Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-02-23 00:00:00

were for some time on the footing of war, has made a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive with us. Sweden is not worth mentioning as to Russia, there exists between her and us direct propositions of negotiations. From her power, she does not stand in need of the protection of any one, and she cannot claim the intervention of any court to terminate the differences which divide us. From her distance, she is so far out of our reach, as of all means of hurting, that the state of peace produces in our respective relations, only more diplomatic charges. If, in such a situation, the emperor accepted to negotiate jointly with England and Russia, would he not suppose the existence of a war which he has gloriously put an end to? Would he not in fine abandon between himself and England the principle of an equality already agreed upon between us? If, sir, you will please to examine with the discernment peculiar to you, the considerations which I have now the honour to state, you will allow that such a negotiation would be much more prejudicial to us than war, and even than a congress.
In fact, in a congress, if England, Sweden and Russia contended to make the principles prevail which served as the foundation of the third coalition, Prussia, Denmark and the Porte, Persia and America would remonstrate against these principles, and demand equal laws of navigation and a just share in the dominion of the sea. No doubt, in this discussion, the diminution of the power of France would often be voted for, but the diminution of the power of England would also often be voted for. Some powers would claim the equilibrium of the south of Europe, but others would also claim the equilibrium of the north. A great number would be for the equilibrium of Asia—all would interest themselves on the equilibrium of the seas; and if from amidst so many stormy and complicated discussions, it be possible to hope that a result would proceed, this result would be just because it would be complete; and certainly, if his majesty has declared it upon all occasions, he will have no repugnance to making sacrifices for public tranquility, when England, Russia, and all the great powers will each be disposed to acknowledge the established rights, to protect the feeble states, and to adopt principles of justice, moderation and equality—but the emperor is too well acquainted with men to let himself be seduced by chimeras, and he perceives that it would be going astray, to seek for peace in a labyrinth of ten years of debates, which, during that time, would perpetuate the war and would render its terms more uncertain and more difficult to be attained. It would then be necessary to change the route, and do as was done at Utrecht, to let the allies spread themselves in endless and useless debates, to treat each separately, to discuss, as was then done, the interests of both powers and those of their respective allies—to make in fine peace for one's self, and make it sufficiently equitable and sufficiently honorable for it not to fail being accepted by all the powers interested. It is thus that it becomes, not in ten years, but at the present day, two powers such as England and France to terminate the differences which divide them, and to establish at the same time the rule of their rights and that of the interests of their friends.
To sum up, sir, what I have said, I see in the proposed negotiation only three possible forms of discussion. Negotiation with England and the allies she acquired at the formation of the third coalition—negotiation with all the powers of Europe, joining to it the Americans—negotiation with England alone. The first of these forms is inadmissible, because it would submit the emperor to the influence of the third coalition, which no longer exists. The emperor would have negotiated thus, had he been beat. The second form of negotiation would eternise the war, if the inevitable incidents which it would multiply every moment, and the passions which it would let loose without measure, did not make the discussion break off in some noisy manner, a few years after its being established. The third is then the only one which those must desire who really wish for peace. His majesty is persuaded that the just and moderate dispositions which he loves to recognize in the tone and language of his Britannic majesty's minister, seconding as he could wish, the pacific sentiments of which he is more than ever determined to give proofs to his friends and even to his enemies, the nations exhausted by the efforts of a war, the interest of which it is as difficult to feel as it is hard to know its true object, will at length behold from the proposed negotiation, a peace which is called for by all their wants and by all their wishes.
Accept, sir, &c. (Signed) CH. M. TALLEYRAND, Prince of Benevento. (To be continued.)
The Subscribers in addition to their general assortment of SHIP CHANDLERY and GROCERIES, have received by the John and Alice, from London, 100 casks Kemp and Hoyt's Brown STOUT, 100 pieces English Canvas, assorted; 2 cases of Buntins, 80 casks of Gunpowder; half ton of Salt Petre—which they will sell low, and on a liberal credit. Noble, Arbuthnott, & Co. October 10. 244
STRAYED From my yard on Saturday the 17th of January, a large red COW, with a black mouth, and horns turned in. She was seen since in Church street with a calf. Whoever will return her, or give information where she may be found, shall be handsomely rewarded. Jannet Patterson. Feb. 18th. if
Grenada Rum, Sugar, Molasses, and Cocoa. To-Morrow will commence landing on Lee's wharf, from the schooner Cruden, capt. Sherman, 36 Puncheons Grenada RUM, 109 tierces and barrels prime Sugars, 24 hds. retailing Molasses; 13 casks Cocoa—For Sale by Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. February 13. 6t
100,000 lbs. prime Green COFFEE, Entitled to debenture, for sale—Apply to Fisk & Catlett, or S. Marks, jun. January 2. if
For Rent, The Store, Compting Room & Cellar, No. 41, Main-Street, lately occupied by Mr. Wm. McQueen. Apply to Thomas Wilcock. March 17. 364
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, FEB. 23, 1807.
