Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1806-07-02 00:00:00

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Shipping advertisements including: We want for a French Port, A SHIP of 2 to 300 bds. burthen. FOR DUBLIN, One of about 200 bds. burthen, both will have immediate dispatch given by C. & F. WHITTLE.
SPRING GOODS. LEWIS AUGIER, corner of Market-Square, Has just received per the Schooner Richmond, from New-York, the following GOODS: Brown and White Platillas; Cotton Stockings, open laced clocks and plain; Thread do.; Irish Linen, 7-8 and 4-4; Cotton Suspender; Embroidered Cambric Handkerchiefs; Fine Linen do.; Mock Madras do.; Real Madras do.; French Fans, black, &c.; India do.; Bombazets; Calimancoes; Checks, 3-4 and 5-4; Nuns; Thread; Nankkeen and coloured Thread; Cotton Cashmere; Mouselines, fashionab; German Rolls; Laced Cambric Shawls, 6-4; Muslin and Leno Shawls, 4-4 and 6-4; Real and Mock Chantrey; Lapet Muslin Shawls; Ginghams; Cambric; Cambric Muslin, 7-8, 9-8, and 6-4; Black and coloured Cambric; Blue Muslin Shawls, new fashion; Gun-nahs and Cotton Calicoes; Cambric Buttons; Metal do. assorted; Powder in kegs; Shot and Flints; Flos Cotton; Knives and Forks; Ferreting; Brass and Silver Candlesticks; Children's Morocco Shoes; Ladies' Morocco do.; Britannia; Blue and Yellow Nankeens; Oil Cloth, &c.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. TUESDAY, MAY 6. COLONIAL INTERCOURSE WITH NORTH AMERICA. Lord SHEFFIELD, pursuant to the intimation, he had given on a former evening, called the attention of their lordships to this subject, respecting which a bill was then before their lordships, and stood upon order for a second reading that evening. He addressed the house at some length upon the occasion, and recapitulated most of the arguments he had formerly advanced against the measure alluded to. His principal object, in the present instance, he said, was, to induce the house to postpone the farther progress of the bill for some time, in order to afford opportunity for the numerous descriptions of individuals deeply interested in the measure, to come forward in their behalf, with applications to the legislature. The noble lord particularly adverted to the interests of the ship owners of the port of London; and observed, that not only with respect to those, but various others of the petitioners, he could pledge himself to prove the truth of their important allegations, at the bar of the house. His lordship delivered himself in a low tone of voice, and read the greater part of his speech from papers which he held in his hand. He contended for the paramount importance of the navigation laws, as the principal source of the wealth, the power, the commercial prosperity, but above all, the naval superiority of the country. His object was not now to discuss the principle of the pending measure, but to induce the postponement of it altogether, for a short interval, for the reasons he had stated. The noble lord again recurred to the great importance of the general subject, of which the bill in question made a part, as affecting the commerce and manufactures of the United Kingdom. He adverted to a statement of a noble lord, who decidedly supported the measure, on a former night, to the effect, that in consequence of a due commercial intercourse not being suffered between the British West India islands, and the United States, and which induced a partial famine, not less than 15,000 slaves had perished in one year; this statement, in point of fact, he could, from good authority, contradict, as, at the period alluded to scarcely more than a tenth part of the number mentioned, or 1,500, had perished, and that was owing to causes of a very different nature than commercial intercourse, and principally from the effect of hurricanes. The system of suspension, if continued much longer, would operate most injuriously on the commerce of Great Britain, and especially her carrying trade in that quarter, which was already rapidly declining. Alluding to the bill itself, he argued, that the change of responsibility, which it mediated, from the West India governors, to the administration at home, should be a strong objection to it, did no other exist; and towards the conclusion of his arguments his lordship noticed the injurious effects which this measure must produce on the Irish Provision Trade. What it was his intention to propose now was, that the present discussion should be postponed till Friday, 16th instant. Previous to which, the order for the second reading of the bill in question was, by desire of his lordship, read, who immediately moved— "That the said order be discharged." The question was then regularly put; when, after a short pause. The Lord Chancellor expressed his opinion that the contents had it; upon which, Lord Grenville said, "The Non-contents have it." Their lordships, however, did not divide; and Lord Sheffield's motion, as above, was negatived. The question then became, that this bill be now read a second time. The Duke of Montrose expressed his surprise that no noble lord had thought proper to state to the house the grounds upon which the measure proceeded, or the necessity that existed for its adoption, especially when the great importance of the subject was considered. The measure went vitally to effect a trade which employed more than one hundred thousand tons of shipping, and between six and seven thousand seamen. He contended, that no necessity existed for the measure, particularly as a moment's reflection would show that the connexion with America was about to be formed. His grace supported, with much force, a great deal of the argument advanced by the noble lord who opened the discussion. If the bill should unfortunately pass, he took it for granted, that contracts would be entered into for the supply of the islands from America, and particularly in what respected the fishery, which had heretofore been effected, almost exclusively, in British bottoms. The measure was obviously unnecessary; because the governors could now do every thing they possibly could after the bill should pass into a law, and they were likely enough to open the ports in the West Indies, being surrounded by persons whose interest it was that such steps should be taken. He could corroborate what the noble lord asserted, respecting the cause of the calamity alluded to, viz. the great loss of slaves in one particular year, it arose from causes, physical, and uncontrollable, from earthquakes and hurricanes, and was not owing to a non-permission to import in American bottoms. The measure, he contended, was not only unnecessary, but unwise, as it took the power of acting, in the first instance, from the governors, who being on the spot, must be the best judges; they proceeded, under the pressure of necessity, and the circumstances of the respective cases, and went to vest the discretion in those who were at a vast distance from the scene. He hoped their lordships would be induced, ere they determined upon the second reading of the bill, to hear the statements of such a considerable body of men, on the shipping interest; the situation of which parliament should seriously consider, ere they did any thing to deteriorate it. He had no objection—no man could possibly have less, to America flourishing in her trade and commerce; but he trusted, she would not be suffered so to do, at the expense of this country; and, in maintenance of this principle, he would stand upon the ground of negotiation, or of any other, not only with respect to America, but with regard to any other country. He was perfectly aware of the full importance of our colonial possessions; but he would not agree to enrich those colonies at the expense of our navigation and sailors. He trusted, at least, their lordships would hear the petitioners, if not before the second reading of the bill, at least before it was entirely gone through. He meant not only those who had petitions already before the house, but who were still likely to come forward. And he must express his surprise at not having heard any reasons adduced in favour of the measure. The Earl of Lauderdale contended, that not one argument urged by the opponents of the measure in question, applied to the bill itself, but to subsequent or future regulations, which they, in their ground-
less fears, apprehended would be brought under the consideration of the legislature. The grounds or reasons, however, for the measure in question, were the soundest of any upon which a legislative measure could possibly proceed; to wit, a knowledge that we should be compelled, from necessity, to have recourse to such a measure; a necessity which had already induced the passing of no less than seven different bills of indemnity, in behalf of the governors, for unavoidable breaches of the existing law. With respect to the apprehensions entertained by some noble lords, of the injurious effects upon the commerce and naval strength of the country, he must confess, he saw it in a very different point of view. Even admitting that such a number of men were thrown out of the merchant service, in consequence of the measure, surely the admiralty could find instant employment for them, or many more; it would, therefore, go to insure that great bulwark of the empire. As to the policy of the measure, he thought it obviously better, instead of suffering the recent practice to go on, to vest the power and attendant responsibility in the government of the country. Lord Mulgrave professed himself by no means convinced by what had fallen from the noble lord who spoke last. With respect to the colonial system, which formed so important a topic in the present discussion, he thought the great advantage of possessing colonies, was the enjoyment of an exclusive trade with them; and which privilege in the mother country was but just and right, in return for giving them birth, and consequently supporting them; a principle which, in the former discussions of this subject, had not been sufficiently attended to. The argument, that the provisions and articles required could be had cheaper from America, did not appear to him to be conclusive upon the point. He would admit the application of the noble earl's remark, that our seamen may be increased by the consequences of the measure; but no farther than in the first instance; prospectively, it would tend to diminish the number, destroying, so far, a nursery for seamen. He supported the arguments of noble lords at his side of the question, with respect to the great commercial magnitude of the subject, and particularly as it regarded the concerns of the shipping interest, who, he trusted, would be heard by their counsel. He expatiated upon the great importance of the shipping interest, as the principle support of our foreign trade, being its necessary carrying medium, without which the manufactures of the country could not find their way to other countries. In short, the shipping interest was the vital principle of our commerce. The Lord Chancellor quitted the Woolsack; he observed, that if he understood the bill rightly, which however, he thought very plain, none of the arguments hitherto adduced, had the least application to it. He thought he knew what he read, and if he did not misread it, the language of the preamble of the bill, was sufficiently plain to warrant his assertion, and which was accordingly quoted by his lordship; the bill, therefore, was no more than eventually to enable the said governors to exercise the same discretion legally, which before they were in the habits of doing under the pressure of circumstances; and for which, from year to year, they applied for a Parliamentary indemnity; the present bill went to authorise the same discretion, when the necessity of the case appeared to them to require its exercise; that is, the bill, went to permit his majesty, by the advice of his privy council, to permit, prospectively, the exercise of such a discretionary power in the governors, when they should see the necessity for using it. He deprecated the conjuring up, as some noble lords seemed to do, gloomy prospects, and prophesying the greatest national calamities, on an occasion which merely went, in a decent and constitutional mode, to enable his majesty, with the advice of his privy council, to vest, occasionally, discretionary power in certain of his governors. The duke of Montrose, shortly explained he referred to the wise policy of our ancestors, who had placed the suspension of the navigation laws beyond the power of any privy council; and again contended for the paramount importance of preserving inviolate the navigation laws of the country. The Earl of Carnarvon contended warmly for the propriety and superior policy of the measure in