Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-12-14 00:00:00

Mr. GILES's SPEECH. Delivered in Senate of the United States, on Thursday, 24th November, 1808, on the Resolution of Mr. Hillhouse, to repeal the Embargo Laws.
Mr. PRESIDENT—Having during the recess of congress retired from the political world, and having little agency in the passing political scenes, living in a part of the country too, where there is little or no difference in political opinions, and where the embargo laws are almost universally approved; I felt the real want of information upon the subject, now under discussion. I thought I knew something of the general objects of the embargo laws, and I had not been inattentive to their general operations upon society, as far as I had opportunities of observing thereupon.
When I arrived here, and found that this subject had excited so much sensibility in the minds of many gentlemen I met with, as to engross their whole thoughts, and almost to banish every other topic of conversation; I also felt a curiosity to know, what were the horrible effects of these laws in other parts of the country, and which had escaped my observation in the part of the country in which I reside. Of course, sir, I have given to the gentlemen, who have favored us with their observations on both sides of the question under consideration, the most careful and respectful attention, and particularly to the gentlemen representing the eastern section of the union, where most of this sensibility had been excited. I always listen to gentlemen from that part of the United States, with pleasure, and generally receive instruction from them; but on this occasion, I am reluctantly compelled to acknowledge, that I have received from them less satisfaction, and less information than usual; and still less conviction.
It was hardly to have been expected, Mr. President, that after so many angry and turbulent passions had been called into action, by the recent agitations throughout the whole United States, resulting from the elections by the people, to almost all the important offices within their gift; and particularly from the elections of electors for choosing the President and Vice-President of the United States, that gentlemen would have met here perfectly exempt from the feelings, which this state of things was naturally calculated to inspire; much less was it to have been expected, sir, that gentlemen who had once possessed the power of the nation, and who, from some cause or other, had lost it; (a loss which they now tell us they but too well remember, and I fear, might have added, too deeply deplore,) gentlemen too, sir, who at one time during the electioneering scene, had indulged the fond and delusive hope, that through the privations necessarily imposed upon our fellow-citizens, by the unexampled aggressions of the belligerent powers, they might once more find their way to office and power, and who now find themselves disappointed in this darling expectation. It was not at all to be expected, sir, that these gentlemen should now appear here perfectly exempt from the unpleasant feelings, which so dreadful a disappointment must necessarily have produced. It was a demand upon human nature, for too great a sacrifice; and however desirable such an exemption might have been at the present moment, and however honourable it would have been to those gentlemen, it was not expected.
But, sir, I had indulged a hope that the extra-ordinary dangers, and difficulties passed upon us, by the aggressive belligerents; attempted too, with so many circumstances of indignity and insult, would have awakened a sensibility in the bosom of every gentleman of this body, which would have wholly suppressed, or at least suspended, these unpleasant feelings, until some measures, consulting the general interests and welfare of the people, could have been devised, to meet, resist, & if possible, to subdue the extraordinary crisis. But, sir, even in this hope too, I have been totally disappointed. I was the more encouraged in this hope, when upon opening this debate the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) seemed sensible of this sacred obligation, imposed by the crisis, when he exhorted us in conducting our deliberations, utterly to discard the influence of party spirit. It would have given me great pleasure, sir, if the gentleman had afforded us a magnanimous example of a precept so admirably suited to the present state of things. But in this too, sir, I have been unfortunately disappointed. That gentleman's observations consisted almost exclusively of retrospective animadversions upon the original objects and horrible effects of the embargo laws, without seeming to think it was worth his attention, to favour us with any reflections upon the prospective course of measures, which the people's interests, the publick safety, and general welfare, so imperiously demand. That gentleman, represented the embargo laws, as mere acts of violation, impelled by no cause nor necessity; whilst the British orders, and French edicts, were scarcely glanced at, and certainly formed the least prominent feature of his observations. He represented these laws as a wanton and wicked attack upon commerce, with a view to its destruction, whilst he seemed scarcely to have recollected the extraordinary dangers and difficulties, which overspread the ocean—indeed, sir, he described the ocean as perfectly free from dangers and difficulties, untroubled by any storms, and that we had nothing to do, but to unfurl our canvas to the wind, that it would be filled with prosperous gales, and wafted to the ports of its destination, where it would be received with open arms of friendship and hospitality. I wish, sir, with all my heart, the gentleman could but realize these dreaming visions; their reality would act like a magic spell upon the embargo laws, and dissipate them in a moment! But, alas, sir, when we come to look at realities, when we turn our eyes upon the real dangers and diffi-
ties which do overspread the ocean, we shall find them so formidable, that the wisdom of our undivided councils, and the energy of our undivided action, will scarcely be sufficient to resist and conquer them. To my great regret, sir, we now see, that the United States cannot even hope to be blessed with this union of mind and action, although certainly their dearest interests demand it.
Mr. President, perhaps the greatest inconvenience attending popular governments consists in this:—That whenever the union and energy of the people are most required to resist aggressions, the pressure of these aggressions present most temptations to distrusts and divisions. Was there ever a stronger illustration of the truth and correctness of this observation, than the recent efforts made under the recent pressure of the embargo laws?—The moment the privations reluctantly, but necessarily imposed by those laws, became to be felt, was the moment of signal to every political demagogue, who wished to find the way to office and to power, to excite the distrusts of the people, and then to separate them from the government of their choice, by every exaggeration, which ingenuity could devise, and every misrepresentation, which falsehood could invent; nothing was omitted, which it was conceived would have a tendency to effect this object. But, Mr. President, the people of the United States must learn now, and at all future times, of disrespecting the bold & disingenuous charges & insinuations of such aspiring demagogues. They must learn to respect and rally round their own government, or they never can present a formidable front to a foreign aggressor. Sir, the people of the United States have already learnt this lesson—They have recently given an honourable and glorious example of their knowledge in this respect. They have, in their recent elections, demonstrated to the nation, and to the world, that they possess too much good sense to become the dupes of these delusive artifices, and too much patriotism to desert their government, when it stands most in need of their support and energy.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) has made the most strict, and I had almost said, uncharitable scrutiny into the objects and effects of the embargo laws, in the delusive hope, I presume, of obtaining a triumph over his political adversaries. I propose to follow the gentleman in a fair and candid comparison of information and opinions upon this subject; and I shall do so in the most perfect confidence, that, whenever a thorough examination of the objects and effects of the embargo laws shall be made known, and the merits of the measure fully understood, that there is not a man in the United States, who will not applaud and support the administration for its adoption, who has the unentampered heart of an American, throbbing in his bosom.
Mr. President, I have always understood that there were two objects contemplated by the embargo laws. The first, precautionary, operating upon ourselves—the second, coercive, operating upon the aggressive belligerents. Precautionary, in saving our seamen, our ships and our merchandise from the plunder of our enemies, and avoiding the calamities of war. Coercive, by addressing strong appeals to the interests of both belligerents. The first object has been answered beyond my most sanguine expectations. To make a fair and just estimate of this measure, reference should be had to our situation at the time of its adoption. At that time, the aggressions of both of the belligerents were such, as to leave the United States but a painful alternative in the choice of one of three measures, to wit, the embargo, war, or submission. I know that this position has not been admitted, though but faintly denied in the discussion. I shall, however, proceed upon this hypothesis for the present, and in the course of my observations will prove its correctness, by the sentiments of the gentlemen in favour of the resolution.
Before the recommendation of this measure, the laudable and provident circumpection of the present administration, had obtained tolerable correct estimates of the amount and value of the ships and merchandise belonging to the citizens of the United States then afloat; and the amount and value of what was shortly to be expected to be afloat; together with a conjectural statement of the number of seamen employed in the navigation thereof.
It was found, that merchandise to the amount of one hundred millions of dollars was actually afloat in vessels amounting in value to twenty millions more. That amount of merchandise and vessels equal to fifty millions more, was expected shortly to be put afloat, and that it would require fifty thousand seamen to be employed to navigate this enormous amount of property. The administration was informed of the hostile edicts of France, previously issued, and then in a state of execution, and of an intimation on the part of Great-Britain to issue her orders, the character and object of which were also known. The object was to sweep this valuable commerce from the ocean—The situation of this commerce was as well known to Great-Britain as to ourselves, and her inordinate cupidity could not withstand the temptation of the rich booty, she vainly thought within her power.—This was the state of information at the time this measure was recommended.
The president of the United States, ever watchful and anxious for the preservation of the persons and property of all our citizens, but particularly of the merchant, whose property is most exposed to danger, and of the seaman, whose person is also most exposed, recommended the embargo for the protection of both; and it has saved both. Let us now suppose for a moment, that the president, possessed of this information, had not apprised the merchant and seaman of their danger, and had recommended no measure for their protection and safety, would he not in that case, have merited and received the reproaches which the ignorance or ingratitude of
merchants and others have so unjustly heaped upon him for his judicious and anxious attention to their interests? It is admitted by all, that the embargo laws have saved this enormous amount of property, and this number of seamen, which without them, would have forcibly gone into the hands of our enemies, to pamper their arrogance, stimulate their injustice, and increase their means of annoyance.
