Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1803-11-25 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 35 of VOLUME V.]
FRIDAY, November 25, 1803.
[WHOLE NO. 243.]
CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
November 4.
DEBATE ON THE LOUISIANA TREATY.
The House went into Committee of the whole.
Mr. Dawson in the chair—on the resolutions for carrying the Treaty into effect.
Mr. Gaylord Griswold said he had hoped that some gentlemen in favour of the resolution under consideration would have risen to assign their reasons in favour of it. But no gentlemen friendly to its adoption having risen, and feeling himself embarrassed, he would take the liberty of suggesting his doubts as to the propriety of the resolution. He hoped the committee would have the candour to believe, that in stating those doubts which hung upon his mind, his object was not to delay the progress of the measures contemplated, but to gain information.
In reflecting for the short time, during which the subject has been before him, he had not been able to pursue it in all its bearings, nor to solve all the difficulties it presented. He had first asked himself where was to be found the constitutional power of the government to incorporate the territory with the inhabitants thereof, in the Union of the United States, with the privileges of citizens of the United States; Is there any such power; And if there is, where is it lodged? giving his opinion on the constitutional right of making treaties, he would say that it was vested in the President and Senate, and that a treaty made by them on a subject constitutionally in their treaty-making power was valid, without the assent of this House. This house had to be sure the physical power of refusing the necessary means to carry treaties into effect; but this power was essentially different from that conferred by the constitution. But if the treaty-making power should be exceeded, if it should be undertaken to make it operate upon subjects not constitutionally vested, he had a right to say that it was his duty not to carry it into effect. Even should its provisions be highly beneficial, it was not less their constitutional duty to resist it. He would not undertake to say that his mind was perfectly fixed, but he entertained doubts, serious doubts; and he hoped gentlemen would candidly give their answers.
He found in the 3d article of the treaty that "The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the federal constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States; and in the mean time they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they profess." Here then is a compact between the French government and that of the United States to admit to citizenship persons out of the jurisdiction of the United States as it now is, and to admit territory out of the United States to be incorporated into the union. He did not in the constitution find such a power vested in the President and Senate. If such a power be not expressly vested, it must be reserved to the people. It was not consistent with the spirit of the constitution that territory other than that attached to the U. S. at the time of the adoption of the constitution should be admitted; because at that time the persons who formed the constitution of the United States had a particular respect for the then subsisting territory, they carried their ideas to the time when there might be an extended population; but they did not carry them forward to the time when an addition might be made to the union of a territory equal to the whole United States, which additional territory might overbalance the existing territory, and thereby the rights of the now citizens of the United States, be swallowed up and lost. Such a measure could not be consistent either with the spirit or the genius of the government.
For these reasons Mr. Griswold was
of opinion that no such power was delegated to any department of the government; but if such power was delegated to any department, it must, in his opinion, be to the legislature, as he should afterwards notice. It was not consistent with the spirit of a republican government that its territory should be exceedingly large; for as you extend your limits, you increase the difficulties arising from a want of that similarity of customs, habits and manners so essential for its support. It was certainly difficult to draw the precise line; but there was notwithstanding, one beyond which we should not go.
But if the right of extending our territory be given by the constitution, its exercise is vested in the legislative branches of the government. In the 3d section of the 4th article of the constitution it is said, "New States may be admitted by the Congress into this union." Congress may admit new states, but, according to my construction of this article, are confined to the territory belonging to the United States at the formation of the constitution, to the territory then within the United States. Existing territory not within any particular states, may be incorporated in this union. He contended, therefore, that the power to incorporate new territory did not exist; and that, if it did exist, it belonged to the legislative and not the executive, to incorporate it in the union. If this were the case, it was the duty of the House to resist the usurped power exercised by the executive.
There was another ground as to the constitutionality of the treaty; at least one which excited doubts in his mind, which he hoped gentlemen would take up and remove. In the 7th article of the treaty are these words:
"As it is reciprocally advantageous to the commerce of France and the United States to encourage the communication of both nations for a limited time in the country ceded by the present treaty, until general arrangements relative to the commerce of both nations may be agreed on: it has been agreed between the contracting parties, that the French ships coming directly from France or any of her colonies, loaded only with the produce or manufactures of France or her said colonies; and the ships of Spain coming directly from Spain or any of her colonies, loaded only with the produce or manufactures of Spain or her colonies, shall be admitted during the space of twelve years in the port of New-Orleans, and in all other legal ports of entry within the ceded territories, in the same manner as the ships of the United States coming directly from France or Spain, or any of their colonies, without being subject to any other or greater duty on merchandise, or other or greater tonnage than that paid by the citizens of the United States."
This article gives to the ships of France and Spain the same right of entering the ports of the ceded territory with our own vessels; and it precludes the ships of all other nations from the same right. Now if, as gentlemen contend, the new ceded territory with the inhabitants should become incorporated with the United States, there will be ports of entry in the United States into which French and Spanish vessels may enter on terms different from those in which they may enter other ports of the United States. The inference was that here was a favor granted to the port of New-Orleans over other ports. This was against an important principle of the constitution. For in the ninth section of the first article, we find "no preference shall be given to any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another." This treaty then becomes a law of the land—it was made a commercial regulation. It gives to the ports of the ceded territory a preference to any other ports. Because the produce of France and Spain can be carried cheaper to their ports than to any other. If the principle contended for by gentlemen in favor of the Treaty is admitted, I think I see a fatal blow proposed against the constitution of the United States, by destroying the reciprocity of interest that unites at present the different members of the union. Perhaps I see wrong.
Mr. Randolph rose for the purpose of
satisfying, so far as was in his power, the doubts of the gentleman from New-York, (Mr. Griswold.) He had listened with great pleasure to the candid exposition which the gentleman had given of his objections, and from the temper which he had manifested, Mr. R. relied on being able to satisfy some of his scruples on this subject. The objections which have been urged to the motion before the committee, resolved themselves into arguments against the constitutionality, and arguments against the expediency of the treaty proposed to be carried into effect. As it would be needless to repeat objections of this last kind, unless those of the first description could be satisfactorily answered, he should first reply to the objections which had been made on the constitutional doctrine.
