Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1805-07-26 00:00:00

WHOLESALE PRICE-CURRENT.
NORFOLK, FRIDAY, JULY 26, 1805.
Table with 5 columns: ARTICLES, per, From, To, Remarks. Lists prices for various goods like Bacon, Beef, Brandy, Bread, Butter, Candles, Coal, Cocoa, Coffee, Cordage, Cotton, Duck, Flour, Fish, Fustick, Gin, Grain, Hemp, Hides, Indigo, Iron, Lead, Meal, Molasses, Peas, Pepper, Pitch, Pork, Raisins, Rice, Rum, Salt, Soap, Sugar, Shingles, Staves, Tar, Tobacco, Tallow, Turpentine, Wax, Wines.
Premiums of Insurance on American Property.
Table with 3 columns: Destination, Rate, Remarks. Lists insurance premiums for various locations like Great-Britain, Ireland, Portugal, Spain, France, Holland, Bremen, Embden, Madeira, British and Neutral Windward Islands, Jamaica, Porto Rico, Havana, Cape-Francois, Ports in the Bite of Leogane, Ports on the South side of St. Domingo, Persia, India, and China.
Prices of Stocks.
Table with 3 columns: Bank, Rate, Remarks. Lists stock prices for Virginia Bank, Norfolk Marine Insurance Company, United States Bank, and Exchange on London.
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM...
JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER, 3000 Pieces YELLOW NANKEN...
State of North-Carolina, Superior Court of Law and Equity—April Term, 1805.
WILLS COWPER, vs. Thomas Newton, Richard Blow, Wm. Vaughan, Slaughter, as the President and Directors...
Alex. Millen, C. & M. E. F. D. 813
WANTED, Two Hundred Cords Wharf Wood, For which a generous price will be given. Apply to Thomas Warren.
JUST RECEIVED, Per the Ship Reunion, from Alcant, and for sale by the Subscriber, 200 Hogsheads Choice RED WINE.
CAMPHOR AND BARK. THE SUBSCRIBER, HAS JUST RECEIVED, 200 lbs. REFINED CAMPHOR.
TO RENT, A convenient DWELLING HOUSE on Fen Church-Street, fronting the Fields leading to Brigg's Point...
10,000 Bushels Liverpool Stoved SALT, For sale, on board the Brig Batsey, at our Wharf.
LANDING THIS DAY, ON NEWTON'S WHARF, The Cargo of the Schooner Duff, Baillie, Master, from St. Bartholomew.
THE PARTNERSHIP OF SAMUEL SAUNDERS & Co. Is this day dissolved by mutual consent, and those who have accounts with the said firm, will please come forward for immediate settlement...
REMOVAL. THE SUBSCRIBERS Have removed from MAIN-STREET, to their NEW FIRE-PROOF WAREHOUSE, in MARKET-SQUARE.
LANDING From on board the Schooner JOHN, from Guadeloupe—and for Sale, SIXTY-SIX HOGSHEADS, AND A FEW BARRELS MUSCOVADO SUGAR.
THE SUBSCRIBER Having opened Tavern in the EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE, will be glad to take in TEN OR TWELVE GENTLE BOARDERS by the year.
Speech of Mr. Fox in the British House of Commons on the Catholic Petition, delivered on the 13th of May.
The order of the day having been read for the House taking into consideration the Petition of the Catholics of Ireland, the petition was read to the House, on the motion of Mr. Fox.
Mr. Fox then being called upon by the Speaker, rose and spoke to the following effect: "I rise, Sir, on the present occasion, with no inconsiderable degree of anxiety, in bringing before the house, a measure of so much importance, and pregnant with so many great and eventful consequences, distant or immediate..."
not at all necessary to inquire. It is proper, however, to attend a little to the time and manner of the restrictions imposed upon them. No man I believe will hazard any thing so extraordinary, as to maintain that the laws against the Catholics are at all events, now good by prescription. Prescription, perty, and for the best reasons; but prescription cannot apply to laws by which bodies of men are restrained. In fact, such restrictions are founded upon particular circumstances, they are made on particular occasions, and it would be a solecism of the grossest kind to say, that prescription made those laws good universally, which could only be good in the peculiar circumstances of the case. It may be precipitate no doubt to conclude that the necessity which justified the deviation is gone, but it would be monstrous to assume a prescription for that which is only just, because it is an exception founded upon specific necessity. In the instance before us, indeed, it will hardly be thought that there has been any precipitation in declaring the cessation of the necessity. On the contrary, the necessity seems to have been so long admitted, and the restrictions so long continued, that the difficulty is to restore with safety, to the full enjoyment of political rights, persons thus deprived of the use of them. It ought to be kept carefully in view that almost all the restrictions imposed on the Catholics were imposed from political, not from religious motives. Possibly enough, indeed, some who concurred in imposing those restrictions, may have mixed religious feeling with political reasons, though the latter were the only justifiable grounds on which the restrictions were founded. To go very far back; it was not religious bigotry that induced Queen Elizabeth to impose those severe penalties and restraints upon the Catholics, of which her reign set the example. The religious sentiments of that princess were not perhaps so different from the doctrines of the Catholics as some may imagine; but during the course of a long reign of open war, or restless and inquiet peace, Queen Elizabeth was engaged in transactions of the greatest importance with the other powers of Europe, managed by her with so much courage, prudence, and dexterity as have rendered her reign one of the most glorious in our country. But in her relations with other states, particularly the king of Spain, and during the prevalence of the Catholic league in France, her Catholic subjects were supposed to be so doubtfully affected, or inclined to co-operate with her external enemies, that they were coerced and restrained, not from religious but political considerations they were deemed disloyal subjects to Elizabeth's person and government, and for that reason they experienced harsh treatment from her. But in the reigns which followed, amidst innumerable unjust, rigorous and cruel penal laws there were few restrictions and disabilities imposed on the Catholics. These took their rise in a later period. In the reign of Charles II. they originated in the jealousy of the religious sentiments of that monarch—a jealousy indeed which appears to have been well founded. At the revolution, it was not Catholics, but Jacobites, that were to be restrained. After the arbitrary attempts and the tyrannical proceedings of James II. had drove him from the throne, it was natural to think that a prince who, from devotion to the religion of the Catholics had sacrificed a crown would become the favourite of that body. In Ireland this feeling was more strong; the union of James II. and the Catholics was so much more complete, that the two things could not be separated, and Catholics became objects of peculiar suspicion and severity to the law, as the adherents of the exiled monarch. It was not their religious doctrines, but their political confederacy with James II. that drew down upon them so many penalties, and exposed them to so much severity. William III. I have ever considered one of the greatest princes that ever filled the throne of this or any other country—a character wholly exempt from religious bigotry, on the contrary formed by nature and habit to protect and encourage the principles of freedom and toleration. Those who would represent king William as a religious bigot, as a furious persecutor of religious opinion, degrade a character which they either misrepresent, or do not understand. It is perfectly well known that he yielded with the utmost reluctance to the severe restrictions that were imposed upon the Catholics, and he yielded to them only because he was told, that those who were the enemies of his person and title could never safely be entrusted with any portion of power. Whether it would have been wise to soften the restrictions, or to have removed them altogether, is not now the question. King William, contrary to his principles and to his habits, acquiesced in the wishes of a nation he was called to govern, and the restrictions were imposed for the security of the establishment upon political, not upon religious grounds. The years that followed the revolution were years of war, or of suspicious, doubtful truces. During all that time it was the favourite policy of France to embarrass this country by a disputed succession. She naturally, therefore, looked to the Catholics, particularly those of Ireland, as instruments of forwarding her designs. The Catholics, therefore, were more and more involved in the cause of the exiled family, and therefore rendered objects of dislike and distrust to the friends of the revolution, on account of that connection. Hence the Catholics were in every sense of the word disarmed. They were stripped of power, of distinction, nay of property. But it was owing to their political connection with the Stuarts, more than their religious tenets, that they were exposed to these hardships. Some religious bigots, indeed, may have expected that the measures of severity employed would have operated the conversion of the Catholics of Ireland. With lenient measures it is possible that this conversion might have been effected—but in the way which things were conducted, that was not to be expected. The laws under which the Catholics suffered, were the refore in reality made against the Jacobites; and as the apprehensions of the exiled family long continued, so did the laws made to repress the Catholics. The good conduct of the Catholics of Ireland, during two rebellions, gave them claims to the favourable opinion of the government, but so late as those events they had not ceased to be the objects of suspicion, on account of their supposed political partialities. Soon after the extinction of the last of those rebellions, which occurred during the two first reigns of the house of Brunswick, a new era was commenced. The danger to the constitution and government of this country from the Stuart family was wholly at an end at the time of his majesty's accession to the throne—nay, during the latter years of George II. it was quite contemptible. Then was the time at which it must have become safe, even in the opinion of the most timid, to mitigate the severity of the laws against the Catholics. I believe that some symptoms of a relaxation in fact, of the prejudices and severities against the Catholics began to appear under the lord lieutenant of the duke of Bedford who held that office about the time his majesty succeeded