I should suppose, Mr. President, this saving worth some notice. But, sir, we are told that instead of protecting our seamen, it has driven them out of the country, and into foreign service. I believe, sir, that this fact is greatly exaggerated.—But, sir, suppose for a moment that it is so, the government has done all, in this respect, it was bound to do. It placed these seamen in the bosoms of their friends and families, in a state of perfect security; and if they have since thought proper to abandon these blessings, and emigrate from their country, it was an act of choice, not of necessity. But what would have been the unhappy destiny of these brave tars, if they had been prompted to have been carried into captivity, and sent adrift on unfriendly and inhospitable shores? Why, sir, in that case, they would have had no choice; necessity would have driven them into a hard and ignominious service, to fight the battles of the authors of their dreadful calamities, against a nation with whom their country was at peace. And is the bold and generous tar to be told, that he is to disrespect the administration for his anxious and effectual attentions to his interests? Even under the hardships he does suffer, and which I sincerely regret, every generous feeling, of his noble heart, would repel the base attempts with indignation. But, sir, the American seamen have not deserted their country; foreign seamen may and probably have gone into foreign service; and, for one, I am glad of it. I hope they will never return; and I am willing to pass a law in favour of the true hearted American seamen, that these foreign seamen never should return. I would even prohibit them from being employed in merchant vessels. The American seamen have found employment in the country; and whenever the proper season shall arrive for employing them on their proper element, you will find them, like true birds of passage, hovering in crowds upon your shores.
Whilst considering this part of the subject, I cannot help expressing my regret, that at the time of passing our embargo laws, a proportion of our seamen were not taken into the public service; because, in my judgment, the nation requires their services, and it would have been some alleviation to their hardships, which the measure peculiarly imposed upon as a class of citizens, by affecting their immediate occupation: and the other classes, as well as the public treasury, were able to contribute to their alleviation; and I am willing to do the same thing at this time. Indeed, its omission is the only regret that I have ever felt at the measures of the last congress. I like the character—I like the open frankness and the generous feelings of the honest American tar—and, whenever in my power I am ready to give, and will with pleasure give him my protection and support. One of the most important and agreeable effects of the embargo laws, is giving those honest fellows a safe asylum. But, sir, these are not the only good effects of the embargo. It has preserved our peace—it has saved our honour—it has saved our national independence.—Are these blessings not worth preserving? The gentleman from Delaware (Mr. White) has, indeed told us, that under the embargo laws, the United States are bleeding at every pore. This, surely, sir, is one of the most extravagant effects, that could have been ascribed to these laws by the frantic dreams of the most intuated passions. Blood-letting is the last effect that I ever heard ascribed to this measure. I thought it was of the opposite character; but it serves to show that nothing is too extravagant for the misguided zeal of the gentlemen in the opposition. I have cast my eyes about in vain to discover these copious streams of blood; but neither see nor hear any thing of them, from any other quarter. So far from the United States bleeding at every pore, under the embargo, it has saved them from bleeding at any pore; and one of the highest compliments to the measure is, that it has saved us from the very calamity which the gentleman attributed to it; but which, thanks to our better stars, and wiser counsels, does not exist.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) not content with describing the general horrors of the embargo laws, has addressed himself, in plaintive tones, to several particular classes of citizens, and has kindly informed each of his particular hardships and sufferings. The gentleman asks, what has become of the merchant? What has become of the farmer? I know something of the situation of farmer; and, as for the merchant, I had felt serious apprehensions for his situation, until they were materially relieved by the information given by the gentleman. The information tells us that the great capitalists do not suffer, they are in favour of the embargo; but the young, dashing, enterprising merchant, without capital, is destroyed. This statement is highly honourable to the embargo laws, and proves a great deal. The capitalist, who has property, finds its security under the embargo laws; he is, therefore, in favour of the measure; but the merchant who has nothing, is deprived of an opportunity of making something out of nothing. But his rights are not affected by the embargo; he is left in the enjoyment of the nothing he possessed; and has no reason to complain that the embargo does not give him something without labouring for it. I regret, however, that these merchants without capital, have lost the chance of making their fortunes by the embargo; but even the most of these, the gentleman tells us, would probably have become bankrupt by their wild speculations; even if
the embargo were not in being; and, of course, their situation cannot be worsened by it.
But, Mr. President, I am willing to admit, that there are many worthy merchants of small capital, who do suffer by the suspension of their employments; and I am very sorry for them: but this suffering is incidental to every coerced state of things; and is attributable, not properly to the embargo, but to the causes that rendered its adoption indispensable.
The gentleman, however, tells us, with most sympathetick feelings, that the ships of the great capitalists, are rotting at our wharves, and yet these capitalists are in favour of the embargo. Why, sir, this is a very plain case when strip of its exaggerations. The ships are precisely twelve months older than they were twelve months ago; and the owners would rather have them there with this difference of age and proportionate decay, than to see them torn away by lawless plunderers, and wholly lost forever. But, sir, what would have become of many of these capitalists if it had not been for the embargo? Their property would have been plundered, and they become bankrupts. Is it any wonder then, sir, that these men should be in favour of the embargo? Review then, this statement made by the gentleman respecting the merchants, and what is the actual result? Why this, sir—that although they do suffer by the necessary interruption of their particular occupation, (a suffering I deplore as much as any gentleman in the United States) yet the real owners of the property do not complain; and almost the only grumblers are those who have nothing to grumble about.
But, says the gentleman, what has become of the farmer? The gentleman knows that I am a farmer, and that I have long borne the appellation with sincere pleasure; I may, therefore, be presumed to know the situation of the farmer; and not only in my own name, but in the name of the whole happy, useful, and honourable fraternity of American farmers, I will tell the gentleman what that situation is at this moment. The American farmer is now enjoying the fruits of his honest industry, in peace and security, blessed at the same time with every political, social, and domestic enjoyment, perfectly exempt from all vexations, and I had almost said taxations, and with pleasure behold a surplus of fourteen millions of dollars in the publick treasury, after paying every debt, which could be demanded of the honour of the government. All these blessings too, are sweetened by the noble consciousness that they are enjoyed by him as freeman, and by a constant recollection and perfect confidence, that he is protected in this enjoyment by a government, which will never basely surrender his rights, nor the national sovereignty, to any foreign aggressor on earth. Blessed with all these uninterrupted enjoyments, I agree perfectly in sentiment with the gentleman from New-York, (Mr. Mitchell) that with a heart overflowing with the most grateful affections, he should render thanks to the author of all good, that in the bountiful dispensations of his providence, he has been pleased to pour so many blessings into the lap of the American farmer! Grumbling and repining and repining when thus favoured, would, in my judgment, be impiety to Heaven, and ingratitude to his own government.
The gentleman does not tell you, sir, that the farmer wants any thing, but that he has plenty, over much. The puzzle is, to know what to do with the surplus plenty.—And how does the gentleman advise the farmer to dispose of it? Why he tells him, raise the embargo and it will increase the price of your surplus produce; and for this supposed difference in price, he advises the farmer to sell his own freedom and his country's independence; and in this contemptible and miserable barter, to purchase his own and his country's vassalage—to cease to be a freeman, and become a slave! To give up the noble feelings inspired by liberty and freedom, and to descend to the abject and ignominious existence of a slave without any mental feeling whatever. Sir, let me tell that gentleman in my own name, and in the name of every farmer in the United States, that we would repel with indignity and indignation, the disgraceful golden allurements, even if it could be realized. But, sir, dishonourable as the allurements is, it is fictitious, it is visionary.—It could not be realized. I believe, and every sensible farmer will believe, that he has for the last ten months obtained more for his surplus plenty under the embargo, than he could have done in any other state of things, which was in the choice of the government. Let us suppose that the immense mercantile capital which is admitted to have been saved by the embargo had been seized and carried into foreign ports and there condemned; what would have been its effects upon the mercantile capital of this country? It would have so crippled our merchants, that they would not have been able for a long time to purchase the surplus produce of the nation.
But this is not all, these merchants would have claimed indemnification from the government for losses which, in that case they would have incurred, were sustained by its culpable neglect, and they would have plunged us into war, to repair so great an injury inflicted upon the nation; the foreign plunderers too, would have told us, that they cared but little about a war, as they had taken from us sufficient means for defraying its expense. Thus, in that state of things, a war would have been inevitable; and would you tell the farmer, that he would get more for his surplus produce in time of war, than he received since the embargo? Sir, the farmer knows too well the calamities of war, to be thus deluded by these visionary golden dreams. In the event of war, he would not have received as much for his surplus produce, as since the embargo laws—hence, it obviously appears from a fair estimate of pounds, shillings and pence, (since we are

compelled to resort to that standard, as the only orthodox test of our national honor, national sensibility, and even national independence) yes, sir, even according to that sordid standard the farmer would have been the loser. Besides, sir, to say nothing of the increased taxes, and other burdens indispensable to the support of war, who can count its chances, or limit its duration? Who can calculate its demoralizing consequences? But calamitous as war is, the American farmers, would with eagerness encounter all its terrors, rather than surrender their own liberties, and the nation's honor, independence and sovereignty—let us then for a time, sir, bear our present privations—let war be the last experiment.