He understood the gentleman from New-York as denying that there existed in the United States, as such, a capacity to acquire territory:—that by the constitution they were restricted to the limits which existed at the time of its adoption. If this position be correct, it undoubtedly follows that those limits must have been accurately defined and generally known, at the time when the government took effect. Either they have been particularly described in the constitutional compact, or are referred to as settled beyond dispute, and universally acknowledged. But this was not the fact, in either case. The constitution not only did not describe any particular boundary, beyond which the United States could not extend; but our boundary was unsettled on our north eastern, southern and north western frontier, at the time of its adoption. But perhaps we shall be told, that, although our limits were in dispute with our English and Spanish neighbours, still there were certain boundaries, specified in the treaty of Paris, of 1763, which were the actual boundaries of the United States. It was, however, a well attested fact, one of which we possessed official information from the executive, that the limits assigned us, by that treaty were incapable of being established. A line running west from the lake of the woods not touching the Mississippi at all; it followed that the United States were without limits, beyond the source of the Mississippi. It will not be denied that among the powers which the government possesses under the constitution, there exists that of settling disputes concerning our limits with the neighbouring nations. This power was not only necessary in relation to the disputed boundaries on the side of Canada and Florida, but was indispensable to a government over a country of indefinite extent. The existence of this power will not be denied: it has been exercised in ascertaining our north eastern and southern frontier, and it involves in it the power of extending the limits of the confederacy.
Let us suppose that the commissioners under the treaty of London, had determined the river St. John, or St. Lawrence, to be the true St. Croix. Would not that part of the province of New Brunswick, or Quebec, which lies on this side of those rivers, at this time have been a part of the United States? Suppose the northern boundary of Florida had been fixed, under the treaty of San Lorenzo, to extend from the Atlantic ocean to the Gulf, would not all the country north of this line and east of the Mississippi, (part of the very country conveyed by the treaty lately negotiated, and which gentlemen conceive we could not constitutionally hold;) would not that country at this time, compose a part of the United States? That the constitution should tie us down to particular limits, without expressing those limits—that we should be restrained to the then boundaries of the U. States, when it is in proof to the committee that no such bounds existed, or do not exist, was altogether incomprehensible and inadmissible. For if the constitution meant the practical limits of the United States, the extent of country which we then possessed, our recent acquisitions on the side of Canada and the Natchez, could not be defended. But, sir, said Mr. R. my position is not only maintainable by the reason of the constitution, but by the practice under it. Congress have expressed, in their own acts, a solemn recognition of the principle, that
the United States, in their federative capacity, may acquire, and have acquired, territory.
It will be recollected, that adverse claims once existed between the United States and the State of Georgia in relation to a certain tract of country, between the northern boundary of the Spanish possessions, and what we contended was the southern limit of Georgia. The United States asserting that the country in question was the property of the United States, in their federative capacity, and the State of Georgia claiming it as hers. Although I have always advocated the claim of that state, it never was on the principle of an incapacity in the United States to acquire territory, or any other which affects the question now before us. It is true, Sir, we appointed commissioners to settle the matters in dispute amicably with Georgia. But, in the mean time, we assumed the jurisdiction, erected a government over the country, and thereby established the principle, that the United States, as such, could acquire territory; the country in question, as we contended, never having been included within the limits of any particular state, and being ceded to the confederacy by the treaty of 1783. But, perhaps, it may be answered, that this acquisition being made anterior to the date of the present constitution, cannot effect any limitation or restriction, which it may have provided in relation to this subject—and that to prove that the old confederation could acquire territory, is not to prove the same capacity in the present system of government. To this I reply, that the constitution contains no such expressed limitation, nor can any be fairly inferred from it: and that if the old confederation—a mere government of states; a loosely connected league; all of whose powers, with many more, are possessed by the present federal government—if this mere alliance of states could rightfully acquire territory in their allied capacity, much more is the existing government competent to make such an acquisition. To me the inference is irresistible.
But the gentleman does not rest himself on this ground alone. He does not embark his whole treasure in a single bottom. Granting that the United States are not destitute of capacity to acquire territory, he denies that this acquisition has been made in a regular way—Congress, says he, alone is competent to such an act. In this transaction he scents at a distance executive encroachment, & we are called upon to assert our rights, and to repel it. If any usurpation of the privileges of Congress, or of this House, be made to appear, I pledge myself to that gentleman to join him in resisting it. But let us enquire into the fact. No gentleman will deny the right of the President to initiate business here, by message, recommending particular subjects to our attention. If the government of the United States possess the constitutional powers to acquire territory from foreign states, the Executive, as the organ by which we communicate with such states, must be the prime agent, in negotiating such an acquisition. Conceding, then, that the power of confirming his act, and annexing to the United States, the territory thus acquired ultimately rests with Congress, where has been the invasion of the privileges of that body? Does not the President of the United States submit this subject to Congress for their sanction? Does he not recognize the principle, which I trust we will never give up, that no treaty is binding until we pass the laws for executing it; that the powers conferred by the constitution on Congress cannot be modified, or abridged, by any treaty whatever—that the subjects of which they have cognizance cannot be taken, in any way, out of their jurisdiction? In this procedure nothing is to be seen but a respect, on the part of the executive, for our rights; a recognition of a discretion on our part to accord, or refuse our sanction—Where then is the violation of our rights? As to the initiative, in a matter like this, it necessarily devolved on the Executive.
The unconstitutionality of this treaty is attempted to be shewn by the following quotation from that instrument. "No preference shall be given to the ports of one state over those of another state,

But by the 7th article of the treaty, French and Spanish vessels, laden with the produce of their respective countries, are, for 12 years admitted into the ports of the ceded territory on the same terms with our own vessels. In our other ports a discrimination is made between American and foreign bottoms. New-Orleans, therefore, will enjoy an exemption, which will enable her to trade to the French and Spanish colonies on terms more advantageous than other ports: She is, therefore, a favored port, in contradiction to the express letter of the constitution. To me it appears that this argument has much more of ingenuity than of force in it; more of subtlety than of substance. Let us suppose that the treaty, instead of admitting French and Spanish vessels on the terms proposed merely covenanted to admit American vessels on equal terms with those of France and Spain; if we had acquired this right (divested of the country) it would have been considered, and justly, as an important privilege. Annex the territory to it and you cannot accept it. You may indeed acquire either the commercial privilege, or the territory, without violating the constitution; but take them both, and that instrument is infringed. But the gentleman will recollect that the discrimination between foreign bottoms and our own is a creature of the law, and not a provision of the constitution. If his construction be sound it does not involve a necessary violation of the constitution, it only involves the necessity of repealing these discriminating duties on French and Spanish products, brought in their own bottoms, into other ports than those of the ceded territory.