throne. At that period there appeared circumstances which proved the cause of the restrictions to be at an end. So far from fearing he Catholicks as enemies, arms were put into their hands contrary to law, when upon some occasion the enemy appeared off the coast of Ireland—thus, shewing that the Catholicks, who by law were held so suspected as to be deprived of arms were armed by the administration for the publick defence. That the situation of the Catholicks then began to attract the attention of the publick men, and with a disposition to relieve them from the hardships under which they laboured, is well known, and I refer to Mr. Burke's letters as a proof of this. I remember that so far back as the year 1776, from an accidental circumstance that fell out in this house, the situation of the Catholicks of Ireland began to form the topic of conversation, and if the feelings which then appeared did not immediately disclose themselves in formal propositions, it may have been, that the interest of the immediate questions of the time, and the warmth of party politics left little room for other considerations. In consequence of the sentiments I have described, however, I have no doubt that the act brought in for the relief of the Catholicks by Sir George Saville and Mr. Dunning, men whom I name only to recall their memory with feelings of reverence and esteem, was introduced. I believe, too, there is little doubt that that measure had a view to Ireland more than to England, where custom and forbearance had, in point of fact, left so much less to be done for the real relief and security of the Catholicks. I thought then, as I have always thought since, that to deprive men of political rights for religious opinions, without a strong and imperious necessity, was tyranny. What was done, it was expected, might lead to something being done in Ireland to the same end, nor was the expectation disappointed. I remember too, what staggered men at that time, was not any dread of the Pope or the Pretender, of whom it was then usual for many to speak, some with a degree of compassion, some with triumph, but none with the smallest degree of alarm or apprehension. The difficulty most generally felt was, that the long existence of the penal laws, together with what (I beg pardon of the Irish gentlemen) I cannot help calling the ferocious manner in which the higher orders of the Irish proprietors carried themselves towards the lower Catholick body had produced such a degradation in the latter as rendered it doubtful, as Mr. Burke states, how far men so constituted could be entrusted with the exercise of political rights. It was feared too, that from the effect of the laws against the Catholicks by changing the natural current of property, by interdicting to the Catholick the acquisition of many kinds of it, while by civil wars and revolutions, the Catholick had been almost entirely deprived of all property, such an extraordinary state of things had arisen as would defy the application of common political principles. I would not be thought to compare the respective classes of society, those who held & those who had no property, to the negroes & whites in the West-Indies; but certainly property was almost entirely in the hands of what was called the Protestant Ascendancy, and the Catholicks remained not merely destitute of property, but in circumstances of degradation, that most peculiarly marked that strange and unnatural state of human society. Nevertheless, in a government like this, so complicated in its nature, and aiming by so many concurrent operations at the support of liberty and good administration, it is so material that property and power should go hand in hand, and that there should in the want of property be no circumstance beyond the want of it, to give a peculiarity of feature to the individual, it was necessary to begin with laying a foundation, on which the further extension of the rights of the catholicks should be built. The first object, then, was to enable the Catholicks to acquire property, from doing which they were prohibited. This law was attended with the most beneficial consequences. Not only a new impulse was given to industry, and a new extension to the productive powers of wealth which already existed, but a vast additional mass of wealth was created in the hands of those who had possessed little or none before. The Catholick body then began to assume a new character. The line of demarcation between those who had property and those who had not was gradually rendered less marked, and the Catholicks have not only advanced in wealth, but have recovered much of that property of which, by adverse circumstances, they had long before been deprived. This latter point I allude to particularly, in order to obviate an apprehension, that a concession of the Catholick claims would lead to a resumption of all that property which is secured by the act of settlement. This appears to be one of the wildest alarms that can be concieved. But suppose the attempt to give back all past forfeitures were made, what would be the consequence? Would it not be to strip of their property those Catholicks who have now acquired it? Would it not be to strip those Catholicks who are now rich and opulent, in favour of those who are not? Surely there is little reason to apprehend that the Catholicks would exert the power with which they might be indulged, to produce effects by which they themselves must be the immediate and principal sufferers.
The disabilities under which the Catholicks labour, are of two sorts. Incapacity to hold certain offices, civil and military, and to sit in parliament.—These who have been in the habit of consulting that odious chapter of our statute law, which, in the eyes of all enlightened men at home and abroad, must ever stand as the most questionable parts of a political system, so much admired on the whole, know well that the restraints as to those points are of very different kinds. In some of them the incapacitation suffered by the individual operates as a limitation on the prerogative of the crown. The crown is restrained in its general power of appointing to offices by the law, which says that the Catholick shall not be appointed.—The object of the test act was to prevent Charles the Second from employing Catholicks. And here let me state an observation on this point, which is rather whimsical, but at the same time is very strong and convincing. It will shew very strikingly the different views which our ancestors entertained from us in the nature of this species of restriction. It is now contended that one great reason for excluding Catholicks from the service of a Protestant king is analogy, and that as the king is a Protestant, so his servants shall be of the same religion. But when the difference of sects exists, as it does among us, this analogical beauty and perfection of the constitution is quite lost. The reason, however, why our ancestors would not suffer Charles II. to employ Catholicks was, because they had doubts whether he himself was not a Catholick. This was far more reasonable than our view of the case. Had they been quite satisfied of Charles II. being a sincere Protestant, they might not have been so averse to his employing Catholicks. But if the king was supposed to have a secret leaning to the Catholick religion, he might be suspected of bad motives in wishing to employ persons of the same religion. But surely it is strange, that, at a time when there can be no suspicion (I speak now generally of the reigning sovereign,) of the king on the throne being a Roman Catholick, his prerogative should be restrained as to the employment of Catholicks because he is a Protestant. The test act, however, which was introduced in the reign of Charles II. has received the approbation of many great men, and even of Mr. Locke himself, though it, perhaps, may be thought that his sentiments published in a political pamphlet, probably with some view to particular occasions,
may not be deemed of authority equal to his more general doctrine. In the succeeding reign, however, James II. wished to procure the repeal of the test act. But as James II. was a Catholick, it was the prevailing opinion, that in all the circumstances of the case, to have repealed that act, would have committed to that prince measures which he was but too likely to employ against the liberties of the country. It was afterwards constituted, even in the reign of king William, who was no friend to restrictions of that sort, because the high church party, who had concurred with the settlement at the revolution, thought they had obtained a security for the church against a body of men, of whom they were, or affected to be, afraid, while the other party by a sort of compromise acquiesced, being afraid of the consequences of the clamour which might have been raised had the act been repealed. Thus the law continued not only to operate against the Roman Catholicks but against other dissenters from the church. The test act requires those who undertake offices to do certain things—but how has it been enforced in Ireland? There it has with respect to Protestants been in many points repealed. How has it applied to the Catholick? It has been given up as to many subordinate offices, as to the military profession below a certain rank, as to the bar wholly, with the exception of a few superior stations. After this review of the situations from which the Catholicks are excluded, the enemies of their claims then come and say, "Why surely you don't all expect to be chancellors and staff officers, and therefore you have no reason to complain that any one of you is injured by the exclusion." This cold and unfeeling argument to console the Catholicks under a degradation, deserves to be examined. Do you think the Catholicks not worthy to be trusted at all? If so, any office filled by them would, of course, be ill executed. But what would be the consequence of this principle in every profession and trade? I may tell a man going to the bar, you may possibly succeed, you may make money, but do you expect to be chancellor? Apply it to trade. A man commencing business may be very well pleased to make a living, with something over—but what would be the consequence of laying it down that no man's fortune should ever exceed a million? All such restrictions damp ardour, discourage enterprise, and unnerve industry. Place the limit where you please, still that limit has a most unfavourable influence on the spring and activity of the human mind. Few men ever make a million, but still to draw any line by which the gains of trade should be confined, would be to destroy the spirit and energy of a commercial country. Do we hear it said, and are we not proud to hear it said, by many persons in this country, who have risen from small beginnings, "thank God I am a member of a community, where by industry, perseverance, and good conduct, I am permitted, if I can, to acquire and enjoy a fortune, equal to that of the first duke of the land?" Are these not cheering and encouraging considerations; are they not calculated to stimulate industry and to call forth the powers of the mind? But what would be the consequence, if not only a limit was assigned, but if a particular class of men in the state were marked out, and restrained from advantages which their neighbours were permitted freely to enjoy? The case may be still more strong when applied to professions. Let me ask any gentleman, if it would not damp the ardour of hope, and the energy of exertion, to tell a man going to the bar, that he might indeed make a little money by practise, but that the honours of the profession were shut against him? Nay would it not operate totally, not only on the zeal of competition, and the vigour of industry, but might it not operate too on parents, to deter them from encouraging and cultivating the talents of their children? It may be very true indeed, that many parents are ridiculous in their hopes of the future eminence of their children; but, the hope that their children may distinguish themselves too often affords them the means and opportunity to do so. And are these incitements to industry, these inducements to cherish and cultivate talents, not diminished by the consideration that, even at the bar, a Catholick can but run a cert in way in the race with his competitor; and that, however he may deserve, he cannot gain the prize? Apply it now to the military career, and the case appears the strongest of all. Does any man enter into that profession for the sake of subsistence? Are not glory and fame the grand incentives? Yet what must be the feelings of the lieutenant, of the captain, animated with all the ardour of those feelings which render arms the noblest profession, when he reflects on all he has seen, all he has done, all he has seen others do, when he combines and compares the measures of the commander, and thinks how he in similar circumstances, would have acted, what must be his feelings when he remembers with a sigh—"but I never can command any army. 'Tis true I may be a colonel, but I never can have a superior command." Must not these disheartening reflections in a profession, the soul of which is glory, chill every generous ardour, and deaden every spring of enterprise? A man of honour may still expose or sacrifice his life; but how cruel the distraction, how painful the recollection, that while others aspire to the highest rank and fame, he is forever precluded from the proud eminence of chief command? How can the military spirit and enthusiasm support a man under discouragements like these? And is it nothing to the state to repress talents that must prove its glory and defence?