But, sir, I will mention another circumstance which may be some alleviation to the farmer, for the difference in the price of his surplus plenty now, and in ordinary times. When the price of produce is low the temptation to raise large crops will be lessened, and the farmer will turn a certain portion of his labour to the improvement of his farm.—The high prices of produce heretofore have induced the farmer to impose too much upon his land; too great demands have been made upon it, and it has been in some degree exhausted. The embargo has apprised the farmer of this, and taught him his true interest in this respect. I have observed a great change in the application of labour in this respect, and I have no doubt a general sentiment exists in favour of a still greater change; a greater portion of labour, is also converted into household manufactures, which will lessen our demand and dependence upon foreign nations. In both these respects, I believe the operation of the embargo is favourable to the farmer, at the present moment, and will certainly be favourable to posterity, by transmitting it to a more fertilized soil for cultivation. It will be favourable at the present moment, in this respect; that before the adoption of the embargo, the farmer was tempted to apply too great a proportion of his labour to the annual increase of crops, and too small a portion of it to the permanent improvement and fertilization of his farm.—I mention this as an alleviation, not as a complete exemption from the effects of the embargo, and its so far producing a beneficial influence upon cultivation and internal improvement.
I hope by this time, Mr. President, that the gentleman will concur with me in opinion, that the situation of the American farmer is rather enviable than miserable—That he has good sense enough to make a just estimate of his own interests, and possesses too much honourable sensibility not to repel with indignation every attempt to seduce him into a disgraceful surrender of his own liberties or his country's independence.
Let us now take a view of its effects upon some other classes of our fellow citizens, which seem almost to have escaped the gentleman's notice; or at least not to have excited so much of his plaintive sympathies; I allude to the manufacturer, the mechanic and the labourer. The manufacturer seems to be in such a state of prosperity, as rather to have excited the gentleman's jealousy than his tender commiseration; he fears that the real object of the embargo, was to erect the manufacturing system upon the ruins of commerce. I do not mean here, sir, to reply to the suggestion of this unfounded jealousy. I mean, in the course of these observations, to make that a subject of distinct and separate examination. I shall however take the liberty of remarking without the fear of still further exciting the gentleman's jealousy, that I am extremely happy to see not only that we have abundant fabrics for manufactures, but that we have artisans sufficient to mould them into all articles necessary for home consumption, and thus lessen our dependence upon foreign nations for our supply. I rejoice indeed, to see our infant manufactures growing into importance; and that the most successful experiment has attended every attempt at its improvement. What is the situation of the mechanic and the labourer? they have full employment, good wages, and cheap living. I am told, sir, that within the last year, one thousand houses have been erected in Philadelphia; I see at this time, more houses building in Georgetown, even for mercantile purposes, and more improvements in this city, than ever I have seen before, and I believe this generally to be the case throughout the country.—That this is a correct statement of facts I have no doubt—how then is this agreeable and unexpected scene accounted for, amidst this mercantile clamor about the stagnation of business? It is because a greater proportion of the overgrown mercantile capital is now diverted from external commerce to internal improvements; and I am strongly inclined to think that this transposition of a certain portion of the mercantile capital, will produce a beneficial operation in a national point of view, and probably even more productive to the capitalist, than risking it in the employment of foreign trade. This I believe to be a fair, just and candid statement of the operation of the embargo laws, upon the several great classes of citizens; and when correctly viewed, how different is its aspect from the miserable picture of horrors presented to us by the gentleman from Connecticut. When you tell a mechanic or a labourer of his distresses and sufferings, when he has full employment, good wages, and cheap living, he would laugh at you; he would either think you silly, or that you meant to treat him with indignity and insult. These are all the blessings he could wish, and they are enough for any man to possess, when he reflects upon the narrow span of human enjoyments, this world affords—Sir, the miserable labourer on the other side the Atlantic, would consider the enjoyments of the labourers here, Elysium itself; and I can but lament for the sake of suffering humanity, that it cannot find the way to these enjoyments. I presume, that during the late electioneering scene, that every labourer and mechanick in Pennsylvania, was told a thousand times that he was ruined by the embargo; but thirty thousand votes (majority) have told these frantic, officious disturbers of the publick quiet, in loud and awful tones, how silly and ridiculous they consider the suggestion. The recent elections in most of the other states, speak the same emphatick language.
I have been thus minute, Mr. President, in the examination of this part of the subject, as well to relieve ourselves of the miseries and apprehensions of our own deluded imaginations, as to relieve foreign nations, as far as was within my power, from their delusions, which I shall show in the course of my observations, are the principal, if not the very cause of the hardships and sufferings so loudly and unceasingly complained of by some gentlemen. Now,
sir, take an impartial review of the effects of the embargo laws, as operating upon ourselves, and what is the actual result? Why, sir, as far as we were precautionary, their success has been complete, and whilst in their general operations, they have been attended with some privations and sufferings, they have not been without their beneficial effects on society.
The gentleman next triumphantly tells us, that the embargo laws have not had their expected effects upon the aggressing belligerents. That they have not had their complete effects; that they have not caused a revocation of the British orders and French decrees, will readily be admitted; but they certainly have not been without some beneficial effects upon those nations. Let me, however, ask, sir, is this failure a cause of triumph with the gentleman? Does he feel more pleasure in the delusive expectation of a triumph over a political adversary, than in the triumph of the nation over our common adversaries? Are his political feelings, so strong, that they are to be indulged at the expense of his own and his country's interests? Does he vainly suppose that, disregarding or postponing all consideration of the people's interests, when their all is at stake, to the indulgence of these petty animosities, will give him a just claim to the people's applause? If he does, sir, he is mistaken. It is by the reverse of this conduct that he can by any just claim to their applause. It is by banishing his prejudices—it is by conquering his own passions, and by devoting the whole energy of his mind to their service at this critical moment, that he can be justly entitled to their applause. This would be for him a glorious triumph—a triumph over his own passions; and it would secure him the publick approbation, because the conduct would be right. Let us then, sir, hope for this conciliation, which would be so honourable to ourselves, and would promise so much advantage to the nation.
In this spirit of conciliation and patriotism, then, Mr. President, let us enquire, first, what have been the actual effects of the embargo laws upon the aggressing belligerents? The first enquiry involves much mercantile information. I have only some views of some general mercantile principles—I know little or nothing of their operative details—I had, therefore, hoped for much information upon this part of the subject, from gentlemen who possessed it; but have received very little satisfaction from them in that respect.
The first effect of the embargo, upon the aggressing belligerents, was to lessen their inducements to war, by keeping out of their way, the rich spoils of our commerce, which had invited their cupidity, and which was saved by these laws. If they had once possessed themselves of this enormous booty, it would have been a sure pledge of open and direct war. It would have defrayed the expenses of the war for several years. If they had not gone to war, they would have been compelled either to restore the captured property, or to make indemnification for it. Its amount alone, would have been a sufficient security against either of these acts of justice.—And is it not better, that this enormous amount of property should be on this side the Atlantic, than in the hands of unprincipled freebooters? Is it not better that it should be drawn to our aid in the event of war, than applied to aid our unjust adversary? Upon this point, I presume, there can be but one opinion.
The second effect, which the embargo laws have had on the aggressing belligerents, is to enhance the price of all American produce, especially articles of the first necessity to them, to a considerable degree, and, if it banish our produce, (which I believe indispensable to them), from their markets altogether, or increase the price to an enormous amount; and, of course, we may hope will furnish irresistible inducements for a relaxation of their hostile orders and edicts. However I may generally respect the mercantile information of the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) and the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillhouse) they appear to me on this occasion, not to have been very correct. I have before me two prices current from Liverpool, the one of the 8th and the other of the 20th September last. They, I presume, were written under no political bias, in favour of the United States. Let us draw our facts from them. I will begin with the article of the first necessity in Great-Britain, and one which, at all times, excites her highest sensibility. She manifests, at all times, more anxiety about her corn laws, than any other subject of her political economy. This is a necessary result from the peculiar state of her population.
Let us then enquire what is the present state of bread stuffs in Great-Britain.—In the Liverpool price current of the 8th September, I find this information upon the subject.—"Our grain market, for the most part of last month was very dull; however, within this day or two there have been some extensive sales made at New-York wheat at 13s. 3d. per 70 lbs. and the holders now demand 13s. 6d. a 14s. 0d. for prime parcels, which may possibly be obtained, as the appearances for the harvest in most parts of this kingdom, are not quite so favourable as was at first thought, the late heavy rains have proved injurious in many places, and the grain is much lighter in the ear than former seasons; but as the dealers and country millers buy only to supply their immediate wants, we do not calculate upon a material improvement on the annexed prices, unless some export vent to Spain or our West India colonies takes place. Good sweet American flour is not to be had in this market."
In the Prices Current of the 20th. I find these observations:—"Large speculations have lately been made in Tobacco, in consequence of our stock becoming limited; but should the embargo be raised, this and every other description of your produce must very materially decline in price, wheat flour excepted."
Our stocks of grain are but moderate, although we have been much favoured in our harvest."