question; which, in effect, was a continuation of a practice which noble lords had themselves countenanced from year to year, and not a single complaint had been heard against it. The duke of Clarence addressed their lordships at some length, but rather upon the general subject of which the bill in question formed a part, than upon the merits of the measure itself; of this, however, his royal highness seemed to approve. He expressed himself fully aware of the magnitude and importance of the navigation laws, to which no man could possibly be a greater friend than himself. He then entered upon some detailed considerations of the subject, to evince the necessity, at least occasionally, of our West India colonies having recourse to North America for various articles of lumber and provisions. These were enumerated by his royal highness, who observed, that all, except the articles of provision, were of the peculiar growth of the Continent of North America; and, with respect to the provisions, he said, the articles of beef and pork could be had cheaper in America than they could in Ireland. The Earl of Camden argued shortly in favour of the propositions advanced by noble lords at his side of the house. Lord Holland entered into the consideration of the topic adverted to, in the course of the debate, at some length, and with a considerable degree of warmth. He contended for the superior line of policy which the measure in question proceeded, and argued for, in some degree, the unavoidable necessity of a regulation of the kind, inasmuch as an occasional recurrence for a supply, to the American continent, was indispensable. Vessels from this country, carrying such articles, must have a deposit for the lumber, &c, somewhere. So far from the practice deteriorating our shipping and commercial interests, he contended that the documents before the house would prove, that the British shipping, in these periods, so far from having diminished, had increased, not only in numbers built, and tonnage, but of hands employed. With respect to America, he contended for the superior policy of a kind and liberal line of conduct towards that country; the longer he lived the more he was convinced of this principle, and of the benefit of strengthening the union between both nations, which had one common source, and possessed a similarity of language, of feelings, habits, and of laws; and, in conclusion, he insisted that the principle upon which the measure proceeded, was founded in true colonial policy, borne out by every rational enlightened view of the subject and even by the spirit of the navigation laws itself. Lord Hawkesbury was pleased to perceive, that whatever difference of opinion might prevail, as to comparatively minor considerations, upon the gene-

all subject of the navigation laws, the same spirit manifested itself as well in the house as in the country. His lordship contended for the paramount importance of these, and argued, that as far as it was practicable, it was incumbent on the government to act and carry into effect the spirit and principle of these laws. To these, the great naval and commercial superiority we enjoyed, was chiefly to be attributed—and one of the greatest objects in supporting a colonial system, was the interests of our navigation, and the maintenance of the laws made for its support. Having stated what he conceived to be the real question upon the measure, his lordship observed, there was no case made out to warrant such a bill as that under consideration; and he seemed to disapprove of it as much in point of policy, as he was disposed to deny its necessity. He was fully aware of the importance of the political and commercial intercourse with America; but to this, however, he would not consent to sacrifice the rights and the commerce of the subjects of this country. After arguing for some time to this effect, on these various topics, with his usual ability, his lordship expressed his disapprobation of the bill in question.
Lord Grenville, in consequence of points which had transpired in the course of the debate, wished to trouble their lordships with a few observations. A great deal of what was said, seemed of a prospective complexion; in that view, he owned, he did not possess foresight enough to say, what at a future period may be the best commercial system for the country to embrace, or what circumstances may occur, to render any one particular system preferable to another. Some of their lordships had gone into the consideration of abstract theories and upon topics which had not the least reference to that regularly before the house. A noble lord (Hawkesbury) had conceived the idea of commerce and navigation clashing; for his part, he believed that such a case never existed. The loss of the thirteen provinces of America had been adverted to, as inducing a convolution in our commerce, yet it produced no such effect; after that event, the operations of commerce remained the same. Nay, the commerce and navigation of the country had equally increased since. He deprecated, as erroneous, the principle of adhering too rigidly to old institutions, after the causes which led to those had ceased to exist; and said, that true policy accommodated itself to the changes wrought by time, and to the varying situations of countries. They should not consider themselves so circumstanced as those ancestors who made, for instance, the very laws in question; and who, at the time, did not consider themselves as bound by that practice.
Lord Eldon, in rising, declared he did not mean to trouble the house at that late hour, at any great length, particularly after the arduous duty of the forenoon; but having, in some measure, been instrumental in inducing the noble lord (Sheffield) to bring forward the discussion of this question on this day, he found it necessary to intrude a few observations on their lordships. He was inimical to this measure, from the principles of it, as they went to legalise an act, which, by the law, as it at present stood, was unlawful; and, therefore, he considered it dangerous to leave that in the power and discretion of persons entrusted with official situations in those islands, which, at any time, might be exercised in too great a degree. It would, he continued, be a very hazardous experiment to resort to, and should only be thought of when our navy was not sufficient to supply those islands, without having recourse to the assistance of other nations. After taking an enlarged and general view of the subject, the noble lord concluded, in declaring, that, from every argument which had been made use of, and every consideration he could give the measure, he could not see the necessity of it; and, therefore, should give it his decided disapprobation.
Lord Sheffield, in reply to the several arguments on the other side of the House, shortly observed, that notwithstanding all that had been said in support of this measure, not one argument or reason had been adduced, which could lead him into an opinion of the necessity or propriety of such a proceeding, and he therefore declared it his intention to support the petitioners against this bill, in every stage of it. After a few further observations from Lord Grenville and Lord Eldon, the question was put for the second reading of the bill, and carried without a division.
The bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Thursday next. The other orders of the day, mostly of a private nature, were then disposed of, and the house adjourned till to-morrow; when their lordships stand summoned upon the second reading of the Slave trade limitation bill.
A request to the Benevolent and Humane. WHEREAS, in September last, I took JOHN JONES, son of Mary Jones, a lad then about 19 years of age, from the Berkeley Spring to this city, under a mistaken notion that his mother had a right (since she actually exercised it) to bind her son to me; and whereas, the said John Jones, getting probably informed of the nullity of the indenture, did on the 21st or 22d of October, (after my setting out for Alexandria,) leave my house, and staid several days at a Mr. Albert's, a baker, on Shockoe Hill, by whom he was brought back, but left my house a second time, on the same or the next day, (as I have been informed on my return,) saying that he wished to go back to his mother, that he knew every step of the road, and should find in Fredericksburg plenty of wagons to carry him to Winchester. And whereas, I learned lately to my great surprise, from Captain John Hunter, at the Berkeley Springs, to whom I had occasion to write, that the said John Jones had neither been seen nor heard of, which has been confirmed since by a letter from his mother to me; I therefore request by this publick notice, all and every person or persons, who may harbour the before named John Jones, or know of his place of abode, or what has become of him, to communicate their intelligence to his disconsolate mother at the Berkeley Springs, or the subscriber in Richmond. June 21st, 1806. G. S. STRAS.
The said John Jones is rather tall for his age, slender but well made, has a fair complexion, blue eyes, light hair, a number of freckles in the face, is sprightly and active, rides well on horseback, and can drive a wagon. The Printers in the different parts of this state are humbly solicited by a distressed mother to give the following a place in their papers.
20 Puncheons Grenada RUM, Landing this day from on board the Schooner Harmony—For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. June 30. 4t 866
NOTICK. The Subscriber has taken into partnership Mr. Paul Proby, and Mr. Patrick Hannan. The business in future will be carried on under the firm of Proby, Hannan, & Co. Thomas H. Parker. May 30. ff 779
For Rent. The Store, Compting Room & Cellar No. 41, Main-Street, lately occupied by Mr. Wm. McQueen. Apply to Thomas Willock. March 17. ff
80 Pun. high proof Jamaica RUM, Landing this day from on board the Maryland Mary, from Kingston—For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. June 25. 6t 667
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIME, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE. WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 2, 1806.
FRIDAY, being the FOURTH of JULY, this paper will not be published until Monday next, unless something important occurs, in which case we shall issue an extra paper.
Ledger Office, } 2d July. }
We have studiously avoided to notice the state politics of New York, for in truth we must confess we do not understand them, and we should feel no pleasure in copying into our paper the volumes of abuse which each party bestows upon its opponents. We both hope and believe that neither are as bad as represented, for to suppose otherwise, would be to suppose that publick and private virtue are banished from the state.
Our neighbour, the Richmond Enquirer , has indulged in some animadversions upon New York politics, which have drawn upon him some sharp observations; but a recent publication in his paper has produced the notice which we copy from the MORNING CHRONICLE . We have been induced to notice this publication, as we are persuaded that it is the clue to some intrigue, which time will unfold; meanwhile it is certainly incumbent on the Editor of the Enquirer , or his correspondent, to give some evidence of the charge made on Mr. Livingston. A man who has been so much honoured and distinguished by his country, is entitled to consideration, and ought not to be charged in so serious a manner without something like proof.
We cannot be supposed to have any knowledge of the secret views of the parties called republican, but we can perceive that they have but little confidence in each other. Who shall be the next President? This is the source of all the animosity, this induces the partizans of each favourite leader to seek the destruction of the man who may come in conflict.
Private letters from England say, that the mission of Lord Shelburne to the United States is not quite certain. It is by some stated that his Lordship wishes to decline the embassy. At all events his departure is delayed until the fate of the Bill before Parliament respecting the Colonial Intercourse with this country and the negotiations depending with Mr. Monroe are determined. We expect that the prohibitory Bill reached London a few days after the date of our advices by the Wheeler, of the 11th of May. That Bill received the President's signature on the 18th of April, but on what day it passed the Senate we have not examined, but believe the 16th of April; we do not imagine that the British government would notice it officially until it passed into a Law, which was not until it was approved by the President.
FROM THE MORNING CHRONICLE.