Even in the gradation of other offices, the limit beyond which there is no ascent is of the worst influence upon the character. The human mind requires all the helps and props which circumstances can give to incite to virtue, and to deter from vice. I do not mean to say, because a man has reached something beyond which he cannot go, that then he is to become indifferent to reputation. Few might say, that then quocunque modo rem was to be the sole object. But surely it will not be denied that an indifference might spring up when the stimulus to exertion was withdrawn. A man might do his bare duty par maniere diacquit , but it would be absurd to expect zeal from the mass, particularly if the limit of advancement was itself to operate as a sort of brand and degradation. And if there are hardships, is not the bitterness of them aggravated when it is felt by so many—when this degraded condition is the lot of three fourths of the whole people of Ireland—of one fifth of all his majesty's European subjects?
So far then as to the operation of the restrictions as they apply to the limitation of the king's prerogative. On this head, however, I may take notice of the office of sheriffs, from which Catholicks are at present excluded. But surely if there be any danger to be apprehended from entrusting the office of sheriffs to Catholicks, good care would be taken that no such persons should be nominated.
The next point is the effect of the restrictions, so far as they affect the right of sitting in Parliament. It is well known that during the reigns of Elizabeth, king James I. Charles I. and down to about 1678, Catholicks sat and voted in Parliament; and I defy the most zealous historians to shew that any mischief arose from their doing so. Even Mr. Locke, who approves the test act, says of Catholicks being in Parliament, that it was "very safe and beneficial to the country." It ceased about the time of the popish plot, about which, I believe, all who have set themselves impartially to consider the transaction, must have a very decided opinion. Nevertheless, during that period, when the nation was roused to the utmost pitch of alarm, when nothing was heard of but conspiracies of the papist minority to murder the vast protestant majority, when the king's life was
the assailed, the silver bullets prepared, and the king of Spain ready to land in England to support the Catholick party—under the fever which all those monstrous rumours inspired, Catholick peers were deprived of the right to sit in parliament. In fact, this attack on them was the only thing which the zeal and fury of the times had left to be done against them.
As to the restriction of the right of Catholicks to sit in the House of Commons it is, so far as it goes, a limitation of the elective franchise. The right of electing has been already granted to Catholicks, but they must not chuse a Catholick. Can there be danger in allowing Catholicks to sit among us? The test act, applies to dissenters in regard to offices, but not to their assisting in this house, of which many of them have been, and are the ornaments. Why then should there be more danger to the church from the Catholicks than from the dissenters, who are supposed to be at least averse to the ecclesiastical establishment? But should the right of sitting in this house be granted to the Catholicks, does any man believe that there could ever be so many as 60 Catholick members? I believe it to be next to impossible that any thing like half that number should ever have seats in this house. How then could they be dangerous? On the other hand, if the doctrine of virtual representation, so often maintained, and I admit justly maintained, in opposition to schemes of parliamentary reform, be well founded, would it not perfect the principle of virtual representation that to the representation of land-holders, merchants, tradesmen, lawyers, &c. there should be added the representative of the Catholicks, who, as a body, have not even a virtual representation in this house? In order, therefore, to attain what is wanting to the publick, the Catholick body should have their virtual representation in this assembly. When it has been urged that Manchester, Sheffield, &c. were not represented, it has been said, and truly to a certain extent, that they were represented by the various interests in this town connected with them and their posterity. The very idea of representation, even virtual representation, is, that there exists such a sympathy between the representative and the bodies or persons represented, that he must pursue their interests. But if a Catholick has not an opportunity to send to Parliament those who are likely to sympathise with him, it cannot with any truth or fairness be said that he is even virtually represented in the house of commons. With respect to the Catholicks being inadmissible to corporations, perhaps the injury arises chiefly from the stamp of degradation it carries with it, because these corporations being composed entirely of protestants, there could be little chance of a Catholick ever gaining admittance. The stigma only is retained, and only in such a way as to be injurious to the feelings of the Catholick body.
I shall now briefly take notice of a few objections to the measure. Jacobitism is given up—I take that for granted. But it is said that there must be an incongruity and incompatibility in two persons of such opposite religions acting together in publick affairs for the publick good. I should like to hear this theory explained; for theory it appears solely to be. What necessity would there be for a Protestant and Catholick statesman quarrelling about doctrines of religion, when it was to be considered whether a fleet should be sent to the West-Indies or Mediterranean? Must it infallibly happen that one will attack the other at the council board, saying, "Oh! but you worship the Virgin Mary, and believe in transubstantiation—But I don't?" Are such puerilities to be expected in the present day? Nay, is such a thing to be expected on a bench of judges, to which the Catholicks have admission? Such a thing might happen in Turkey where the religion and law of Mahomet are so interwoven; but such incompatibilities are quite foreign from the nature of our laws and administration. But while some are so fearful that men of different religions could never serve together cordially, we find those maxims are contrary to the practice of all Europe. Nay, at the time when religious bigotry compelled Henry IV. to change his religion, was Sully, a Protestant, considered a bad minister of a Catholick king? Was Neckar, whatever faults might be imputed to him, a worse minister of finance, because a Protestant? Nay, does the Emperor of Germany, whose house has never been remarkable for religious toleration, scuple to entrust a Protestant prince, Ferdinand of Wittenberg, with the guard of his person? Does the king of Prussia refuse to employ a Catholick? would Frederick the great have rejected an able man on that account? In Russia where the Greek church is established, prince Czarstorinski, a Catholick, is Secretary of State.—In Venice, formerly, a Greek patriarch, and a Catholick apostolick vicar would have been found acting in perfect harmony. Was there ever any incompatibility between the Protestant and Catholick contents of Switzerland, when the most democratical of the cantons, and the most bigotted Catholicks, because probably the most ignorant in Europe, are to be found in the smaller cantons of the Helvetic union? Now indeed though the pretender be gone, the pope remains and from him danger is apprehended, because forsooth he has been to Paris to crown the new emperor of France. But for what reason could the pope ever have been an object of alarm to England? surely for no other reason than the influence he might be supposed to have over the Catholicks, in stirring them up to rebellion. But did the pope ever do so when he might have served both the French king and the house of Stuart? But in 1715 and 1745, the pope could not still the Catholicks. In the late rebellion it is very curious to remark, that the Catholicks, who at least were only in proportion to the protestants engaged in that affair, were not instigated by the pope. Were they incited by the pope to follow Mr. O'Connor, Dr. Mac Nevin, &c. By no means. It is worthy of remark, that at the very time the pope was in hostility with France, when he was on good terms with this country, and looked to it for protection; he had not the power to influence the Catholicks of Ireland, and, if he had possessed the power, he would have used it to dissuade the Catholicks from such proceedings.—Surely, after this, it is ridiculous to represent the pope as a formidable instrument in the hands of Buonaparte. Besides if Buonaparte wished to employ the pope's influence to stir up the Irish, would it not rather be to send emissaries among them secretly, to represent to them their degraded state, to tell them how vain it was to look to England for redress? Would not this be an influence far more dangerous than any which the pope could obtain over Catholick gentlemen or noblemen in parliament; for it could be credited, that of all the Catholick representatives so many as three could never be found weak and wicked enough to lend their efforts to a foreign country, to betray the government that protects them? I need not, sir, take up any time in reminding the house, that though the form of religion in Scotland differs essentially from what is established in this country, no inconveniences have arisen, no danger has been experienced to our national establishment. The Presbyterians of Scotland swear that they confine their differences solely to matters of doctrine and discipline, and with that assertion we are completely satisfied.
