The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg, Va.), 1775-05-26 00:00:00

VIRGINIA
GAZETTE.
ALWAYS FOR LIBERTY,
AND THE PUBLICK GOOD.
ALEXANDER PURDIE, PRINTER.
LONDON, March 18.
THE money issued for secret service (as it is termed) for the years 1773 and 1774, appears to amount to more than 1,600,000 l. sterling.
The sinking fund, brought in the year 1774 to account to the exchequer; is 2,700,000 l. just 650,000 l. more than in the year 1764.
The Creole, Allen, from Virginia to London, foundered in the western ocean, and all the crew perished.
On Friday arrived in Three Horseshoe court, Cowcross, a woman who has walked from Monmouth (130 miles) to see her daughter. She is in the 105th year of her age, and declares she will walk home again. Extract of a letter from Mexico, Nov. 26.
"A King's frigate is just arrived in the port of St. Blas, who departed on the 13th of June, in the preceding year, from Monterey, having provisions for a year. The object of his mission was to reconnoitre the American coasts to the highest latitudes possible. This frigate having reached to 56 degrees N. failed for the coast he had discovered, at the height of 55 degrees 43 minutes, where he discovered several white and fair Indians, who approached the frigate with 30 canoes, without shewing the least fear, and gave to the sailors, in exchange for some clothes, a species of knit covering, which they wore, some of which have been sent to the King. They are curiously made, of fine wool; it however causes some inquiry how they came by it, as sheep are not natives of that climate. Night coming on, the Indians left them. The Captain proposed staying longer; but a gale springing up, he was obliged to leave the place. This is the same coast which Capt. Tichivikow discovered, on his first expedition to Kamtschatka.
"The above frigate also discovered another coast in 49 degrees, where he treated with the Indians, who came in their canoes, but were naked. He also discovered land between 39 and 40 degrees; but his want of necessaries, and the great sickness among his crew, obliged him to bear away.
"This is the first expedition that has been set on foot by the Spaniards in the South Seas; but it will certainly be followed by others, as there are now seven marine officers in the port of St. Blas."
The Court of Directors of the East India company received the following account, which was brought over land, dated Bassora, Nov. 19, 1774. A few days ago one of our largest ships, named the Middleton, was totally lost on the Arab coast, near Muscat, on her passage from Bengal to Bassora, with a cargo on board valued at 80,000 l. sterling.
A letter from Rome says: "The Pope elect is an enemy to the Stuarts, on which account the Chevalier de St. George, and his Lady, left that capital as soon as the election was declared. A report prevails, that Cardinal York will retire."
They write from Constantinople, that a large caravan from Bagdad, consisting of 1500 laden camels, going to Damascus, was plundered near Palmyra by Sheek Tyawr, chief of the Amizy Arabs; 600 Persians, who accompanied it, going to
Mecca, were likewise stripped, among whom were some persons of distinction. It is said 200 persons died of the cold, after the caravan was plundered.
Mr. Robert Perreau, the apothecary, and one of the unhappy brothers now under confinement for forgery, has refused every kind of sustenance from the first day of his commitment to the present hour, being resolutely determined to prevent an ignominious exit, by thus starving himself to death.
Yesterday morning a journeyman barber, having a large quantity of cantharides given him by a woman, for love powder, died raving mad, at his lodging in Filhers alley, Moorfields.
The number of vessels, of different nations, that have passed the Sound in the year 1774, amount to 8084.
On Thursday night last, about 9 o'clock, Mr. Hodges, of Evesham in Worcestershire, and another Gentleman, returning to that place from Pershore (Mr. Hodges being in high spirits, and singing "tally-ho! tally-ho!") they were accosted by a single highwayman with "damn you, I'll tally-ho you, deliver your money," and at the same time clapping a pistol to Mr. Hodges's breast, robbed him and his companion of their money. However, by a speedy pursuit, he was taken and committed to Worcester jail, to take his trial at the ensuing assizes, which commence the 11th instant.
Monday a French cook was suddenly dismissed from a noble family, in Grosvenor square. Previous to his dismissal, a very critical and exact inquisition was made into the present state of his two large chests; when, to the amazement of the spectators, a stock sufficient to set up a tolerable cook's shop was discovered, viz. hams, salt beef, pork, bacon, spices, &c. articles he had occasionally withdrawn from the liberality of the family, to the no small mortification and disappointment of the half-starved English servants.
A correspondent has sent us the following picture of the times: A full senate, but no representatives of the people; places of publick diversion full, churches empty; markets crowded, provisions dear; money plenty, but in few hands; great exports, but small returns; prisons crowded, justice asleep; great cultivation, and greater forestalling; a few persons amazingly rich, the generality wretchedly poor; in a word, a great appearance of riches, but no reality.
It is a fact, that a great quantity of the ship biscuit lately baked to be carried to America has been made of flour brought from that country.
Monday an attempt was made by the prisoners in the new jail, Southwark, to make their escape; when the guards were sent for, several shot fired, three persons killed, and the intended escape prevented.
March 20. It is talked of (but upon what foundation we do not pretend to say) that General Gage will be created an Irish peer; and that the British Parliament will grant him 1000 l. a year for life. If this report should be true, we may justly say, Gracious is the King, and bountiful his people.
Col. Barre, it is rumoured, intends embarking about the same time that the three general officers do, but for what purpose it is not even hinted at. The people, however, will be guessing; but we do not venture to say what.
A letter from Lisbon says: "It is impossible, with the greatest strength of understanding, to dive into the politicks of this court. Spain and Portugal were a few months since at variance, but now they are very staunch friends; and, if report says true, are laying their heads together for an adventure on the continent of America, which must soon be made publick."
It is said a remonstrance was last week received from the court of Spain, with respect to our troops that have orders to embark for America, and the ships of war which are under sailing orders. The Spaniards, it seems, have made a plea of this, pretending to be dubious of their destination; and, in consequence, they have sent a very great naval and military armament to the West Indies.
March 29. A more correct account of what passed at the House of Commons, on Monday last, relative to the motion made by Mr. Hartley. As soon as the honourable member had finished his speech, he made the following motion: "That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give orders that letters of requisition be written to the several provinces of his Majesty's colonies and plantations in America, to make provision for the purpose of defending, protecting, and securing the said colonies and plantations, and that his Majesty will be pleased to order all such addresses as he shall receive in answer to the aforesaid requisitions to be laid before this House." After debating the matter about two hours and a half, and entertaining the House with a few old American stories, which every member by this time has told to his wife and family ten times over, the question was put, and it passed in the negative, without troubling the House with a division.
Mr. Hartley being determined not to be outdone by his friend Burke, gave the House to understand he had a string of motions to follow the one already moved, and which are briefly as follows: Motion the 2d. "That leave be given to bring in a bill to suspend, for three years, the Boston port act." The question was put, and it passed in the negative.
Motion the 3d. "That leave be given to bring in a bill to suspend, for two years, the act for the better administration of justice in America." The question being put, this passed likewise in the negative.
Motion 4th, and last. "That leave be given to bring in a bill to suspend the Massachusetts's charter act, for three years." The question was put, and it shared the same fate with the rest.
The reports from the committee on the bill for restraining the trade of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, &c. will come on this day in the House of Commons.
Yesterday the House of Commons broke up about 7 o'clock, and adjourned till this day.

The farther consideration of the American merchants petition is put off till Monday next.
Yesterday the American mutiny bill was read a second time in the Lower Assembly, and committed.
Their Majesties, we hear, will spend very little of their time this summer at Richmond. The reason is apparent.
A great foreign personage is expected to spend some months in England this summer, and it is said that his residence will be at Kensington.
It is now certain, that the enslavers of America do not find the reduction of the colonies so easy a business as they at first fondly apprehended. The premier may prate away very speciously, to such people as are weak enough to esteem him an oracle, at St. James's, Downing street, or St. Stephen's; but they will find that his plans of despotism, however plausible by his fireside, are not practicable in the field. He should have remembered the proverb, "A man may take his horse to the water, but he can't make him drink."
Many are the conjectures about Lord Stormont's coming to England, at this time; but, as yet, it does not appear that any of them are just ones. One thing, however, is certain, that his Lordship would not have left France but upon business of the utmost consequence, since he is to go back again to be present at the coronation; but whether that business concerns the publick, or only himself, is not known. Some affirm, that his journey here was merely to provide such things as are essentially necessary to support the character of the King of England's representative at the above grand ceremony.
