The Patowmac guardian, and Berkeley advertiser (Shepherdstown, Va. [W. Va.]), 1794-10-13 00:00:00

The POTOMAC GUARDIAN, and BERKELEY ADVERTISER.
[PRICE TWO DOLLARS PER ANN.]
MONDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1794.
[NUMBER 204—VOL. 4.]
WHERE LIBERTY DWELLS, THERE IS MY COUNTRY.
Franklin.
A CHARGE delivered by Alexander Addison, Esq. President of the Court, to the Grand Jury of the County of Allegheny, at Pittsburgh, September 11, 1794.
THE alarming and awful situation of this country, at this time, are too well known to require a statement.—On the part of government, we are now offered a forgiveness of all that is past, on condition that we sincerely submit to the excise law, and all other laws. The question now is, whether we will accept of the terms proposed or not.
The decision of this question is of such importance, that I am sure it will receive a solemn consideration from every citizen of a sober mind. If we accept of the terms, we shall have peace. If we reject them, we shall have war. There is no medium between these extremes. For in the present state of this country, it is impossible to expect from a government a repeal of the excise law. Government is the whole people acting by their representatives. The will of these representatives must not be extorted by force or fear; otherwise those, who thus constrain them, exercise a tyranny over the rest of the people. We are a little more than a 70th part of the United States. We ought not therefore to pretend to dictate laws to the whole. But whatever portion we may be, if one law is repealed, at the call of armed men, government is destroyed: no law will have any force: every law will be disobeyed, in some part of the union. Government is therefore now compelled to enforce submission to its law, or to none . The whole force of the United States must be exerted to support its authority now, or the government of the United States must cease to exist. Submission or war, therefore, is the alternative.
War is so dreadful a calamity, that nothing can justify its admission, but an evil against which no other remedy remains. That the colonies, to relieve themselves from the tyranny of Britain, should have resorted to war, no man will wonder. They had to acquire the first principle of liberty, an equal voice in framing their laws. The same was the cause of France. Its constitution was overthrown, and one man had, by inheritance, acquired a power which he could transmit to his successor, of making laws for the whole nation. But our constitution has already secured the most democratic principles of representation. Our complaint is only against the ordinary exercise of legislation. We have now more than a just proportion of representatives. To fill our just proportion we may choose whom we please. And we ought not yet to despair, that, in a legal manner, we shall receive redress, for every just complaint. The principles of liberty are completely established in our constitution. Those principles are, that the will of a majority should control the few. We wish now for a liberty destructive of those principles, which we formerly sought, and the French now fight to establish. Our complaint is, that the many have not yet repealed a law at the request of the few , and therefore we rashly propose war.
If we determine on war, look forward to the consequences. Either we shall defeat the United States, or the United States will subdue us. If the United States subdue us, we shall, at the end of the war, be certainly not in a better situation, than we are at present; for the same necessity, the preservation of the authority of government, will exist for enforcing the law then , which exists for enforcing it now . We shall be in a worse condition; for government will then be under no obligation to grant us the favorable terms, which are now offered; but may exact punishment for past offences, penalties for past delinquencies, compensation for past damages, and reimbursement of the expences of the war. To these I might add the miseries attending the war.—But as these will attend the war, in either event, I shall particularly allude to them, in the supposition of our defeating the United States.
To me this event appears improbable to the last degree. A train of unfortunate delusions (for such I deem them) seem to occupy the minds of many in this country. It is said, that no militia will come out against us; that if they do, we are so much superior in arms that we shall easily defeat them;—that we can intercept them in the mountains, and prevent their passage; that if they should come, they will march peaceably along, and not disturb the citizens engaged in the lawful occupations of life; and at the worst, we can throw ourselves under the protection of the British.
On such notions, these are my remarks. From all that I have heard or seen, there is a resentment in the people of the other side of the mountain against our conduct, on two grounds; as being con-
tradictory to the principles of democracy, which require obedience to a constitutional law; and as refusing to bear any part of a burden, to which they have submitted. This resentment will not only carry vast numbers of them to comply with the regular call of the militia, but to step forward as volunteers. Supposing (which may yet be doubted) that they may at first be inferior to us, in the art of fighting; the interests of the United States are so deeply involved in our submission, that no expence will be spared to accomplish it. And, should the draught of the militia be insufficient, certainly the legislature will enable the Executive to raise and maintain a standing body of forces, to accomplish the object of government. They will come, at different times, in different directions, and accumulated numbers; for the whole force of the United States will be directed against us; so has the President, who never speaks till he has determined, declared by his proclamation. If this country reject the conditions offered, the whole country will be considered as in a state of rebellion; every man must be considered as a citizen, or as an enemy.—If he say, he is a citizen, he may be called upon by the force under the authority of government, to unite in subduing its enemies. If he refuse, he becomes an enemy, and as such may be treated. The army of government may live among us at free quarters, and reduce us to obedience by plunder, fire and sword.
