Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1808-05-27 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 1 of Volume X.]
FRIDAY, May 27, 1808.
[WHOLE No. 469.]
LETTER
To the hon. HARRISON G. OTIS, esq. By JOHN Q. ADAMS.
[CONCLUDED.]
It is but little more than two years, since this question was agitated both in England and America, with as much zeal, energy and ability, as ever was displayed upon any question of national law. The British side was supported by sir Wm. Scott, Mr. Ward, and the author of War in Disguise. But even in Britain the doctrine was refuted to demonstration by the Edinburgh reviewers. In America, the rights of our country were maintained by numerous writers profoundly skilled in the science of national and maritime law. The answer to War in Disguise was ascribed to a gentleman whose talents were universally acknowledged, and who, by his official situations, had been required thoroughly to investigate every question of conflict between neutral and belligerent right which has occurred in the history of modern war.
Mr. Gore and Mr. Pinkney, our two commissioners at London, under Mr. Jay's treaty, the former in a train of cool and conclusive argument addressed to Mr. Madison, the latter in a memorial of splendid eloquence from the merchants of Baltimore, supported the same; memorials, drawn by lawyers of distinguished eminence, by merchants of the highest character, and by statesmen of long experience in our national councils, came from Salem, from Boston, from New Haven, from New-York and from Philadelphia together with remonstrances to the same effect from Newburyport, Newport, Norfolk and Charleston. This accumulated mass of legal learning, of commercial information and of national sentiment from almost every inhabited spot upon our shores, and from one extremity of the union to the other, confirmed by the unanswered and unanswerable memorial of Mr. Monroe to the British minister, and by the elaborate research and irresistible reasoning of the examination of the British doctrine, was also made a subject of full, and deliberate discussion in the senate of the United States. A committee of seven members of that body, after three weeks of arduous investigation, reported three resolutions, the first of which was in these words, "Resolved, that the capture and condemnation, under the orders of the British government, and adjudications of their courts of admiralty of American vessels and their cargoes, on the pretext of their being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace, is an unprovoked aggression upon the property of the citizens of these United States, a violation of their neutral rights, and an encroachment upon their national independence."
On the 13th of February 1806, the question upon the adoption of this resolution was taken in the senate. The yeas and nays were required; but not a solitary nay was heard in answer. It was adopted by the unanimous voice of all the senators present. They were twenty eight in number, and among them stands recorded the name of Mr. Pickering.
Let us remember that this was a question most peculiarly and immediately of commercial, and not agricultural interest; that it arose from a call, loud, energetic and unanimous, from all the merchants of the United States upon Congress, for the national interposition: that many of the memorials invoked all the energy of the legislatures and pledged the lives and properties of the memorialists in support of any measure which congress might deem necessary to vindicate those rights. Negotiation was particularly recommended from Boston, and elsewhere,—negotiation was adopted—negotiation has failed—and now Mr. Pickering tells us that Great Britain has claimed and maintained her right! He argues that her claim is just—and is not sparing of censure upon those who still consider it as a serious cause of complaint.
But there was one point of view in which the British doctrine on this question was then only considered incidentally in the United States—because it was not deemed material for the discussion of our rights. We examined it chiefly as affecting the principles as be-
tween a belligerent and a neutral power. But in fact it was an infringement of the rights of war, as well as the rights of peace. It was an unjustifiable enlargement of the sphere of hostile operations. The enemies of Great Britain had by the universal law of nations a right to the benefits of neutral commerce within their dominions (subject to the exceptions of actual blockade and contraband) as well as neutral nations had a right to trade with them. The exclusion from that commerce by the new principle of warfare which Britain, in defiance of all immemorial national usages undertook by her single authority to establish, but too naturally led her enemies to resort to new and extraordinary principles by which in their turn, they might retaliate this injury upon her. The pretence upon which Britain in the first instance had attempted to colour her injustice, was a miserable fiction.—It was an argument against fact. Her reasoning was, that a neutral vessel by mere admission in time of war, into ports from which it would have been excluded in time of peace, became thereby deprived of its national character, and ipso facto was transformed into enemy's property.
Such was the basis upon which arose the far famed rule of the war of 1756—Such was the foundation upon which Britain claimed and maintained this supposed right of adding that new instrument of desolation to the horrors of war—It was distressing to her enemy—yes! Had she adopted the practice of dealing with them in poison—Had Mr. Fox accepted the services of the man who offered to rid him of the French emperor by assassination, and had the attempt succeeded, it would have been less distressing to France than this rule of the war of 1756; and not more unjustifiable. Mr. Fox had too fair a mind for either, but his comprehensive and liberal spirit was discarded, with the cabinet which he had formed.
It has been the struggle of reason and humanity, and above all of christianity, for two thousand years to mitigate the rigours of that scourge of human kind, war. It is now the struggle of Britain to aggravate them. Her rule of the war of 1756, in itself and in its effects, was one of the deadliest poisons, in which it was possible for her to tinge the weapons of her hostility.
In itself and in its effects, I say—For the French decrees of Berlin and of Milan, the Spanish and the Dutch decrees of the same or the like tenor, and her own orders of January and November—these alterations of licenced pillage, this eager competition between her and her enemies for the honor of giving the last stroke to the vitals of maritime neutrality, all are justly attributable to her assumption and exercise of this single principle. The rule of the war of 1756 was the root from which all the rest are but suckers, still at every shoot growing ranker in luxuriance.
I am not the apologist of France and Spain; I have no national partialities; no national attachment, but to my own country. I shall never undertake to justify or to palliate the insults or injuries of any foreign power to that country which is dearer to me than life. If the voice of reason and of justice could be heard by France and Spain they would say—you have done wrong to make the injustice of your enemy towards neutrals the measures of your own. If she chastises with whips do you not chastise with scorpions. Whether France would listen to this language, I know not. The most enormous infractions of our rights hitherto committed by her, have been more in menace than in accomplishment. The alarm has been justly great; the anticipation threatening; but the amount of actual injury small. But to Britain, what can we say? If we attempt to raise our voices, her minister has declared to Mr. Pinkney that she will not hear. The only reason she assigns for her recent orders of council is that France proceeds on the same principles. It is not by the light of blazing temples, and amid the groans of women and children, perishing in the ruins of the sanctuaries of domestic habitation at Copenhagen, that we can expect our remonstrances against this course of proceeding will be heard.
