Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1803-04-29 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 5 of Volume V.]
FRIDAY, April 29, 1803.
[WHOLE No. 213.]
Federal Eloquence.
SENATE of the UNITED STATES, February 24, 1803.
SPEECH
OF Mr. MORRIS on the Resolutions of Mr. Ross, relative to Louisiana.
(Concluded.)
TO the eastern states, when separately considered this may appear a matter of less moment, than to the other great divisions of our country. But they will perceive it in the loss of their navigation; they will see the theatre of their industrious exertions contracted; they will feel the loss of the productions of the western world in the mass of their commercial operations; and above all they will feel the loss of an ample resource for their children. These western regions are peculiarly their heritage. It is the property of the fathers of America which they hold in trust for their children. The exuberant population of the eastern states flows in a steady stream to the western world, and if that be rendered useless, or pass under the dominion of foreign power, the fairest hope of posterity is destroyed. The time may come, and I fear it will come, when those who cross the mountains will cross the line of jurisdiction. Whether we consider therefore this objection in its relations to our general policy, or examine its bearings on the great divisions of our country, we find ample reason to agree with the gentleman near me, that New-Orleans and the Floridas must not be separated from the United States.
Let us now consider the consequence of the cession we complain of to other nations, and this we may do generally and then more especially as to those who have a direct and immediate interest in the transaction. In a general view the first prominent feature is the power of France. Dangerous to Europe and to the world, what will be the effect of a great increase of that power! Look at Europe. One half of it is blotted from the list of Empire. Austria, Russia, Prussia, and Britain are the only powers remaining, except Sweden and Denmark, and they are paralyzed. Where is Italy, Switzerland, Flanders, and all Germany west of the Rhine? Gone, swallowed up in the empire of the Gauls. Holland, Spain, Portugal, reduced to a state of submission and dependence. What is the situation of the powers that remain? Austria is cut off from Italy, the great object of her ambition for more than three centuries;—long the rival of France, long balancing with the Bourbons the fate of Europe, she must now submit, and tacitly acknowledge to the world the superiority of her foe, and her own humiliation. Prussia under the auspices of the great Frederic was at the head of a Germanic league to balance the imperial power. Though united with Austria for a moment in the hollow league of the coalition, she has, like Austria, been actuated by a blind jealousy, and favoring the operations of France by the ruin of her rival, expected to share largely of the general spoil. In this fond hope she is disappointed; she now sees the power of France at her door. There is not a fortress from the Rhine to the Baltic, except Magdebourg, which the First Consul may leave on his left. The fertile plains of Leipsic contain the magazines for his armies, when he shall think proper to march to Berlin. Westphalia and lower Saxony are open on the side of Flanders and Holland. The Maine presents him a military road to the borders of Bohemia. By the Neckar he approaches the Ulm, and establishes himself on the Danube. These rivers enable him to take the vast resources of his wide domain to the point where he may wish to employ them. Menacing at pleasure his neighbours, he is himself secured by a line of fortresses along his whole frontier. Switzerland, which was the only feeble point of his defence, and which separated his Gallic and Italian dominions, has lately been subjected. The voice you now hear warned the Swiss of their fate more than eight years ago. The idea seemed then extravagant; but realized, it appears but a necessary incident. Russia is deprived of her influence in Germany, and thereby of a principle instrument by which her po-
lity might operate on the great powers of the south. The Germanic body is indeed in the hand of the First Consul. Three new electors along the Rhine are under the mouths of his cannon. They dare not speak; Speak! None dare speak. They dare not think any thing inconsistent with his wishes. Even at their courtly feasts they sit like Damocles, destruction suspended over their heads by a single hair. Would you know the sentiment of England? Look at the debates. In the two houses of parliament, they speak their fears. Such being the general sentiment of Europe, can it be supposed that they will view without anxiety a new extension of that power and dominion, the object of their hatred and apprehension?
Will it be said that there is a security to the freedom of mankind from the moderation with which this enormous power is to be exercised? Vain delusion! This power is not the result of accident. At the moment when France dethroned her sovereign it was easy to foresee, that a contest must ensue, in which her existence would be staked against the empire of the world. If not conquered by surrounding princes (and the hope of such conquest unless by the aid of her own citizens was idle) her numerous armies acquiring discipline must eventually conquer. She has the advantages of situation, and those which result from union opposed to councils uncertain and selfish. It was easy also to foresee that, in the same progress of events, some fortunate soldier would seathimself on the vacant throne: for the idea of a French republic was always a ridiculous chimera. Bonaparte has placed himself at the head of that nation by deeds which cast a lustre on his name. In this splendid career he must proceed. When he ceases to act, he will cease to reign. Whenever in any plan he fails, that moment he falls. He is condemned to magnificence. To him are forbidden the harmonies and the charities of social life. He commands a noble and gallant nation passionately fond of glory. That nation stimulates him to glorious enterprize, and because they are generous and brave, they ensure his success. Thus the same principle presents at once the object and the means. Impelled by imperious circumstances he rules in Europe, and he will rule here also, unless by vigorous exertion you set a bound to his power.
Having thus passed a rapid glance on the general state of Europe it remains to look particularly at the condition of England and Spain, so far as they may be affected by the cession of those provinces to France. England will see in it an increase of commerce and naval force in her rival. She will see eminent danger to her islands and particularly to Jamaica. The climate of Pensacola has already been noticed. The possession of it is of incalculable moment. During the sickly and hurricane season, fleets and armies, may wait there in safety till their enemy shall be enfeebled and unprotected. Where will the British fleets and armies be stationed with equal advantage? If they ask an asylum in your ports you must refuse; for should you listen to any such proposition, your kindness would be considered as a hostile aggression. The influence of France on the United States (which has already been noticed) will give double weight to her representations. And this very influence is among the effects which Britain must deprecate. I have not time to dwell on this subject, nor many others as full as I ought. The condition of Spain is not less worthy our notice. No two nations on earth have more rooted hatred for each other than France and Spain. There are none more different in essential points of character. United, however, under sovereigns of the same family, these antipathies were wearing away. But the fatal stroke which destroyed the French monarch has severed that bond. Force has since produced not union, but submission. It is not in nature that the Spanish king should foster kindly sentiments for him who has decked himself in the spoil of his house. The proud, the brave and the loyal Castilian groans under the yoke which galls him, but which he cannot break, and sickens at the recollection of his ancient glory. His deep resentments are known, and it is to prevent their effects that he has been compelled to make the cession of these provinces. France will then hold at her pleasure the Spanish
treasures, and the rich provinces of the New World. At the first symptom of hostile sentiment she arrests the means of aggression. Thus the dependence of Spain is rendered absolute, and her chains are riveted forever. Does Spain behold this state of things with calm indifference? No. She feels all the pangs of wounded pride driven to the necessity of perpetuating its own humiliation.