In the case of Roman Catholicks, you call on them to swear to particular points, and when they have taken the oath you will not believe their testimony. To call on a man for a declaration on oath, and after the declaration is given, to affect to disbelieve it is at all times a proof of the greatest malignity of disposition and the most contemptible weakness of understanding. In the government of the present day, however, it would appear in colours still more odious, and still more unjustifiable. It is nothing short
of calling on men to conform to the particular terms of an act, and this solely with the view of making those who accede to its conditions forswear themselves. You first hold out inducements to them to swear to the renunciation of certain opinions, and then engaged. If they have the slightest connexion with the Roman Catholick religion, if ever they venture to attend mass, it is no longer in their power to preserve any sort of regard for the sanctity of an oath, and therefore you may safely consider all they have solemnly declared as absolutely amounting to nothing. No trust can be placed in their testimony, because such is the nature of their religion that they cannot be trusted. Having then made this sort of general distinction against the Roman Catholicks, what is it sir, that is done to remedy this evil? What is resorted to to make the oath of men of such a chany? You begin by saying that these persons are unworthy of being believed, and you get rid of the difficulty by imposing another oath. You think your establishment in danger, if the Catholicks of Ireland are admitted to a fair participation of the privileges of the constitution; and you remedy this evil by calling on them to take a particular oath, admitting that, that oath without hesitation, because with them it has no force. I appeal then to the house whether the case is not, in this sort of proceeding, something that has very much the appearance of folly? If it is not founded in folly, it is certainly most highly insulting to every ingenious mind among the respectable Catholick body. It is representing them as a set of men equally incapable of observing the most sacred ties among men, and the most respected rights in society. I have no wish, sir, to engage in controversy discussions, for they are contrary to all my feelings, inconsistent with all the habits of my life. They are seldom introduced into this house with much profit, and in many cases are productive of material inconvenience.—Without, however, at all introducing such discussions, I must be permitted to say, that such a representation of the Catholicks as that to which I have referred, is one of a very extraordinary nature.—At this moment three fourths of Europe consist of Christians professing the Roman Catholick religion; are we then to be told that this large proportion of the civilized inhabitants of this part of the world, are men who are utterly undeserving of all belief, even when their testimony is ratified by an oath; that they are incapable, not merely of the relations of peace and amity, but that they are unfit for supporting any of the common relations of life? I am sure such a proposition as that will not be attempted to be introduced into this house. No man will dare to come forward and assert that, because three fourths of the Christians of Europe are Roman Catholicks, we are to consider them as incapable of the relations of peace and amity—incapable of the connexions of commerce—incapable of any of those obligations by which the faith of one state is guaranteed to another. Such a doctrine as this would, on account of religious opinions, suppose nations incapable of all the relations of civilized life, would be a doctrine fit only to have been entertained in the dark and superstitious ages. It is a doctrine which can only be traced to the wildest and most abominable bigotry. When the oaths in question were first proposed, at the time when a number of concessions were to be made to the Catholicks, I among others, objected to them as altogether unnecessary. The house was then of a contrary opinion, and the oaths were made a condition of the concessions to be granted by the legislature. What then has been the consequence? Why, sir, the Catholicks have taken the oaths, their archbishops and inferior clergy have taken them, and still it is contended that all this will not satisfy our anxiety for the ecclesiastical establishment. The Catholicks cannot be believed, and therefore their testimony is quite nugatory. When the petition was first read at the table, I did flatter myself that the explicit declaration of the petitioners, that the oaths had been taken, would have made a strong impression on the house. Why then are we now to hear that this declaration is far from affording satisfaction? I recollect, sir, when talking on this subject with a much valued friend of mine, the late Lord Petre, whose presence would have done honour to any assembly, I gave my opinion fairly, that to me the oaths seemed altogether superfluous. He, on the other hand, was anxious that the oaths should be taken, as the best means of doing away those calumnies which have been heaped on the Catholick body. My reply was simple, that it certainly might be very justifiable, nay, perhaps, very proper for the Catholick body to take this mode of placing their principles in a fair point of view, but that it was unworthy of the dignity of the legislature to demand such a declaration from so numerous and respectable a body. Being on this part of the subject, I think it proper to add, that the oaths on which so much stress is laid, have been positively taken by four Catholick archbishops, by all the bishops, and by the greater part of the inferior clergy. Though my own opinion remains unaltered, I now make must be considered as sufficient to refute the accusations of those who could wish to describe the Catholicks as men who have not in good earnest renounced the opinions, on which the resistance to their claims is principally founded. We are told, however, that the Irish Catholicks have already had so much conceded to them, that it is quite extraordinary to hear them calling for still greater indulgencies. With this idea I cannot possibly concur, and on the contrary, think that their present demands are strictly consistent with every principle of reason, and every view of human nature. When you have conceded to men certain privileges, it is to be expected that their desires of a still more perfect state of political situation will be increased. When you have to a certain degree assimilated one body of the subjects of an empire to the other, there will necessarily be created an anxiety to enjoy a more perfect similarity with the rest of the community. If the Catholicks of Ireland were raised from a state of debasing oppression, and restored to the character of men, it was not surely extraordinary that with this nobler character which they had obtained, they should feel an ardent wish that it should be accompanied by every corresponding privilege. Nothing short of this could possibly satisfy the expectation which had been excited, and that man must shut his eyes to the nature of man, and the genius of the human mind, who could not perceive that the people of Ireland, though in the first instance they might view the concessions afforded them with feelings of gratitude, still reflected that they were subjects of indispusable right, and that if what they now claimed was not granted them a very important part of these rights was withheld. They could easily too distinguish betwixt a favour granted to an individual, or to a number of individuals, and a right unjustly denied, and at length conceded to the demands of four millions of the general population of the country. From the moment that the concessions were first granted to the Catholicks, it was easy to see that much more was required. When the Catholicks had gained much, they were sensible that they had yet a great deal to receive. Will it be argued, sir, that after all you had conceded, what remains is not fairly to be given up to the Catholick body of Ireland? Shall we hear that the Catholicks are disaffected, or in danger of disaffection, and at the same time shall we shut our eyes against the fact, that in our army and in our navy, these very Catholicks are employed; that vast bodies of the Catholick

THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIME, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 26, 1805.
TO SUBSCRIBERS, &c.
The declining state of my health for some time past, and at present, rendering a change of climate necessary, I have this day disposed of my interest in the Establishment of the Norfolk Gazette and Publick Ledger, to my former associate Mr. John Cowper; under whose direction the paper will henceforth be conducted in such a manner as, I can with certainty and pleasure anticipate, will leave its patrons no reason to regret the change.
GEO: L. GRAY.
July 26, 1805.
OFFICE OF THE PUBLICK LEDGER, July 26, 1805.
The co-partnership of the proprietors of the Publick Ledger having been this day dissolved, those indebted will make payment to John Cowper, who will pay any debts which the establishment may owe.
JOHN COWPER, GEO: L. GRAY.
It is with unfeigned regret that I announce to the Publick, that Mr. Gray has been obliged to withdraw from the Publick Ledger; which will henceforth be conducted by me, and in such a manner, and upon such principles as will, I hope, secure to it the patronage it has hitherto experienced.
Unconnected as I now am with Mr. Gray, I might certainly be excused in attempting to render that justice which is due to his talents and industry, if the pages of the Ledger did not furnish an honourable record of both, and supersede the necessity of any eulogium from me.
I shall continue to conduct the Ledger with that independence which my duty as an Editor commands, and which as a Citizen belongs to me. Upon publick men and publick measures, a free investigation, accompanied with decency and temper, will be occasionally made in this paper by the Editor; and he will thankfully receive communications, which have for their object the publick good, or the amusement and improvement of society.
JOHN COWPER.
Captain Dechamps from Antigua, states, that an American vessel arrived there three days before he sailed, the Captain of which informed him that he fell in with the French fleet in latitude 25—that two days after, he was boarded by an officer from Lord Nelson's fleet. The French were steering more to the Northward than Lord Nelson.
THE LAT-CURATE, will be given in our next.—The Speech of Mr. Fox upon the Catholick Petition, occupies so large a portion of our paper of this day, that much other interesting matter has been omitted. We have already given the debate in the House of Lords upon this important subject. In the speeches in that debate, the subject was in some of its branches not even touched on, and in others but slightly investigated—the speech of Mr. Fox, will be found to contain a deep, eloquent, and solid investigation of the whole question.—We, at this distance, are astonished that every prejudice did not vanish before this brilliant display of unrivalled talents and eloquence.
Egyptian Wheat.—A pound of this grain having been lately sent by Mr. Moore, of Dublin, as a present to Mr. Jefferson, the following account taken from a late English paper, will shew its produce, and estimation in which it is held in England.—“Mr. Shower of Lincoln, three years ago, planted 25 grains of this wheat. The second year's produce was 10 bushels. This year he reaped upwards of 40 quarters, part of which, the last week, he sold at 5 guineas per quarter.” [Boston post.]
From Demerara.—A letter from a respectable gentleman at Demerara, (received via Barbados,) dated June 4, mentions that the shipping there were embargoed, including about 70 sail homeward bound English merchantmen from Surinam, Berbice, &c. The Americans were only allowed to land fish and timber, but in consequence of the embargo, the governor had permitted the landing of provisions in small quantities on petitions. The embargo extending to colony boats the sale of fish was totally prevented for the time; almost every article except fish was selling well. Sugars, were at 4 3-4 stivers. [ibid.]
Captain Ogilvie from Malaga, informs us that the Carthagena fleet, consisting of eleven sail of the line, had got out of the Mediterranean.
Capt. Ogilvie further states, that it was reported at Cadiz, as well as at Malaga, that the British government, (having considered the circumstances of the capture of three Spanish frigates previous to a declaration of war) had offered to restore them to Spain, together with their treasure on board of them at their capture: but, that the Spanish government indignantly refused the offer, observing at the same time, that Great Britain could make no restitution for the valuable lives lost during the illegal engagement. [N. Y. post.]
A letter received by a gentleman in this city, from a respectable character in Santo Domingo, dated the 25th June, states that it was reported there, that the French and Spanish fleets had taken the Cape and Port au Prince; and that the Brigands had retreated to the mountains with great loss, without burning these cities. [Charleston Times.]
ST. JOHN'S, (Antigua) July 4, 1805.