TO SHOW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIMES, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
In discharge of the promise made in our last, we commence from French papers the publication of the correspondence of the governments of France and Great-Britain upon the late negotiation. This promise we perform with the more pleasure, because we are persuaded that the perusal of this correspondence will afford much pleasure to every reader of taste or curiosity. We have seldom, if ever, met with a greater display of diplomatic talent and ingenuity on both sides, nor are we able to determine which to accord a preference. We are sensible of the injury which every subject sustains from being divided, for which reason we always avoid such a measure when possible; but the length of this correspondence has forced us from our usual practice. We shall, as we have done this day, give as much of it as other subjects will permit in each paper, until we have concluded.
The anniversary of the political Saviour and Father of his country, the immortal WASHINGTON, has been noticed in this place with those sentiments which the occasion must inspire in the heart of every lover of his country, and every votary of rational freedom.
On Saturday evening the Tragedy of the Berkeley , with the entertainment of "Raising the Wind," were performed by the Theopian Society , to a most numerous audience. The performance in general was good, but in some particulars, it was great. Several of the gentlemen, in specimens of taste and feeling that astonished the audience, and which would have done credit to the best of the stage. The Recitations were in general very judicious. The performance in general exhibited their good sense and taste, and we have not witnessed a more interesting and spirited performance.
It is with painful regret that we execute the melancholy duty of announcing the death of WILLIAM PLUME, Esq., who died on the last night, in the 61st year of his age. Death, the common portion of us all, is in general a subject which excite no extraordinary interest in the public mind—yet, when it occurs in a person of distinguished society, for whose life we have been long accustomed to cannot forbear to express our regret, and more particularly to the memory of a man who has so many general claims of merit, and who has so many private friends and acquaintances to lament the subject of our present notice.
For many days before his death, it was made sensible, that every hour of his life was extinguished—the awful hour was received with a serenity of mind, and composure of action, that cannot be described. Having arranged his worldly concerns, he summoned his weeping relatives and friends, and bade them a affectionate farewell, and then assigned himself to the approaching change, with the resignation of a Christian and the firmness of a Philosopher. The great strength of his constitution enabled him to contend with his disorder, much longer than had been imagined—during all this trying season, and almost to his last moment, his senses were perfect and collected, and throughout the whole scene, his manly fortitude and pious resignation never forsook him.
Mr. Plume was a native of Ireland, and came to this country some time in the year 1766, in circumstances that did not seem to entitle an expectation of his subsequent fortunes. His life has afforded a strong instance of what can be attained by a steady course of industry, and undeviating integrity; the one exciting esteem, and the other begetting unlimited confidence. With no other aid but those of industry and integrity, this gentleman rose from moderate, to the most affluent condition of fortune, and without exciting envy, or affording one instance of complaint. We could here enter into detail of the circumstances of his life, but the late hour at which we receive this melancholy information necessarily compels an abridgement, and permits us only to offer a few of those of a more prominent nature.
Being in this country before the revolution, he was a zealous and steady friend to it, at its commencement, and in all its darkest stages. The part which he took on that occasion, affords a striking evidence of the independence of his mind. A young man at that time, and in a subordinate situation, it was natural to suppose that he would have been influenced by the opinions and conduct of those whose age and experience might be supposed to have a correspondent ascendancy over him—not so—nearly all his particular friends were attached to the Royal cause, he espoused that of his adopted country. But in separating politically from his friends, the liberality and candour of his disposition did not separate them from his affections; his mind was above the rancour of party. In later times Mr. Plume manifested that attachment to liberty which is the result of reason and reflection. Gifted with a strong mind, he easily discriminated between that species of freedom, that is requisite to happiness, and those wild theo-
ries, which are the destruction of all order and government.
We cannot forbear here to notice another instance of this gentleman's political conduct. Perhaps no one felt with more keen sensibility, the actual oppressions which his native country suffered, but he carried his feelings no further than the occasion justified, and he did not condemn the whole because a part was wrong.
In domestick and private life we shall not presume to say what he was, he was such as the character we have attempted to portray, would naturally be supposed. In social intercourse with his friends, he was distinguished by the characteristics of his nation, frankness, urbanity, and hospitality.