Infamous and outrageous lie. —The following abominable lie, and series of lies, together with all the folly and falsehood with which it is garnished, is extracted from the Richmond Enquirer , of the 13th inst.
"But the present is peculiarly a crisis, when this suspicious spirit of moderation is likely to produce very fatal misfortunes. Cast your eye towards Pennsylvania and New-York. In the first state, the administration of McKean is eulogised by these apostates, these guides, or what is still more appropriate, the political mongrels. In New-York, the division among the republicans is more the result of family feuds than of political principle; but even there, what strong symptoms are shown of contemptible mongrelism! During the very last election, chancellor Livingston himself, the man who has disgraced the services of a whole life by his late dishonourable attempt to tear from Mr. Monroe those laurels which were due to him for his aid during the Louisiana negotiation, even he has still further added to his disgrace by encouraging his friends to combine with the federalists. At such a time, therefore, it becomes necessary to explode every effort which may be employed to produce this unnatural combination! Is it not then necessary to keep the widest possible distinction between the republican and federal parties?"
This paragraph has been republished by the slanderous Cheetham, in his paper of yesterday, accompanied with some insidious and infamous remarks. The Captain commences, by observing, that the "writer betrays a want of information on the affairs of this state, and the principles and conduct of the republican party." To this proposition we yield our most hearty assent. Not only this writer, but Mr. Ritchie himself, is most deplorably ignorant of every circumstance which has produced the apostasy of a portion of the republican party in this state. The sources of our divisions here, are sufficiently notorious. They arise from the profligate ambition of certain individuals, aided by the obsequious services of a foreign political incendiary, who from his former standing in the republican party, has been able to deceive and delude individuals—and they may also be imputed in no small degree, to the pernicious exertions of an horde of hungry office holders, who are devoted to an imperious and intriguing master.
But the foul and unprecedented slanders of the writer in the Richmond Enquirer , deserve our immediate animadversion. We say unprecedented, because even Cheetham himself, who as a daring calumniator is without a rival in this or any other country, has never before possessed the confidence to make a charge so false and so monstrous. Even now, he dare not give even his insignificant sanction, to the libels of the Virginia slanderer, but demands proof of the editor of the Enquirer . If this writer has had the hardihood to promulgate a falsehood which Cheetham shrunk from publishing, he must indeed be sunk in depravity so deeply, that nothing less than the interposition of miraculous power, could restore him to decency.
"Chancellor Livingston, (says this scoundrel) has disgraced the services of a whole life by his late speculations in Paris, and by his dishonourable attempt to tear from Mr. Monroe the laurels which were due to him for his aid, during the Louisiana negotiation." As to the charge made in the Enquirer , and explained in the Citizen , that the minister speculated in the Louisiana purchase, we do in the most solemn manner, and from the most indisputable authority, assert that it is FALSE, and without the faintest shadow of foundation. Neither he, nor any of his connexions, ever made speculations of the description to which this libeller refers. It is a fact well known,
and universally acknowledged, by all parties, personally acquainted with the late minister, that there does not exist a man who, in pecuniary concerns, is more uniformly disinterested, and generous. For an illustrious proof of the truth of this position, I need only refer to the conduct of Mr. Livingston in his diplomatic capacity. It is notorious that in France, the American ministry, influenced by a patriotic and laudable ambition, to elevate in the estimation of foreigners, the character of the country which he represented, sustained the dignity of his official character, in a style entirely unexampled, and at the expense of his private fortune. No minister was ever more respected at a foreign court than Mr. Livingston, and there has never existed one, who rendered to his country, services more splendid and important. The acquisition of Louisiana, which has added a world to the extent of our empire which has removed us from the vicinity of a dangerous and restless neighbour, and which has given permanence to our national tranquility and prosperity, is to be principally attributed to Mr. Livingston.
But says this villainous calumniator, Mr. Livingston has endeavoured to deprive Mr. Monroe, of the laurels which he earned in that negotiation. This assertion is also totally false and malicious. Mr. Livingston, with that modesty and candor which are so remarkably his characteristics, has never denied to Mr. Monroe all the credit which the warmest of his friends, (Mr. John Randolph not excepted) would wish to claim for him, on account of his conduct in the Louisiana negotiation. On every occasion, Mr. Livingston has spoken of Mr. Monroe in terms respectful and honourable. Since, however, the subject has been forced upon us, we do not hesitate to declare that the merit of the negotiation is due in a principal degree to Mr. Livingston. In saying this, we are far from wishing to detract from the praise due to Mr. Monroe, for his cordial "aid" and co-operation with the resident minister. But if our impressions are correct, the business was nearly, if not entirely completed, previously to the arrival of Mr. Monroe at Paris. It is not, however, our desire at this time, to pursue the subject any farther; it is merely our wish to shew, that the Richmond writer has published a wilful and wicked falsehood, repeating Chancellor Livingston.
As to the stale and exploded charge, that the chancellor during the late election, was at the polls in support of the federal ticket, we have already repeatedly proved to be unfounded. Cheetham and Holt, however, are not deterred by detection, from the repetition of slander. As there was no republican assembly ticket in the country, Mr. Livingston voted only for the republican senator, Messrs. Burt and Barlow, who were elected by a majority of more than two thousand, over the candidates of the Clintonian faction.
But where is the necessity that I should attempt the defence of Chancellor Livingston against the impotent malice of a Cheetham, a Holt, or a Ritchie? His character is too well known throughout Europe and this country—his reputation is too firmly established by his uniform patriotism, and by his publick services from the time of our revolution, when his accusers were the humble vassals of a foreign potentate, or "mewing and pucking in their nurses arms"—When these miserable slanderers are forgotten forever, and their dust is scattered to the winds, the name of Robert R. Livingston, will be enrolled with those of the American worthies who are justly styled "the fathers of their country."
This is not the language of panegyrick—it is the offspring of conviction, and the effusion of a mind which despises flattery in the same degree that it detests slander.
I cannot conclude this article, without a word of admonition to the editor of the Enquirer . You, sir, are at a distance from the scene of politics in this state, the information which you possess concerning them, is on all hands agreed to be extremely imperfect and erroneous, and is probably derived through circuitous, warped or corrupted channels. You ought therefore, to be cautious in your expressions, and not suffer a foolish vanity, a frivolous desire of distinction, or a restless, turbulent temper, to betray you into error. You have now given currency to absolute and most infamous falsehoods respecting one of the most eminent of the patriots of our native country.—If I am not misinformed, you are by birth an American; and I cannot suppose that you do not feel an affection for your natio solam , the country of your nativity. The vile calumnies which you have circulated respecting a distinguished patriot of our country, ought to fill your bosom with remorse and shame.—I wish not to speak with severity, for I am willing to believe that in this business you have been a dupe, rather than a wilful deceiver.—Let me exhort you to examine before you decide, to weigh well your words before you give them to the world, and to be certain that you are correct, before you dare to accuse.
NEW YORK June 26. To the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser .
The enterprize of general Miranda in my ship Leander , having excited considerable interest and attention in the publick mind, which has for some time past been deceived by various ridiculous and unfounded rumours, I think it proper to give publicity to the following extract of a letter which I have just received from a gentleman of respectability on board the Leander , the correctness of which may be relied on.
Your very humble servant, SAMUEL G. OGDEN. Extract of a letter dated Grenada, May 27, 1806. from a gentleman on board the Leander , to Samuel G. Ogden.
"We left Jacquemel on the 27th of March, arrived at the island of Aruba on the 9th of April, where after taking in sufficient water, we sailed on the 15th April, and being off the Main on the 27th near Porto Cavello, we fell in with a Spanish brig of 20 guns, and a sch'r of 16 guns, by both of which we were attacked, and had an action of half an hour, but no apparent damage done on either side; however, during the contest, we were so unfortunate as to lose two schooners we had chartered at Jacquemel, on board of which vessels were about 60 men. This circumstance was occasioned by those schooners falling to leeward, and our not being able to separate the brig from the schooner, in which case we certainly should have saved our little convoy; however, to remedy this evil, we immediately determined to go to Trinidad, to obtain such information and assistance as the British might be disposed to afford us."
"On our way we fortunately fell in with the British sloop of war Lilly , capt. Campbell, who received us with much cordiality, and informed us, it was his particular instructions to serve us, at the same time advising us to put into Grenada as the governor of that island had some particular communication to make to General Miranda. We have already received the governor's assurance of the most prompt co-operation.—We shall probably take up one or two days at most, in making the necessary arrangements here, and shall then proceed immediately to Trinidad (in company with the Lilly sloop of war) where we understand, the governor of that island will also give us every assistance that is necessary."
"The Jason frigate is now on the coast with a number of volunteers on board; this ship is commanded by capt. Cochrane, son of admiral Cochrane, who we understand from the best authority has particular instructions to protect and forward our enterprize."
"I have now the happiness to observe that this
new turn to our operations has given much animation to all friends on board the Leander , and I sincerely hope my next will inform you that our glorious enterprize is fully accomplished."
We learn that a number of impressed American seamen have been dismissed from British men of war by application of Mr. Lenox, the American agent, to the admiral at Port Royal, Jamaica.— Mer. Adv.
His majesty's frigate Arethusa , during her last cruise, fell in with a Spanish 74, supposed to be the San Lorenzo , from the Havana going to Vera Cruz, but unfortunately she had previously thrown her guns overboard, from being ashore on the Colorados. This was a very galling disappointment to her gallant crew, to be thus placed within gun shot of an enemy and unable for want of a single cannon to convince their country's superiority, there was however no alternative, the men were disposed one and all to board her when night, accompanied with squally weather coming on, the Spaniard was lost sight of, and the following morning she was not to be found. Jamaica pap.
Speech of Mr. CANNING in the House of Commons, on the 1st of May, on the Bill for the REPEAL OF THE ADDITIONAL FORCE BILL.
