Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-09-05 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER
[VOL. V.
MONDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 5, 1808.
NO. 22.]
From the Virginia Gazette. To WILSON C. NICHOLAS, Esq. LETTER VI.
Sir, You admit, what, indeed, must of necessity be admitted, that "It cannot be the interest of the United States that all the force of Europe should be at the disposal of one man?" You tell us likewise, that "The loss" to England, "of our market, the withholding our supplies, and the proper application of our force would bring destruction on that nation. This we have neither the inclination nor interest to do."
Let us for a moment consider these things. If it be not the interest of the United States that all the force of Europe should be at the disposal of Bonaparte. If our co-operation with either of the belligerent nations would, as you say, enable her to effect her object, whence comes it that seeing the danger to your country, from the power of France, you nevertheless appear, and with all your influence and ability, support these very measures which you assert, would destroy England, and consequently put all the force of Europe at the disposal of one man.
There are, as you say, only three things wanted to bring destruction on Great Britain; and, of course to put all Europe at Bonaparte's disposal. Two of these, and by far the most efficient, you adopt, and vindicate, and yet you tell us, that you have not the inclination to bring destruction on England, and that it is not the interest of the United States that all the force of Europe should be at the disposal of one man. Will it be possible, sir, by the most subtle sophistry to reconcile this conduct, even in the appearance, with policy or patriotism?—If Bonaparte controlled, and dictated to our government, what else could he require than that we should shut our ports and market against Great Britain.
Great Britain, you know, and say depends much for her revenue on commerce; France does not. By depriving the former of our market, and supplies, you do precisely what France desires. You do all in your power to sap the foundation of British strength, and to unnerve that arm which hurls defiance at a hostile continent.
We cannot otherwise judge of the motives by which men or nations are actuated, than by their actions. To judge by this standard, would it not be believed that we have not the inclination to bring destruction on Great Britain? Alas, sir, if her fate depended solely on our inclination to save, or to destroy her, how near would be the hour of her destruction! Nay, long ere this, she would, also have sunk into the gloom of annihilation; and that asylum of persecuted liberty, that last refuge of the hopes of mankind would have smoked in its ruins.
You say, on what authority I know not, that "Great Britain affords us a market but for a small proportion of our staple articles" and to prove this, you instance tobacco, of which she consumes annually according to you, only 12,000 hogsheads. I always before tho't that he who bought an article was considered as affording a market for that article, though he did not himself consume it; but it seems, that to buy is nothing, unless the buyer consumes. However, is it really true that Great Britain affords us a market but for a small proportion of our staple articles? What does she do with our cotton? Export it? What with our flaxseed, naval stores, and a thousand articles I cannot name? Export them too? No, sir, she does not export them: and with the single exception of tobacco, she may be said to consume nearly all she gets from us. Our pork and beef never went to Great Britain, our flour only sometimes; but did not her colonies afford us a market for these objects? Yea, and did not these colonies also consume them? But you illustrated your assertion by a reference to tobacco, leaving it to be inferred, that it was with all the other articles she took from us, as with that; whereas the fact is, that it is the only article they get from us of which they re-export any considerable part. Your professed object, sir, is to give information to your constituents; but have you, in this instance, labored to give information, or to lend to delusion an accession of force? Such, indeed, is the temper of the times, that, perhaps, a majority of your constituents love what pleases better than what instructs; would rather pamper their prejudices, than nourish their understandings. Many of your opinions, facts, and arguments seem completely calculated to gratify this propensity; to perpetuate ignorance, and to render obscurity more obscure.
Again, in contending for the propriety, and necessity of the embargo (that rock on which your party, in their headlong ardour to ruin Great Britain have split, and may finally perish) you say: "It is enough to justify the embargo to say, that not a ship of ours can sail which will not be subject to seizure and confiscation, by one or other of the belligerents, unless she is going to the barren king-
dom of Swen. I challenge any man to deny this fact." How bold! you are not bolder than I, for hear what I assert, that you and I assert, that you and I, and the millions besides who swarm on the earth, are subject to die before the sun goes down. I challenge any man to deny this fact. Yet, do you apprehend much danger of this event happening? We are subject, or liable (words which in this case are synonymous,) to many accidents and dangers which, however, never come upon us. To be subject, or liable to a specific accident is one thing, actually to meet with it is another. No man has said, that our ships were not subject to seizure, and confiscation under Buonaparte's decrees, and king George's orders; but it has been said, and I reiterate the assertion, that the far greater part of our surplus produce might, with little danger of seizure, have been transported to a market. Although our ships were subject to be seized by the French, and their allies, how were they to be seized? You, yourself talk, and talk truly, of the British having swept their enemies from the ocean, what then was to capture our ships going to British ports in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America? But this would be giving to Great Britain "The monopoly of our supplies;" and rather than do this wicked thing; rather than do aught that should tend to enable her to keep all the power of Europe from being at the disposal of one man; our produce should perish on our hands, our ships rot in our ports, our merchants become bankrupt, our seamen be reduced to the condition of paupers; and inconveniences, difficulties, and distress should pervade every class of society. All this, however, is nothing, so Great Britain suffer. We will freely amputate our hands, if, by doing so, we can tear from Great Britain one of hers.
Speaking of British impressments, you say, "It is our clear, and indisputable right that our flag should protect from belligerents all persons except those in the military, or naval service of their enemies." This doctrine you find in the new system of the law of nations lately composed by Mr. Madison. I cannot conceive where else you could find it. If this be the law why have nations, when forming treaties of amity, introduced articles specially providing for what you say, was before provided for by the law of nations? This was done by France and Great Britain in their treaty of 1786, for in the XX article of that treaty, I find it stipulated that free ships shall make the persons on board free, unless they be soldiers going to be employed in a military capacity. I find too, in Vattel, that a nation being "obliged to preserve itself, it has a right to every thing necessary for its preservation" now, there cannot be two conflicting rights. We cannot possess the right of protecting British seamen by our flag, and the British have, at the same time, a right to take them from us. Vattel says moreover, that "Every member of a society is obliged to serve, and defend the state, as far as he is able;" and how can British seamen be obliged to defend his state, if we have a right to protect him in the desertion of this duty?
If there ever was a case in which a nation could justly claim all the rights resulting from the necessity of self preservation, that case has occurred. Contending with the continent of Europe, Great Britain must be supposed to need every means of defence, and offence which she can bring to her aid; nor can she suffer an atom to be filched from her strength, without violating the first and most sacred duty; the duty of warding off destruction.
But this subject of impressments is one not to be discussed in any short compass. I could easily assert that our flag does not possess the right you contend for; but what signifies assertions made to those who feel a strong impulse, and interest not to believe them. You, indeed, may safely affirm; I must prove, and prove too under the painful reflection that even the most ample proof might be rejected; and that, tho' I should succeed in convincing those passions which would render conviction totally inert. I have nevertheless, with this impression on my mind, offered some remarks on some of the opinions, assertions, arguments and facts of your late circular. I say on some of them, for almost every line of that letter afforded occasion for remark, or animadversion. Its sentiments, are those of your party; and as such I have treated them; not, indeed, with tenderness; but, if I can judge myself, with that fairness by which error is best combated.
In all I have said, my view has been to dissipate those prejudices, and erroneous opinions, which I consider as likely to be productive of great evils. I do not flatter myself with much success in this attempt; but it will be some satisfaction to think, that I have endeavoured to do good; and that I have failed in my endeavours, not through want of zeal; but because my plan was beyond my powers to execute.
I am, Sir, your ob't serv't, A. B.
To Religious Denominations in general, but to the Methodist Episcopal Church in particular.
PROSPECTUS OF A WEEKLY PUBLICATION, TO BE ENTITLED THE RELIGIOUS REPOSITORY. BY W. A. RIND, Georgetown, District of Columbia.
THE EDITOR begs leave to offer this Work to the attention and patronage of the Methodist Society in particular, not only because it is thought proper to give it a decided character, but because the connection at present have no religious vehicle of the kind, nor have they had since the discontinuance of their magazine, which was published some years ago.
Both the Presbyterians and Episcopalians have under their patronage monthly publications, devoted to the same subjects proposed to be embraced by this work.