What reflection does this information naturally present to the mind? That the crop is limited—that bread stuffs are high; and likely to be higher—that there is such a deficiency of bread stuffs, that our whole supply will not depress the markets even in the event of raising the embargo; and certainly continuing it (which does not seem at all calculated upon in England) would lessen the quantity and raise proportionably the demand and price.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) tells us we cannot starve Great Britain, she being mistress of the trade of the world, will supply herself with bread stuffs from other quarters, and particularly from Spanish America. I never heard it
suggested, except by the gentlemen in the opposition, that we could starve Great Britain; but that though our produce, particularly our bread stuffs, we could make a strong appeal to her interests.—This fact is demonstrated to my mind. The Liverpool merchant tells us that our whole supply of bread stuffs will not depress this market. If a ready supply could be obtained elsewhere, upon better terms, there would be no need of a supply from us.—But when has it happened, that South America could afford this supply? So far from affording a supply to Great Britain, it gets a portion of its own from us.—The gentleman tells us, that Spanish Americans export great quantities of hides and tallow.—That is true.—These, however, are not bread stuffs. It is not pretended that Great Britain is in want of meat, but bread; bread is an essential of life—meat is no substitute for bread—it could not even prevent a famine. These documents also go to show the reason of the low price of New York flour, quoted by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd). It is because the flour was not sweet. It had been so long kept as to become sour.—I have no doubt that the British cabinet are now looking at this subject with great anxiety; and particularly at our movements in relation to it. Again, sir, suppose Great Britain should be able to provision her islands, it would be at such an expensive rate, as to render them very unprofitable.
The next important article is Cotton. Let us see the prices current respecting that article.—
"The operations in our cotton markets during the whole of last month have been immense, while our total imports are inadequate to one half the usual monthly consumption; as the stocks of this article have become more depressed, the speculators continue purchasing with increased spirit, and many of them have already realised considerable profits; we therefore quote an advance on all descriptions of cotton of from 4d to 6d per lb. above our last month's rates, which has principally occurred within the last ten days; but we must beg leave to remark, that such unexampled advances are scarcely ever so well maintained as when they are gradually established, and some occurrence may perhaps shortly take place to put a stop to further speculations; we are however, of opinion, that prices may yet be driven considerably higher, altho' they have to encounter an extremely bad trade in Manchester."
"West India Cotton have advanced nearly to the same proportion as American, and the recent arrivals have fully brought the annexed prices, with every appearance of much higher being realized."
"In Cottons we have a great stir; and should we not soon have arrivals from the Brazils, prices must be enormous."
Here the Liverpool merchant tells us, not only that the prices are extremely high, and may be driven much higher, unless some occurrence (to wit, raising the embargo) may perhaps shortly take place, to put a stop to further speculation; but that the total imports are inadequate to one half the usual monthly consumption. Now, sir, whence is one half of the usual consumption of Cotton to be supplied to the British market.—The Liverpool merchants seem totally at a loss for a supply from any place; but the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) has pointed out several places of supply—The East and West Indies; and even Africa has been resorted to.—They have supplies from all these places now, and yet the Liverpool merchants tell you, that the whole imports are not equal to one half the monthly consumption. I therefore have no confidence in the statement made by the gentleman. With respect to the illustration of his position, by stating the supposed analogous case of his butter merchants, I shall make no reply. Its fallacy was ably demonstrated by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Crawford) I will only incidentally remark, however, that it is the first time I ever recollect to have seen that gentleman in debate when it appeared to me, that he did not know on which side his own bread was buttered.
But the gentleman tells us, that the provident British government have sent cotton seed to Africa, to answer a supply of cotton; that cotton is an annual plant, and of course a competent supply may be produced from that quarter. I am inclined to think, that this provident government does not rely much upon this resource. Because I imagine that the whole quantity of seed sent thither, would not be equal to the oil from one good South-Carolina plantation, and although cotton is certainly an annual plant, yet the conversion of the labour of society from one occupation to another, is not the effect of annual effort. It is one of the most difficult operations to be performed on society. I therefore feel no apprehension of a supply from this source, at least, for many years. If Great-Britain should be cut off from one half of her supply of cotton, it would certainly place the many thousand manufacturers employed in the various branches of the cotton business, in a state of great distress; and must command the attention of the British government.
The next article I shall mention, is, the article of timber or lumber. I mention these articles particularly in the supply of the West-Indies; and the rather as the traders to these islands have been foremost in urging the British hostile orders. I recollect some time since to have seen a report made, I believe to the House of Commons, showing the proportion of these articles imported to the West Indies from the United States, in relation to the same articles, imported thither from all the rest of the world—and the proportion of these articles was 99 in 100, imported from the United States. It is known that these articles are indispensable to the exports from those islands; particularly rum, sugar and molasses. And I am at a loss to know from whence these articles can be supplied, except from the United States. It should also be recollected, that timber and lumber are not of annual growth, they are part of the veteran oak itself; and therefore that their deficiency cannot be so easily supplied as is suggested in relation to cotton.
The next article I shall mention is tobacco. What says the Liverpool merchants respecting this article.
"During the last month, tobacco has experienced some fluctuation, and sales have been made at prices under those quoted; but some considerable orders having appeared for export, the market has again settled at these rates, and if any opening to the continent of Europe, through the medium of Holland, should be found, an advance may be expected; on the contrary if we have only our home consumption to depend upon, little alteration can take place until the sentiments of the American government be known at the meeting of congress in November next."
It is admitted that tobacco is not an article of the first necessity; it is, however, material to the manufacturer, and highly important to the revenue.
Naval Stores are, also, certainly entitled to some consideration, although some supply of those articles is now furnished from Sweden.
I have selected these articles as specimens of the intimacy and importance of the commercial connexion between the United States and Great-Britain; and to demonstrate, that it cannot be withdrawn on our part without essentially affecting her interests. Again, sir, what effect will this recession of intercourse have upon the revenge of that country?—I shall make no minute estimate, but it will certainly have no effect which cannot be disregarded; and the rather when it is recollected, that Great-Britain has imposed an export duty of four per cent. upon her goods sent to the United States, which produces to her an annual revenue of about $600,000, probably much more; and that this is a discriminating duty against the United States, which ought to have been repelled the moment it was laid; and especially as it was imposed upon the United States with the view of placing them on the same footing with the British colonies.
The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) tells us, even suppose our embargo laws drive fifty thousand, or more, manufacturers from their employment in Great-Britain, it will only add to her naval and military strength. It would only give her fifty thousand seamen or soldiers more than she now has. This, sir, is an unfortunate specimen of the prosperity, which Great-Britain is supposed to derive from the embargo laws.
If I am rightly informed, generally, and particularly yesterday by the learned gentleman from New York, (Mr. Mitchell) of the materials of which the manufacturers consist, I am disposed to think they would make poor seamen and sorry soldiers. I do not think the world would have much to fear from their prowess. They are fit for manufactures and nothing else; and if driven from their habitual employments, they must starve, or become a charge upon the nation. But, sir, the conversion of fifty thousand productive, and fifty thousand unproductive, and even expensive labourers, could not contribute much to the wealth or power of any nation; and such an operation in Great-Britain, where the poor rates are sufficiently high already, would command the serious attention of the government.
There is something essential to the physical power of a nation, besides the numbers of seamen and soldiers. It is money—it is revenue. This operation upon labour, could not be productive of revenue, but would be an enormous charge upon it. I am therefore inclined to think that the British cabinet would not feel any great obligation to the gentleman for his ingenious discovery.
All these considerations must present strong inducements to Great-Britain to revoke her hostile orders; but she has hitherto refused so to do.
Let a candid inquiry now be made into the actual cause of this refusal. The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) informs us, that the British cabinet shewed some solicitude about the embargo laws, till some time between the 22d of June and the 20th of July last, within which time, information flowed in upon them, which relieved them from this solicitude, and reconciled them to the embargo. [Mr. Lloyd rose to explain.—He said he referred to the months of June and July, without mentioning any particular days of these months.] I admit that the gentleman did not mention the particular days; I took the particular days for greater precision, from the correspondence between Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Madison, from which I presume the gentleman had drawn this information.
What was the information that flowed in upon the British cabinet, from the 22d June to the 20th of July? That period announced two events. First, the wonderful revolution in Spain; although this event must have been pretty well understood in London before even the 22d June, perhaps not to its full extent. The other event was, the paltry attempt at the resistance of the embargo laws in Vermont, magnified into a formidable insurrection against the government; and the unhappy discords manifested in Boston and its neighbourhood, together with the results of the elections in Massachusetts. All these circumstances were certainly greatly exaggerated, or perhaps, utterly misrepresented. Here then, sir, we clearly discern the real causes of the refusal of the British cabinet to meet the just and honourable proposition of the United States, and to revoke their orders in council. The Spanish revolution, no doubt, contributed to their determination; but the principal cause, was our divisions and discords, either wholly misrepresented or highly exaggerated.
Before the 22d June, Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Canning were engaged in the most informal and friendly communications. Mr. Canning had gone so far as to intimate to Mr. Pinkney, that he might in a few days expect to be able to communicate to his government some agreeable intelligence, evidently meaning, either the revocation or relaxation of the hostile orders—but unfortunately, shortly after the 22d June, the packet arrived with this flood of disgraceful information from the United States. Immediately after the receipt of this information, or rather mis-information, Mr. Canning changes his conduct. All informal conferences with Mr. Pinkney are denied, and a formal note demanded, in reply to which, the note of refusal was returned, marked, as we have seen, with indignity and insult to the United States.