DIED at Williamsburg, on the 9th of December last, Mrs. S. Wright, a native of England, and consort of Mr. Thos. Wright, formerly of this Borough. Warned of the approaching close of life, by a gradual decay of health, she met her dissolution with the firmness and resignation of a Christian; and recommending with the latest breath, an only daughter to the care of an affectionate Father, withdrew without a struggle to a better world.
The following letter of Mr. Alston, the son-in-law of Mr. Burr, is written with a degree of candour, that carries conviction of the writer's innocence; at the same time it furnishes more reason for conjecture upon this wonderfully mysterious business.
From the GEORGETOWN GAZETTE. Copy of a letter from the honorable Joseph Alston, to his excellency Charles Pinckney. Oaks, February 6, 1807.
DEAR SIR, I have received and read the president's message with deep mortification and concern. But the letter annexed to it, stated to be a communication in cypher from col. Burr to gen. Wilkinson, excites my unfeigned astonishment. I solemnly avow that, when that letter was written, I had never heard, directly or indirectly, from col. Burr or any other person, of the meditated attack upon New-Orleans, nor had I any more reason to suspect an attack upon that place, or any other part of the U. States, than I have, at this moment, to suspect that our country will be forthwith ordered on an expedition against Gibraltar. On the other hand, I had long had strong grounds for believing that col. Burr was engaged by other objects, of a very different nature from those attributed to him, and which I confess the best sentiments of my heart approved. I need not add that those objects involved not the interest of our country. Without adverting to that integrity of principle, which even my enemies, I trust, have allowed me, can it be supposed that a man situated as I am, descended from a family which has never known dishonor, happy in the affection and esteem of a large number of relations and friends, possessed of ample fortune, and standing high in the confidence of his fellow citizens, could harbor for an instant, a thought injurious to the country which was the scene of those blessings? The supposition would be monstrous. No sir—it was but a short period before the impression became general, that apprehended the possibility of Mr. Burr's intentions being hostile to the union; and the moment which gave birth to that apprehension, gave birth to the resolution which became a citizen. I confess, however, there are times even now, when, in spite of the strong facts which have been exhibited, I am almost inclined to believe my suspicions injurious. Whatever may be thought of the heart of Mr. Burr, his talents are great beyond question—and to reconcile with such talents the chimerical project of dismembering the union, or wresting from it any part of its territory, is difficult indeed. I travelled through a part of the western country, during the last summer, and have no hesitation in saying, that either of those projects would have been as much reprobated there as in the Atlantic states. With respect, however, to the communication annexed to the president's message, which occasions you the trouble of this letter—after my solemn assurances to you, that I had never given col. Burr or any other person the smallest reason to imagine that I could be induced to engage in any project against my country—it would be infinitely satisfactory to me, could I explain to you, with the same certainty, the motive which led him to introduce my name as he did. But here, unfortunately, all is conjecture. Two motives only suggest themselves. He imagined, perhaps, which by the way, he had no right to do—that his influence would be sufficiently great to induce my assent, and thought, therefore, he might as well consider it already obtained—or, which is more probable, he might have imagined, that by the apparent concert of a number of persons from different states, a stronger impression would be made upon his correspondent.—Considerable effect, too, was, no doubt, anticipated by Mr. Burr's discernment from the perfect self confidence which would have been manifested by his taking with him his daughter, receiving my co-operation, and thus embarking in the scheme the fortunes of his infant grandson—the only relative, except his daughter, that he has. But whatever the motive, which drew from col. Burr, the assertions contained in his letter to gen. Wilkinson; facts, incontrovertible facts, prove that he had no authority for making them. His daughter did not go with him; the navy of the United States is still faithful to its duty; commodore Truxtun, I am told, at the very moment he was said to have gone to the West-Indies, was in Philadelphia, which I know not whether he has ever left; and I, instead of following with a corps of worthies, am now at my usual residence, where I have been ever since the adjournment of the Legislature, peaceably directing the ploughing of my rice-fields and preparing my lands for the ensuing crop. This is conclusive. A conspirator against the happiness or liberties of his country, would have been, at this moment, very differently employed. Conspirator! the blood burns my cheek, as I write the word—but I meant to confine myself simply to the disavowal, I have made you, of a single action or thought hostile to my country. To feel even that disavowal necessary is sufficiently painful: I have yielded, however, to circumstances, and made it. My unequivocal manner of making
it, I trust will leave no doubt upon one candid or honest mind. Still I am aware that the common interchange of good offices with a man with whom I have been long nearly connected, may have given rise to circumstances which, however innocent in themselves, malignity will delight in distorting, and disseminating. I am aware that there will be men base enough—for you and I have, not long since, seen proofs of it—to whisper even the circumstance of my connection, by marriage, with col. Burr, as a circumstance warranting suspicion. About the opinions of such men I am indifferent. To the more ingenuous and better part of my fellow-citizens, of whatever sect or party, I can only solemnly repeat, as I have done to you, sooner would I have perished than harbour a thought subversive of the liberties, the happiness or the integrity of my country. Let me always be judged by my own acts, and I shall be satisfied. If Mr. Jefferson or gen. Wilkinson ever find any thing to urge against me, let it be adduced. My residence is well known, and I shall never shrink from investigation. Nay more, presumption, where I cannot repel it by positive proof, shall be received as good evidence, and the slightest suspicion, which I cannot satisfactorily explain, shall be admitted as guilt.
