The Patowmac guardian, and Berkeley advertiser (Shepherdstown, Va. [W. Va.]), 1792-02-28 00:00:00

The POTOMAC GUARDIAN, and BERKELEY ADVERTISER.
PRICE TWO DOLLARS PER ANN.]
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1792.
[NUMBER 68—VOL 2.]
WHERE LIBERTY DWELLS, THERE IS MY COUNTRY.
Franklin.
CONGRESS.
PHILADELPHIA.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, THURSDAY, January 26, 1792. IN COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE.
On the Bill providing for the Defence of the Frontiers.
Question under consideration,
A MOTION to strike out the second section of the bill, which contemplates the raising of three additional regiments of infantry, and a squadron of light dragoons, amounting in all to three thousand and forty men, exclusive of commissioned officers.
In favor of the motion, and against the proposed augmentation of the military establishment, it was urged,
That the Indian war, in which the United States are at present involved, was, in its origin, as unjustly undertaken, as it has since been unwisely and unsuccessfully conducted;—that depredations had been committed by the whites, as well as by the Indians; and the whites were most probably the aggressors, as they frequently made encroachments on the Indian lands, whereas the Indians shewed no inclination to obtain possession of our territory, or even to make temporary invasions until urged to it by a sense of their wrongs: a proof of this unencroaching disposition on their part, plainly appeared in their conduct, after the victory they lately obtained over our troops; for, when, flushed with success, they might have swept the country before them, and penetrated as far as Pittsburgh, they contented themselves with the advantage they had gained over their invaders, and did not attempt to invade our territories in return, although there was no where at hand a sufficient force to check their career.
The mode of treating the Indians in general, was reproached as unwise and impolitic: the Indians are with difficulty to be reduced by the sword, but may easily be gained by justice and moderation: and although their cruelties are alleged as reasons for a different conduct, and the sufferings of the white people pathetically deplored, these narratives, (it was said) are at best but exparte evidence;—we hear nothing of the sufferings of the Indians; but if Cornplanter's speech were read, it would set the matter in a very different point of view, and furnish a complete answer to all the charges of their accusers.
Peace (it was said) may be obtained from the Indian tribes, at a much less expense than would be necessary for the support of the war:—to persevere in hostilities, would be wasting the public money to a very bad purpose indeed; for supposing our armies crown'd with victory, what are the advantages we may expect to reap from our success?—we can only gain possession of their lands—a possession, that must long continue unproductive of the smallest benefit, as we already possess land sufficient; more in fact, than we will be able to cultivate for a whole century to come.
Instead of being ambitious to extend our boundaries, it would answer a much better national purpose rather to check the roving disposition of the frontier settlers, and prevent them from too suddenly extending themselves to the western waters: if kept closer together, and more nearly connected with the old settlements, they would be more useful to the community at large, and would not so frequently involve us in unnecessary and expensive wars with the Indians: but if permitted to rove at pleasure, they will keep the nation embroiled in perpetual warfare; as long as the Indians have a single acre of ground to rest upon.
If the citizens of the United States were recalled within their proper boundaries, there they might, for years to come, cultivate the soil in peace, neither invaded, nor invading. As the country progresses in population, and our limits are found too narrow, it will then be soon enough to contemplate a gradual extension of our frontier: but in the mean time, it is an idle profusion of blood and treasure, to carry war beyond our present line of forts: it is only exposing our arms to disgrace, betraying our own weakness, and lessening the public confidence in the general government, to send forth armies to be butchered in the forests, whilst we suffer the British to keep possession of the posts within our territory.
As long as Britain is suffered to retain those posts, we can never hope to succeed against the Indians; nor ought we to trace our late misfortune to any other source than her still holding them in her possession: were they in our hands, the Indians could not carry on their operations against us with the same degree of vigor as they now do; for it is from those forts that they obtain their supplies of arms & ammunition, with which they can be, at all
times, plentifully furnished, as long as things continue on their present footing.
Until those posts are in our possession, it will be vain to send our armies into the wilderness. A body of five thousand men, sent out against the Indians, under the present circumstances, would be as effectually defeated as the smaller ones have already been: in those wilds, our troops have no friend at hand, to furnish them with supplies, or to give them intelligence of the approach and operations of the enemy; whereas the Indians, receiving both aid and information from their friendly neighbors, can concert their plans, and chuse, according to their own convenience, the place and the hour of attack, as they did before.
It was here observed by an honorable gentleman on the other side of the question, that we ought undoubtedly to get possession of those posts; and that we might have long since obtained it, if we had only laid a seasonable embargo on all the British shipping in our ports; though he doubted, whether it would at present be worth while to take such a step, as the English have lost so great a portion of our carrying trade, in consequence of the additional tonnage laid on their vessels.
In favour of the motion, it was further urged, that supposing the war to have been originally undertaken with justice on our side—supposing also, that the national honor and interest called for a continuance of hostilities; yet, as it was by no means either necessary or prudent to invade the Indian territory, as this had been attempted in two successive campaigns, and the event had, in both instances, been such as to afford no very flattering prospect from a third expedition of the same kind: it was thought much more advisable to content ourselves with defending the frontier; and this might be done, without making so great an augmentation in the military establishment.
The only use of regular troops on the frontier, is to garrison the forts, and to have a standing force in the neighbourhood, to form a station, to which the militia may resort either for protection or supplies: but as to active service, the frontier militia and rangers were pronounced to be by far preferable to the regular troops, as being more expert woodsmen and better habituated to the Indian mode of fighting. To defend the forts, a small number of regulars would be sufficient; the present establishment of two regiments would, if completed, be amply adequate to the purpose: and when assisted by such forces as might at all times be collected on the frontier, would be able to repel every inroad of the enemy.