Now, sir, let me ask, whether these facts do not demonstrate, that the continuation of the hostile orders is principally, if not solely, owing to the dishonourable divisions and discords in this country, and the exaggerated accounts given of them to the British government? That events in Spain alone, however intoxicating to the British cabinet, were not, of themselves, sufficient to produce this effect; because they were known before the change in Mr. Canning's conduct took place, and had not produced that effect: But, the moment the extravagant accounts of the discords and divisions in this country were received, was the moment of change in Mr. Canning's conduct, and, therefore, must be considered as the real cause that produced it. Besides, sir, was not this change of conduct the natural effect of this disgraceful information? When Mr. Canning was informed that the people of the United States had become false to themselves; had refused to bear the necessary privations, imposed by the government; had, in fact separated themselves from their own government—that they would elect persons to office, who would voluntarily, yield

obedience to Mr. Canning's orders—what inducement could be for their revocation? If obedience and submission were gratuitously tendered by the people of the United States, he had certainly nothing to do but graciously to accept them; and his note affords full evidence of this impression on his mind. The refusal of the British government, to revoke their hostile orders, therefore, appears not to have been founded upon a calculation of its interests upon correct information; but upon a miscalculation of its interests upon mis-information. How much, then, is it to be lamented, Mr. President, that our sufferings and privations should be continued, by the discontented, which were intended to remedy them: How can the authors of these discontentments, reconcile their conduct to the nation, or to their own consciences? What compensation or atonement can they ever hope to make to the people for the prostrations of their privations and sufferings? What, for the disgrace brought upon the nation? What, for all the horrors and calamities of war, which may and probably will be, the consequences of such conduct! Let the infatuated authors of it answer these questions. Ages of services cannot atone for these cruel—these unfortunate errors.
To be continued.
BOSTON, December 6. LATEST FROM EUROPE. Schooner Mohawk of this port, arrived at Salem, in 28 days from Liverpool.
LONDON, October 14. PACIFIC OVERTURES.
A Russian and French messenger arrived from France on Friday morning and returned on Sunday. Nothing certain has yet transpired either with respect to the dispatches or to the reply returned by our government. We have heard that the former are very short—that they consist of two letters dated from Erfurth, and addressed by M. de Champagny, the French minister for foreign affairs, and M. de Romanzow, the Russian minister, to his excellency George Canning, Esq.—that the two letters are in substance the same, stating that his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias and his Majesty the Emperor of the French, being equally animated with a desire to put an end to the calamities of war, he (the Minister for Foreign Affairs) has it in command from his majesty to request his excellency to communicate to his Britannick majesty that desire, and if his Britannick majesty be influenced by a similar desire, to propose that Plenipotentiaries shall be immediately named, to proceed to a place that may be fixed upon, to open a negotiation with the plenipotentiaries of his Imperial Majesty for the conclusion of a maritime peace.
If we be correct, the answer that will be returned by his majesty's ministers to such a communication is obvious. The epithet applied by the enemy to the kind of peace which they are desirous of negotiating, shews us at once that they do not admit our interference in the affairs of the continent. His majesty's ministers, we should conjecture, would reply to M. de Champagny, and M. de Romanzow, that his Britannick majesty was animated by the desire which he had always expressed, and which was known to all Europe, to put an end to the calamities of war, whenever he could do so, consistently with the security of his dominions, the honour of his crown, and the good faith he owed to his allies—that he was ready to enter into a negotiation in concert with those allies, and that he will immediately communicate the overture that had been made to him, to his majesty the king of Sweden, to the prince regent of Portugal, and to the central and supreme junta in Spain, governing in the name of his Catholic majesty Ferdinand VII.
Other persons have indulged very different conjectures. They imagine, we think, contrary to all probability, that Buonaparte and his vassal emperor, have at once rushed in medias res ; that they have proposed a basis in limine ; and that they have begun by mentioning terms. Some suppose that in the overture to our government, we are told that we have no right to assist the Spaniards—that it is a mere family quarrel, with which we, as Islanders, have nothing to do. This he would hardly do in the first instance. It will be found, we dare say, that the overture which has been made us, is of a loose and general nature, and does not touch upon the terms or basis.
The arrival of the messengers had some effect upon the funds; but it produced disgust instead of pleasure in the publick mind. Every body viewed the overture as an insidious attempt to detach us from the Spanish and Portuguese patriots: there is not a man who did not say, "is Buonaparte ready, as a preliminary to negotiation, to withdraw his troops from Spain, and release Ferdinand the 7th—if he is not, let us have no negotiation; let us hear of no peace: let us send back his messengers and his overtures with disdain and defiance."
It is probable that we shall have another flag of truce over in a few days, with the answer to the reply of our ministers.
October 26. French troops under marshal Ney, moved from Vittoria Sept. 27, and took possession of Bilboa, the Spaniards retreating.
It is said the French attempted to retreat from Bilboa, September 30, but found their retreat cut off. There are frequent desertions from the French troops in Spain, of Italians, Germans, and Portuguese.
October 27. Latest accounts from Spain. We have received Spanish papers to the 19th.—The Spaniards hope to cut off the division of the French army that entered Bilboa. The general attack on the whole French line was also intended for the 23d or 24th instant.
British troops under generals Moore and Hope, marched from Lisbon Oct. 10, for Spain. The troops under gen. Baird, (13,000) were lying at Corunna, October 17, in transports. Ferdinand, of Spain, his brother and uncle are at Paris.
Castano is to command the centre of the great Spanish army. The French still hold Barcelona, have declared it in a state of siege, proclaimed martial law, and issued one of their severe proclamations.
There are several accounts of inferior battles in Spain, between parties of Spaniards and French.—They always ended in favour of the former.
Among the British officers in Spain, there are forty members of Parliament.
The French troops embarked at Lisbon on the 15th.
The transports conveying the French troops from Lisbon to France, met with several gales, soon after leaving port, which dispersed them. One was lost, and 237 soldiers perished.
The French general, Kellerman, from Portugal, at his request, has been brought to England.
The late revolution in Turkey, has prevented the British envoy, who was on his way, from proceeding to that capital.
An expedition is preparing at Sicily, under gen. Stuart, supposed against Naples.
Parliament is further prorogued to the 10th of December.
The British squadron has quitted the blockade of the Russian fleet at Port Baltic, leaving three Swedish ships to watch it.
The Windsor Castle Packet arrived in England October 29, from New York and Halifax.
PLYMOUTH, October 25. Arrived, the Rowena, from Corunna, which is said to have brought a report that the Spaniards have gained a victory over the French, and that Corunna had been illuminated in consequence.
Twenty thousand British troops have marched into Spain from Portugal. The rest there, are ordered to the Mediterranean.
A new decree has been passed in Holland to prevent intercourse with England.
An embargo has been laid at Petersburg, Russia, where several American vessels are among the detained.
American vessels are not admitted at Trieste during the American embargo—in consequence, six bound thither have stopped at Malta.
The American sch'r Betsey, Hooper, of Marblehead, from England to Spain, was captured by a French privateer, and re-captured September 23, and arrived at Castro, near Bilboa.
SANTANDER, Sept. 27. Joseph Napoleon slept last night in a village near Derango, (5 leagues from Bilboa). The Marquis de Portazgo, and Generals Cuesta and Blake, command our troops in this vicinity.
ARANJUEZ, Oct. 2. The Central Junta have ordered military succors to Catalunia, which is threatened with fresh forces from France.
The Junta have communicated their installations to the foreign ministers at Madrid, and their respective courts, and to all the courts of Europe whose friendship they could expect. They have appointed Don Juan Ruiz Apodaca, Charge d'Affaires at the court of London.
A Military Junta has been formed composed of five generals, viz. Castanos, Marquis de Castelar, Morla, Sangro and the Marquis de Palacios.
The Supreme Junta have formally demanded king Ferdinand of Napoleon.
PARIS, Oct. 3. The day before yesterday arrived here the 76th regiment on its march to Spain; this is the last regiment which is to proceed from the grand army to that country.
Within these last two days, no intelligence of any moment has been received from Spain. General Lefebvre has arrived in Bayonne from that country, and is daily expected in this capital.
From the Boston Papers. We see nothing regarding American affairs in the late papers, but the reiteration of the remark, that there is no impediment to a direct trade between the United States and Spain and Portugal, and their colonies.
The London papers say, that the French dispatches for America found on Mr. Young, the consul, directed the procuring of Joseph Bonaparte to be acknowledged in the Spanish colonies.
Imperial Interview. There has been a friendly meeting of the emperors of Russia and France at Erfurth. They had continued there three weeks at the last dates. From thence the pacific overtures had been sent to England; and there the fate of Europe will be determined on.
Bonaparte was accompanied to Erfurth by Talleyrand and Champagny.
His majesty the king of Westphalia, his Imperial Highness the Grand Duke Constantine, and the Duke and Hereditary Prince of Weimar, have arrived at Erfurth.
Armistice between the Swedes and Russians. The proposition of Russia for an armistice with the Swedes, is conjectured to be because she wants to employ her troops elsewhere. A letter from Sweden says, there is nothing in this armistice to warrant a peace between Sweden and Russia. The Swedish king, dissatisfied with his guards, has broke 4000 of them. The Swedes have suffered much latterly in Finland.