Mr. Canning called the attention of the house to the peculiar circumstances in which they were placed; called on as they were to take the first step towards the innovation in the military system which had hitherto prevailed in this country, without seeing the opinions of those military officers who had been consulted on this important subject. He felt a satisfaction, however, in thinking, that they had among themselves in that house, such knowledge as would prevent them from being altogether excluded from all professional light on the subject. It was from this feeling that he so gladly gave way to the hon. baronet, who, possessing so much professional knowledge, had opened the debate of this night; whose sentiments he had also the satisfaction of finding so entirely to agree with those which he had formed on the subject. He had also felt considerable satisfaction from the speech of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down. For though, from what fell from that hon. gentleman, towards the middle of his speech, he understood that he should not have his support in the vote of this night, yet both the beginning and conclusion of that speech shewed, that the hon. gentleman concurred with him in his general principles, and that it was solely from local circumstances that he must, on the present occasion, be deprived of that hon. gentleman's support. He agreed that in populous towns, and particularly in the capital, it was extremely difficult to fix on any measure of the kind which should not seem oppressive, and to bear unequally on the different parishes; nor was he inclined to deny, that this inconvenience had been felt in the Additional Force Bill. He submitted, however, that they were now called on to deliberate about matters of infinitely higher importance than the provisions of an act; it was not to modifications of grievances that their attention was now to be directed; they were called on to consider it as an efficient military measure. He contended that the present was the first step to change in the military system of the country. He knew it would be attempted to be contended on the other side, that they were bound to confine their attention to this individual act, and not to look any farther before them. But he should desire no better answer to such an argument, than the conduct of the right hon. secretary himself. If he had been of opinion that the act should have been repealed without any substitute, if he had thought it unfit at all to continue on the statute-book, why did he allow weeks and months of this session to pass before he moved for the repeal of this individual measure?—Why was he so long coming forward with the present bill, and how, if the measures were connected, did he think it necessary to wait until he developed his plan, and stated what he had to propose in its room, before he moved for the present bill?—This he said not as a matter of blame, but as an argument arising from the conduct of the right hon. gentleman himself, to shew that the two questions are ultimately connected, and that they should not now be told that this was a motion on which it was proper that the after part of the right hon. gentleman's proposition should be thrown out of consideration. If such an attempt should be made this night, he should say, that at this moment the house was overturning and levelling to the ground, the system on which their ancestors had from the beginning acted, and that the publick should be warned that service for life, was no longer necessary or advisable as a part of the system of Great Britain. The right hon. gentleman had left the house at no loss, from the able statement of his plan, to see what were his views on the subject. In other states he gave it to be understood the machine did its work well enough. But in a free country such as this, it lost so much by friction, as not to be able sufficiently to perform its functions. If the right hon. gentleman's plan were to be adopted, he would wish to know in what state the country would stand in case of some great and sudden emergency? He did not mean invasion, for that the right hon. gentleman would say he had taken other means to provide for; though how far effectually he much doubted; but in case of the sudden breaking out of a war. And he only begged to allude to what must in that case have been the situation of the country at the breaking out of the present war, if it had been necessary to raise it from a low peace establishment.
His object was to guard against the oppressive selection of individuals, and not to destroy compulsion altogether. But one principle had generally been carefully recognised by this house, and that was, that even the prejudices of a free people were to be in some degree respected. Where compulsion, therefore, had been resorted to, there was always some modification. The first modification was the ballot—the next was the allowing of substitutes; and the third was the modification of making it a local compulsion, commutable for fine. This was the lowest modification of compulsion, and yet this was the principle which the house was called upon to repeal! If the right honourable gentleman had objected to this principle, he could understand him. But, instead of this, he carried the compulsion to a greater height, and imposed a heavier load on the individual, in order to procure a less degree of service. When he stated his intention to repeal this act, he said that the principle of compulsion which might be safely and effectually applied in despotic government, could not be employed in this country; as it must be used in such a circuitous manner, as to lose its efficacy in the friction. If this was to be the ground of repeal, what was to become of the militia? Indeed, he thought when he heard him, that at this rate the militia must fall; they did in fact fall, for the ballot, it appeared, was to cease at the end of the war, and then they were to be recruited by bounty. You might call them what you pleased, militia, or any thing else; but militia, in the genuine sense of the word, they were no longer, for the local distinction would be entirely lost ( hear, hear ). There again the right honourable gentleman offended against the principle with which he set out, which was that of not granting bounties for various kinds of service; but he only used the instance of the militia now, as far as it referred to the repealing of the modified compulsion. By whom was the militia to be recruited? By the crown? If by the crown, then it lost its character as militia, and became, to all intents

and purposes, as much in the power of the crown as the regular army, with this disadvantage, that it was not equally efficient in a military point of view. Was it to be recruited by the country? In that case, it became a measure exactly similar to that which we were now called upon to repeal. But the serious part of the question was this. If you held out all compulsory service to detestation, it became you to shew the case in which this could be dispensed with. But you did not shew this; and, though it might in some points be objectionable, one might doubt whether it ought to be done away with before any thing was substituted that could answer the same purpose. The house would have to consider, if, after having done away so many of our regulations for raising men, the right honourable gentleman's plan should fail, and we should be again forced to resort to compulsion.
He said that there were 99 chances out of 100 for success, but he ought first to tell us upon what he had founded his sanguine calculation, and what we were to do in case of failure, even by this 100th chance. It was with a view to induce the house to pause before they said that there should be no compulsion, that he impressed upon them the danger of again retracting, and the propriety of waiting till they fully understood the substitute which was to be proposed, and till they had an opportunity of trying it for a length of time. This much with regard to the part that related to the internal defence of the country. But the measure had another character, and that was the mode by which it procured supplies for the regular army; on this point he might refer, with some excitation, to the papers on the table ( hear! hear! ) This act, when a notice of appeal was hanging over it, produced men at the rate of 16 or 18,000 in the year. Any support of a bill for its repeal then came with a very bad grace from those who approved of it when it only produced at the rate of 8 or 9000 in the year. He would not, however, oppose some modification of this measure. But the question now was, whether we were to part with it altogether, without any thing to substitute in the place of it.—The supply which it at present afforded, was equal to the whole casualties of the army.
If, then, the right honourable Gentleman was determined to abolish this and the ballot for militia, he by that very act would undertake to supply these 18,000 men, to make up the whole of the militia at the beginning of a war, to keep up the recruiting of the regular army as it was at present, and to supply all vacancies that might occur by temporary enlistment, which, in itself, would occasion so many vacancies. If this, then, was what the right honourable gentleman promised to do, it was so gigantic a promise that the house ought certainly to pause till they knew better how it was to be fulfilled before they parted with the measures were now in force. The charm which was to effect all this was an alteration in the term of service!—He very much doubted whether the exposition of this measure before Parliament was proper.
If this was intended as a boon to the regular army it ought to have come from the crown. If any doubts were entertained as to its efficacy or propriety, it was an ill-judged attempt at popularity to bring it forward thus publicly. But here it was, and therefore discuss it we must, with such lights as we had within these walls and in ourselves, for the right hon. gentleman had deprived us of all other lights, though no exertion had been wanting on the part of the gentlemen on his (Mr. Canning's) side of the house to procure information. But it was said now, that though we had not the opinion of gentlemen in the army, yet that the principle lay deep in human nature, and that therefore those who had a general knowledge of human nature were competent to discuss it. Now though the experiment might be made under certain circumstances, and with certain limitations, as to the propriety of this proposed plan, ought it, therefore, to be held out as the pervading principle of our whole military establishment, and not only that, but the only thing on which we could depend for supplying the army? Ought it not to be first tried and then sanctioned when the result was found to be favourable? If it might be tried in peace, ought it therefore to be attempted in time of war? If it might be attempted when our military establishment was high, ought it therefore to be adopted when it was low? Ought it to be put in force when every circumstance was against it? The first argument in its favour, which was, that it was the practice of foreign powers, had been sufficiently answered by the honourable general (Sir James Pulteney) behind him. It was not the practice of foreign powers. But even if it were, yet he would contend that it would not apply to this country. If you could despotically compel the people to enter into the service in as great numbers and in any manner you pleased, then indeed you might safely admit of this modification, but as the act of entering into the regular army must here be voluntary, it totally altered the case. But here, again, he wished to guard against being misunderstood. He did not say that this measure ought not to be tried. He did not say that—what he said was, that the nature of the service ought not to be so completely changed; that what was the general rule before now should become the exception, while what he wished to try only as an exception should become the general rule. A noble friend of his, near him, had stated what had been done by a regiment for a limited period of service, under his own command. He himself had raised it, and no doubt, transfused into it a great part of the spirit which it possessed. But this was merely an exception to the general rule, and the fact was that this regiment afterwards enlisted in America for general service. You might try this mode of enlistment; all that he objected to was the laying it down as a general system, which was to be left to our posterity, upon whom the mischiefs of its failure might fall, while they were deprived of the benefits of the existing regulations. This is the view which he would take of the matter, if we were in a state of peace. But it was an old military maxim, "not to manoeuvre too much in the face of an enemy." He asked, what part of our whole military establishment, what set of men with muskets in their hands, had not been taught, by the agitation of this question, to consider whether they existed in a proper shape, or whether they ought to exist at all? The volunteer was made to doubt whether he could best serve his country by continuing with his corps, or resigning; the militia was taught to look to its dissolution, and the army found that its lot and condition was become the subject of Parliamentary discussion, and its attention was turned to this when it ought to be directing the consideration of the best means of opposing the enemy [ hear! hear! ]