Let us come to the third and last of
the causes of complaint, which are represented as so frivolous and so confounded—"the unfortunate affair of the Chesapeake." The orders of admiral Berkeley, under which this outrage was committed, have been disavowed by his government. General professions of willingness to make reparation for it, have been lavished in profusion; and we are now instructed to take these professions for endeavours; to believe them sincere, because his Britannic majesty sent us a special envoy; and cast the odium of defeating these endeavors upon our own government.
I have already told you, that I am not one of those who deem suspicion and distrust, in the highest order of political virtues. Baseless suspicion is, in my estimation, a vice, as pernicious in the management of public affairs, as it is fatal to the happiness of domestic life. When, therefore, the British ministers have declared their disposition to make ample reparation for an injury of a most atrocious character, committed by an officer of high rank, and, as they say, utterly without authority, I should most readily believe them, were their professions not positively contradicted by facts of more powerful eloquence than words.
Have such facts occurred? I will not again allude to the circumstances of Mr. Rose's departure upon his mission at such a precise point of time, that his commission and the orders of council of 11th November, might have been signed with the same pen full of ink. The subjects were not immediately connected with each other, and his majesty did not choose to associate distinct topics of negotiation. The attack upon the Chesapeake was disavowed; and ample reparation was withheld only, because with the demand for satisfaction upon that injury, the American government had coupled a demand for the cessation of others; alike in kind, but of minor aggravation. But had reparation really been intended, would it not have been offered, not in vague and general terms, but in precise and specific proposals? Where are any such made? None. But it is said Mr. Monroe was restricted from negotiating upon this subject apart; and therefore Mr. Rose was to be sent to Washington; charged with the single object; and without authority to treat upon, or even discuss any other. Mr. Rose arrives—The American government readily determined to treat upon the Chesapeake affair, separately from all others; but before Mr. Rose sets his foot on shore, in pursuance of a pretence made before by Mr. Canning, he connects with the negotiation, a subject far more distinct from the butchery of the Chesapeake, than the general impression of our seamen—I mean the proclamation, interdicting to British ships of war, the entrance of our harbors.
The great obstacle which has always interfered in the adjustment of our differences with Britain, has been that she would not acquiesce in the only principle upon which a negotiation between independent nations can be conducted, the principle of reciprocity, that she refuses the application to us of the claim which she asserts for herself. The forcible taking of men from an American vessel, was an essential part of the outrage upon the Chesapeake. It was the ostensible purpose for which that act of war unproclaimed, was committed. The president's proclamation was a subsequent act and was avowedly founded upon many similar aggressions, of which that was only the most aggravated.
If then Britain could with any colour of reason claim that the general question of impressment should be laid out of the case altogether, she ought upon the principle of reciprocity to have laid equally out of the case, the proclamation, a measure so easily separated from it, and in its nature merely defensive. When therefore she made the repeal of the proclamation an indispensable preliminary to all this discussion upon the nature and extent of that reparation which she had offered, she refused to treat with us upon the footing of an independent power. She insisted upon an act of self-degradation on our part, before she would even tell us, what redress she would condescend to grant for a great and acknowledged wrong. This
was a condition which she could not but know to be inadmissible, and is of itself proof nearly conclusive that her cabinet never intended to make for that wrong any reparation at all.
But this is not all—It cannot be forgotten that when that atrocious deed was committed, amidst the general burst of indignation which resounded from every part of this union, there were among us a small number of persons, who upon the opinion that Berkeley's orders were authorized by his government, undertook to justify them in their fullest extent—These ideas probably first propagated by British official characters, in this country, were persisted in until the disavowal of the British government took away the necessity for persevering in them and gave notice where the next position was to be taken. This patriotic reasoning however had been so satisfactory at Halifax, that complimentary letters were received from admiral Berkeley himself highly approving the spirit in which they were inculcated, and remarking how easily peace, between the United States and Britain might be preserved, if that measure of our national rights could be made the prevailing standard of the country.
When the news arrived in England, although the general sentiment of the nation was not prepared for the formal avowal and justification of this unparalleled aggression, yet there were not wanting persons there, ready to claim and maintain the right of searching national ships for deserters—It was said at the time, that for this we must of course rest upon the credit of unofficial authority, to have been made a serious question in the cabinet council; nor was its determination there ascribed to the eloquence of the gentleman who became the official organ of its communication—And to this a circumstance, which without claiming the irrefragable credence of a diplomatic note, has yet its weight upon the common sense of mankind; that in all the daily news papers known to be in the ministerial interest, Berkeley was justified and applauded in every variety of form that publication could assume, excepting only that of official proclamation. The only part of his orders there disapproved of was the reciprocal offer which he made of submitting his own ships to be searched in return—that was very unequivocally disclaimed—The ruffian right of superior force was the solid base upon which the claim was asserted, and so familiar was this argument grown to the casuists of British national jurisprudence, that the right of a British man of war to search an American frigate, was to them a self evident proof against the right of the American frigate to search the British man of war. The same tone has been constantly kept up, until our accounts of the latest date, and have been recently further invigorated by a very explicit call for war with the United States, which they contend could be of no possible injury to Britain, and which they urge upon the ministry as affording them an excellent opportunity for them to accomplish a dismemberment of this union—These sentiments have even been avowed in parliament, where the nobleman who moved the address of the house of lords, in answer to the king's speech, declared that the right of searching national ships ought to be maintained against the Americans, and disclaimed only with respect to European sovereigns.
In the mean time admiral Berkeley, by a court martial of his own subordinate officers, hung one of the men taken from the Chesapeake, and called his name Jenkin Ratford.—There was, according to the answer so frequently given by the lords of the admiralty, upon applications for the discharge of impressed Americans, no such man on board the ship. The man thus executed had been taken from the Chesapeake by the name of Wilson. It is said that on his trial he was identified by one or two witnesses who knew him, and that before he was turned off he confessed his name to be Ratford and that he was born in England—But it has also been said that Ratford is now living in Pennsylvania—and after the character which the disavowal of admiral Berkeley's own government has given to his conduct, what confidence can be claimed or due to the proceed-

ings of a court martial of his associates held to sanction his proceedings. The three other men had not even been demanded in his orders. They were taken by the sole authority of the British searching lieutenant, after the surrender of the Chesapeake. — I here was not the shadow of pretence before the court martial that they were British subjects, or born in any of the British dominions. Yet by this court martial they were sentenced to suffer death! They were reprieved from execution, only upon condition of renouncing their rights as Americans by voluntary service in the king's ships. They have never been restored. To complete the catastrophe with which this bloody tragedy was concluded, admiral Berkeley himself in sanctioning the doom of these men—thus obtained—thus tried—and thus sentenced, read them a grave moral lecture on the enormity of their crime, its tendency to provoke a war between the U. States and Great-Britain.