There never was known less business, of late years, at the water-side, than at present; a truth fatally felt by all persons who have any business at our publick wharfs and quays, especially in the West India island and American trade, and government will inevitably feel it in the decay of the revenues. But what of that? Some people, to carry a desperate point, will often sacrifice an immediate interest, and be content (like the envious man in the fable) to lose one eye, that their supposed adversary may lose both.
It is no less strange than true, that notwithstanding the late distresses of the East India company, which obliged them to borrow a large sum of money from government, that there was then , and is now due to them, 160,000l. from the French court, and 139,000l. from ours; yet the latter is positively refused to be accounted for, and the former has wanted the common interference of our ambassador at Paris to press them on that head.
The Ministry, it seems, have so high an opinion of Dr. Johnson's pamphlet called Taxation no tyranny , as being so admirably calculated to promote their designs, that orders have been given for several thousand copies of it to be properly distributed in England, Ireland, and America, gratis.
A parliamentary wonder. A bill was sent from the House of Commons to the Lords, for punishing the four New England provinces, after proof, examination, and defence. The pains and penalties in the above bill were extended by the House of Lords to five other provinces, without examination, proof, inquiry, or hearing the parties accused.
A parliamentary blunder. The House of Commons sent a bill to the Lords, entitled "An act for restraining the trade, and prohibiting the fishery of Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Providence." The House of Lords, without altering the title of the bill, extended the provisions of it to New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South Carolina. Thus the title of the bill says one thing, and the provisions of the bill another; and thus one roll of parchment contains a parliamentary wonder , and a parliamentary blunder , unequalled in point of equity, form of proceeding, usage,
propriety, or common sense, in the annals of Great Britain.
Considerable damage was sustained on Monday night among the shipping, occasioned by the violence of the wind. A Dutch vessel broke from her mooring, and ran foul of a ship's hawser, by which she was overset, and three men drowned; several of the small craft and wherries were sunk, and dashed to pieces.
Yesterday morning some despatches were received at the secretary of state's office from the Hague, said to contain certain important matters from Poland.
A very numerous meeting of the livery of London assembled last night at the Half Moon tavern, Cheapside, when a motion was made by Mr. Maskall, "that the Lord Mayor might be requested to grant a common-hall, for the purpose of considering of a petition to the throne in behalf of America." Mr. Stone objected to the motion, contending "that a previous meeting of the livery ought first to have been held." His objection, however, was over-ruled; and the motion, on a division, passed in the affirmative.
Our national financiers have at length graciously determined, that there shall be no state lottery this year.
The stocks have fallen one per cent. since Monday, in consequence of some advices received from America.
The ship Jeanie , just arrived in Clyde from Virginia, brings advices of the 9th of February. The following is an extract of a letter from a Gentleman at Gloucester, in Virginia, to his friend in Edinburgh, dated Feb. 9th: "If the American acts are repealed, I shall expect the goods I ordered; but if the acts are not repealed, by no means send the goods, as the Americans stand firm to the resolves of the Congress. All the counties in Virginia are forming companies of men; and committees are daily meeting, who distress those merchants who sell goods at a higher rate than before the non-importation scheme took place. Tobacco will be very high this spring, and has already risen considerably."
Advice is received that an earthquake has lately destroyed great part of the fortifications at Oran, and made other considerable destruction along the shores of Barbary.
They write from Hamburg, that in consequence of some fresh insults which the Dutch flag has received from the Emperor of Morocco's cruisers, four Dutch ships of war of superior force have received orders to sail immediately for the Mediterranean, to prevail on the Emperor to do justice to the states subjects.
Proper vessels are now stationed off all the Dutch ports, with express orders to watch the motions of all ships which sail from thence, to search such as are suspected, and not to leave them till they arrive at the place of destination.
The Cerberus is under orders to sail for America, with the general officers, on the 8th of April.
Friday se'nnight was decided at Ross, in Herefordshire, an extraordinary bett, between an English Jew barber and a waterman. The Jew was to run three miles, while the waterman rowed a small boat five. The latter won by two minutes only.
The Elizabeth , Johnson, from Maryland, is arrived at Barcelona, after throwing part of the cargo overboard.
Monday arrived at Dover the Rowley , Capt. Hagan, from St. Kitt's, being the first ship with new sugars from that island this year, and brings advice of a very plentiful crop on that island.
The ingenious Mrs. Wright, from North America, who has taken such exact likenesses of his Majesty, Lord North, Governor Pownal, and others, has lately taken a most extraordinary likeness of that great friend to the British constitution, and English liberties, Mr. Hutchinson, late Governor of Boston, in New England, and author of the much admired history of that country. This bust, on the pedestal of which is a most elegant inscription, sup-
posed to have been written by Mr. Manduit, ought to be placed in the British museum, to perpetuate a remembrance of the man who has so essentially and disinterestedly served his King and country on the most trying occasions.
To-morrow evening will be debated at the Crown tavern, Bow lane, the following questions, viz. "Has not the traffic on the national debt proved the cause of the decay of private credit in these kingdoms?" "Is a state of nature a state of war?"
The following robbery, which borders rather on the marvellous, we are told is absolutely true. A few nights ago, a well dressed sharper observing a servant maid conversing with a young man two doors from her mistress's house, and that she had left the street door open, took the opportunity of slipping in, and stepped into a parlour, where an elderly Lady was sitting by the fire, with two candles on the table in silver candlesticks. Without the least ceremony, he takes a chair, sets himself opposite to her, and began with saying: Madam, if you please, I will tell you an odd story which happened, a few nights ago, to a very worthy woman in our neighbourhood. Her servant maid was talking at a distance to a silly fellow, as your own servant now is, and had left her own door open; in the interim, in slips a sharper, as I may do, and walks into a room where her mistress, good woman, was sitting before the fire with two candles on a table in silver candlesticks, as you may now do. Well, he had not sat much longer than I have done with you before he takes one of the candles out of the candlestick, snuffed it out, and put the candlestick into his pocket, as I may do now. The good woman was planet-struck, as you may be; upon which he takes out the other candle, as I may do, puts the other candlestick into his pocket, as I shall do, and then wished her a good-night, which I do most sincerely with you. He was going out of the door when the maid had finished her conversation, and was coming up the steps; he accosted her, with saying, "my dear, your mistress has rung twice for you;" and wishing her a good-night, went clear off with the candlesticks.
Last week was privately interred at Kentish town the corps of the celebrated Miss Mason, who died the week before at Bologne in France, and was brought hither in the Bologne packet, Capt. Henry Meriton, with whom she went for the recovery of her health, but alas in vain! for she, like the late Lucy Cooper, resigned her breath condemning the vanity of a gay life, and we may say exhorting her sex to live virtuous, it being the only road to happiness.
NEWCASTLE, March 25. On Monday last, three troops of Scotch Grays marched into this town from Durham, where they are to remain till farther orders. By such a frequent unnecessary use of the military power, they will be taught to consider their interest as distinct from that of their fellow subjects, and will at length proceed with cool indifference to butchery and bloodshed. Upon less provocation, we may have the horrid massacre of Hexham revived, to refresh our memories with what the soldiery can do, against an unarmed multitude.
We are credibly informed, that as soon as the wind is fair a man of war will make its appearance at Shields, so that Newcastle, in fact, will be a kind of Boston, attacked by land and water; and in this case, as well as that of the unhappy Americans, it is to be feared that the bitter pill prescribed by these desperate physicians must be swallowed.
Monday se'nnight the servant maid of a certain person, not far from Dockwray's square, North Shields, was ordered by her humane mistress to clean the windows of a room three stories high, although the wind blew violently; from whence she fell, broke her thigh bone, and ran the iron palisades into her neck.

PHILADELPHIA, May 5. MONDAY last the General Assembly of this province met here, pursuant to adjournment.
A message from the Governor to the Assembly.
GENTLEMEN,
I HAVE ordered the secretary to lay before you a resolution entered into by the British House of Commons, the 20th of February last*, relative to the unhappy differences subsisting between our mother country and her American colonies. You will perceive, by this resolve, not only a strong disposition manifested by that august body to remove the causes which have given rise to the discontents and complaints of his Majesty's subjects in the colonies, and the dreadful impending evils likely to ensue from them, but that they have pointed out the terms on which they think it just and reasonable a final accommodation should be grounded.