Experience has proved, that the sudden and desultory attacks of the frontier militia and rangers, are ever attended with better success than the methodical operations of a regular force; the former are better calculated for expedition and surprise, making unexpected sallies, scouring the country in small bodies, harassing the Indians and intercepting their straggling parties, by whom their motions are unobserved; whereas, when a body of regulars take the field, encumbered with baggage and heavy artillery, the unavoidable slowness of their movements affords the enemy an opportunity of watching all their operations, collecting their whole force and skulking in the woods around them, till they can seize the favorable moment to strike a sudden blow, which they generally do with success, but which they could never attempt, if exposed every hour to the unforeseen attacks of our woodsmen, who would keep their attention constantly engaged in all quarters, and thus prevent them from uniting in large bodies.
It was further observed by some gentlemen, who even admitted the propriety of invading the Indian territory, that to effect this with success, it was by no means necessary to make such an increase in the military establishment, as this contemplated in the bill: the miscarriage of the former expeditions could not (they said) be alledged as a sufficient reason: for it is well known, that the former establishment was far from being complete; the regulars, intended for the service of the last campaign, were to have been above two thousand two hundred; the President was besides empowered to raise two thousand five hundred levies in addition to the regulars; and these would together have constituted an army of about four thousand seven hundred men: had such a body been employed, we might reasonably have expected much better success against the Indians, whose numbers were so far inferior, the whole force of the Wabash tribes not amounting to above eleven or twelve hundred warriors, who never could keep the field for any length of time, but must be soon obliged to disperse, without venturing an attack upon an army of such superior strength.
Instead of this, our army consisted of only about twelve hundred men, and of these not above four or five hundred were regular troops: besides, had even this force been sufficient if employed in season, the delays, that had taken place in the execution of the plan would alone have been sufficient to defeat the intended purpose. During the winter, the law was
passed for raising the additional troops to carry on the war with greater vigor; the whole summer was spent in the business, and the few men that we did enlist, were not raised till late in the fall; collected at length at the head of the Ohio, they fruitlessly loitered away their time, till they finally erected a monument to our eternal disgrace and infamy.
Whatever troops are to be employed, ought to be raised with diligence and dispatch, if we wish to avoid a similar miscarriage in our next attempt: the army ought not to enter the Indian country, till their whole force is complete—difficulties however and delay, equal to those of last year, may be expected in enlisting the men and we shall have the officers in pay a considerable time, without any soldiers: perhaps the former pay of the troops was too low; and proper effective men were unwilling to accept of it; if so, let it be raised; let the men be well clothed and fed; and they will more readily engage in the service: probably also the term of three years was an objection with many, who would otherwise have joined our standard; if enlisted only for six months, the ranks will be sooner filled; and this ought to have considerable weight with those who advocate the augmentation of the military establishment, as they cannot but know, that if we set about enlisting the number of men contemplated in the bill, and in the manner there prescribed, they cannot be raised time enough to render any service in the next campaign.
The information, contained in the report on the table, was not, it was said, to be implicitly relied on; that report was made by a man, who had not personally visited the frontier: others, who had been on the spot were of opinion, that if 2000 levies had been raised last year, they would have been sufficient not only for the defence of the frontier, but even for any offensive operations, that might have been thought necessary: such troops, collected in the vicinity are more competent to the undertaking, than the troops now in contemplation: no complaint had been made of their conduct; whenever they were tried, they behaved as well as the regulars, and in the action under General St. Clair, they gave equal proofs of their valor.
It was further urged, that the frontier militia are not only equal, but infinitely superior to any regular troops whatever, for the defence of the borders, and that they are in fact, the only force that can be effectually employed in expeditions against the hostile Indians, whose mode of fighting is similar to them, and does not strike them with that degree of terror, with which it inspires those men who enlist on the regular establishment:—these latter being collected in the heart of populous cities, where the face of an Indian is seldom seen, hardly known, whether the Indian and his horse are not the same animal: and when they approach the enemy, at the very first shout, even before he is in view, they are terrified at the idea of savage barbarity, which they have ever been taught to reflect on with horror; and being incapable of resistance, they commit their safety to flight. To prove the superiority of the militia, gentlemen need only contrast the dispatch and success of the expedition conducted by General Scott, with the delays, disgrace and mortification which attended that under General St. Clair, and consider the difference of the expence on those two occasions.
The expence of such an army as the bill contemplates, is an object well worthy of serious consideration, especially at the present moment, when there is scarcely a dollar in the treasury. Gentlemen would also do well to advert to the progress of this business, and consider where they were likely to stop, if they went on at the present rate:—at first, only a single regiment had been raised, and the expence was about 100,000 dollars; a second was afterwards added, which swelled the expence to about 300,000; and now a standing force of 5168 men is contemplated, at an annual expence of above a million and a quarter. Can this be justified in the present state of our finances, when it is well known that the Secretary of the Treasury, having been requested by the members from a particular State, to build a lighthouse on a part of their coast, declined the undertaking, and alledged the want of funds, as the reason?
Our resources however might be made to answer for the support of such a force as that, which was intended for the service of the proceeding year, and there would be little complaint or dissatisfaction among the people: very few murmurings were heard against the former establishment: but such a one as is now contemplated, will be thought extravagant, will breed discontent among the citizens of the United States, and perhaps afford our neighbors in Canada an opportunity to take advantage of our divided situation, and involve us in a war more dangerous than the former which separated us from Great Britain.
Apprehensions (it is said) are entertained, that the object contemplated in raising those additional troops, is not so much to punish and coerce the Indians, as to have a standing regular force equal to what the British have on this continent. This is

said to amount to about six thousand men, including those in Canada: but it is to be remarked, that the British nation has not above one thousand men within the limits of the United States; and yet with this handful of troops, they not only keep the Indians in awe, but even, in opposition to the wishes of the United States, retain possession of those posts, which should have been ceded to us pursuant to the terms of the treaty:—why then is it necessary for the purpose of establishing posts and garrisoning them, to encrease the standing force to so large a number, as that contemplated in the clause under consideration?—During our late arduous struggle for liberty, when we had to cope with the most powerful nation under heaven, the commander in chief had never at any one time above ten thousand men, under his own immediate command; and if with so small a force, we were able to effect so glorious a revolution, there can be no necessity of going such lengths at present, for the sake of establishing a military character—it is strange policy indeed, to raise five or six thousand men, to oppose a handful of Indian banditti, whose utmost amount does not, from the documents on the table, appear to exceed twelve hundred.