Yesterday evening an alarm was fired at Monk's Hill, upon the appearance of 4 ships and a brig in the North-East quarter, when the militia immediately assembled with their usual alacrity. The vessels that occasioned it having past by, the alarm was discharged this morning about 7 o'clock. We have not been able to learn whether the ships were friends or enemies.
Since our last, the masters of two or three of our ships that left this Island the 7th of June, and were captured next day by the combined fleet of France and Spain, have arrived here from Guadalupe.—The whole of the trade was captured in the space of a few hours, and the masters and crews distributed among the enemy's ships. Such of them as fell into the hands of the Spaniards were plundered of every
thing, except the clothes on their backs. The survivors appear to have been left on the respective vessels in which they were on the day following the capture, the whole of them were sent to the southward under cover of French frigates, having a number of troops on board, a part of which they landed at Guadalupe, and immediately followed the prizes, which it was supposed might be destined to Porto Rico. The troops on board the frigates, were such as had been taken from Guadalupe and Martinique. When our informant arrived at the former place, the greatest surprise was expressed at the fleet having past this Island without reducing it.
SAVANNAH, July 13.
By Captain Chadwick, of the schooner Hannah, arrived here yesterday from St. Mary's, we have been favoured with an account of an engagement which took place on Saturday last, at Rose Bluff, between a schooner fitted out by the Cambrian frigate, for the purpose of cutting out from their moorings on the Spanish shore, the vessels referred to in the above extracts of letters. The schooner fitted out by the British frigate was captured by her from the French, about two weeks since, after a chase of 22 hours, between Charleston and Tybee bar, mounting 18 nine pounders, and carrying 110 men. She appeared abreast of St. Mary's at 3 o'clock, and came too, and at 4 got under weigh again, and sailed up the river to commence the attack, which took place about five. The engagement lasted near an hour, when three boats were manned by the British schooner to board the privateer, which they effected, and retook the ship, brig, and privateer. The English had 4 killed and 10 wounded. The lieutenant received a shot through the jaw, and in one of his thighs, but was not thought in a dangerous state. On the part of the Spaniards five were killed, and fifteen made prisoners, and the rest jumped overboard and swam to the shore. Among the former were Captain Hooper, the commander of the privateer, and Captain John Randolph, late of this city.
* The ship Golde Grove, and brig Ceres.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
British brig Thomas and Sarah, Dechamps, 19 days from Antigua, Rum, Sugar, and Wine, Robert Gibson.
A ship from Lisbon anchored in the Roads this morning.
Arrived at Antigua from the 27th June to the 3d of July.
Brig James, Godwin, from Hartford; brig Catherine, Seward, and schooner Experiment, Nash, from Norfolk; schr. John Ellis, Wade, from Newbern; schr. Citizen, Lawson, from Alexandria.
Chared out from Antigua, July 2. Sloop Victory, Hoyt, Connecticut; schr. Nancy, Conner, North-Carolina; Betsy Cox, Newbern; Sally and Priscilla, Hinton, St. Bartholomews.
CUSTOM-HOUSE—ENTERED.
Brig Thomas and Sarah, Dechamps, Antigua; Sch'r. Mary, Bennett, East Greenwich.
CLEARED.
Sch'r. Seventy-Six, Wills, Havanna; Three Friends, Howes, Boston.
Ferguson's Packet will sail for Baltimore on Sunday next. July 22.
GOULD's Packet will sail for Baltimore on Tuesday.—A few thousand well burnt BRICKS for sale on board. July 26.
COCKE & SANFORD,
Have received per the Ship SHEFFIELD, from Bourdeaux, Imperial Blue and Black CLOTHS.
FANCY WAISTCOATING, Silk HOSIERY, and CLARET WINE in cases.
July 26. 2w 21
MISSING—THREE BUNDLES LEATHER,
Consisting of—Sole, Bridle, and Calf Skins,
THAT were sent by the Subscribers about six weeks ago, to Maxwell's Wharf, to be shipped on board one of the Packets for Williamsburg—which from circumstances it is presumed were put, through mistake of the draughtsman, on board a vessel bound to some other place. Should the person in whose possession it may have fallen, be so good as to return it; all expenses attending it will be paid, and the favour gratefully acknowledged by
William Plume & Co.
July 26. 3w 22
A SINGLE MAN,
Who writes a fair hand, and understands the French language well, will meet with an eligible situation by applying at the Office of the Publick Ledger. July 26. tf 19
WHEREAS my Wife Pegoy, has repeatedly elaped from my bed and house, I hereby forbid any person from harbouring her on the penalty of the law, as I am determined to prosecute those who do—I also forbid all, and every person from trusting her, as I will pay no debts of her contracting.
Emanuel Jacomie.
Norfolk County, July 26. 3w 20
TO RENT,
Two Rooms adjoining the Office of the Publick Ledger. Apply at this office. July 26.
SALE POSTPONED.
On Friday, the 2d August, Will be Sold, (Sale to commence at 12 o'clock,) At Commerce-Street Wharf,
THE GOOD BRIG NANCY,
As she arrived from the Cape of Good Hope, an excellent strong built vessel, of the burthen of 1750 barrels or thereabouts, a British built vessel, remarkably well found, and may be sent to sea at a small expense.—Inventory may be seen at my office any time before the day of sale.—Terms approved notes 6 and 9 months. John Granbery, V. M. July 17. tds 2
SALE AT AUCTION.
On Friday the 16th day of August, will be Sold, At Publick Auction, on Commerce-Street Wharf,
Sale to commence at 10 o'clock.
THE ENTIRE CARGO OF THE BRIG NANCY, AS IT ARRIVED FROM THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE,
Consisting of the following articles, viz.
125 Casks, containing 15,000 gallons CAPE WINE, some of a superior quality. 22 do. of CONSTANTIA, MUSCAT, & STEEN WINES. 2 Casks of CONSTANTIA WINE. 80 Casks, } ALOES—Containing 50,000 lbs. 63 Casks, } 19 Casks, containing 9,000 lbs. of TAMARINDS. 10 Casks of ARRACK. 250 lbs. NUTMEGS. 4 Hogsheads BRANDY, with some other articles cash.
Terms of sale, will be—all sums under £50 notes with all sums above 100 and not exceeding all sums above 1000 proved indorsers, at 60 days. dollars, at 120 and 180.
John Granbery, V. M. July 17. tds 3
population are now employed in arms to defend Ireland against any attempt which the French may meditate against that part of the empire? Will any gentleman be bold enough to say, that we are perfectly safe in trusting to the rude uncivilized tribes of Ireland, and that there is any danger in admitting to a seat in the legislature, the higher and more respectable gentleman in the community? Do you consent to trust the lower ranks of the Irish people, and can you have any apprehensions of the designs of Lord Fingall and the other noblemen and gentlemen whose names are subscribed to the petition which forms the subject of the motion with which I shall have the honour to conclude? I ask, sir, of those gentlemen who oppose the claims of the petitioners, what description of the Irish people they think unworthy of being trusted? I have already said that you are in the constant habit of trusting the lower orders, whose manners and connexions render them the most subject to suspicion, while to the higher orders, against whom none of these cases of suspicion apply, you appear to entertain the utmost degree of jealousy. You admit the lower orders into situations which are certainly not very well adapted to a suspicion of their loyalty; while the higher orders, whose loyalty was undoubted, were refused the enjoyment of the rights of the highest of the citizens of a free country. To those from whom we have every thing to fear we give nothing, while from those who have every thing to claim our confidence, we withhold what their approved attachment powerfully demands. Surely, Sir, this is a sort of proceeding equally contrary to the principles of common justice and common sense. It cannot for a moment be admitted that what we refuse is withheld from a sense of danger really existing or that what is already conceded will produce all the dangers which can be anticipated. They have had conceded to them this fundamental principle of our free constitution, that all orders in the state are to be equal; that they are to enjoy equal rights and equal accessability to all political privileges. We have therefore, sir, really retained nothing which it is of the least importance for us to keep, but what is it of immense consequence for them to receive. We have only retained that equality of rights which is a privilege the dearest to the human mind. It is this, sir, that gives to our laws their grand distinction, and renders the constitution of this country superior to any other on the face of the globe. This is a privilege which atones for the superiority of fortune, and makes even nations, comparatively poor, elated with their political condition. One of our Poets illustrates this idea in the most beautiful and interesting terms, when describing the manners of the peasantry of Switzerland—
The poor the peasant's hut, his feasts tho' small, He feels his little lot, the lot of all: Sees no contagious palace near his head, To shame the meanness of his humble shed.