It would therefore become gentlemen to adduce this as a proof of the inexpediency, rather than of the unconstitutionality of the treaty. For however inexpedient it may be to repeal this discrimination, no one will contend that it is unconstitutional, and if the constitution or the law were to give way, no one would hesitate between them. But I regard this stipulation only as part of the price of the territory. It was a condition which the party ceding had a right to require, and to which we had a right to assent. The right to acquire involved the right to give the equivalent. Mr. Randolph said, that he expected to hear it said in the course of the debate, that the treaty in question might clash with the treaty of London, in this particular. He would therefore take this opportunity of remarking, that the privilege granted to French and Spanish bottoms, being a part of the consideration for which we had obtained the country and the court of London being officially apprized of the transaction, and acquiescing in the arrangement, it would ill become any member of that House to bring forward such an objection.
Another cause may be adduced to illustrate this question of constitutionality. During the last session of Congress, they had received information of the manifestation of a disposition, on the part of the possessors of this country, to violate our right to the navigation of the Mississippi, as secured to us by existing treaties. There was no difference of opinion as to the mode of asserting this right. On all hands, it was agreed that we would never relinquish this great object. A certain portion of the legislature were disposed to resort immediately to violent measures. Another portion was of opinion that it was best to wave such measures, until amicable means of settling this difference had proved ineffectual. Let us suppose this to have been the cause—that our negotiation, instead of its present happy issue, had terminated in a refusal of justice. I believe there would, in that event, have been but one sentiment in this house and in this nation. We should have appealed to arms, and if fortune had only been as impartial as our cause was just we should have possessed ourselves, at least, of a part of the territory in question. Did any one dream of denying the right to the forcible possession of New-Orleans, if necessary to secure the navigation of the Mississippi? Can a nation acquire by force that which she cannot acquire by treaty? Must not the eventual right to the country, possessed by conquest be confirmed by treaty? And is it not idle to contend so long as we employ force we may occupy the country and no longer—that we cannot retain it by convention? Is not this to convert the question, from a question of political right, to a question of physical power? Mr. Randolph said he was now done with the constitutional objections, and he would finish by saying something on the expediency of the measure.
(To be continued.)
November 7. Augmentation of Salaries of Public Officers.
Mr. Dawson presented a resolution, in effect, to continue the salaries of the public officers for two years longer, by filling up the blanks, &c. as heretofore. This resolution was agreed to by a committee of the whole, and the Speaker resumed the chair.
Sketch of the Debate.
Mr. Goddard, of Massachusetts, rose to object to the resolution. He said he did not like this mode of proceeding. If the salaries are fixed, why not make them permanent? He would not say, at present, whether the salaries are too little or too much. He saw no reason for bringing this subject so often before the House, unless it can be shown, that there may be a probable difference of expense in two years or any definitive term, and he therefore hoped it would not pass. He had many objections to the resolution in the state it is now in. His objection was not, altogether, to limit the term to two years—but it went to legislating in this mode; and unless some cause was shown, of a supposed difference in the expense of living in Washington in two years, he should vote against it.
Mr. R. Griswold had an objection to the resolution, which was, that it did not embrace the subject fairly. He would not, then, undertake to say whether the allowance to those officers was too much or too little—but he thought the subject should be brought forward in detail. At the time of passing the resolution in 1799, the state of things was precarious. Every article of consumption was high. A bill ought to be introduced when the salaries of the officers are inserted—and at any time, if they tho' it not enough the House might add; if too much they might diminish. When the compensation was settled, he hoped it would be permanent; but it was not worth while to be legislating on the subject every two years.
Mr. Lyon, of Kentucky, was in favor of the resolution. If it was brought forward for six years he would not vote for it—and his reason was, that the House could have the matter before them every two years. He might vote for it four years, but not for six. Things, continued Mr. L. may be cheaper, when the city comes to be more peopled; but living is dearer here now, than in Philadelphia.
Mr. Elliot, Vermont. The resolution presents a single question, which may be decided in the present state as well as any other. It was supposed that the salaries were too small, and a temporary act was passed to encrease them for two years, and the question is, shall we continue them two years longer. He was much opposed to enormous salaries—yet he would not be sordid. As no evidence was adduced that they are too high, he saw no reason why they should be diminished.
Mr. Newton, of Virginia, wished the law should be read, which was done by the Clerk, and which gave—
   Dollars.     To the Secretary of State per ann. 5000   Secretary of the Treasury, 5000   Secretary of the Navy, 4500   Secretary of War, 4500   Comptroller, 3500   Commissioner of the Revenue, 3500   And to various other officers smaller sums.  
Mr. Newton suggested whether or not, it would be proper to leave the resolution blank, and when the bill comes before the House it could be filled up.
Mr. Dawson answered that it could not now be done.
Mr. R. Griswold thought it was not a proper mode of taking up the subject. The Secretary of State, and of the Treasury, had 5000 dollars each, and the Secretary of War, and of the Navy, 4500 dollars each. He would put the principal officers on the same footing; he had no objection to allow a moderate compensation.
Mr. J. C. Smith of Connecticut, was against taking up the resolution in this manner. He would thank any gentleman for an amendment in detail. He hoped that it was not the intention of the gentleman who brought it forward, to trammel any one in his vote.
Mr. Lowndes, of South Carolina, was not averse to continue the salaries to the officers; but he thought it was a very improper method in bringing the subject forward. It seems, continued Mr. L. that we are to take up a resolution in gross, or vote against it. In Philadelphia he knew, when the adoption was made, that a suitable house cost 12 or 15 hundred dollars a year, and that flour was 14 dollars per barrels. At present, in Washington, such a house would not be half that sum, and flour was 6 or 7
dollars per barrel. About the time the salaries were raised some officers spent, not only their salaries but their own money. He thought they ought to have sufficient to live upon for their services.
Mr. Smilie, of Pennsylvania, did not think the salaries too high, and was willing to vote for the resolution.
Mr. Dana, of Massachusetts. It would seem that this is a subject for popular attention—it is most fair to agree upon a general scale of compensation, and not to suffer the business to be so often before us. He thought the first allowance too little, and that of 1799 too much. A sure criterion is the rate of insurance, by which we may judge of the value of the articles of life. The business of some of the officers have increased, and some diminished. He did not, therefore, think this a proper mode of bringing the business forward.