Will the British receive us? The government of Canada dare not, without authority from London. And it is not to be supposed, that Britain will risk the loss of the friendship and trade of the United States, for so poor an object as our becoming her subjects. If she did, might we not expect, that the United States would seize her dominions on the eastern part of Canada and Nova Scotia, and intercept our communication with her. Against the whole force of the United States, exerted as we have reason to fear, what have we to rest on?—Where are our arms? Where are our magazines or military stores? Or where can we obtain a supply of these articles, but from the United States, with whom we shall be at war. All communication between us and our fellow citizens on the east side of the mountains will be cut off. Even the supplies of the common articles of life, which we receive from them, will be prevented: and not a single article of food or cloathing, much less of arms or ammunition, will be furnished to us, from that quarter. Army after army will be sent against us. In a state of open war, we shall be considered as any other enemy, with the additional rancour attached to a civil war. Our agriculture will be destroyed, our fields late waste, our houses burnt, and, while we are fighting our fellow citizens on one side, the Indians (and God knows how soon) will attack us on the other. The consciences of many among ourselves will shrink back with horror, at the idea of drawing a sword against our brethren. They will call for neutrality. They will enter into associations for mutual defence. Many, who now from fear of danger or insult, put on the appearance of zeal and violence, will, when it comes to decisive exertion, draw back. But those who are for war will strive, by force, to draw in those who are for peace. We shall attack and destroy each other, and fall by our own hands. Our corn fields will be converted into fields of battle. No man will sow; for no man will be sure that he shall reap.—Poverty, distress, and famine, will extinguish us.—All mutual confidence will be at an end, and all the bands of society will be dissolved. Every man will be afraid to speak to his neighbour. There will be no power of government to control the violence of the wicked. No man's life, no man's house, no man's goods, no man's wife, no man's daughter will be safe. A scene of general destruction will take place. And, should government, weary of chastising us, at last leave us to ourselves, we shall be a miserable remnant, without wealth, commerce or virtue; a prey to the savages, or slaves to Britain.
Are we prepared for a separation from the United States, and to exist as an independent people? This is a question which ought to be settled, previously to our taking up arms against government.—For to disobey a government, while, by remaining in it, we admit its authority to command, is too absurd, and too contrary to the duty of citizens, for any man of reason and virtue to support: especially where that government, like ours, is created and changeable by the people themselves, that is by the whole people, or a majority of the whole people.—Our appeal to arms is therefore a declaration of independence, and must issue, either in separation or obedience.
Government cannot recede farther than it has done. It has already made sacrifices, which entitle it to grateful returns. It offers to forgive past offences, and consider us having never erred. It cannot, without a total extinction of all authority, repeal this law, while we disobey it, government
must either subdue us, or cast us off. For, however, we may flatter ourselves with the destructive hope of defeating government, we have no prospect of subduing it, and compelling the United States to retain us in the union. Suppose us then a separate people, what prospect have we of being able to secure those objects, which are essential to the prosperity of this country, and of far more consequence than the repeal of the excise law; shall we, at our own expence, subdue the Indians, seize the western ports, and open the Mississippi? Or will not the British, countenanced by the United States, retain the posts and arm and protect the Indians against us.—And will not the Spaniards, under the same countenance, block up the Mississippi, and refuse perhaps all trade with us? At present there is a fair prospect of an accommodation with Britain, and by the influence of the United States we have reason to hope for a surrender of the western posts, and of consequence, a peace with the Indians. There is also a negotiation, industriously, and not unpromisingly, conducted with Spain for the free navigation of the Mississippi. The continuance of our union with the United States may therefore, in a short time secure us all our favorite objects. And there must be time; for we have to deal with sovereign and powerful nations, whose rights we cannot infringe; we must therefore solicit, and not extort.—But separated from the United States, and, of course, from the friendship of France, and the world, what hope have we to bend the haughty nations of Britain and Spain. We should be their sport, or their slaves.
In rejecting the conditions now offered us by government, we cannot hope to extort a repeal of the excise law. If we would remove it by force, we must be able to cut ourselves off from the United States, with the loss of our prosperity, our happiness, and perhaps our existence. A rejection of the conditions is a declaration of war, and war is the fore-road to ruin.
Let us next consider what will be the consequence of our submission to government, on the terms offered. We are restored to the peace and protection of government. We shall be tried for offences and delinquencies by courts and juries in our neighbourhood. But, with these favorable terms, we must submit to the excise law.
The peculiar objection which lay in the mouths of the people on this side of the mountains to this law, was this, that from our local circumstances, it drew from us a sum of money which was disproportionate to our wealth, and would soon exhaust our circulating medium. However necessary on these grounds, an opposition to the excise law might be three years ago, it is less necessary now. Since that period, the progress of this country to wealth has been amazingly rapid. There have been more public and private buildings raised, and fewer therefor sales for debt, within this period, that for 9 years preceding. Three years ago, I believe, there was hardly a burr millstone in this country; now there are perhaps a dozen. The quantity of money circulating among us is since greatly increased, and the value of all property is thereby greatly increased; in other words the value of money is greatly lessened, and thereby, the value of the excise to be paid by us, is greatly lessened. Then there was hardly any trade to the Spanish settlements on the Mississippi; it was, at any rate, small, and confined to a few adventurers; the quantity of grain exported was but little; of course but little was withdrawn from our own consumption; and this little was generally bought with goods; Now a very respectable trade is carried on to the Spanish settlements; our traders are treated with great civility by the Spaniards; the duty on our trade is reduced to a mere trifle, and there is very little difficulty in bringing away dollars in return. We shall soon have the whole supply of that market to ourselves. Last spring, our best flour was sold there a dollar each barrel, dearer than flour from New-York. None of the traders now depend on goods for the purchase of wheat, but must purchase, at a reasonable price, in money. From this increased exportation of our grain, the necessity of distillation is greatly lessened in degree, and will every day lessen. Government does not now, as formerly, supply the army with whisky, through contractors purchasing with goods, but employs agents to purchase it with money. Last year 10,000 dollars was laid out in this way, by one agent in this country; and the execution of an order for 10,000 more, was stopped only by the present troubles.
The contractors themselves, these two last years purchased their supplies with cash. From these circumstances, and the pay, and other expences of the army, government sends far more money this side the mountains, than it would draw back by the excise. At the commencement of this law, a very great quantity of foreign spirits was consumed in this country. But so severe is the duty which this law lays on foreign spirits, that the people on the
* The above sentiments of peace and obedience to the laws, would have received the sanction of the Grand Jury; but as a few members declined their dissent, silence was thought better, than an approbation not unanimous.

east side of the mountains drink such spirits at a very increased price, and our store-keepers cannot afford to bring foreign spirits, in any considerable quantity, over the mountains.