This equality of rights is what the Catholic require, and until it is granted they must continue in a state of the utmost degradation. But I am told, sir, that the most eminent of the clergy in this country, that the great majority of the bench of Bishops are hostile to the measure of emancipation. Nothing would be more remote from my wishes than to agitate a question in which the functions of that respectable body could be at all infringed on; but I consider this a question in which their authority has not all that degree of weight which on other subjects I should be the first man in the world to allow it. Political and religious questions have been too often confounded when they ought to have been kept perfectly distinct; and it appears to me that the question before the House is just one of those to which this observation will particularly apply. The wisest philosophers have been desirous to have great political inquiries separated, and it is to be lamented that this desire has in so few instances been gratified. As however the authority of the venerable body to which I have alluded has been introduced, I am happy to have this opportunity of referring to the authority of a writer, who, tho' not possessing a seat on the bench of Bishops, is one whose opinion will have very great weight not only in this House, but with all thinking men in the country.—The authority to which I allude, sir, is that of Dr. Paley; in one of his works where he has occasion to discuss the subject or religious disabilities. With the permission of the House I shall take the liberty of reading a short passage to shew in what light this intelligent and respectable writer views the subject of disabilities founded on religious considerations. [Here the hon. member read a passage from Dr. Paley, the object of which was to shew that all disabilities of this description must be of a temporary nature, and as soon as the circumstances which had occasioned them ceased, they should without delay be abolished.] Here then, said Mr. Fox, resuming, is the authority of one of the ablest writers in this country, and you find that he has no conception of perpetual disabilities. He has no idea that though restrictions might at one time be expedient, those restrictions were to continue for ever. I have thought it incumbent on me to quote so respected an authority, because, when I hear that the higher orders of the clergy affect to entertain alarm for the establishment, it is proper to have it understood that one who is so well known as a friend to that establishment, and who is distinguished by his knowledge on subjects of that description, did not anticipate any extraordinary danger from the measure, which it is my present object to recommend.
Dismissing then this part of the subject, I go on to consider another drawn from the particular time at which the measure is to be brought forward. For my own part, viewing the subject as I do, I really cannot conceive that any time would be improper for introducing it to the consideration of this House. When, however, I take all the circumstances of the case into consideration, I cannot but think the question so far from having been prematurely discussed, ought in propriety to have been agitated immediately after the great measure of the union was carried in this country and in Ireland. It is needless for me now, sir, to enter into any discussion of the policy of that measure. I stated the grounds on which I was decidedly hostile to it, and I have hitherto seen no reason to change that opinion. Whether, however, the measure was right or wrong, I do say that if the expectations of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland were raised by the view of the consequences which were to follow that event, these expectations ought not to have been disappointed. It was certainly held out to the Roman Catholicks, that if the union were carried, a period would arrive when the restriction under which they laboured would be removed, and their rights as citizens and men would be restored. Here again I am called to take notice of an objection against the emancipation, by the application of practice against theory. I confess, sir, I have always been, and never shall cease to be, an advocate for practice above theory, properly understood and wisely applied. Though I admit this, let me not be understood as at all admitting the principle, that severity is more expedient as applicable to the affairs of Ireland, than measures of wise conciliation and liberal policy. I know it may be said, that under the vigorous system adopted by government, prior to the accession of his present majesty, the tranquillity of Ireland was preserved; that in both the rebellions of 1715 and 1745, the Catholicks of Ireland took no part in the struggle which had for its principal object to place a Catholic prince on the throne. I may be told also, that from 1793 to 1798, was, in Ireland, a scene of constant insurrection, and that at the latter
period a desperate effort was made to shake off all connexion with the government of this country. Sorry indeed, should I be if such a representation could not be satisfactorily refuted; for otherwise we should be compelled to admit, that a system of coercion was the most expedient for keeping down the spirit of discontent among a people—that the grand principles of liberty were to be set aside, and that slavery was to bear sway in a nation professing to be free. If persecution were to be the only medium through which we can retain Ireland, then, sir, it would indeed become a lamentable alternative, whether it ought to be totally abandoned or retained by such means as those I have now described—I see no necessity, however, for resorting to such a desperate construction of the circumstances of Ireland, when it is so easy to account for the state of Ireland from 1793 to 1798 on very satisfactory principles. Ireland during that period was certainly exposed to very peculiar difficulties, and it is surely needless for me to say that they were greatly augmented by the circumstances of the French revolution.
(To be Continued.)
BOSTON, JULY 17. FROM ENGLAND.
By the ship Belvidere, captain Schenk, arrived here yesterday, in 43 days from Liverpool, we have received files of the London Courier, Messenger and Traveller, up to May 30, 1805—five days later than before received. They do not afford any addition of consequence to our former stock of intelligence;—except the Dutch decree on commerce; this article, with others of some interest we have extracted.
LONDON, MAY 30.
Despatches were received last night at the Admiralty from Admiral Lord Gardner, dated the 22d inst. stating, that on the 11th his Majesty's frigate La Loire, in lat. 43, long. 20, W. fell in with five sail of the line and three frigates. (supposed from the West-Indies) standing to the Eastward. She proceeded to communicate the intelligence to the squadron off Ferrol, and Vice Admiral sir Robert Calder, immediately went in pursuit, but not getting sight of them, he thinks they have effected their return to a port in France.
Themore we reflect upon the designs of the French, upon which the curious intercepted correspondence lately published, has thrown such strong light, the more we are convinced, that an attack upon our Indian settlements is one of their great objects. Some private letters received within a day or two from France strengthen our opinion. They state in positive terms, that in a certain latitude, the combined fleets were to separate, and that seven sail of the line were to be detached to the East-Indies with 5000 troops on board. [Courier.]
Lord Keith has left town for Ramsgate, to resume the command of the ships off Bologne.
DUTCH COMMERCE.
The new code of commerce consists of nineteen articles.
1st. The repeal and abolition of all laws and resolutions existing before the decree against trading with Great-Britain. 2d. A prohibition of all direct commerce from any of the Dutch ports with Great-Britain. 3d. Every vessel that shall arrive in any of our ports with false or forged papers direct from Great Britain, or from any port or haven thereunto belonging, shall, together with every article of her cargo, be confiscated. 4th. On information of any vessel, having been under the necessity of putting into any of the British ports, shall have taken any additional articles on board besides her original cargo, she shall be confiscated; and the captain be liable to pay a fine of 1000 guilders, if he be found to have concealed the fact. 5th. A regulation respecting vessels from Great-Britain (whose original destination may be represented to have been for a neutral port) putting into any of the Dutch ports; which shall, if the ship's passport does not clearly prove every part of her cargo to have been destined for such neutral port, be declared to be enemy's property, and confiscated accordingly, so long as free navigation and free commerce be not declared in England. 6th. A fine of 1000 guilders, to be paid by every captain or master of the vessel who shall be found to have any papers, or packet of papers, to be delivered to any of the military officers, on or before their arrival in a Dutch port. 7th. All documents, or ship's papers of whatever description, shall, with the utmost care, be delivered, and also a written declaration by both the captain and master; declaring upon oath whence they came, whither destined, and that they have delivered all papers they had in possession, and that they have not brought over with them, or delivered before their this declaration, any letters or papers whatever. Further, all vessels shall be obliged to take a birth nearest the shore, where they are to remain under guard until they have received leave to weigh anchor. 8th. A prohibition of all importation of British manufacture, from any place and in any manner soever, under penalty of the articles being confiscated, and a fine of 1000 guilders. All indirect importation shall be punished corporally, and, if the case requires it, capitally. 9th. The term British manufacture comprises also coal and train oil. 10th. Goods manufactured in other countries will be admitted, provided they are accompanied with original certificates from the secretary of finance. 11th. No article is to be imported that shall not have been noticed at the different offices of the secretaries of finance during the voyage. 12. All direct communication and commerce between this republick and Great Britain, shall henceforth be prohibited. 13th. Prohibits the exportation of ammunition without previous permission. Tar, salted meat, and cheese, are prohibited from being conveyed to any port on this side of the Weser; and even then without special leave, and for a given quantity only. 14th. A fine of treble the value shall be imposed upon all such articles exported without leave, as shall require such previous special permission; as likewise for rye, oats, beans, peas, split barley, grits, pork, and butter. 15th. Specifies the form in which the certificates are to be drawn. 16th. No vessel shall sail unless she be provided with a special permit of the commissary, &c. besides the other necessary papers. 17th. The captain, passengers, and crew, are prohibited from taking with them letters, packets, or any thing whatever, intended for any port or haven in Great Britain, under the penalty of a fine of 1000 guilders, and one year's confinement; and for which purpose the capt. is required to make his declaration before he sets sail. 18th. Prohibits the landing or unlading on any strands or bye places. 19th. Forbids the casting anchor at any magazine or warehouse, during the passage, within certain limits.
New-York. Lomb's Packet will sail for New-York on Saturday next. July 22.

FOR CHARTER. The good Ship FRANKLIN, SPOONER, Master:— Burthen about three hundred hogsheads.— For terms apply to Moses Myers. July 24. 3w 16
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The good copper-bottomed Ship EARL OF LEICESTER, Two hundred tons burthen, will be ready to receive a cargo in three days. For terms apply to Wilson, Cunningham & Co. July 24. 3w 17
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The fast sailing Schooner CHARMING MARY, CHARLES POTTER, Master:— Burthen about 1200 barrels—will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. For terms, apply to Thomas Allan. July 24.