Mr. Nicholson, of Maryland, said he had but one objection to going into a detail. When the subject was last before the house, it produced an unpleasant discussion. Some officers were said to have too much—another, it was alleged, did not deserve it—and some, it was asserted, did not behave like gentlemen. Some officers may find it necessary to expend the whole of their salaries—and if we reduce one, we may go through the whole. One officer actually declined, because his salary was not sufficient to maintain his family—and now, shall we be parsimonious? It is to avoid unpleasant discussions that he was in favor of this resolution.
Mr. Smilie. It is the good policy of all governments to give good salaries to all the officers in order to procure the ablest men. We have reduced our expenses by taking off the internal taxes; and if we are to reduce the salaries of officers, it is but decent that we begin with ourselves. The office of Vice-President has certainly too great a salary attached to it; and that office is the most neglected. This shewed how little was done for money in that office. He did not think that the President would complain at the salaries being continued.
On the question, there were Yeas 53—Nays 55.
This motion being lost, Mr. Dawson moved another resolution in the following words.
Resolved , That provision be made by law, for fixing the salaries of the officers of the several departments of the government,
Agreed to.
IMPORTANT!
CHILLICOTHE, November 12.
The following letter from the Department of war at the city of Washington, to his Excellency the Governor of this State, was received by last night's mail.
WAR DEPARTMENT, October 31, 1803. SIR,
THERE being reason to suspect that the officers of the Spanish government at New-Orleans may decline or refuse to give possession of the country of Louisiana, ceded to the United States by the French Republic, and which Congress have by law authorised the President of the United States to take possession of, and the President having judged it expedient to pursue such measures as will insure the possession, I have therefore been directed by the President of the United States to request your Excellency to assemble with the least possible delay Five Hundred of the militia of the State of Ohio, including a suitable number of officers, and cause the same to be formed into a regiment of eight companies, to be engaged to serve four months, unless sooner discharged, to be mustered in companies and ready to march, if called, by the 20th of December at farthest; after having been so mustered in companies by suitable persons appointed by your Excellency, the men may return to their homes, but must hold themselves in readiness to join their companies and march at the shortest notice. Each officer and soldier will be entitled to pay from the day they shall receive orders and march to join their respective regiments, until discharged. They will be entitled to the same pay as regular troops in the service of the United States.
I have the honor to be, Respectfully, Your humble servant. H. DEARBOURN.
To his Excellency Edward Tiffin, Governor of the State of Ohio.
We understand that the provisional army is to be composed of 500 mounted volunteers from the Mississippi Territo-
ry, to join the regular troops in that Territory, and to proceed immediately to New-Orleans, to take possession of Louisiana: in the mean time the State of Tennessee to hold in readiness to march at a moment's warning
   2000 volunteers.   Kentucky, 4000 do.   Ohio, 500 do.   Mississippi Territory 500 do.  
LOUISVILLE, (Ken.) October 29.
Capt. Clark and Mr. Lewis left this place on Wednesday last on their Expedition to the Westward. We have not been enabled to ascertain to what length this route will extend, as when it was first set on foot by the President, the Louisiana country was not ceded to the U. States, and it is likely it will be greatly extended—they are to receive further instructions at Kahokia. It is however, certain that they will ascend the main branch of the Mississippi as far as possible; and it is probable, they will then direct their course to Missouri, and ascend it. They have the iron frame of a boat, intended to be covered with skins, which can be formed into one or four, as may best suit their purposes. About 60 men will compose their party.
The commissioners, Ephraim Kirby, Thomas Rodney and Robert Williams , who were appointed by the President for hearing and determining all disputed claims, of lands in the Mississippi Territory, whether under grants from Great Britain or Spain, or by actual settlement, left this place a few days since, on their way to Natchez.
NEW-YORK, November 12.
Accounts from Rotterdam to the 26th Sept. received at Boston by capt. Fuller, of the Stork states, that the preparations for invading England were extremely active in all the ports of Holland, and that the event was not doubted by any one: he further observes, that the most vigorous measures are adopted with the neutral vessels arriving there; if they have merely touched at an English port, for orders only, vessel and cargo are seized, and the papers sent to Paris, from whence they may be returned; but the detention is nevertheless vexatious and destructive.
LATEST FROM EUROPE.
From London and Bristol papers received at Philadelphia, by the ship Lewis William , in 36 days from Bristol.
LONDON, September 27.
Letters of the 11th inst. received here this evening from Paris, state that Angereau, instead of repairing to the command designed for him in the Army of England, had actually set out from Paris in great haste for the Spanish Frontier. He is to demand of Spain an immediate loan of 30,000,000 francs, a corps of 10,000 men, and 20 ships of war of different rates and sizes, to be employed in the expedition against England. In case of a denial; he is immediately to enter the Spanish territory with the troops left at his disposal.
September 28.
Ministers are said to have obtained very important information respecting the meditated invasion, and that it will be attempted immediately, but against what particular point of the coast the Consul intends to direct his attack, must be left to the vigilance of our cruizers to ascertain. It is reported at Dover, that Bonaparte will be at Ostend in the course of the present week, to witness the embarkation of a division of the army destined for that service; and the necessary measures of precaution have accordingly been adopted in every direction by us.—Mr. Pitt, as Colonel-Commandant of the Cinque Port Volunteers, is to meet the Mayor of Dover this day upon the subject, and the troops have every where received orders to be ready to march at an hour's notice.
The bombardments of the French ports tho' so decidedly provoked on the part of the enemy, is termed in France a most insolent aggression, and the military, being the only class of men allowed to speak in that wretched country, are loud and vehement in their denunciations for vengeance.
At the out posts, a severe press for seamen has again taken place, & every movement of Government shows that some strong measure, either of defence or offence, is about to be resorted to, very speedily.
September 30.
We have not received any farther accounts respecting the boats reported to be preparing to quit Ostend, but allowing each of the 150 to carry 70 men, the

whole will be little more than 10,000—a number not very formidable we should think to an armed people. It may be possible enough for Bonaparte to bring them over, but if there is a tolerable distribution of our naval force, is there any probability that he can assemble his boats in one spot and take advantage of a favourable opportunity. The wind and weather will not suit the whole line of his coast, and there is always the strongest probability that our navy will destroy some part of the armament. Any thing less than 30 or 40 thousand men in England would make no impression whatever, and we are confident that the fate which awaits even such an advanced guard as this, will be such as not to encourage any more of our besiegers to cross the ditch of Dover.