A few words after what has already been said will suffice to shew the importance of these provinces to France. This results from the influence on her rival, on Spain, and on the United States; by means of the position, the resources and the means of aggression which those provinces afford. Enough has been said of the position. The resources are great and increasing. Not only cotton and indigo will be furnished for her manufactures but supplies and subsistence for her colonies and her troops. These resources too will be at the very point most important both for defence and aggression. The same force will be ready to operate either against England, Spain, or America. Thus that force will be tripled in its moral effect, and influence alike the conduct of all against whom it may be directed. To what has been said on the facility with which we may be assailed, I might add much, but it is unnecessary. It behoves us, however, to consider well the spirit of the French government, which in all its changes have never lost sight of this object. The French minister Monsieur De la Luzerne, when congress were deliberating on the ultimate for peace, obtained a resolution that our ministers should as to our western boundary, treat under the dictation of France. Our ministers disdained the condition, and refused to obey. Their manly conduct obtained for you the countries whose fate is now suspended on your deliberations. Never, no never has France lost sight of Louisiana. Never for a moment has she been blind to its importance. Those who, driven from her bosom into exile, wandered about among us, have gathered and communicated the fullest information. While they enjoyed your hospitality they probed your weakness, and meditated the means of controlling your conduct. Whatever may be the fair appearances, rely on it that every Frenchman bears with him every where a French heart, and so he ought. I honor him for it. O! that Americans had always an American heart!
It remains to notice the advantage of this country to the United States, as it may relate to our power, our peace, our commerce, and above all to our freedom. As to our power something has already been said on the peaceful influence which results from the dependence of colonies belonging to the great nations of Europe; add to this that the product of those colonies must pass by our doors and be exposed to our cruisers. A further advantage to be found in the ready means of invasion (in concert with the troops of others) if driven to the necessity of war. The possession of power will give us not only security but peace. Peace indeed can never be safe, but by the aid of power. Our disposition is pacific. It is our interest to be at peace, and the form of our government while it secures to us the enjoyment of as much liberty as is possible, renders it particularly imprudent to risque in war any change of the constitution. Grant us these provinces and we can dictate the condition of our commerce with the islands. Possessed of them it will be doubly lucrative, and without them wholly uncertain. There is another stream of profitable trade which will then flow in our channels. The risque and the difficulty which Spain experiences in bringing home her treasures when she is at war, will naturally suggest the advantage of remitting them through this country. The product of the Mexican mines may then be shipped directly to Asia. It will be paid to Spain by bills on the commercial nations, and thus furnish to her the easy means of obtaining the supplies she may stand in need of. The bullion will be so much the more valuable as the danger and expense of transportation are diminished. This, therefore would have been a beneficial result upon the whole commercial world. It would more especially emancipate Spain from her present thralldom. It would give a happy change to all her interior administration, and increase both her abso-
lute & relative force. Let me here say that it is our interest to preserve the authority of Spain over her American territory. We have enough of our own. We can have no wish to extend our dominion. We want men, not land. We are therefore the natural and the safe guardians of Spain. On us she may rely with perfect confidence. We can derive from that commerce, which it is her interest to permit, all the advantages we ought to ask. But great as are the benefits which will result from the possession of the Floridas and New-Orleans, great as is their tendency to advance our power, secure our peace, and extend our commerce, there is a consideration in comparison with which commerce, peace, and power are of but light avail. These provinces will fortify the defences of our freedom. My honorable colleague has stated to you his apprehensions from standing armies. And yet, sir, if we be not possessed of this territory, standing armies become necessary. Without an imposing military force, the inhabitants of the western country will be in such immediate danger, that they must league with a neighbour who will have every thing to offer, and from whom we will have every thing to fear. This will lead to the worst of all wars, to civil war, and when that shall happen, liberty will soon be lost. The army which has defeated one half the nation will easily lend itself to enslave the other. Such is the history, and such will ever be the fate of man. In this view then, above all others, is that possession most precious. When it is in our hands we need no standing army. We can turn our whole attention to naval defence, which gives complete security both at home and abroad. When we have twenty ships of the line at sea, and there is no good reason why we should not have them, we shall be respected by all Europe. The sense of security resulting from such force must give a new spring to industry and increase the stock of national wealth. The expense compared with the benefit is moderate, nay, trifling. And let me here say one word as to national expense. Sir, whatever sums are necessary to secure the national independence must be paid. They will not amount to one half of what it must cost us to be subdued. If we will not pay for being defended we must pay for being conquered. There is no medium, and but one alternative. In the proper expenditure for defence, therefore, is true economy, and every pitiful saving inconsistent with that object, is the worst, the most profligate profusion.
Having now considered, in its various relations, the importance of these provinces the way is open to estimate our chance of obtaining them by negotiation. Let us ask on what ground you mean to treat? Do you expect to persuade? Do you hope to intimidate? If to persuade, what are your means of persuasion? Every gentleman admits the importance of this country. Think you the first consul, whose capacious mind embraces the globe, is alone ignorant of its value? Is he a child whom you may win by a rattle to comply with your wishes? Will you, like a nurse, sing to him a lullaby? If you have no hope from fondling attentions and soothing sounds, what have you to offer in exchange? Have you any thing to give which he will take? He wants power. You have no power. He wants dominion. You have no dominion. At least none that you can grant. He wants influence in Europe. And have you any influence in Europe? What, in the name of Heaven, are the means by which you would render this negotiation successful? Is it by some secret spell? Have you any magic power? Will you draw a circle and conjure up Devils to assist you? Or do you rely on the charms of those beautiful girls with whom the gentleman near me says the French grenadiers are to incorporate? If so why don't you send an embassy of women? Gentlemen talk of the principles of our government, as if they could obtain for us the desired boon. But what will these principles avail? When you enquire as to the force of France, Austria, or Russia, do you ask whether they have a habeas corpus act or a trial by jury? Do you, to estimate their power, discuss their interior police? No. The question is, how many battalions have they? What train of artillery can they bring into the field? How many ships can they send to sea? These are the impor-

tant circumstances which command respect and facilitate negotiation. Can you display these powerful motives?—Alas! Alas! To all these questions you answer by one poor word—confidence—confidence—confidence—Yes, verily, we have confidence—We have faith and hope, aye: and we have charity too.—Well—Go to market with these Christian virtues and what will you get for them? Just nothing. Yet in the face of reason and experience you must have confidence: but in whom: why, in our worthy president. But he cannot make the treaty alone. There must be two parties to a bargain. I ask if you have confidence also in the first consul? But whither, in the name of Heaven, will this confidence lead, and to what does it tend? The time is precious. We waste, and we have already wasted moments which will never return. You have already tried negotiation. I say you have tried it, because I know you have a minister in France, and I am sure the first magistrate of our country cannot have been so negligent as not to pay attention to a subject which is confessedly of such magnitude. You have then negotiated. And with what success? Why, instead of defeating the opinion you have closed the river. Instead of obtaining any advantage by a new treaty, you have lost the benefit of the old one. Such are the results of your negotiation in Europe. In this country you have negotiated to get back the privilege you are robbed of: and what follows? A prohibition to touch their shores. Instead of restoring the rights of treaty, they cut you off from the rights of humanity. Such is your splendid success from negotiation; and yet gentlemen tell us we must continue to negotiate. The honorable member from Kentucky says that great lengths are gone in enquiring into and rectifying the irregular procedure.—He tells us a minister is just appointed and it would therefore be inconsistent to fight just now: that moreover it would degrade the president's authority, and defeat his measures.