We are preparing to squander away money by millions: and no one, except those who are in the secrets of the cabinet, knows for what reason the war has been thus carried on for 3 years: but what funds are to defray the encreased expense of maintaining such a force as is now contemplated?—The excise is both unpopular and unproductive:—the impost duties have been raised as high as is consistent with prudence:—to increase them would be but to open a door for smuggling, and thus diminish their productiveness: and if those sources of revenue fail, if our finances be thus exhausted in unnecessary wars we shall be unable to satisfy the public creditors, unless recourse be had to new taxes, the consequence of which may, with just reason, be deplored; whereas, if we but keep our expenses within bounds, if we nurse our finances, we shall be respectable among the nations of the earth, nor will any nation dare to insult us, or be able to do it with impunity.
During the course of these observations, an honorable gentleman asked, whether this was a day set apart for rhetorical flourishes, as the galleries were open, and he saw the short-hand writers stationed at their different posts?
At an early stage of the debate, an honorable gentleman had suggested, that, instead of passing a law for raising at all events the additional regiments, which, for his part, he did not think necessary, the house (if they finally determined the present establishment to be insufficient) would perhaps do better to appropriate a certain sum of money, to enable the executive to call in such additional aid, as circumstances may require.
To this it was objected, that it is the duty of the representatives of the people in all appropriations of the public money, to make them for certain specific purposes;—to act otherwise on the present occasion, would be setting a precedent, that might, in its consequences, prove highly injurious: for, although the greatest confidence may safely be reposed in the virtue and integrity of him who now fills the presidential chair, it is impossible to foresee what use may hereafter be made of the precedent by his successors, or how far it may be carried.
Against the motion for striking out, and in favor of the proposed augmentation of the military establishment, it was urged.
That as to the justice of war carried on against the Indian tribes, that was a question which could not admit of a doubt in the mind of any man, who would allow that self preservation and indispensable necessity are sufficient causes to justify a nation in taking up arms:—if the present war be not in every respect justifiable, then there never was, nor ever will be a just war: it was originally undertaken, and since carried on, not for the sake of conquest, but to defend our fellow-citizens, our friends, our dearest connections, who are daily exposed, in the frontier settlements, to all the rage of savage barbarity, to which they, with their wives and children, must soon fall victims, unless we speedily fly to their assistance:—and although there are some people, who utterly deny the justice of any war whatever, this doctrine, however fine in theory, will hardly ever obtain in practice: for, is it to be imagined, that any set of men are of such a passive disposition, as calmly to look on, whilst their friends and relations are butchered before their eyes, and to refuse giving them every assistance in their power?
The murders and depredations, which have, for years past, been repeatedly committed by the savages, loudly call for redress:—from various documents of unquestionable authority, now in the hands of the Secretary at War, signed and attested by the executive and legislature of Kentucky, by the district judge, and the captains of the militia, it appears, that from the year 1783 to 1790, there have been, of the inhabitants of that district or of emigrants on their way thither, no less than fifteen hundred persons either massacred by the savages, or dragged into captivity; two thousand horses taken away; and other property plundered or destroyed, to the amount of fifty thousand dollars; and there is good reason to suppose, that on the other frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania, the number of persons murdered or taken prisoners, during the above mentioned period, would furnish a list of one thousand or fifteen hundred more.
The white people, it is true, have sometimes committed depredations on the Indians; but the instances have been rare [the honorable gentleman who spoke, did not recollect above one or two] of their making unjust attacks upon the savages, nor did they on those occasions commence hostilities against
them, till exasperated by the strongest provocations, that could possibly stimulate the human heart: this circumstance may be justly allowed as some palliation of the offence:—even in these instances, however, a few individuals only were concerned; and when the affair came to the knowledge of the State, the most ample and satisfactory reparation was made to the injured party:—the general government too had the same equal disposition to do justice to the Indian tribes; witness the affair of the Cherokees: for as soon as Congress had heard their complaints of an encroachment made on them by some of the people from the frontier of the Carolinas, immediate orders were issued for obliging the intruders to evacuate the Indian territory.
But notwithstanding the disposition that prevails as well in the legislatures of those States whose frontiers are most exposed, as in the general government, to cultivate peace and amity with the neighboring Indians, that desirable object is become utterly unattainable in the present posture of affairs:—The frontier Indians have killed a number of whites; in their turn they made retaliation: both parties are in the highest degree exasperated against each other, and likely to continue so, in spite of every endeavor that can be made to effect a reconciliation: with minds thus irritated, it is vain to hope for peace, as long as they continue in each other's neighborhood; it is therefore necessary to form a strong barrier, to keep them asunder, unless indeed the advocates for a cessation of hostilities would oblige the frontier settlers to abandon their lands:—but by what new-invented rule of right, should the inhabitants of Kentucky, and the other frontier settlers be laid under a greater obligation, than any other citizens of the United States, to relinquish a property legally acquired by fair purchase?—were it even proposed to pacify the savages, by purchasing the lands anew, such a measure would answer no other purpose, than that of procuring a temporary peace, which would soon again be interrupted by a war, that would reproduce the necessity of again having recourse to the same expedient: we should have to purchase the lands again and again without end; by thus squandering the public money year after year we should only swell the national debt to an amount, that we cannot possibly foresee:—better at once to make a vigorous effort, to act, in a manner becoming the national dignity, and to maintain our ground by war, since we cannot obtain a durable peace.