October 2.
From the account of a gentleman who was at Granville when that place was attacked by Sir James Saumarez, and who arrived at Plymouth on Thursday, it appears, that by the late bombardment, six houses were destroyed, some small vessels and one gun boat sunk, and one of the inhabitants was killed. There were, however, sixteen gun boats at Granville ready for sea, eight upon the stocks, and a vast number of troops were assembled in that neighbourhood for the embarking on the expedition against this country.
The magnitude of the preparations which are making in France and Holland, for the invasion and conquest of our country, exceeds, we are told, every idea that seems to be entertained of it here.
This information, a paper of Saturday says, has been obtained from a gentleman now in this city, who left Havre de Grace so lately as the 19th September, and describes the plan projected by the Corsican Tyrant for our subjugation, as immense beyond conception. He states, that at Havre only, the number of vessels intended for the enterprise, amounted to several hundred; that each vessel is one hundred feet long, thirty feet wide and twenty feet high, and has three keels, that they are so constructed as not only to carry a large number of men, but horses also, for the embarkation and debarkation of which, folding ports open in their sides. He further states, that similar preparations were going on in all the other ports; that it was there generally asserted and believed that the Usurper intended making the attempt with four hundred thousand men, calculating upon the loss of a fourth or a greater proportion of them before they should effect a landing; but holding out to his abject slaves the certainty of ultimate success and the plunder of this abode of real Liberty.
The gentleman from whom this information comes, is said to be a person of much observation and intelligence, and whose veracity may be relied on. We have mentioned these circumstances not to depress our countrymen, but rather if it be possible, still further to encrease that enthusiasm in the cause of their king and country, which so universally pervades all ranks of people. Thus prepared, with every man at his post, however desperate may be the attempt against us, we doubt not but it will terminate in the shame and defeat of our enemies, and in the perpetuation of British liberty and independence.
MARGATE, September 27.
Some alarm has been spread here this evening but the rumours of news from town, which, added to the new and increasing menaces of French invasion, and the arrival of the period to which all those menaces have pointed, have combined to excite some apprehensions among the fair sex, for whose safe and speedy removal, in case of necessity, arrangements are now making.
September 29.
Lord Keith, who resides at Stone House, between Kingsgate and Broadstairs, has this day received five expresses from the scene of action. All the men of war have quitted the Downs, and proceeded to cover the bombarding squadron.
Most of the gateways or openings in the cliffs have within these few days been closed with posts, strong boards and chalk.
Mr. Pitt is said to have given his opinion on Tuesday that the enemy would certainly soon pay us a visit; and this becoming public, has caused much alarm, and particularly among the females, who believe they actually are coming with their thunder of cannon.
MARTINSBURG, November 25.
On Monday and Tuesday the House of Representatives was engaged in vari-
ous business; the most important of which is:
The report by Dr. Eustis of a bill for the further protection of the seamen and commerce of the United States; whereby the President is authorised to issue instructions to the commanders of the armed vessels of the United States, to capture the ships and effects of the Emperor of Morocco and his subjects, also to issue letters of Marque to private vessels. Read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
The passage of the bill entitled "An Act to repeal the Act entitled an Act to allow a drawback of duties on goods exported to New-Orleans, and therein to amend the Act entitled an Act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage."
[National Intelligencer.]
We are inclined to believe, that the following singular and very interesting information is in substance correct:
By a vessel arrived at New-York from Spain, we learn that the President of the United States, has in his possession a treaty negotiated by Mr. Pinckney, in which Spain stipulates to pay the claims of American merchants for losses sustained by spoliations. We are authorised to state that this treaty came into the possession of the president during the last session of Congress. Our merchants may at first think it strange that a treaty in which they are so deeply interested should not only be kept a secret from the people for a whole year, but should also be withheld from the knowledge of the Senate, a consistent part of the treaty making power. They will, however, be pleased to remember, that no longer ago than June last the government, through its organ the Aurora, declared, that, "the merchants are the most dangerous, least virtuous, most corruptible, and most likely to corrupt; of any description of persons in society."—Let the merchants candidly ask themselves what men of such character can rationally expect from a virtuous philosophic uncorrupt, and uncorrupting administration.
If this treaty had been exhibited to the senate and ratified, the consequence would have been the payment of a large sum of money to our merchants, and thus their means of corrupting would have been very considerably increased.
[Gaz. U. S.]
Extract of a letter from a French gentleman of respectability, to his friend in Philadelphia, dated New-Orleans, October 1, 1803.
"I have been assured by the marquis Cassa Calvo, that the Americans will take possession of New-Orleans and Louisiana in all November, and that they are to enter this place with a considerable force. There are to be very great public rejoicings on the occasion in this city."
From a Philadelphia Paper.
By the politeness and attention of the owners of the ship Lewis William, we have been politely favoured with London papers to the 2d, and Bristol papers to the 3d October. The papers are taken up with various warlike preparations and movements in England, promotions of officers, sailing and arrivals of single ships of war, of little consequence.
On the 27th of Sept. the alarm signals were made that the enemy had appeared off the coast of Kent, which threw the whole country into bustle and confusion, some running to arms, and some running they did not know where, with full arms. This account arriving in Bristol just before the sailing of the William Lewis made a dreadful uproar in the town, but soon after, hearing it was only an alarm, every one returned to his home, except a few who in their flight outstripped the post.
The Legislature of this State (Maryland) met on Monday the 7th inst. The House of Delegates has elected Tobias E. Stransberry, Speaker;—William Harwood, clerk, and George Howard, assistant clerk;—Cornelius Mills, sergeant at arms;—John Trueman, door keeper.—And on Monday last in joint meeting Robert Bowie, was chosen Governor. [Frederick-Town Herald.]
A BULL.—At the conclusion of the President's short Message to Congress relative to the hostility of the Emperor of Morocco, Congress are talked to about the means—"to restrain the depredations of this power, should they be continued!"—This "restrained" and yet "continued" seems to us somewhat akin to the Irishman's toast, "A long life to Patrick O'Connor, who was hanged in Ireland."