The Editor, however, flatters himself that this publication will possess some advantages over those that are only issued monthly, in furnishing earlier religious intelligence, and he hopes it will afford greater satisfaction to readers in general, as in such works the same subjects and accounts are contained in a series of numbers.
But since this work is to be devoted to the interest of religion, both in its doctrine and experience, and will likewise include the subject of morality, we think it entitled to the greater attention; and wish it to be distinctly understood, that it has for its object the diffusion of religious information, the subject of POLITICS will not be introduced.
In the Scripture sense of the term, RELIGION embraces not only what we are to believe, but more especially what we must experience of its great effects in our hearts. MORALITY implies not only to be actively and zealously good, but that they should thence and works of righteousness in acts of benevolence; that religion consists in what it would then appear that religion consists in what it would then experience, and morality in that faith, belief and experience reduced into practice. True religion and morality go hand in hand, and mutually support each other: where there is not morality, there cannot be religion, and we are disposed to think likewise that there cannot be genuine morality without religion; instead then of drawing our ideas of morality from principles founded on natural right, let us look to a higher source—to RELIGION—and to that religion taught by our Lord Jesus Christ. Religion alone has power to persuade with celerity, because it excites passion while it informs the understanding—because it alone has the means of rendering obvious what it recommends—because it speaks in the name of God, and it is easy to inspire respect for him whose power is every where evident to the eyes of the simple and discerning—to the eyes of children and men of mature understanding.
It will be expected that the religious part of the community in particular will patronize a publication of this kind. It claims the attention and support of religious denominations of all descriptions, not only as subscribers, but as contributors of essays and communications on the subjects it proposes to embrace.—Almost every political publication has met with generous patronage—and to such, religious characters have not failed to contribute their part. But while they have thus aided in diffusing political information, they will not surely reflect on their profession, by withholding from this their influence and support.
But we think this work forcibly recommends itself to the attention of the enlightened politician. That man does not deserve the name of Politician, who is unconscious of the influence of Religion and Morality upon the good government and happiness of society.—Weak, indeed, are the restraints of human laws, and honour, unaided by the obligations and precepts of religion, upon the ambition and avarice of wicked men. Without the influence of religion, these passions may be expected to triumph over the law and every principle of justice.
The "Religious Repository" will be a collection of original and well selected pieces on Religion and Morality, and will serve likewise to record the revivals of Religion, particularly at Camp-Meetings, and also to preserve a short account of the Lives, Sayings, and Deaths, of eminently pious characters—and thus shall we "gather up the fragments, and nothing will be lost."
In addition it will contain select and original pieces of Natural History, together with instructive and pleasing Anecdotes.
The Editor has already engaged the assistance of his religious friends, as well of the ministry as others; and he particularly requests the Travelling and Local Preachers of the Connexion, to forward to him, from time to time, such Communications as may be embraced within the general objects of the work.
CONDITIONS.
This work will be published weekly on a half sheet, in an octavo form, on good paper, with a new and handsome type. Subscribers in the Town and City will be served by a carrier, and those at a distance will receive it by mail, they paying the postage. But any other mode suggested by subscribers will be adopted, it does not occasion expense to the publisher.
The price to subscribers will be $2 per annum, payable half yearly by those in the district, and by those at a distance in advance. Any person sending 5 dollars, shall have three copies.
There will occasionally be added in the course of the year, (without charge) as many half sheets as will increase the work to a volume of at least five hundred pages.
The paper shall begin on the 1st of November, provided a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained to justify the editor in commencing the publication.
Subscriptions will be received by the Editor of the Ledger.
We, whose names are underwritten, testify, that we know William A. Rind to be an acceptable and worthy member of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and feel no hesitation in recommending the above proposed publication to the patronage of our society in general, and to those of them in Boston, New-York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Charleston in particular.
THOMAS SARGENT. JOSHUA WELLS.
FOR SALE, 12,000 bushels fine Liverpool SALT, By Moses Myers. Who has now landing, and will continue to have a constant Supply of Superfine FLOUR, of new wheat for family use, from the Mayo Mill. September 2.
NOW LANDING On our Wharf, and for Sale on a liberal credit, from on board the British Schooner Commerce, Capt. Collins, from Jamaica, A Cargo of high proof RUM. C. & F. Whittle. September 2.
WILLIAMSBURG, August 22, 1808. To all whom it may concern, be it known, that the mercantile house of GREENHOW & COLE is this day dissolved. The Subscriber will dispose of His well assorted Stock in Trade, on terms specified in the Enquirer, of Richmond, under this date; and if not Sold before the first day of October next by wholesale, they will be retailed (nothing preventing) at very reduced prices for CASH ONLY. 16t RO. GREENHOW.
At a Court held for Norfolk County, Alexandria the 19th day of July, 1808. Alexander Falconer, vs. Henry Falconer, et al. The Defendant Falconer, not having entered appearance, and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of this Court that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth: on the motion of the Plaintiff by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said Defendant do appear here on the first day of November Court next, and answer the bill of complaint; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper of the Borough of Norfolk for two months successively, and posted at the front-door of the Court-House of this County. A Copy, Teste, Wm. Wilson, Jun. C. N. C.
FOR RENT, That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also, That commodious House on Catharine-street, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes, adjoining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses. Also, A very convenient Dwelling-House just finished, on Commerce-street. For terms apply to James Tucker. Who has in Store, A few thousand bushels Liverpool stoved SALT, loose and in sacks, that will be delivered in small or large quantities to suit the purchasers. August 15.
Fifty Dollars Reward.
RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th December last, a Mulatto Man named TONEY, a Blacksmith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on when he went away a dark cloth surcoat and pantaloons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th December last. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North-Carolina. JOHN WALKER. August 26. 11m
Ten Dollars Reward.
Deserted from Gosport Navy Yard, July 28, 1808, BENJAMIN PHILLIPS, a Private in the Marine Service, 24 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high, dark hair, light eyes, and fair complexion. Edward Hall, Lieut. M. C. August 17.
NOTICE.
All persons indebted to the estate of WILLIAM DAVIS, deceased, are requested to come forward and make payment; those to whom said estate is indebted are desired to bring in their claims authenticated. William Dickson, Executor Portsmouth, July 22.
THE SUBSCRIBER
Having purchased of John Mearns his Stock, with the good will of the Cellar, known by the name of Mearns's Porter-Cellar, informs the publick that a supply of Barne's Double ALE is just received, and will be sold on moderate terms by wholesale and retail. V. Chapman. Cash for Empty Bottles. August 19. 3*

Should our embargo be raised, and the intercourse with Great Britain be renewed, there is a circumstance which may be worth the attention of the merchants and ship-holders.
It is known that an act was passed at the last session of the British Parliament, putting the commerce of this country on the footing of the most favoured nation—We have not seen the act, but if it conforms to the resolution, the advantages which are held out may be lost without attention—The resolution is in these words:
"That all goods, wares, and merchandizes, the growth and produce of America, imported to this country, either in British ships navigated according to law, or in ships built in America or captured from an enemy by the American arms, the masters and three fourths of the crews of which should be native Americans, should be admitted at the same rates of duty as were paid for the like articles coming from the most favoured nations; and that all commodities brought from any other nations or captured from an enemy by the Americans, should be entered in British ports at the lowest duties paid by any other country."
According to this resolution, the master of the ship, and three fourths of the crew must be natives of this country, otherwise the ship will not be treated as a vessel of the most favoured nation.
The New-York and Philadelphia papers, the former of Monday, and the latter of Tuesday, do not mention the information respecting the revocation of the orders in the British council, we therefore conclude that it was premature.
The authors of three manuscripts, left at this office, one on Friday and two on Saturday, are informed that they will not be inserted, and if not called for before Wednesday will be destroyed.
THE NAVY. —In this day's paper we have given an account of the Navy of Sweden. If a nation, whose resources are so comparatively small with those of the United States, can maintain so respectable a naval force, certainly it will not be pretended that this country could not support a navy of 12 or 15 sail of the line, with a portion of frigates, and smaller vessels.