The armistice is said to be confined to military operations in the north of Finland. It is for an unlimited time, and is dated September 17, 1808.
No military event of great consequence has occurred in Spain for some time past. Cuesta has been a little refractory, and is said to have resigned. Castanos is said to be appointed commander in chief of the Spanish forces.
The French Emperor, in an address to his soldiers, September 19, says: "Let us carry our conquering Eagles to the Pillars of Hercules," (Gibraltar.)
The French troops in Spain had not been much reinforced. The northern army is not estimated at more than 43,000. The patriot army opposed to it, includes double that number.
A proclamation has been issued in Italy, by Bonaparte, forbidding the people to speak about the affairs of Spain.
The whole strength of the Spanish force is stated to be as follows—General Castano's army is however considered one half overrated.
  Central army, under Castanos 65,000   Northern army under Blake, including ten thousand Asturians 50,000   Arragonese, under Palafox 15,000   Catalonians, under Lamas 20,000   Reinforcements on their march from Saragossa, under Vives 10,000   Do. from Grenada, under Reding 10,000   Do. from Portugal, under Badojos 14,000   The Marquis de Romana's army 9,000   The expedition under sir David B. i'd 15,000   Sir John Moore's army on its march for Spain 20,000   The remainder of the British Portugal going to Catalunia 15,000   Grand Total 243,000 
Generals Moore and Hope marched on the 13th October from Lisbon and were supposed to be with the patriots.
About the middle of September, the Spanish patriots took Bilboa from the French. It was defended by 5000—2000 of whom it is said were killed or wounded, and 3000 made prisoners. On the 27th, the French, with a strong force, re-took it.
JUNOT'S ARMY. The first division had been dispersed by a tempest, with some loss, but were working up into Quiberon bay. The second were expected to arrive at Rochelle about the 20th. It was reported that the third, on sailing from Lisbon, were ordered to return, by dispatches from England, to wait at Lisbon, until it was ascertained that the transports which carried the former were suffered to return from France.
Turkey is doomed to destruction. It is supposed that Buonaparte has offered it for a kingdom for Alexander's brother Constantine.
Extract of a letter from Liverpool dated Oct. 28. "The affairs of the Spaniards go on well. They will doubtless make good their independence. But Russia, it seems, will be more closely leagued with France than before.
"We had intelligence a few days since from London, of the arrival of a French and a Russian messenger from the French coast. It is believed they were the bearers of some pacific proposition; but it is not expected any thing will arise out of it: as the proposals are understood to have been of an inadmissible nature.
"We have just heard of an armistice being concluded between the Russians and the Swedes in Finland—from which it is believed that Sweden, no longer able to resist, has consented to the terms of Russia, and agreed to exclude our trade. Timber has advanced in consequence.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
WEDNESDAY EVENING, DEC. 14, 1808.
[In our paper of the 16th ultimo, we inserted an extract of a letter from a house in Jamaica, which stated, that from one estate belonging to that house, two thousand bushels of corn would be sold. At this we were not surprised, because we were well apprized that corn could be raised in that fertile Island in great abundance; but we did expect that some of the Windward Islands, (as they are usually termed) would suffer much for that article, particularly Antigua , to which more corn is exported from this country than to all those Islands together. With that expectation, we could not avoid being surprised, when the extract, which is subjoined, was communicated to us. We shall make no observation, except that the writer is personally known to us, and may be implicitly relied on.]
Extract of a letter from a Gentleman in Antigua, to a friend in this town, dated 22d November, 1808.
"That Embargo has taught our Planters not to depend on any other persons but themselves. I have suffered greatly in mind and purse from it; but, thank God, my troubles on that head are at an end. I shall raise provisions enough to supply my estates for one year from the first of January next; so that I shall want only a little corn for my horses and mules, instead of buying three thousand bushels a year; and all my brother Planters are as well off—besides which, we have lately had a very plentiful supply from the Spanish Main, which will, in course, encrase."
DIED —Yesterday morning, HENRY BRUNET, Esq. Merchant of this place.
Postponed Sale.
By virtue of a deed in trust, will be sold for ready money, TO-MORROW the 15th instant, before the Exchange Coffee House, at 12 o'clock, A HOUSE & LOT , near Mr. David Pierce's, adjoining the lots of Thomas Newton, dec'd. and John Bramble. The Trustee.
Dec. 14.
FOR SALE. By virtue of four separate deeds in trust from Bart. Yates, to satisfy sundry claims, will be sold at Gloucester Courthouse, on Saturday the 24th instant, for ready money,
Four likely young NEGRO MEN, two of them are very excellent Blacksmiths, the third a Carpenter, and the fourth accustomed to different sorts of labour—These negroes are under most excellent characters. William Jones, Ex'r. of John Catlett, dec'd. tds
December 9
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, For which Cash will be given. Application to be made to the SECRETARY of the MARINE INSURANCE COMPANY.
JOHN GRANBERY, President. Office of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, Dec. 14.
CAUTION.
ALL persons are requested not to trust any of the Crew of the British Cutter Alert, now under repair in this port, as the master will not be accountable for any debts they may contract. WILLIAM TURNBULL.
Dec. 14. To close a consignment, will be sold on Saturday the 17th inst. before the market house, for ready cash, at 12 o'clock, if fair, if not, the first fair day the next week,
20 puns. N. E. RUM & 5 bls BEEF. Christopher Fry. Dec. 14.
FOR RENT, That convenient BRICK HOUSE in Market Square, at present occupied in part by Mr. Fabb—it is well calculated for two Grocery Stores below, and will be neatly fitted above for the residence of families—possession given the first of January. Apply to William A. Armistead.
To be Hired out from 1st of January, A WOMAN, who is an excellent washer and house servant generally, and a good plain cook.—Apply to the Editor of the Ledger.
The CARGO of the British Brig Meanwell, from St. Kitts—Consisting of Prime SUGAR and MOLASSES, For Sale, by C. & F. Whittle.
The CARGO of the British Schooner Commerce, captain Collins, consisting of COFFEE and SUGAR, For Sale by C. & F. Whittle.
To Masters, Mates, and Mariners. INFORMATION WANTED.
THE SCHOONER EXPERIMENT , ROBERT LAWRENCE, Master, Sailed from Norfolk, in Virginia, some time in the month of February, 1806, bound on a voyage to Rio Janario, and River or Plate, in South-America. Information has been lately received that the said schooner was at the Island of Goree on the Coast of Africa, some time in April of the same year, from which she departed the day after her arrival there, and has not been heard of since, by information that can be relied on. Various reports have been received, that the said schooner did arrive at the River of Plate, and was there trading.—It is presumed that if the vessel went from Goree to Rio Janario, and from thence to River of Plate, that there are many persons in the United States, who have seen the said schooner, or master, at one or both of those places.
The Schooner was on her first voyage, Virginia built, of about 95 tons, coppered to light water mark, and had the appearance of a remarkable fast sailing vessel. Robert Lawrence is an Englishman by birth, born in the Isle of Thanet in the County of Kent, about 47 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, a stout man, inclined to be fat, of a ruddy complexion, and talks much.
Any person who can give information respecting the above vessel and master, or either, will do a singular service in communicating it to THOMAS FITZSIMMONS, Esq. President of the Delaware Insurance Company, of Philadelphia; JOHN COFFIN JONES, Esq. of Boston, or to the Subscriber. JOHN GRANBERY, President of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk.
Norfolk, November 29, 1808.
[The Editors of the following papers are desired to insert this advertisement three times a week for six weeks in their respective papers, and transmit their accounts to the Office of the Pullick Ledger, viz. North American and American, Baltimore; United States Gazette and Aurora, Philadelphia, New-York Gazette and Citizen, New-York; Boston Gazette, Boston; American, Providence (R.I.) Gazette, Salem; Gazette of Maine, Portland; and the Courier of Charleston.]
German Linen for Exportation.
NIEMEYER & VON KAPFF,
OFFER FOR SALE At their Warehouse in Water-Street, at the corner of Maxwell's wharf, for cash, or approved paper only.
54 packages of German Linen, consisting of
  140 pieces Osnabrigs. Entitled to Drawback.   60 pieces Ticklenburgs,   500 pieces White Rolls,   900 Fenders,   80 pieces Hessians,   1 case Platillas, 1 case Table Cloths,   1 case Shirt Linen, 1 case Bed-Ticking.   1 case Sheetings, 
ALSO,
  40 pieces best Russia Canvas, 700 Straws 1-2 pt. Tumblers,   8 do. Tongalliant Duck, 30 doz do. Decanters,   8000 Coffee Bags, 300 pieces excellent Oil Cloth,   9,500 Gunny Bags, 350 pieces Paper Hanging,   90 boxes best Spanish Sarsa, 3 cases Port Wine.   50 boxes English Pipes, 
And at their Store in Main-Street, a great variety of
Cutlery and Fancy Articles.
Apply as above.
