Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-05-09 00:00:00

To the Freeholders of Caroline, Essex, King and Queen and King William.
FELLOW CITIZENS,
Although from the commencement of the present session, I have been as desirous to communicate, as you could possibly be to receive information relative to the state of our publick affairs, in the present perilous situation of our country; yet the great obscurity in which our foreign relations have been, until lately involved, has hitherto kept me silent. Be assured, that at a period of such universal and anxious expectation, this has been a subject of regret to me, as sincere, as it was unavailing. But to have given you conjectures while you wanted facts, would have been as little gratifying to your curiosity, as satisfactory to your understanding.
The late communications from the executive, making publick a great deal of information, which he has heretofore deemed it proper to keep secret, has enabled me at length, to gratify your long suspended expectations. From these documents it appears evident, that we have little to hope from the justice of either England or France—that the injuries received from both, are limited only by the power and the policy of inflicting them—and that the rights of neutrals are to be regarded, if at all, in no other way than with a view to the success of that exterminating war, which those two powers are waging against each other. France at the very moment when she is seizing, and even destroying our vessels, professes a great paternal regard for all neutrals, and would persuade those who are weak enough to believe it, that she is carrying on the war solely for their benefit; in consideration of which she is using every effort, both by coaxing and intimidation, to compel them to unite with her against England. Great Britain on the other hand, pleads necessity of self defence in paliation of such violations of neutral rights, as can neither be denied or justified. Each would willingly make us believe that the other is entirely to blame for all the outrages committed on us, and that all our commercial rights are necessarily to be merged in their alleged right of retaliation on each other, at the expence of all whom it may concern. A spirit of commercial monopoly creates and cherishes the hostility of England towards us, which she indulges as far as the necessity she is under of having our products to support her manufactures, and to maintain her colonies, will permit her—whilst the lust of universal dominion, to the gratification of which a free government like ours must always oppose an insuperable barrier, insures to us the odium, and inextinguishable animosity of France, so long at least, as she is governed by a man possessing similar views with the present emperor. In this state of things, which to make the best of it is a choice among evils, there seems to be but three courses out of which to choose. An alliance with one of the belligerents against the other, an event that I trust will never occur, as but little foresight will enable us to perceive that the destruction of either power by the other would probably be attended with disastrous consequences to us:—a war against both which would be greatly preferable to the first:—or a fixed resolution to avoid a conflict with either, as far as is compatible with our rights, our interests and our honour. This last appears certainly the most desirable course, and one to the maintenance of which 'tis hoped all parties will cordially co-operate.
For this information, and particularly for that which relates to France, a summary of which I have endeavoured to give, I am sorry to say you are more indebted to the bounty, the goodness and the nationality (if I may be allowed the term) of the president of the United States, than the exercise on the part of your immediate representatives of their just rights in giving publicity to documents of such great national importance. That I am warranted in this assertion by facts I will take the liberty of referring to our secret journal, now made publick, by which it will appear that several attempts to give these documents to the publick, were refused by a large majority, even to be considered, which attempts succeeded by a unanimous vote, as soon as the president, on the day subsequent to the last effort, intimated to us by a message, now also publick, that he saw no objection to the publication of this highly interesting intelligence, but on the contrary believed a great deal of good might flow from it. 'Tis true I was one of those who voted from the first for its being communicated to the nation; but I am well aware that if those who have voluntarily undertaken to become the interpreters of my motives, no doubt solely for the benefit of the district which I have the honour to represent, should exercise the same liberty of construction towards them, upon this, as upon almost every other occasion, my vote can easily be accounted for by ascribing it, as usual, to a disposition to oppose the wishes of the executive. But since you have the facts—since both the propriety and necessity of your having them, is incontestably established by an executive sanction, I shall be entirely content that my whole conduct in this affair should be explained by these conservators of the interests of our district, in any way which may best suit their respective views. The act they will be compelled to applaud as beneficial to the nation, they may therefore make what they can, of my motives for contributing to its commission. The candour, the justice, and good sense of a very great majority of my constituents, will I confidently trust always protect my conduct from imputations at once so improbable and degrading as those to which I have alluded. And here, that I may not be misunderstood, in regard to the votes of the majority upon the questions of publication, I disavow any intention of censuring the motives of those gentlemen who refused merely to consider those motions one day, and consented to them unanimously the next. If they chose that the president should take upon himself any part of their responsibility, or that he should decide for them, in this or any other instance, they no doubt thought it right. It is not for me to decide on the correctness of their conduct.—Much good will certainly result to the publick from this information relative to the views both of France and England towards this country, for which, as I have no disposition to defraud any part of the government of its just praise, I must again acknowledge that we are all indebted to the executive. One of the great benefits, and by no means the least, will be, that the people will now be convinced, how unfounded are those barefaced and incessant attempts of many of our Newspapers, which have great influence in our country, to persuade the nation, that either of the two belligerent powers of Europe is more hostile to us than the other. To disbelieve now, the hostility of either country towards us, whilst we gave full credence to that of the other would be something worse than prejudice, it would be folly, it would be madness. And yet, even since the publication of Mr. Champagny's and Mr. Erskine's letters, we scarcely take up a newspaper without witnessing some attempt weak, or wicked enough to have that for its object. Some of them even go so far as to have the hardihood to assert, that both these letters are manifestations rather of friendship, than any other sentiment towards us—the advocates of France, if they do not deserve a much harsher title, applauding Mr. Champagny's note, and abusing Mr. Erskine's whilst the advocates of England take precisely the opposite course. It is much to be desired that all those real Americans, who do not permit foreign predilections to blind them to the true interests of their own country would unite in discountenancing every newspaper which appears to be conducted upon such partial and unpatriotick principles. Such a union at all times desirable, seems in the present critical situation of our country indispensably necessary for self-preservation.
The negotiation relative to the affair of the Chesapeake, has been broken off, by a difference of opinion, on a point of punctilio. The history of the affair is as follows. As soon as the outrage on the Chesapeake was committed, our government sent instructions to our minister at London, to demand reparation, but to connect that demand, with other topics of complaint, of prior date and long standing, which they had before learned our minister had never been able satisfactorily to adjust, even with a ministry much more favourably disposed towards this country, than the present. The British court refused to connect them, having previously disavowed the attack on the Chesapeake, as the act of their government, to Col. Monroe, before he received his instructions. But these instructions leaving him no discretion to settle this affair unconnected with other subjects, for which we had in vain sought redress, the negotiation could not be continued, and Mr. Rose was sent on a special mission to this country, the avowed object of which was solely to make atonement for the outrage on the Chesapeake. On his arrival he stated his powers to be limited to that affair, as our government had previously understood they would be. It was then agreed to recede from the ground taken in their instructions to Col. Monroe, and to treat separately. Mr. Rose declared himself ready to offer the intended reparation, but refused to say what it was, until the president's proclamation, issued immediately after the attack on the Chesapeake, was withdrawn. To this our government would not consent, but proposed that if Mr. Rose would declare what reparation he was authorized to offer, they would proceed to concert with him (provided that reparation appeared satisfactory) the revocation of the proclamation, bearing the same date with the act of reparation. In this proposition, reasonable as it was, the British envoy would not acquiesce, and the negotiation terminated.