Yet amidst all this parade of disavowal by his government—amidst all these professions of readiness to make reparation, not a single mark of the slightest disapprobation appears ever to have been manifested to that officer. His instructions were executed upon the Chesapeake in June—Rumors of his recall have been circulated here—But on leaving the station at Halifax in December, he received a complimentary address from the colonial assembly, and assured them in answer, that he had no official information of his recall. From thence he went to the West Indies; and on leaving Bermuda for England in February was addressed again by that colonial government, in terms of high panegyric upon his energy, with manifest allusion to his achievement upon the Chesapeake.
Under all these circumstances without applying any of the maxims of a suspicious policy to the British professions, I may still be permitted to believe that their ministry never seriously intended to make us honorable reparation, or indeed any reparation at all for that "unfortunate affair."
It is impossible for any man to form an accurate idea of the British policy towards the United States, without taking into consideration the state of parties in that government; and the views, characters and opinions of the individuals at their helm of state. A liberal and a hostile policy towards America, are among the strongest marks of distinction between the political systems of the rival statesmen of that kingdom. The liberal party are reconciled to our independence: and though extremely tenacious of every right of their own country, are systematically disposed to preserve peace with the United States. Their opponents harbor sentiments of a very different description—their system is coercion—their object the recovery of their lost dominion in North America. This party now stands high in power—Although admiral Berkeley may never have received written orders for his enterprize upon the Chesapeake, yet in giving his instructions to the squadron at Norfolk, he knew full well under what administration he was acting. Every measure of that administration towards us since that time has been directed to the same purpose. To break down the spirit of our national independence. Their purpose, as far as it can be collected from their acts, is to force us into a war with them or with their enemies; to leave us only the bitter alternative of their vengeance or their protection.
Both these parties are no doubt willing, that we should join them in the war of their nation against France and her allies. The late administration would have drawn us into it by treaty, the present are attempting it by compulsion. The former would have admitted us as allies, the latter will have us no otherwise than as colonists. On the late debates in parliament, the lord chancellor freely avowed that the orders of council of 11th November were intended to make America at last sensible of the policy of joining England against France.
This too, sir, is the substantial argument of Mr. Pickering's letter. The suspicions of a design in our own administration to plunge us into a war with Britain, I have shared. Our administration have every interest and every motive that can influence the conduct of men to deter them from any such purpose. Nor have I seen any thing in their measures bearing the slightest indication of it. But between a design of war with England, and surrender of our national freedom for the sake of war with the rest of Europe, there is a material difference. This is the policy now in substance recommended to us, and for which the interposition of the commercial states is called. For this, not
only are all the outrages of Britain to be forgotten, but the very assertion of our rights is to be branded with odium— Impressment—neutral trade—British taxation —Every thing that can distinguish a national vassalage, is to be surrendered at discretion . In the face of every fact we are told to believe every profession—In the midst of every indignity, we are pointed to British protection as our only shield against the universal conqueror. Every phantom of jealousy and fear is invoked—The image of France with a scourge in her hand is impressed in the service, to lash us into the refuge of obedience to Britain—insinuations are even made that if Britain "with her thousand ships of war," has not destroyed her commerce, it has been owing to her indulgence, and we are almost threatened in her name with the "destruction of our fairest cities."
Not one act of hostility to Britain has been committed by us, she has not a pretence of that kind to alledge—But if she will wage war upon us, are we to do nothing in our own defence? If she issues orders of universal plunder upon our commerce, are we not to withhold it from her grasp? Is American pillage one of those rights which she has claimed and exercised until we are fore closed from any attempt to obstruct its collection? For what purpose are we required to make this sacrifice of every thing that can give value to the name of freedom, this abandonment of the very right of self-preservation? Is it to avoid a war?—Alas! sir, it does not offer even this plausible plea for pusillanimity—For, as submission would make us to all substantial purposes British colonies, her enemies would unquestionably treat us as such, and after degrading ourselves in voluntary servitude to escape a war with her, we should incur inevitable war with all her enemies, and be doomed to share the destinies of her conflict with a world in arms.
Between this unqualified submission, and offensive resistance against the war upon maritime neutrality waged by the belligerent decrees of all the great belligerent powers, the embargo was adopted, and has been hitherto continued.—So far was it from being dictated by France, that it was calculated to withdraw, and has withdrawn from within her reach, all the means of compulsion which her subsequent decrees would have put in her possession. It has added to the motives both of France and England, for preserving peace with us, and has diminished their inducements to war. It has lessened their capacities of inflicting injury upon us, and given us some preparation for resistance to them; It has taken from their violence the lure of interest—It has dashed the philter of pillage from the lips of rapine. That it is distressing to ourselves—that it calls for the fortitude of the people, determined to maintain their rights, is not to be denied. But the only alternative was between that and war. Whether it will yet save us from that calamity, cannot be determined, but if not, it will prepare us for the further struggle to which we may be called. Its double tendency of promoting peace and preparing for war, in its operation upon both the belligerent rivals, is the great advantage, which more than outweigh all its evils.
If any statesman can point out another alternative, I am ready to hear him, and for any practicable expedient, to lend him every possible assistance. But let not that expedient be, submission to trade under British licences and British taxation. We are told that even under these restrictions we may yet trade to the British dominions, to Africa and China, and with the colonies of France, Spain and Holland. I ask not how much of this trade would be left, when our intercourse with the whole continent of Europe being cut off would leave us no means of purchase, and no market for sale?—I ask not what trade we could enjoy with the colonies of nations with which we should be at war?—I ask not how long Britain would leave open to us avenues of trade, which even in these very orders of council, she boasts of leaving open, as a special indulgence? If we yield the principle, we abandon all pretence to national sovereignty—To yearn for the fragments of trade that might be left, would be to pine for the crumbs of commercial servitude—The boon which we should humiliate ourselves to accept from British bounty, would soon be withdrawn. Submission never yet set boundaries to encroachment. From pleading for half the empire, we should sink into supplicants for life—We should supplicate in vain. If we should fall, let us fall, free men—If we must perish, let it be in defence of our RIGHTS.