FOR LIVERPOOL, The British Brig BETSEY, 300 hogsheads burthen—will be ready to re- ceive a cargo in a few days; a large propor- tion of her cargo is now engaged, for the balance apply to C. & F. Whittle. July 22. tf 10
FOR SALE, The Ship MOSELLE, Burthen 525 tons, with all her materials as she now lies at Lefingwell's Wharf, in Portsmouth—Inventory may be seen by application to the Subscriber. Terms of sale, 3, 6, and 9 months. ALSO, The Brig JOSEPHINE, Burthen 164 tons, with all her materials— Inventory may be seen by application as above—Terms of Sale, 60 and 90 days. Leon Hesdra. July 22. 3* 11
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The good American Ship JOHN, A. M. SPALDING, Master:— 297 tons burthen, a staunch, strong, tight vessel, now in complete order for the reception of a cargo.— For terms apply to the Captain on board, or Richard Blow. July 22. tf 12
FOR FREIGHT, OR CHARTER, The copper-bottomed Brig MARY-LOUISA, GEORGE FARBER, Master:— Burthen 1200 barrels—will be ready to re- ceive a cargo in three days. Thomas Willock. July 19. tf 7
FOR A PORT IN FRANCE, The good Ship SHEFFIELD, Captain Josiah Cowper, About 450 Hogsheads burthen, expected from Philadelphia in fifteen days, when she will be in im- mediate readiness for the reception of a cargo. A full freight, or partial shipments will be accepted. For terms apply to Messrs. William & Henry Haxall, of Petersburg, or to John Cowper. Thomas Willock. July 17. tf 5
FOR FREIGHT, OR CHARTER, The Schooner BELLONA, DAVID PATTEN, Master:— Will take in from 7 to 800 barrels. For terms apply to Moses Myers. July 17. 3w 1
FOR PORT GLASGOW, The fast-sailing British armed Ship LADY NELSON, ROBERT MALLISTER, Master, expected to sail by the 1st August, 75 hlds. tobacco, and some cotton will be received on freight, if immediate application is made to Robert Maitland, & Co. Has excellent accommodations for passen- gers. Apply to the Master on board. July 10. 3w 811
FOR LONDON, THE SHIP ROBA & BETSEY, William J. Richardson, Master, Will sail with all convenient speed, two-thirds of her cargo being engaged. For freight of the remainder or passage, apply to the master on board, or to the subscriber. William Pennock. June 6. tf 747
WANTED TO CHARTER, A BRITISH SHIP of 250 to 300 Hogsheads—And AN AMERICAN one of the same description. C. & F. Whittle. June 4. tf 737
WANTED TO CHARTER, A SHIP Of from 200 to 300 tons burthen, to load with Lumber, for a port in Jamaica.—Im- mediate despatch will be given. Apply to Robert Maitland & Co. July 8. 3w 802
FOR CHARTER, The good Ship TICONIC, Burthen about 330 hogsheads Tobacco.— For terms, apply to Moses Myers. July 8. tf 803
FOR CHARTER, The American Ship REUNION, Burthen 280 tons—she will be ready for the reception of a cargo in fifteen days. Warren Ashley. July 8. tf 799
WHO HAS ON BOARD SAID SHIP, 3000 Bushels Coarse SALT. July 8. tf 799
FOR LONDON, The American ship ABERDEEN, WILLIAM MORGAN, Master:— Burthen about 450 hogsheads tobacco.—In- 200 hogsheads the 1st of August—can take on freight about 50 bales cotton. For terms apply W. Southgate. July 3. 4 732
FOR SALE, FREIGHT, OR CHARTER, The American Ship ELIZA, JOSEPH BUNTIN, Master:— Burthen 176 tons, or 230 hogsheads tobacco. For terms apply to the Master on board, or to Phinehas Dana & Co. July 8. tf 804
FOR LIVERPOOL, The good Ship ALEXANDER, MILES KING, Master:— Will sail in all the month of July—part of her cargo being engaged. For freight of the remainder, or passage, apply to J. & W. SOUTHGATE. June 29. 1m 785
FOR FREIGHT, OR CHARTER, The American Ship REBECCA, GILBERT FOWLER, Master:— Burthen 450 hogsheads tobacco, in complete order to receive a cargo, and will be ready in 15 days. For terms, apply to Phinehas Dana & Co. 10,000 Bushels coarse white packing SALT. For Sale, on moderate terms, if taken from alongside. July 15. tf 819
FOR CHARTER, The British Ship DUNROBIN CASTLE, JOHN M'BRIDE, Master:— Burthen 280 tons, carries 14 guns and men suitable. Clyde, or Liverpool, will be preferred. Robertson & Brown. June 8. tf 752
FOR BREMEN, The good fast sailing Ship COMMERCE, JACOB ADAMS, Master:— Will sail in about twenty days—30 to 100 hogsheads can be taken on freight, if immediate application be made to Moses Myers. A few passengers can be accommodated. Apply as above. July 12. tf 817
FOR LONDON, The Ship MENTOR, STEPHEN WATERMAN, Master:— Burthen 330 hogsheads tobacco—Will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days, and will sail by the last of this month. She is a very fine vessel of 18 months old, and well found in every respect. For freight or passage, ap- ply to Freeland & Gibbs, in Petersburg, or to N. Heron. July 8. tf 805
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The fine new American Ship MECHANICK, V. BAGLEY, Master, burthen 250 tons, or about 350 hlds. tobacco, now ready for the reception of a cargo. Robert Gibson. June 27. tf 782
ALSO, The fine new Brig MERRIMACK, BATCHLOR, Master, burthen 145 tons, or about 1400 barrels flour, now ready for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to Robert Gibson. June 27. tf 782
AMERICAN PRINTED COTTONS. LEWIS LANNAY, OF THE HOUSE OF M'CULLOCH & LANNAYS CALLICO MANUFACTURERS—BALTIMORE. Informs the Public that he has just opened an assortment of Calicoes, Shawls, and Pocket Handkerchiefs, of their own Manufacture, in one of Mr. Graham's houses, behind Messrs. Caton & Veale's Store. The prices of the above articles, and peculiar goodness of the colours, are worthy of the attention of Dealers in that line—Those who wish to supply themselves, will do well to apply with- out delay, as he intends making but a short stay here.—He has also a few barrels STARCH & HAIR-POWDER, of the first quality. July 22. 5* 12
FOR SALE, 200 Barrels lately inspected FLOUR, now afloat in the harbour. Francis Smith. July 22. 3 15
REMOVAL. JAMES TUCKER, Has removed to No. 1, HOLT'S LANE, near MAIN-STREET, WHERE HE OFFERS FOR SALE, ON REASONABLE TERMS, HIS STOCK IN TRADE, CONSISTING OF A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF HARDWARE, NAILS, &c. May 8. tf 659
FOR SALE, 250 Barrels Superfine, } FLOUR. 250 do. Fine, } 100 do. X Millings, } 150 do. do. } 50 do. Ship, } BREAD. 90 do. Navy, } 10 Quarter Casks Sherry WINE. For Sale by JAMES MAURICE & CO. April 12. tf 589
NOW LANDING, 90 Bags Prime Green COFFEE. For sale by Moses Myers. July 22. tf 14
LEVIN DORSEY, On Town Point—Wide Water-Street. Has Received by the DUMFRIES, from London, in addition to his former assortment of MATHEMATICAL INSTRUMENTS, &c. Adams's Patent Globes—12 inches. Brass and Wood Compasses—Assorted. Quadrants. Night and Day Telescopes—Assorted. Telescopes for Day only. Patent Time Glasses. From 1-4 to 1-2 minute, and for one and two hours. Gunter's Scales and Dividers—Assorted. Charts, for the West-Indies, and America. Moore's Epitome and Daily Assistant. And has on hand, Blunt's American Practical Navigator—Last edition, with a copious appendix. Blunt's American Coast Pilot. Also for Sale, Bell-Mettler Skillets of Superior Quality. Carriage Wheel Boxes, Bouches, and Solid Brass Sheaves—Assorted. Hoop and Baltimore Bar-Iron—Assorted. All kinds of Mathematical Instruments Repaired, as usual. April 25. tf 623
GILLIAT & MACKINDER, Have received their assortment of SPRING GOODS, By the ship DUMFRIES, from London.—Assorted Packages for exportation, entitled to drawback. April 24. 622
THE SUBSCRIBERS HAVE FOR SALE, ON THEIR WHARF, 70,000 Weight Prime Jamaica, } COFFEE. 40,000 do. Porto Rico, } 5,000 do. St. Domingo, } 10 Puncheons Windward Island RUM. 50 Quarter Casks Old SHERRY. 50 Hogsheads Prime Richmond TOBACCO. 500 Barrels FLOUR—Principally Superfine. 100 do. MESS PORK. 100 Boxes First Quality RAISINS. All of which they will dispose of on liberal terms. C. & F. Whittle. June 4. tf 736
NOTICE. ALL persons having claims against the Estate of the late William Atchison, Esq. are desired to send them to the subscriber, and those indebted are requested to make payment to Mary Atchison, Administratrix. June 29. tf 783
NORFOLK HOTEL. The Subscriber informs his friends and the public, that he has opened an HOTEL in that convenient house formerly the NAVY TAVERN No. 123 Main-Street, where he hopes by his attention, to give satisfaction to those who may favour him with their company. He will always keep the best liquors: and Private Parties will be furnished with Dinners, Suppers, or Rehearsals, at the shortest notice. BOARDERS accommodated by the week, month, or year Henry Benbridge. October 9. tf 170
THE Subscriber intends applying at the Bank of Vir- ginia, for Certificates of One Hundred and Fifty-Nine Shares of Stock, in his own, and Fifty-Seven Shares in the name of Benjamin Harrison, Esq.—The Scrip of the b. forementioned is lost, if found, it is requested it may be returned, it being of no use but to the proprietors. Fortescue Whittle. June 4. tf 738
MARTIN FISK, Has this day landed from the Ship Gloria , from Liverpool, AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF CUT GLASS, For family use—such as Decanters, Wine Glasses, & Tumblers. July 5. tf 795