With regard to the other documents which are still in the press, although prior in point of time to those already printed, I shall endeavour to give you as concise a view of them as is practicable. Some of them as we have never before seen are dated as far back as 1803-4, but without saying anything of transactions prior to 1805-6, the objects of which were nearly the same with those of all our subsequent negotiations with England, (the affair of the Chesapeake excepted) I shall commence with the appointment of Mr. Pinkney. It will appear by these documents, this mission which took place some time in 1806, interrupted a negotiation between Mr. Monroe and Mr. Fox, which from the acknowledged friendly disposition of the latter towards the United States as well as from the state of that negotiation, I am warranted in saying promised a favourable termination. As soon as that mission was known in England, Mr. Fox, suggested to our minister, who acquiesced the propriety of suspending all further proceedings until the arrival of Mr. Pinkney, who on landing found Mr. Fox sinking in the grave. With the succeeding administration, much less favourably disposed towards us, our ministers proceeded after some delay to agree upon the articles of that instrument commonly called the rejected Treaty, and now officially published for the first time. An accurate examination of its various stipulation will plainly show that in many respects it placed the United States in a situation infinitely preferable to that in which they would have stood by the instructions sent back with the rejected treaty. But after its rejection our minister found it impracticable to make even that sort of informal arrangement which those instructions authorized. It will appear also by the various documents, connected with this treaty, that it was not possible at the time for our ministers to obtain better terms—that they gave no promise, or pledge for their ratification by our go-
vernment, but sent it over merely to shew the utmost extent of those concessions which the British ministry could be then induced to make. The rights of our seamen, which our ministers had been most unjustly charged with abandoning, altho' not provided for in this treaty, had nevertheless been secured from violation, as far as a pledge of national faith could secure them, by an informal arrangement not the less binding on the honour of the British government on that account; in which it was conceded that Great Britain without either asserting or relinquishing the right of impressing her own subjects found on board our vessels should exercise it with the most guarded caution. It was also stipulated that every possible means should be taken to prevent the United States from having any further cause of complaint on this subject, until some agreement could be effected which would be mutually satisfactory to both nations. The native born citizens of the United States, it was never pretended, (as some have supposed) that G. Britain had the least shadow of right to impress, altho' many of them had been most unjustifiably taken, upon the pretext that they were mistaken for British subjects. Whether this informal arrangement would have been kept with good faith or not, 'tis impossible to say, as our government rejected that, together with the treaty; but there was certainly no more reason to believe it would have been violated than that the treaty itself would have been disregarded by Great Britain, if ratified by us. An objection of that sort would go to prevent us from ever making a compact of any kind whatever, with that nation.
The conclusions from these facts I shall submit to your better judgment, I have thought it my duty to give them, that you might have as condensed a view as I was capable of making of the principal topics involved in our negotiation with Great Britain since 1806. These transactions between our government and a country with which we have had so much intercourse, and against which we have still so many just causes of complaint I have taken for granted could not be matters of indifference to you. Another object with me in giving this recital, was to secure as far as I could, from most cruel and unremitted censure, the conduct of a man, who has deserved a very different remuneration for his long and arduous services. This I considered as nothing more than an act of common justice which every publick agent, placed in a situation to become acquainted with the above facts, owed to this gentleman.
Of our affairs with Spain, we have heard scarcely anything since the appropriation of the two millions of dollars towards the purchase of the Floridas. The minister appointed to negotiate on that subject, 'tis said is returning home.
Amongst the measures adopted during the present session, notwithstanding the unusual length of it, there are few which appear to require particular notice. The most prominent of these is the embargo, against which as I voted, it may be thought necessary that I should state my reasons. As the opinion of the executive seems in the present times, to be with a great many, the acknowledged standard by which to test political rectitude, it may be useful to shew that this measure in the shape that it assumed in congress, could not be considered as one of his advising, and that therefore it was allowable to vote against it without subjecting one's self to the imputation of wishing to oppose his opinion. I shall not consequently rest my defence, if the situation of the country has not already made one for me, solely on the plea of correct intention, which I hope it may be permitted me to say, I might urge with full as much sincerity, as those who voted for the embargo—I mean not to claim more. The President in his message after stating the increasing dangers with which our vessels, seamen and merchandise are threatened by the belligerent powers of Europe, says "I deem it my duty to recommend the subject to the consideration of congress, who will doubtless perceive all the advantages which may be expected from an inhibition on the departure of our own vessels, from the ports and harbours of the United States." This is all which the President mentions in recommendation of the embargo. The inhibition of the departure of our own vessels, is all that he advises. Yet the embargo not only prohibits their departure, but excludes all other vessels, and has no limitation, from which last circumstance the President has almost the certain power of rendering it perpetual, because it can only be repealed by two thirds of both houses in the event of his refusing to repeal, which he certainly ought to do, if he believed it should be continued, and congress had voluntarily put it in his power. The professed objects of the embargo, were certainly laudable—the protection of our seamen from impressment, and commercial regulation.
But what has been its operation? Commerce is annihilated except (to the eternal disgrace of some of our countrymen) is carried on by smuggling to an extent however, sufficient, previous to the last amending bill, to supply abundantly several of the West India markets, and which as long as the coasting trade is permitted, will probably continue to supply them. The sailors although certainly safe from impressment as long as they remain on shore, have been many of them driven to the painful alternative of starving, or seeking a foreign service. The consequence has been, that they are emigrating, if the newspapers and information from various other sources are to be believed, in great numbers to the British provinces, from whence the English fleets will inevitably get many more of them, than they ever did by the former violent and most unjustifiable mode of impressment. Will it be said therefore that our sailors are not sufficiently patriotick? they feel, I hope as much of that sentiment as other people, but when it becomes a question between patri-
* He has since arrived.
otism and starving, few will be found, I believe, even amongst the loudest boasters, whose appetites will not get the better of their zeal. With regard to commerce then, the embargo could scarcely be said to regulate, and certainly not to promote, that which it has entirely destroyed. The effect which it has had upon our seamen has been, to place them in the precise situation in which impressment placed many before, with this only difference, that hunger, instead of a press-gang impelled them there. Another reason with me for voting against this measure was, that if we were to have peace (and let it be recollected there were some expectations of it at that time from the extraordinary mission of Mr. Rose, the abortive termination of which could not then be foreseen) the privations produced by this embargo, were unnecessarily incurred—whereas, if we were to have war, these privations were made to commerce several weeks sooner than they need to have been done. In answer to the justification of this measure, from foreign events subsequent to the passage of the law, I can only say, that not being blessed with any such faculties either of intuition or anticipation, as would justify me to myself for contributing to inflict a great positive national evil, by way of preventing one which at best could only be called contingent, or probable and under scarcely any circumstance of equal extent—I voted against this embargo.
I hope to be pardoned for saying so much on this subject, but the constant and gross misrepresentation to which I know every act of mine is subjected must plead my excuse with those to whom it may appear that I have said more than was necessary. The embargo is now one of our laws, and how much soever I might have been opposed to its passage, I shall now I trust submit as patiently as others to all its inconveniences. In stating the various objections which appeared to me to exist against it and which I have never heard satisfactorily answered, I have no thing more in view than self-justification.
The addition of six thousand regulars to our present military establishment, was another measure to which I was opposed. The provisions of this bill make it to all intents and purposes, a law for raising a standing army; for although after its passage, in our house, an attempt was made to cure its defects, nay to alter its nature by changing its title from that of "an act for raising an additional military force," to that of "an act to raise for a limited time an additional military force." Yet the men are to be enlisted for the usual term of those already in our standing army, and the commissions of the officers are limited only by their lives. An effort was made to remedy the acknowledged and great defects of this bill, in the usual way by recommitment, just before its passage but the motion was rejected. In addition to the objection to such an establishment, derived from principle, a departure from which I could never think justifiable, except in the case of actual invasion, I had others of a nature equally strong. It appeared to me in the present critical situation of our country, no defensive measure could be calculated upon as effectual, unless it were the organizing, classifying and arming, as far as our resources would enable us, the whole body of the militia. A measure of this sort had been proposed, and remained to be acted on at the period of passing the standing army bill, for I must still call it so, as long as its nature is such, altho' it is now christened by another name. Our means of effecting this most desirable of objects—the arming of the militia, had been considerably diminished by large previous appropriations for other purposes of very doubtful utility, and every dollar devoted to the promotion of other schemes, lessened our capacity to carry into execution that principle which I have always considered as one of our republican axioms, which is that "the militia is the best and only safe defence of the nation." By my negative to the army bill therefore, which I considered as totally inadequate to any useful purpose, I retained, as far at least as depended on myself, the power of accomplishing the only system of national defence, which I can believe practicable. An additional recommendation to it is, that 'tis the only one which appears entirely congenial both to the spirit of our constitution, and the character of our people. As I once voted for a proposition to raise troops, and the charge of inconsistency has been made against those who opposed this army bill, I may be excused I hope, for a recurrence to that event, for the purpose of shewing, as I easily can, that no analogy existed between the two cases. The present law as it passed in our house was general in its object, and unlimited in its duration. No hostile invasion had taken place—none could, I believed, be reasonably anticipated. The proposition for which I formerly voted, was produced by inroads actually made into our territories by the Spaniards, and announced to us in a message from the President. If this proposition had been permitted to have assumed the shape of a law, it would never have had my assent, unless the troops had been raised for the special purpose of repulsing these inroads, and to be disbanded as soon as that object was obtained.