Let me earnestly entreat you, Gentlemen, to weigh and consider this plan of reconciliation, held forth and offered by the parent to her children, with that temper, calmness, and deliberation, that the importance of the subject, and the present critical situation of affairs, demand. Give me leave to observe, that the colonies, amidst all those complaints, which a jealousy of their liberties has occasioned, have never denied the justice or equity of their contributing towards the burthens of the mother country; to whose protection and care they owe not only their present opulence, but even their very existence. On the contrary, every state and representation of their supposed grievances, that I have seen, avows the propriety of such a measure, and their willingness to comply with it.
The dispute then appears to me to be brought to this point: Whether the redress of any grievances the colonists have reason to complain of shall precede, or be postponed to, the settlement of that just proportion which America should bear towards the common support and defence of the whole British empire.
You have, in the resolution of the House of Commons (which I have authority to tell you is entirely approved by his Majesty) a solemn declaration, that an exemption from any duty, tax, or assessment, present or future, except such duties as may be expedient for the regulation of commerce, shall be the immediate consequence of proposals on the part of any of the colony legislatures, accepted by his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, to make provision, according to their respective circumstances, for contributing their proportion to the common defence, and the support of civil government of each colony.
I will not do you so much injustice, Gentlemen, as to suppose you can desire a better security for the inviolable performance of this engagement than the resolve itself, and his Majesty's approbation of it, gives you.
* The resolution of the House of Commons (alias, Lord North's OLIVE BRANCH.)
That it is the opinion of this committee, that when the General Council and Assembly, or General Court, of any of his Majesty's provinces or colonies in America, shall propose to make provision, according to the conditions, circumstance, or situation of such province or colony, for contributing their proportion to the common defence (such proportion to be raised under the authority of the General Court or General Assembly of such province or colony, and disposable by Parliament) and shall engage to make provision also for the support of civil government, and the administration of justice in such province or colony, it will be proper, if such proposal shall be approved by his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear, in respect of such province or colony, to lay any duty, tax, or assessment, or to impose any such duties as it may be expedient to continue to levy or impose for the regulation of commerce; the neat produce of the duties last mentioned to be carried to the account of such province or colony respectively.
As you are the first Assembly on the continent to whom this resolution has been communicated, much depends on the moderation and wisdom of your counsels; and you will be deservedly revered, to the latest posterity, if, by any possible means, you can be instrumental in restoring the publick tranquillity, and rescuing both countries from the dreadful calamities of a civil war.
May 2, 1775. JOHN PENN. A message to the Governor from the Assembly.
May it please your Honour, WE have taken into our serious consideration your message of the 2d instant, and "the resolution of the British House of Commons therein referred to."
Having "weighed and considered this plan, with the temper, calmness, and deliberation, that the importance of the subject and the present critical situation of affairs demand," we are sincerely sorry that we cannot "think the terms pointed out" afford "a just and reasonable ground for a final accommodation" between Great Britain and the colonies.
Your Honour observes, "that the colonies, amidst all those complaints which a jealousy of their liberties has occasioned, have never denied the justice or equity of their contributing towards the burthens of the mother country;" but your Honour must know, that they have ever unanimously asserted it as their indisputable right that all aids from them should be their own free and voluntary gifts, not taken by force, nor extorted by fear.
Under which of these descriptions the "plan held forth, and offered by the parent to her children," at this time, with its attendant circumstances, deserves to be classed, we choose rather to submit to the determination of your Honour's good sense, than to attempt proving by the enumeration of notorious facts, or the repetition of obvious reasons.
If no other objection to the "plan" proposed occurred to us, we should esteem it a dishonourable desertion of sister colonies connected by an union founded on just motives and mutual faith, and conducted by general councils, for a single colony to adopt a measure so extensive in consequence without the advice and consent of those colonies, engaged with us by solemn ties in the same common cause: For we wish your Honour to be assured, that we can form no prospect appearing reasonable to us, of any lasting advantages for Pennsylvania , however agreeable they may be at the beginning, but what must arise from a communication of rights and prosperity with the other colonies; and that if such a prospect should be opened to us, we have too sincere an affection for our brethren, and too strict a regard "for the inviolable performance of our engagements," to receive any pleasure from benefits equally due to them, yet confined to ourselves, and which, by generously rejecting them at present, may at length be secured to all.
Your Honour is pleased to observe, that as we are "the first Assembly on the continent to whom this resolution has been communicated, much depends on the moderation and wisdom of our counsels; and we shall be deservedly revered to the latest posterity, if, by any possible means, we can be instrumental in restoring the publick tranquillity, and rescuing both countries from the dreadful calamities of a civil war."
Your Honour, from your long residence and conversation among us, must be persuaded that the people we represent are as peaceable and obedient to government, as true and faithful to their sovereign, and as affectionate and dutiful to their superior state, as any in the world; and though we are not inattentive to the approbation of "posterity," as it might reflect honour upon our country, yet higher motives have taught us, upon all occasions, to demonstrate, by every testimony, our devotion to our King and parent state.
Still animated by the same principles, and most earnestly desirous of enjoying our former undisturbed condition of dependence
and subordination, productive of so many blessings to "both countries," we cannot express the satisfaction we should receive, "if, by any possible means," we could "be instrumental in restoring the publick tranquillity." Should such an opportunity offer, we shall endeavour, with the utmost diligence and zeal, to improve it; and to convince his Majesty, and our mother country, that we shall ever be ready and willing, with our lives and fortunes, to support the interest of his Majesty and that country, by every effort that can be reasonably expected from the most loyal subjects and the most dutiful colonists.
Until Divine Providence shall cause, in the course of his dispensations, such a happy period to arrive, we can only deprecate, and, if it be possible, strive by prudence to avoid, "the calamities of a civil war;" a "dreadful misfortune" indeed! and not to be exceeded but by an utter subversion of the liberties of America.
Signed by order of the House, May 4, 1775. JOHN MORTON, Sp.
We are well informed, that the above message passed without one dissenting voice.
From a paper published monthly in the London Magazine, called HARLEQUIN.
TO Chudley court I next bent my steps, to visit the dead alive, and the living dead, at Mrs. Wright's; a Lady with the most piercing eye, and the soundest understanding, who, with an art peculiar to herself, makes men and women as natural as nature: And indeed there are many, if her time would allow her, that she would make better than nature hath already made them. Her faces I will answer for; and if she had the gift of mending hearts, she would be alone employed on the present Parliament, for surely St. Stephen's market had never such a shambles of putrid and contagious flesh. The pencil and chissel were designed for the artists of Rome and Athens, and they, in the early hour of the world, brought them rapidly to perfection; but this peculiar excellence of forming men and women in wax was reserved by the goddess of nature for the superior genius of America*; and when we consider to what an amazing perfection she has brought this art, it rather perplexes our understanding to see compositions so immediately like ourselves. I mixed with a variety of fashionable people, who frequent this repository of curiosities, and I could not help smiling to hear and see her at work; for while the head lies upon her knee it hath so strongly a human appearance, that, at the first light, it looks like a fresh head severed from the body. But the manner of her working up the features is wonderful; she always covers the wax with a cloth, and while the wax is warm and soft, and equal to any impression, she raises or depresses it at pleasure, and some of the strongest likenesses she hath done from memory only.
The time I did myself the pleasure to attend her, it was whimsical to hear her call for her ingredients. She was then upon a warrior's face, which was rather weather-beaten, and every minute she was asking for tobacco spittle to darken the complexion, or for vermilion for the cheeks; then calling to the servant for an eye, or inquiring for the last shoulders and ears she made. It was so extraordinary to see this new Promethean composer , that I was lost in admiration and amazement. I often lamented that she had not the gift of giving senses to her figures, for then she would be a patriot in the true sense of the word; for she might retain the likeness of the King, Lords, and Parliament, and yet send them all new and better heads, in exchange for those which are the wrong heads of these wrong times. The most striking likenesses which I observed in the room; and they were perfect as life, were the King, Queen, Lord Chatham, Mrs. Macaulay, Col. Barré, Lord North, Capt. Edward Thompson, Mr. Sharp, Governor Pownal, Mr. Hanway, Mr. Dingley, and she had Wilkes's head on her lap. Indeed he look-
* Mrs. Wright is an American.