The gentleman from Georgia says, we have no right to go to war till there shall be a refusal on the part of Spain—and my honorable colleague assures us that if our wrongs are redressed by negotiation we can have no complaint. As to the lengths which are gone, it is for those gentlemen to appreciate their value who know what they are. I profess my ignorance, and judging by effects, must withhold my confidence. If we must wait for a pointed refusal before we do ourselves right, I venture to predict, a delay fatal to the peace of this country. But, sir, what is it we are to ask, the refusal of which will justify war? Is it (as my honorable colleague supposes) a mere restitution of a privilege wrongfully taken away? Sir, I answer in the words of the resolutions moved by my friend. "It does not consist with the dignity of this country to hold a right so important by a tenure so uncertain." But the honorable member from Maryland has told us that we need not cross the Atlantic to seek for precedents, that we have enough in our own archives—and he has had the goodness to mention our humble petitions presented to the King of Great Britain in 1775. We sent, says he, petition after petition. I am sure that honorable member has no wish that a minister should be sent to bear our humble petitions to the foot-stool of the first consul's throne. But, sir, whether we treat or pray it will end as it did in 1775, by war, unless we are determined to give up that independence which we then fought to establish. Let us consider a moment the natural course of this negotiation. It is the interest of France to foster in us a hope from treaty, until she has put herself in a condition to frustrate all other hope. There can be no question therefore that she has avoided, and will avoid a direct refusal. And as long as we are content to accept of smooth speeches, general assurances, vague assertions and loose evasions, we shall have no want of that court currency.—But why, (it may be said) has she not already taken possession? Because her original plans have been greatly deranged. St. Domingo presented obstacles unexpected, and that enterprise must not be abandoned, for though the island may not in itself be of much consequence though it must be ruined before it can be conquered, yet conquered it must be, for the world must continue to believe that the first consul cannot fail in what he has undertaken. Much of his power rests on that opinion, and it must therefore be maintained. But there are other incidents beside those of St. Domingo which have had the same tendency.—There followed on the general peace a serious discussion of the German indemnities—then the affairs of Italy—lately of Switzerland—and during the whole
momentous period it was doubtful how far England would bear a continued invasion of the liberties of Europe. And it was evident that should the war recommence with England, the force sent to this country would be totally lost.—It was important therefore to gain time; and for that very reason we should have insisted on an immediate decision. Such then is the state of this treaty so fondly desired. A treaty by which we are to ask much and offer nothing. A negotiation in which we have no means to persuade. Have we any to intimidate? Where is your public force? You have none—and seem resolved not to have or use any. My honorable colleague tells us that war will increase our debt one hundred millions, and that our people are not fond of taxes. He says we are trying a new experiment to pay our debts in a given period, which war would derange. It would injure moreover, our pacific character, and might draw down the jealousy of all nations who have colonies. He believes that three-fourths of our people are opposed to war, but yet he thinks that nine months hence we shall be in a better condition. What is the effect of this language? Is it not to convince the adverse party that he has nothing to fear from a refusal? As to this experiment for the payment of our debts, whether it has the merit of novelty I shall not enquire—but I am bold to assert that the merit, be it what it may, is due to one of my worthy friends who formerly administered our finances. The same plan also has been adopted by another great statesman, (Mr. Pitt) who has for many years past provided regularly a fund to liquidate in a given period each debt which his nation has incurred. But does England trust her safety to the protection of her sinking fund? No. She has fifty thousand seamen employed and a hundred thousand soldiers. These form the shield of her defence.—A gentleman near me has told us that in case of war our mercantile capital is exposed in every part of the world. To this I answer, first, that the same objection will apply with equal weight upon any and every occasion. But further, I say the argument is directly and completely against him. How does it stand?
He admits that if negotiation fails he will draw the sword. He goes further, and says he will throw away the scabbard. Now, sir, it is clear that if we operate at once, notice may be given to our merchants. Advices may be sent in season to every sea. And here let me say that it is a duty of the government to apprise both our insurers and shippers of their dangerous situation. It is unwise as well as unjust, to lull them into a fatal security. But suppose the treaty shall fail and remember that the success or failure depends on Bonaparte, he will weigh the present declarations and act accordingly. He will commence a war on your commerce long before you know that war exists. I say therefore the argument is directly against the gentleman who used it. And here let me say one word on the comparative merits of the resolutions on your table. Those moved by my honorable friend give the president command not only of the militia, but of the naval and military force. They place money at his disposal and what is most important, they put it in his power to use these efficient means. The resolutions moved as an amendment authorise indeed a call for a greater number of militia, but when called they can do nothing but consume their rations. There is no power to bring them into action, and of course the expense is useless, even for the purpose of influence.