DIED —At Bath on Sunday last, the 21st ult. after a long and severe illness, the Rev. JAMES WHITEHEAD, Minister of Christ's Church in Baltimore, and formerly Minister of the death of Episcopal Church of Friends and acquaintances this am.—with a loss not soon to be replaced, and an afflicted family an irreparable one.
COMMUNICATED FOR THE LEDGER.
The following remarks were noted down, after some visitations made at the Select School, here, as it is called. Candor and justice, seem not to forbid their being now communicated.
Among the teachers who labored with acknowledged success, the public have for some years, ranked the preceptor of the Select School.
Having visited many celebrated seminaries in this and other countries, we consider ourselves in some degree competent, to give an opinion—and we do not hesitate to declare that Mr. Taylor would be considered a first rate teacher of the English language, wherever it was taught.
The plan and discipline of his school, first attracted our notice—we thought the one was liberal, and it commanded our ample approbation: We thought the other exact—though sometimes exercised with rigor—this, though arising from the best of motives, viz. a zeal for the improvement of his pupils. Yet we think it might be successfully relaxed, except in instances where mischief appears stubborn.
In his plan of having his pupils to teach one another, he appears to have been singularly successful. If a visitant becomes an examiner of the grammar classes, and will question either the rule or its applicability, they generally appear so prompt in supporting their point by authority, and so intelligent in reasoning upon the case, that it is obvious, they are much in the habit of reasoning and reflecting upon the principles of the subjects of their study. In fact, he must be no ordinary scholar himself, who will examine the highest classes in this school, through all their different points in English Grammar.
In the recitations, many of the youths displayed much power, and knowledge of elocution in the management of tones—and by the correctness of emphasis—but the propriety and elegance of their attitudes and gestures, exceeded any thing of the kind we have ever witnessed.
The young ladies of this school have been long considered as enjoying many advantages.—Those who belonged to Mr. Taylor's first class have given such manifestations of talents and acquirements in the Belles Lettres and other useful and elegant studies as will not soon be forgotten, and we may venture to predict that a few years hence it will be considered no mean praise to have been of that class.
As all who know Mr. T. admit that he possesses industry, talents, taste, and a constitutional enthusiasm that would raise him above mediocrity in any profession:—add to all this a conduct exemplarily correct. It may be hoped that while his time and
talents are thus successfully employed for the benefit of the publick—the application while he continues it, will be profitable to himself.
VOICE OF THE PEOPLE.
[The following addresses, will not be passed over with indifference, even by those who advocate the general policies of Mr. Jefferson:—They are fair and open in their remonstrance—dignified in their manner, and eloquent in their pleading.]
PROVIDENCE TOWN MEETING.
The following is a copy of the petition of the town of Providence, to the President of the U. States, adopted on the 10th of August:
To the President of the United States.
The inhabitants of Providence, in town meeting legally convened, request liberty respectfully to represent,
That to petition their government, is one of the political rights of a free people; and we are confident a respectable exercise of that right will ever be grateful to a President of the American nation. When grievances are felt, citizens must look to rulers for redress; where the people have deposited the massy treasure of their sovereignty, thither will their hearts turn for relief; nor can any attribute of dominion be more illustrious than a power of granting it. To you, Sir, has been committed the care of the Commonwealth; and by a law, solely for that purpose provided, the whole power of suspending from the commerce of our country the domestic restrictions with which it is oppressed, and almost destroyed. We, in common with many of our fellow citizens, have long felt and still painfully feel the ruinous consequences which continually result from all those laws imposing an embargo on the ships and vessels of the United States. National benefit was doubtless an item in political calculation, when these laws originated; but this benefit is either too dictatorial or too uncertain to fall on our apprehension, whilst nothing can hide from our perception all those evils daily passing before our eyes, and which government itself could not have fully apprehended, until the disastrous hour of their existence. Government could not surely have calculated, that the spirit of enterprise in our country would have resisted even the most restrictive provisions of these laws, or that apprehensions of such resistance would have brought American ships to blockade American harbors; armed militia against citizens, or pointed the artillery, in the depositories of our national defence, against even the small fish boat that passes these batteries without a formal clearance. Yet these things have to come to pass, and are really, compared with other grievances, inconceivable, that they almost do not exist. One year ago, the aggregate of patents found trafficking with Americans might have been counted on every ocean, our ships in every port. We celebrated the era of their national independence, on the other side of the globe. Then, enterprise had an object. Industry found a reward. The same spirit that ploughed the waves, cultivated the fields. There was united, one mighty effort, towards whatever could improve and aggrandize our common country. The embargo was imposed, and every thing is changed. Our ships return silently into port, are stripped, moored, and left to perish at the wharves. Our seamen, are turned into the country, to look for labor which they cannot perform; and beg bread which by industry they cannot earn. But this is not all. Thousands compelled to leave America for subsistence, have enlisted on boardships of war for an indefinite time, and from this hard exile and voluntary servitude no exigence of their country can ever recall them. All the ordinary laborers in the avocations of commerce are left without employment, and must live on charity. Every sea-port swarms with these children of penury, too numerous for individual beneficence; and what can be expected from social charity, in so great and so common a calamity? The rich suffer with the poor. Goods, imported for a foreign market, crowd the warehouses of the merchants. These have already depreciated to a mere nominal value, and all of them perishable in their nature, must perish on his hands. Every harbor is lined with dismantled ships. The black stamps of their spars picture the desolation of our country; while vain efforts are made, in hopes of better days, to protect them from the destructive reptiles of the water, and the rains and sunshine of a variable climate. Agriculture suffers with commerce. Though our flocks and herds cover the mountains, and our corn and meadows shade the valleys, and the whole earth teems with a rich and multifarious abundance, yet the proprietor of the soil cannot sell his superfluous produce; and, left to perish on his hands, he will be rendered poorer by all the expenses of cultivation. We respectfully hope it may be considered by you, Sir, that the present crisis of affairs in the world, is favorable to a relaxation of the laws which have reduced us to this unprosperous condition.
From information lately received in this country, we respectfully submit that the American people might immediately realize all the benefits of a free commerce with Spain and Portugal, and all their extensive colonies. France now captures our vessels, because they sail contrary to the embargo; this must cease to be done, if that law were suspended. England has interdicted our commerce with Spain and Portugal, because they were in the control of France. But England is doubtless now in amity with both those powers, and our vessels will of consequence sail unmolested by her ships of war. These two kingdoms, and their numerous and vast dependencies, open a region of commerce almost equal to the hopes, and nearly sufficient to employ all the capital, industry and enterprise of our country. There the great staples of agricultural produce, from north and south will find a ready and advantageous market. The immense carrying trade between these kingdoms and their colonies may be performed by the people of the United States. Their American colonies are more extensive than one of the American continents, and abound with almost every kind of wealth in the world, and the people of those vast regions look to the citizens of the United States as their neighbours, as the inhabitants of a sister continent; and if we readily meet their wishes, all the benefits of a great and reciprocal commerce may be realized by us, until the incalculable treasures of the south shall enrich the merchants and farmers of North America. If the intelligence
doms be true, it is respectfully submitted, we cannot be too early in our overtures of amity and commerce to them. Great Britain is perhaps able to perform, and always is ready to embark in the commerce of all nations; nor can the tide of affairs in the world, any more than that of the ocean, be diverted from its course, wherever it has risen into a steep, regular and natural channel. We may now realize the commerce of these countries; but if it is once grasped by Britain, though we might be waged for it, yet in all probability it would never be attained by us. Should the era have arrived, when the western is to become independent of the eastern continent, and the storms of European conflict drive us from these shores, still we might enjoy all the benefits of reciprocal amity and commerce between South and North America. We therefore most respectfully request you, Sir, as President of these United States, and by law invested with all the needful power, wisely and deeply to consider, as most unquestionably you will, the national expediency of suspending the embargo altogether, or partially only, and as it relates to the kingdoms of Spain and Portugal, and their colonies and dependencies.
GLOUCESTER TOWN MEETING.
At a legal town meeting, held in Gloucester, on the 22d inst. at which a large and respectable number of the freeholders and qualified inhabitants attended, to take into consideration the expediency of preferring a respectful petition to the President of the United States, requesting him to suspend the embargo, either wholly or partially, according to the powers vested in him by congress or otherwise to call congress together for this purpose.