Y. & W. SOUTHGATE,
OFFER FOR SALE, For Cash or short credit, at their Store, No. 1, corner of Commerce and Main-Street,
A General Assortment of GOODS,
suitable to the present and approaching season; among which are,
Superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 6.4 and 7.4 coarse Cloths, Flannels, Baizes, Coatings, Thicksets, Corduroys, Blankets, Prunes, Halthicks, Scarlet Cardinals, &c. &c. Kendal Cottons in assorted bales, Coarse Hats in assorted boxes, Nails and Spikes of all sizes, F and FF glazed Powder and Shot—ALSO, 200 good Bacon Hams, 30 hogs Lard, 60 barrels Smithfield Apple Brandy, 100 sacks Liverpool fine Salt, 60 barrels very white Allum Salt, 60 barrels good Coffee, Liqueurs!
2 grand and 6 small fine toned PIANO FORTES, And a handsome English-made GIG and HARNESS, almost new. September 21.
Landing on Commerce Street, from sch'r. Lady Howe
100 barrels MACKAREL, 500 GRIND STONES, 100 boxes MOULD CANDLES, 60 tons PLAISTER PARIS.
A quantity of WRITING PAPER, FOR SALE BY
Nov. 25.
Hamilton's Packet will sail for Baltimore TO-MORROW MORNING. Dec. 14.

BRIG MOSES MYERS. NOTICE —All those who had an interest in the American Brig Moses Myers, Master, or her cargo, captured by the French in 1806, on a voyage from Matanzas to Norfolk, and re-captured by the British privateer Rover, and carried into Halifax, Nova Scotia, by applying to the subscriber, will receive their proportion of the funds collected from the sale of the ship and cargo, according to a decree of the high court of appeals in Great Britain. Robert Maitland. November 4.
Boot and Shoe Manufactory. SAMUEL COLEMAN, Opposite the Market (towards) has received by captain Hand, from Philadelphia, a quantity of the Highest Priced Boot Legs, Vamps, Tops, and other Materials , for his factory. He has also Soal Leather , which has been in tan seven years; with these, the best workmen he can get, and the greatest care and punctiliousness, he believes the people of this place and its vicinity, may be as well served as by any factory in the union. His Stock at present is as good as this country can furnish, and he intends to use no other kind, the price of course must be higher, and when the Boots go the money must come, having 7 and in a number of instances that a few days, means six or twelve months, and an application even then for the money is ample cause of enquiry. He has on hand a large assortment of BOOTS and SHOES. SALT, LONDON PORTER, &c. &c. Fresh SHOES from New-York for Ladies, of red, green, and black Morocco, with 1, 2, and 3 tiers. JOURNEYMEN WANTED. The best Boot and Shoe Makers, not only such as can, but such as will do the best work in all cases, may meet with as much encouragement in this factory, as in any in this state, for any state in the union north of this. October 3.
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the estate of William Cary, deceased, formerly of York Town, are requested to present them to the subscriber, for settlement; and all those persons who are indebted to the estate of said Cary, are desired to make immediate settlement. No further indulgence can be allowed. Thomas Griffin, adm'r. York-Town, Dec. 7. 1808.
NOTICE. All persons indebted to the estate of Alexander Macauley, deceased, formerly of York Town, are requested to call upon for settlement of their debts. Suits will be commenced against all debtors indolent in paying. Thomas Griffin, Surviving trustee of Alex. Macauley, dec. York-Town, Dec. 7. 1808.
The Members of the Diemal Swamp Company, are requested to meet at Safford on the 28th of December. That place is preferred for a meeting, because it is very near the distance from the land, and the members will have a better opportunity of inspection as to the whole business of the company than at any other place. Those who may not attend will be pleased to give powers to others to act for them. William Nelson, } Managers. John Bracken, } Corbin Griffin, }
Norfolk Borough, At a quarterly session court held the 28th day of November, 1808. The Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, PLAINTIFFS, Against Felix Corran, Michael Corran, Noble and Arbuthnot, & co. and Theodore Armitage, DEFENDANTS. The defendant Felix Corran not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth, on the motion of the plaintiff, by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant Felix Corran be forthwith ousted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendants Michael Corran, Noble and Arbuthnot, & co. and Theodore Armitage, who have effects of the said Felix Corran in their hands do not pay, convey away or secure such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy. (Teste,) Wm. Sharp, c. c.
NOTICE. The co-partnership of BRUNET & THOMPSON, will be dissolved on the 31st instant. All persons having demands against the said firm, will present their accounts for settlement; and those indebted, will please make payment to Wm. H. Thompson, who is authorized to settle the accounts of said concern. Henry Brunet, Wm. H. Thompson. Norfolk, Dec. 2.
FLOUR. FOR SALE, BY JOHN GRANBERRY, AT HIS WAREHOUSE ON COMMERCE STREET, A small quantity of very excellent New Flour, in Barrels and half-barrels, now on hand, fit for family use, and a regular supply expected from the Columbian Mill—Richmond Inspection. Cash given for good new flour barrels and half-barrels. Nov. 9.
FOR SALE On board the British ship Halliday, capt. Marshall, just arrived from Liverpool, 355 tons stowed SALT, 143 do. common do. 100 crates well assorted Earthenware, and 12 dozen Mats—by C. & F. WHITTLE. September 5.
FRESH GOODS. WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received Cambricks and Common Callicoes, Cotton Shirtings, Cotton Cambricks, Irish Linens, Long Lawns, Linen Cambricks, &c. A few pieces of best London Superfine Broad CLOTHS, and most fashionable Coat BUTTONS, which with their Goods on hand, will be sold at very low prices for Cash. September 3.
FOR RENT, A Convenient Dwelling House on the Main-Street, near the Bridge, next door to Mrs. Archer. Also, That commodious House on Catharine-street, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes, and joining the subscriber, they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses. Also, A very convenient Dwelling-House, just finished, on Commerce-street. For terms apply to James Tucker. August 15.
FOR SALE, Little England Plantation, near Hampton, containing 555 acres of excellent land, about 320 of which are cleared, the remainder under wood, with a Dwelling-House, Offices, &c. This Plantation has many advantages over most others in the low country. There is a wharf within fifty yards of the house, with sufficient water for any vessel to lie at that can come into Hampton Creek, and the advantage to a farmer of having every thing conveyed to and from a considerable market as Norfolk by water, is an advantage of the first consideration. There is an excellent Pump in the farm-yard, with a well sufficient to water any fleet that may generally be in Hampton Roads; from this pump there are water-ways to the wharf, by which a boat can load from 10 to 12 tons of water in two hours—Yielded the late proprietor at one time 700 dollars in twelve months. The Plantation is most completely fenced by double ditches, staked, and wattled, with some hedges—In short, the House, Offices, and Land, are in such perfect neat and good order, that any person purchasing the place would not have a cent to lay out on it. Those who may wish to view the premises will please apply to Dr. Ward, at Little England—For terms or other particulars, apply to William H. Thompson. N. B. The Negroes, Stock, and Farming Utensils, will be sold with or without the Plantation. October 7.
FOR SALE, 30,000 acres valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana—Particulars with regard to local advantages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to purchasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS TUNNO, in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER, in Savannah. Feb. 8.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Platter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight of refined Salt-Petre, Harsham's Snuff, No 9, and 37, in 1/2 and 1/4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evans's & Crown Lotions, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual.
FOR SALE In our Ware-House, where the largest vessel can come alongside, 15,000 bushels of CORN, 2000 do. do. white, 50 bales Cotton. Also, 4000 bushels coarse SALT, 150 sacks Ground Alum do. 45 hogsheads old Antigua Rum, do. Jamaica do. 40 hogsheads Sugar, 80 barrels do. A few casks excellent Port Wine, Coffee in hogsheads, Madeira Wine, 45 crates Earthenware, Tobacco from several inspections. GEO. MURRAY, & Co. September 9.
THE SUBSCRIBER Wishes to Sell, and will Sell or Rent on moderate terms, That very excellent Wharf and Lot, in the town of Gosport, at present occupied by William Smith; the Wharf, Ware-Houses, and Dwelling-House are all in good repair. Thirteen Lots in the Town of Suffolk; And the following Property in Norfolk, Two good Fire-Proof Warehouses on the Eastern side of Commerce-Street, Nos. 4 and 6. Two Dwelling-Houses and Lots on Bush-street, in good repair, and very pleasantly situated. Apply to John Granberry. September 14.
NOW LANDING On our Wharf, and for Sale on a liberal credit, from on board the British Schooner Commerce, Capt. Collins, from Jamaica, A Cargo of high proof RUM. C. & F. Whittle. September 2.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, or the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for term of years, the STORES at the end of Maaden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
TO RENT, And immediate possession given, The HOUSE and LOT, with a spacious Garden, on Duke street, at present occupied by Mr. John Stratton. Apply to William Plume & Co. Nov. 23.
TO RENT, The LIVERY STABLES lately occupied by Lewis Armistead, on Wolf street, opposite the United States Bank—Attached to which is a comfortable two story Dwelling House, and another building which at times has served as a kitchen to the dwelling, or as a blacksmith or farrier's shop to the stable. The whole together, or either separately will be rented on moderate terms, and possession given immediately. Luke Wheeler. Nov. 23.
FALL GOODS. WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received a general assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS, Which they will sell at very reduced prices for Cash, by Wholesale and Retail, at No 75, Main-street. October 19.