ed so like our patriot beheaded that I made a bow, leaped out of the window, jumped down the chimney of the presence chamber, and there I saw the supple Commons of England advance with their address to flatter his Majesty, that he was right in his American measures. I shook my head at him, and said, this is the first time you have been steady, but in a most palpable and unconstitutional error. I then peeped about for my Lord Mansfield's blue box, and I met a nimble page with it under his arm; I gave the court doll a slap on the delicate fingers; he dropped the box; I picked it up; but, for fear the contents may be as fatal as those of Pandora's, I have not yet been bold enough to open it, but whenever I do you shall know its contents.
ADVERTISEMENTS.
AS the copartnership of Inglis & Long will expire on the 31st instant ( May ) those indebted to them, whose accounts are due, are requested to make payment at the ensuing meeting of the merchants; and all persons who have any demands against them are requested to bring them in, and they will be paid.
(6) INGLIS & LONG.
NORFOLK, May 16, 1775.
*** The business will be carried on after the 31st instant, on account, and in the name of, SAMUEL INGLIS.
RUN away from the subscriber, in Gloucester county, on the 14th of this instant ( May ) a negro man named NED, about 19 or 20 years of age, five feet two or three inches high, rather of a tawny complexion, has some ringworms on his face, and some white hairs in his head; his clothing was an old brown coat, and a yellow striped cotton waistcoat. I bought him last March at the sale of Mr. John Shermer, in James City county, for Mann Page, junior, Esquire. He was brought from one of his quarters in King William county, and I have reason to believe that he will go to those parts, or to his mother, who lives with Mr. Thomas Booth, in Richmond town. Any person who will take up the said slave, and secure him so that I get him again, shall be paid 40s. by Mann Page, junior, Esquire, to whom the negro belongs.
(tf.) JAMES JONES.
RUN away from the subscriber, in Brunswick county, near Hicks's Ford, a likely negro man named DAVID, about 22 years old, of a yellowish complexion, about five feet eight inches high, speaks slow, has a small piece out of the middle of his left ear, and has lost one of his great toes; had on, when he went away, a negro cotton jacket, check shirt, a pair of old black breeches, a pair of gray mixed worsted stockings, a pair of old shoes with steel buckles, and an old hat. He passes the roads in publick, on pretence of being about business, and is apt to change his name, and his owner's likewise. He was taken out of Norfolk jail the 8th of May, and made his escape that night. He will endeavour to get on board some vessel. I hereby forewarn all owners of vessels, and others, from conveying any such negro on board, and caution all owners of vessels to examine all negroes they receive. Whoever will apprehend the said negro, and bring him to me, shall be rewarded.
EDMUND WILKINS.
Buckingham county, April 25, 1775. ALL persons indebted to the store kept in this county, by the subscriber, on account of George Murdoch & co. merchants in Glasgow, are desired to pay their respective balances to Donald M c Nicoll, he being now appointed to receive, and duly authorised to discharge, them.
GEORGE MURDOCH.
THE freeholders of those counties and corporations, who may not yet have chosen deputies to represent them in a General Convention, are desired to do it without loss of time; as it is judged necessary, by some respectable Gentlemen, that all the deputies should be prepared to meet on the shortest notice. It is the wish and desire of the worthy Delegates from this colony, who are now attending the General Congress, that others may be chosen to supply their places, during their necessary absence.
WILLIAMSBURG, May 26, 1775.
INTEND for England immediately after the October meeting of the merchants, in the Neptune, Jonathan Punder-son commander. All persons who have any demands against the subscriber are requested, for the last time, to bring in their respective accounts, that they may receive payment; and those indebted are desired to come and settle, that his affairs may be adjusted before his departure.
WILLIAM DAWSON.
STRAYED or STOLEN, from the subscriber in Prince George county, a dark iron gray HORSE about five feet high, five years old, has a lump on one of his fore legs (just below the knee) that is very perceivable, a long tail with the end white, one of his hind feet white, and one side of his rump grayer than the other. Likewise a dark chestnut sorrel, HORSE about four feet six or seven inches high, with a small star in his forehead, a hanging mane, and switch tail. Whoever brings the said horses to me, in Prince George county, shall have 40s. reward; and if stolen, on conviction of the thief, 5l.
ROBERT BOLLING.
RUN away the 20th of March last, a very black, large, likely, young negro man, named SELLOR. I bought him of the Reverend John Brander in Bedford, who bought him of one Ranfone in Gloucester county, on North river, Kingston parish, where I am sure the slave is. Whoever will bring him to me, in James City county, shall receive 3l. and all expenses.
(6) JOHN AYLETT.
VIRGINIA, to wit.
At a general court held at the Capitol, the 13th day of April, 1775.
Joseph Wharton, of the city of Philadelphia, merchant, plaintiff, against Richard Ford, and Co. of the city of London, merchants, George Moore, and Co. of Alicante, merchants, Peter Trotter, and Co. merchants, John Marsh, Esq; and John Syme, Esq; defendants,
In chancery.
THE defendants, Richard Ford and Co. George Moore and Co. Peter Trotter and Co. and John Marsh, being beyond sea, on the motion of the plaintiff, by his counsel, it is ordered that the other defendant, who hath effects of the said Richard Ford and Co. George Moore and Co. Peter Trotter and Co. and John Marsh, in his hands, as is suggested, do not pay, convey away, or secrete such effects, until the farther order or decree of this court; that the said defendants, Richard Ford and Co. George Moore and Co. Peter Trotter and Co. and John Marsh, do appear here on the first day of the next court, to answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be within 15 days inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published on some Lord's day, immediately after divine service, in the church of the parish of St. Paul, in the county of Hanover, and be also posted up at the front door of the Capitol, in the city of Williamsburg.
BEN: WALLER.
FOR CHARTER
To any part of BRITAIN,
An exceeding good vessel, burthen about 500 lds. For terms apply to
GREENWOOD, RITSON, & MARSH.
NORFOLK, May 3, 1775. (tf.)
HALIFAX, April 27, 1775.
INTEND to leave the colony with all convenient speed.
GEORGE YUILLE.
FOR SALE,
TRACT of LAND, containing 3000 acres, whereon is a plantation which has employed, for some years past, twelve or fourteen slaves; this tract lies in the upper end of King William county. Also a tract lying in the lower end of the said county, containing 1100 acres, and pleasantly situated on Pamunkey river; a brick dwelling-house, with necessary offices, a fishing shore, and a lively fertility of soil, recommend the latter tract to any Gentleman who may be about to settle in life. Possession will be delivered on the 25th of December next, to the purchaser, or purchasers, who will have liberty of sowing fall grain. Mr. Benjamin Grymes, jun. of Orange, will make known particulars to any person who may be inclined to purchase the whole, or any part of the said tracts. Credit till the first of January 1777 will be allowed, by
JUDITH ROBINSON.
(tf.) LUCY ROBINSON.
BENJAMIN GRYMES, jun.
RUN away from the subscriber, at West Point, in King William county, the 21st of last December, a very likely Virginia born negro man, named MIKE, about 22 years old, six feet high, and stutters much; had on, when he went away, a suit of negro cotton, but may probably change his clothes. I forewarn all masters of vessels from carrying him out of the colony. Whoever brings the said negro to me shall have 3l. reward, besides what the law allows, and if taken out of the colony 10l. (tf.) JOHN WEST.
For SALE at Tappahannock,
AN exceeding likely young negro man, who is a very good house servant, understands taking care of horses, and is a tolerable good cook. If the purchaser is not perfectly satisfied with him after a month's trial, he may return him if in health.
(tf.) ARCHIBALD M c CALL.
To be SOLD in Amherst county,
FOUR THOUSAND acres of exceeding good tobacco LAND, being part of a large tract formerly advertised, together with a very valuable gristmill, upon Buffalo river. This land is equal to any that has yet been sold of the tract. The time of payment will be made agreeable to purchasers. Mr. Gabriel Penn, who lives near the land, is authorised to bargain for it, and will show it to any persons inclined to purchase.
(tf.) CARTER BRAXTON.
For SALE,
TRACT of LAND in Caroline county, near Newmarket, containing about 3000 acres of well timbered land, having thereon two plantations, in good repair, with proper and convenient edifices for farming, or making tobacco. For terms apply to the subscriber.