Col. JOHN TUCKER, was chosen Moderator. Whereupon it was voted, that a respectful petition be presented to the President of the United States for the above purpose.
Voted, That a committee of seven persons be chosen to prepare and lay before the Town a Petition; the committee was chosen, of which NATHAN PARKS, Esq. was chairman, and retired for the space of one hour, when they returned and presented the following petition, which was read and unanimously accepted.
To the President of the United States.
The inhabitants of the Town of Gloucester, in legal Town-Meeting assembled, beg leave humbly to represent, That from a due sense of their obligation to respect the laws and established authorities of their country; they have sustained with unexampled patience, the losses and grievous embarrassments, occasioned by the existing embargo on the vessels and commercial exports of the United States; they should with a like sentiment continue to bear them submission and without remonstrance, had not the sudden and important changes, which have recently taken place in Europe, caused a relaxation of the orders of commerce, relative to the admission of vessels into the several ports of Spain and Portugal. But as the Spaniards are making a spirited and heroic opposition to the domination of France, and one sentiment appears to have pervaded the nation; every American must feel a deep interest in their patriotick struggle for liberty; and if our surplus perishable produce, could be exported for their relief, wealth would in return pour into our country, and reciprocal benefits be experienced by the two nations.
Our home is on the ocean, our wealth we draw from the deep, and by dangers and sufferings, which from repetition have become familiar, we support ourselves, our wives and children.
While our fish are perishing in our stores, our vessels rotting at our wharves for security; we look forward with sorrow and dismay, to the time that must soon arrive when poverty, with all its horrors, must be our lot, unless government, in its wisdom, should speedily provide some relief.
It is well known, that in these northern states, nature has been less profuse in exuberance, than in the south, and most of the lands in these Atlantic towns inarable and barren; consequently thousands of the inhabitants are daily hazarding their lives on the high seas, in the fishery, depending principally on the success of that occupation for subsistence.
And when any intervening impediment arrests the progress of the proceeds of their industry any length of time from finding a favourable market, the owners unable to preserve that kind of property long, must not only sustain a total loss thereby, but be deprived of the ordinary means of obtaining the common necessaries of life.
Your petitioners therefore, earnestly pray, that your excellency would enforce the authority with which you are invested by congress, in suspending the embargo, or so much of it, as operates against the export trade of this country to that of Spain, Portugal, and their colonial dependencies—and should any doubts arise relative to the sufficiency of those powers, which are vested in the president, they earnestly request that the congress of the United States may be convened as soon as time will possibly admit, for the purpose of taking the subject into consideration.
Voted unanimously, That the selectmen sign the foregoing petition, in their official capacity, in behalf of the town, and forward the same to the President of the United States.
Gloucester, August 23, 1808.
[The following is extracted from the Newport Mercury, a part of an address to the citizens of Rhode-Island, on the choice of their representatives to congress at the next election.]
Fellow Freemen,
We deem this a crisis of peculiar peril to our common country.—It is not a time for self-deception or flattery. We cannot remedy our grievances by affecting to conceal them, or correct the errors of government by a silence that implies approbation. We regret the necessity that justifies us, but we deem it our duty, as it is undoubtedly our right, to exhibit a plain statement of the causes, that have produced the present disastrous conjuncture of our national affairs; and to communicate and consult with you, as to the remedial measures proper to be pursued.
It is not too true, that the general aspect of our political concerns, exhibits us as injured and insulted by foreign powers, degraded abroad, impoverished, despondent, and defenceless at home? Can we pronounce such a libel on our bless'd republican institutions as to declare, that this state of things is their natural tendency and result? No, fellow-citizens, our general government has been feebly
and injudiciously, if not corruptly administered, and in the endeavor to realize visionary theories, we have lost the solid comforts, derivable from a system founded on the principles of common sense and practical policy. We have been deceived—Dulled at first by specious phrases and magnificent promises, we suffered ourselves to be again deluded by phrases more specious and promises more insignificant.
Confidence was earnestly begged, and a blind and implicit confidence liberally bestowed.—It was unpopular to examine, it was odious to disapprove, it was treason to satirize the measures of administration. Whatever government did, was sanctioned by anticipated approbation—whatever it said, an insatiable and indiscriminate credulity believed.—Liberty, Economy, and Philanthropy, were the syren sounds that robbed us of our senses. We were to be undisturbed by conspiracies or insurrections, to be governed by laws and yet not feel their pressure, and (what above all imposed on our imaginations,) to possess an overflowing treasury, without the aid of loans or taxes.
Our commerce was to be protected without a navy; unoppressed by excessive regulation, it was to be free and unshackled as the winds of heaven, and co-extensive with the habitable globe.—The constitution was to be the sole rule of action, and to be preserved (by those sworn to support it) inviolate and in its pristine purity. Respect from foreign nations, was to be secured by professions of equal and exact justice, and every hostile aggression prevented, by appeals to unprejudiced reason and magnanimity. Do we not all recollect, when these splendid predictions were pronounced, and can there be any one so uncaudid, so obstinately callous to conviction, as to forbear the confession, that we have met with cruel disappointment and mortification? Before we proceed however, to compare the promises with the performance, it is proper to remark that though too much was boastingly and absurdly promised, much might have been performed.
The present administration had the power of effecting prodigious good. It floated in on the full tide of prosperity. Directed by wise and patriotic rulers, our country had established a character highly respectable with foreign nations; and had rapidly advanced to a rare and enviable pitch of domestic felicity. Our resources were nurtured while they were unfolded. National security was preserved by a firm display of national spirit, and peace (the true and standing policy of this country) diffused its blessings in the midst of preparations for war. The new administration inherited this accumulated fund of opulence and character, and by a common error of mere professors had attributed to them the merit of the original acquirements. They had reputation in advance. Their popularity flourished with unshackled luxuriance; it sprung from, and was deeply rooted, in the prejudices and partialities of the people. How far these golden opportunities have been improved, it is for an awakened and disenchanted people to determine.
'Tis true, the southern states were gratified by a repeal of some of the taxes on luxuries, but these were soon cunningly supplied by other taxes oppressive to the northern states, and assessed on the necessaries and comforts of life. The surplus of the treasury, accumulated by the provident wisdom of the former administration, was prodigally dissipated in the purchase of the boundless deserts of Louisiana, or meanly paid to a foreign power, in the absurd hope of securing by tribute a temporary forbearance from insult and injury. The ancient and accustomed rights of neutrality have been violated—our commerce has been vexed and spoiled by the unjust condemnations of one nation, and the enormous depredations and confiscations of another.—Have we been free from conspiracies and insurrections? Do we not daily hear of troops marching to the northern frontiers to suppress insurgents, the honest, and hitherto peaceable cultivators of the soil, who, forsooth had been weak enough to imagine, that the deprivation of their subsistence is an intolerable hardship, and who judging by their sufferings rather than by refined speculations, feel that oppression the most cruel and severe may be inflicted by law. Have we not, for the last year been incessantly agitated by reports of conspiracies, of unexampled profligacy and audacity, concerted and conducted by one who but lately was the idol of democracy; and as if our free constitution was to receive a double wound, and the moral feelings of our nature, (in love with an orderly and legal freedom) were to be doubly shocked; do we not know, that in the punishment of the supposed, or really guilty, a new guilt was incurred, hardly less atrocious than the original imputed offence. A military power was usurped. The persons and property of the accused, were seized with lawless violence.—The habeas corpus act, the safeguard of our personal liberty, solemnly, guaranteed to us by the constitution, was suspended without a legislative sanction; and those in power were strangely solicitous to screen from detection and punishment acknowledged accessories, and to secure to corruption, treachery and treason, their plunder and their wages. We will not detain you, fellow-freemen, by pursuing this comparison into a useless detail of grievances, which though we can never forget, we can only deprecate and deplore.
The dangerous apathy that oppressed the publick mind is removed: our sufferings have at last stimulated us to enquiry.—A heavy blow has awakened us from our blissful dreams of glory and affluence,—and we are called not only to a confession of our errors, but to prompt and vigorous exertions to save ourselves from ruin and ignomy.