It is certainly to be regretted that a difference of opinion should exist on a subject so important as that of national defence, about the necessity of which there can be no disagreement. But this diversity of sentiment is natural, nay, unavoidable. A minority however should always acquiesce in whatever measures a majority may adopt, so far as not to attempt to embarrass, or defeat them after their adoption. But it is certainly the right, and indeed the duty of every minority, to oppose, prior to a final decision, by every fair means in their power, all measures which they cannot upon the most mature deliberation believe to be conducive to the general interest. This army bill appeared to be a measure of that character, and having neither

principle nor expediency that I could see to support it, I gave it my negative.
It is with real regret, I find that my duty both to you and myself, imposes upon me the necessity of appearing so often to blame the conduct of those with whom I act. The propriety however of self vindication, as your representative, against accusations incessantly repeated, supercedes all other considerations. But before I add more in my own justification, I must once for all declare that I mean to impugn no man's motives. Measures alone shall be the objects of my animadversion. As one of those denounced and much misrepresented men, commonly called the republican minority, I deem it necessary once more to attempt an explanation both of my views and conduct. To all accusations against the former, I trust it will be thought by every rational man, sufficient to say, that charges without the least shadow of proof deserve no reply. If my constituents can see any thing either in my situation, character, or conduct, which can warrant a suspicion that cupidity for once-hostility to the administration—partiality for any country, in preference to my own, or any of the other numberless accusations, some of them too ridiculous even to mention, which have been so profusely alleged against the minority, can possibly apply to me, I can only say that it would be in vain to attempt to encounter such blind and unfounded prejudice, by endeavouring to prove, what no man was ever yet required to do—the negative. The true cause of all this has been that I amongst others, have ventured to assert that times are somewhat changed since the present administration came into power; and that there has been to say no worse of it, a gradual relaxation of republican principles. This is the heinous crime which I have contributed to commit, and the real efficient cause of almost all the clamour which has been raised against that party to whom I am said to belong. Mercy on all those, who have the hardihood, or temerity to offend the venal occupants, or would be occupants of office, by uttering any thing which seems to them calculated to unsettle, or impair the permanency of the tenure by which they hold, or expect to receive lucrative employments. God forbid that I should call men in office, or seeking office, venal, but every body will admit that many are of this character, and 'tis against such men that I shall always think it my duty to raise my voice. The authors of the alleged charge, I do not pretend to know, or to point out; the fact is all which is necessary to my present purpose, and that I think is susceptible of absolute demonstration. If it be not so, I would beg leave to submit to the consideration of the impartial, a few questions to which I should be gratified at hearing a plausible answer. Was it merely to turn the former administration out, that federal principles were formerly reprobated? Was it merely to get the present administration in, that republican principles were so zealously maintained, and so loudly applauded? Why is it, that whilst such clamours are raised against the minority as 'tis called, and amongst various other things for federalism, why is it that those who clamour loudest, are guilty of the very thing, for which they attempt to condemn us? Wherefore is such encouragement given to naval institutions—why the extension of the charter of the United States Bank recommended? an establishment formerly so much reprobated by republicans:—Why are loans instead of taxes advised, and why amidst all the reforms talked of proposed to the Senate—to the judiciary, &c. are none suggested to that department, which the republicans of former times used to say was most defective, I mean the executive. Wherefore instead of curtailing, if possible, its enormous patronage, do we see measures taken every day which increase it? We scarcely ever pass a law that something or other is not left "to the discretion of the executive." Instead of hearing as we used often to do, that a constitutional provision ought to be adopted, limiting the term for which any man could serve as President to four years, it seems now almost by unanimous consent to be admitted that eight years are not too many, nay, an extension even of this term has been attempted in favour of our present President, upon a principle which would continue him in office for life, but he had the good sense and the patriotism to discountenance it. Why have we seen attempts made by men calling themselves republicans to suspend the privilege of Habeas Corpus, to enlarge the doctrine of treason, so carefully limited by the constitution, and to revive the principles of the "detestable sedition laws"? 'Tis true these attempts were unsuccessful, but the circumstance of their being made, incontestably proves, what I have ventured to assert, the relaxation of old principles; for I believe no man will venture to say that any one would have the hardihood to offer, much less to support such propositions five or six years ago. Wherefore do we see men acknowledged to be governed by the very best intentions, differing on subjects which involve republican principles? This was not formerly the case, and does it not demonstrate, that the old landmarks are in some measure lost—that exceptions have been so often made to our old general rules, in favour of particular men, or particular measures, as to render it now difficult to ascertain what course of conduct, those general rules, in favour of particular measures, as to render it now difficult to ascertain what course of conduct, those general rules prescribe? And last of all though not least—why do we see federalists appointed to office? I mean no reproach to federalists by this remark, because in so speculative a subject as politics, no opinions conscientiously entertained, however incorrect they might appear to me, would lessen any man in my eyes as a moralist, although they certainly would as a statesman. But I make the enquiry, because it certainly was understood, when the new order of things took place, that although federalists might not be turned out of office for their politics, they were not to be put in.
The above queries are all founded upon unquestionable and notorious facts some of them perhaps of no great importance when considered alone, but if taken together, they are amply sufficient in my opinion to justify a belief that my fears of old principles wearing out, are not without foundation. Although I anticipate far these sentiments, a repetition of that denunciation, already so liberally bestowed upon me in the district which I have the honour to represent, yet as long as I do represent it, whatever may be the consequence, I shall always consider silence on such subjects a dereliction of duty towards those who elect me. To be censured for having said too much on similar occasions, would hurt me infinitely less than to be suspected of not having said enough. If it be said that I have no other
motive but to produce division, and if possible to aid in destroying the present administration, I can only reply that it would be equally just to charge a physician with a design to murder a sick patient, because he pronounced him sick, and prescribed medicine. My only wish; my sole object is to prevent that annihilation of republicanism, which it appears to me must unavoidably result from a continuance of practices so hostile to it; to cure by exposure, rather than to foster by concealment the evils which seem to exist in our instructions, and the aberrations from old maxims which have occurred in our conduct: to preserve unimpaired the principles for which you have so long contended, and upon which you justly place such inestimable value. It is because I anxiously wish the republicans to retain the power once confided to them, because I believe the only effectual way to prevent their losing it, is frequently to recur to first principles, and to censure freely every apparent departure from them, that I thus address you. If any man will point out a better mode I will with all my soul subscribe to him.
I am prepared by past events to believe that the task I have undertaken, will be pronounced a presumptuous one, in an obscure individual like myself—but feeble as it may be thought, it shall always continue to be made at every hazard, as long at least as the present relation of constituents, and representative exists between us. If my apprehensions are chimerical, no injury can result to any one but myself; they may bring upon me the imputation of a visionary theorist , which some republicans who have grown grey in the service, have incurred before me. If on the contrary there is good foundation for them, much good may be produced by giving them publicity. But I have appealed to facts which none can deny, and I will thank any man to point out the way in which those facts can be reconciled to the principles professed by the old republican party, these are principles that I will never wilfully represent, and from which I never will intentionally depart. I will not undertake to pronounce that the people have not a right to change both the theory and practice of their government, whenever they please, but I must say that if the interpretation and application of fixed principles differ essentially at one time, from what they were at another, both cannot be right. That the prevailing practice under the constitution, is not precisely what it was five or six years ago, seems to me obvious to the most superficial observer—What follows? Am I therefore a schismatic—an enemy to the present administration, determined as has been said to oppose them in every thing? I certainly feel no such consciousness, for although I see many things that I cannot approve, yet in all their acts which shall appear to me conducive to the general interests (and a majority of them have been such), founded too much upon the principles which brought them into power, I shall cordially, and to the best of my ability support them. This is the only pledge I can, or even will give with respect to this, or any other administration. Whenever they shall seem to err, I shall always think it my duty to endeavour to excuse that error. The prevailing doctrine, however, of confidence, almost without limitation, holds out but poor encouragement for one who believes he ought to act upon the above principle to proceed. I never could, I believe I never shall understand this business of indentifying the administration of a government with the principles upon which that government is founded. They are certainly very distinct things, for although they may, and 'tis to be hoped very often correspond—yet they may, and not unfrequently do disagree. Your immediate representatives, I have always believed were elected rather to maintain the latter, than to support the former; and in every instance the administration ought to be tested both on the part of the people and their representatives by the principles—not the principles by the administration. The misfortune of it is, that the general maxim of resisting executive influence, although admitted on all hands to be correct, has the fate of most other general principles, with which it suits men's convenience to dispense—the president for the time being like the expedient of existing circumstances, is so often made an exception to the general rule, that it is scarcely ever permitted to operate. In this way it is, that men evade what they dare not openly violate, and profess themselves great devotees of principles which they take special care shall scarcely ever influence their conduct. The unceasing effort to misrepresent me, must plead my excuse, for this unusually long address. For such opinions, and such motives as many impute to me, I was not willing to answer, because, I know those imputations to be untrue. But I will never shrink from my responsibility, for any of the sentiments I have ever uttered as your representative, or for any of the motives which I have ever felt.