TO do ourselves, the public and John Robinson justice, we have taken the liberty of subjoining our book account, properly authenticated, which we presume, will render a candid and judicious public general satisfaction.—Whether Robinson's family, or any of them, have or have not discharged their respective duties, in executing his commands, either directly or indirectly, is an improper, and consequently a delicate matter of inquiry for us at this time.—We shall, at present, suspend commenting particularly on the novel notification of Captain Robinson, dated Martinsburg, November 18, 1803: But we do assure the public, and the Tavern-keeper, we sincerely regret that the designing, non-descript, malicious and snaring publication, had not made its appearance some period prior to the time of contracting account. Such a publication might have had a very salutary effect, and have prevented the necessity of further newspaper notifications for the purpose of attempting to evade the payment of the just debt.
THOMAS SMITH, & Co.
John Robinson,
to Thomas Smith, & Co. Dr.
1803, August 29. To balance at settlement, acknowledged, per account rendered, . . . $ 8 85 1-2 (J. M. a ) Sept. 19. To 1-2 gallon Sherry Wine, per daughter Jane, 200 cents per gallon, 1 (J. M. a ) Oct. 5. To 9 1-2lbs. Lump Sugar, per wife, at 20 cents per lb. . . . $ 1 90 (J. M. & R. H.) Oct. 8. To 2lb. brown Sugar, per daughter Jane, 13 1-2 cts. . . . 2 17
(J. M. & R. H.) Oct. 8. To 1 gallon French Brandy, per daughter Amy, 2 (R. H.) Oct. 10. To 2lb. brown Sugar, per ditto, at 13 1-2 cts. . . . 27 (J. M.) Oct. 12. To 1-2 gallon Sherry Wine, per do. at 200 cts. . . . 1 (J. M.) 1 pair Women's Cotton Hose, per do. . . . 1 10 — 4 37
(J. M.) Oct. 15. To 1 loaf Sugar, wt. 6lb. 14oz. per do. at 25 cts. . . . 1 72 (J. M.) Oct. 17. To 1-2 gallon Sherry Wine, per do. at 200 cts. . . . 1 (J. M. & R. H.) Oct. 19. To 3 yds. white twilled constitution Cord, per self, at 180 cts per yd. 5 40 3-4 yd. Linen, per do. at 50 cts. per yd. . . . 37 1-2 Silk and Buttons, per do. . . . 41 (J. M.) To balance on Sugar and Coffee, per daughter Amy, . . . 7 — 8 97 1-2
(J. M.) Oct. 22. To 1-2 gallon Sherry Wine per John Smith, at 200 cts. 1 00 1-2 gallon do. per daughter Amy, at 200 cts. . . . 1 00 1 gallon Brandy, per do. . . . 2 00 1-2 gallon Sherry Wine, per do. at 200 cts. . . . 1 00 1 loaf Sugar, wt. 7lb. 2oz. per do. at 25 cts. . . . 1 78 — 6 78
(J. M. & R. H.) Oct. 27. To 3 1-2 yds fine Dimity, per do. at 75 cts. per yd. . . . 2 62 1-2
— $ 34 77 1-2 Supra, . . . Cr. 1803, Sept. 20. By Cash, received of self, on act. $ 1 00 Oct. 11. By do. do. do. 2 00 — 3 00 Balance due, . . . $ 31 77 1-2
* The initials of the names of Robert Hastings and John Morgan, shews by whom the different articles were delivered.
BERKELEY, ss.
Came personally before me, a justice of the Peace for said County, Robert Hastings and John Morgan, and made oath that the above account is just and true as it stands stated. Given under my hand, this 19th day of November, 1803.
WILLIAM RIDDLE.
The Subscribers have just received a general assortment of
CASTINGS,
of the best quality.
THOMAS SMITH, & Co.
November 25, 1803.
STRAYED from the subscriber, living one mile from Martinsburg, the 1st day of September last, a Stud Colt, between a black and brown colour, one year old last spring, is about 13 and an half hands high, has a star in his forehead, and an uncommonly long tail.—THREE DOLLARS reward will be given to any person who will return said colt to
JACOB PAINTER, sen.
November 25, 1803.
FOR SALE, A VALUABLE NEGRO GIRL
about seventeen years of age—She is a good house-servant and has worked some out of doors.
Inquire of the Printer.
November 25, 1803.
MEETING OF THE BOARD OF OVERSEERS
of the County of Jefferson, will be held at the house of Mr. Thomas Flagg in Charles Town, on Saturday the 17th day of December next, for the purpose of closing the levy. All persons having claims against the parish, are requested to bring them forward on that day.
By order of the board.
W. R. LOURY, Clk.
November 25, 1803.
STRAYED from the tavern of Abraham Gorrell, in Martinsburg, some time last week, a bay MARE, about ten years old, fourteen hands one inch high, with a small star in her forehead, her foretop clipped, has had the poll-cut, and had a leather strap round her neck.—Three dollars reward will be given for returning said mare to the subscriber living on the road leading from Martinsburg to Shepherd's-Town.
ALEXANDER LEMON,
November 25, 1803.
The subscriber has contracted with Mr. George Wolff to purchase
HIDES,
who will give the highest price in Cash, for any quantity delivered at his house in Martinsburg.
JOHN MOTTER,
November 25, 1803.
HEMP MILL.
THE subscriber has got the HEMP MILL belonging to Peter Light, sen. in complete order. He will engage to manufacture Hemp, in the best manner, at the low price of one dollar per hundred weight. Orders in this line will be thankfully received and punctually attended to.
JOHN MARSHALL,
Great Lick Mills, Berkeley County, November 25, 1803.
WATCHES REPAIRED, &c. &c.
THE subscriber has engaged the celebrated WATCH REPAIRER John Grove, (who was lately in the employ of Rees Branson,) whose assistance will now enable him to execute any commands in the WATCH or SILVER-SMITH's line, in the best manner, without delay. Mr. Grove's abilities, and his own, together with their combined attention, will, he doubts not, give universal satisfaction; so fully is he convinced of their capability, that nothing will be charged, in case the work entrusted to him is not well executed.
Thankful for former favours; he is the public's much obliged and very humble servant.