(tf.) JOHN BAYLOR.
For SALE,
TRACT of LAND in Caroline county contiguous to Mattapony, containing about 2000 acres of well timbered land the property of Mr. Robert Baylor. The terms may be known by applying to Mr. Nathaniel Burwell in King William, Mr. John Armistead in Caroline, or Mr. John Baylor, Executors. (tf)
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Governour JOHNSTONE's noble SPEECH on the question for re-committing the address, declaring the colony of Massachusetts Bay in rebellion.
Mr. SPEAKER,
BEFORE you pronounce this dreadful sentence upon a meritorious, sober, and industrious people, I hope the House will indulge me with a few words in discharge of the duty I owe myself, and likewise with a view of transmitting my character fair to posterity, when those black scenes shall be examined without prejudice.
The real question before us is, upon the proper measures to be pursued respecting our fellow subjects in America. In order to judge of this, we must consider the real cause of dispute: I say, the substantial difference turns on the right of taxation. Most of the advocates on the other side have endeavoured to slur this point, and alledge, "that the claims of the Americans extend far beyond this article, and that the act of navigation itself is in danger;" but it is impossible for a judicious mind to read the material papers, and not to see that this is illusory. The Congress has expressly told us, "they are willing to acquiesce in those laws which secure to us the monopoly of their trade, as necessary in the mutual connection;" and the instructions from Philadelphia, on which the proceedings of the Congress are chiefly formed, avow these doctrines in more full and explicit terms. This method of condemning men by inference and conjecture, contrary to their repeated declarations, I cannot approve. I shall therefore bend the whole force of my argument to the original cause of quarrel, taxation.
The great and only secret yet found out for preserving the liberties of mankind from the encroachments of that power which is necessary for the executive in large kingdoms, is the power of the purse. This was the subject of contention in the civil wars of Charles I. it is this privilege alone which makes the House of Commons respectable; this was the point which Hampden obtained for us! and I leave every one acquainted with the history of those memorable times to determine, in his own mind, "whether we should ever have enjoyed this blessing if he had tamely paid the tax, and had not resisted?" From this power we derive the certainty of assembling the representatives of the people; by this, redress of grievances may precede supplies; and the security that the exercise will not be abused is derived from hence, that the House cannot impose on others what they are not to feel themselves. By the principles of the constitution, every man should be represented; but the deviation from a rule too nice for practice is safely born, because the interest of every particular member remains as a pledge that no individual can be overburthened. When this security is removed, there is no longer any safety for those to whom the fact does not apply. What is the case respecting the Americans? Does any member feel himself affected by the impositions he shall lay on them? Nay, does not the contrary principle prevail? The more he shall burthen America, the more he will relieve himself. Judge Hobart says: "If an act of Parliament was made constituting a man a judge in his own cause, it would be void by the law of nature;" yet such is the precise situation in which we contend we ought to be placed respecting the Americans, and for the denial of which we are ready to condemn our fellow subjects to all the tortures enacted by the laws of treason.
Let us look round, and view the fate of different states that have yielded or preserved the privileges for which the Americans contend. So soon as the Cortes lost this power, their slavery was complete. Portugal has now no vestige of this palladium. Here is tyranny supreme! In France, where the traces are left (as in the Pays d'état ) their happiness is distinguishable from the misery of other parts. In Britain, we are yet free; because we retain it. In Holland, Switzerland, and the other states of Europe, they are more or less so as they preserve it.
What are the circumstances that distinguish and protect the British colonies from those of other nations? The representatives of the people met in General Assembly, and the trial by jury. If the system of taxation by the Parliament of Great Britain takes place, what being can be so credulous as to expect the Assemblies of the people will ever meet? And it is confessed, that admiralty courts, disclaiming trials by jury, are necessary to enforce this species of taxation. Here then are all the essential privileges of an Englishman dependent on this question; and the real interest of the state is no way concerned in the contrary scale, since the prosperity of the colonies must ever prove the riches and glory of England. Nothing but the absurd pride, or narrow ignorance of the present Administration, can be thrown into it. When once this system takes place, we shall then feel the tyranny and oppression of Governors, with all their train of dependents, as in the provinces of Rome, which are now quoted as an example.
Thus much, supposing the Americans right in the dispute, as I believe they are; but supposing them wrong, I shall now state their excuse, and see what heart can condemn them, and retain any claims to humanity.
The question concerning the right to tax the colonies, though clear to those who are accustomed to think deeply on the principles of free governments, is difficult to common apprehensions. Montesquieu has observed, "that in despotism every thing ought to depend on two or three ideas;" as for instance, is there any thing so fit to solve this dispute as the unity of the British empire, the supremacy of the legislative authority of Great Britain, the omnipotence of Parliament? Is there any man so ignorant, after having heard those sounding words, as not clearly to comprehend the whole of the controversy? Plodding, thinking creatures, who are accustomed to consider the complicated privileges in a free government, from whence the harmony of the whole springs, may be puzzled; but men, who have never disturbed their repose with such dry considerations, can have no doubt on the matter. Be that as it may, certain it is that the discussion of this most important question was debated in this assembly by the greatest abilities, after the fullest information, that ever accompanied any political question. The decision was in favour of the Americans; the stamp act was repealed.
I admit, that "principles of expediency" are alledged as the reason, in the preamble of the bill; but the men who boldly denied, during this discussion, the power of taxing the colonies, as constitutionally existing in the Commons of Great Britain, namely, Lord Chatham and Lord Camden (men of extraordinary talents as ever adorned society) the one was made Prime Minister; the other was created a Peer, and Lord
High Chancellor of Great Britain, the keeper of the King's conscience! What American could have retained any doubt of his cause in the mind of his Majesty, or the nation, after such a decision? The compromising act soon followed (for the sake of gratifying a party) violating all the principles of commerce and policy in the lump-giving drawbacks here, exacting duties there, committing the power and authority of the nation on subjects which never could produce any effectual revenue, and this in a manner that all men of sense must ever condemn.
When the Americans saw, by this act of Parliament, that the question was likely again to return upon them, in the progress of time, through the great ignorance or caprice of statesmen, they met the position in its sly, circuitous, questionable shape: They recurred to their old principles; they revolted against the preamble; they transmitted petitions; and, all failing, they entered into non-importation agreements. This produced Lord Hillsborough's circular letter, which I will repeat again and again, till a contrary conduct is pursued; for no satisfactory answer can be given about it, while the present doctrines are avowed. The Americans, thus fortified in their opinions concerning the point of taxation, are unanimously against our power from Nova Scotia to Georgia. If there be any doubt on this fact, why not call Governor Eden? We are told he lately arrived; it would have been becoming to have produced him. But I call on his relations, friends, or any man, to contradict me in this assertion, "that the Americans are unanimously against this power of taxation, as lodged in the British Parliament." They are resolved to resist; and since you have placed them in a situation, where they must either be rebels or slaves, the blame must lie with those who have drove them to this dilemma.
In discussing the question of resistance, the Gentlemen of the other side have great advantages. We stand on difficult ground; since, from its nature, it never can be defined, or admitted as lawful. The first officer of the crown has fairly expressed my ideas on this subject. The principle should never be extinguished in any government, much less in a free country; the occasion must ever be referred to the general feelings of mankind. Now, if depriving a trading town of its commerce, if cutting off whole societies from the benefit of the elements which God has given them, if proceeding to deprive them of the fishery, their subsistence, if altering their charter, and annihilating all their rights, without hearing them in defence, if establishing in their stead a new form of government, which leaves all things in confusion, if erecting a system of tyranny in their neighbourhood, and establishing (not tolerating) all the absurdities of the Roman Catholick religion, trial by jury dismissed, Habeas Corpus denied, the representatives of the people determined useless, inferior duties levied by act of Parliament, in short, precedents for the violation of every thing we hold most sacred in this country; I say, if acts like these can vindicate resistance, the Americans can quote them, and God and the world must judge between us. For my part, I consider, with Lord Somers, that treason against the constitution is the first species of that crime. Acts of Parliament are sacred things, and yet they may be made so grinding to the face of mankind that human nature will revolt at their severity. Dudley and Empsom were hanged for acting according to act of Parliament.

I have now stated the arguments which should induce you to pause at least before you take this irretrievable step. I shall examine next the consequences.