Having endeavoured to shew that we have no hope from treaty, it only remains to consider the natural effect of taking immediate possession. Against this measure it has been said, that war, instead of giving relief, will absolutely shut up the Mississippi. That a single seventy-four would run up and obstruct the channel. But what is the amount of these observations? The gentlemen all agree that if they cannot obtain their object without war, they will fight for it. The mischief they deprecate must therefore arrive, unless there be a well grounded hope from treaty and the only difference is, that they are willing to take a longer term of sufferance because they have a stronger expectation of relief without the exertion of force. I have no such expectation. I shall therefore proceed to consider what will follow if we take possession without previous alliance with Britain or with some such an alliance. I heard it urged in conversation that such an alliance should first be made, and therefore I think it proper to take up the subject in debate. I cannot however but remark on the different language now held from that which we heard a year ago. Then it was the fashion
on to say we had nothing to do with other nations. And when a man of plain sense observed that this disposition was of little avail, because other nations would have something to do with us; and when the particular danger we now see was pointed out; oh, then, to be sure, there was no danger to apprehend from our dear sister republic. I censure no man for adopting other and wiser principles. I have no question but that as gentlemen proceed in the business of government, they will see the folly of many other fanciful notions, but I entreat them not to fly from one extreme to the other. I hesitate not to give my opinion that we ought to take possession without consulting Great Britain. And having done so, let us declare to France that we mean to live with her in perfect amity. Let us offer every assistance in our power to conquer and preserve St. Domingo. Let us shew that we have done an act of mere defence.—Let us prove our pacific disposition by declaring that we are under the tie of no obligation to her rival. To Spain let us hold a similar language. Let us point out her present danger and demonstrate the utility of our possession. To both let us offer to relinquish our claims for spoliations on our commerce and pay our own merchants. We can well afford to purchase with that price, a price paid ourselves—Finally, if our representations do not produce the desired effect, let us tell them that we will ally ourselves to England and aid them in the conquest of their American dominions. Sir, this language will be listened to. Rely on it that under such circumstances neither France nor Spain dare send hither a single regiment or a single ship. The existence of the British naval force will alone produce all the effect you could ask from its operation. But what are we to hope from a delay until an alliance shall be made? What will be the stipulations of the treaty of alliance? These may be more or less erroneous or pernicious. Certainly the British minister will not hazard the fate of his nation. Without the hope of some correspondent advantage. One stipulation is certain. We must agree to continue the war until a peace can be obtained by common consent: and this is precisely the stipulation which we ought not to make, if it can be avoided; because we shall then be no longer masters of our exterior relations. To this it may be objected, that we cannot expect aid from Britain without a previous treaty.—I ask what reliance you have with treaty! The answer is, that it will be her interest. And, sir, it is her interest to give that aid without treaty.
I have now gone through this tedious discussion.—I have trespassed on your patience more than I wished, although from the lateness of the hour much has been omitted of what I ought to have said. I have endeavoured to shew that under the existing circumstances, we are now actually at war and have no choice but a manly resistance or vile submission. That the possession of this country by France is dangerous to other nations but fatal to us. That it forms a natural and necessary part of our empire, and to use the strong language of the gentleman near me, it is joined to us by the hand of the Almighty and that we have no hope of obtaining it by treaty. If indeed there be any such hope it must be by adopting the resolutions offered by my honorable friend. Sir I wish for peace—I wish the negotiation may succeed and therefore I strongly urge you to adopt those resolutions. But though you should adopt them, they alone will not ensure success. I have no hesitation in saying that you ought to have taken possession of New-Orleans and the Floridas the instant your treaty was violated. You ought to do it now. Your rights are invaded, confidence in negotiation is vain: there is therefore no alternative but force. You are exposed to imminent present danger. You have the prospect of great future advantage. You are justified by the clearest principles of right. You are urged by the strongest motives of policy. You are commanded by every sentiment of national dignity.—Look at the conduct of America in her infant years. When there was no actual invasion of right, but only a claim to invade—She resisted the claim. She spurned the insult. Did we then hesitate? Did we then wait for foreign alliance? No—Animated with the spirit warmed with the soul of freedom, we threw our oaths of allegiance in the face of our sovereign and committed our fortunes and our fate to the God of battles. We then were subjects. We had not then attained to the dignity of an independent republic. We then had no rank among the nations of the earth. But we had the spirit which deserved that elevated station.—And now that we have gained it, shall we fall from our honor?
Sir, I repeat to you that I wish for peace, real, lasting, honorable peace.—To obtain and secure this blessing let us by a bold and decisive conduct convince the powers of Europe that we are determined to defend our rights—that we will not submit to insult, that we will not bear degradation. This is the conduct which becomes a generous people. This conduct will command the respect of the world. Nay, sir, it may rouse all Europe to a proper sense of their situation. They see that the balance of power on which their liberties depend, is, if not destroyed, in extreme danger. They know that the dominion of France has been extended by the sword over millions who groan in the servitude of their new masters. These unwilling subjects are ripe for revolt. The empire of the Gauls is not like that of the Romans secured by political institutions. It may yet be broken. But whatever may be the conduct of others, let us act as becomes ourselves. I cannot believe with my honorable colleague that three-fourths of America are opposed to vigorous measures. I cannot believe that they will meanly refuse to pay the sums needful to indicate their honor and support their independence. Sir, this is a libel on the people of America. They will disdain submission to the proudest sovereign on earth. They have not lost the spirit of seventy-six. But sir, if they are so base as to barter their rights for gold, if they are so vile that they will not defend their honor, they are unworthy the rank they enjoy, and it is no matter how soon they are parcelled out among better masters.
My honorable friend from Pennsylvania, in opening this debate, pledged himself and his friends to support the executive government if they would adopt a manly conduct. I have no hesitation to renew that pledge. Act as becomes America and all America will unite in your support. What is our conduct?—Do we endeavour to fetter and trammel the executive authority? Do we oppose obstacles? Do we raise difficulties? No. We are willing to commit into the hands of the chief magistrate, the treasure, the power and the energies of our country. We ask for ourselves nothing. We expect nothing. All we ask is for our country. And although we do not believe in the success of treaty, yet the resolutions we move and the language we hold are calculated to promote it.
I have now performed to the best of my power, the great duty which I owe to my country. I have given that advice which in my soul I believe to be the best. But I have little hope that it will be adopted. I fear that by feeble councils we shall be exposed to a long and bloody war. This fear is perhaps ill founded and if so I shall thank God that I was mistaken. I know that in the order of his providence the wisest ends frequently result from the most foolish measures; it is our duty to submit ourselves to his high dispensations. I know that war, with all its misery, is not wholly without advantage. It calls forth the energies of character, it favours the manly virtues, it gives elevation to sentiment, it produces national union, generates patriotic love and infuses a just sense of national honor. If then we are doomed to war, let us meet it as we ought; and when the hour of trial comes, let it find us a band of brothers.
Sir I have done and I pray to Almighty God that this day's debate may eventuate in the prosperity, the freedom, the peace, the power and the glory of our country.
PHILADELPHIA, April 14.
We have seen a letter from New-Orleans dated the 17th March which states, "information is just received of the arrival at Havanna of 4500 French troops on their way to this place, so that we may expect them in a few days. Pilots have been ordered down the river to meet them."
Captain Green of the brig George Clinton, from New-Orleans, arrived at New-York, informs that the Governor of New-Orleans had ordered all the Pilots to proceed down the river, to be in readiness to receive the French fleet, which was hourly expected.