As our circumstances are thus materially changed, so the law itself is changed also. Originally, the duty on a still was 60 cents per gallon, now, it is 54. Originally the duty on the gallon of whiskey was 9 cents; now, it is 7 cents. Another material alteration is granting a licence by the month at ten cents per gallon on the still, a provision peculiarly suited to a country, where few distillers work in summer.
I do not say, that, by these alterations in our circumstances, and in the law, our objections to the excise law are removed, but they are surely lessened.
We have reason also to believe, that our remonstrance would be listened to more effectually, if, by obedience, we put ourselves in a capacity of being heard: but it is natural to answer, why complain of a law which you have never obeyed. I will go yet further, and state an opinion, that the easiest and speediest, and I believe the only way, to accomplish our object, a total repeal of this law, is instantly to accept of the conditions offered by government, honestly comply with them, and thus come fairly before the legislature with our remonstrance.
I have before stated the impossibility, that the legislature should repeal this law so long as we resist it. I will now explain to you on what grounds I form the opinion that they will repeal it as soon as possible, after, by our submission, we have restored them to their authority, and you may judge for yourselves of the probability of this opinion.
The present prospect of French affairs, and the favourable reception which Mr. Jay our ambassador has met with in England, give reason to hope for a good understanding between us and Britain, and a consequent termination of the Indian war. I estimate two years, as a reasonable period for these events to operate, and these effects to be produced. In the extraordinary expenses of the Indian war ceased, there is reason to expect, such is the increasing trade of America, that the imports would suffice for the ordinary expenses of government. If this be true, so generally is the excise on domestic produce disliked, and so imperfectly paid, that we have no reason to presume, that the legislature will keep it up, longer than it is necessary. You have now the grounds on which I state the opinion, that it may be repealed in two years. If repealed then, it will have lasted five years; of these five, we shall, perhaps, if we comply now, be compelled to pay for only two years; and supposing the tax unequal, paying but two years out of five may correct the inequality; and while we pay, a far greater sum for the expenses of the war is circulated among us. Thus the Indian war occasioning the excise, bears with it a remedy; and, when this remedy fails, there is reason to expect, the evil may also fail.
Whether therefore we would avoid ruin, or whether we would obtain a repeal of the excise law, it appears evident to me, that we have no way to gain one point, but by immediately accepting, and faithfully performing the conditions proposed.
If we do not, we shall no more get cash for our whiskey. The army will be supplied with whiskey from Kentucky. And (a law passed last session authorising it) our whiskey, if carried any where out of this country, will with the horses, carriages, or boats be seized and forfeited. We shall therefore become the only consumers of our whiskey. It will again cease to be a cash article, and again become a mere drug.
But it is said, if we submit now, we have nothing to expect from a remonstrance; for our past remonstrances have been ineffectual.
I say it is too hasty to draw this conclusion. Besides what I formerly observed, that we have never, by obedience, entailed ourselves on relief. I request your attention to the situation of the United States hitherto. The imposts have not been sufficient for the expenses of government including those of the Indian war.
The excise law, therefore, could not be repealed, unless some new fund was substituted in its stead. Now it is impossible to impose any tax whatever, that will operate equally on all men. Suppose therefore some other tax imposed, in lieu of this, while we continued to resist this. What would be the consequence? It might be as unpopular here, or some other place, as this excise; the consequence would be, that from an experience of the weakness of government, in failing to enforce the excise, the new tax would be refused also, and no tax would ever be enforced. Suppose a direct tax on a general valuation of property; there would be great frauds. Suppose a direct tax on lands. The amount of all direct taxes, in each state, must be in proportion to its number of inhabitants, now unless lands or other property in quantity and value, bore the same proportion in each state with the number of inhabitants to the whole, the direct tax would in some states be unconstitutional, and of course resisted. I am informed, that, in New England, a direct tax would be as unpopular, as the excise is here. Government therefore could not, with safety, substitute any other tax, instead of the excise, till it had first shown, that its authority was sufficient to enforce the excise.
Attend especially to the situation of the United States during the last session of Congress, and judge for yourselves, was that a time to release any established subject of taxation, and try a new experiment.
The whole world seemed to lower upon us. The Indians attacked our back settlements—The Alge-
rines plundered, and the British captured our ships at sea. It was judged necessary, for safety and justice to equip a fleet, to fortify our harbours, and to send out against the Indians 2000 volunteers from Kentucky. For all these purposes, the imposts (diminished by the spoliations and the embargo) would come too slowly in; and it was found necessary, to anticipate the revenue, by enabling the President to borrow a million of dollars. Was this a time to press a repeal of the excise? From all these circumstances, the failure of our past remonstrances is no sufficient reason to conclude, that after we have submitted to the authority of government, and after its embarrassments are removed, our future remonstrances will fail of a just effect.
On all these grounds, I do most earnestly exhort to an immediate acceptance of the conditions offered by the Commissioners, and a faithful performance of them on our part; as the only way in which we can hope for redress or escape ruin.
I have thus expressed my sentiments honestly and freely, as, at this crisis, it becomes every man, who has any regard to the welfare of this country, to take every occasion to do. This is not a time for concealment or dissimulation. Let every man speak out, and not by silence or falsehood, deceive one another. Let a free currency of opinions restore mutual confidence and mutual safety; that the dagger of the assassin, the torch of the incendiary, and the tongue of the slanderer be not feared. Let the energy of government be restored; let the public peace, and the rights of persons and property be preserved sacred, and let every individual repose, with confidence and safety, on the protection of the law. Let the power of punishment be exerted only, as our principles prescribe, by courts and juries; let offences be ascertained only by the volumes of our laws: while a man's words and actions, are lawful, let his safety be untouched; and let not individuals assume the public duty of repaying vengeance.
Do you, gentlemen, who, by your station can do so effectually, unite with me in expressing, propagating, and supporting these sentiments; and, thro' you, both now and hereafter, let them be felt to be the voice of your country.