I am, your fellow citizen, JAMES M. GARNETT. Washington, April 12th, 1808.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.
At a Hustings' Court, continued and
held the 29th day of October, 1807.
John Barrett, and Blandinah his wife,
Plaintiffs.
Against
William James, administrator with the In Chancery.
will annexed of Daniel Hutchings,
Defendant.
This cause this day came on to be heard on the bill, answer and exhibit filed, and the arguments of counsel; on consideration whereof, it is decreed and ordered, that the defendant exhibit to Master Commissioner Cowper, all accounts and vouchers in his hands relative to the estate of his testator, and the account of sales of the said estate so far as the same has been administered by him, as well as an account of any sum or sums of money, or effects which may have come into his hands from the estate of Elizabeth Hutchings, the former executrix or administratrix, the property of said D. Hutchings, deceased—And that the Master Commissioner state and settle the said accounts, and report the same to the Court, with any matter specially that either party may require.
A Copy,
William Sharp, C. C.
The parties in this cause are desired
to attend with their books and papers at my Office, on Tues-
day the 10th day of next month, (May) at 10 o'clock in the
forenoon of said day.
John Cowper, M. C. N. B.
Master Commissioners Office, Norfolk
Borough, April 27. 1808.
WANTED,
A few Virginia BANK SHARES,
Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger.
May 6.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, MAY 9, 1808.
ELECTIONS.—We notice with pleasure that the senate of Massachusetts is federal, this is an important victory, and after the vote for governor had not been expected. The elections for members to the other branch of the legislature, comes on in a few days, the result of which is very uncertain, neither side seem to be confident.
The city of New-York has voted democratick by a very large majority, but that has been compensated by the returns from the counties and country towns, which it would appear are federal. Mr. Gardenier lost his election for the city of New-York, but has been elected in the county of Ulster.
Mr. Adams, the late President, it is said in the democratick papers to the north, has declared himself a decided friend to the administration. It may be so, though the Boston papers are silent on the subject. It will nevertheless be recollected, that eight years since, the democrats pronounced Mr. Adams to be in his dotage; we presume the mental faculties at his time of life have not improved, consequently the acquisition of the old gentleman ought not to be boasted of—but we do not believe the fact to be as stated.
Extracts from the speech of Mr. Randolph, March 5, 1806, on Mr. Gregg's Resolutions.
"What is the question in dispute? The carrying trade. What part of it? The fair, the honest and the useful trade that is engaged in carrying our own production to foreign markets, and bringing back their productions in exchange. No, Sir. It is that carrying trade which covers enemy's property, and carries the coffee, the sugar, and other West India products to the mother country. No, Sir, if this great agricultural nation is to be governed by Salem, Boston, New York and Philadelphia, Baltimore, Norfolk and Charles ten, let gentlemen come out and say so; and let a committee of publick safety be appointed from those towns to carry on the government. I, for one, will not mortgage my property and my liberty to carry on this trade. The nation said so seven years ago. I said to them—and I say now, It is not for the honest carrying trade of America, but for this mushroom, this fungus of war—for a trade which as soon as the nation of Europe are at peace, will no longer exist, it is for this that the spirit of avaricious traffic would plunge us into a war."
"What are you going to war for? For the carrying trade. Already you possess seven eighths of it. What is the object in dispute? The fair honest trade that exchanges the product for our soil for foreign articles for home consumption? Not at all—You are called upon to sacrifice this necessary branch of your navigation and the great agricultural interest, whose handmaid it is, to jeopardize your best interests for a circuitous commerce, for the fraudulent protection of belligerent property under your neutral flag. Will you be goaded by the dreaming calculations of insatiate avarice to stake your all for the protection of this trade. I do not speak of the probable effects of war on the price of our produce.—Severely as we must feel, we may scuffle through it. I speak of its reaction on the constitution—You may go to war for this existence of the carrying trade—and make peace at the expense of the constitution."
These remarks of Mr. Randolph, at the time they were delivered, made a strong impression upon us, and although we were satisfied that they were generally correct, we had not the means of testing them by facts drawn from authentic sources.
We lately made an investigation which has satisfied us that Mr. Randolph took a very correct view of this subject. Facts speak in stronger terms than argument, and we think the facts we shall submit, will prove, that it was not the trade in the native produce of this country, and of exchanging that, for the products of other countries, that excited so much agitation about two years since, and had nearly plunged the nation into a war.
From the records of the Insurance Office of this place we have collected facts which will throw considerable light on this subject. That company commenced its operations four years since; its business (with very little exception) has been confined to insurance on vessels belonging to this state. In the course of four years property to the amount of Eleven Millions of dollars has been insured, and it will at first appear strange to an underwriter in the northern towns that all the belligerents together have not committed spoliations on the property insured for four years to the amount of two per cent. but such is the fact as by a correct list, viz.
  By the BRITISH,   FRENCH, 183912   of which retaken by the British, and restored on payment of salvage, 37937   SPANISH, 18414 145975   of which retaken by the British, and restored on payment of salvage, 11140 7274   Total of actual loss by spoliation, 210301 
We have already remarked that the insurances made in that office, were on vessels belonging to this state, and of course as we shall presently shew on vessels employed in the exportation of the produce of this state, and in the importation of articles received in exchange for that produce. We hazard the opinion with confidence, that taking the insurances made in any northern office, to the extent mentioned, that the amount of spoliation will be three times more than that committed on property insured in the Norfolk office. But the cause will be evident when we compare the exports of the northern states with those of Virginia.
Abstract of Exports from September 1806, to September 1807.
  Domestick. Foreign   Virginia, amount in Dolls. 4393521 367613   Maryland, 4016699 10282285   Pennsylvania, 4809616 12055128   New-York, 9957416 16400547 
It appears then that the exports from Virginia in
foreign produce does not amount to nine per cent. on the amount of her exports of domestic produce, while the three other states do not export half the amount of domestick as of foreign produce.
It must we think appear evident, that the spoliations committed by the belligerents on the commerce of our country, is not extensive when applied to the export of our native productions. It does not however, by any means follow, that the produce of foreign nations, bona fide the property of citizens of this country, ought to be the subject of spoliation; but when employed in that kind of commerce, suspicions will arise, and it too frequently happens, that these suspicions are not without foundation.
It will further strengthen the remarks of Mr. Randolph, when it is noticed that the British, against whom the complaints are principally urged, have committed but little more than one half per cent. on property to the amount of eleven millions of dollars.
Captain Herbert in 23 hours from Baltimore, brings nothing new or interesting.
By papers to Friday, with which we have been favoured by captain Town, from Philadelphia, we notice that the New-York elections are more favourable than was expected, returns from nine congressional districts have been received, of which six are federal, of those six, four returned democratick members to the last congress.
Members returned Federal—Emdott, Gardiner, Livingston, Kurchbacker, Van Rensselaer, Blydenburgh. Democratick—Mumford, Denning and Fisk.
The returns as far as made for the State Legislature give a majority to the federalists; it is expected the federal majority will be from 20 to 24.
MARRIED—On Thursday evening, Captain WILLIAM PURRINGTON of Kennebec, to Miss ELIZABETH LAWRENCE of this Borough.
On Saturday evening, Mr. THOMAS BROUGHTON to Miss NANCY BELL, both of this Borough.
DIED—On Friday last, Mrs. MARY RAMSAY, of this place, in the 73d year of her age.
From the WASHINGTON FEDERALIST.