We do not hesitate to confess that until the late pressure of difficulties the present administration was seemingly distinguished by its good fortune.—Events abroad were propitious to its views. The prostration of the independence of other countries, to superficial observers, appeared to confirm our own. The system at Washington was founded on the hope, of the universal monarchy of France.—Anticipating this, Mr. Jefferson by all his measures has been solicitous to propitiate a tyrant master he dared not resist, and his only exertion for his country has been to implore with tearful supplication, that it may be the victim the last devoured. This conduct was deemed by his adherents a dexterous union of policy and patriotism. The warning voice of experience was drowned by the clamours of senseless approbation. The spirit of the nation, seemed as it were, exhaled in the delicious sunshine of unreflecting ease. The tremendous crisis that has befallen us has tried the talents, and exposed the weakness of the present administration. It has, however, roused the nation to

a sense of its danger and a sight of its foe; and distinctly discovered that it was by its chief that it has been disarmed and unfitted for combat. When danger alarmed us, our means of encountering it were gone. Our navy was reduced to insignificance: our fortifications had fallen into ruins: our militia for the most part were unarmed, and the government refused to arm them, because it had previously wasted its resources in gun-boats. Our commerce was defended by dissertations: and when these were ineffectual, amid professions of attention to its interests, and assertions vindicatory of its rights, our administration was compelled to surrender what it had neither spirit nor ability to retain, and instead of affording protection to our foreign commerce, both foreign and domestic were prohibited and annihilated.
In the present state of the world it undoubtedly required the skill and energy of real statesmen to preserve our commerce from interruption and oppression. But to sacrifice is not to preserve. To save some of our ships from capture, they are all doomed to gradual destruction. To prevent the detention of some of our seamen, thousands have been forced into exile. In attempting to husband our resources they are extinguished. Time has proved that the opposition to the embargo was wise: This measure has aggravated the evils which (giving credit for good motives) it was meant to mitigate.
The embargo is the present and prominent evil to which all eyes are turned, and by which all hearts are sickened: It falls with the most grievous pressure upon this commercial and navigating state; beyond comparison more commercial and navigating, than any other in the union, in proportion to its amount of population and extent of territory. From the suspension of labor and business in our sea-ports, from the mournful stillness that prevails, interrupted but by the complaints of the ruined merchant and mariner, and the unemployed artisan and mechanic, it would seem that government had proclaimed, as for a penance, a permanent fast-day, which was rigidly enforced and superstitiously observed. It has already lasted more than 7 months, and though proved by events to be ineffectual for the attainment of its pretended purpose, it would be weak and presumptuous, to hope from those, now in power, its speedy removal. It is the only mode by which the conqueror of continental Europe can conquer us. His irresistible will has decreed it; and it appears to be the policy of the rulers of this once brave and high-minded nation, to save us by a prompt obedience from the dangers that attend a contest and struggle for our Independence. This opinion has been forced upon us by the gradual disclosure of time, and the unerring evidence of circumstances. When the embargo was first imposed, we deemed it but a temporary measure: intended, like that which took place under the administration of Washington, to save our resources and to afford time for counsel and preparation. The first additional act we believed was only intended to cure the absurd omissions and defects of the original law; hurried as it was through the two houses of congress, with a rapidity that allowed no time for examination—but when we found that the various subsequent additional laws were intended, not merely to correct the errors of the preceding, but to introduce new and different principles, and that connected with the primary law, they manifested the congruity of a systematic design, we could not but be convinced, that this design, though at first disguised was always secretly contemplated, and that the fear of alarming the nation, by its sudden and entire disclosure, was the sole reason of its being thus covertly matured and cautiously disclosed. Our fisheries are oppressed almost to prohibition: For though licenses are issued it is found by a late prosecution in our district court, that they are merely traps to the unwary. A privilege is granted, but the means of its enjoyment are prohibited. The affected tenderness to fishermen, was worse than the undisguised cruelty to the other mercantile classes. The inland traffic of the frontier states is forbidden: and the intercourse between the states, and even districts of the same state, and the interchange of their produce loaded with difficulties and exactions, and finally made dependent on the will of the executive, to whom this measure presented new sources of patronage and new opportunities of favoritism. It is too apparent, that the embargo law, with great unnecessary distress to us, has become (especially when connected with our former non importation law,) a law prohibiting intercourse with Great-Britain. This is what France has uniformly demanded of every neutral under her power, or whom she meant to reduce under it. The coincidence of this demand with our conduct, the period at which we adopted the measure, the secrecy and prevarication of those in power, all conspire to prove that this system was the consequence of a demand from abroad, and of timidity and imbecility at home. This has been at last completely verified by a document, which though long in the possession of government, and urgently called for, was after frequent refusals, by a forced disclosure, obtained by the public. That document, the letter of Champagny, explains itself.—What was before presumption, now became certainty, and those who reject this evidence, would likewise reject mathematical demonstration.
France, herself, independent of commerce and daily enriched with the spoils of conquered kingdoms, believes Great-Britain to be entirely dependent on foreign commerce for her prosperity and opulence, and of consequence for her naval superiority; and all the world admits that on her naval superiority depends her existence. This naval superiority is the only barrier to the universal monarchy of France. The nations of Europe are debarred from all intercourse with England, but such is the expansive force of commerce, that France judged, and judged rightly, that if this, a neutral country, was left at liberty to pursue its natural commercial connections with England, her manufactures would through our medium, be circumscribed, but certainly introduced into other countries, and that at any rate our own consumption would retard the meditated destruction of England. It was, therefore, decreed, that our ports must be shut to England; our intercourse suspended, and that thus, (if not more actively,) we must take a part with France, in her war of extermination. And accordingly we perceive the presses in the pay of the administration, (we hope not in the pay of France) are by their declarations and addresses, preparing us for this state of things. Whenever the secret history of the present administration is known, or the inspection of the cabinet for foreign affairs in France should be, a century hence, permitted for the elucidation of
her history and ours, it will be disclosed that the most elaborate and subtly argued of all Mr. Armstrong's communications, is that in which he attempts to prove that the measures adopted last winter, by this country, are a substantial compliance with the imperative demands of imperial France—that the embargo with its concomitant and consecutive measures, was so constructed as to operate as a complete bill of non-intercourse with England. For this disclosure, however, we need not wait a century: it will take place whenever the house of representatives, disdaining the thralldom in which it has been held by some of the weakest men of the nation, the minions of executive favor, shall call for the late instructions forwarded to Mr. Armstrong. Their contents will be confessed by the obstinacy with which they will be retained, or if obtained, it will be found that Mr. Armstrong is literally but a ministerial officer; and that he has done nothing more than to transcribe, with verbal exactness—the copious commentaries of Mr. Secretary Madison.
The prominent argument in defence of the embargo, is its tendency to save us from war. This is an assertion without proof, and indeed, it is incapable of proof. We have reason to apprehend it may induce rather than prevent a war. France now deems us at war with England; and because we are not active and strenuous in it, she sequesters in her own ports, against the express stipulations of her own treaties, our property to an immense amount.
Our country is submissive in proportion as France is oppressive. The sharper and quicker strokes from the lash of our enraged master seem to have no other effect than to deepen the tones of supplication, and to lengthen to a howl the cry of misery. Administration reject terms of accommodation with England, not because they are angry with her, but afraid of France; we spurn at the voluntary offer of the one to place us on the footing of the most favored nation, and yet permit the other, without a struggle, to sink us to the lowest point of insult and degradation. France, and consequently the administration, wish us to be at war with England. Presses conducted by foreign hirelings are goading us on to combat. Their "counsel is for open war," they cry for vengeance against the tyrant of the ocean: and yet we hear not a note of preparation. The navy of Great Britain is the proposed object of our attack, and we have drawn out our militia in terrible array, on paper, to encounter it. It is too palpable that the object is double, not only war with England, but alliance with France. "France has ships and we have men," and the philosophic suggester of this depends on his own ingenuity to contrive a scheme for bringing the ships to the men, or sending the men to the ships.
The embargo was likewise recommended as a measure solely intended for the safety of our ships and seamen; this was the pretext, but we are afraid we have too truly conjectured the course, else why was our internal commerce restricted, and the possibility of our surplus produce reaching a foreign market prevented, when neither ships nor seamen would be endangered. We cannot attribute this solely to the hatred of commerce imputed to the ruling influence in our country, though this hatred undoubtedly exists, and it was the stock upon which foreign arrogance engrafted the Scion, which produced the embargo as its poisonous and deadly fruit.