FOR SALE at my Brewhouse, Strong, Table, and ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Eayes. Feb. 13.
We have for SALE on our Wharf, 200 hogsheads MOLASSES, 53 do. superior quality Muscovado Sugars, 37 do. inferior do. 258 bags Guadalupe Coffee; 10 puncheons Rum, 60,000 wt Jamaica Coffee; in 1/2 bds. barrels and bags, 10,000 do. Laquila do. 30 kegs Raisins, 20 cases superior quality Cigars, 6000 bushels Ives, 8500 do St. Ubes, 2500 do. Turks-Island, and 5000 do coarse Liverpool Salt, 10 pines old Madeira Wine; 4 do. Country Gin, 50 barrels Rye Whiskey; 50 bds. Philadelphia Porter, 1 new 14 inch Cable 120 fathoms. C. & F. Whittle. July 13.
FOR SALE, On board the British ship John, capt. Gilmer, just arrived from Liverpool, 250 Tons STONE SALT, loose and in sacks. 50 crates QUEEN'S WARE—By C. & F. Whittle. October 24.
FOR SALE, or will be Bartered for Tobacco, 78 puns. choice Old Demarara RUM, James Young. October 19.
COW POCK. DOCTOR BALFOUR informs those persons who have not had the Small Pox, and who are anxious to avoid being susceptible of it (as it is said to exist in the county of Princess Anne about Nott's Island, and there has been a case in Richmond,) that he now has several arms with a genuine vaccine pock, fit to inoculate from. He will take a young man as a Student of physics. Nov. 15.
TO BE RENTED, AND POSSESSION GIVEN IMMEDIATELY, Several TENEMENTS in the town of Portsmouth—They will be let at REDUCED PRICES, provided good tenants can be had. Also that desirable little FARM, the Cottage, near the Town—The House will be in good repair, and the land is rich. William Leigh. Dec. 5.
THE BRICK STORE, Lately occupied by Mrs. Cox, facing the Market. Apply to Messrs. Wood & Hastings, or Robert Taylor, sen'r. Dec. 5.
CAUTION. THE PUBLICK are cautioned against crediting any of the crew of the Ship John, of Liverpool, as I will not be responsible for any debts they may contract. John Gilmer, Master of the Ship John. Nov. 18.
FOR SALE, 3000 bushels Turk's-Island SALT, Now on board the Schooner Julian, Capt. Stowe. Also, 21,000 feet MAHOGANY, A few puncheons Old Antigua Rum, New do. Molasses, Sugars, Indian Meal in barrels. John Granberry. September 21.
JUST RECEIVED. And for Sale, by the Subscriber, 50 hhds. New-England RUM, 150 bds Boston No. 1 & 2 Beef, 60 kegs Family Butter, 50 sacks Liverpool Salt, 50 qt cases 12 G. choice Sherry Wine, 80 chests Fresh Hyson Tea, superior quality, 40 boxes Fresh Imperial Tea, superior quality, 150 weight fresh Nutmegs and 100 wt. Cinnamon, 1000 weight Pimento, 100 weight New-Orleans Indigo, 10 hhds. and 100 barrels Loaf Sugar, 20 bds. Hoffman's fine Loaf Sugar, for family use, 50 bags Coffee, 200 boxes Mould and Dipp Candles, 100 boxes old brown Soap, 25 boxes No. 1 & 2 Chocolate, 50 boxes 10 price each, T. D. London Pies, 25 boxes Cotton and Wool Cards, assorted, 50 kegs English Glazed Gun-Powder, 5 tons London Patent Shot, assorted, 50 crates Queen's Ware, assorted, with plates and dishes only—also a few crates of Bowls, 100 kegs London Fine Lead ground in Oil, 50 boxes London Crown Glass 10 by 12, 50 casks, 100 each, Green Copperas, 20 dozen Spades and Shovels, assorted sizes, 50 casks Cut Nails, assorted, from 4 to 200, 10 ton Sweden's Iron, assorted, small, flat and square bars, 700 Grindstones, assorted, for vessel and plantation use, 130 casks Stone Lime, 30 bundles Northern Hay, 150 Sides Sole Leather, Philadelphia Calf Skins and Boot Legs—Also a quantity of Harness Leather. 6 Trunks Ladies Morocco and Leather Slippers, 1 trunk Seamer's Boots, 200 Reams Writing Paper, 500 do. Wrapping Paper, 10 gross Playing Cards, 100 kegs Wight and Harris's choice Manufactured Tobacco, 50 kegs Leiper's Snuff in pound and half pound bottles, 200 Straws one and half pint Tumblers, 50 dozen Wine Glasses, &c. &c. 50 boxes Dixon's fresh Mustard. Martin Fish. WHO HAS IN STORE AND AFLOAT, 2000 bbls. Alexandria Superfine Flour fresh ground from new wheat. 50 bds. Fine Flour, 250 do. Superfine Old Flour—and Exchange on Boston at 60 days for $2500. November 28.
SUGARS. 200 boxes White and Brown Cuba SUGARS, For Sale, by Cocke & Sanford. Dec. 12.
THE Cells appropriated to the reception of Male Patients in the Lunatic Hospital being all full, no more can be received until further notice.—By order of the Court of Directors, William Russell, Clerk. Williamsburg, Nov. 28. 1m Dec 12
FOR RENT, That delightful little FARM, SITUATED on Elizabeth River and Tanner's Creek, adjoining the land of the quarantine house, containing about 60 acres, the greatest part of which is cleared and fit for immediate culture; has on it a good comfortable dwelling house, kitchen, &c. for a small family, a most excellent garden, apple and peach orchard, and its convenience to the best fish, oysters, and Norfolk market, must render it desirable and valuable. For terms apply to D. R. Waddy.
ALSO, FOR RENT, A TRACT OF LAND, Containing about 260 acres, in the county of Princess Anne, adjoining the tract now advertised for sale by Mr. Tully Robinson. This tract is well timbered and well worth the attention of a good farmer, whomight in a short time put it in a state of high cultivation. And for Hire, A Valuable BLACKSMITH, With a complete set of Tools. For terms apply as above, or to Capt. Thomas Calvert, near Kempsville. Dec. 12.
FOR SALE, 10,000 bushels Coarse SALT. Mackinder & White. December 9.
FOR RENT, And possession given the 1st day of January, The HOUSE at present occupied by Mr. Argote, near the Virginia Bank.—Apply to Edward Roberts. December 9.
FOR SALE, And a Bargain given, The LOT in the rear of Mr. Nivison's dwelling house, on which are two excellent two story Brick Houses, one of them at present occupied by Mr. Thomas Lawson, and the other vacant. For terms apply to Brunet & Thompson. Dec. 9.
A BARGAIN OFFERED, In a fine and Valuable FARM, in the County of Princess Anne. THE Subscriber is disposed to sell his Plantation called LEVEL GREEN, situated in the county of Princess Anne. It contains about 500 acres; and, as it may be advantageously divided into two or three Farms, the subscriber will accommodate a purchaser, in selling either the whole or a part. He will also give a long credit. This tract of Land is certainly the most desirable in the county, lying on the Eastern branch of Elizabeth River, and distant from Norfolk Market only five or six miles by water, and 8 or 9 by land—The soil is excellent, about one half of the tract being cleared land, and fit for immediate culture; the other heavily timbered with Oak, Pine, Ash, and Hickory.—It has also the advantage of several good landings—Any one disposed to view the land, and to purchase, may apply, in the absence of the subscriber, to JAMES ROBINSON, or JOHN READ, who reside in the neighbourhood. Tilly Robinson. Dec. 7.
TO BURLWELL WILKS, Esq. Brunswick County. SIR, Having seen a challenge directed by you to Gen. Ridgeley of Maryland, wherein you except no horse which might name—I will run my Colt Sir Solomon by Tickle Tolly, against your celebrated Horse Dotomac by Diomed, or any other horse in the United States of America, four mile heats, agreeable to the New-Market rules, over the NEW Course at Norfolk, on the first Tuesday in June, 1809, for the sum of Five Thousand Dollars, or any other amount which you may choose to name. I will also bind myself to procure you good Stables and Litter, and pay all reasonable expenses. Caleb B. B.
FOR SALE, The CARGO of the British brig Euphemia, from Liverpool, 210 ton Stowed SALT. Robert Dickson. Dec. 5.
TO BE RENTED, And possession given the 1st of January, The HOUSE and LOT on Catharine Street, occupied by Mr. Francis S. Taylor, adjoining Mr. John Taylor's. ALSO, The Fire Proof WAREHOUSE on Maxwell's wharf, now in the occupancy of Mr. John Macgowan, to which is attached a valuable privilege with respect to wharlage. Apply to John Nivison. Nov. 18.
FOR SALE, or will be Bartered, in part for Tobacco, Flour, or Naval Stores, 150,000 wt. Muscovado SUGAR, 200 hhds. MOLASSES, 500 sacks Liverpool SALT, 5000 bushels Coarse SALT, superior quality, 20 crates QUEEN'S WARE. James Young. October 21.
NOTICE. All persons indebted to the estate of David Patterson, deceased, are desired to make immediate payment; and those having claims to render them properly attested, to D. R. WADDEY, Adm'r. Nov. 16.
NORFOLK. PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance