSE and STABLES , the latter entirely new, NEGRO QUARTERS , &c. together with 2000 acres of LAND , more or less, whereof about 500 adjoin to the house, and the rest in two tracts, contiguous to each other, lies but at a little distance, on one part of which are two new CORN MILLS and sufficient QUARTERS for negroes, the other part is in three under tenants; also an exceeding well watered pond , which (before the addition of a new sluice) was a mill of corn a year. Likewise all the stock of horned cattle , horses , belonging to the farm, English and country made ploughs, carts, waggon, axes, and all other implements of husbandry, together with all or any part of the corn, wheat, fodder, and the rest of the stock in hand and in the ground; and also the stock of NEGROES , consisting of 11 men, 3 women, and 8 children, will be all sold together with the land, or separately, as the purchaser may chuse. All or any part of the household and kitchen furniture (plate and pictures excepted) linen, china, books, &c. with the stock of liquors in the cellar, will be disposed of; likewise an exceeding good coach and phaeton, almost new, a one horse chair, and the coach and saddle horses, with two very fine brood mares, one, if not both, with foal, and three fine colts, just fit for use. A sufficient discount will be made for ready money, which will be expected for most of the articles, and for the house and land also a proportionable abatement; but credit will be allowed the purchaser, if desired, upon giving approved bond and security to the subscriber, who intends to quit the colony in a few months, or sooner, if he possibly can settle his affairs therein.
JONATHAN WATSON. The plantation being situate on Pianketank river, its landing is very convenient to fish and oysters. It has also been long remarkable for its fine peach orchards.
RUN AWAY from the subscriber, on the 1st of October , two Negroes, man and wife, the man named TOBY , an old fellow, of a yellow complexion, grey beard, a bald head, walks with his feet pretty much out, and has on the clothing of common negroes. The woman is named BETTY , is pretty tall, and very black. They are supposed to have made off by water towards the lower end of North Carolina , as they were first brought from the county of Passapatan in that province. Whoever takes up and secures the said negroes, so that I get them again, shall be handsomely rewarded, by applying to me in Brunswick county .
THE DISTILLERY at Alexandria , in Virginia , with other improvements, to be LET for a term of years. Enquire of Mr. William Holt , at Williamsburg , William Davies , esquire, at Norfolk , Mr. George Gilpin , or Messieurs Harper & Horsford , at Alexandria , Mr. John Cornthwaite , at Baltimore , or of Daniel Roberdeau , esquire, at Philadelphia . The distillery and improvements consist of a distillery built of stone, 71 feet by 39; a stone store 50 by 30, with granaries, in 2 stories above the ground floor, and a tall or rigging loft above, the whole length of the building; a molasses floor, framed, that will contain 140 hogsheads; and a framed cooper's shop 16 by 23, with a suitable chimney. The distillery is furnished with two new stills about the same size, that will hold to work 2500 gallons; and the working cisterns, 20 in number, will contain the same quantity each. It is also furnished with a third still, that contains to work 600 gallons, for low wines. Each of these stills have suitable worms and worm tubs. There is also a suitable low wine cistern, and 5 very ample return cisterns outside of the house, and under cover. The whole, and every part of the improvements, are entirely new, executed by workmen from Philadelphia , and the distillery under the immediate eye and direction of a gentleman of eminent capacity in distillation. The works are supplied with good cool water from an ample spring, by 2 pumps with brass chambers 6 inches diameter; and the cisterns are charged with two other pumps, with chambers of block tin of 5 inches diameter, through suction pipes of yellow poplar. All these pumps are worked by a horse, in an adjoining millhouse of large diameter, well constructed. There is also a woodyard, boarded 7 feet high, that will contain much more than necessary for the distillery, into which the wood may be thrown from the water. The whole of these improvements are situated in Alexandria , below the bank; the distillery on fast ground, and the cisterns fixed above the highest tide waters; the floors and yard on a wharf which, with the public wharf adjoining, of 66 feet, makes an extent of more than 200 feet in width, 156 feet of which run 300 feet into Potowomack .
As it does not suit the owner of these improvements to remove his residence from Philadelphia , he will let them at a moderate rent, with a contract of 300 cords of ash wood yearly, for 5 years, cut into 4 feet lengths, and delivered on the Maryland shore, directly opposite to the distillery, and so near the water as to render any carriage unnecessary, by the heirs of Thomas Addison , esquire, deceased, at the rate of a dollar per cord.
Any person inclining to lease the premises, may be furnished, on a speedy application, with about 160 bushels of good, well chosen
F O R T Y S H I L L I N G S R E W A R D F OR taking, and delivering to the subscriber, CÆSAR , a remarkable likely Virginia born negro man, about 22 or 23 years of age, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, has rather a fulky countenance, and lost of his upper teeth; had on, and took with him, a dark Virginia cloth coat, with an under-jacket of fearnought, 3 or 4 brown linen shirts, crimson cloth breeches, and rolls trowsers, blue yarn stockings, a pair of shoes, he wore a hat, which he is fond of cocking three ways. As I lately purchased him of Mr. Holt Richeson of King William county , I have some suspicion he may be gone that way, but as he has a brother belonging to one Mrs. Ellington , of Amelia , who as often absconds as himself, it is possible he may be lurking about there. I will give the above reward to the person who will deliver him to me, or 20s. if he be confined in the county prison where he is taken, or elsewhere, and notice given to
WILLIAM DANDRIDGE, junior. RUN away from the subscriber, a Virginia born Negro fellow named WALTON , 23 years of age, of a light complexion, middle sized, has a pleasing countenance, his skin very smooth, one of his upper fore teeth is decaying, which it is likely he will pull out, his hair on the fore part of his head is cut short; he carried with him 4 shirts, 2 of them new made, out of sheeting, 2 suits of cloaths, 1 of them made out of Russia drilling, the other a dark brown, made out of duffel, trimmed with gilt buttons, a fursuit coat, velvet cap, hat, and every thing suitable for a waitingman. As he is a very artful likely fellow he may endeavour to pass for a free man; and I am doubtful he has got a pass from a Negro of mine who can write a good hand. This fellow has waited on me for 3 years past, and always rode with me, so that he has a general acquaintance; but as he was raised in Nansmond , near the place called the Old Town , it is probable he is gone there, as his friends live in that neighbourhood. Whoever will take up the said runaway, and bring him home, shall have 3l. or 30s. if committed to gaol. All persons are forbid to harbour or carry the said fellow out of the colony. As he run away without receiving any abuse, the taker-up will oblige me much by giving him 10 lashes every 10 miles.
P E T E R F I E L D T R E N T. Fredericksburg, November 23, 1774. T HE subscriber has just received by the last ships from London and Liverpool a general assortment of GOODS , which he will dispose of, at his store in this place, upon the most reasonable terms for ready money, tobacco, wheat, flour, corn, &c. As he intends to leave the colony as soon as possible after the ensuing April general court, he in the mean time earnestly requests all those indebted to him to be as speedy as possible in their payments. Those who cannot immediately pay, he hopes will by no means have any objection to giving their bonds, in order that he may be enabled properly to settle his affairs before his departure.
WILLIAM PORTER. To be SOLD , on Thursday the 29th of December , if fair, otherwise next fair day, at the late dwellinghouse of Mary Booker , deceased, in Gloster county , ALL her personal ESTATE , consisting of HOUSEHOLD and KITCHEN FURNITURE , stocks of CATTLE , HORSES , SHEEP , and HOGS , the crop of CORN and FODDER , with the PLANTATION TOOLS , &c. Six months credit will be allowed the purchaser, on bond and good security. The bonds to carry interest from the date, if not paid when they become due. Those who have demands against the said estate, are desired to send in their accounts, properly proved, to
THE EXECUTOR. YORK, November 12, 1774. FOR SALE. M Y DWELLINGHOUSE, &c. in York town . Five years credit will be allowed, the purchaser giving bond (with approved security) bearing interest from the time the bargain is concluded upon.
J. H. NORTON. To be SOLD , for ready money, by the executors of Newton Keene , deceased, pursuant to his last will, by public auction, to the highest bidder, on Monday the 19th of November next, if fair, otherwise the next fair day, at the place called Newgate , in the county of Loudoun , A TRACT of valuable LAND , lying in the said county, adjoining to the said place called Newgate , and partly bounded by the Mountain road , containing about 1400 acres; about 100 acres whereof are under a lease for one or two lives, at a small yearly rent. There is only one small plantation, and but very little ground cleared thereon. It has a considerable quantity of ground upon it, fit for improving into meadow, and is extremely well watered and timbered. This land is very conveniently situated, being only 25 miles from Alexandria , 23 from Dumfries , and 18 from Colchester , and has a merchant mill within less than a mile of it. Newgate is a very public place, and well situated for trade and public house keeping. Deeds will be executed on the day of sale. There will also be sold, by the said executors, for ready money, at public sale, on Monday the 9th of January next, if fair, otherwise the next fair day, at the late dwelling plantation of the said Newton Keene , in Northumberland county , T W E N T Y very likely V I R G I N I A born
N E G R O E S , BELONGING TO HIS ESTATE. RICHARD LEE, DAVID BOYD, Executors.