Attempts have at various times been made to effect treaties of peace with the Indian tribes, with whom we are now at war:—and although these efforts have constantly proved ineffectual, they yet shew that neither the United States, nor the state of Virginia, were backward on their part to adopt conciliatory measures, and to do away that animosity which had commenced on the part of the savages at an early period of the late war with Britain, and had continued to break out at intervals ever since. In the years 1783, 84, 85, 87, 88, and 90, offers of peace were made to them: on the last mentioned occasion, when a treaty was proposed at the Miami village, the Indians at first refused to treat: they next required thirty days to deliberate—and in the interim, the inhabitants of Kentucky were expressly prohibited by the President of the United States, to carry on any offensive operations against them; yet notwithstanding this forbearance on the part of the whites, no less than 120 persons were killed or captured by the savages, and several prisoners roasted alive, during that short period, at the expiration of which, the Indians refused to give any answer at all.
On another occasion, the Indians, not content with rejecting our offers of peace, proceeded even so far as to insult us, by telling us, we have lands within the British posts, and asking us, why we did not go and take possession of them?—Will it be said, that we are unable to do it?—Is this language to be used within the United States? No! we are able, abundantly able to do it, whenever we please: and if we would but retrench our expenses in some instances, which might well admit of a reduction, our ability would still encrease: our finances are not quite so insufficient as some gentlemen seem to imagine, nor so easily deranged—we are still able to prove that the boasted efficiency of the general government is something more than an empty name—we can yet raise both men and money sufficient to defend the nation from either injury or insult.
It is now too late to enquire, whether the war was originally undertaken on the principles of justice, or not:—we are actually involved in it, and cannot recede, without exposing numbers of innocent persons to be butchered by the enemy: for, though we should determine to discontinue the war, can it be said that the savages will also agree to a cessation of hostilities?—it is well known that they are averse to peace; and even the warmest advocate of pacific measures must therefore allow that the war is a war of necessity and must be supported: we cannot, without impeachment both to our justice and our humanity, abandon our fellow citizens on the frontier to the rage of their savage enemies: and although the excise may be somewhat unpopular, although money may still be wanted, what is the excise? what is money when put in competition with the lives of our friends and brethren?
A sufficient force must be raised for their defence: and the only question now to be considered is, what that force shall be: experience has proved, that the force employed in the last campaign, was inadequate: it is true the establishment was not complete: but who will venture to assert, that, if it had been complete, it would have been sufficient for the intended purpose? Are gentlemen, who assert this, so well acquainted with the circumstances of the enemy, as to be able to give an accurate
statement of the amount of their forces on the frontier? There are higher opinions in favour of an augmentation of the army, than can be adduced against it—opinions, given by men of judgment and experience, who have themselves been on the spot, and are well acquainted with the situation of affairs in that quarter:—these gentlemen, who must be allowed to be competent judges, are decidedly of opinion, that the present establishment, though completed to the last man, will not furnish an adequate force to carry on the war with effect; and that it will be a hopeless attempt to open another campaign, with less than about five thousand regular troops, the number contemplated in the bill.
Nor ought that number to be deemed extravagant, under an idea, that we have only a contemptible handful of banditti to contend with: their number, were, last year, from authentic documents, stated at about 1200 warriors, from 23 different tribes—such was the opposition then contemplated,—that it is impossible to ascertain what accessions of strength they have since received, or even what force they had engaged in the late unfortunate action; as the very men who were in the engagement, do not pretend to form any just or accurate estimate of the number of their assailants: but there is good reason to suppose, that they had previously entered into an association with various tribes, that have not as yet come within our knowledge: the bows and arrows, used against our troops, on that occasion, afford a convincing proof, that they had foes to encounter from distant nations, as yet unacquainted with the use of fire arms—nor does the account of the bows and arrows depend, for its authenticity, on newspaper evidence alone; gentlemen of unquestionable veracity who were personally engaged in the action, have declared, that they had themselves noticed the arrows flying.
When we consider the warlike disposition of the Indians in general, and the alacrity, with which the victors are even sure to be joined by numerous allies, we have every reason to expect a much more formidable opposition in our next campaign:—it is well known, that the savages place all their glory in deeds of war; and that, among them, a young man cannot make his appearance in company, till he has signalized his valor by some martial achievement:—when, to this powerful incentive, a new stimulus is added by the trophies obtained in the late action, it is presumable that numbers will crowd to their standard; and it strongly behoves us to prepare in time for a much more vigorous effort, than any we have as yet made against them.
The objections drawn from the encreased expense, must entirely vanish from before the eyes of any man, who looks forward to the consequences of one more unsuccessful campaign:—such a disaster would eventually involve the nation in much greater expense, than that which is now made the ground of opposition:—better therefore at once to make a vigorous and effectual exertion to bring the matter to a final issue, than to continue gradually draining the treasury, by dragging on the war, and renewing hostilities from year to year.
If we wish to bring the war to a speedy and a happy conclusion, and to secure a permanent peace to the inhabitants on the frontier, we must employ such troops, and adopt such measures, as appear best calculated to ensure success:—if we delay our determination, until the force of the enemy be ascertained, we can make no provision at all: for the nature and circumstances of the case preclude us from the very possibility of obtaining a knowledge of their strength and numbers:—but are we, mean while, to remain inactive and irresolute, and make no efforts to repel their intended attacks? No! Whatever their numbers may be, prudence calls aloud for provision of some kind: and if experience is to have any weight with us, the example of the French and of the British points out the true mode of securing our frontier, and rendering it invulnerable to an Indian foe: let us occupy posts in the vicinity of the enemy; let them be properly garrisoned and well provided, and the business is done.
These will afford an opportunity of trading with the friendly tribes, and will prevent all intercourse between the whites and the Indians, except under proper regulations: should hostilities be meditated by any tribes who are not in amity with us, early intelligence of their movements, can be obtained: their marauding parties may be either beaten off on their approach, or intercepted on their return: opportunities may be taken of separately attacking the hostile tribes: their old men: their squaws, their children, will be exposed a great part of the year, whilst the others are out hunting:—in short, if fear, hope, interest, can be supposed to have any influence on the Indians, this mode of defence must be allowed to be preferable to any other, as giving the fullest scope to the operations of all those motives.