Where was the excuse for the minister who brought forward the question at such a time! Perhaps he had the best authorities for it out of doors—authorities so strong that he could no longer hesitate. He, however, withheld those authorities from us. But at any rate he would doubt their judgment till he had an opportunity of comparing it with the fact. He had learnt something, however, of these authorities. Some were for the measure with particular modifications; some, for instance, were for it with the proviso, that the services should at all events be continued during the war; but he would ask whether any of these authorities were for the measure precisely as he proposed it? Whether any of them were for it to its full extent, and under all circumstances? He believed he had not one authority for it in this way, except the honourable officer behind him (Colonel Crawford), whom he was glad to see in his place, as he had heard it rumoured that some official duties had carried him away. If then there was
nothing in the external authorities to favour this scheme, was there any thing in the discussions here that could have that effect? The right honourable gentleman had said that the house would find nothing in it but what was founded on principles which he had often stated here; and he might have added, nothing except but what the house had often voted against [ a laugh ]—motion was made for the repeal of the bill last year: the house voted against it [ hear, hear! from the opposition ]. The right honourable gentleman himself moved for a committee to examine into the state of the army: the house had voted against this too, and yet he came to the house and said, "I give you nothing but what you voted against before, and so to the right-about and now vote for it." Under such circumstances, the house ought certainly to pause a little before it undid all its former votes on this subject. In voting for the proposition which he meant to submit to the house, they would not be required to vote against the principle of service for a limited period. All that he wanted was, to postpone the repealing of this act, and to induce the house to pause. He did not object to the fitness of having this measure tried; but he doubted much its capability to sustain the load which the right honourable gentleman proposed to lay upon it; and if it could not sustain it, however good the thing might be in itself, his case was not made out. One might doubt, at least, of its fully answering its purpose, and on these grounds. The right honourable gentleman talked of this measure as an improvement of the condition of the army. He would oppose no improvements. The army had, on many occasions before, experienced the beneficence of the government; and it had not been forgotten under the administration of his illustrious friend (Mr. Pitt) now no more. But when, on the proposed improvement was founded the inducement to enlist, he very much doubted its efficacy, and for this reason. From what class were the soldiers taken? from the poorer class of people; from the peasantry. Now, the difference between the two conditions was not rendered so considerable, as to induce the men to prefer the one state to the other. He had seen a plan which had this object. He did not think it was quite regular to allude to it, but it was in a periodical publication (we suppose he meant Mr. Cobbett's Register) which was pretty generally read. It was there proposed to render this in a great measure a military country, and by this mode of service for a limited period, to promote a circulation of military men throughout the kingdom. This plan might at least answer its end. But the object of the right honourable gentleman was not to dismiss, but to retain as much as possible. He hoped for a general re-enlistment, and if possible to leave vestigia nulla retrorsum .—The country would see nothing coming back with his good-will; and, therefore, where the right honourable gentleman departed from that plan, in his opinion he departed from it for the worse. The right honourable gentleman himself had adverted to the difficulties of foreign service upon his schemes, but proposed that in this case, the expedient of draughting men into other regiments should be resorted to. Now of all the words which had been held out to detestation, not excepting even the ballot, this word draught , had been most reprobated. We were also to look to the enormous expense of bringing home the men from the colonies, a thing which would be so often recurring. But there might be a difficulty in sending them at the time when they were entitled to their discharge, and here, therefore, the right hon. gentleman extended the period of service six months beyond the proper time. Now a publication had appeared last year, entitled, "The life of general Washington," and there it appeared that in the correspondence of that general with the Congress, he constantly insisted upon the necessity of continuing the services of the men during the war, and to do exactly what the right hon. gentleman was about to do away. [Here he read an extract from one of the general's letters, where he complained bitterly of the shortness of the enlistments, which was the only circumstance that gave the enemy any chance of success.]
To be sure, the enlistments there were annual, but the principle was the same; and general Washington insisted upon the service being continued during the war. And the gentlemen on their side seemed to have forgot that, at the end of the seven years, a set of men would be annually discharged from the army. Then it was scarcely necessary to expatiate on the accidents of war. Would no reinforcements be required when they could not easily be sent? and might not the garrison be often almost emptied at the moment when an attack was expected? It might said that in such cases it would not be consistent with the spirit of British soldiers to abandon their posts on such occasions. But then, you are not to make rules by which such a thing could be put in their option; unless, indeed, the right hon. gentleman was prepared to accede to the sentiment of Brissot, one of the revolutionary patriots of France, and to say, "perish our colonies than lose our principle." But his object was, to lessen the hardships that attended the original enlistment. If, however, he was to examine with nicety into the motives by which persons were led to become soldiers, or to adopt any other profession, he could not hope for much success in raising men. The recruit might be in an ill-humour, he might be in love, he might be in debt, or in drink; but if the recruiting sergeant should, in every instance, state fairly that the numerous difficulties, toils, and dangers, to which the service, though a glorious one, was liable, it was to be feared that the number of recruits would be but few. Now he took it up with a view to re-enlistment. He agreed with the hon. general behind him, that this would tend materially to destroy the discipline of the army. If an additional bounty was given, the last 6 months of any period would be a time when strict discipline could not be exercised. If no bounty was to be given, then came the master-piece of all. The right hon. gentleman dived deep into human nature—he was a long time out of sight, and at last up he came with his pot of ale at sixpence per week [ a laugh ]. Now the most objectionable part of the plan was what did not belong to the system itself but was grafted upon it. This was not applying it to the existing army. But then he said that they had entered on a specific contract to serve for life. It ought not, however, to be put in the power of such a body of men to enter upon discussions respecting the nature of their contract, particularly when the governors had privilege of putting their own construction on them.—But he differed from the right hon. gentleman as to the nature of the contract, for he apprehended that all men were entitled to the contingencies of their condition. The right hon. gentleman, at any rate, ought to have the best to take advantage of any doubtful construction of the contract. He set his face against any fraudulent means of obtaining soldiers, and yet he denied the remedy to the only persons who suffered by these fraudulent means. But the practical answer to this was, that it would be inconvenient for the service. He accepted of this answer, and would make use of it for another purpose, by saying, that the adoption of the plan altogether, in the manner now proposed, would be inconvenient and dangerous to the publick service. Serious as he thought these objections, he did think that the honourable gentleman would wish to re-tread some of his steps, and he hoped that he would do so before he had gone too far. The plan might be tried, but as it was now proposed, it was one of the wildest schemes that could be imagined. He had heard of a person who had read himself into a scheme, but worked himself out of it.—The right hon. gentleman probably had read and
talked himself into this scheme, and he hoped that he would also work himself out of it. The right hon. gentleman panegyrized the regular army. On this point there could be no difference of opinion. But, without too great a veneration for the establishments and opinions of our ancestors, he might disapprove of carrying the regular army to an unlimited extent without any thing to balance it. In emergencies our regular army might be thus augmented along with our other forces. But he was proceeding with it in a manner that would snuff all the checks upon it constitutionally established. He might say that our checks were nothing, as our militia and regular army could never be drawn out against each other. God forbid that they should. But look at the analogy of our civil establishments. What were they but a system of checks and balances, which had a silent operation? If the right hon. gentleman's system was to have its full effect, 10 years hence a member might rise in that house, and declare his sentiments with very different feelings from those by which he was actuated. A standing army, therefore, was still to be regarded with jealousy. But, at the end of the war, the militia too was to be renewed by bounties, and by that means, it would be equally in the power of the crown as the regular army, and he maintained that the great objection to this bill, was, that it put too much in the hands of the crown; and, therefore, in some measure, superceded the use of the militia. For the first time since the revolution, the supplies were voted before the estimates were presented, and it became the house to consider the more, what sort of army we were to have. The mutiny bill would not be a sufficient check on the regular army thus constituted. He then adverted to the strong desire for voluntary service, which the right hon. secretary manifested, which ought to make him admire the system of volunteers. If he had read in ancient history, of a commercial nation, of a Tyre, or a Carthage, taking arms, as had been done in this country, he would have hailed even the imago belli with rapture; but facts did not please him so well as theories. Talleyrand and Hanterive had been endeavouring to persuade the nations of Europe, that we were sunk in sloth and wealth, but the volunteers had given confidence to our friends, and lowered the tone of our enemies.
He then adverted to the harsh language which in that house had been employed against an individual (colonel Birch) who had distinguished himself in the volunteer service; of this language he highly disapproved. The right hon. gentleman had mentioned the battle of Austerlitz, and how the French army had marched from Ulm to the Inn, through an unresisting population. But had they 400,000 volunteers in their way, would they have proceeded in this manner? He contended, that the army was not degraded by the mixed nature of the service, any more than the magistracy was by the admission of persons to the exercise of the functions of magistrates who were not regularly trained to the law. The volunteers were much better trained than the masse of the hon. gentleman could be. He asked where officers could be got to train the people? How was a register of them to be kept? And from many other difficulties attending this system, he argued that it would be infinitely more inconvenient and less efficient than the volunteers. It was said of an ancient orator, he believed Pericles, that his arguments always left a sting in the ears of his hearers. Now the right hon. gentleman's illustrations in this manner enabled him to recall his arguments. He then adverted to the comparison of the ballot to David Simple looking for a true friend, of the various sorts of service to the person who having two cats made a large hole in his door for the larger cat, and a smaller hole for the smaller, and of transfusion of one service into another, to distillation, to a tube, to a pump, to a reservoir, to the lobby of the house of commons, and said that the right hon. gentleman now applied this apparatus to his own plan. It was a clue which did not lead a person out of the labyrinth, but one like that of the Fair Rosamond, which led others to her habitation. The question was, whether this would produce an army at all; and if it would, whether it would be such a one as the house could regard without jealousy. He concluded by moving, that the bill be read a second time this day three weeks.