ROBERT McGUIRE,
Martinsburg, November 25, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, that a petition will be presented to the next General Assembly, praying, that so much of the Counties of Hampshire and Berkeley as are included in the following bounds, to wit—"Begining at the mouth of Cherry's Run, at the river of Potomack, in the county of Berkeley, thence up the said Run to the head thereof, thence due West to the top of Sleepy Creek Mountain, thence with the top of that Mountain to the line that divides the said County of Berkeley from the County of Frederick, thence with that line to the Hampshire line, with the division between Frederick and Hampshire to the road leading from Winchester to Old Town, up that road to Little Capean River, with that river to the Potomack, and down that river to the begining," may be formed into a separate County, and that the Public Buildings for the same, be erected in the Town of Bath. September 23, 1803.

August term, 1803. HAMPSHIRE COUNTY, ss. LEWIS MOORE, AGAINST JAMES DAILEY. In CHANCERY.
THIS day came the Complainant by his Counsel, and it appearing to the Court that the defendant is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, it is ordered that the defendant do appear here on the second Tuesday in February next, to answer the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer and continued for two months successively, and also be posted up for two months successively at the door of the Court House of this County.
A Copy. Teste, ANDREW WOODROW, C. B. C.
THREE DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber living at Bath, on the 9th inst. a Negro Girl named Barbara, she is about 25 years of age, 5 feet some inches high, is rather stout built, has a remarkable thick neck and large goggle eyes. She formerly belonged to Col. Philip Pendleton, and it is supposed is now lurking in or about Martinsburg. I will give the above reward for securing said Negro in Martinsburg Jail.
HENRY CRONE. Bath, November 18, 1803.
LANDS FOR SALE.
TWO hundred acres, lying on the Elk-Lick fork of Muddy river, 8 miles from Russellville, Logan County, Kentucky, with an excellent never-failing spring thereon. This tract is all bottom that never overflows.
Two hundred acres lying near the Double Lick, seven miles from Russellville. The major part of this tract is bottom that never overflows.
Two hundred acres 8 miles from Russellville with 2 very good springs thereon.
Four hundred acres 5 miles from Russellville, lying on the Elk-Lick fork of Muddy river, including a spring or springs, known by the name of the Lick springs, there is a good grist mill within a mile of this tract.
Four hundred acres lying on the dry fork of Eddy Creek, Livingston County, 8 miles from Eddyville, a very flourishing town.
Ten other Tracts, four of 400 and six of 200 acres each, lying on the Elk fork of Red river, Logan County, eight miles from Russellville.
For each of those tracts of Land I will give a general warrantee. I will dispose of the whole, or part, of the above described Land, very low for cash or good likely young Negroes that are willing to go to Kentucky with me.
THOMAS V. SWEARINGEN. Near Shepherd's-Town, } November 11, 1803. }
I have also for sale, one very good Carriage HORSE, and two or three very good Riding HORSES.
TO BE RENTED,
And possession given immediately,
A DWELLING HOUSE and three half acre LOTS, situate in Darkesville (Bucklestown) lately occupied by Samuel Gardner as a Tavern, for which it is well calculated, and being on the main road leading from Winchester, Martinsburg, &c. is a good stand for travellers. The house is convenient and tolerably commodious, having three rooms on the lower and three on the upper floor, with Stables, Kitchen, and other necessary buildings.
JOHN GRAY, Guardian for the heirs of Joseph Lamon, deceased. November 11, 1803.
JUST RECEIVED,
A Large and General Assortment of FALL and WINTER GOODS, Suitable for the present and approaching seasons, which I am determined to sell at the most reduced prices for Cash or Country Produce.
Wanted to purchase a quantity of good clean
FLAX-SEED,
For which the highest price will be given in CASH.
JAMES FAULKNER. Martinsburg, October 7, 1803.
Meminger & Cooper
Have removed their Store from the house next to the Globe Inn, to the old stand formerly occupied by P. Nadenboush, & Co. at which place they now offer for sale, in addition to their former stock, a number of
FRESH FALL GOODS.
They will not assert that their Goods are extraordinarily cheap, but hope those who favour them with their custom, will be inclined to continue.
GRUBB'S
BAR-IRON,
At six dollars for 112 lbs. to be had of them, and a general assortment of PINE-ROPE CASTINGS.
WHEAT, RYE, CORN, OATS, FLAX-SEED, and clean LINEN and COTTON RAGS, bought, or taken in payment for Goods.
Martinsburg, October 14, 1803.
Valuable PROPERTY for sale.
TO be sold or rented, the Plantation whereon I now live, containing 267 acres, a part of which is sown down with wheat and rye. There are several springs in convenient situations, two of which are strongly impregnated with sulphur. On this place are a good Apple Orchard, and about 12 acres of Timothy Meadow, and more can be made. Two convenient dwelling houses, one of them two stories high, the other one and an half. Also a new Merchant Mill, and Saw Mill, working under a 19 feet fall on Sleepy Creek, with two overshot water wheels; the Grist Mill has one pair of French Burrs, and one pair of Alleghany stones, 4 1-2 feet diameter. The stream on which the Mill stands is navigable.—Timber is floated down to the Mill, from the upper country, and plank, &c. can be rafted from the Mill down to the river Potomak. This property is situate 6 miles from the Potomak river, and 4 miles from Bath, Berkeley County, Virginia. The terms, &c. may be known by applying to the subscriber.
FREDERICK SNYDER.
April 29, 1803.
At a Court held for Brooke County, and continued on Tuesday the 30th day of August, 1803.
BRICE M'GEEHAN.
vs.
BENJAMIN JOHNSTON, Sen'r.
In CHANCERY.
THIS day came the complainant by his Counsel, and the Sheriff having returned that the Defendant is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, and having failed to appear and answer the bill according to law and the rules of the court, it is ordered that he do appear here to the bill aforesaid on the second day of the next November Term, and that a copy of this order be printed in the nearest Virginia Gazette, and that another copy be posted up at the door of this Court House for two months successively.
Copy. Teste,
JOHN CONNELL, C. B. C.
At a Court held for Brooke County, and continued on Tuesday the 30th day of August, 1803.
Jonas Sealy.
vs.
John Quick, Tunis Quick, John Ritchie and Jamima his wife, Edward King and Mary his wife, John Dewit and Catherine his wife, Adam Hank and Rebecca his wife, Francis Magee and Hannah his wife, Elijah Rittenhouse and Sarah his wife, which said John, Tunis, Jamima, Mary, Catherine, Rebecca, Hannah and Sarah, are heirs at law of Cornelius Quick, dec.
In CHANCERY.