Suppose we should succeed in subduing the Americans, is it not clear from henceforward that we must govern them by military force? Must not our army be increased in proportion? While his Majesty retains the power of moving his troops from one part of his dominions to another, can there be any safety for the liberties of this country? If the mortification begins at the extremities, will it not soon communicate to the centre? Every man acquainted with the history of nations must foresee the consequences. If we fail in the attempt, which is the happiest event that can occur, what difficulties may not disgust, irritations, and all the horrors of civil war, engender? While the justice and moderation of this country are blotted from the face of the earth, and the accumulated expense, when the springs of riches are cut off, must shake publick credit to the very centre!
The noble Lord has hinted, "if repealing the tea tax would do, he would yield that;" and he speaks even faintly on the power of taxation. If these are his principles, we are yet more inexcusable. We are going to punish men for maintaining what we are ready to yield, and to engage the nation in endless expense for the sake of a quiddity; since, whether renounced on the principles of expediency or right, the satisfaction must be equally complete to the Americans.
But the noble Lord alledges, that yielding the point of taxation would not now do. This is conjecture on his part, but at least it would produce this good effect; we should divide the Americans, we should unite men in this country, and go to the contest in better hopes of success. The proofs the noble Lord gives for his opinion are several indiscreet acts, of different meetings, since the late confusion in America. Such details never affect me; I think no conclusions can be drawn from them. In all civil wars, when the people are let loose to reason on government, a thousand absurd doctrines are broached. Let us apply this to our own country; let us remember all the ridiculous circumstances, which Hudibras has painted better than I can. But should the great cause of liberty, in which our ancestors were engaged, suffer from such circumstances? To their feelings we may trust; on the reasoning of the multitude there is little dependence. For my own part, I think, with Cardinal De Retz, "that any number above 100 is at best but mere mob." [ Here the House felt the expressions as too strong. ] It never could be my intention to apply the rule to this House, long trained in form and discipline; though sometimes there are doctrines and proceedings, even here, that would surprise a stranger into this belief.
But the noble Lord says, "why not petition first and acknowledge the right, and then we will grant relief?" Have they not petitioned? Is there a means of supplication and prostration they have not tried? I am then convinced, they went to the Crown merely as a mode of introducing their petition here. Now you deny hearing their agents. An honourable Gentleman in administration says, "he wished we had heard their petitions." Do not condemn them for not petitioning, till you have declared your resolution to hear them. Can it be expected the Americans will act on the innuendoes of a minister? If you mean fair, why not declare your intentions by some binding act? After the East India company, who will trust you? You invited them to petition under hopes and declarations, and afterwards made use of this very petition to deprive
them both of their money and their privileges. In the ceded islands, you invited men to settle under the royal proclamation, and then levied four and a half per cent. on their produce, which procedure has lately been condemned in the courts of law. In Canada, you have been guilty of a greater violation, as liberty is dearer than property. Here you have despised the royal proclamation, and forfeited your engagements to mankind. I repeat it again, what man, or society of men, can trust you?"
The next objection to the Americans is the Congress. This is now termed an "illegal meeting." Government here lay by, with great expectation, waiting their resolves. If they had been favourable to their views, or had any untoward circumstances broke their union, we should have had much eulogium on the Congress. Now they have come to resolves favourable to the liberties of mankind, all is abuse. I do not know by what law, except that of common sense, mankind can be regulated on these occasions. What kind of meeting can that be called which was held in this place at the Revolution, aldermen and old members of Parliament mixing in consultation? The necessity on these occasions gives rise to the case. You wished to know the sense of the people of America: Was ever the judgment of a people so fairly taken? First the occasion is promulgated; the people choose representatives; these choose deputies; the deputies in Congress publish their proceedings; each member returns to his respective colony, where his conduct is again approved! No place, no pension, no bribe, to influence his election, or bias his vote. But even as to the legality: The manner of meeting is not new; government itself called a Congress in the last war, to apportion the quotas of men and troops.
One Gentleman has said, "that our situation is quite new, and there is no example in history to direct our steps." I say there is a case directly similar, but we are too conceited to profit from such experience. Philip II. and his seventeen provinces, are the counterpart of what we are acting.
The debates in his council, on sending the Duke of Alva into the Netherlands, are applicable in every part. He was advised by two sensible men to repair thither himself, and hear the complaints of his people before he came to such rash resolves; but the majority said, as in this case, that his glory was compromised. It was not religion only, but taxing without consent of their states, that brought matters to the last extremity. The Duke of Alva, it is true, was victorious every where at first; but his cruelties were but sowing the serpents teeth. The Gues, the bearers of the Briel, esteemed at the time infinitely more despicable than the New Englandmen are represented, gave the first shock to the power of Spain. In comparing the probability of events, can any man say Great Britain has such a prospect of victory in the contest as Spain might then have expected? Yet we know the event, and how that mighty empire was rent in pieces. The present resolution hurries us into that situation from which there is no retreating. It obliges the Americans immediately to act: By declaring them in rebellion, they must have recourse to arms; all negotiation is cut off. I think the word rebellion both impolitic and unjustifiable. I beg to know what paper on your table can vindicate that term. The first law officer of the crown said, "a number of men committing treason was rebellion." I differ from him in definition; according to my conception of the phrase, they must be in military array, to effect some military purpose. One hundred men coining money are not in rebellion, though com-
mitting treason. Insurrections to pull down enclosures is not rebellion, though deemed a constructive levying war. In the case of purchase and demerit for pulling down the meeting-houses, they were convicted of treason; but no one ever thought of saying the confederates, or associates, were in rebellion. I think we should be very cautious how we criminate bodies of men on such intelligence. I dare say the noble Lord has been deceived himself; but this I affirm, he has hitherto constantly deceived this House. It appears to me, that no intelligence from General Gage can be depended on. I beg the House will attend particularly to what I now say, before they engage their lives and fortunes. It appears General Gage has regularly deceived administration. No event has turned out as he foretold, or gave reason to hope; the next letter constantly contradicts the expectations raised by the former. He seems never to have known what they were about, no doubt grossly imposed on himself; but the facts are undeniable. When he first arrived, he writes "the malcontents were abashed, and the friends of government would soon appear." Next, "his expectations from the Assembly were disappointed;" and he dissolves them in surprise. Then, "there would be no Congress;" next, though there would be a Congress, they would differ and disagree." In short, led on, and leading others, by vain expectations, till the very last letters, which announce a total disaffection, and which I believe to be the true state of the provinces.
Singling out the province of Massachusetts Bay can answer no purpose, but to expose our partiality. It is the cause of all, and the other colonies can never be so mean as first to encourage and then desert them before the general right is settled.
The noble Lord talks next of stopping their fisheries; but he says, "the act is only to be temporary." Does the noble Lord think he can turn the channels of trade as easily as he can turn the majorities of this House? To explain the idea, supposing the New England fisheries stopped, their utensils must waste and destroy. But will the English merchant madly increase his stock, and fit out new ships, if the act is merely temporary? If it is perpetual, the people in America are ruined. The consequence is, that the French must in the end reap the benefit of all this strange policy.
We are constantly stating the great obligation we have conferred on the colonies by our former behaviour towards them. If it was ever so good, we can claim no merit from hence, in private or publick concerns, to do injury in future. They do not complain of your former behaviour; but they say, you have altered this very system from whence you would now derive their submission.
There are two arguments of the noble Lord which I must remark upon before I sit down. The first is, "the comparative view of taxation between this country and the colonies, according to the number of inhabitants." His Lordship says, "we pay about 25s. a-head, and they pay about 6d." Who is there so unacquainted with political arithmetick as not to know that the small sum people pay in taxation is often a proof of their poverty, and the large sum a proof of their prosperity, by demonstrating the riches from the greatness of the consumption? Let this kind of reasoning be applied to Ireland or Scotland, where we know the multitude to be poor in comparison to the inhabitants of London, whom we know to be rich. Besides, if the colonist does not pay in palpable cash from his own hand, does not he pay all the taxes on the four millions

of manufactures he receives, and part of those taxes on the raw materials he sends hither?
The other argument is still more extraordinary. The noble Lord says, "if we fail in our attempt of forcing America, we shall still be in the same situation we are in at present." What! after our armies have been disgraced, our fellow subjects destroyed, all the irritation of a civil war, publick confidence, and fair opinion lost! Does the noble Lord think he will be in the same situation himself? I really speak it with regret; for personally I have much regard for the noble Lord, and particularly because I perceive, from his faint manner of stating his propositions, that they are not the dictates of his own mind, and that they are forced on him.