To conclude, sir, I am not sensible of any necessity for the extraordinary interference of the commercial states to control the general councils of the nation—If any interference could at this critical extremity of our affairs have a kindly effect upon our common welfare, it would be an interference to promote union and not division—to urge mutual confidence, and not universal distrust—to strengthen the arm and not to relax the sinews of the nation. Our sufferings and our dangers, though differing perhaps in danger, are universal in extent. As their cause are justly chargeable, so their removal is dependent not upon ourselves, but upon others. But while the spirit of independence shall continue to beat in unison with the pulses of the nation, no danger will be truly formidable—Our duties are, to prepare with concerted energy, for those which threaten us, to meet them without dismay, and to rely for their issue upon Heaven.
I am with great respect and attachment, Dear sir, Your friend and humble servant, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. Hon. Harrison Gray Otis.
WASHINGTON CITY, May 18. The House of Representatives of the Orleans territory on the 10th of March passed a resolution—Yeas 14. Nays 6— "that after the expiration of the present session the seat of the legislature shall no longer continue in the city of New-Orleans."
GLASGOW, April 4. Mr. Nourse, and lieut. Lewis, in the Osage, from America, are arrived at L'Orient. This information is brought to-day by a letter from Guernsey, dated 29th March, in these words: "The American government has sent two persons to treat with France and G. Britain. The Phoenix privateer, of this place, spoke them going into L'Orient; and brought Philadelphia papers of the 26th ult. which mention the circumstance." We have been politely favored with the following extract of a letter received in Glasgow this morning:
"London, April 1, 1808. "A letter is said to have been received by a merchant in this place, from his brother, an officer under sir R. Strachan, and, if genuine, confirms the following facts:
"That Sir R. Strachan, with eight sail, attacked the Rochefort and Carthagena squadrons, consisting of 12 sail of the line, in Palms Bay, Majorca; that he took or destroyed nine sail at the expence of his own life, two captains, and 1800 killed and wounded. One of our ships blew up, and one was sunk by the batteries."
The following article was received by the Editor of the Aurora, from Cadiz, enclosing the Cadiz Gazette, in which are the decrees announcing the elevation of Ferdinand VII. and the confiscation of the fortune and effects of Don Manuel Godoy, (Prince of Peace.)
"CADIZ, March 21, 1808. "Bonaparte was to enter Madrid on the 27th inst. as announced in a proclamation by the king; on the 23th 27,000 French troops had already entered that capital, and 23,000 more were daily expected. The French emperor has announced, through the Spanish government, his determination to occupy Cadiz to preserve it from the English. The minister, Solez, Espinosa, Noriega, and all the partizans of the Prince of Peace, are arrested or fled. The old king, Charles IV. with Louisa his queen, are ordered by the council to retire to Guadalaxara, a small town, ten leagues from Madrid."
Details relative to the revolution in Spain.
"One of the first steps has been to confiscate all the property which the Prince of Peace had usurped from the nation, amounting to some hundred millions of dollars, (having appropriated to himself the whole produce of the lands of the clergy which have been selling for some years past;) $2,500 vases reales of 600 dollars have been found, and an immense quantity of gold. He is now arrested and going to be tried—he had been hidden for near two days in a garret of his palace, but pressed by hunger and thirst, he declared himself to one of the guards, who immediately secured him. It is now discovered, that he had sent orders to the governor of Ceuta to surrender himself to the English—it also appears certain that M. Valdes, commander of the squadron that sailed last month to Carthagena, had orders to go
to Gibraltar and surrender himself, but he put into Mahon, under pretext of an accident, and one Salcedo was immediately sent to supercede him, but it is expected he will not have arrived in time. Senora Josefa Tudo, mistress of the Prince of Peace, set out for Cadiz, on the 15th, with all the money that was left in the treasury; detachments of hussars have been after her, but it is feared she is already on board the English fleet. It seems the plan of this man was to take the royal family over to Spanish America, make a peace with England, destroy the Prince of Asturias, (which was already attempted in October last) and get himself appointed Regent of that country, if not King. The French government had secret advice of this plot, and sent in troops by all quarters, with the pretext of an attack against Algiers and Gibraltar, and it was too late when he discovered the real object of this visit. Whatever be his fate, it is not probable that the immense property he has in the bank of London, will ever be recovered by the nation. All the people in exile by his orders, are recalled to his Court. Florida Blanca is expected to be Prime Minister; the Duke of Infantado lately exiled by him, is appointed President of the council and colonel of the Spanish guards; the duke of Medicacili and count Fernan Funez, are sent to compliment the French Emperor at Burgos and conduct him to Madrid; no blood has been spilt; but several houses of his partizans have been plundered and destroyed by the mob—amongst them, are those of Solar the Minister; Noriega, the Treasurer General; Sixto Espinosa, cashier of the Consolidation; Truxillo, late Governor of Malaga, and brother-in-law to the Prince of Peace. The king and Queen have asked to retire to Grenada or St. Lucar, but the council has opposed it as being too near the coast; they are allowed to chuse between Guadalaxara and Arenas a small place in the centre of Castille."
New-York, May 14. Latest from France.—By the arrival this forenoon of the brig Prudence, in 44 days from Bordeaux, we have received Paris papers to the 27th of March. We have only been able to run over them hastily. They are principally occupied with decrees, addresses, &c. &c. relative to the establishment orders and titles of Nobility, and the organization of a Grand Imperial University.
Decapitation.—Capt. Lovett, of the ship Connecticut, who arrived here last evening, in 36 days from St. Lucar, informs "that the Prince of Peace was beheaded on the 5th of April, and had been exposed in public loaded with chains—the houses of all his officers were destroyed—Prince Ferdinand was crowned king—and the arrival of Bonaparte was hourly expected at Madrid with 50,000 troops—and that the siege of Gibraltar was no more spoken of."
This is just what we expected the moment we heard that Bonaparte was about to march an army into Spain. And it is just what that poor unfortunate Prince and every other deserves, that will lend his influence in assisting Bonaparte to overturn the whole world, and destroy every vestige of liberty.