This scheme of pretext avowed contrary to the real causes, of reasons assigned inconsistent with measures recommended, we deem to be totally repugnant to integrity and sincerity, the characteristic virtues of a republican government. To such systems of crooked policy and pious fraud, we feel as republicans an instinctive and invincible abhorrence—and this feeling alone, so congenial to the spirit of our free institutions, would justify the language of this address. But, if we wished, we could not exaggerate the evils of a permanent and general embargo—especially, when resulting from the motives, to which we conscientiously attribute it. Is it not obvious, that it is the most direct, the dryest and hardest of all taxes. Nothing is expended for the good of the community.—Nothing returns as from most other taxes, to the pocket of the contributor.—It annihilates commerce, and retards circulation, while it oppresses agriculture. It is the destruction of a large proportion of property to every individual, and the diminution of a vast mass of property to the country at large.—If corn, for instance, by a public measure, is reduced from one dollar twenty five cents per bushel to half that sum, it is the same as if one half the stock of the farmer was thrown into the river or consumed by fire. What tax has ever been so oppressive and so useless, or rather so ruinous. The parent of nature has smiled upon the labours of the husbandman, and our fields literally wave with plenty, but the folly and imbecility of government, impiously counteract the bounty of Heaven. The immense overflowing of this exuberant cultivation, instead of finding its natural outlet, must be retained to stagnate and putrify.
Believe not, Fellow-Freemen, that by tracing the causes of our present depression and distress, to the overbearing influence of one foreign nation, we mean to justify the misconduct or countenance the usurpations of another.—The proceedings of Great Britain towards us, have been as detrimental to her own interest as evasive of our rights.—She is mistaken, if she presumed that there exists a party who will, in the least, compromise the honour or dignity of the country from favour or affection to her.—We are willing to cultivate with her, that connexion which the fair reciprocation of interests suggests, but we will not patiently endure the haughtiness of her maritime pretensions, or the insults of her naval commanders. If she approaches our government in the spirit of peace and conciliation, we hope she will meet with the same spirit—and we deeply regret that any difficulties of form, or diplomatic etiquette, have prevented our acceptance of reparation on ample; or have prevented her from making that reparation ample and commensurate with our wrongs.
It is not among the least of our reasons of resistance to the present measures, that in case G. Britain should, contrary to her interest and ours, determine on hostile proceedings, that she will encounter us at a period when the sinews of war are relaxed, and the energies of our nation enfeebled. So far from being conscious that we feel any diminution of those patriotic feelings that animated us to resistance in our revolutionary war, we trace our opposition to our present oppression, to the same source. We find in history, nothing similar to our embargo statutes, except those of the parliament of Great
Britain, which restricted our trade as colonies.—An analogy will be found in the title, provisions and penalties of these acts, with that which was enacted to "restrain the trade and commerce of Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, and colonies of Connecticut, and Rhode Island and Providence plantations, in North America, and to prohibit such provinces or colonies from carrying on any trade, or fishing on the banks of Newfoundland, or other places therein mentioned."
This act was the most effectual stimulant that excited the people of this state to personal resistance against Great Britain. We are happily not now obliged to resort to a remedy so tremendous. We did not send members to parliament: but we do send representatives to Congress. The remedy for your grievances, Fellow-Citizens, is to be administered by yourselves. The day is at hand when, by your exercise of the invaluable privilege of suffrage, you can reverse these proceedings; or at least shew that you are not parties to the oppression and disgrace of your country. We were solicitous, however, to avoid the animosities too frequently attendant on a contested election.—We were, comparatively, indifferent on whom power was bestowed, if it were to be exerted for the good of the people, and in conformity to their present and real sentiments. It is well known that a large portion of the former supporters of administration adhering to their general principles, and preserving to themselves their former denominations, are opposed to the present disastrous measures:—We wished to effect a compromise, and by the selection of candidates mutually agreeable, to reconcile differences, and to preserve the quiet and harmony of the state. But we found all negotiation fruitless. The gauntlet of defiance is thrown; and it is for you to determine the controversy. The candidates proposed for your choice, are, Mr. WILBOUR and Mr. RUSSEL, on one side; and Mr. POTTER and Mr. JACKSON, on the other.
SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
On the 3d of March next the terms of the following Senators expire, viz:
Mr. Adams, of Massachusetts. Anderson, of Tennessee. Coodit, of New-Jersey. Hillhouse, of Connecticut. Howland, of Rhode-Island. Maclay, of Pennsylvania. Mitchell, of New-York. Moore, of Virginia. Robinson, of Vermont. Smith, of Maryland. Smith, of Ohio. White, of Delaware.
Messrs. Adams, (of Mass.) and Smith of Ohio, have resigned their seats.—In the place of Mr. Adams Mr. Lloyd has been appointed—Mr. Smith's seat is yet vacant.
On the 3d of March, 1811, the terms of the following will expire, viz:
Mr. Bayard, of Delaware. Crawford, of Georgia. Giles, of Virginia. Gilman, of N. Hampshire. Kitchel, of New-Jersey. Matthewson, of Rhode-Island. Pickering, of Massachusetts. Smith, of Tennessee. Sumpter, of South-Carolina. Thruston, of Kentucky. Turner, of North-Carolina.
On the 3d of March, 1813, the terms of the following expire, viz:
Mr. Bradley, of Vermont. Franklin, of North-Carolina. Gaillard, of South-Carolina. Goodrich, of Connecticut. Gregg, of Pennsylvania. Milledge, of Georgia. Parker, of N. Hampshire. Pope, of Kentucky. Reed, of Maryland. Smith, of New-York. Tiffin, of Ohio.
From the Baltimore Federal Republican.
MR. GALLATIN.
While we observe with pride and pleasure the returning influence of correct principles upon a large portion of our fellow-citizens, we cannot avoid congratulating the friends of civil liberty and social order upon the recovery of some distinguished leaders of democracy from their visionary notions to the soundness of real republicanism. The secretary of the treasury is incontestably the most able man, of whom the party in administration could ever boast. His efforts, while in opposition, contributed essentially to render the federal party unpopular, and his conduct in that situation excited serious fears for the fate of our revenue system, when he was placed at the head of the treasury. But these fears have been agreeably disappointed. Instead of innovating upon the plans of his predecessors, he has thoroughly pursued them. It is well ascertained, that this gentleman is hostile to the anti-commercial spirit which now predominates in our cabinet, which threatens to destroy our revenue system and to dry up the fountains of our wealth. His financial abilities and knowledge render his opinion upon this subject deserving of high respect, especially as it is given against the party with whom he once acted. Another subject, upon which he differs with Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison, is our foreign concerns. He is sensible of the dangerous ascendancy which France has obtained in our national councils, and can see nothing in this deleterious influence, but disgrace and ruin. The awful fate of his native country inspires him with a reasonable dread of the arts which this perfidious nation practises to destroy her devoted victims.—Geneva fell a prey to the treachery of France, assisted by the wickedness and credulity of her own citizens, and he reasonably fears, that, unless a total change of politics is effected, a similar fate will overwhelm the liberties of America.
MR. MONROE.
This gentleman furnishes another instance of the triumph of reason over prejudice and passion. In the early periods of the French revolution, he was so strongly contaminated by the infection of jacobinism, as to appear incurable. But a more intimate acquaintance with French politics has removed the original taint. The preponderating power of France is now presented to his imagination in the
alluring form of a people struggling for freedom. His senses are alarmed by the aspect of a furious and unrelenting despotism which threatens to banish liberty from the earth. Under the operation of a wholesome fear, his allusions have been dispelled, and he may now reasonably pretend to rank among those statesmen, who pursue real and practical good in preference to unattainable objects of fancied but uncertain advantage. His conduct in England was the result of real political wisdom, combined with an honourable desire to advance the interests and secure the peace of his country. Yet for this conduct, he has been denounced by Mr. Jefferson, and discarded by his party. He has been denounced, because he would not enter the views of our cabinet, in promoting the designs of Buonaparte, at the expense of America.