By the French brig L'Amitie, Capt. Bois Hermase, arrived the 6th inst. at Norfolk, in 13 days from Cape-Francois, it is learnt that 12,000 troops had arrived there; and that after garrisoning the Cape, the remainder proceeded to Port-Republican, which is to be head quarters for the ensuing four months.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Richmond to his friend in this Town, dated April 11th.
"This day our Election was held, and

terminated very favourably to the good old cause of Federal Republicanism. For the state Legislature, Doctor John Adams, the federal candidate, has a handsome majority. For the city corporation, the federalists have fifteen out of twenty four. Our legislature at their last session passed a law directing the city to be laid off in three wards giving to each ward an equal number of members in the city Council. The object in the passage of this law was, to get a democratic majority. Five men, appointed by the Governor and his council for the purpose, laid off the wards, and true to the principle of equal representation, on the democratic plan, they gave one of the wards, which they knew to be perfectly federal, double the number of inhabitants contained in either of the other two, and thus thought themselves secure of a majority, but all would not do."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Port-au-Prince, dated the 7th ult. to his friend in New-York.
"I feel happy to inform you that I remain in perfect health; there is little business doing here; and the merchants are all discouraged. A French brig from Havre de Grace bound for this port, anchored on the night of the 11th inst. in sight of the guard ship, and the next morning she was boarded by the brigands and every person on board put to death, being 28 passengers, 14 sailors, and 3 officers, making in all 45 persons. Barges were immediately sent from the guard ship, but their efforts were all in vain, for as soon as the negroes got possession of their prize, they crowded all sail, ran ashore, and immediately set her on fire, and in a short time was consumed. I feel very uneasy, and unless an alteration takes place very soon I shall leave this place for the Island of Cuba, for all persons living here are in danger of their lives. Four places have been evacuated within the last week, one of which was Petit Guave. The brigands have got possession of 8000 cartridges, and a powder house containing enough to supply them two years."
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Washington-City, April 19. The following important Letter has been this day sent by Express to New-Orleans.
OFFICIAL.
SIR, I have the pleasure to impart to you, without a moment's delay, that by dispatches which I have just received from my government, brought by a brig of war of the King my master, despatched for this purpose alone, I see confirmed all the assurances which I gave you on various preceding occasions, when I received information of the difficulties, which the citizens of the United States experienced in consequence of being deprived of the place of deposit on the Spanish Banks of the Mississippi, by decree of the Intendant of New-Orleans. His Catholic Majesty, as just in his resolutions as desirous of living in the greatest harmony with the United States, has provided that the deposit should continue at New-Orleans until the two governments shall come to an agreement about another equivalent place—and to the end that this Royal provision may be promptly and punctually carried into effect, the necessary orders are communicated to the Intendant and to the captain General of Louisiana, of which I transmit you the originals, in order that you may be pleased to forward them to New-Orleans.
I hasten to acquaint you of it with much satisfaction, in order that you may communicate it to the President of the United States, as soon as possible; and I pray God to preserve your life many years.
Washington, April 19, 1803. I kiss your hand. Your most obedient, and faithful serv't, THE MARQUIS OF CASSA YRUJO. James Madison, Esquire,
MARTINSBURG, April 29.
FEDERALISM TRIUMPHANT.
On Monday last came on our election for a member of Congress, one Senator and two representatives in the State Legislature. This being the last election in the Congressional and Senatorial district every effort was made to get the voters out, and never, perhaps, in this district, was discovered so much anxiety and such great exertions on both sides. In about six hours after the polls were opened, upwards of 500 votes were taken. The weather being unfavourable the polls were continued open for three days. Notwithstanding the strenuous and unremitting exertions of the democrats in this County
for more than four months past, the result has been such as might be expected from the steady habits of the people of Berkeley. The democrats counted with certainty on the election of one member to the assembly and also on the representative to congress, but their calculations have proved fallacious! The splendor of the sun of Federalism had completely obscured the delusive light of the moon of democracy, and this district has added another member to the Congressional list of GENUINE REPUBLICANS from the state of Virginia.
At the close of the poll the votes stood as follows:
 CONGRESS.  Major James Stephenson, 384  Osborn Sprigg, 262  122  In the other two counties Maj. Stephenson had a majority of 9  Federal majority in the district,  131  SENATE.  Lewis Wolfe, 368  George North, 267  101  STATE LEGISLATURE.  James Campbell, Esq. 359 Both True  Magnus Tate, Esq. 337 Republicans  Mr. Joel Ward, 304 Democrats.  Mr. Erasmus Gantt, 267 Democrats.  In Frederick, Mr. Wolfe had a majority of 457  and not 469 as stated before.  Majority in Jefferson for North, 15 
 Majority in Hardy for Wolfe, 442  Do. in Hampshire, 300  Do. in Berkeley, 31  101 
Do. in the district for Wolfe, 874. This is the same Mr. Wolfe who opposed L. Washington at the last Senatorial election, and had then nearly as many against him, as he has now a majority in his favor.
Steady habits of Connecticut. —From Connecticut, we have the most pleasing accounts of the result of the late election in that state. Alarmed at the proceedings of a daring faction against the State government, the Federalists have attended their Freemen's meeting in numbers altogether unprecedented. The attempts of the Jacobins to displace governors Trumbull and Tredwell, and to introduce Kirby and Hart into their places, met with the indignation of the honest, and respectable part of the community, and the result of the votes, as far as they can be known previous to the meeting of the Legislature in May, is highly honorable to the State, and its worthy Magistrates—and there is no doubt that those gentlemen will be re-elected by several thousand votes more than they ever received before. It is also well ascertained that there will not be so many democratic members of their House of Representatives this spring as there were last fall, by about twenty. There is but one Democratic Representative in any of the County towns in the state. It is also worthy of remark, that both Kirby and Hart, the democratic candidates for governor and lieut. governor have lost their election to the general assembly, in their respective towns. When the unceasing exertions of the party, together with the force which has been exercised by the national government, to subdue Connecticut, are taken into consideration, we cannot but congratulate the country that a state so truly republican should be able, in the midst of revolutionary storm, and disaster, to ride securely over the billows. New-England stands firm in the midst of convulsions. Her elections this spring, will convince those who wield the sceptre of national dominion in the United States, that four years are not long enough to conquer the habits, manners, and institutions of a simple, and virtuous republic.
(New-York Herald.)
THE PROSPECT BEFORE US!