A different mode has been long pursued in Virginia, and adopted by the inhabitants of Kentucky; but its success has not been such, as to offer any inducement to the general government to follow the same plan: Rangers have there been employed for a number of years, to scour the frontiers; and those rangers, too, were expert woodsmen, perfectly inured to the Indian mode of warfare: yet notwithstanding their utmost vigilance, the savages still found means to commit all the murders and depredations already enumerated: 'tis true, however, that a frontier militia man, trained up in the woods, may be, in many respects, preferable to a regular soldier, who has not the same knowledge of the country, and of the mode of fighting: but with equal experience (and proper men, possessed of that experience, may be enlisted on the establishment) regular troops will be found infinitely superior to any militia upon earth.

Every man who has ever seen militia in the field, cannot but know, that a very trifling disaster, or a slight cause of discontent, is sufficient to make them disband, and forget all subordination, so far as even to neglect the means of self defence; whereas regular troops, under proper discipline, and acting with greater steadiness and concert, are much more to be depended on, especially when the object of attack is distant, and great fatigue is to be undergone. The militia, in whatever mode they may be called out, will hardly furnish men of the proper description: if large pay be offered, the temptation will equally prevail upon those who are unfit for the service as as it will upon good effective men: besides, some of the states have no militia laws; and even in those states which have such laws, they are gone into disuse: no dependance can therefore be placed on militia, under any laws now existing: there is, indeed a general militia law now before the house: but if it ever passes, it certainly cannot be passed in due season to answer the purpose of providing for the immediate defence of the frontier—regular troops must be raised, or nothing effectual can be done: and if to avoid the expense we refuse the only aid that may prove of any real service, we render ourselves responsible for the consequences of this parsimonious policy, which may be attended with the ruin and destruction of our fellow citizens in the western country.
The Comptroller's speech was again mentioned, and called for: but, as it had been confidentially communicated by the President, an objection was made to having it read, without clearing the galleries;—whereupon,
An honorable member arose, and mentioned his having read it in one of the public newspapers in the state of New-Jersey.
To this it was answered, that if any gentleman had the newspaper to produce, the speech might be publicly read from that:—otherwise, altho' it might be very proper that the speech itself should be read, yet, as it had been confidentially received from the executive, there would be a manifest trespass on propriety and decorum, in having it read with open galleries:—it was therefore wished, that the galleries might be cleared.
The parliamentary etiquette requiring that this should be done by the house, and not by a committee, the committee rose for the purpose; and,
The Speaker having resumed the chair, the motion for clearing the galleries, was renewed.
An objection was here started, by an honorable gentleman in favor of the augmentation, who said, that, as some gentlemen had spoken on the popular side of the question, whilst the galleries had been open, it was unfair to preclude those of opposite sentiments from an opportunity of answering their arguments in the same public manner, and proving to the people the justice, and necessity of the war.
The motion, however, was persisted in, and the galleries were cleared.
[The speakers in this day's debate, were Mssrs. Wayne, Goodhue, Boudinot, Livermore, Steele, Parker, Bourne (Rhode-Island) White and Moore—Mr. White and Mr. Moore opposed the motion; they were in favor of the augmentation proposed in the bill—The other gentlemen were in favor of striking out the clause.]
N E W-Y O R K, February 4.
On Monday, the 26th of December last the new constitution of Canada, which divides that province into two governments. viz. Upper and Lower Canada, took place.
According to the form of this constitution as passed into an act by the parliament of Great-Britain and sanctioned by the King, the number of members of the legislative council are as follows; seven for Upper Canada, and fifteen for Lower Canada, the legislative councillor's heirs to succeed in rotation if worthy. The number of members to compose the house of assembly in the two provinces are, 16 for Upper Canada, and 50 for Lower Canada, the provinces to be divided by proclamation. Voters eligible who have rented a house of 10l. per annum, one year. The proclamation with respect to the division of the province to be prior to the first of January, 1792. The executive councils are likewise to call the legislative councils and houses of assembly before the expiration of the said year 1792.
P H I L A D E L P H I A, February 11.
Last Friday afternoon about 1 o'clock, the Senate of the United States were alarmed by fire in a room of the federal building, contiguous to the one in which they sit. It was communicated through the bottom of an open stove to the floor. This circumstance, with others of a similar nature, which have taken place before, ought to operate as a caution to builders, not to place stoves on wooden work. On examination, it was found that not more than half an inch thickness of mortar had been forced between the boards and bottom of the stove.
The primary object in the institution of civil government, is the security of Liberty—but it is as unfortunate, as it is true, that the reverse idea has been all along inculcated upon mankind. The vital principle of a free government is an equal representation —This is the fountain, which if kept pure, will water the Tree of Liberty, and make it immortal. This fountain must be preserved from contamination by the virtue and vigilance of the people in their elections—and in this way alone, they can hope to perpetuate their freedom—for all other modes of seeking redress of public grievances, under a free government, has uniformly ended in making bad worse .
Every thing has its season—There is a kind of fashion in the turn of writing, on political subjects
especially, which every warrior of the quill is fond of following. He likes to step to the tune that is playing: when the government was first adopted, they came forward in ranks keeping time to the music; What a blessed government—what a wise government—the wonder of the world; public credit will be restored—trade protected, we shall be a nation, &c. —then the tune changed again— This government wants amendments, 'tis a terrible government, a tyranny—lordship will be as thick as taverns, and we shall get as much intoxicated with them—The amendments, like cold water, will keep us temperate and sober. After the first Congress met, what salaries—what a burden on the country—the public debt will not be paid—the money all goes for salaries—trade is taxed to death—the land is ready to sink under the weight of taxes which are not laid to pay them—the wheat will blast—the grass will not grow—the ships will not sail—the tide will not rise, because of high salaries. The second session of the first Congress brought a new system of grievances into fashion— Why does Congress bear Quaker petitions, and neglect providing for the public debt?—why is it not funded?—the public creditors are starving—Congress is growing fat in flesh and good nature—while the time is lost in making and hearing Quaker sermons, for and against slavery. The debt was funded:—out rushed an angry tribe of writers, crying, rogues and cheats—Congress has cut off the just demands of the creditors—4 per cent. instead of 6—and one third of the debt deferred for ten years, without interest. The state governments pursued the idea, and made up the deficiency to their creditors.—That topic was worn out, and then the opposite doctrine was taken up:— Congress has given too much—the public creditors are living in luxury—such a flood of wealth will drown us—What will become of all this sea of money?—Industry will turn loungers—economy will keep open doors—writs issued to take a bribe, and republicanism has lost her voice, and is cackling with her own fat. We might have gone on without funding the debt and mortgaging the revenues—we pay too much to the creditors—we might have paid the debt easier—we might have paid it without paying, and have kept our money and our tempers, and have had no taxes—and all this we might have done, and kept our credit as good as it was.