MR. RANDOLPH.
Perhaps no person who has figured in our political drama, has excited more general attention than this extraordinary character. By the fawning missions of administration, he has been denounced as a political apostate—a disappointed office-seeker—who has sacrificed his party upon the altar of his own selfish passions. The effusions of his eloquence have even been ridiculed as the ravings of insanity, by those very men who once extolled him as the accomplished statesman, the captivating orator, and virtuous patriot. But in the ebullitions of anger, we do not look for truth. The creatures of presidential favour have smarted under the lash of his bitter sarcasm, and have been humbled by the efforts of his superior mind. Unable to withstand the force of his arguments, they have endeavoured to destroy their effect, by blasting his reputation.
Dispassionate men have been perplexed by the seeming contradictions in his character. While he advocates with ability and zeal the policy of federalism, he retains all his miserable prejudices and bitter rancour, engendered by former contests. Although opposed to the administration of Mr. Jefferson, yet he anxiously seeks to avoid the imputation of deserting his original principles, which he contends he has preserved inviolate.
Our opinion of this gentleman is, that his present conduct originates in pure motives. His political principles upon many subjects, we believe to be hostile to the good of our country; but, as far as the foreign relations of the nation are concerned, he appears to be governed by correct maxims. His account of the origin of his opposition to Mr. Jefferson, is very satisfactory. An indiscreet expression of Mr. Madison opened the eyes of Mr. Randolph, and deeply impressed upon his mind, that designs were entertained by the cabinet inimical to our liberty and independence. The measures which have been since pursued, have strengthened his conviction, that the administration was wicked and weak; that they made professions of republicanism with a view to preserve their popularity, while in fact, they laboured to promote the interests of the decided enemy to liberty under any form.
SWEDEN.
The Stockhom Court Almanack, for the present year, contains the following statement of the military force of Sweden.
The peace establishment of Sweden consists of 50,000 regulars, but at the commencement of the present year the number amounted only to 43,275 men—namely, life guards, 7,075; artillery, 3,600; forty regiments of cavalry and infantry, including the corps which were in Pomerania, together comprising 36,000 men. There is one field marshal, prince of Hessestein; three generals, viz. Winklerfeldt, Klingspor, commander in Finland, and Toll, governor of Scania; there are 14 lieutenant generals, 14 major generals, 33 adjutant generals, and 93 colonels.
The marine establishment consists of the duke of Sudermania, grand admiral—one admiral, baron Lagerhjelm, commander in chief of the galley fleet, six vice admirals and eleven rear admirals. The galley fleet is divided into four squadrons—the 1st, that of Sweabourg, lately surrendered by Cronstedt; 2d, of Abo, commanded by vice admiral Stedinck; 3d, of Stockhom, commanded by rear admiral Helmstjerna, and the 4th of Gottenburgh, under the orders of rear admiral Frese. Independent of the crews of the flotilla, there are 16,000 sailors in the Swedish navy, which comprises 20 ships of the line and 16 frigates, but many of the vessels are unfit for service.
The Carlscrona fleet, now at sea, comprises 14 sail of the line and eight frigates, with several smaller vessels, under the command of count Olof Cederstroen, who has his flag on board the Gustavus Adolphus, of 90 guns. Lieut. Col. Tronquist is chief of division; and Moritz Krusenstjerna of the fleet.
ARRIVED.
British ship Halliday, Marshal, 72 days from Liverpool, Salt & Crates, C. & F. Whittle.
FOR SALE
On board the British ship Halliday, capt. Marshall, just arrived from Liverpool,
355 tons stowed SALT, 145 do. common do. 100 crates well assorted Earthenware, and 12 dozen Mats—by
C. & F. WHITTLE.
September 5.
The Rt. Hon. Charles James Fox's Historical Work.
Bonsal, Conrad, & Co. and Birch & Small, Announce that they have just received from London, and will speedily publish,
The HISTORY of the early part of the Reign of JAMES THE SECOND,
By the Right Hon. CHARLES JAMES FOX.
To which is prefixed, a copious Address to the reader, by Lord Holland, under whose care it was published: and an Appendix, containing the Correspondence between Louis the 14th and Mr. Barillon on English affairs.
Correspondence between the Earl of Sunderland and the Bishop of Oxford, respecting Mr. Locke.
The Bill for the preservation of the King's person.
Account of Rumbold, from Lord Fountainhall's M. S. mem oirs .
It will be comprised in one handsome octavo volume—price 2 dolls. 50 cents in boards. The copy from which they print cost 36s. sterling, in London.
September 5.
1w3w
LOST,
AN ACCOUNT BOOK,
about 9 or 12 inches square and 3-4 of an inch thick, (this size is generally used as a child's copy book.)—This book is the property of Mr. REYNEAR GILBERT, and can be of no advantage to any other person. The finder will be liberally rewarded by leaving it at this Office or with the owner. September 5.

TRIAL OF COMMODORE BARRON.
As soon as a sufficient number of Subscriptions are procured, to defray the cost of the Paper, WILL BE PUBLISHED, AT THE LEDGER OFFICE,
NORFOLK, THE WHOLE PROCEEDINGS IN THE TRIALS OF Commodore JAMES BARRON, Capt. CHARLES GORDON, Commandant of the United States' frigate Chesapeake, JOHN HALL, Esq. Captain of Marines, and WILLIAM HOOK, Gunner.
These Trials will be found highly interesting to the public in general, and to the Officers of the United States' Navy in particular. Every circumstance relative to the important affair, which gave occasion for these Trials, will be found detailed with great exactness; and many official documents which have not yet been published will appear with this work. The interest which the nation has taken in this affair, and the circumstances connected with it, render it unnecessary that the Publisher should offer any remarks upon the value of the work. Officers of the Navy will be greatly interested in having the proceedings of the most important Trials that have occurred in the service.
The Publisher has been favoured with a record of the proceedings; he will pay particular attention to the correct execution of the work, which it is expected will contain from two hundred and fifty to three hundred pages, octavo.
CONDITIONS.
 I. The work will be printed on a good fair type, and on good paper.  II. The price to Subscribers will be One Dollar and Seventy-five Cents, in boards, delivered at any place where Subscriptions are received, according to order.  III. The amount of Subscription to be paid on delivery of the Work.  IV. The usual allowance to the trade.  V. Subscription Papers will be sent in a few days to the principal towns in the United States, of which notice will be given in the papers of those towns. To the Editors of Papers who will give this advertisement a few insertions, the Publisher will be much obliged, and reciprocate whenever they may request it.  The Editor of the Publick Ledger.
At a Court held for Northampton County, the 11th day of July, 1808.
Thomas D. Simkins and William Simkins, an infant by Thomas D. Simkins, his guardian, Plaintiffs. Against Coventon Simkins, John Simkins, John Brickhouse, Junior, and George Lewis, Defendants. The complainants having filed their bill more than three months, and the court being satisfied that Coventon Simkins one of the defendants, is out of this commonwealth, it is ordered, that the said Coventon Simkins do enter his appearance to this suit on the first day of November Court next, and give security for performing the decree that may be made in this case, or the Court will on that day proceed in the suit like manner as if an appearance had been entered; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order be posted at the front door of the Court-House of this County, and published in the Publick Ledger for two months successively.
Thomas L. Savage, Clerk.
NORFOLK BOROUGH. At a Hustings Court continued and held the 24th day of May, 1808.
Thomas Jones, Compt. against Thomas Wright, administrator with the will annexed of Thomas Newton, deceased, Defendant. The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of the said Borough.
A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
VIRGINIA, to wit:
At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808. Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs. Against Mary Slater, widow and devisee for life of John Slater, deceased, Richard and William S. Slater, sons and devisees of the said John Slater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb an infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Slater, deceased, and as executor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Slater, deceased, Defendants.
On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court; and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city.
A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
ADVERTISEMENT.
To a Gentleman who has not been seen or heard of by his friends in his native country since March, 1806.