RUN away, about the middle of September , a negro fellow named JACK , about 35 years old, and about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, blind of one eye, and is clothed as negroes generally are. TEN SHILLINGS will be given to any person that will bring him to me, near Williamsburg .
ANDREW ESTATE. P URSUANT to a decree of the honourable the general court, and by letter of attorney from colonel George Mercer , of Virginia , now in London , will be sold, at public auction, about 3500 acres of LAND , in the county of Loudoun , near West's ordinary, about 12 miles from Leesburg , 40 from Alexandria , and 35 from Dumfries , on Potowomack . This land is well known by the description of the Bull Run Mountains , and is very fertile. Also 6500 acres on Shenandoah river, in the county of Frederick , opposite to Snicker's ordinary, and binding on the river about 7 miles. As this tract is part of a survey, one of the first in that part of the colony, its quality cannot be questioned; it is well watered, will admit of 2 mills on land streams, and others on the river. There are now in it 6 plantations, well improved for cropping, 110 slaves, and very large and choice flocks of horses (some of the dry breed) black cattle, hogs, and sheep, which, together with the crops of corn and wheat now growing (expected to be upwards of 2000 barrels, and 5000 bushels) will be sold, on the premises, on the 24th of November next, or next fair day. The Loudoun lands will be sold at West's ordinary on the 24th day of the same month, and both tracts laid off in lots to suit every purchaser, who may see them by applying to Mr. Francis Peyton , living near the Loudoun lands, and Mr. William Dawson , who resides on the Shenandoah tract. Among the slaves are 2 good blacksmiths, 2 carpenters, and an exceeding trusty and skilful waggoner. The aged black cattle and grown hogs will be fattened for slaughter. Purchasers above 25l. will be allowed credit for 12 months, on giving bond and security to the subscribers, who will be prepared to make conveyances.
JOHN TAYLOR, GEORGE WASHINGTON. New York, July 27, 1774.
F I F T Y P O U N D S R E W A R D. W HEREAS on the 19th of June last past a certain JOSEPH THORP was entrusted with a considerable sum in half Johannes, of nine penny weight, to be delivered by him at Quebec , and as he has not yet made his appearance there, with other suspicious circumstances, it is apprehended he is gone off with the money. He is a native of England , about 6 feet high, swarthy complexion, very dark, keen eyes, and pitted with the smallpox, of a slender make, roops as he walks, talks rather slow, and has some small impediment in his speech. He lived some time in Boston , from whence he removed to Quebec , assuming the character of a merchant in both places; he was also once in trade in Newcastle, Virginia , and has a brother settled there. It is believed he went on board captain John F. Paym , for Albany , and took with him a blue cambric, and a dark brown cloth suit of clothes. Whoever secures the said Joseph Thorp in any of his majesty's gaols on this continent shall be entitled to ten per cent. on the sum recovered, and the above reward of 50l. when convicted. Apply to Culson and Seton of New York , James Wharton , junior, of Philadelphia , Robert Cliffield of Baltimore , James Gibson and company of Virginia , John Bondfield of Quebec , Martiat Bourne , or John Rowe , of Boston . It is requested of those who may have seen this Joseph Thorp since the 19th of June last past, or know any thing of the route he has taken, that they convey the most early intelligence thereof to any of the above persons, or Gemawood , Ritson , and Major , in Norfolk , or to Mr. Robert Pleasants and company, at Four Mile creek , Henrico county ; the favour will be gratefully acknowledged. All masters of vessels are forewarned from taking him off the
Colchester, November 1, 1774. T HE subscriber some time ago advertised in the neighbourhood of this place, that the business formerly transacted by him here, on account of Messieurs David Dalyell, George Oswald and company, and Oswald, Dennistoun , and company, of Glasgow , was declined by him on the 10th of January last, and committed to the management of Mr. John Gibson ; and as he intends soon to leave the colony, he requests all who have had dealings with him on account of either of the said companies, and who have not already settled their accounts, to come immediately and settle with Mr. Gibson , who has transacted the business since the 10th of January last, and continues to carry it on. Those who have claims against the said company for transactions with them, are desired to apply to Mr. Gibson , that they may be adjusted.