They are mine—and were an angel from Heaven to charge me, to make to you, as I should answer it at the tribunal of God, a faithful declaration of my opinion of the interests of this country, at this important period, I would, were it the last moment of my life, address you, as I have now done. And O! may the God of wisdom and peace, inspire this people with discernment and virtue, remove from their minds blindness and passion, and save this country from becoming a field of blood.
IMPORTANT AND AUTHENTIC.
War Office (Philadelphia) Oct. 1, 1794.
Yesterday afternoon an express arrived at this office with dispatches from Major-General Wayne to the Secretary at War, of which the following are copies.
JOHN STAGG, jun. Chief Clerk.
Head Quarters, Grand Glaize, Aug. 14.
SIR,
I have the honor to inform you, that the army under my command took possession of this very important post on the morning of the 3d inst. the enemy on the preceding evening having abandoned all their settlements, towns and villages, with such apparent marks of surprise and precipitation as to amount to a positive proof that our approach was not discovered by them until a few days previous to our arrival.
I had made such demonstrations for a length of time previously to taking up our line of march, as to induce the savages to expect our advance by the rout of the Miami villages to the left, or towards Roche de Bout by the right, which feints appear to have produced the desired effect, by drawing the attention of the enemy to those points, and gave an opening for the army to approach undiscovered by a devious route, i. e. in a certain direction, and which would be impracticable for an army, except in a dry season, such as the present.
Thus, Sir, we have gained possession of the grand emporium of the hostile Indians of the West, without loss of blood—the very extensive and highly cultivated fields and gardens, the work of many hands. The margins of those beautiful rivers, the Miamis of the lake and Au Glaize, appear like one continued village for a number of miles both above and below this place, nor have I ever beheld such immense fields of corn in any part of America, from Canada to Florida.
We are now employed in completing a strong stockade fort, with four good block houses by way of bastions, at the confluence of Au Glaize and the Miamis, which I have called DEFENCE, and another fort was erected on the bank of St. Mary's 24 miles advanced of Recovery, which was named ADAMS, and endowed with provision and a proper garrison.
Every thing is now prepared for a forward move to-morrow towards Roche de Bout or Foot of the Rapids, where the British have got a regular fortification, well supplied with artillery, and strongly garrisoned, in the vicinity of which, the fate of the campaign will probably be decided, as from the best and most recent intelligence, the enemy are there collected in force and joined by the militia of Detroit, &c. &c. possessed of ground very unfavorable for cavalry to act in; yet notwithstanding this unfavorable intelligence, and unpleasant circumstance of ground, I do not despair of success, from the spirit and ardour of the troops, from the generals down to the privates, both of the legion and mounted volunteers.
—Yet I have thought proper to offer the enemy a last overture of peace, and as they have every thing that is dear and interesting now at stake, I have reason to expect that they will listen to the proposition mentioned in the enclosed copy of an address, dispatched yesterday by a special flag, who I sent under circumstances that will ensure his safe return, and which may eventually spare the effusion of much human blood.
But should war be their choice, that blood be upon their own heads! America shall no longer be insulted with impunity. To an all powerful and just God, I therefore, commit myself and gallant army, and have the honor to be with every consideration of respect and esteem, your most obedient, and very humble servant,
ANTHONY WAYNE.
The Hon. Major Gen. H. Knox, Secretary of War.
To the Delawares, Shawanese, Miamis, and Wyandotts, and to each and every of them and to all other nations of Indians northwest of the Ohio, whom it may concern.
I, ANTHONY WAYNE, Major General and Commander in Chief of the Federal Army now at Grand Glaize, and Commissioner Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, for settling the terms upon which a permanent and lasting peace shall be made with each and every of the hostile tribes or nations of Indians northwest of the Ohio, and of the said United States—actuated by the purest principles of humanity, and urged by pity for the errors into which bad and designing men have led you, from the head of the army now in possession of your abandoned villages and settlements, do hereby once more extend the friendly hand of peace towards you, and invite each and every of the hostile tribes of Indians to meet me and my army without delay, between this place and Roche de Bout, in order to settle the preliminaries of a lasting peace, which may eventually and soon restore to you, the Delawares, Miamis, Shawanese, and all other tribes and nations lately settled at this place, and on the margins of the Miami and Au Glaize rivers to your late grounds and possessions; and to preserve you and your distressed and helpless women and children from danger and famine, during the present fall and ensuing winter.
The arms of the United States is strong and powerful, but they love mercy and kindness more than war and desolation; and to remove any doubts, or apprehensions of danger, to the persons of the deputies whom you may appoint to meet this army, I hereby pledge my sacred honor for their safety and return: and send Christopher Miller, an adopted Shawanese, and a Shawanese warrior, whom I took prisoners two days ago, as a flag, who will advance in their front to meet me.
Mr. Miller was taken prisoner by a party of my warriors six moons since, and can testify to you, the kindness I have shown to your people, my prisoners, that is, five warriors and two women, who are now all safe and well at Greenville.
But should this invitation be disregarded, and my flag, Mr. Miller, be detained or injured, I will immediately order all those prisoners to be put to death, without distinction, and some of them are known to belong to the first families of your nations.
Brothers, be no longer deceived or led astray by the false promises and language of the bad white men at the foot of the rapids:—They have neither the power nor inclination to protect you. No longer shut your eyes to your true interest and happiness, nor your ears to this last overture of peace;—but in pity to your innocent women and children come and prevent the further effusion of your blood; let them experience the kindness and friendship of the United States of America, and the invaluable blessings of peace and tranquility.
(Signed) ANTHONY WAYNE.
Grand Glaize, 23d August, 1794.
Head Quarters.
Grand Glaize, 28th August, 1794.