St. Albans, (Vt.) May 5. A number of militia have been this day detached from this regiment, by order of the governor, to enforce the laws of the United States, and quell all combinations against the due observance of the same. The detachment from Vermont is commanded by Capt. Hopkins of Swanton, and we believe consists of about 25 men, who are or will be immediately joined by a detachment from New-York side, to proceed with all dispatch to the British lines, in order to prevent the passing of a large quantity of lumber in rafts, which is now near the lines. There is now a heavy gale from the south, and the rafts being supplied with such a quantity of sail, that we think it hardly possible for human force to restrain their movements, till they pass the provincial line. We hope no serious consequences will arise from this conflict between the sovereignty of the U. States, and the sovereignty of pecuniary want.
Bennington, May 8. Gov. Smith is said to have gone to the northward to reconcile the opposers of the embargo.
A report is in circulation, that an engagement lately took place on lake Champlain, between the crew of a large raft and the custom-house guards, in consequence of the former attempting to pass: thirty-nine were severely wounded and one killed. It is supposed that they were conveying large quantities of tea into Lower and Upper Canada.

From the Utica Patriot.
By a gentleman directly from Vermont, we are informed, that in an attempt of the inhabitants to take a large raft to Montreal, contrary to the embargo laws, they were resisted on Lake Champlain, by two sloops belonging to the government—when an action took place, in which fourteen or fifteen men were wounded. The raft made its escape and proceeded to its place of destination.
We learn by a gentleman from Vermont, who resides near Lake Champlain, that the raft preparing to go down the Lake to Montreal was near half a mile long, had a regular fort built upon it ball proof, and is manned with between 5 and 600 men armed. The raft is represented to contain all the surplus produce of that state raised the year past, such as wheat, pot-ash, pork, beef, &c. and said to be worth rising of three hundred thousand dollars. Gov. Smith of Vermont has ordered out the militia to arrest the progress. It is feared this cruel and arbitrary policy of forbidding intercourse with our neighbors will cost the lives of some of our most valuable citizens.
N. Y. Ev. Post.
"A gentleman from Vermont" has communicated that a raft is preparing on Lake Champlain nearly half a mile long, and which is to contain all the surplus produce of that state, to be transported to Montreal. A fort also, he reports, is erected, which is "ball proof." He also informs that Gov. Smith has ordered out the militia to intercept this armament, and if all is true, that the "gentleman from Vermont" reports, dreadful consequences must ensue. A raft half a mile in length would require a large space of water for its navigation. There certainly is no lake or river in the known world in which it could perform any evolutions, and valuable citizens certainly would be "despicable fools," to venture their persons or their property in such an undertaking.
N. Y. Oracle.
A vessel has arrived at Newbern, N. C. in a short passage from St. Vincent's, with intelligence that the town of Kingston, in that island, has been totally destroyed by fire; and that the inhabitants have risen en masse, and massacred most of the constituted authorities.
Markets at St. Croix—(17 days since) —Flour $36 per barrel; Corn meal, $100 per hhd.
New-York Election.—All the returns have not yet been received but from what has we believe the democrats will have a small majority in the next legislature of that state.
BOSTON, May 12.
Representative Account-Current.
The aggregate Federal gain, in the towns from which information is obtained is 126—after deducting doubtful returns. If the towns yet to be heard from make returns equally favorable, there will be a federal majority in the house, and of course the vacancies in the senate will be so filled up, as to give 23 Feds to 17 Demos, and this will soon be increased to 24 feds and 16 demos, by electing a federalist in the place of Dr. Hill, appointed post-master in Boston.
From Sag Harbor, N. Y. April 30.
The fast sailing sch'r Nassau, captain Latham, arrived this day from Machias. We are informed that letters had been received at that place from the collector at Passamaquoddy, informing that there were upwards of a hundred vessels at that place, and he found it impossible to execute the laws. The mob had threatened to burn his house, and unless a force was immediately sent there, he was apprehensive he should be obliged to quit his station.
LATEST FROM SPAIN.
Capt. Lovett, who arrived at this port last night, in 36 days from St. Lucar, informs that the prince of peace was beheaded on the 4th of April; and that the prince Ferdinand was proclaimed king on the 7th. Bonaparte was momentarily expected at Madrid with 50,000 troops. St. Lucar was blockaded by 8 or 10 sail of the line. Provisions were very high; flour 35 dollars, and rising.
"ALICANT, 27th March, 1808."
"On the 18th inst. at nine in the evening, an order arrived from the Generalissimo the Prince of Peace, to the Spanish and Walloon guards and other troops stationed round or doing garrison service in Madrid to march without delay to Aranjuez, where they arrived the next morning to the number of 10 000. A novelty of such a nature and at such a
time, induced a multitude of people to follow them, amongst which a report was diligently circulated that their Majesties and the Prince of Peace intended to retire to Gibraltar, and from thence to America, as had been done by the Portuguese royal family. Impressed with this idea, the mob collected in the grand square before the palace, about 10 o'clock in the evening, crying, long live the king, and kill the traitor! Caballero, the first secretary of state, immediately proceeded to the royal apartment, where he found the king and queen together, much alarmed; while he was attempting to calm their apprehensions, the Prince of Peace entered, with apparent consternation, and entreated their Majesties to disguise themselves immediately and escape, as the people meditated mischief against them. The secretary assured them it was false; that they expressed the greatest love and loyalty for his majesty's person and only sought revenge on a traitor. And who is he? Cried the Prince of Peace. You, said Caballero. The former drew his sword, and attempted to stab him; but the king interfering, the latter had time to retire, and take with him the Prince of Asturias, to beg protection of the guards de corps. The 20th
CHARLES IVth ABDICATED THE THRONE, to his son the Prince of Asturias, WHO IS NOW PROCLAIMED AS FERDINAND THE VIIth.
"Thus a complete revolution has taken place with the loss of few lives, when from the known sanguinary dispositions of the Spaniards rivers of blood might have been expected to be shed."
PARIS, (Ken.) April 19.
On Thursday last we received intelligence, by some gentlemen on their way from Natcheez, that a party of the Creek nation of Indians, ten in number, on Sunday the 3d inst. attacked a crew of men trading up the Tennessee river, in a perogue, fifteen miles above the mouth of Duck. The crew consisted of seven men mostly Kentuckians, commanded by Capt. Mortimer, of which two were killed, and three badly wounded: one of the men killed we are sorry to say, is Mr. Edward Porter, brother to Capt. John Porter, of this place; the other was Mr. Hervy, of Mason county. Capt. Mortimer, was wounded in four places, one of which was through the wrist.