LONDON, May 8. The Hamburg mail, due yesterday, arrived last night. Intelligence was received at Berlin, on the 28th, that the Swedes had blockaded the port of Swinemunde, on the Baltic, and laid an embargo upon all Prussian ships; in consequence of which, it was supposed that the Prussian troops would enter Swedish Pomerania. Letters from Constantinople, of the second of April, state, that the Russian forces collected in the South of Europe, having excited the jealousy of the Ottoman Porte, the emperor of Russia had determined to withdraw his troops from the frontiers of Turkey, the Crimea, Moldavia, & Wallachia, and had given orders accordingly. If this intelligence be correct, it is obvious that the intrigues of France have succeeded in cooling the friendship that has subsisted between the Porte and Russia.—The latter may be also desirous of withdrawing her troops from the South, in contemplation of a war between Sweden and Prussia; for the noble and generous conduct of ALEXANDER will not permit us to suppose that he would leave the gallant Swedes at the mercy of Prussia. The Hamburg papers contain nothing farther respecting Naples, or the mouths of the Cattaro. Globe.
May 10. The official article inserted in our paper of this day (and which has not even appeared in the foreign Journals), will put our readers in possession of the circumstances that produced the important declaration, which we exclusively published yesterday.—The occupation of Hanover appears to have created great embarrassment and fluctuation in the Prussian councils. It is obvious that his Prussian majesty was apprehensive of the consequences of a forcible expulsion of the Swedes, and that he exposed himself to these with reluctance. It is to us, however, a subject of some surprise, that he should have provoked a war for so inconsiderable an object. Three fourths of the Hanoverian territory were already in his possession, and the legality of his title to the whole could not be much strengthened by a forcible entry upon the rest of the electorate. Prussia, we suspect, has been incited to this act of gratuitous aggression by France. She is evidently an unwilling enemy; but her blood and her treasure will not be the less at the service of that power, to which she has had the baseness and the treachery to become a blind and devoted instrument. Times.
CUSTOM-HOUSE-ENTERED. Sch't Norfolk, Deagle, Baltimore, Joshua, Fulford, N. Carolina, Rising States, Newcomb, New-York. CLEARED. Sch't Vixen, Skinner, Philadelphia, Sleep Matilda, Yates, St. Croix. FOR SALE. The CARGO of the Brig Hannah, Captain Knapp, from Port Caxavanas—consisting of 214 hhds. & 60 tierces prime Molasses. T. & W. A. Armistead, June 11. 836 Marsden's wharf
NOTICE. The Rev. Alexander Hays, will preach in Christ Church on Thursday the 3d inst. and on Sunday the 6th inst. July 2. 874. AUCTION. To-Morrow, 3d inst. at my Office, No. 49, Main-Street, at 10 o'clock, WILL BE SOLD, for Cash, 2 Boxes Irish LINENS, 500 Pieces Yellow NANKENS, 1 Trunk Mouselines WAISTCOATING, 1 do. SUSPENDERS, 3 do. Men's and Women's SHOES. And at 12 o'clock, 20 Pun's 5d & 4th proof Grenada RUM, 5 Pipes Cognac BRANDY, 10 Pines, 10 hds. and 20 qr. casks particular Lisbon WINE, 1 do. 2 do. and 4 do. choice Old London particular Madeira WINE, COFFEE in bags, SUGAR in barrels, and a few bags Pimento. Francis Smith, V. M. July 2. 876
AUCTION. On Saturday, the 5th instant, at 10 o'clock, WILL BE SOLD, at the New-Market, 40 Hogsheads of good SUGAR. Cash will be required for all sums not exceeding 200 dollars, and above that amount 60 and 90 days negotiable notes with approved endorsers will be required. Warren Ashley. July 2. 877
In obedience to a Decree of the Hastings Court of Norfolk Borough, held the 24th day of December, 1805, WILL BE SOLD, At the Exchange Coffee-House, on Tuesday the 8th July, at 11 o'clock, for ready money, to satisfy a debt due from Presson Bowdoin, sen. deceased, to Thomas Newton, The following SLAVES, or so many as will be sufficient to pay the sum of Two Hundred and Six Pounds, Nineteen Shillings, One Penny Three Farthings, with interest from 7th June, 1790—Ned, David, Chloe, Jonathan, Nancy, and Mary, and their issue. The Commissioners. June 30. 865
Pursuant to a Deed executed by Michael Coran and Rebecca his wife, whereby certain property therein mentioned, is conveyed to us, the Subscribers, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due from him, the said Michael Coran, to Mrs. Elizabeth Whitney, WILL BE SOLD, Before the Exchange Coffee-House, in the Borough of Norfolk, for ready money, on Monday, 7th day of July next, All that LOT or parcel of LAND, with its appurtenances, situate, lying, and being in the Borough aforesaid, whereon the said Michael Coran at present lives, and bounded as followeth, to wit: on the westwardly by Brick Kiln-Street, north by Mrs. Ann Woodside's Lot, on the east by the Land of George Finch, and on the south by a sixteen foot lane. Littleton W. Tazewell, } Trustees. Robt. B. Taylor, } June 25. 863
FIRE-WORKS. On the FOURTH of JULY, being the Anniversary of American Independence, Grand, Elegant, & Ingenious FIRE-WORKS, Will take place at the New-bridge—consisting of the following PIECES, composed, selected, and, to be executed by M. ROSAINVILLE, viz. A large Girandole, with a white and blue Ground. A Piece running Horizontally, called Diddle Doodle, crowned with a Sheave. A Water Fall, turning Horizontally, which will display several handsome figured Basons below and above, Double Sheaves, Flying Stars, &c. A Grand Metamorphosis of a Running Sun into a fixed Cross of Malta, in brilliant Rays, this last into a second Cross, forming the Three Revolutions. The whole terminated by a Horizontal Noisy Cascade in several Revolutions, which will fill the Atmosphere with a number of Stars, Sky Rockets, Batteries, Noise of War, &c. A number of ROCKETTS. ** The price of admittance will be 25 cents, to be paid at the Bridge, where a Ticket will be delivered, for which re-freshments to the value of the price of admittance, will be served at their option.—The tollage will be gratis. The Doors will be open at 7, and the performance commence at 8 o'clock precisely. A number of benches will be provided for the accommodation of the Ladies, and Mr. Riffaud shall take particular care to be provided with the best of Liquors and Ice Cream. A Sun-set a CANNON will be fired to announce the commencement of the Fire-Works—and a second in a quarter of an hour preceding. July 2. 878
THE ANNIVERSARY Of the Independence of the United States, Will be celebrated at the MUSEUM, on Friday next, the 4th instant, by the display Of a most elegant ILLUMINATION, within and without the Institution, and by the firing of a number of Sky Rockets. Preparations are made to light the Garden with a sufficient number of lanterns, if the weather should not be favorable, in which case the Illumination will take place on the first fair evening following. All decent company will be admitted into the Garden free of expense—Price of admittance to the Museum which will be lighted, 12 1-2 cents. The visitors of the Garden will have nothing else to pay but 6 cents tollage, for going and coming. Point-Pleasant, July 2. 873
WIG-WAM GARDENS. FRIDAY EVENING, July 4. A display of FIRE WORKS. 1. The battle of the four Butterflies, with a beautiful Star of honour in the centre. 2. A large Horizontal Piece, changing into a Chinese Tree. 3. An elegant Piece called, the Ladies Fancy, on account of its changing into various forms and colours. 4. The battle of Two Suns. 5. An other large Horizontal Piece, terminating by a number of Water Falls and Roman Candles. 6. A Triumphant Arch, bearing in the centre an Eagle, and the following inscription, to the Memory of G. Washington. * * The House and Garden will be Illuminated far greater than ever. Ladies, gratis—Gentlemen 25 cents—Children half price June 30. 871
For NEW-YORK, The fast-sailing Schooner FAIR AMERICAN, Will sail on Sunday next. For freight of about fifty barrels or passage, having good accommodations, apply to JAMES WALLACE. July 2. 875
ROBBERY!! YESTERDAY afternoon between the hours of four and five o'clock, the house wherein I reside was broken open, and the following articles taken: one Gold Spoon; four pieces gold sight; one a pair Gold Ear-Rings, in the shape of a half-moon; one large mounting Locket, the glass of which is cracked; one pair Gold Bracelets, marked L. L. R.; one Gold Key and a Silver Bladed Knife; also a Bank Bill of Forty Dollars. Whoever will discover the thief, and give information to the subscriber, will be liberally rewarded. Lydia L. Ross. June 30. 870

GERMAN GOODS.
JOHN C. NIEMEYER,
Offers for Sale the following GOODS: for Cash or on convenient credit, for approved Bills only, viz. 5000 Bags 2 & 3 bushels, loose and in bales, 200 doz. Watch Chains, 6000 Fast-India Gunny Bags, 330 pieces Hessian and brown Rolls, 325 pieces white Rolls, of four qualities, 140 pieces Ticklenburgs and Osnaburgs, 160 pieces Plaited, white and brown, 15 pieces Duvlas, 20 do. Checks, 40 do. Britannias, 40 do. Rouans, 45 do. best Flemish Sheetings, 20 do. fine Bed ticking, 2 yards wide, 24 do. Mattress Ticking, 18 do. German Canvas, 12 do. do. Shirt Linen, 44 yards each, from 65 to 110 dollars per piece, 14 do. 37 yds. each, at 56 to 75 dollars per piece, 240 do. Velvet Ribbons, 40 boxes English crown window Glass, 70 do. Baltimore window Glass assorted, at the manufacturer's prices, for cash, 2000 wt. Lamb's Wool, superior quality, 5000 doz. German Phials, very cheap, 2000 bunches red Gannet Beads.