The result of the TOWN MEETINGS in Hunterdon on Monday last is matter of real congratulation to the Federal Republicans of New-Jersey. Our information from five townships, and which we have every reason to believe correct, is that the Federalists succeeded in appointing the respective officers agreeably to their wishes, and by greater majorities than were ever before known. In Trenton a pale opposition appeared, but languished, and after a few vain struggles, sunk to rest. The old township officers were generally re-elected. The city-council and officers were appointed without opposition. In Maidenhead, where the democrats have made great exertions for six months past, and
where they boasted of great accession of strength, but six votes appeared in favor of a solitary nomination offered against the federal list. Hopewell quite outstript our expectations, and at one of the most generally attended meetings ever held in the township, gave a majority of near three to one. In Readington we have also been very agreeably disappointed, where, at the last general election, the federal ticket obtained a majority of about twelve or fifteen, at the town meeting, which was uncommonly full, the federalists were, in number, at least three to one. Lebanon exhibited a like spirit, and an equally agreeable result—all opposition to the federal interest after a few faint struggles, expired. In Alexandria, which gave a considerable majority to the democratic ticket at the last election, the parties were nearly equally divided; the democrats, however, finally succeeded in carrying their men by a lean majority of from two to five votes—the meeting in this township was uncommonly full—more voters appearing on the ground than were out at the last fall election—the manifest increase of federal votes is a circumstance highly flattering to our expectations. In Amwell, Kingwood, Bethlehem, and Tewksbury the democrats, we understand, succeeded as usual, though in Kingwood a very formidable opposition was exhibited by the federalists.
When we take into consideration the uncommon efforts which for six months past have been made by the democratic party, in extending their influence, and in organizing their troops, the result of the late town meetings in Hunterdon county, is certainly very encouraging to the hopes of the politicians of the Washington-School. In spite of their organized associations, their county constitutions, their committees, the harangues of their emissaries, and the calumnies of their address and inflammatory publications five townships out of ten in the county, at the most generally attended meetings ever known, have exhibited far greater federal majorities than were obtained at the last general election. One of the heretofore democratic townships (Alexandria) has been completely paralyzed by the increased strength of the federal party, and in all the other townships, an augmented opposition has been manifested in the reign of delusion. We are not in the habit of exulting with pompous expressions of inflated joy at the successful issues of fortune—but we cannot repress, at this time, the manifestation of that satisfaction which we believe we are justly warranted in feeling, in the contemplation of the ultimate result of the very favorable appearances now presented to our view.
(Trenton Fed.)
CLOSED DOORS.
In the Aurora of December 24, 1800, we find the following passage, concerning the closing of the doors of the Senate, while the French treaty was under discussion.
"Secrecy, at all times, is suspicious, "in a free government; in Britain, or in the cabinets of despots it is consistent, "but we have the prospect before us now "that the plain system of honest measures "will supercede state mystery and cunning."
The sage editor of the Aurora has lived to see his charming prospect vanish. He has lived to learn that no "plain system of honest measures" has superceded "state mystery and cunning." He has witnessed more "state mystery" and more "secrets" under the republican administration of Mr. Jefferson, than ever he did under that of Mr. Adams. And does the Aurora mean to say, that the present serene president is a "despot" because he allows of "secrets" in his "cabinet?" Does he intend to insinuate that democratic "secrecy is suspicious?" or does he think that the present is not a "free government?"—Oh, No! not at all!—he means to applaud the present administration, at any rate; remembering, at the same time, to forget all that he formerly wrote against the federal administration.
Balance.
STRAY CATTLE.
CAME to the Plantation of the subscriber, some time last winter, three Estray Calves, two Heifers, and a Bull, one of the heifers is of a whitish brindle colour, two years old this spring, the other two are yearlings of a reddish brindle colour. No brand or ear mark. They have been appraised according to law. The owner is desired to prove property, pay charges, and take them away. JOHN BUTLER. Buckles-Town, April 29, 1803.
SPRING GOODS. THE subscriber has just received from PHILADELPHIA, a very handsome Assortment of SPRING and SUMMER GOODS.
AMONGST which are Chintzes, Callicoes, Lappet, Tambor'd, Cambrie, and India Muslins, Dimmities, Fancy Shawls, Extra Silk Gloves, IRISH and GERMAN Linens, India and English Nankeens, Men and Women's Hosiery, Bed-Ticking, &c.—All of which he is fully determined to sell unusually low for Cash or suitable Country Produce.
W. W. LANE. Charles-Town, April 29, 1803.
NEW STORE.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the public in general, that he has just opened a general assortment of FRESH DRY GOODS, Groceries, &c. at the House formerly occupied by Messrs. Edward Beeson & Sons, which he will sell on reasonable terms for CASH.
JEREMIAH EVANS. April 29, 1803.
N. B. THE co-partnership of Isaac Evans & Son, has been dissolved by mutual consent. All persons indebted to said firm are requested to make payment to JEREMIAH EVANS.
THE co-partnership of Alfred & Robert Gustin of the town of Bath, is dissolved by mutual consent. All persons indebted to the said firm are requested to come forward and discharge the same, and those to whom the firm stands indebted will please present their accounts to either of the subscribers for payment. ALFRED GUSTIN. ROBERT GUSTIN. April 29, 1803.
STRAYED from the subscriber living in Martinsburg, about the 16th inst. a Black Horse, with a star in his forehead, about 15 hands high, six years old, is rubbed with the gears, shod all round, has one small saddle mark, and the under part of his mane cut off. A generous reward will be given to any person who will take up and return the said horse to MATTHEW RANSONE. April 29, 1803.
STRAYED from the subscriber, living in Middletown, a Black Mare, four years old this spring, 14 1-2 hands high, has been docked and carries her tail very crooked, rather to the off side, has a number of saddle marks. A generous reward will be given if brought home, or information given so that the subscriber may procure her again. MORRIS JOB. April 29, 1803.
Valuable PROPERTY for sale. TO be sold or rented, the Plantation whereon I now live, containing 267 acres, a part of which is sown down with wheat and rye. There are several springs in convenient situations, two of which are strongly impregnated with sulphur. On this place are a good Apple Orchard, and about 12 acres of Timothy Meadow, and more can be made. Two convenient dwelling-houses, one of them two stories high, the other one and an half. Also a new Merchant Mill, and Saw Mill, working under a 19 feet fall on Sleepy Creek, with two overshot water wheels; the Grist Mill has one pair of French Burrs, and one pair of Alleghany stones, 4 1-2 feet diameter. The stream on which the Mill stands is navigable. Timber is floated down to the Mill, from the upper country, and plank, &c. can be rafted from the Mill down to the river Potomak. This property is situate 6 miles from the Potomak river, and 4 miles from Bath, Berkeley County, Virginia. The terms, &c. may be known by applying to the subscriber. FREDERICK SNYDER. April 29, 1803.