COMMUNICATION. John Randolph, Esq.—The eloquence of this gentleman has attracted the notice and excited the admiration of the publick every succeeding year since his appearance on our political theatre. By a manner peculiar to himself, he arrests the wandering attention of his auditors, and arouses every slumbering faculty of the mind. The reasoning of Mr. Randolph is never strong and forcible—having a genius which despises the shackles of restraint, he throws off, in the paroxysms of feeling, the chains of argumentation, and ranges, as it were, with a quickened pace, and a gladdened heart, thro' the wide field of general remarks. It forced into a subtle and intricate discussion by his opponents, he yields with infinite reluctance to the imperious necessity of speaking to the judgment, without being permitted to charm and captivate the imagination. But the immortal bard of the Avon sound above all the dramatick unities! When, however, Mr. Randolph does not attempt to reason with logical precision, he is nearly as interesting as when he is provoking his adversaries with the most pungent satire and bitterest invective. But then he is frequently tied down before he has beaten out all the links of his chain.
This statesman is gifted with a fine imagination. It does not unfrequently happen, that within the short space of a few minutes, he awakens the fear, arouses the indignation, and inflames the patriotism of all his hearers. He seems to scorn to be softened into tenderness by the smiles of the fair, and to despise these blandishments of the female sex which allay the levers of the heart. Yet he can and often does, speak with irresistible force of the sweetness of innocence, the grace of modesty, and the charms of beauty. One would have supposed, after hearing Mr. Randolph on the bill to regulate Courts-Martial, that he had been devoted, ever since he first burst upon our astonished view, to some fair damsel, whom he imagined to be adorned with all the wisdom of Minerva, all the beauty of Venus and all the majesty of Diana. In debate, Mr. Randolph delights to attack the follies of individuals as well as the political absurdities of whole parties. During the late discussion on the merits of Mr. Campbells resolution, Mr. Randolph was treated rather roughly by his antagonists, which his irritable nature could ill endure. In reply, he took occasion to say something about those characters whom he chose to denominate county courtlawyers. A keener or more classical piece of satire never flowed from the pen of the majestic Persius or the impetuous Juvenal. With a bitterness, a fervor, and perseverance which belongs but to few natures, he portrayed the characters of those perfidious, shallow coxcombs, who are daily suffered to proane the sacred temple of justice and stain the pure ermine of its consecrated worshippers.
A stranger on entering the Representatives' Chamber immediately enquires for this man about whom he has heard so much. His surprise on beholding him is as great as his pleasure on hearing him. He sees a disjointed, debilitated and emaciated system in which there dwells a spirit that is incessantly employed. The manner of Mr. Randolph, in debate, is perhaps, more interesting than that of any man now living. Although he has not a fine commanding figure or the advantage of great personal dignity, yet he is compensated for the want of these qualifications, when so well befit an orator, by an independence of carriage, and a sort of archness in reply, which captivate every hearer. It is perhaps not hyperbolical to assert, that when he rises in his place, he recalls to the remembrance of his auditors all they have ever read or heard about tall and wan spectres stalking over this lower world. Nature too, in her folly, seems to have given him a finger, somewhat indeed resem-

bling the wand of death, and which it has been a thousand times observed, he uses with a most astonishing effect.
Since the winter of eighteen hundred five—six, Mr. Randolph's system of policy has never perhaps had a distinctive character. The most which we know about it, is that he wishes the whole militia of the country to be armed and well disciplined; and it was matter of regret to many that his opponents, for whole weeks, obstinately frustrated all his endeavours, to bring this important bill before the house of representatives.
The oratory of Mr. Randolph has not an efficacious influence upon the measures of those against whom he speaks.—Nor is this at all to be wondered at, since men of limited understandings generally wish their consequence to be augmented by caresses and flattery, with which Mr. Randolph disdains to honour them. Like Fox, he always does best in the ranks of the opposition. There he can indulge all these propensities which so eminently characterize him—His nature delights in political strife. Ever on the alert, he is always prepared to take high and commanding ground, and when driven therefrom he throws up a redoubt on some other eminence; from which he never ceases to annoy his enemies.
The colloquial powers of this gentleman are eminently great—Upon general subjects he converses with animation and wonderful facility. Whenever by study, he has given certainty to his information upon any topic, he communicates his ideas in the most classical and appropriate language. The adversaries of Mr. Randolph have lately attempted to dishearten him by contumely and vulgar abuse—With propriety he refuses to be drawn into personal conflicts with whole hosts of enemies, who wish to drown their vengeance in his blood—May he long live, and never cease to "lash corruption with a calm disdain."
FLORIAN.
Boston, April 26.
GOOD NEWS:
We were last evening favoured with a correct statement of the senatorial votes for the district of Cumberland, and we are happy to announce that the federalism of the senate appears unquestionable.
The returns in all the towns, except Pejepscot and Dixfield are—
Table with 2 columns: Federal, Democratic. Rows: Lewis, 3,052 | Means, 2,899; Mitchell, 3,034 | Hurlbut, 2,896. Text below: Pejepscot gave last year a majority of 16 to Mr. Sullivan, and Dixfield a majority of 3 to governor Strong. [These towns do not both give more than 100 votes.]
It is also confidently stated that Theodore Lincoln, Esq. is elected in the county of Washington.
NEW-YORK, April 30.
A small plaster for a great sore.—I'll be hanged if Mr. Jefferson wasn't right when he called "great cities great sores." Yesterday we had the pleasure to give one specimen of the superior healthiness of the country in the triumph of federalism in King's county, and we add another in Queen's. The following is a copy of the sum total of returns there made last evening:
Table with 2 columns: SENATE, ASSEMBLY. Rows: SENATE: Jones, 650 | Coe, 503; Morris, 629 | Gilbert, 588. ASSEMBLY: Townsend, 937 | Matt, 784; Carman, 972 | Monfort, 782; Kissam, 939 | Lefferts, 804.
CHARLESTON, April 28. The schooner Maggy, Board of St. Mary's, was taken on Saturday last, at anchor on the Spanish side of the river St. Mary's, by the gun-boat stationed at that place and brought to St. Mary's. We understand that the Maggy had made a voyage to Matanzas, and back to St. Augustine, from which place she cleared for a Spanish port in America island. The Spanish commandant, on that river had threatened to seize on the first American property that should come within his power, if she was not given up.
BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS.
March 11, 1808.
[While the orders in Council were under discussion, Mr. GRATTAN rose in his place, and made a speech, of which the following is a sketch. It will be read with uncommon interest by every American.]
Mr. Grattan, in a speech replete with sound argument and eloquent expressions, declared his decided hostility to the measure in discussion. He felt that, to Great Britain, her name, her principles, and her moral character, at all times necessary, were indispensable; because, whatever diminished the credit of her reputation, whatever rendered a disregard for moral principle the measure of her actions, however it might afford a temporary benefit to her interests, must, in the result, prove degrading to her character, and consequently irrecoverably impair, if not destroy, the sources of her power. With such an impression fixed upon his mind, he deprecated the system which should force, by an impolitic and unjustifiable violence a war between this country and America. No measure could be more impolitic, and no more precipitate minister could exist, than him who should propose it. It went to associate your cause with the views and principles of France, and carried in the fleets of England the spirit of domination across the waves of the Atlantic. Indeed, however highly it might be rated for immediate commercial profits, in its ultimate effects upon England and the world, it was the extreme of insanity. The right honourable gentleman next proceeded to a consideration of this measure, as regulated by the publick law of nations. He did not see that ministers had attempted to prove the only justification on which their measures could be supported, namely, the acquiescence of America in the French decree. It was true, they had recommended their policy with an abundance of zeal, only to be equalled by the deficiency of the argument. They totally forgot that paramount consideration, the manner in which it was administered. Had they afforded a single case where that nation had submitted to the requisitions of France?