HECTOR ROSS. To be SOLD , to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Albemarle court-house , on the 12th of January next, SIX hundred and fifty acres of land, lying on Great and Little creeks , in the said county, by virtue of a deed of trust to Jones to William Clapton . We shall attend on the said land court, to treat with any one that has a mind to purchase priv.
FOR SALE. N INE hundred and forty acres of valuable land, on both sides of Contrary River , in Louisa , three plantations thereon, two of which has sufficient houses for overseers and negroes; the other is improved with all necessary buildings, and orchards of all kinds, fit for the reception of a gentleman, the houses being finished in the best manner. This tract is well timbered and watered, lies within 32 miles of Fredericksburg , and 43 of Page's warehouse ; there are at least 400 acres of low grounds, of the best soil, 300 of which are now to cut. The three plantations are under good fences, and in good order to work 12 or 15 hands. Robert Fleming , John Massey , and John Lain , are now in possession of the plantations, who will shew the land to any person inclining to purchase, and Major Thomas Johnson will agree with them for the price. The above tract is esteemed the most valuable in Louisa for growing corn, or tobacco, and situated in the best range for stock below the great mountains. (if 1*)
FOR SALE, AND VERY CHEAP. A PLANTATION in good order for cropping, none of the land having been cleared above six years, with all necessary houses, quite new, together with 1500 acres of exceeding rich land, the soil of which is so good that it will bring large tobacco for five or six years without dung. I have made on this plantation above three thousand pounds of tobacco per share. The place is very healthy, and has a fine range for stock. This land lies in the lower end of Buckingham county , near to Appomattox river, on each side of Great Ducker's and Mayo creeks . Tobacco has been carried above this land near to Petersburg by water, and last month, in the dry weather, two canoe loads of wheat were carried near to Petersburg , and the canoes brought back; they were loaded but a little below this land. I make no doubt but Appomattox river will be soon cleared, and then the expence of sending wheat, tobacco, &c. will be trifling. Any person inclining to purchase will see, by the produce of the land, that it is exceeding rich. I really do not know any better high land in the colony. This tract of land is timbered and has excellent water. Do not know a better plantation in these parts. ANTHONY WINSTON.
T O B E R E N T E D. F ROM YEAR TO YEAR, OR FOR A TERM OF YEARS, B E L V O I R. T HE beautiful seat of the honourable George William Fairfax , esquire, lying upon Potowomack river, in Fairfax county , about 14 miles below Alexandria . The mansion house is of brick, two story high, with four convenient rooms and a large passage upon the lower floor, five rooms and a passage on the second, and a servants hall and cellars below; convenient offices, stables, and coach house, adjoining, as also a large and well furnished garden, stored with great variety of valuable fruits in good order. Appertaining to the tract on which these improvements are, and which contains near 2000 acres (surrounded, in a manner, by navigable water) are several valuable fisheries, and a good deal of cleared land in different parts, which may be let altogether, or separately, as shall be found most convenient. The terms may be known by applying to Mr. Washington , who lives near the premises, or Mr. Perkeley county, THOMAS WILLIS, junior.
F O R S A L E. A B O U T twelve thousand acres of exceeding rich TOBACCO LAND , in Amherst county , whereon are several plantations and improvements sufficient to work forty or fifty hands. There is on this land for sale a very valuable GRIST MILL , lately built, with a stone dam and a pair of good COLOGNE MILL-STONES , which mill has for two years past got upwards of 100 barrels of toll corn, and is situated on a never failing stream. The land will be shewn by William Womack , who lives at one of the plantations, and the prices of the land made known by him. One or two years credit will be allowed, interest being paid for the second year, and also for the first, if the money paid agreeable to contract. The land is to be surveyed by Colonel William Cabell , at the expence of the purchaser. Deeds will be made, upon bond and approved security being given, either to Col. William Cabell , or the subscriber. Six per cent. discount will be allowed for ready money, or good merchants notes. If any person would chuse to exchange lands in the lower part of the country, on or near some navigable river, that are good it is more than probable we should agree.