Also a complete assortment of the following Articles, viz. Fifty assorted Trunks, Oil Cloth, Coffee Mills, German Razor, Hone, Morocco Shaving Cases, do. Pocket Books, do. Scent Boxes, Spectacle Cases, Windsor Soap, Hand Lanthorns, best Tortoise Shell Combs, Ivory & Horn do. fine Razors & Penknives, Pocket Knives of all kinds, Knives and Forks, Snuff Boxes, very elegant, Brass Candlesticks, Coffee Toasters, Shoe Brushes, Cloth do. Mill Saws, Frying Pans, Shovels, Tongues, and Pokers, Fish.
SPRING GOODS.
COCKE AND SANFORD,
No. 40, Main-Street, have received per the Ships Two Brothers from Liverpool, and Dumfries from London, an extensive assortment of
SPRING GOODS,
consisting of Irish Linens assorted, 5-4 and 6-4 Sheeting, French Cambricks and Long Lawns, Fine Pocket Handkerchiefs, 7-8 and 8-4 quarter Diapers, Table Cloths, Chamberly Muslin, Cambric do., Cambric Dimities, Furniture do., Fashionable Shawls, Lace Veils, Blackett Shawls, Superfine Cloths and Cassimere, Cotton Cassimeres and Grandills, Umbrellas and Parasols, Kid Shoes, Hats assorted, in cases, Seine Twine, Osnaburgs and Hempen Rolls, Cotton and Silk Hosiery, Checks and Stripes, Calicoes and Ginghams, Fashionable Waistcoating, White and coloured Janes, Powder, Shot, &c. &c.
ON HAND, Yellow NANKEENS, first chop, Beebe GURRAHS and 5000 wt. BACON.
D. R. WADDEY, & Co.
Have just received per the Ship Dumfries, from London, an additional assortment of
SHIP CHANDLERY,
Among which are a large quantity of BOTTING, broad and narrow, of every colour, which they offer for Sale. Also on hand, Teneriffe WINE, Holland & Country GIN, 4th Proof Cognac BRANDY, of superior quality, Hibbert's Brown STOUT, in casks of 5 & 12 dozen, Double Gloucester CHEESE, Old L. P. Madeira WINE, fit for immediate use, Moscovado SUGAR, in hds. and bbls.—LOAF do. in do. N. E. RUM and WHISKY.
SPRING GOODS.
RICHARD TAYLOR,
Has received by the Ship Dumfries, from London, a handsome assortment of
Spring and Summer GOODS,
which he offers for Sale by wholesale and retail, for Cash or approved paper.
Landing on Gibson's Wharf, from on board the Schooner Catherine Shepherd, Capt. Webb, from Surinam, a choice CARGO of
MOLASSES in hogsheads and tierces, And from on board the ship Union, Capt. Buck, from Antigua, Antigua RUM of superior quality.
In Store, Tobago RUM, Madeira and Teneriffe WINE, 7 years old; Madoc CLARET in cases of 1 dozen each; A few kegs Hog's LARD, &c.
Harrison Allmand.
135,000 wt. Prime Green COFFEE,
Landing this day on our wharf, for sale on liberal terms.
C. & F. Whittle.
Landing from on board the ship Sheffield, and for Sale by the Subscriber, on their Wharf,
282 Hogsheads CLARET,
50 Cases do. 6 do. BURGUNDY, 56 do. HERMITAGE, 25 do. Sallad C. L., 25 do. Preserved FRUITS, 25 do. OLIVES and ANCHOVIES—All of very superior quality, and entitled to drawback.
C. & F. Whittle.
FRESH TEAS.
Just received from Philadelphia, in whole, half, and quarter chests,
TEAS.
Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson. all of this Spring importation, and we warrant them of the very best quality imported, by wholesale or retail.
Fisk & Catlett.
Who have this day landing, 75 tierces choice New RICE, in whole and half tierces.
SECOND CLASS.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY,
For the Benefit of WILLIAM and MARY COLLEGE.
5,938 Tickets at 10 dollars, each, 4,685 do. at 15 do. do. Deduct loss on 2000 Tickets renewed, 129,635 Dolls. 125,155
To float in the wheel, and come out as chance may direct.
2 Prizes of 5000 Dollars, each, 4 do. 2000 do., 16 do. 1000 do., 16 do. 500 do., 32 do. 200 do., 160 do. 100 do., 232 do. 50 do., 750 do. 20 do., 1 do. last drawn, a Prize Stationary Prizes are out, 1 Prize first drawn, after 1000 Tickets are out, 1 do. 2000 do., 1 do. 5000 do., 1 do. 4000 do., 1 do. 5000 do., 1 do. 6000 do., 1 do. 7000 do., 1 do. 8000 do., 1 do. 9000 do., 1 do. last drawn, a Prize 1223 Prizes. 9400 Blanks.
Dolls. 135,000
The superiority of this Scheme to the one first proposed, is so obvious, that little need be said in recommendation of it. Those inclined to adventure, will see that their chance for obtaining prizes is greatly increased; that pending the drawing, their small prizes may be immediately invested in other tickets, thereby giving them a chance for prizes of considerable magnitude. To those who have drawn prizes of 15 dollars, in the First Class, as well as to those who have drawn blanks, information is now given, that the prizes may at their own option be renewed by tickets in this Class, and their blanks also, but upon the payment in the latter case of 10 dollars with each blank, provided such prizes and blanks, with the cash, be remitted free of postage, to Robt. Greenhow, merchant, in Williamsburg, agent and treasurer, or to William Newsum, Post-Master, in Norfolk, previous to the commencement of the drawing, after which period no renewal will be made. When to the prospect of individual advantage that may result to each adventurer, is added the patriotic reasons which induced the legislature to authorise this Lottery, it is ardently hoped that the disposition of tickets, will soon enable the commissioners to certify, that the drawing has commenced; which event, the agent assures the public, shall be expedited by every means in his power.
Robt. Greenhow, Ag't & Treasurer. June 18. 842
Fresh supplies of Drugs & Medicines,
Have just been received by
FREDERICK HEERMAN, & SON,
Per the Ship Proteus, from London, and Herald from Liverpool—Also, an assortment of
SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS.
A great variety of
GENUINE PATENT MEDICINES.
All sorts of
GLASS AND SHOP FURNITURE,
And a prime collection of VALUABLE PERFUMES, including OTTER of ROSES from Barbary.
Importing regularly twice a year from the most respectable Druggists in Europe, we assure those who favour us with their orders, that the strictest attention will be paid to furnish them with articles of the best quality, and on the most reasonable terms.
* * * PERRY'S and LETTSOM'S Golden Antibilious PILLS; CHURCHES and J. K. READ'S COUGH DROPS for Sale—MEDICINE CHESTS as usual.
June 16. 835
CUT-NAIL MANUFACTORY.
EPHRAIM WELCH,
No. 88, MAIN-STREET,
WITH gratitude acknowledges the liberal encouragement the citizens of Norfolk, Portsmouth, and the Public have been pleased to offer since the introduction of his Nail Manufactory in this Borough, and informs them that he has erected all his Machines new, which are very considerably improved, and continues to manufacture the best quality—And has on hand for SALE, a constant supply of
Patent NAILS and BRADS,
Which is cut length ways of the hoop, and to accommodate his customers, has thought proper to reduce the prices as follows, by the keg for Cash, viz.
8d. 10d. 12d. and 20d. Nails at 7d. 1-2 per lb. 8d. 10d. 12d. and 20d. Brads at 7d. 1-2 per lb. 6d. Nails at 9d. 1-2 per lb. Sheathing Nails at 7d. 1-2 per lb. 6d. Brads at 4s. 6d. per M. 4d. do. at 2s. 9d. per M. 3d. do. at 2s. 3d. per M. 4d. Nails at 2s. 9d. per M. 2d. and 3d. do. at 2s. 3d. per M.
ALSO FOR SALE,
Crowley and German Steel Hoop IRON—Nail Machines made and warranted good, on short notice.
N. B. All of the Nails, Brads, and Articles, sold at the Manufactory. June 13. 831
The Subscribers offer for SALE,
500,000 sale Shingles; 400,000 building do. 20,000 three feet do. 30,000 Cypress PALES, 5,000 Cedar and Chinquapin POSTS, 40,000 White Oak drawn and rough hogshead STAVES.
Also on hand,
W. I. and N. E. RUM, in hds. & bbls. MOLASSES in hds. & bbls.; SUGAR in hds. & barrels, Superfine FLOUR in bbls. & TOBACCO in kegs, 30 barrels HERRINGS.
Proby, Harmanson, & Co.
May 30. 780
Now landing on Gibson's Wharf, from the brig Ann, Capt. Forsyth, from Marseilles,
French Brandy in pipes, Claret in hogsheads, Claret in cases, Olive Oil in boxes and baskets, Olives, Capers and Anchovies in boxes, Preserved Fruit in Brandy, Prunes, Raisins, and Almonds, Cordials in boxes & baskets, Candles and Castle Soap, Senna, Manna, & Cream of Tartar, Corks, Hats, and Leather Caps—Also on hand,
Antigua Rum, and Campeachy Logwood. The whole of which will be sold on reasonable terms.
The said BRIG is offered for Sale or Charter. June 4. 805
EDWARD ROBERTS.
SPRING GOODS.
GILLIAT AND MACKINDER,
Have received per the Ship Dumfries, from London, their
Supply of Spring GOODS,
which consist of a general and well selected assortment. Also, a fresh supply of
Ladies' fashionable Kid SHOES. April 25. 698
FOR SALE,
3000 Pieces Yellow NANKEEN,
11 Boxes Imperial TEA, 6 Chests Hyson do.
The above of the best quality and entitled to drawback. Apply to
Robert Maitland & Co.
WHO HAVE ON HAND,
Hibbert's best bottled Porter and Brown Stout. Also,
Old L. P. Madeira Wine, fit for immediate use. March 3. 560
IRISH LINENS, &c.