SIR,
It is with infinite pleasure that I now announce to you the brilliant success of the Federal army under my command, in a general action with the combined force of the hostile Indians, and a considerable number of the volunteers and militia of Detroit on the 20th instant on the banks of the Miamis, in the vicinity of the British post and garrison at the foot of the Rapids.
The army advanced from this place on the 15th, and arrived at Roche de Bout on the 18th, and the 19th we were employed in making a temporary post for the reception of our stores and baggage, and in reconnoitring the position of the enemy who were encamped behind a thick bushy wood and the British fort.
At 8 o'clock on the morning of the 20th, the army again advanced in columns, agreeably to the standing order of the march, the legion on the right, its right flank covered by the Miamis—one brigade of mounted volunteers on the left under Brigadier-General Todd, and the other in the rear under Brigadier-General Barbee. A select battalion of mounted volunteers moved in front of the legion, commanded by Major Price, who was directed to keep sufficiently advanced, and to give timely notice to the troops to form in case of action, it being yet undetermined whether the Indians would decide for peace or war.
After advancing about five miles, Major Price's corps received so severe a fire from the enemy who were secreted in the woods and high grass as to compel them to retreat.

The Legion was immediately formed in two lines, principally in a close thick wood, which extended 30 miles on our left and for a very considerable distance in front, the ground being covered with old fallen timber, probably occasioned by some violent tornado, which rendered it impossible for cavalry to act with effect, and afforded the most favourable covert for their mode of warfare. The savages were in three lines within supporting distance of each other, and extending for near two miles at right angles with the river. I soon discovered from the weight of the fire and extent of their lines, that the enemy were in full force in front, in possession of their favourite ground, and endeavouring to turn our left flank; I therefore gave orders for the second line to advance to support the first, and directed Major-General Scott to gain and turn the right flank of the savages with the whole of the mounted volunteers by a circuitous route; at the same time I ordered the front line to advance and charge with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their coverts at the point of the bayonet, and when up to deliver a close and well directed fire on their backs, followed by a brisk charge so as not to give them time to load again.
I also ordered Captain M c Campbell who commanded the legionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of the enemy next the river, and which afforded a favourable field for that corps to act in—all those orders were obeyed with spirit and promptitude; but such was the impetuosity of the charge by the first line of infantry that the Indians and Canadian militia and volunteers were drove from all their coverts, in so short a time, that although every possible exertion was used by the officers of the second line of the legion and by Generals Scott, Todd, and Barbee of the mounted volunteers to gain their proper positions, but part of each could get up in season to participate in the action, the enemy being drove in the course of one hour more than two miles through the thick woods already mentioned by less than one half their number.
From every account the enemy amounted to two thousand combatants; the troops actually engaged against them were short of nine hundred. This horde of savages, with their allies, abandoned themselves to flight, and dispersed with terror and dismay, leaving our victorious army in full and quiet possession of the field of battle, which terminated under the influence of the guns of the British garrison, as you will observe by the enclosed correspondence between Major Campbell, the commandant, and myself, upon the occasion.
The bravery and conduct of every officer belonging to the army, from the generals down to the ensigns, merit my approbation.
There were, however, some whose rank and situation placed their conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and which I have observed with pleasure and the most lively gratitude; among whom I must mention Brigadier-General Wilkinson and Colonel Hamtranck, the commandants of the right and left wings of the legion, whose brave example inspired the troops. To those I must add the names of my faithful and gallant aids de camp, Captains De Butts and Thomas Lewis, and Lieutenant Harrison, who with the Adjutant General Major Mills, rendered the most effectual service, by communicating my orders in every direction, and by their conduct and bravery exciting the troops topreis for victory.
Lieutenant Cavington, upon whom the command of the cavalry now devolved, cut down two savages with his own hand. Lieutenant Webb one in turning the enemy's left flank.
The wounds received by Captains Slough and Prior, and Lieutenant Campbell Smith (an extra aid de-camp to General Wilkinson of the legionary infantry) and Captain Van Rensselaer of the dragoons, Captain Rawlins, Lieutenant M c Kenny, and Ensign Duncan, of the mounted volunteers, bear honorable testimony of their bravery and conduct.
Captains Howel, Lewis, and Brock, with their companies of light infantry, had to sustain an unequal fire for some time, which they sustained with fortitude; in fact, every officer and soldier who had an opportunity to come into action, displayed that true bravery which will always ensure success; and here permit me to declare, that I never discovered more true spirit and anxiety for action, than appeared to pervade the whole of the mounted volunteers, and I am well persuaded, that had the enemy maintained their favourite ground for one half hour longer, they would have most severely felt the prowels of that corps.
But while I pay this just tribute to the living, I must not neglect the gallant dead, among whom we have to lament the early death of those worthy and brave officers, Captain M c Campbell, of the dragoons, and Lieutenant Towles of the light infantry of the legion, who fell in the first charge.
Enclosed is a particular return of the killed and wounded—the loss of the enemy was more than double to that of the federal army; the woods were strewed for a considerable distance with dead bodies of Indians and their white auxiliaries, the latter armed with British muskets and bayonets.
We remained three days and nights on the banks of the Miamis, in front of the field of battle, during which time all the houses and corn fields were consumed and destroyed, for a considerable distance above and below Fort Miamis, as well as within pistol shot of that garrison, who were compelled to remain tacit spectators to this general devastation, among which were the houses, stores, and property of Colonel M c Kee, the British Indian agent, and principal stimulator of the war now existing between the United States and the Savages.
The army returned to this place on the 27th, by
fields for about fifty miles on each side of the Miamis: there remains yet a number of villages and a great quantity of corn to be consumed or destroyed upon the Au Glaize and the Miamis, above this place, which will be effected in the course of a few days.
In the interim we shall improve Fort Defiance, and as soon as the escort returns with the necessary supplies from Greenville and Fort Recovery, the army will proceed to the Miamis villages, in order to accomplish the object of the campaign.