Surely in such an absence of reason, law ought not to be violated, and the character and policy of this great empire forfeited and disgraced, by its wanton imitation of French violence and French oppression. Had America such a system of conduct to expect from this country? On the contrary, did not the mild yet dignified, the forbearing yet determined dispatch of lord Hawick, declare to the American government, that as long as they abstained from an acquiescence in that decree, so long would this country abstain from the adoption of the measures of a justified retaliation. To proceed otherwise was assimilating your policy to that of a power, who respected no right, or admitted of no neutrality. Still, however fraught in the abstract, there were circumstances with respect to Ireland, which ought to have recommended a more safe and more honest policy. That country depended upon the importation of flaxseed from America, for the raw material of its staple commodity, the linen trade. It depended upon America for a great consumption of that manufacture. In what way, then, was that manufacture, so vitally important to the interests and prosperity of Ireland, effected by these orders of commercial rigour? It had this effect, that at the last linen markets in the metropolis of Ireland, not one fifth of the linens exposed for sale were purchased, and what were sold were at a depreciation of 20 per cent. for foreign, and 10 per cent. for home consumption. There were also a considerable want of potash for that branch of manufacture, as a considerable deficiency of staves, so much wanting for the South of Ireland. On every view, he knew of no greater addition to the calamities of the world than an American war. In the present circumstances of the distracted globe, that nation which yielded most to avoid such a state of hostility, was the nation of most understanding. In such a contest, victory and defeat were synonymous; as whatever, in point of success, each should obtain over the other, would be nothing more than the accumulated gain of France. Much had been said of the hostile zeal of the American congress, and of the warmth with which its members debated the nature of the relations existing between the two countries. Have we not had angry debates in the British parliament? Is it to affix an evil character to the warm contentions of this house? Let us, then, recollect, that America was animated by a spark of the same spirit, that the attack would be between the parent and the child. It would be worse, because it would then be freedom arrayed against its kindred spirit. Depend upon it that such a war will give the title deed of inheritance to the dynasty of Buonaparte. It will place the two islands, the last resting place of liberty, between two hostile hemispheres, and ultimately sacrifice the last spot of that sacred soil where it will be possible for a freeman to tread. And for what purpose shall we realize such an evil on England, on the world, on the last resource and future hopes of mankind?—Forsouth, to get a market for sugar—mischievous policy! Can the British parliament so soon forget, that the imposition of a Tea Tax on America brought on a Property Tax upon England. Beware how you establish France in America, and by your frantic quarrel with that nation, enlist the navy of England in the service of Buonaparte. The ocean protests against the calamity, and will an infatuated ministry proceed?
From Bell's Weekly Messenger.
STATE PAPER.
AUSTRIAN DECLARATION.
During the war, which was concluded by the peace of Tilsit, his imperial, royal, and apostolic majesty continually endeavoured to impress the belligerent power with the motives which ought to induce them to concur in endeavouring to procure a general peace. The Court of Vienna from that time declared its sentiments to the cabinet of St. James, and the imperial envoy at London, Prince Stahremberg, received formal and pressing instructions: but as the British ministry, in answer to these formal and written communications, declared that its answer must depend on its allies, the salutary propositions of Austria could not but be considered as disregarded, and soon after the treaty of Tilsit was concluded, by which the interests of the continent were regulated without the participation of Great Britain. His imperial, royal, and apostolick majesty continued convinced of the utility and of the necessity of a general pacification, and this conviction afforded him new motives for renewing his pressing representations to the court of London. In July, soon after the signing of the peace, Prince Stahremberg again received orders to induce the British ministry to enter into a negotiation with France, in order that the continental peace might be connected with and confirmed by a maritime peace. But these propositions were not more successful than the former had been, and the answer of England was given evasively.
His majesty, however, thought it right to return to a subject of the most material influence on the general system of Europe, as well as on the prosperity of the Austrian provinces in particular. Prince Stahremberg was therefore, for the third time, directed in Sept. 1807, to make some further overtures, connected with the former measures of the court of Vienna. But before his majesty's ambassador had reported the result of his communication, the court of London declared its sentiments with regard to a maritime peace in so positive a manner, refusing, at the same time, the mediation of Russia, making an attack on Copenhagen, and seizing the Danish fleet, without assigning any satisfactory cause for these violent measures; nay, endeavouring to justify those proceedings, their infringement of the unquestionable rights of neutral powers, by official declarations, which evidently clashed with the principles adopted by the other great powers, that it was impossible not to perceive in the course pursued by the British ministers to remove the possibility of place to a greater distance, and not to listen to whatever had any tendency to restore tranquillity to Europe. The impression which this conduct, destructive of all the hopes which his majesty had fondly conceived, made in him, was as deep as it was painful. Without waiting for the farther reports of prince Stahremberg, orders still more urgent, and more positive, were sent him, than he had before received. The instructions, bearing date the 30th of October, contained, first, a recapitulation of all former transactions, and directed him to represent to the cabinet of St. James's, in the strongest colours, the unavoidable consequences of its conduct, and
to insist in the most earnest manner, on an open declaration of its real sentiments with regard to peace, and to avail himself of all possible means to lead it back to sentiments of moderation fitted for the present situation, and meeting the wishes of Europe.—The dispatches closed with the precise order, to apply once more on this subject, in an official manner, to his Britannick Majesty's minister for foreign affairs, and to make to him the formal proposal to enter into negotiations for a maritime peace, on such principles as answered the interest of all the powers concerned, and as a provisional proof of his pacific disposition, to desist from the measures pursued against Denmark, and retract the declaration which accompanied them. Should the court of St. James resist these proposals, or purposely protract giving any answer, Prince Stahremberg was directed to demand his passports, and leave London, with every person belonging to the embassy.
It was the emperor's will that the above instructions should be restricted to such points of general interest as were most likely to move the British cabinet to receive his proposals with attention and kindness; and if his imperial majesty ordered no complaints to be inserted of the numerous violations of his right, as a neutral power—violations, with regard to which his majesty had not been able to obtain the least redress or compensation—the reasons, no doubt, will be obvious, which induced his majesty to pass by in silence whatever concerned his personal interest.
His imperial majesty's ambassador in London could not execute the positive orders which he received from Vienna to their full extent; but being of opinion that he might yet indulge a hope of being able to prevail on the English ministry to show more pacific sentiments towards France, he resolved to express at first partly only of his orders in a note, which he addressed to Mr. Canning, on the 20th of November. The secretary of state answered that note by a mere repetition of the declaration made to Austria by England, since the month of April, 1807.
As all farther representation was now evidently ineffectual, a final notification was sent on the 22d December to prince Stahremberg, which repeated the orders of the 30th October, and directed him, before his departure, to give in a note explaining the motives of the contract of the court of Vienna towards that of London till prince Stahremberg had applied for and received his passports, and he no longer could have communication with the secretary of state, and deliver in the note which had been transmitted to him. This representation, which is confined to the official communications that have passed between the two governments, is sufficient to show that the cabinet of St. James's cannot mistake the causes or the motives which have induced his Apostolic majesty to break off the connexion.
The emperor, nevertheless, wishes to see the moment arrive, when the court of London, sensible of its true interests, shall, with calmness and justice, judge of and compare the situation of England with that of the other powers, and thereby enable his majesty to renew with it his former friendly connections.
Vienna, Feb. 18, 1808.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Schooner Catharine Shepherd, Driver, 6 days from Charleston. The schooners Ploughboy, Hall; Laurel, Hopkins, for this port; and Fair Play, for Alexandria, sailed same day. Sloop Hope, Titus, 6 days from New-York. Sloop Adventure, Town, 3 days from Philadelphia. The Gosport, Derkheim, of this port was at Plymouth the 29th of March.
BALTIMORE, May 3.
The Eliza sailed from Amsterdam 5th March by permission of the king of Holland on application of the American consul to bring away the distressed American seamen, whose vessels had been lost on the coast of Holland and those captured and brought into the different ports in the north of Europe.
Left Embargoed ships Shepherdess, Nelms of Baltimore; Sally, Frost, do.; Lexington, Gardner, do.; brig Susanna, Franklin, do.; ship America, Lelar, Philadelphia; Virginia, Crockett, New York; Monticello, Story, do.; brig Fanny, Fanning, do.; Rising Sun, Burt, of Plymouth (Mass.) last from England; seized; Mount Vernon, Owens, of Petersburg, (Virg.) repairing; brig —, Nichols, of Plymouth (Mass.) last from Bristol (Eng.) seized; ship Creole, Hobkirk, of New-Orleans, and 4 or 5 others that had been detained there for 9 months past.—Passengers, captains Crosby of the ship Sulana, of Plymouth, (Mass.) lost off Goree; Stone of brig Nancy, of Alexandria, lost in the Texel roads; Fenton of brig John & Joseph of Baltimore, lost on the Flanders coasts, and a number of discharged mates and seamen belonging to vessels embargoed at Hamburg, Bremen, &c. to the number of 120.
Herbert's Packet will sail for Baltimore on Wednesday. May 9:
Ferguson's Packet will sail for Baltimore on Thursday. May 9.
Newcomb's Packet will sail for New-York in a few days. May 9.
LABOURERS WANTING.