Now the Indian war seems to have beaten the debt, and the lordships, and the Quakers, and the amendments, as soundly as it has beaten the brave St. Clair, and his army. Nothing but the Indian war— How cruel to kill the Indians—how foolish to send regular armies, which will not kill them. Poor humanity is ready to die of grief, because you take their lands—you seek their lives, and advise to send volunteers to kill them all. —It is not strange that a subject should be left as soon as the public is tired of it;—but the curiosity is, that one side of it should be taken, and then the other so that the accusation may never languish. I find by reading the papers, that Congress is always in the wrong—it errs by forbearing to act, as well as by acting;—and if the advice of the complainers is followed, they turn about to the other side, and condemn them for having done it. Is the public opinion unsteady—or are there a few men (a few can make a great noise) who lie in wait, and seize every opportunity, especially public disasters, to make the people hate the government as bitterly as they do themselves?
A L E X A N D R I A, February 16.
The morning of that auspicious day which must be always recollected with joy and gratitude by every American, in having given Birth to the DELIVERER of his country, The PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, was announced in this Town by the discharge of Cannon. This was repeated at 12 o'clock; when a large number of Gentlemen assembled at Mr. Wise's Tavern, in order to congratulate each other on another anniversary of their common Friend and Benefactor—and to unite in testifying, with hearts and LIPS, their unfeigned wishes for his long-life, health and happiness!
On Monday Evening, in celebration of this important event, a Ball was given at Mr. Wise's Tavern, at which was displayed an unusual portion of Beauty, Elegance, and Splendour.
A discharge of Cannon took place at the opening of the Ball, and again at sitting down to supper; which, for variety, taste and elegance, could hardly be exceeded.
To that meritorious and distinguished Officer Capt. HANNAH, for his obliging conduct in superintending the management of the Cannon, great praise is due.
The continuance of the life of the President, is a national, and, doubtless, a providential blessing.—His Successor—(late may that melancholy period arrive!) though his virtues and talents SHOULD equal those of a GEORGE WASHINGTON—must inevitably labour under comparative defect of pretensions. It will be, the want of that unbounded & unparalleled CONFIDENCE of his Fellow-Citizens, inspired by an uninterrupted series of benevolent and important services, and the employment of a long life for the good of his Country!
On this account every true Friend to AMERICA must wear in his heart this motto—
VIVE LE PRESIDENT.
SHEPHERD'S-TOWN, February 28.
A late Philadelphia paper mentions, that the failure of the unfortunate expedition under General St. Clair, is likely to undergo a Legislative investigation.
By a gentleman who arrived in town since our last from the Crab-Orchards, we are informed, that on the 2d ult. a sergeant and four men went from Fort-Jefferson to the ground where the late defeat of General St. Clair took place:—that on their arrival there they found 538 dead bodies lying on the
field, every one of which were stripped and scalped, and many had bayonets then sticking in them:—that the body of the brave Major Hart was distinguished by having a wooden sword put into his hand, and a war club sunk into his head:—that the carriages of the cannon and most of the wagons still remained there, but that there was but one field piece mounted, the others supposed to have been carried off or buried.
The above gentleman assures us, that the account of the successful enterprize under General Scott, as lately mentioned in this paper, is premature, he having left Kentucky several weeks after the time the expedition was said to have taken place.
Extract from a London paper of the 25th of October last.
"Some time since a correspondent communicated a mode of recovering persons from fits, by pressing the root of the thumb-nail very hard with one's nail; we are happy in informing the fact from personal experience. On Friday evening a lady fell suddenly into a fit; a gentleman present, recollecting the circumstance, immediately seized her by the hand, and pressed her hand as directed; the lady immediately recovered; but relapsing, he again pressed her still harder, and she again came to herself, although she was very strongly convulsed. The communication of this simple mode cannot be made too general; and perhaps some medical gentleman will investigate and communicate the cause."
Progress of the French revolution.
The Marquis de Bouille galloping with a drawn sword in his hand, and a very long pair of spurs at his heels, from capital to capital of the northern kingdoms of the continent, vowing vengeance, and putting much cayen in his soup whenever he stops to dine—M. Colonne, not galloping, but creeping from court to court in five hundred disguises, and talking to every body he meets by nods and winks—An hundred thousand men, with large whiskers, from nobody knows where, quartered at a little village on the frontiers of France—The army following the Princes, an excellent army—in officers, if it had but men—The Marquis de Bouille, with a large speaking trumpet, upon the borders of the kingdom, calling the National Assembly names—All the kings of Europe met in Congress, some where or other, dressed in the disguise of the witches of Macbeth, boiling up toil and trouble for M. de la Fayette: Bouille as Hecate—"Every one shall share of the gains."—The five ex-princes writing a protest against the new constitution upon a very inflammatory paper, manufactured on purpose, with which they mean to steal dilly by night, and set fire to Paris—
PRICE CURRENT—PUBLIC SECURITIES,
At PHILADELPHIA, February 1, 1792.
FUNDED DEBT.
  6 per Cents 25/6 pr. £. 127 1/2 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 15/4 76 3/4 do.   Deferred 6 per Cents 15/6 77 1/2 do. 