From the information it appears there were no circumstances which could justify the attack. Some of the Indians went in a canoe to the perogue to buy powder and whiskey, and upon their being told there was none, they went off muttering, and were overheard to say in English, "damn them, they had some, for they smelt it." A young man which captain Mortimer, had hired on the Tennessee river, to assist in navigating the boat, told him, he knew some of the Indians, and that they had a spite against him, and if the captain did not put him on shore, they would probably kill the whole crew: he was accordingly landed: but the Indians ran down and fired on them, and continued the fire for several hundred yards down the river; —Mr. Hervy returned the only fire, after receiving his mortal wound. The crew retreated to the mouth of Richland creek, where they buried our two unfortunate murdered countrymen in as decent a manner as their circumstances would admit.
A company of men was raised, and went in pursuit of the Indians, but had not overtaken them when these gentlemen left there. An express was likewise sent to their nation. One of the wounded it was tho' would not recover.
Mr. Helm, of Mason county, was one of the gentlemen who brought the intelligence, and received his information from Mr. Masters, one of the crew & brother-in-law to Mr. Hervy who was killed.
Mr. Helm further states, that as he passed thro' the Chickasaw nation, he was told that the Creek nation had determined to go to war with the whites, and that the sixth town of the Choctaws, had joined them. A party of the Creeks had been in the Old-Town for some time, persuading the Chickasaws to go to war; and he was cautioned to take care of the Cherokees, as it was believed they would join the Creeks. When he arrived at the Cherokee nation, he found them holding their war-dance: their warriors wore red beads, carried knives, tomahawks and scalps, but offered no violence to any of his party. The Chickasaws appeared friendly, and said if the whites would send an army, they would assist to drive off the Creeks and Choctaws.
A boat, in ascending the Cumberland, has recently been attacked by the Cherokee Indians, and had one man killed,
and several wounded, in consequence of which, and some other threatening circumstances, great alarm is said to prevail on our frontier.
In the Reporter, a paper published at Lexington, Ken. an attempt is made to impute this murder to the machinations of the British. This is absurd. The English have great influence over the Northern Indians, and have often excited them to deeds of barbarity; but every one who knows any thing of Indian affairs, knows that the Southern Indians are not at all under the control of the British. They have long been exclusively under the influence of the Spaniards.
Wash. Fed.
Not only the papers of Europe, but some of those of our own country, speak of Messrs. Lewis and Nourse as diplomatic characters, charged with important negotiations, and express great anxiety for the result of their mission. The truth is those gentlemen are merely the bearers of letters, and are charged with no other duties than their safe delivery.
Ibid.
MARTINSBURG, May 27.
Died, on Friday last, Mrs. Baylor, the amiable wife of Richard Baylor, Esq. of Jefferson County. But few have lived more highly and justly esteemed, or died more sincerely lamented, than the deceased.
Married, on Tuesday last, Mr. William Gerard, (Editor of the "Argus of Western America," printed at Frankfort, Ken.) to Miss Nancy Miller, of this County.
Washington City, May 18.
General Moreau, accompanied by four French gentlemen, arrived in town on Friday evening, and Saturday morning pursued their journeys to the eastward.
The independent farmers of Massachusetts are doing themselves great honor. The accession to correct principles is beyond the most sanguine hope. The Boston Centinel of the 11th, the latest date received, states, the clear federal gain at 84. There is no doubt but Boston would elect thirty one Federalists.—It is already ascertained that the Senate of that state is federal.
Anecdote.—We publish the following anecdote in hopes it will yield that pleasure to our readers which we received at its recital—the source from whence it comes, leaves but little doubt of its authenticity.
A young girl about seven or eight years of age, of pious cast and uncommonly fond of attending church on the Sabbath, was asked by an atheist—how large she supposed her God to be; to which she with admirable readiness replied—"HE is so great that the heaven of heavens cannot contain him, and yet so kindly condescending as to dwell in my little heart."
[Augusta Herald.]
To the Public.
WHEREAS I some time ago, thro' the persuasion of certain persons, whom I then took to be my friends, cautioned the public against taking an assignment on a bond given by me to William Harlan for the sum of forty dollars, stating that it had been obtained from me in an illegal and improper manner, without any consideration; I now therefore feel it a duty I owe to myself and to Mr. Harlan, to state, that said bond was neither illegally nor improperly obtained, but was freely and voluntarily given in consideration of that sum paid by said Harlan to me in part of the price for a Negro fellow, who it appears was unsound, and died shortly after he purchased him from me.
EDMUND GOODMAN.
May 27, 1808.
For Sale,
A valuable Negro Man; his price 350 dollars; a Southern purchaser would be preferred—Apply to the Printer of this paper. May 27, 1808. 3teF.
Blue Dying and Reed making.
THE subscriber, living between Mrs. Hunter's and the Bridge, has the pleasure of informing his friends and the public generally, that he has just received a stock of good kain, and is now ready to oblige any of his friends with new Reeds of any description; or by edging, splicing or otherwise repairing old ones: He also continues the Blue Dying business as usual, and returns his grateful thanks for the encouragement he has received in that line, and is determined that nothing on his part shall be wanting to accommodate his customers, on the shortest notice, with ensured colours; his price for dying deep blue, on cotton or thread, is 50 cents per lb.—pale blue ditto 33 cents; Woolen yarn, deep blue, 33 cents; pale blue ditto 17 cents.
PHILIP WOLFF.
Martinsburg, May 20, 1808.
Stop, Stop—look here!!
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public in general, that he now lives in a house nearly opposite the poor house, where he is carrying on the WHEEL-WRIGHT business in all its variety, and as he attained a perfect knowledge of this business in that part of Europe most famed for Spinning Wheel making, he flatters himself that he will receive the patronage of his friends and the public.
Come then Ladies attend, Take work from your friend— Take fine Spinning Wheels, And handsome Check Reels.
He will also make looms, spools, swifts, shuttles, shafts, spooling and quill wheels, chairs, shoe-makers lasts, and all sorts of turning, &c.
He is determined to make and repair at the most reduced prices, and on the shortest notice, for cash or country produce.
I am with respect, the public's friend,
ROBERT GALLAGHER.
May 27, 1808.
N. B. An apprentice wanted to the above business.
* The North of Ireland.