The President and Directors of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company want to hire for the ensuing season, a number of Hands to work on the Canal; they will be provided with good wholesome food, and the usual quantity of whiskey per diem—liberal wages will be given, and their wages paid at the end of every month. Apply to Richard Blow, William Cammack, or Samuel Proctor, Overseer. May 6.
FOR NEW ORLEANS, The new Brig LOUISIANA PACK-ET, Richard Hurst, master, will sail directly for that port the first of June. For freight or passage, having excellent accommodations, as she is intended for a regular packet, apply to Jennings & Roddey. May 1.
For SALE, An elegant and fine toned HARP, made in Paris, and lately imported, with spare strings, and a large collection of MUSICK; the price 250 dollars. Apply at the Ledger Office. May 6.
On Thursday next, the 12th instant, at 10 o'Clock, will be Sold for Cash, at the Store in Market-Square, lately occupied by Mr. Vincent, A quantity of Seasonable DRY GOODS. S. MARKS, Jun.
May 9.
Will be Sold to the highest bidder, on MONDAY the 15th instant, at the Dwelling-House of the late Phinehas Dana, Esq. deceased, All his Household and Kitchen FURNITURE.
Several very valuable House-Servants; an elegant Philadelphia-made Coach, with plated Harness nearly new; two handsome Bay Horses, well matched and well broke; a very good Driver, and a valuable Ship Carpenter. The terms will be made known on the day of sale.
THE DWELLING-HOUSE
of the deceased is offered for rent—also, that occupied by Wright Southgate, Esq.—A House in Bermuda-Street, lately occupied by Mr. Asahel Goshorn—A House in Wide Water-Street—A Store on Commerce-Street wharf, and one half of the Wharf known by the name of Goshorn's wharf. JAMES YOUNG, Adm'r. May 6.
Pursuant to a Deed executed by JOHN GWYN for the benefit of his creditors, will positive be Sold for cash, on the 10th day of this instant, on the premises, the following
HOUSES and LOTS in Portsmouth, to wit, a small piece of Land situated on Middle-Street, with a large two story Dwelling-House and Kitchen thereon, lately occupied by John Reynolds, subject to the payment of a debt due to John Gwyn.
One half the LOT and HOUSES thereon, situated on the same street, at present occupied by Mr. Tomkins, subject to the life estate of Mrs. Catharine Cooper therein; the Houses on this Lot are a two story Dwelling House and necessary out houses. THE TRUSTEE. May 4.
All persons are cautioned against purchasing the HOUSES and LOTS in Portsmouth, advertised for sale by the Trustee of John Gwyn, on the 10th instant, for reasons that may be made known by the administratrix of Walter Gwyn, deceased. Portsmouth, May 6.
WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received from Baltimore and Philadelphia, a hard some assortment of
SPRING GOODS,
which with their goods on hand, comprise a large and general assortment, and they will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash only. May 9.
WHITE JEANS, &c.
Just Received A few pieces very fine White JEANS, Real Patent NANKKEENS, Best NAVY CLOTHS, and fashionable BUTTONS. For Sale by WOOD & HASTINGS. May 9.
NORFOLK RACES,
Over the New Bridge Course, will commence on MONDAY the 6th of June, free for any Horse, Mare, or Gelding, (except those owned by Burwell Wilkes, of Brunswick County, Virginia, or in which he may be interested in the running of) agreeable to the weights of the New-Market Course, and the rules of the course.
FIRST DAY. A Post Sweepstakes for 3 and 4 year Colts—weight for age—one mile heats—50 Dollars entrance.
SECOND DAY. A Purse of 400 Dollars—four mile heats—30 Dollars entrance—weight for age.
THIRD DAY. A Purse of 100 Dollars—one mile heats—the best three in five, with each weight—10 dollars entrance.
FOURTH DAY. A Purse of 200 Dollars—two mile heats—20 Dollars entrance—weight for age.
A SADDLE and BRIDLE will be run for every afternoon during the Races.
Proof of the Horses ages will be required—Entrance made with Col. Kemp, at the Exchange, by 8 o'Clock, P. M. each day. The Course is well enclosed with a high fence, and so ditched as to secure its being in good order. R. H. COCKE, & CO. May 9.
PRO BONO PUBLICO.
Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Blacking, prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beautifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but by experience; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recommended to, sailors and gentlemen who are much exposed to the wet, as it will effectually prevent the water from penetrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the very last, giving it also a beautiful jet black gloss.
Where also may be had, The IMPERIAL WASH,
For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots—Also;
A quantity of Patent Medicines. Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops; Dr. Robinson's Elixir of Health and Wine Bitters; Lee's Worm Destroying Lozenges; Lee's Ointment for the cure of the itch in once using; Anderson's Pills, &c. &c.
Any person wishing to have any of the above articles to sell again may be supplied by applying immediately to T. DYOTT, No 89, Main-Street. May 9.
Just received and for Sale by T. DYOTT, No. 89, Main-Street, A fashionable assortment of Jewellery, Consisting of
Ear-Rings, Necklaces, Bracelets, Broaches, Finger Rings, Watch Chains, &c. &c.—Also, some Cutlery, Perfumery, Windsor Soap, Wash Tooth Brushes, Tooth Powder, Playing Cards, &c. May 9.
Ten Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the Subscriber on the 29th of last month, a French Mulatto Girl named SOPHIA, about 16 years of age. I will give the above reward to any person or persons that will deliver her to me. BOBE, No 82, Main-Street. May 9.
A Meeting of the Creditors of JOHN COWPER & CO is requested at the Exchange Coffee-House on Thursday next, the 12th instant, at 12 o'clock. James Tucker, Assignee of John Cowper & Co. May 6.
FOR RENT, The STORE-HOUSE on Main-Street, lately occupied by Hunter & Gatewood, immediate possession may be had. Apply to John Nivison. May 6.

RICHARD & JOHN TAYLOR, Have received by the Ship Rolls, Captain Garet, from London, A few Packages of GOODS, suitable for the season. They have also on Hand, Cambrick; common and furniture Calicoes; plain and striped Dimities, White and coloured Jeans; Irish Linens, Sheeting and Cot- ton Shirting; London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 4-6 and 6-8 Cambrick Muslins; Ginghams, Silk and Cotton Chambrays, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Gloves and Hosiery, of all kinds, Sacking, Osnaburgs, and Brown Rolls, Pipes by the box, and Copperas by the barrel, And an assortment of HARDWARE, NAILS, &c. all of which they will sell low for Cash, or undoubted Paper at Sixty Days—Also for Sale, 150 barrels NEW PORK, 50 Kegs Lard; Old Jamaica Rum and Sugar. May 6. im
EDUCATION.
MISS FLETCHER.
Respectfully informs the publick that she intends opening SCHOOL on Monday the 8th instant, in that healt- hy and pleasantly situated House, No. 9, at the corner of Holt and Chapel-Streets, where she will give Lessons to few young Ladies in the following branches of Female Edu- cation—Reading, Writing, Grammar, Geography, Arith- metick, Marking, Flowering, Lace Work, Tambouring Embroidery, Filligree, Drawing, and Painting.—Miss F. will take but a small number of pupils, and to the morals, manners, and improvement, every necessary attention shall be paid. May 6. 3w
A STRAY COW.
Came to my place near Fort Norfolk, about 12 months ago, a large RED COW; she has lately had a Cal- f, and may now be of some use to the owner, who is required to prove his property, pay expenses, and take her away. Francis S. Taylor. May 6. 3w
SHOES.
E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main-Street, Has received per schooner President, and is now opening a supply of Ladies' Morocco & Kid SLIPPERS, Misses' Kid, Velvet, and Morocco do. ALSO, by appointment, Byrne's celebrated incomparable JA- PAN VARNISH, for Boots and Shoes. This composition unrivalled for its excellence, as well as be- ing highly beneficial to the leather, produces the most beau- tiful shining black ever beheld. May 4. tf
1500 sacks SALT, Liverpool filled, 6000 bushels do. loose, and 30 crates Earthenware—For Sale on board the Ship Salem, by A. Maclure. May 6. tf
Military LANDS for Sale.
1100 acres of LAND lying in the State of Ohio, on the waters of the Little Miami, in two different surveys—The subscriber having seen the Land, can affirm that there is no Land in that State superior to it in point of fertility, situation or climate. Any person wishing to purchase the above Land will know the terms by applying to CHARLES SNEAD, living in Northampton, Eastern- Shore, Virginia. May 2. 8w
TIMBER.