UNFUNDED DEBT.
  Final Sett. and other Certificates 23/ 115 do.   Indents 14/6 72 1/2 do. 
SETTLE—IF YOU DON'T PAY.
THE Subscriber intending to close the business of TAVERN KEEPING on the 15th day of March next, requests all persons who have accounts open with him (particularly Tavern accounts ) to come in and settle the same, previous to the above date. Those who do not comply with this very reasonable request , may depend on PAYMENT being DEMANDED immediately after.
WILLIAM LEMEN.
Shepherd's-Town, Feb. 28, 1792.
WHEREAS on the second instant, I paid my Bonds to Mr. John Littlejohn, in three annual payments, for four hundred and three pounds, currency, for the payment of part of Henry Cookus, deceased's property, sold by a decree of Berkeley Court; and as I objected to execute said Bonds before I was peaceably possessed of said property, and as I have not since been put in possession of only part, and that Christian Orndorff claims the property I purchased by a contract in said Cookus's like time, and has since the said sale obtained a superadus from the Chancellor, to have another hearing, this is to forewarn all person or persons from taking an assignment on said Bonds, as I am determined not to pay any part thereof, until I am quietly possessed of the property for which I paid said Bonds.
ABRAHAM SHEPHERD.
Shepherd's-Town, Feb. 28, 1792.
TO BE SOLD,
A SMALL PLANTATION,
Situated about two miles from Shepherd's-Town: It contains 96 acres, 27 of which are cleared, has a log dwelling house thereon, is well timbered, tolerably well inclosed, and has a never failing spring running through a part of it. For terms of sale, apply to the Subscriber.
JOSIAH THORNBURY.
Feb. 28, 1792.
THE public are forewarned from crediting my former wife JOAN AUSTON, as I was kidnapped by a countryman of mine when deadly drunk into her matrimony two years agoe, their being no love on airy side we agreed to take a devorse mutule, which was put into force by a lawyer the 20th of last month sealed and witnessed by the justice of the county. As I did na can it was so bad to be married.
Wm. AUSTON, Shewmaker.
Feb. 2, 1792.

SEAT OF THE MUSES.
From the BALTIMORE DAILY REPOSITORY.
THE ELEVENTH OF FEBRUARY.*
OR,
THE DAWN OF FREEDOM!
HUSH'D be every sound! Let not the warbling of the lute, Nor the soft singing of the flute Breathe liquid melody around: Nor let wild harmony In magic transports fly: But listen—listen: hark! a voice Carols aloud, seraphic joys.
Happy—happy mortals, see!— Enrapt and dumb with ecstasy: See the bliss, which now is given, And swells with melody the heaven. Nature labors; nature gives A blissful birth, and virtue lives.
Seraphs thus resound around, And dwell with rapture on the sound— " 'Tis freedom's dawn: 'tis freedom's birth— WASHINGTON illumines the earth!" Gloomy tyranny heard the strains, And dropt her scourge, and masy chains: And pallid, shuddering, faintly cried— " Hell, hide, Oh! hide my head!" and died. Earth heard the joy—caught the sound, And echo'd Liberty around.
Hark! raptures swell: And trembling hell Hears the mighty voice, that cries— " Heavenly freedom! Heavenly freedom! Heavenly freedom now arise:— WASHINGTON is born, and Slavery dies!"
At Time's remotest date, Thy fame, immortal Chief! will glide, Pure as virtue's golden tide, And bloom amid devouring fate. Thy glorious deeds in war, Thus rapture will declare— " When tyranny reviving dar'd, He fought and conquered; wept and spar'd."
Thy deeds will youthful breasts inflame, To emulate thy glorious name; And aged, faltering tongues will rouze To tell the honors of thy brows: And lisping infancy will sound, Thy name, O! WASHINGTON! around.
But when again the golden age Will quell each jarring passion's rage: When war and vices live no more, And peace extends from shore to shore: Then, man, thy virtues will aspire To warble on the magic lyre; And with the blooming olive crown'd, Thy god-like pity will resound.
And while the earth these strains will rend, Thus seraphs will hosannas blend— " Great WASHINGTON! COLUMBIA'S SON! Fought for virtue, not for fame: Let Earth and Heav'n! Earth and Heaven! Earth and Heaven, e'er proclaim, And rapturous breathe the mighty hero's name!" DELMONT.
* Washington's Birth-Day.
TO BE SOLD,
A Plantation,
Whereon the Subscriber now lives, consisting of 150 acres, about 80 of which are cleared, has a good log dwelling-house, kitchen, out-houses, barn, an orchard of about 100 apple trees, &c.—It is situated about 6 miles from Shepherd's-Town, and 4 from Martinsburg. For terms apply to me, living on the premises.
JAMES BLUE. Berkeley, February 21, 1792.
NEXT MONDAY WEEK, the Managers of the New-Church Lottery are determined to commence drawing, at the House of Mr. CORNELIUS WENKOPF, in Shepherd's-Town.—All those who have received Tickets, are desired to account for them before that day, and oblige THE MANAGERS.
Tuesday, February 21st, 1792.
NOTICE is hereby given to all those anywise indebted to me, either by Specialties or open accounts, that it is my most earnest desire they should make immediate payment.
The indulgence I have hitherto given has generally produced ingratitude, and experience proves that most of those indebted to me, would carry their ready money to any other store than mine.—The generality of those whom I formerly ranked among my best friends and customers, are guilty of the greatest impositions on my good nature and credulity—those I would remind as well as all others in arrears, that the wanton withholding from me what is justly due, and what I ought long since to have had at my own disposal, is injuring me extremely in my present vocation.—I have determined to take all legal methods of compelling settlements as well as payments—all persons having claims against me are desired to bring in their accounts, that they may be satisfied.
HENRY BEDINGER.
Shepherd's-Town, February 20th, 1792.
THE highest market prices will be given for produce in goods, or discounted for debts.