I cannot see my memorandums, and therefore I shall conclude by heartily concurring with the noble Lord who moved for the recommittal of this address."
WILLIAMSBURG, May 26.
W e hear that Doctor FRANKLIN, previous to his departure from London, caused his intentions of being present at the Philadelphia Congress to be announced to the Ministry; that, if they thought fit, they might make any objections to his conduct whilst he was present to justify himself.
Last Monday, between 2 and 3 o'clock, we had three severe hail storms, from the west, which quickly succeeded each other. The first lasted very near five minutes, and most of the stones were as big as pigeons eggs, some much larger. A great number of windows were broke, particularly at the palace, which lost upwards of 400 panes. The gardens likewise sustained a good deal of damage; and we hear that the storm was very violent at Green Spring, and sundry other places near town.
The Hanbury, Maynard, from London, bound for Maryland, put into Hampton a few days ago, in which came passenger Mr. LLOYD, a partner of Mr. Hanbury's. Captain Maynard left London the 3d of April, at which time the troops were not failed from Corke.---The civil list is again increased to a million of money!
The Bland, Danby, and Mars, Higginson, from London, are arrived in James river; and the Virginia, Robertson, from the same port, in York river.
Last Saturday James Hopkins was returned to the publick jail, from whence he made his escape some little time ago; he was taken up in Sussex.
The same day Charles Moss, from Albermarle, was committed, for breaking open a stable and stealing two horses.
By the northern post, we have authentick intelligence that the Continental Congress sat down at Philadelphia the 10th instant, and had chosen the Hon. PEYTON RANDOLPH, Esq; their president, and Charles Thompson, Esq; secretary. The Virginia delegates were all safe arrived; and Benjamin Franklin, Esq; lately from England, is added by the Pennsylvania Assembly as one of their delegates to attend the Congress, as also the Hon. Thomas Willing, Esq; of Philadelphia, and James Wilson, Esq; of Carlisle.
A number of depositions have been laid before the Congress, relative to the late commencement of hostilities in Massachusetts Bay, also an address from the Provincial Convention of said province; which are published by their order, and contradict General Gage's account of the provincials being the aggressors.
IN PROVINCIAL CONGRESS.
WATERTOWN, April 26, 1775.
To the INHABITANTS of GREAT BRITAIN.
Friends and fellow subjects,
H OSTILITIES are at length commenced in this colony, by the troops under the command of General Gage; and it being of the greatest importance that an early, true, authentick account of this
inhuman proceeding, should be known to you, the Congress of this colony have transmitted the same, and, from want of a session of the Hon. Continental Congress, think it proper to address you on the alarming occasion.
By the clearest depositions relative to this transaction, it will appear that on the night preceding the 19th of April instant, a body of the King's troops, under the command of Col. Smith, were secretly landed at Cambridge, with an apparent design to take or destroy the military and other stores provided for the defence of this colony, and deposited at Concord; that some inhabitants of the colony, on the night aforesaid, whilst travelling peaceably on the road between Boston and Concord, were seized and greatly abused by armed men, who appeared to be officers of General Gage's army; that the town of Lexington by these means was alarmed, and a company of the inhabitants mustered on the occasion; that the regular troops, on their way to Concord, marched into the said town of Lexington, and the said company on their approach began to disperse; that, notwithstanding this, the regulars rushed on with great violence, and first began hostilities , by firing on said Lexington company, whereby they killed eight and wounded several others; that the regulars continued their fire, until those of said company, who were neither killed nor wounded, had made their escape; that Col. Smith with the detachment then marched to Concord, where a number of provincials were again fired on by the troops, two of them killed, and several wounded, before the provincials fired on them; and that these hostile measures of the troops produced an engagement that lasted through the day, in which many of the provincials, and more of the regular troops , were killed and wounded.
To give a particular account of the ravages of the troops as they retreated from Concord to Charlestown would be very difficult, if not impracticable. Let it suffice to say, that a great number of houses on the road were plundered and rendered unfit for use, several were burnt, women in child-bed were driven by the soldiery naked into the streets, old men peaceably in their houses were shot dead, and such scenes exhibited as would disgrace the annals of the most uncivilized nation.
These, brethren, are marks of ministerial vengeance against this colony, for refusing, with her sister colonies, a submission to slavery. But they have not yet detached us from our royal sovereign; we profess to be his loyal and dutiful subjects, and, so hardly dealt with as we have been, are still ready, with our lives and fortunes, to defend his person, family, crown, and dignity. Nevertheless, to the persecution and tyranny of his cruel ministry we will not tamely submit; appealing to Heaven for the justice of our cause, we determine to die or be free.
We cannot think that the honour, wisdom, and valour of Britons, will suffer them to be longer inactive spectators of measures in which they themselves are so deeply interested; measures pursued in opposition to the solemn protests of many noble Lords, and expressed sense of conspicuous Commoners, whose knowledge and virtue have long characterised them as some of the greatest men in the nation; measures executing contrary to the interest, petitions, and resolves, of many large, respectable, and opulent counties, cities, and boroughs, in Great Britain; measures highly incompatible with justice, but still pursued with a specious pretence of easing the nation of its burthens; measures which, if successful, must end in the ruin and slavery of Britain, as well as the persecuted American colonies.
We sincerely hope, that the great sovereign of the universe, who hath so often appeared for the English nation, will support you in every rational and manly exertion, with these colonies, for saving it from ruin; and that, in a constitutional connection with the mother country, we shall soon be altogether a free and happy people.
By order.
JOSEPH WARREN, President, pro tempore.
Mr. PURDIE.
A S the good people of this colony have been treated with the greatest indignity by his Excellency the Governor, who has lost their confidence, by some late transactions of his, will it not be extremely proper to associate not to take out any marriage licenses, but to be married agreeable to the rubrick of the church of England, on a publication of the banns of matrimony only? C I V I S.
A T a meeting of the freeholders of Henrico county, at the courthouse, on Friday the 5th of May 1775, to elect delegates to represent them in Convention one year, agreeable to the recommendation of the late Convention, RICHARD ADAMS, and RICHARD RANDOLPH, Esquires, were elected for that purpose.
JOHN BECKLEY, clerk.
A T a meeting of the Williamsburg VOLUNTEER COMPANY, held the 25th day of May, 1775.
Resolved , that every member in this company oblige themselves, by the ties of honour and duty to their country, to march, on the smallest warning, to any part of the continent, where the general cause of American liberty may demand their attendance, provided that they do not by such a step leave their own country in a defenceless state.
Resolved , that it is the opinion of this company, that landing of any foreign troops in this country will be, at the present critical juncture of affairs, a most dangerous attack on the liberties of this country; and that this company will, therefore, keep the most watchful eye on any movement from this quarter, that they will consult their fellow countrymen in the different parts of this province on that head, and, should they find an unanimity of sentiment to prevail throughout this country respecting that particular, they are determined, with the aid and assistance of their fellow subjects, to resist all such arbitrary measures, at the expense of life and fortune.
JOHN BROWN, clerk.
Ordered , that the clerk deliver copies of the said resolves to Alexander Purdie, and John Pinkney, in order to be published.
L O N D O N, March 18.
PROTEST. HOUSE OF LORDS.
Die Martis, 21 Martii, 1775.
T HE order of the day being read for the third reading of the American restraining fishery bill, and for the Lords to be summoned, the said bill was accordingly read the third time, and several amendments being made thereto, it was moved that the bill, with the amendments, do pass; which being objected to, after debate, the question was put thereupon, and resolved in the affirmative; contents 73, non-contents 21.
D I S S E N T I E N T.
Because the attempt to coerce, by Famine, the whole body of the inhabitants of great and populous provinces, is without example, in the history of this, or perhaps of any civilized nation; and is one of those unhappy inventions to which Parliament is driven by the difficulties which daily multiply upon us, from an obstinate adherence to an unwise plan of government. We do not know exactly the extent of the combination against our commerce in New England, and the other

colonies, out we do know the extent of the punishment we inflict upon it, which is universal, and includes all the inhabitants. Amongst these, many are admitted to be innocent, and several are alledged by ministers to be, in their sense, even meritorious. That government which attempts to preserve its authority by destroying the trade of its subjects, and by involving the innocent and guilty in a common ruin, if it acts from a choice of such means, confesses itself unworthy, if from inability, to find any other, admits itself wholly incompetent to the end of its institution.