It is however not improbable that the enemy may make one desperate effort against the army, as it is said a reinforcement was hourly expected, at Fort Miamis from Niagara, as well as numerous tribes of Indians living on the margins and islands of the lakes.
This is a business rather to be wished for than dreaded whilst the army remains in force, their numbers will only tend to confuse the Savages, and the victory will be the more complete and decisive, and which may eventually insure a permanent and happy peace.
Under those impressions, I have the honor to be, your most obedient and very humble servant, ANTHONY WAYNE
N. B. I had forgot to mention that I had my flag on the 16th who was returning with an evasive answer, in order to gain time for the arrival of the reinforcement mentioned by the Sewanoe Indians, and which actually did arrive two days before the action.
The Hon. Major-General H. Knox, Secretary of War.
Return of the Killed Wounded and Missing of the Federal Army, commanded by Major-General Wayne, in the action of the 20th August 1794
Squadron of Dragoons. Killed—1 Captain, 1 sergeant, 1 private. Wounded—1 Captain, 3 privates.
Artillery. Wounded—1 Private. First Sub Legion.
Killed—1 Private. Wounded—1 Captain, 1 sergeant, 6 privates. Second Sub Legion.
Killed—2 Privates. Wounded—6 Privates.
Third Sub Legion. Killed—1 Sergeant, 6 privates. Wounded—1 Sergeant, 2 corporals, 2 musicians, 27 privates.
Fourth Sub Legion. Killed—1 Lieutenant, 1 sergeant, 11 privates. Wounded—1 Captain, 1 lieutenant, 2 sergeants, 1 corporal, 23 privates.
Kentucky Volunteers. Killed—7 Privates. Wounded—1 Captain, 1 lieutenant, 1 ensign, 10 privates.
TOTAL—Killed, 1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 3 sergeants, 28 privates. Wounded, 4 captains, 2 lieutenants, 1 ensign, 4 sergeants, 2 corporals, 2 musicians 84 privates.
Names of Officers killed. Captain Robert M c Campbell of dragoons, Lieut. Henry B. Towles, 4th Sub-Legion
Names of Officers wounded. Capt. Solomon Van Rensselaer of dragoons.
Capt. Abner Prior 1st sublegion. Capt. Jacob Slough 4th sublegion.
Lieut. Campbell Smith, 4th sublegion, acting as an extra aid to Brigadier Gen. Wilkinson.
Capt. Rawlins, Lieut. M c Kenny and Ensign Duncan, of the Kentucky Volunteers.
(Signed) JOHN MILLS. Major of Infantry, and Adjutant General.
The correspondence mentioned by Major-General Wayne to have taken place between him and Major Campbell, the commandant of a British fort within the territory of the United States, shall be given in our next.
BOSTON, September 29. JACOBINS TRIUMPHANT!—LATEST FROM EUROPE.
By an arrival since our last at Marblehead, of a schooner, owned by Col. Orne, in 36 days from Lisbon, we have received the following intelligence, communicated by a gentleman of veracity, who came to town on Friday evening from Marblehead, after having spoke with the Captain, who informed him, That a few days previous to his leaving Lisbon, news had been received there that the French had possessed themselves of St. Sebastian; had taken and sent into port two British sloops of war cruising in the bay of Biscay; were pushing forward to Bilboa; and that in consequence of their successes the Spaniards were panic struck; the merchants at Bilboa were leaving the town with great precipitation:—The American vessels were receiving their cargoes on board with great dispatch, and those that had landed their cargoes were leaving the port without hesitation. He also informs, that it was currently told at Lisbon, that the French were equally successful on the frontiers—in the Mediterranean—and were masters of Barcelona. Thus far our advices.
FROM FRANCE.—DIRECT.
Captain Allen, in the Minerva from Bourdeaux, informs, That the arms of our republican allies, the Jacobins of France are every where victorious. That it was the general opinion there, that they would shortly be in Amsterdam, where the Dutch patriots were anxiously expecting them. That the greatest order and regularity prevailed at Bourdeaux, all the aristocrats being nearly extirpated;
spirits, having all their ports allied with prizes.
Provisions continued rather scarce at Bourdeaux, but they were plenty in every other part of the Republic.
TRANSLATIONS.
From Paris papers brought by Captain Allen, from Bourdeaux.
Brussels, 10th July 2d year of the Republic, one and indivisible.
Richard Representative of the people with the army of the North to the Committee of Public Safety
WE continue to march from success to success.—The two armies of the North, the Sambre and the Meuse, yesterday effected their junction at Ach and are now marching forward; the army of the North continually preserving the left. The enemy appears to retreat towards three points, Anvers, Maestricht, and the Rhine. We shall to-morrow seize on their march in the most certain manner.
I shall go to-morrow in quest of my colleagues Gillet and Guillon, to confer with them. It is late; I am fatigued—shall write you to-morrow more particular.
Signed. RICHARD.
VICTORY or DEATH.
Head-Quarters at Brussels, 10th July 2d year of the Republic.
The Commander in chief of the army of the North, to the Committee of Public Safety.
CITIZENS,
THE junction of the armies of the North, of the Sambre and the Meuse, is effected; they arrived together at Brussels; their separation was not amiss; their reunion must produce the most favourable consequences; by pursuing the soldiers of the coalesced tyrants, who, notwithstanding the extreme heat which has been experienced for several days, have proceeded by rapid marches. The magazines they have been obliged to abandon, are every where numerous, and of every kind, numbers of deserters and prisoners are daily arriving. Vive La Republique.
Signed, PICHEGRU.
NEW-YORK, October 1.
Accounts from Philadelphia state, that several people have died there suddenly, during the last week, which alarmed some. The subjects were not yellow, but the fever was putrid. Yet the authority report, that it has not been more healthy there for many years.
Accounts from New-Haven state, that the fever rather increases than otherwise.
Our accounts from Poughkeepsie, Albany, &c. contain melancholly details of sick families and sudden deaths, by nervous, bilious and putrid fevers.