NANKEENS AND TEAS. 5000 Pieces Yellow NANKEENS, of the first Chop. 30 Chests Hyson and Imperial TEAS. Both entitled to drawback.—For sale by Martin Fisk. WHO HAS THIS DAY LANDING, From the Ship Charleston , Capt. Hall from Liverpool. 100 Crates QUEENS WARE, well assorted. May 29. tf 723
NEW CUT-NAIL MANUFACTORY, ON TOWN POINT, A small distance below County Wharf, Wide Water Street. THE Subscriber has, at a considerable expense, fitted up, in addition to his other business, a complete set of machinery, adequate to finish 500 to 600 lbs. of Nails daily. He is also provided with a good stock of Iron; and with a sufficient number of skillful workmen. He has on hand a constant supply of Nails, Flooring Brads, and Sprigs, which he offers for Sale at the reduced prices as follows, by the keg, viz. 10d, 12d, 20d, Nails, 8d per lb. 8d do. do. 9d per lb. Sheathing do. 7 1-2d per lb. 4d do. 10d per lb. 4d do. 5d per M. 3d do. 7 1-2d do. 8d 10d, 12d, and 20d, Brads, 8d per lb. 6d do. 4s 6d per M. 4d do. 3s do. 3d do. 2s 7 1-2d do. 2d do. 2s 1-2d do. ALSO—HOOP AND BAR-IRON ASSORTED. LEVIN DORSEY. March 18. tf 505
NOW LANDING From on board the Brig Fame , from Havana, and Schooner Lydian , from Antigua, 170 Hogsheads MOLASSES. 129 do. RUM. For sale by William Pennock. May 27. tf 716
FOR SALE, 12 Puncheons ANTIGUA RUM. 15 do. GRENADA do. 5 Pipes HOLLAND GIN. 20 do. COUNTRY do. 12 do. FRENCH BRANDY. 2 do. ALICANT do. 22 Qc. Casks SHERRY WINE. 10 do. MALAGA do. PORT and CLARET WINE, in casks & bottles. 6 Barrels PORK—and about 1000 Dozen PORTER, 9 my last winters flock, equal to any imported. Joseph Hayes. August 24. tf
IRISH LINENS. THE SUBSCRIBER Has received in addition to his London Goods, a large assortment of Irish Linens, Sheetings, Diapers, Dowlas, Hardware, &c. Per Ship Charleston , Captain Hall, from Liverpool, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. ALSO, 300 Pieces Twilled SACKING. Richard Taylor. May 31. 729
COW-POX. THOSE persons who wish to avoid catching the Small- Pox which now exists in this Borough, are informed that the subscriber has again succeeded in introducing the Vaccine Infection, and that he now has several arms fit to inoculate from. * * He has returned to his old shop at the lower end of the new market. George Balfour. An APPRENTICE wanted. Nov. 16. tf 925
MARTIN FISK, HAS FOR SALE, 300 Sacks Fine Liverpool SALT. 30 Chests Hyson and Hyson Skin TEAS—of a very late im- portation, and of a superior quality. 10 Hogsheads 5 years old Antigua RUM. Pennington's LOAF SUGAR, in Hhds. and Bbls. May 27. tf 712
NOTICE. THE subscriber owes some money, which he is deter- mined shall be speedily paid; added to which his low state of health, calls loudly for his retirement from business. He therefore offers his stock of goods for sale, on the most li- beral terms—This assortment has been selected from the best importations within the last twelve months; and amounts to about 2500l. currency. As the situation occupied by him is not equalled by any other in the lower country, and as it can be obtained for a number of years, he hopes some of his friends will consider it to their advantage to purchase the goods, and take the stand—Nothing but the second reason assigned in this advertisement, would induce him to quit the stand— But owing to his health he must and will quit business, for some time at least. He has two small crafts, and a quantity of naval stores and lumber subject to his creditors. JOHN K. RANDOLPH. N.B. Those indebted must make payment in sixty days or give their bonds. Nansemond, April 5. law 563
NOTICE. CONCERT-HALL, Boston, May, 1805. THE Subscriber respectfully informs his Friends and the Publick, and those Gentlemen of the Southern States who may visit this part of the Continent, during the summer season, that the house known by the name of Concert Hall, corner of Court and Hanover Streets, has been fitted up at a very great expense with the genteel accommodations. Those Gentlemen who may wish for Boarding and Lodging, it is presumed cannot find a more eligible and convenient house, or a more grateful reception than from the present occupant of Concert-Hall, whose assiduity to serve them shall exceed the liberality of their patronage. 765 law3m T. WHITCOMB.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for Sale at the Book Stores of BONSAL, CONRAD & CO. and A. C. JORDAN & CO. Price 62 1-2 Cents. REVOLUTIONARY ANNALS, Or History of the French Revolution, from the Convocation of the States-General to the peace of Amiens. PART THE FIFTH. Translated from the MS. of J. L. de Croisset, by L. H. GIRARDIN, Professor of Modern Languages, &c. &c. in William and Mary College. July 12. tf 816
TO PRINTERS. Having had advice of a Font of Letter being shipped for us from England, we would dispose of A FONT OF BOURGEOIS TYPE, Upon which the PUBLIC LEDGER has been heretofore print- ed; specimens of which are seen in our editorial articles. It consists of 600 lbs. WELL-ASSORTED LETTER, has been in use but nine months, and is almost as good as new— Should the whole be too large, such as might be inclined to purchase ONE HALF of the font, will please to make applica- tion by letters post-paid, or personally at our office. J. Cowper & Geo. L. Gray. Norfolk, May 8.
MISSIONARY MAGAZINE, AND EVANGELICAL INTELLIGENCER. A FEW Copies of this work, for January, February, March, April, and May, are now ready for delivery to subscribers, at the office of the PUBLIC LEDGER. * * Persons desirous to encourage a work whose object is the diffusion of religious knowledge, are requested to send their names to Mr. Gray's office as early as possible. A few copies of the complete set from the first of the year, yet re- main undispersed at Philadelphia, and can be procured by early application. Price 25 Cents each Number—Payable on delivery. June 29. tf 784
VALUABLE LAND FOR SALE. THE Subscriber, intending to leave this State, wishes to dispose of the Land he at present resides on. It is a tract of EIGHT HUNDRED ACRES, beautifully situated upon Cape Charles; having the Atlantic upon one side, and the Chesapeake upon another. There is upon it a good FISHERY as any in Virginia. There are interspersed through- out the plantation, a number of SALT SPRINGS, so strongly impregnated with salt as to bear a new laid egg. Oysters, Cockles, and Fish of all kinds may be obtained from the wa- ters immediately at the door. The land is very productive, estimated annually good for 500 barrels Indian Corn, and 2000 bushels of Oats, and is now in capital order. The Fishery alone has yielded, in one spring, upwards of 700l. In short there are but very few Plantations offered for Sale, which unite so many advantages: and nothing but a desire to pursue his professional business could induce the present proprietor to sell it. Should it not be sold before the Fall, it will be leased for a term of years. Conditions will be made known on application to Thomas V. Custis. On the Premises. May 3. law 643
FOR SALE, Pursuant to the Will of William Samuel Peachy, deceased. Peachy's Manufacturing Mills and Store-Houses. LYING in the County of Prince George, on Powell's Creek, a navigable stream of James River, and on the main stage road from Norfolk to Petersburg, with about six acres of Land belonging thereto.—One third of the purchase money will be required at the end of eighteen months and three years credit will be given for the residue. The Gentle- man at the Mills will be good enough to show them.—For terms apply to Mr. Robert Maitland of Norfolk, or to Thomas Griffin Peachy of Williamsburg. ALSO FOR SALE, That beautiful Seat on James River (about four miles from the Mills) called FLOWER DE HUNDRED—The Tract of Land belonging to this Seat, contains 1500 acres extending nearly two miles on the banks of the river, (about half a day's sail from Norfolk, and five hours from Petersburg) considerable part of the Land is fit for the cultivation of Wheat and Tobacco; it has some valuable Low Ground, and a great deal of Meadow Land, from which in its natural state, great quantities of Hay may be made; the Land also abounds with good Timber.—The Houses, Garden, Orchards, and other improvements, are extensive and valuable.—As it is presumed that no person would purchase such an estate without first viewing it, a further description is thought need- less—Collier Harrison, Esq. of Charles City, who has viewed the Land and is well acquainted with its quality, will be good enough to show it.—A credit of 9, 13 and 16 years will be given for the greater part of the purchase money, and for the residue four annual payments will be required.—An indis- putable title will be made.—The price may be known by ap- plication to Mr. Robert Maitland, or to Mary W. Peachy, and Thomas G. Peachy, of Williamsburg. March 25. tf 823
TO RENT. THE Store, Cellar, and Compacting Room, No. 41, Main- Street, at present occupied by Messrs. GILLIAT & MACKINDER. Apply to Thomas Willock. April 1. tf 547
3000 lbs. of WOOL, For sale—low for cash—by Philip Collins. June 11. tf 754
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE. Price Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.