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber on the 20th December last, a Negro woman named VENUS, about 27 years of age, about 5 feet 4 inches high, of a proportionable size, of a yellow complexion, has a wide mouth and full lips, rather ruff countenance, pock marked, has holes peirced in her ears, has small feet and hands for a Negro, a scar on the right side of her head not far from the crown, is remarkably fond of company and strong drink; had on when she went away a black and white striped lindsay jacket and petticoat, a new wool hat, a gray coating cloak, bound with worsted binding, a new red grounded calico habit, a dark grounded ditto, a white muslin ditto, and a quantity of other clothing not recollected; she has been in the neighbourhood of Charles-Town, and about Mr. Dandridge's quarters; she may have obtained a forged pass, and endeavour to pass as a free woman. I will give ten dollars reward for her apprehension if she is taken in Berkeley or Jefferson County; twenty dollars if fifty miles distant; if a hundred miles the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid, if delivered to Mr. Thomas Locke, Martinsburg, or to the subscriber, living near the Warm Springs.
JAMES JACKSON.
April 22, 1808.
NOTICE.
A BARGAIN may be had in the purchase of the places where John Files and Basil Cross now reside, containing five hundred acres of good lime stone LAND, binding on Opecon-Creek, distant about five miles from this place and six from Shepherd's-Town. The buildings are comfortable, with a mill-seat on Opecon.—The title good, the price low and the payments will be made easy to a punctual man. Those who are inclined to buy, may know the terms on application to John Baker, Esq. at Shepherd's-Town.
BENJAMIN ODEN.
Martinsburg, Nov. 20, 1807.
A variety of BLANKS For sale at this Office.

L. PRICE,
Has just received a large supply of
Fresh Goods,
which he offers for sale on the lowest terms. His assortment consists, in part, of the following articles:
 Mull Mull Muslins, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambric do.  Leno and Spider-net do. a beautiful assortment,  Cambric and Diaper Dimitys, Pocket Handkerchiefs,  A Superb collection of E. Chintzes and Fancy Prints,  Cotton Laces, assorted, Patent Nankeens, Grandurells, India Nankeens, Blue do.  Fancy Ginghams, Lappet and Cambric Shawls, Leno do.  An extensive assortment of fashionable and other Bonnets, Morocco Shoes, Fine drab Cassamers, Superfine Cloths all colours, Marseilles, assorted, Cotton hose do.  Tortois Shell and Horn Combs, Fancy Velvet & President's Cord, Irish Linen, German do.  Excellent Spinning Cotton, Crowley and Blister Steel, Bell's Crockery and Dishes, S. Wine, J. Spirits, F. Brandy, Cherry Bounce, Rum, Madeira Wine, Herring and Shad, Rappee Snuff, Imperial, Hyson, Y. Hyson and Green } TEAS,  New England CHEESE of excellent quality.  Cradling and Grass Scythes, Tin Ware, First quality Rifle powder, Common do.  Shot and Lead, Sweet Oil, Spirits Turpentine, Tar, Fish Oil and Molasses, &c. 
He assures the public that no person shall undersell him, and that no pains shall be spared to oblige customers.
Martinsburg. May 13, 1808.
THE subscribers, in addition to their former assortment, have just received and finished opening a complete and handsome variety of
SPRING and SUMMER
GOODS. (too extensive to particularize,) among which are an elegant assortment of Ladies' and Gentlemen's fashionable Manufactures, together with
A very general selection of the most permanent
EUROPEAN, INDIA and other
Merchandise, the whole of which they most respectfully recommend to customers particularly, and a liberal public generally, at the most reduced Cash rates—For all former favors conferred they gratefully request permission to return public thanks, hoping in all respects relative to their line of business to merit a continuance of patronage.
THOMAS C. SMITH, & Co. Martinsburg, May 13, 1808.
YOUNG MATCHLESS,
WILL stand this season at Thomas Tabb's stable in Martinsburg, on Mondays, Tuesdays and Wednesdays, Fridays and Saturdays at Jacob Long's stable in Shepherd's-Town, and cover mares at Four Dollars the season, Two Dollars the single leap, if not paid when the mare is covered to be considered as engaged for the season, and Eight Dollars to ensure a foal, but if the mare is parted with, the ensurance to be forfeited; the money for the season to be paid the first of October, and for ensurance when the mare proves with foal.
Young Matchless was got by Col. Burwell's Matchless, and Matchless by his celebrated horse Emperor, and his dam by Capt. Jacob Vandoren's Old Snap. Young Matchless is an elegant dapple gray, sixteen and a half hands high, seven years old this spring, and is well calculated for either saddle or draft. Young Matchless is the property of Abraham Gorrell, and was kept by me last season. A good groom is engaged and strict attention will be paid, but no responsibility for accidents. The season will commence the first of April, and end the last of June.
ANTHONY TURNER. April 1, 1808.
THE subscribers inform their friends (customers at a distance) and the public in general, that they have
Superfine Broad Cloths & Cassimere
for sale, on moderate terms, at their Store (by the Market-House) in Shepherd's-Town. They also have a complete assortment of Ladies Fashionable Plush Bonnets, Dry Goods of every description, Hard-Ware, Groceries, Bar-Iron, Plow Molds and Steel of all kinds, Castings, Wrought & Cut Nails of all sizes, A quantity of excellent well seasoned Plank, (fit for immediate use) Home-made Twilled Bags, ditto Linen, Flax, Fresh Medicines and Paints of the best quality, Flax-Seed Oil, Prime Soap, Upper and Harness Leather, Nice Calf Skins and Boot Legs; all which they are selling very Cheap, by wholesale and retail.
They return their sincere thanks to their Punctual Customers, and hope those in arrears will come forward and settle their respective balances (in a short time) as the season has now arrived, that makes it indispensably necessary we should have our money.
JAMES & JOHN LANE. P. S. They buy Hides and Skins, and give the highest price in Cash. Shepherd's-Town, March 18, 1808.
Berkeley, ss. March Court, 1808. Isabella Lyle, adm x . of Hugh Lyle, dec. Complainant.
against Hugh Lyle, Samuel Bray and Nancy his wife, John Lyle, Philemon Chenoweth and Sally his wife, James W. Campbell and Polly his wife, William Lyle, Anne Lyle, Emely Lyle, Samuel Lyle, children and heirs at law of John Lyle, deceased, Donald Campbell and Sally his wife, Margaret H. Lyle, Robert W. Lyle, Harriet Lyle and Hugh Lyle, children and heirs at law of said Hugh Lyle, deceased, James Wright & Elisha Boyd, Def ts . In CHANCERY.