A FRESH supply of LEE and CO's highly approved and valuable PATENT MEDICINE, is just received and may be had at the office of the Intelligencer.
PRINTING. In all its variety, executed at this Office, with correctness and expedition.

SPRING and SUMMER GOODS.
THE subscribers are just opening a large and general assortment of Prime Goods , suitable to the present and approaching seasons: And having long seen the advantages that would arise to their friends and the public in general, was a suitable person, with a good capital, to attend the markets of New-York, Philadelphia and Baltimore , and purchase all the cheap things sold at Vendue or elsewhere, they have been induced to embark in it, (one of the concern is now employed in the above business,) and we take this method of informing the Public, that we now have a valuable assortment of Cheap Goods , and solicit their early communication either personally or otherwise.
JAMES S. LANE, & Co.
Shepherd's-Town, April 15, 1803.
THE Light Infantry Company commanded by capt. JACOB HAINES , are requested to attend muster in Shepherd's-Town, at the usual place of parade on the 2nd Saturday in May. A punctual attendance will be expected.
ELIJAH OWDEN, 1st sergt.
April 15, 1803.
AGREEABLY to law, the whole of the Taxes for the County of Berkeley, are distrainable on the 1st of May next. All persons therefore who are subject to taxation, will please to take notice, that the time of the present sheriffs expires on the 1st of December next—and that they are determined to collect every species of tax by that period. No person need expect any longer indulgence as they are positively required to complete the whole of their collections on or before that time.
ANN & SAM. DAVENPORT.
Geo. HARRIS, D. A. for B. C.
April 15, 1803.
FARMERS TAKE NOTICE,
THAT I have now taken in possession the Lower Mill in Martinsburg, belonging to the heirs of Moses Hunter, dec'd. and am ready to receive and manufacture all kinds of grain agreeable to the terms hereafter mentioned:—Out of every Five Bushels of Merchantable WHEAT, weighing 60 lbs. to the bushel, I will make a barrel of Superfine Flour, and stand the Inspection of the same in any market within the United States.—All Grain Work will be particularly attended to. Being determined to use every exertion within the compass of my knowledge, aided by the judgment of an ample assistant, I hope to merit the favor of the people at large.
JOHN WEST.
April 15, 1803.
LOST
BETWEEN Martinsburg and the Falling-Waters, a large Linnen POCKET BOOK , with 8 or 9 pockets, alphabetically lettered, containing a number of Clerk's and Sheriff's Notes, and some other papers of no use to any person but the subscriber. Any person finding the same and so contriving that I get them, shall receive a generous reward, and be entitled to the thanks of their very humble serv't.
JOHN MCCLEARY.
April 15, 1803.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a HOUSE of PUBLIC ENTERTAINMENT , at the sign of the Bull's Head , in the house formerly occupied by Mrs. Susannah Wolgamott, where he is well provided with everything necessary for the agreeable and genteel accommodation of all those who may please to favor him with their custom.
He will always keep a quantity of chopped Rye, Corn, Hay and cut Straw, for the purpose of supplying waggons and travellers, for whom this will be an excellent stand, as it lies on the main street (through which all the principal roads pass) and has a well of excellent water at the door.
JARVIS JEFFRIES.
Martinsburg, April 15, 1803.
TAKEN up by the subscriber, on Monday the 4th inst. in the edge of Hampshire County, near Bath, a stray Horse, of a dark brown colour, about 11 years old 15 hands high, has no brand perceptible, has three old shoes on—trots and canters. This horse has been straying about the neighborhood, since the 7th of March last. The owner is requested to prove property, and take him away.
DAVID SIMPSON.
SPRING GOODS.
WALTER B. SELBY, HAS just received from Philadelphia, and is now opening, a considerable supply of fresh SPRING GOODS, Which he offers for sale at very reduced prices for Cash or Country Produce. Shepherd's-Town, April 8, 1803.
BOLTING CLOTHS.
A General Assortment of BOLTING CLOTHS, of the best qualities and latest importations, ARE kept for sale by OLIVER EVANS, at the corner of Market and Ninth streets, Philadelphia, where he has resumed the manufacture of BURR MILL STONES, and now supply those who favor him with their custom, with Mill-Stones of the best quality, finished on his patented improved plan.
BOLTING CLOTHS
likewise for sale
By OLIVER and EVAN EVANS, With BOHN & SLINGLUFF, at the corner of Market and Howard streets Baltimore. Also with DEAN & GARDNER, Union street, Alexandria. The Book, entitled The Young Millwright and Miller's Guide , may also be had at the above places.
EVAN EVANS, of the City of Washington, OFFERS FOR SALE A NUMBER OF GOLD and SILVER
WATCHES,
Which he will sell low for Cash. He has Watches for sale with Oliver Evans , also with Dean & Gardner . He also offers for sale, or to let on durable leases,
A number of valuable BUILDING LOTS, in different parts of the City of Washington, one of which is in Square 143 on the corner, directly west of Mr. Talbot's house.
Alexandria, November 30, 1802.
(1 am 17.)
LAND FOR SALE.
AGREEABLY to the last Will and Testament of Lewis Wisenall, dec'd. and pursuant to a decree of the Court of Jefferson County, will be sold at public sale on Friday the 20th day of next month, a tract or parcel of land, containing about two hundred and sixty eight acres, late the property of said Wisenall, dec'd. situate in Jefferson County, Virginia, near the Potomak river, and adjoining lands of Joseph McMullan, Adam Moler, & others. Mrs. Mary Wisenall has a right of dower in eighty nine acres of said land, but the whole will be sold subject to that right. It is said that this land is of the first quality, and abounds in fine timber, and only about one third of it cleared.—One third of the purchase money will be required in hand, and for the remainder the purchaser will receive a credit of one, two and three years, on giving security for the payment. The sale will commence at 12 o'clock on the premises, at the house of William Addy, where more particulars of the sale will be made known, by
JOHN BAKER, Executor of L. Wisenall.
April 8, 1803.
THE subscriber has for sale, at his Plantation near Lee Town, and at the house of Mr. Patrick Duffy in Martinsburg, a quantity of good Fresh
HEMP SEED,
Which he will dispose of at Ten Shillings per bushel.
April 8, 1803.
RICH WILLIS.
WATCH REPAIRING, SILVER-SMITH'S WORK, JEWELRY, &c. &c.