2dly. Because the English merchants are punished without any guilt, real or pretended, on their part. The people of the proscribed provinces, though failing in their duty to government, ought to be permitted to discharge their obligations to commerce. Without their fishery, this is impossible. The merchants of England entertain no fears for their debts, except from the steps which are said to be taken in their favour. Eight hundred thousand pounds of English property, belonging to London alone, is not to be trifled with, or sacrificed to the projects of those who have constantly failed in every expectation which they have held out to the publick, and who are become more bigotted to methods of violence, in proportion to the experience of their inefficacy, and the mischievous consequences which attend them.
3dly. Because the people of New England, besides the natural claim of mankind to the gifts of Providence on their own coast, are specially entitled to the fishery by their charters, which have never been declared forfeited. These charters, we think (notwithstanding the contempt with which the idea of publick faith has been treated) to be of material consideration. The bill, therefore, not growing out of any judicial process, seems equally a violation of all natural and civil right.
4thly. Because we conceive that the attempt which has been made to BRIBE the nation into an acquiescence in this arbitrary act, by holding out to them (by evidence at the bar) the spoils of the New England fishery, with upwards of 300,000l. a year, to be a scheme full of weakness and indecency: Of indecency, because it may be suspected that the desire of the confiscation has created the guilt; weak, because it supposes that whatever is taken from the colonies is of course to be transferred to ourselves. We may trample on the rules of justice, but we cannot alter the nature of things. We cannot convey to Great Britain the advantages of situation, which New England possesses, for the fishery. If the value of the commodity should be enhanced at the foreign markets, by the exclusion of so large a part of the supply, it may either greatly injure the sale of the commodity itself, or put the consumers on new articles of consumption, or new methods of supply, to the just ruin of those who, deluded by avarice, have CHOSEN, from the vain hope of an enhanced market, to disturb the natural, settled, and beneficial course of traffick.
5thly. Because we do not apprehend that the topic so much insisted upon by a Lord high in office, in favour of this project, namely, the COWARDICE of his Majesty's American subjects, to have any weight in itself, or be at all agreeable to the dignity of sentiment which ought to characterise this House. We do not think it true, that any part of the subjects of this empire are defective in bravery. It is to the last degree improper to act upon such a supposition, as it must highly disgrace our arms in case of misfortune, and must take away all honour from them in case of success. Nothing can tend more effectually to defeat the purposes of all our coercive
measures, than to let the people against whom they are intended know that we think our authority founded in their baseness; that their resistance will give them some credit, even in our own eyes, and that we attribute their obedience only to their want of courage. This is to CALL for resistance, and to PROVOKE rebellion by the most powerful of all motives, which can act upon men of any degree of spirit and sensibility.
6thly. Because the interdict from fishing and commerce is not to be terminated by any certain and definitive act to be done by the party interdicted, but its duration depends solely on the WILL of the Governors and majority of the Council in some of the provinces, upon their mere arbitrary opinion of the state of commerce. In two of the proscribed provinces, the interdict is made to depend on the same arbitrary will, in much worse hands, those of mere customhouse officers. A power of such magnitude is not fit to be delegated to any man, however wise, or however exalted.
But to deliver over several hundred thousands of our fellow creatures to be STARVED, at the mere pleasure of persons in certain subordinate situations, and some of them in an office always more or less suspicious and obnoxious, and necessary to be watched and guarded, rather than vested with absolute power over all, and this without any rule to guide their discretion, without any penalty to deter from an abuse of it, is a strain of such TYRANNY, OP-PRESSION, and ABSURDITY, as we believe never was deliberately entertained by any grave assembly.
Lastly. Because the bill, though in appearance a measure of retaliation only, upon a supposition that the colonies have been the first aggressors, by their association not to import goods from Great Britain, yet is, in truth, a most cruel enforcement of former oppressions; and that association is no more than a natural consequence of antecedent and repeated injuries. And since the restraint of this bill is not to be taken off till the several colonies shall agree to receive again all goods whatsoever from Great Britain, and to pay all the duties imposed by Parliament, not excepting those upon tea; and since three of them must apply through the medium of the NEW Council of Massachusetts Bay, and the last mentioned province is obliged not only to acknowledge the new charter, but submit in all respects to the severe conditions of the port bill before they can be released from their hardships; since these are the terms, and the only terms, upon which this proscription is to cease, and the colonies must therefore submit to be the SLAVES, instead of the SUBJECTS, of Great Britain, this bill, in its principle, is both arbitrary and unjust. And as we do not conceive any ground of expectation that the provinces will yield to such hard conditions, a CIVIL WAR, which may probably end in the total separation of the colonies from the mother country, will too naturally be the consequence of this bill; in respect of which, as well as for the other reasons hereby assigned, we do most solemnly and heartily protest against the same.
Abingdon, Stanhope, Richmond, Rockingham, Ponsonby, Manchester, Graven, Leinster, Devonshire, Camden, Cholmondeley. Abergavenny, Wycombe, Torrington, Epsingham, Fitzwilliam.
AT a meeting of the freeholders of Middlesex county, convened at the court-house at Urbanna, on Monday the 24th of April 1775, EDMUND BERKELEY, and JAMES MONTAGUE, Gentlemen, were unanimously chosen delegates to represent the said county in convention, for one year.
SIMON FRASER, clerk.
ADVERTISEMENTS.
WILLIAMSBURG, May 25, 1775.
THE Visitors and Governors of William and Mary college are desired to meet on Thursday the 8th of June.
By order of the Rector.
MATTHEW DAVENPORT, Cl. Visit.
BEDFORD, April 6, 1775.
WHEREAS my wife Frances has behaved in a very uncommon manner to me of late, this is to forwarn all persons from having any dealings with her on my account, as I will not be answerable for any debts of her contracting after this date.
(||) JOHN STIFF.
To be SOLD to the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 15th of August next, at Mr. Spencer Boyd's store in King and Queen county, and entered upon at Christmas next.
TWO valuable tracts of land adjoining each other, lying in the lower end of the said county; one of which I now live on, containing 237 acres. The other was lately the property of Mr. Thomas Foster, by plat 180 acres. They will be sold separately or together, as may appear most eligible on the day of sale. They are in good order for cropping, and the soil is well adapted for the culture of corn and tobacco. Their situation for trade is very convenient, and there are good improvements upon them. I apprehend a more particular description is unnecessary, as no person will incline to make a purchase, of such importance, without viewing the premises. I shall therefore be always ready to show the same to any person between this and the day of sale, and to treat for a private bargain. Twelve months credit will be allowed the purchaser, on giving bond with approved security; but if not discharged when due, to carry interest from the date.
WILLIAM DILLARD, junior.
*** At the same time and place will also be sold, several likely NEGROES, one of which is an exceeding good carpenter and wheelwright. For terms apply as above.
DOTTEREL
STANDS at Stratford, the seat of the late Honourable Philip Ludwell Lee, and will cover mares at 3l. the season, or 20s. the leap. Good care and pasturage for the mares, but if they stray they will not be accounted for. The publick has lately been sufficiently advertised of the goodness of his pedigree.
The ADMINISTRATORS.
RUN away from the subscriber, in Staunton, the 22d of April, a servant boy named WILLIAM LUSCOMBE, 17 or 18 years of age, about four feet ten inches high, of a whitely complexion, and black hair; had on, when he went away, a reddish coloured coat, blue waistcoat, and red plush breeches. Whoever secures the said servant, so as I get him again, shall have 20s. reward if taken in this county, and if out thereof 40s.
2|| ROGER NORTH.
RUN away from the subscriber, in Augusta county, the 25th of February, a convict servant man named JOHN THRIFT, about five feet ten inches high, well made, brown hair, and has a very impudent look; had on, when he went away, an old felt hat, a brown hunting shirt, a light coloured sagathy waistcoat, old buckskin breeches, old shoes, and white yarn stockings. Whoever takes up the said servant, and secures him so that I may get him, shall have 20s. if taken in the county, and if out of the county 40s. besides reasonable charges if brought home.
2|| ROBERT M'KITTRICK.