This gentleman may with perfect safety, both as to publick and private concerns impart his situation and place of residence to THE EDITOR OF THIS PAPER, who can give him any information about his family. This advertisement is made by those most interested in him, and the reference may be confided in. The gentleman to whom it is addressed, will know it by these circumstances. He left his native country in March 1806 — He was the only surviving son of his father, whose name was Thomas, born 1749 and married M. E. His brother John, who was elder than him, had died before his twin sisters were C. & A. of whom the former was dead before 1806. He was born in the parish of B. where the estate of his ancestors is. Educated at I in the county of R. and taken care of by his aunt Cecilia.
July 15
NOTICE.
The partnership of Wilson, Cunningham & Co. having been dissolved by mutual consent—all those indebted, as well as those who have claims against them, are requested to settle the same with Alexander Wilson or J. B. Cunningham, who are fully authorised to liquidate the business of said concern.
William Pennock, Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
Norfolk, July 15, 1808.
The business heretofore carried on by the above firm will be continued by the Subscribers, under the firm of Wilson & Cunningham.
Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
DR. ROBERTSON'S Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health.
Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the stomach: also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, severe Gripings, and all other diseases of the bowels, a dose never fails to remove a cold if taken soon after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, removing habitual costiveness, sickness at the stomach, severe head aches, &c. &c.
The following certificates are selected from the many respectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession.
Certificate of Mr. William Julion, carpenter and builder, No. 69, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will lay my case before the publick, as an incontestible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robertson's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health.
I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me so much that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained, I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by taking Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business.
I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance in the country, where assistance cannot be immediately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world, I have since recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person with to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure explain it to them by applying to me.
I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM. JULION.
MR. DYOTT, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807.
Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, one of the most effectual service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my stomach, and continual head aches, attended with a sickness at the stomach, which brought on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before—As I consider your medicines to have been the means of saving my life, I solicit you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by abiding by the directions given with your invaluable medicines, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES.
MR. DYOTT, Philadelphia, August 1, 1807
ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES.
Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pain in my breast and side, and a sickness at my stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and shall certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint.
I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON.
MR. T. W. DYOTT. August 22.
Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia.
DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I wish you to publish the following: About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which settled on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption must soon have followed, had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is my office to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most efficacious remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint.
I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE.
MR. DYOTT. November 11.
The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the proprietor, T. W. DYOTT, No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; and by appointment at BONSAL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVELL & CONRAD'S, Peterburg. May 23. Lawly
WILLIAM PENNOCK
Has removed his Counting-Room to No. 4, on his own wharf. July 29. tf
CASH given for
Rough W. O. hhd. & bbl. STAVES, by A. Maclure. August 5. tf
NORFOLK BOROUGH.
At a Hustings Court continued and held the 25th day of May, 1808.
Cornelius Cruywaygan, Compt. against Maritziz Boztellis and Moses Myers, Defendants.
The defendant Maritziz Boztellis not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is now ordered that the said defendant Maritziz Boztellis, do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of said Borough: and it is further ordered, that the defendant Moses Myers who hath effects of the said Maritziz Boztellis in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court.
A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
NOTICE.
All persons are forewarned from crediting my Wife CATHARINE IVES, on my account, as I am determined to said estate will make immediate payment, or suits will be brought indiscriminately—the above notice will be plead in bar against delinquent creditors, by Robert Ives. August 24. 7*
NOTICE.
Is hereby given to all persons having claims against the estate of THOMAS BARK, deceased, that they must be brought forward for settlement previous to the 1st of December next, properly attested; all those indebted to said estate will make immediate payment, or suits will be brought indiscriminately—the above notice will be plead in bar against delinquent creditors, by Peter Foster, Executor. August 24. tf
Ten Dollars Reward
For Negro ALECK, purchased of Mr. Hubbard of this place, of a very dark complexion, has lost his upper fore teeth; had on when he went away a coarse check shirt and casimere pantaloon, long coat and white hat; he was seen near Tappahosier's Ferry, York, where I suspect he is still lurking, or at Williamsburg where he has a wife. George Veale. August 22. tf
JOHN PENDRED'S
Boot and Shoe Manufactory, No. 70, MAIN-STREET.
The publick are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands. N. B. Orders for Double Backstamps, single do. and Cos-sacks, executed with the greatest dispatch. August 1. tf
For RENT,
The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar.
The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothers's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
Richard Jeffrey & Co.
No 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Fluter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality.
Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. tf
Fresh Imperial TEA.
Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter cases of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26. tf
Two thousand Spanish HIDES,
For Sale by William Plume, & Co. June 6. tf
SAMUEL COLEMAN,
Market-Street, westward of the Market, has established A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY.
For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those will be well served who choose to promote an institution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.
New SHOES from New-York,
as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 12s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.
Gentlemens' SHOES and PUMPS
of many kinds, made in his factory, and in Newark. VERNON'S BOOTS,
which are no doubt elegant—Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very few gentlemen who cannot be fitted. A few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cottons, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash.
A few Casks of
Best LONDON PORTER. July 6. tf
BOOKS, &c.
Just Received,
The Register of Arts, or a compendious view of some of the most useful modern discoveries and inventions; American Semi-Annual Register, or general Repository of History, Politics, and Science, vols. 1 and 2. Barlow's Columbiad; Cooper's Surgery; Life of Beattie; Life of Leo the 10th, 4 vol.; Burke's Works, 4 vol.; Planters and Mariners Medical Companion; Espriella's Letters from England, 2 vol.; Salmasgadi, 2 vol.; Modern Chivalry, 2 vol.; Corinna; Fatal Revenge, 2 vol.; Foulding of Belgrade; Wild Irish Girl; American Artillerist's Companion, Nos. 1, 2, and 3; Saul, a Poem by Sotheby; collection of new Plays; Ree's Cyclopaedia, part 10th; Hot Pressed Letter Paper, &c.
Bonsal, Conrad, & Co.
NOTICE.
The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper,
20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Matras Tickling, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26. tf
Norfolk Drawbridge.
The Directors have declared a dividend of Fifty Six Cents on the Stock of this Company, for the half year ending the 10th inst. which will be paid to the Stockholders or their legal representatives after the 10th August next.
William Cammack, Treasurer. July 13. tf
LANDING
This Day from the schooner Adventure and brig Eliza, 55 hlids. sup. qual. Muscovado Sugar 34 do. and 40 quarter casks particular Teneriffe WINE—For Sale by Moses Myers. July 6. tf
We have for SALE on our Wharf,
200 hogsheads MOLASSES, 53 do. superior quality Muscovado Sugars, 57 do. inferior do. 258 bags Guadalupe Coffee; 10 pucheons Rum, 60,000 wt. Jamaica Coffee, in hlids. barrels and bags, 10,000 do. Lagaïra do. 80 kegs Raisins, 20 cases superior quality Claret, 6000 bushels Ivia, 8500 do. St. Ubes, 2500 do. Turks-Island, and 5000 do. coarse Liverpool Salt, 10 pipes old Madeira Wine; 4 do. Country Gin, 50 barrels Rye Whiskey; 50 hlids. Philadelphia Porter, 1 new 14 inch Cable 120 fathoms. C. & F. Whittle. July 13. tf
FOR SALE,
At reduced prices at my Office, 19 Hogsheads, 40 tiers } SUGAR. 7 pipes 6 hogsheads } Old Madeira WINE, 8 quarter casks 20 tiers Rice; 250 bags Coffee, 30 chests Young Hyson Tea; 20 hogsheads Molasses, 2 bales Halfthicks and Plains, 3 trunks Calicoes, 1 box coarse Linen; 1 trunk Jacquet Muslin and Dimities, 1 trunk 325 pounds sterling, Watches and Jewellery. William B. Lamb. TO RENT, The Store and Dwelling-House on Market Square, lately occupied by Mr. Vincent Parlato. August 1. 6
NOTICE.
The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
Phoenix Fire-Office.
The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals heretofore submitted.
N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8. 157
FOR SALE,
30,000 acres valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana—Particulars with regard to local advantages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to purchasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS TUNNO, in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER, in Savannah. Feb. 8. Lawly
NOTICE.
The Subscribers have removed to the War-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
For SALE at my Brew-House,
Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18. tf
Mackinder & White,
Have just received from on board the schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ticklenburgs, superfine Cloths, Gentlemens' Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 13. tf
NOTES OF HAND,
according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.
NORFOLK:
PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.