From the West-Indies we have also distressing accounts of the ravages of fatal disease.
There is really a dearth of European news. The next arrivals will doubtless bring interesting accounts.
MARTINSBURG, October 13, 1794.
The unfortunate Western Insurgency appears to be drawing to a point:—troops from all quarters of the States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and this State, are now on their march for the refractory counties, and in all probability a short time will determine this interesting event. The President of the United, with several General Officers, have already arrived at Carlisle, where plans of further operations are to be determined.
General Morgan, with four troop of horse and three companies of infantry, left Winchester on Tuesday last; the remainder of the troops were to leave that place this day.
We have but little information respecting the state of the insurgents; the dissatisfaction is said still to exist, although they are not embodied, nor any preparations made for opposing the Government's army.
The fever at Baltimore, by the last accounts had not abated; many stores are shut up and the inhabitants continue moving out.
Died, Mr. George Tilley.
On Tuesday the 14th of November next, Will be sold by Public Vendue.
THE Plantation of the subscriber, situated on Opeckon, two miles from Martinsburg, containing about 120 acres, of which 25 acres are good meadow, one third fit for mowing, about 45 acres of the whole tract cleared, the remainder well wooded, with several good springs, on which is a good log house, 20 by 30, 1 1/2 story high, well covered, a good square log kitchen, 18 by 16, a good barn, two bays and a threshing floor, all in good tenable repair, the whole under good fence.
A L S O.
Horses, cows, hogs, a waggon, ploughs, farming utensils, &c. &c.
The sale to begin at 9 o'clock, on the premises, when the terms will be made known.
ALEXANDER RODGERS.
September 11th, 1794.
THE Subscriber from his inability to attend his business in declining, &c. owing to a fall, from which he received a great hurt, notifies those whom it may concern, that his brother John Cook, will in future, transact his business for him entirely for the space of two years.
GILES COOK, Jun.
October 10, 1794.

SEAT OF THE MUSES.
From the (LON) MORN. CHRONICLE.
A CARD TO SUBSCRIBERS.
YE who erst warm'd his grace at York, With loyal waistcoats made of flannel, Haste, now send jackets, all of cork, To waft him safe across the channel.
THE MARTINSBURG JOCKEY CLUB
Purse of Forty Guineas, will be run for on Wednesday the 15th of October next, agreeable to the rules of the Club. By order of the Managers
ON Thursday the 16th instanc, (the day following the race for the Jockey Club Purse of Forty Guineas) will be run for, a Town Purse of Twenty five Pounds Pennsylvania currency, free for any horse, mare, or gelding, except the winning horse the preceding day, three mile heats, carrying weight agreeable to the rules of the Jockey Club.
And on Friday following, a handsome sweepstake Purse, free as above, except the two winning horses; a catch upon each, two mile heats.
No person will be permitted to keep a booth on or near the race ground, unless he subscribes Four Dollars towards the Town Purse.
RICHARD RANSONE.
Martinsburg, October 6, 1794.
THIS is to caution all persons from throwing down my fences, travelling thro' any of my fields, or committing trespass in any manner whatsoever, as heretofore has been practiced to my injury, as I shall in future put the law in force against any one who shall be found taking upon themselves such unwarrantable privileges.
DAVID GRAY.
October 6, 1794.
THE Partnership of David Harris and Jacob Edge is this day dissolved by mutual consent, and no further purchases to be made or dealings had in future under the said firm. Cash given for wheat at my mill in Martinsburg.
DAVID HARRIS.
October 3, 1794.
A list of Letters remaining in the Post Office Shepherd's Town which if not taken up before the 1st day of January next, will be sent to the General Post Office as dead letters.
 A. Robert Aull, care of John Kearsey, Esq.  B. Isabella Barras, Berkeley; Robert Brooke, Esq.  C. Joseph Crane, near Charlestown.  D. Bryant D'rmont, care of Thomas Pollock.  K. Charles King, Berkeley.  L. Lancelot Lee, near Charlestown.  M. George Mason.  N. William Naylor.  O. Thomas Orr, care of Thomas Pollock.  P. John Potts, Berkeley.  T. William Thompson, Merchant, Charlestown.  W. James Wilson, Cooper, at Foreman's mill. 
WILLIAM GOOD, Jun. P. M.
Shepherd's Town, October 1st, 1794.
A list of Letters remaining in the Post Office, Martinsburg, which if not taken up before the first day of January next, will be sent to the General Post Office as dead letters.
 B. William Beatty, Charlestown, in Berkeley.  D. Robert Dunn, care of Hugh Vance.  G. William Glenn, near Martinsburg.  H. William Hair, mill creek, care of Hugh Vance, Berkeley.  K. Maurice Kain, care of David Wolgamott, Martinsburg.  L. Sally Lyle, Berkeley.  M. Andrew McDonald, care of J. Campbell, Esq. Berkeley; Morgan Morgan, Berkeley; Thomas Moon, near Martinsburg.  P. George Porterfield, near Martinsburg.  S. Joseph Seal, near Martinsburg; Benjamin Street, Warm Springs, Berkeley.  W. James Wright, sen. care of Josiah Wright, Martinsburg; Corbin Washington, Esq. Prospect-Hill, near Charlestown. 
EVAN SHELBY, P. M.
Martinsburg, October 3d, 1794.
I AMEN from my house by an exchange, through mistake, a double-milled drab Great Coat, lined with green baize, the collar lined with thick-set, scalloped cape, plain white buttons, and the coat almost new. The gentleman who has it will oblige the subscriber by rectifying the mistake. FLORENCE MAHONY.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
STOLEN last night out of the pasture of the subscriber, in Hamilton Township, York County, Pennsylvania, a dark bay mare, about 14 1/2 hands high, three years old, a small star, neither branded nor thod. It is supposed she was taken by a man who calls himself John Hamilton, and says he bro't a drove of horses from Knoxville, in Virginia; he is about twenty-five years of age, five feet ten inches high, slender made, dark hair; had on a blue broad-cloth coat with large yellow buttons, corduroy breeches, and neat boots, an oil cloth on his hat. Whoever takes up the thief and secures him that he may be brought to justice, shall have sixteen dollars, and for the mare four dollars and reasonable expenses if brought home, by WILLIAM LEED.