ROBERT McGUIRE,
INFORMS his friends and the public that he has removed his shop to the house of Mr. Jacob Hamma, in the Main Street Martinsburg, nearly opposite Mr. Edmund Graham's Fountain Inn, where he has now for sale a quantity of Silver Work, &c. and can furnish any person who may please to favor him with their custom, with any article wanted in the above branches of business, on a short notice, at a reasonable price, and executed in a masterly manner.—Gratefully impressed with a just sense of the encouragement manifested by the public towards me, since my commencing business in Martinsburg, I tender them my most sincere thanks, and trust it will be in my power to execute their work in such a manner, as will in every respect be satisfactory to them.
April 8, 1803.
RENTERS TAKE NOTICE.
THE subscriber will rent for a term, not exceeding three years, all that large Farm situate on Back Creek, formerly the property of Capt. James Blue; there are upwards of two hundred acres cleared, one hundred of which is now ready for the plough (of which forty acres are prime bottom) There are on the place three separate tenements, by which two tenants can be well accommodated, and if agreeable to the renters, they may have the crop now in the ground (which looks very well) on a credit of twelve months. Immediate possession may be had of the whole, except one of the dwelling houses, which will be occupied until the 1st of May, by Capt. Blue. This place is never injured by freshes, the land being high. For terms apply to WILLIAM WILSON. April 8, 1803.
The Famous Stud Horse YOUNG SNAP,
WILL stand the ensuing season, on the three first days in each week, at my stable in Martinsburg, and the three last days in each week, at Capt. Alexander Miller's stable in Buckles Town, and cover mares at the moderate price of four dollars and one bushel of grain the season, one dollar and a half cash the single leap, and seven dollars to insure a foal.
YOUNG SNAP was got by the noted horse Old Snap, the property of Jacob Vandoren, his dam was got by the imported horse Old Arabian, his grand dam by the noted horse Goliath, his great grand dam by Sampson. Young Snap is a handsome black, full sixteen hands high, rising eleven years this spring—his carriage, movement and figure, will recommend him to the eye of every impartial judge. It is needless to give a longer history of his pedigree, as his colts are well known. The money for the season must be paid on the 15th of October next. The season will commence the 29th instant and end on the 1st of July.
ABRAHAM GORRELL.
March 18, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss.
February Court, 1803.
ROBERT WILCOX, Complainant,
vs.
JACOB ONG, Defendant.
IN CHANCERY.
THE Defendant, Jacob Ong, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said Defendant do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in May next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of the said County.
A Copy.
Teste,
H. BEDINGER, C. B. C.
The full-bred Fox Hunter LOFTY,
WILL stand this season on Mondays, Tuesdays and Wednesdays, at the stable of Mr. Jarvis Jeffries in Martinsburg, and the three last days in the week at Mr. Philip Shutt's tavern in Shepherd's Town, and be let to mares at five dollars the season (two shillings and six pence to the groom, to be paid when the mares are brought) two dollars and an half cash, the single leap, and nine dollars to insure a colt—the money to be paid the first of September.
LOFTY is a chesnut sorrel, full 16 hands high, with a small blaze—stout and handsomely formed, five years old this spring; he was got by my horse Paymaster, for which I was offered 1200 dollars, his dam was the brown Filly, got by Mr. Filpot's Horse, which was sold at fifteen years old for 800 dollars—Lofty's grand dam was Portley, her sire was Stewart's full bred horse, bred by Samuel Ringold, Esq. which was sold in South Carolina for Five Hundred Pounds. For a colt of Lofty's I was offered 100 dollars, at one year old. The season has commenced, and will end the first of July. Good pasturage may be had, but I will not be answerable for accidents or escapes.
JAMES BREATHED.
Washington County, April 15, 1803.
The YOUNG MILL-WRIGHT and MILLER'S GUIDE , for sale at this Office.
PARTNERSHIP DISSOLVED.
THE partnership of Mines & Kearsley being this day dissolved by mutual consent, the business will, in future, be carried on by John Mines, who only has full power to collect the debts due to the late firm, and to settle all business respecting it. Those who have accounts open are respectfully and earnestly requested to come forward and close them.
JOHN MINES.
JONATHAN KEARSLEY.
Charles Town, Jefferson
County, April 1, 1803.
N. B. The subscriber has on hand an assortment of well chosen GOODS , which he is determined to sell uncommonly cheap for cash.
JOHN MINES.
JOHN BOND,
RESPECTFULLY informs the inhabitants of Martinsburg and its vicinity, that if suitable encouragement is given, he will open a SCHOOL in the said town of Martinsburg, for the instruction of youth in the English language, grammatically, Arithmetical large and several useful branches of the Mathematics.—His wife, Mrs. Bond, will attend if requested, a female School, in which young ladies will be taught plane and other Sewing, Reading, Writing, &c. J. Bond has taught school in Winchester for 12 years past, and has certificates from the most respectable persons in the state of Virginia of his capability and moral conduct, which certificates are lodged with J. Alburris for the inspection of all who may wish to enquire into his character. A subscription paper is also left with the said Alburris for the signature of such as may please to patronize his undertaking.—He will open his school as soon as 25 scholars are subscribed for.
April 22, 1803.
THE SUBSCRIBER
WISHES to inform the public and his friends in general, that he has removed his shop to the house of Mr. John Blackford, lately occupied by Evans & Jamieson, where he means to pay the same attention to the practice of Physic, Surgery, &c. as he heretofore has done.
I cannot think that it is in my power to pay those friends who have honored me with their confidence and partiality, too great a compliment; my heart is penetrated with the most lively sense of gratitude for the distinguished patronage and encouragement which I have met with in the line of my profession, and hope the exultation is no ways culpable that springs from the reflection, that none have reason to repent of the confidence reposed in me. It has been by several years extensive practice, great labor, and close application, that has enabled me to obtain your confidence, which it shall be my ambition to preserve through life.
J. D. WILLIAMSON.
Shepherd's Town, April 8, 1803.
TO BE LET,
For one, two, three, four, or five years, and possession given the 1st day of April next,
THE property at present occupied by Mr. Abraham Lange, situate in Garrards-Town, Berkeley County. This property consists of a very good and convenient Dwelling House, well calculated for a tavern (for which it has for a long time been occupied,) with a bar room, cellar, dining room, and a number of lodging rooms, good stables, ball alley, &c. with an excellent garden, and two acres of land, well enclosed, adjoining. There is a good lime stone spring conveniently situated, the water of which runs through this lot. Any person inclining to rent, may know the terms by applying to Mr. George Lemen, of Garrards Town, or to the subscriber living near Mr. Raughly Colston, on the Potomak river.
JOHN BECKETT.
March 18, 1803.
Terms of the Intelligencer.
The price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week; Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their advertisements.—
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.