The following Timber is wanted for the Navy Yard at Gosport—Persons disposed to furnish it will be pleased to make immediate application to Theo. Armistead, N. A.
   Marked Res.     A 6 Gurdur Beams —47—10 by 12   B 40 Joists —36—3 12   C 40 do. —18—3 12   D 7 Gurdurs —30—12 12   E 7 do. —20—12 12   F 7 do. —38—12 12   G 7 do. —48—12 12   H 20 do. —40—12 14   I 20 do. —28—12 14   K 30 do. —36—3 12   L 35 do. —33—4 12   M 76 Principal Rafters —30—4 10 & 4 by 6   N 38 Collar Beams —28—4 9   O 46 Peasants —33—4 5   P 40 do. —24—4 5   R 186 Jack Rafters —30—3 5   S 186 do. —20—3 5   T 186 do. —24—3 6   W 16 do. KP —16—4 10   Y 35 Plaits —33—4 12    The above Timber must be of Heart Pine or Poplar. April 29. tf
ADVERTISEMENT.
A good Price will be given for the First Vol. of the History of France, BY GIFFORD. This Book was sent to the late Mr. Mirick to be bound, and sold at Auction with the rest. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 29. tf
STOLEN from a House in this Borough, about the 15th or 16th instant,
TWO TABLE SPOONS, both marked T. M. G. in a cypher. Any person that will inform the Editor of this paper where the Spoons can be obtained, shall be well rewarded. N. B. Silversmiths and others are requested to stop them if offered for sale. April 25. tf
On Hand, A few qr. casks of choice Teneriffe WINE, And a few kegs fresh Dutch HERRINGS.—For sale by the Subscriber. Moses Myers. April 25. tf
STOLEN, A SILVER CANDLESTICK, Stamped on the base J. Lowes. The negro woman who it suspected took it about a fortnight since, may have offered it for sale or pawned for rum, of which she is very fond—FIVE DOLLARS will be given to the person who may bring it to the Office of the Ledger. April 22. tf
Intending to leave the country for a few months, I have appointed Mr. William Dickson my attorney. April 7. im Bartholomew Redmon. BOOTS. Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS, Just received and for Sale by Feb. 8. tf Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market Square.
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2. tf
Cognac Brandy, Hollands Gin, Coun- try do. in pipes, Rice in tierces and half tierces—For Sale by February 24. tf C. & F. Whittle.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18. tf
For SALE, 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. Kitts RUM. MOSES MYERS. January 8. tf
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 60,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4. tf
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8. tf
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 28. tf
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse— For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Of- fice of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25. tf
For RENT, That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also, That convenient House, where Mr. Cornelius Calvert formerly lived; they have very fine gar- dens and all convenient out-houses—possession may be had on the first day of May next, on application to James Tucker. April 13. tf
Mackinder & White, Have just received from board the schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ticklenburgs, superfine Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 15. tf
ENGLISH GOODS. Appleton & Co. By the John Adams, St. Johns, from Liverpool, No. 16, Calvert-Street, Baltimore, have received their regular sup- ply of GOODS, calculated for the present and approach- ing season, Cambrick and Common Calicoes, Plain and striped Dimities; Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans; Furniture Chintz; do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths; do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres; patent Nankeens, Cords; Grandurells; Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambrick Muslins, Japan, Haricord, and Check do. plain and figured Mull do Leno, Victory, and Riddle Muslin; coloured do. do. do. 4-4 plain Book do.; Ginghams; Silk do. Sattins, Persians, and Sarsnets; Bonnet Silks; Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs; Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, do. Braces, do. Laces and Footings, do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks; Buttons; Birmingham Ware. In Store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted pa- per at 60 days. April 15. 10
COW-POCK. The Subscriber informs those who wish to be vaccinated, that a parcel of fresh matter lately received from Philadelphia, has succeeded, and is now fit to inocu- late from. George Balfour. April 20. 1m
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7. tf Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation.—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New-York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26. tf
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all per- sons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17. tf
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Matras Ticking, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26. tf
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hhds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hhds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-street to William Hull, Jun. October 16. tf
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Floren- tine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Na- vy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambrick Muslins;ck Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilli Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woollens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assort- ment of WOOLLEN GOODS. Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c.
On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; La- dies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11. tf
The Subscriber grateful for past fa- vours, takes the liberty of informing the publick, that in ad- dition to his BEER and PORTER-HOUSE, he has rented the upper apartment of that commodious house situated at the corner of Wide Water and Commerce-Streets, formerly occupied by Mrs. Bryan, which he has opened as a Tavern, by the name of the GLOBE TAVERN, and will keep a con- stant supply of the best of Liquors; and for the accommo- dation of customers, he will keep a constant supply of prime New-York Ale, Philadelphia Beer and Porter. Solicitors for a share of publick patronage, he assures those who may favour him with their custom, that every atten- tion will be paid to give satisfaction. Gentle Boarders can be accommodated by the week, month, or year, upon moderate terms. Good Stabling and forage for a few horses. WILLIAM TONKIN. Town-Point, will be rented cheap, together or separate.— For terms apply as above. April 7. 1m
For SALE, On board the ship Dammascotta, Robert Duckendorff, master, at Commerce-Street Wharf, Coarse Liverpool SALT, St. Vincent's RUM and MOLASSES. Moses Myers. April 15. tf
FOR RENT. The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office Thomas Blanchard. April 7. tf
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street March 30. tf
A WET NURSE FOR SALE. A Strong NEGRO WOMAN, with a good breast of Milk, and her Boy six weeks old—The Woman is used to washing, ironing, and house-work. ALSO, A NEGRO WOMAN, an excellent Cook and House Servant. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 22. tf
NORFOLK, April 25, 1808. MR. GEORGE REID, Sir—Take notice that I shall make the deposition of Ma- thew Hubbard, senior, at the office of Robert B. Taylor, at- torney at law, in Norfolk, between the hours of ten in the morning and four in the afternoon of Friday the 27th day of May next, to be used in a suit depending in the Borough Court of Norfolk, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defend- ant. This notice is given in this mode, as you do not reside within the State of Virginia, and have no known agent or at- torney within the state to whom notice can be given. I am, your obedient servant, TILDSLEY GRAHAM. 1m
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808 Robert, John, and Francis Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs. Against Mary Selater, widow and devisee for life of John Selater, deceased, Richard and William S. Selater, sons and devisees of the said John Selater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb an infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Selater, deceased, and as execu- tor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Selater, deceased, Defendants. On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: It is ordered, that the said defend- ant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and an- swer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
CASH for Warwick STAVES. Moses Myers. April 20. tf
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Maclure. March 2. tf
NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceas- ed, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admrx. December 9. tf
AT PRIVATE SALE, BY S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hhds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 6 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales fringed Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffels; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 34 do. Ticklenburgs and Osnaburgs; 2 do. Heffians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24. tf
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18. tf
6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat. IN STORE, 35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 100 hogsheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 3 tierces London Brown Stout, 20 hogsheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, fit for use, 600 ready made Check Shirts; 20 hds. Petersburg Tobacco, 50 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Hemitage For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. February 6. tf
Thirty Dollars Reward. RANAWAY from the Subscriber on the 22d of last month, a bright mulatto named CLEB, about 24 years of age, bow legged; he has a red mark upon his neck just below his right ear, (as well as I can recollect) I will give the above reward to any person or persons that will se- cure the said negro so that I get him again, and it delivered to me all reasonable charges shall be paid. H. PITTS. Northampton, Eastern Shore, Virg. April 11, 18 8 7*
Landing from the schooner Antelope, Capt. Putnam, 100 hhds. & 12 tierces MOLASSES, 24 bags Green Coffee. Also received from New-York, New Mess and Prime PORK, Mess and Prime BEEF. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. April 13. tf
The following prices will be given in Cash for 500 or 600 cords of BARK, deliverable at my Tan Yard, Spanish Oak, $ 6 per cord, Willow or Water do. 5 Red do. 4 Young White do. 3 50 Beach Bark, 3 50 With a view to prevent disappointment to those who pro- cure this article, arising from the uncertainty of the quantity which may be brought to market. I will receive all which may be delivered at my land g before the first day of June, provided it be well cured and in good order. Theodore Armistead. April 4. 2m
NORFOLK. PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.