The Subscriber has received from Dublin, by the Ship Intrepid, a choice assortment of
Irish Linens, Sheetings, Diapers, &c. which he offers for Sale on moderate terms. Richard Taylor. May 10. 747
FOR SALE,
The HOUSE and appurtenances adjoining
Mr. Robert Boush's, and at present occupied by Mr. Alexander Wilson—Part of the purchase money must be paid down, and the remainder secured by a deed of trust upon the property, payable at 6, 8, and 12 months. The House is under lease to the present proprietor until April next. Theo. Armistead. June 9. 820
ROBERT MAITLAND, & Co.
HAVE IN STORE FOR SALE,
14 Pipes Pierpont's New-York Anchor
GIN, of a superior quality, 10 Chests Young Hyson TEA; 4 chests Hyson do. 2000 Pieces Yellow NANKEEN, first chop, 10 Pipes French BRANDY; 72 doz. CLARET in cases, 2 Hds. Lump SUGAR; 8 hds. West-India RUM, Hibbert's Bottled PORTER, and Brown STOUT, and choice old Madeira WINE, in pipes, hds. and qr. casks. June 11. 827
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE,
Norfolk, Virg. Jan. 18, 1806,
His Britannick Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, takes this method of communicating to such officers on the British half-pay establishment, as are resident within his district, the following Notice from the Army Pay-Office, in London, in respect to the form of the Certificate required from British half-pay Officers, by whom it is highly essential that the regulations therein specified should be strictly complied with. John Hamilton, Consul. PAY-OFFICE, Horse-Guards, August 28, 1805.
NOTICE
is hereby given by direction of the right honourable the Pay-Master General of his majesty's forces, that the affidavits of Officers on half-pay and military allowances, who reside in the United States of America, commencing subsequently to the twenty-fourth day of December 1805, will not be passed at this office, unless the officer's place of residence, and also the county, district, or place for which the magistrate acts, before whom the said affidavit is made, (the competency of whom must be certified by the British Consul, if any shall be resident in the province or state, or by the governor, chief justice, or some other person in authority in the government thereof,) are therein specified, agreeable to the undermentioned form. D'd. Thomas, Accountant.
A. B. maketh oath, that he had not between the twenty-fourth day of _____ and the twenty-fifth day of _____ any other place, or employment of profit, civil or military, under his majesty besides his allowance of half-pay, (or his military allowance, as the case may be) as a reduced _____ in the Officer to sign his name here, together with his place of residence.
Sworn before me at _____ this _____ day of _____ in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and _____ The Magistrate to sign his name here, and the county or place for which he acts.
N. B. Chaplains must insert in their affidavits the following words between the words "Majesty," and "besides," viz "or any Ecclesiastical Benefice in Great-Britain or Ireland." No alterations or interlineations of any sort will be allowed to be made in the above mentioned affidavit. January 20. 446
30 Pipes Country GIN,
10 do. real Cognac BRANDY, 20 Punchbeams W. I. RUM, 15 Quarter Casks Old Sherry WINE, 30 Barrels WHISKY, 30 Hogsheads APPLE BRANDY, 30 Bales PEPPER, 50 Boxes Mould CANDLES, 50 do. Dipped do., 2 Bales Fine CASSAS, 5 do. Beerboom GURRAHS—For Sale at reduced prices by S. Marks, jun. & Co. April 2. 631
One Hundred Dollars Reward.
WILL be given, to white or black, that will deliver to me dead or alive, a negro named DAVEY, who runs away from me on the 5th instant. He is about 5 feet 9 inches high, very black, well made, and very active, with a full face, and speaks pretty when spoken to. He has been accustomed to a family as a carriage driver, and has been lately put to the shipcarpenter's and caulker's trade, and works well at the latter. As he is a lazy fellow, he no doubt, will attempt to live with some person as a servant. He made an attempt to run away from his former master, and made for the northward, but was apprehended in Virginia, where he is well acquainted, particularly in the towns, and I have no doubt but his intention is again to get off to the northward, either by land or water. I recollect a very notable white speck on his two upper middle fore teeth, which will be discovered on examination. He may have other marks for what I know, not having owned him more than four years. I cannot describe any particular ones about him, but make no doubt he has scars, as he has been whipped before I purchased him. He is very fond of spirits, and will get drunk when he has an opportunity; plays cards, and is much given to roguery. He wore off with him blue negro cotton clothing, and had second hand clothing; but no doubt he will change both his clothing and his name, as he is an artful fellow; and if taken, will fight; and when taken, if not well secured, will make his escape. I do hereby forwarn all masters of vessels and others from harbouring or carrying him off at their peril. The above reward, and all travelling expenses, will be paid, if the distance exceeds 75 miles. John Drew, Jr. Port Tombstone, near Edenton March 17. 587
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE,
Norfolk, Virginia, August 31, 1805,
His Britannick Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, hereby gives notice, to the merchants concerned in the trade to His Majesty's Dominions, that according to the terms of the Act of the 37th of the King C. 97, no British built vessel captured by His Majesty's enemies, afterwards purchased by citizens of the United States, and sailing under a Sea Letter can be admitted to entry under the said Act, as an American vessel. 114 John Hamilton.
I wish to Purchase,
Six or Eight Negro BOYS,
from 13 to 18 years of age. Thomas Warren. April 15. 561
FOR SALE by the Subscribers, a general assortment of
Ship Chandlery, Cordage, and Cables,
8, 9, 10, 11, and 12 inches, English PAINTS and OIL, Sheathing PAPER, Bar IRON, TOBACCO, Richmond Inspection FLOUR, PORT, Prime and Cargo, New-York Inspection, 200 GUN CASES; 20 Boxes SEGARS. They have also on hand, an extensive and good assortment of
GROCERIES.
Noble, Arbuthnot, & Co. March 31. 623
FOR SALE,
My LANDS, in Greensville County,
containing by survey one thousand and seventy acres, more or less, and lies about eight miles above Belfield. There is a good Dwelling-House 32 by 26 feet, with four rooms and fire places to them below, and four rooms above stairs; also, convenient Out-Houses for a family. It is a pleasant, high, and healthy situation, convenient to several Mills, the Camp Meeting-House, and in a good neighbourhood. The premises may be viewed at any time—the terms will be moderate, and made known on application to the Subscriber on the premises, who wishes early application to be made by those inclined to purchase the same. Peter Pelham. Greensville County, May 30. 4w 776
FOR SALE by the Subscriber, at his Bake-
House, on Commerce-Street,
500 Barrels Navy BREAD,
200 do. Superfine Pilot do., 100 do. Ship do. All of which will be sold on reasonable terms, or exchanged for West-India produce. Stephen Harris. PILOT BREAD in half barrels of a superior quality, for Sale as above. March 26. 614
FOR RENT,
The three large and commodious Ware-
Houses on the lower end of Gibson's Wharf—Possession may be had immediately, by applying to John Southgate, or William Dickson. Feb. 26. 524
NEW CUT-NAIL MANUFACTORY,
ON TOWN POINT, A small distance below County Wharf, Wide Water Street. The Subscriber has, at a considerable expense, fitted up, in addition to his other business, a complete set of machinery, adequate to finish 300 to 600 lbs. of Nails daily. He is also provided with a good stock of Iron; and with a sufficient number of skillful workmen. He has on hand a constant supply of
Nails, Flooring Brads, and Sprigs,
which he offers for Sale at the reduced prices as follows, by the keg, for cash only, viz.
8d. 10d. 12d. and 20d. Nails, at 7 1-2d. per lb. 8d. 10d. 12d. and 20d. Brads, at 7 1-2d. per lb. 6d. Nails, at 9 1-2d. per lb. Sheathing, do. at 7 1-2d. per lb. 6d. Brads, at 4s. 6d. per M. 4d. do. at 2s. 9d. per M. 3d. do. at 2s. 3d. per M. 4d. Nails, at 2s. 9d. per M. 3d. & 2d. do. at 2s. 3d. per M.
ALSO—HOOP AND BAR-IRON ASSORTED.
LEVIN DORSEY. June 2. 750
FOR SALE,
A likely Negro MAN,
25 years old. Enquire at the Office of the Publick Ledger. June 2. 788
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
STOLEN or Drifted from the Ferry Steps, on Sunday last, a NEW YAWL, about 15 feet long, has never been painted, her bottom payed with pitch. The above reward will be given to any person who may deliver said Boat to Phinehas Dana, & Co. June 2. 793
MRS. MACDOUGAL,
INFORMS her friends and the publick, that she has taken that handsome house belonging to Mr. Roberts, in the centre of Market Square, where she will receive Boarders on moderate terms—the strictest attention will always be paid to the diet rooms, and lodging, and every endeavour used to render a transient or permanent abode at her house satisfactory. September 28. 169
TO RENT,
(And possession given immediately,) That commodious STORE on Main-Street, No. 22, near the old market-place, together with a large Cellar and other apartments, well calculated either for Groceries or Dry Goods. ALSO, Two large DWELLING-HOUSES, with Stores in front, on Bank-Street—Apply to Robert Farmer. Who has for Sale, on low terms, A few CANAL SHARES, the property of a gentleman to the Northward. April 4. 640
VILLAINY EXPOSED.
On the 11th of August, 1805, JOHN ROBERTS, master of the Schooner Aurora, of Baltimore, sailed from Norfolk with 500 bushels of Coal, taken at City Point from on board the ship Bellishe, John Hairs, master, from Glasgow. The said Coal was shipped for Mr. Meiry, the British minister at Washington; but instead of proceeding to that place, the said Roberts went round to Philadelphia, and there disposed of the Coal on his own account; after which he sold the vessel, and has not been heard of since. It was stated by him at Philadelphia,