September 23, 1794.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
WAS Stolen out of the Subscriber's pasture, on the night of the 24th inst. a dark bay horse, three white feet, a star in his forehead, a little white on his lower lip, fifteen hands high and about eight years old; supposed to be stolen by a certain John Dobson, (a Collier) lately from Patten and Miles' iron works in Pennsylvania. Whoever will secure said horse, so that the owner gets him again, shall receive Eighteen Dollars, and for horse and thief the above Reward, if delivered to me, near Keesprist Furnace, upon Potomac.
ADAM MOLER.
Berkeley County, September 25, 1794.
WHEREAS I passed my note of hand to a certain Benjamin Shepherd, for five pounds six or seven shillings, Virginia currency, payable the fifteenth day of October next; I do hereby caution all persons from taking an assignment on, or buying said note, as I can make it appear that there was a mistake made in settling the account for which the note was given, and I shall not pay it till the mistake is rectified, unless compelled by law. The said Shepherd lives in Frankfort town, Hampshire county.
BENJAMIN SHIPMAN.
September 25, 1794.
ALL persons having any claims against the estate of the late Andrew Hart, are hereby notified to bring in their accounts properly attested, by the fifteenth day of October next, without fail; and all those indebted to said estate are desired to make payment by that period, as a settlement is determined on without further delay.
ROBERT CREIGHTON, Administrator.
September 29, 1794.
WHEREAS I passed my note of hand with Capt. Joseph Chapline, security, bearing date the 19th instanc, to a certain Joseph Clark, jun. of Berkeley County, and State of Virginia, for the payment of seven pounds ten shillings, in twelve months from the date, which note was for a mare which proved to be unsound, and died in three or four days afterwards. Now this is to forewarn all persons whatsoever from taking an assignment of the said note, as I am determined not to pay it until compelled by law.
WILLIAM MOUND.
Washington County, Maryland, Sept. 26, 1794.
At a Court continued and held for Berkeley County, the 20th day of August, 1794. Adam Weaver, Compt. vs. Thomas Crampin, Deft. } In Chancery.
THE defendant not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth. On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is Ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the third Tuesday in November next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette for two months successively, and published at the Church door in the parish of Norbourne, on some Sunday immediately after divine service, and also at the door of the Court House of the said County.
A copy. Test. MOSES HUNTER, B. C.
Good encouragement will be given to a person who will collect RAGS.
JUST PUBLISHED, By Fisher & Cole, BOOKSELLERS AND STATIONERS, And for Sale, at their Store three doors above Messrs. Yates & Campbell's Vendue Store, Market-Street, BALTIMORE, BENJAMIN BANNACKER'S Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland and Virginia ALMANACK, For the year of our LORD, 1795, Being the Third after Leap Year.
A considerable allowance will be made to country merchants and others, who purchase a quantity. In addition to our former assortment of Books, We have just received a variety of New and valuable Publications, And flatter ourselves we shall be able to give general satisfaction to our patrons. Baltimore, September 15, 1794.
Richard Ransone,
INFORMS the Public in general, that he has opened a Public House in Martinsburg, at that eligible stand formerly occupied by Mr. James Graham, and opposite the Harp and Crown. The conveniences of the house, stable, &c. together with his determination of keeping a constant supply of the best liquors, provisions, &c. and every requisite both for the traveller and citizen, he hopes to obtain a share of public patronage. August 18, 1794.
HARP and CROWN TAVERN.
FLO. MAHONY,
Returns his grateful acknowledgments to the Ladies and Gentlemen who did him the honor to favor him with their custom last season, on their way to and from BATH. He takes this method to inform them, and the Public in general, that he is much better prepared this season, having provided sufficient bedding, five good lodging rooms in addition to the former, an excellent stock of liquors, neat wines of the purest quality, &c. He has procured a large yard room, and stabling for an hundred horses, also thades for carriages, &c. all under an inclosure. He hopes to meet with their further encouragement; and is with gratitude, the Public's humble servant, FLORENCE MAHONY. Martinsburg, Berkeley County, VIRGINIA, June 9, '94.
AT a meeting of the Justices of the Peace, for the County of Berkeley at the Court-house, on the 18th day of September, 1794. Resolved that Robert Stephen, John Kearsey, John Davenport, William Little, William Hanshaw, John Kearney, and Richard Baylor, Gentlemen Justices, do attend throughout the whole of the ensuing Quarterly Term. Teste, MOSES HUNTER, CLK.
TAKE NOTICE.
THE public are hereby informed, that no credit is to be given, or any other dealing to be had with JACOB EDGE, of Martinsburg, on our joint account, without my personal approbation, as I shall not be answerable therefor. All persons indebted to me by bond, note, or book account, are desired to make payment, as a settlement of my affairs is to be immediately put in execution. DAVID HARRIS. Sept. 13, 1794.
A Meeting of the Overseers of the Poor on the West Side of Opeckon, is to be held in this town on Monday, the 20th day of October next. All persons concerned are desired to attend. ROBERT COCKBURN, CLK.
Blank Deeds filled, and all other instruments of writing drawn at the CLERK'S Office, on short notice, and at reduced prices.
FOR SALE AT THE PRINTING OFFICE. Bonds for deliverance of Property, Magistrates' Summons. Blank Deeds of Bargain and Sale. Common Bonds, Blank notes, &c.
Cash given for clean Cotton and Linen RAGS, at the Printing-Office.