I remain, my dear sir, With much respect and regard, Your's always. JOSEPH ALSTON. [Here follows the letter in cypher alluded to by Mr. Alston, and published some time since.]
ALEXANDRIA, Feb. 13. The letter from gen. Armstrong to the secretary of state, referred to in the annexed copy of a letter from the general to Mr. Lee, the commercial agent of the United States, has not yet been received by the secretary of state.
PARIS, 24th Dec. 1806. SIR, You will find a passage for the enclosed letter as early as possible.
I have this moment received the written assurances of the minister of marine, that the decree of the 21st November last, will in no respect disturb the existing regulations of commerce between France and the United States of America, as settled by the convention of the 30th September.
With much regard, &c. (Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG. WM. LEE, esq.
The preceding letter might lead to a conclusion, that the decree to which it alludes, and which we published in our last, would be of no inconvenience to our commerce. To understand the bearing which this decree will have on our commerce, it is necessary to refer to the convention of the 30th September, alluded to by General Armstrong. The article of that convention which applies to this case is the 12th, and is in the following words:
It shall be lawful for the citizens of either country to sail with their ships and merchandise (contraband goods always excepted) from any port whatever, to any port of the enemy of the other, and to sail and trade with their ships and merchandise, with perfect security and liberty, from the countries, ports and places of those who are enemies of both, or of either party, without any opposition or disturbance whatsoever, and to pass not only directly from the places and ports of the enemy aforementioned, to neutral ports & places, but also from one place belonging to an enemy, whether they be under the jurisdiction of the same power, or under the several; unless such ports or places shall be actually blockaded, besieged or invested.
And whereas it frequently happens, that vessels sail for a port or place belonging to an enemy, without knowing that the same is either besieged, blockaded or invested, it is agreed that every vessel, so circumstanced, may be turned away from such port or place, but she shall not be detained, nor any part of her cargo, if not contraband, be confiscated, unless, after notice of such blockade or investment, she shall again attempt to enter; but she shall be permitted to go to any other port or place she shall think proper. Nor shall any vessel of either, that may have entered into such port or place before the same was actually besieged, blockaded, or invested by the other, be restrained from quitting such place with her cargo, nor if found therein after the reduction and surrender of such place, shall such vessel or her cargo be liable to confiscation, but they shall be restored to the owners thereof.
It therefore results that the convention of the 30th September, cannot protect our vessels that are bound to the British dominions, except in the first instance, when they will be ordered away. But as France has declared the British islands to be in a state of blockade, this article of the convention will authorize the seizure of our vessels, if bound to Britain or her islands, after notice of the blockade, provided we submit to this arbitrary pretension of the French government. Mr. Armstrong must be very easily satisfied, if this assurance of the minister of marine satisfies him; but we persuade ourselves that the government of this country will expect and demand a more explicit declaration. We warn our fellow-citizens not to place any dependence in such flimsy declarations, but to be on their guard. The decree is positive, the minister of marine's assurances are evasive, and have a reference which is calculated to deceive, but if examined leaves the subject as it originally stood, except with a slight modification, not worth noticing.
Perhaps we shall be told, that our vessels will not be interrupted unless they are bound to a port or place actually blockaded, and that we may safely go to the ports of Britain not actually blockaded, that is, by a force being stationed off them. This kind of logick, if it was not on a subject of grave and serious import to this country, would serve to laugh at. This decree was passed on the 21st of November last, when we presume Buonaparte did not contemplate an actual blockade, for he cannot but know that the bravest of his commanders would as soon take a tyger by the whiskers, as to take a station off an English port. It is therefore only a paper blockade that is meant, and which will be termed by the French government and actual blockade, for if it is not so considered the decree can mean nothing; for the French cannot blockade by force.
Captain Treadwell, of the ship Betsey, in 45 days from Liverpool, arrived here yesterday; he