THE defendants Samuel Bray and Nancy his wife, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant by her Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Samuel Bray and Nancy his wife, do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in June next, to answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, C.B.C.
Berkeley, ss. March Court, 1808. Ignatius O'Ferrall and Frances his wife, late Frances M c Kiernan, Comp ts , against
Peter M c Kiernan, Laurence M c Kiernan, Andrew Goubling and Catherine his wife, late Catherine M c Kiernan, Patrick Ternan and Margaret his wife, late Margaret M c Kiernan, James O'Quinn and Susanna his wife, late Susanna Mahony, Michael M c Kiernan, Frances Monahan, late Frances M c Kiernan, Elmer Shirky, late Elmer M c Kiernan, John M c Kiernan, Peter M c Kiernan, Frank M c Kiernan and Barney M c Kiernan, Def ts . In CHANCERY.
THE defendants, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the complainants by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in June next, to answer the bill of the complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, C.B.C.
Cash given for clean Linen and Cotton RAGS at this Office.
Berkeley, ss. March Court, 1808. Nathan Bull, ex r . of Robert Bull, dec. Complainant, against Daniel Brown, Defendant, In CHANCERY.
THE defendant, Daniel Brown, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant by his Counsel, it is ordered, that said Daniel Brown, do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in June next, to answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, C.B.C.
Berkeley, ss. March Court, 1808. William Maslin, Complainant, against Daniel Brown and David Dutton, } Defendants, In CHANCERY.
THE defendant, Daniel Brown, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant by his Counsel, it is ordered, that said Daniel Brown, do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in June next, to answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, C.B.C.
Land for Sale.
THE subscriber wishes to dispose of the FARM on which he now lives, situated in L ee County Virginia, near Opeckon Creek, about three miles from Martinsburg and seven from Shepherd's-Town, on the main road leading from the former to the latter place—This farm contains about three hundred acres, a part slate and a part limestone land of the first quality, about two thirds of the whole tract cleared, and now in a state of high cultivation, the balance clothed with excellent timber, which will always afford a greater quantity than the consumption of the place will require—A sufficient portion of the land can be converted into good meadow—The improvements are a very comfortable and convenient dwelling house, a large frame barn and stables, with other useful buildings; there is a spring of good water quite convenient to the dwelling, and several other springs rise on different parts of the place, furnishing a sufficient and constant supply of water throughout the year.
The subscriber being desirous to remove to the state of Ohio, will take in exchange for the above farm, land well situated and of good quality in any part of that state; or if a greater part of the price can be paid in hand, a great bargain will be given in it. The terms will be made known on application to the subscriber living on the premises.
ELI BELLER. April 29, 1808.
MACHINERY FOR Picking, Breaking and Carding Wool.
THE subscriber has his Machines repaired in the best order (with new cards) and all things complete for business at his Fulling Mill; likewise has engaged an experienced and careful hand to attend them this season, which will enable him to give general satisfaction to the public. The wool must be sent with the burrs and matted ends cut off, and the proportion of one pound of fresh grease to eight pounds of wool, in a cloth sufficiently large to contain the rolls; the price for picking, greasing and carding will be ten cents per pound, and for wool sent picked and greased, eight cents.
AARON HIBBERD. Tuacarora, 5th mo. 20th day, 1808.
WRITING PAPER
For sale at this Office.
Fresh Goods
NOW OPENING.
THE subscribers have the pleasure to inform their friends, customers and the public generally, that they have just received and are now opening at their Store (Mr. Kearsley's well-known corner) in Shepherd's-Town, a complete and handsome assortment of
SPRING and SUMMER
GOODS, consisting of almost every article in the mercantile line, which have been purchased low, and will be sold on as favorable terms as any goods that will be offered this season.
They return their thanks to all those who have been pleased to call on them since their commencement in business, and flatter themselves with a continuance of the same, as they are determined that no pains shall be spared to accommodate those who may favour them with their custom.
R. WORTHINGTON, & Co. Shepherd's-Town, May 20, 1808.
Bar-Iron.
WE have now on hand a complete assortment of Antietam BAR-IRON, which we intend keeping constantly.
R. WORTHINGTON, & Co. Shepherd's-Town, May 20, 1808.
WOOL CARDING MACHINE.
IMPRESSED with the many advantages these machines justly claim over any other mode of preparing wool for spinning, the subscriber has procured one, which will be in operation in a few days, in his Fulling Mill in Bucklestown. From the experience of those who are to set the machine in operation, and the personal attendance and great exertion of the subscriber to please, he trusts he will give general satisfaction to the patrons of the machine.
Wool for carding should be assorted; cleaned of burrs, sticks, &c. and greased with one lb. of grease to ten or twelve lbs. of wool. Price of carding eight cents per lb. if a credit is given ten cents per lb. is charged.
JONATHAN WICKERSHAM. N. B. Fulling executed with neatness and dispatch at proper seasons of the year. Berkeley County, May 20, 1808.
NOTICE.
ALL persons are hereby cautioned against taking an assignment on two notes of hand for ten dollars and fifty cents, payable on demand, given by the subscriber to Jacob Smith of Washington County, Maryland, some time in the month of March last; the said notes having been fraudulently obtained, without value received, I am determined never to discharge the same, unless compelled thereto by law.
LEONARD DRURY. Berkeley County, May 20, 1808.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS it has been the practice for some years past, under a pretence of fishing, to throw down our fences and run through our meadows, so that our fences were frequently in danger of being burnt, wishing to put a stop to such unlawful and evil practices in future, we do hereby forwarn all persons from fishing, ranging, or in any manner trespassing upon our property at any time as we are determined to put the law in force against such offenders without respect to persons.
Matthew Rippy, Nehemiah Matson, David Garard, jun. May 20, 1808.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away last night from the subscriber, a NEGRO MAN named STEPHEN, forty years old, six feet high, stout made, coarse voice, down look, remarkable large feet, is very fond of liquor; he took with him sundry home-made clothing; he may change his name and clothes, and obtain a forged pass. Eight dollars reward will be given for him, if taken in this county; twenty dollars if fifty miles, and the above reward if one hundred and fifty miles, and brought home, or secured in any jail, so that I get him again.
HENRY BEDINGER. Berkeley County, Va. May 17, 1808.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia: Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.