ON motion of the Complainant by his Attorney, and it appearing to the Court that the Defendants John Quick, Tunis Quick, John Ritchie and Jamima his wife, Edward King and Mary his wife, John Dewit and Catherine his wife, Adam Hank and Rebecca his wife, Francis Magee and Hannah his wife, are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, it is ordered that the said Defendants do appear here in this Court, on the second day of next November Term, to answer the Complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be published for two months successively in the nearest Virginia Gazette, and likewise be posted up for two months successively at the door of the Court House of this County.
Copy. Teste,
JOHN CONNELL, C. B. C.
Fall Goods.
THE subscribers beg leave to inform their friends and the public in general, that they have just received and finished opening a large and extensive assortment of
FALL and WINTER GOODS.
Selected by one of the firm from the latest importations from Europe, which, in addition to their former Stock, makes their Assortment more complete than ever, the same they are determined to sell at a more reduced price than usual for CASH or COUNTRY PRODUCE.
As a desolution of their Co-partnership will in a few months take place, a very moderate profit will be taken, that they may be enabled to sell off their Stock; those who may want any article in their line, will find it considerably to their interest by giving them a call.
They return their sincere thanks to the inhabitants of Martinsburg and its vicinity, for their generous support since their commencement in business, and assure them they will do all in their power to merit a continuance of their favours.
N. B. Those who are indebted to us for goods a long time standing, must not think hard of it if the sheriff should call on them for payment, as every indulgence has been given that could be asked for.
The highest price given in CASH, for merchantable WHEAT, RYE, CORN or FLAX-SEED, and an allowance made if merchandise is taken in exchange.
F. NADENBOUSCH, & Co. Martinsburg, October 28, 1803.
FALL and WINTER GOODS.
WALTER B. SELBY, Has just received from Baltimore, a large and general assortment of DRY-GOODS and GROCERIES, Amongst which are a great variety of FANCY GOODS, consisting of Handsome PRINTS and CHINTZES, Needlework'd Book, and Cambric MUSLINS, Lady's Elastic Silk GLOVES, Leghorn BONNETS, of the latest fashions, India Lute strings, Sattins, and Lace VAILS, Morocco and Kid SLIPPERS, &c. &c. Also, a quantity of home-made LINNEN, Twilled BAGS, FLAX and CASTINGS—all of which having been purchased on the lowest terms for Cash, he is now enabled to give BARGAINS to those who may be pleased to call on him, and therefore solicits the early communications of his friends and the public generally.
The highest price will be given in Cash or Goods, for clean FLAX-SEED.
Shepherd's-Town, November 4, 1803.
A General Assortment of HUGHES'
BAR-IRON,
For sale at the Subscribers, WARRANTED TO BE GOOD, Price six dollars a hundred, gross weight.
Those who may wish to purchase this article, either by the large or small parcel, will be able to supply themselves on as good terms as if they went to the Iron-Works.
P. NADENBOUSCH, & Co. Martinsburg, August 12, 1803.
Fresh Goods.
THE subscriber has just received from the latest importations at Baltimore, a very handsome assortment of
FALL and WINTER GOODS,
Which he will sell on very reasonable terms, for Cash or Country Produce. He returns his unfeigned thanks to his customers generally, for their encouragement heretofore, and thinks they will find it to their advantage to call on him for BARGAINS.
He remains the Publick's Obedient servant, JEREMIAH EVANS.
Martinsburg, October 21, 1803.
N. B. He will give the highest price in CASH or Goods for Merchantable FLAX-SEED.
CASH Given for clean Linen and Cotton
RAGS,
At the Office of the INTELLIGENCER.
THIS day is dissolved by mutual consent, the Partnership of John Kearsley & James S. Lane, lately trading under the firm of James S. Lane, & Co. All persons indebted to them are requested to come forward immediately and pay their respective balances to James S. Lane, who is fully authorised to receive all debts due to the concern.
JOHN KEARSLEY, JAMES S. LANE.
Shepherd's-Town, October 1, 1803.
THE business in future will be carried on in the same house, by James & John Lane, who respectfully beg leave to inform the public, and in particular the friends and former customers of James S. Lane, & Co. that they now have a pretty general assortment of
GOODS,
Together with Soap and Upper LEATHER, CASTINGS, (among which are ten plate Stoves) BAR-IRON—Home-made LINEN, FLAX, and a large number of excellent Home-made Twill'd BAGS. They expect in a few days to receive their supply of FALL and WINTER GOODS, and solicit the continuation of the public's custom, assuring them, at the same time, that it shall always be their greatest ambition to serve their friends and customers on the best possible terms—a trial, they are persuaded, will fully evince the truth of their assertions.
JAMES & JOHN LANE. Shepherd's-Town, October 14, 1803.
At a Court held for Brooke County, and continued on Friday the 2d day of September, 1803.
Philip Doddridge.
vs.
Mary Murphy and Elizabeth Murphy, heirs at law of Cornelius Murphy, deceased. In CHANCERY.
THIS day came the Complainant by his Counsel, and it appearing to the Court that the Defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, it is ordered that the Defendants do appear here on the second day of next November Term, to answer the Complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published for two months successively in the nearest Virginia Gazette, and also be posted up for two months successively at the door of the Court House of this County.
Copy. Teste,
JOHN CONNELL, C. B. C.
COMMITTED to the jail of Berkeley County, the 19th inst. on suspicion of being a runaway slave, a Negro Man, who appears to be about 28 years of age, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, has a scar on his right cheek, black complexion, and speaks fluently, he appears to be a cunning intriguing fellow, had on when he came to jail a yellow and white gingham coat, casimere jacket, pantaloon striped blue and white, white cotton stockings, fine shoes and fur hat. On his examination he says he is a free man, come of free parents, in Patawaxen Charles County Maryland, that his name is George Butler, but has no papers to prove the truth of his assertions—His master is therefore desired to come prove his property, and take him away, or he will be disposed of as the law directs.
ROBERT COCKBURN, Jailor B. C.
September 30, 1803.
The following BLANKS, printed with NEW and ELEGANT TYPE, are always kept for sale at this Office: DEEDS, Common BONDS, Apprentices INDENTURES, Promissory NOTES, County Clerks', Sheriffs', and Constables' BLANKS, of all kinds, &c. &c. &c.
PRINTING,
In all its variety, executed at this Office with correctness and expedition.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.
TERMS OF THE INTELLIGENCER.
The price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week; Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their advertisements.