BY virtue of a Decree of the Court of Berkeley and State of Virginia, will be exposed to sale, by Public Vendue, for cash, upon the Fourteenth day of MARCH next, if fair, if not the next fair day, one third part of half an acre of Land in the town of Mechlenburgh , known by number Twenty-five, lying on the main street, adjoining JOHN UNSELL and CATHARINE HAINS, with the Dwelling-House thereon.
SAMUEL DEVENPORT, Dep. Sheriff, (for GEORGE CUNNINGHAM, Sheriff. February 13, 1792.
N O T I C E.
WHEREAS George Adam Collingburger passed his bond for seventy pounds, some time in September, 1790, by my consent, in the name of Smith Slaughter, which bond I intended should discharge an execution which was then in the possession of Mr. Smith Slaughter, as deputy Sheriff for Berkeley County, but said bond not being applied to the use designed, I applied to Mr. Slaughter to assign said bond to Cornelius Conaway for security for the payment of fifteen pounds, or for said Conaway to receive the above-mentioned, and to return said bond to me or Mr. Smith Slaughter, but after Conaway got said bond in his possession, he applied to G. A. Collingburger for the whole amount, which said Collingburger paid said Conaway about forty pounds of said bond, before my discovering his deception—I now forewarn all person or persons from taking an assignment on said bond, as I believe from Conaway's connections and his treatment to me, he will defraud some innocent person by an assignment thereof.
WILLIAM BRADY.
February 3, 1792.
N O T I C E.
WHEREAS on the 7th instant, the subscriber, through the extortions and threats of a certain Thomas Somerset, of the State of Maryland, gave him my Note for six dollars, payable in one month from the date, but as said Note was unjustly obtained, and but a small part thereof due from me to the said Somerset, I hereby caution all persons from taking an assignment of said Note, as I am determined not to pay it.
JOHN LEE.
Shepherd's-Town, Feb. 14, 1792.
FOR SALE,
A TRACT OF LAND, LYING on Cnatty Creek , in Harrison County, Virginia , containing ONE THOUSAND ACRES. As it is presumed that no person will purchase without viewing the premises, it is needless to say more than that it was surveyed early in the settlement of that country, and that an indisputable title will be given and the terms of payment made easy. Any person inclining to purchase, may see the Land, by applying to Mr. JOHN STEWART, near Morgan-Town , or treat with the Proprietor, living at Hager's-Town .
WILLIAM BAIRD.
12th January, 1792.
Lately Published,
And to be sold by the Printer hereof,
[Price 11d.]
AN ADDRESS
TO THE
CONVENTION
OF THE
PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH
IN
VIRGINIA.
By the Right Rev. J. MADISON, D. D. Bishop of said Church.
N O T I C E.
WHEREAS some time in the spring of 1790, the subscriber gave a note of hand to a certain Edward Carter, of this county, for twelve pounds, payable the fall following, which note has been discharged by me except a very small balance, but as the said Carter refuses to give up the note on payment of the balance, and as I do not entertain a very favourable opinion of his rectitude and uprightness, and being not only desirous to prompt him to discover some principles of honesty but to caution others less artful and designing against being defrauded thereby, I hereby notify all persons from taking any assignment of said note, as I will not pay it, unless compelled thereto by law.
THOMAS FLAGG.
Berkeley County, February 21, 1792.
TO BE RENTED,
THE Ferry and part of the Plantation whereon the Subscriber now lives; those who are inclined to rent, may know the terms by making application before the 22d day of March next, on which day (if not disposed of) it will be rented to the highest bidder, for the term of three years.
There will be sold on the same day a Negro Girl, Cows, Hogs, Sheep, a new Waggon, a quantity of Grain in the ground, Household Furniture, &c. Six months credit will be given the purchaser, upon giving bond with approved security—The sale to begin at 10 o'clock, where attention will be given by BENONI SWEARINGEN.
Washington County, Maryland, 20th Feb. 1792.
HARP AND CROWN TAVERN.
Florence Mahony,
MOST respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has taken that capital and well-known TAVERN belonging to Mr. MICHAEL McKEWAN, which he has opened, having furnished it in a proper manner to receive company, as he has laid in the choicest liquors, and is determined to be unremitting in his endeavours to give general satisfaction—he flatters himself that he shall meet with encouragement from a generous public.
Wanted, an active, sober Man, as an Officer. Martinsburg, February 21, 1792.
Whereas the Subscriber, on the 17th day of August last, bought of JACOB HOFFMAN, a lot of land in the town of Frederick Town, State of Maryland, for thirty seven pounds ten shillings four pounds of which I paid in hand, the remainder of said sum I gave my bond for, payable in three years, agreeable to contract, for which consideration I was to have a clear deed of said lot given by the said Hoffman, free of all ground rents or other encumbrances, but I have since found from good information that I have been most wantonly defrauded, as the said piece of land is but half a lot, that there is a demand of ten pounds now against it for ground rent, and for which it is now liable to be exposed at public vendue, but what is still worse than all, the said Hoffman has no right to give a title to the said part of a lot until the death of a previous heir. I therefore, in justice to myself, as well as to caution others against being defrauded in like manner, hereby forewarn all persons from taking any assignment of said bond, as I am determined never to pay it.
JOHN LEE.
Berkeley, February 21, 1792.
TO BE SOLD
A VALUABLE
PLANTATION,
Situated in Berkeley County, about three miles from Martinsburg:—It contains 230 acres of as good land as any in that part of country, and well improved; 53 acres of the land is now seeded in grain, 12 of which are in wheat, and fit for meadow. There are on the premises two good Dwelling-Houses, a barn, stable, and other out-houses, an excellent well of water, which never failed, and many other advantages which are here unnecessary to mention. For further particulars, apply to WILLIAM CRAGHILL, or the Printer hereof.
December 18, 1791.
A MILLER wanted at the Lick Mill.
A SINGLE MAN, of undoubted abilities, and good character as to his honesty, sobriety and industry—such a character will meet with immediate employ and liberal wages, by
JAMES MAXWELL
Lick Mills, 29th January, 1792.