Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-06-29 00:00:00

From the United States' Gazette.
SYMPTOMS OF OPPUGNATION.
A case occurred on Monday in the court of Quarter Sessions, which excited some amusement, and considerable satisfaction. Italy, and Switzerland, and Holland, and Portugal, and Spain, have all, all fallen before the power of Napoleon, and it is now our turn to present a rich repast to the maw of this devourer of empires. The blow which was aimed has been arrested by the spirit and the nerve of an American Jury.—Buonaparte has now an occasion furnished to him, which should afford him serious reflection; and if his reasoning be cool and correct, he will find that America is not to be subdued, while such feelings and sentiments, as the discussion of Monday produced, glow in the bosoms of our countrymen.
In the fall of the year 1806, a Swedish sch'r with a cargo of considerable value, both owned by a Swedish subject, and under the care of Mr. John Naglee, an American supercargo, sailed from this port for the isle of Cuba. In the voyage she was captured by the privateer Dolphin, commanded by capt. Brouvard. This is the man whose vessel, which lately entered the port of Philadelphia, and under the pretence of wanting provisions and repairs for a long cruise, was furnished by our government with those articles which the embargo laws prevent our own citizens from carrying to each other!
When captain Brouvard captured the sch'r the usual scenes of outrage and atrocity were committed, which in this age of the "Freedom of the Seas," accompany all French captures. Pistols, and swords, and sabres were exhibited to alarm the fears of the crew, and to show the power of Frenchmen.—The schooner was then plundered and sent to Barracoa, a port in the island of Cuba. Here a new scene of plunder occurred, and before any proceedings were instituted to procure the condemnation of the vessel, one half of the cargo was smuggled on shore, as well to avoid the restoration of it in case of acquittal, as to defraud the government of the duties. An attempt was made by captain Brouvard, with the aid of a file of soldiers, to seize and imprison the supercargo who, finding his life in danger, applied to the governor of the port, who was a Spaniard, and who immediately interfered to rescue Mr. Naglee from the fangs of the Frenchman. The schooner was then ordered to the city of St. Domingo, where she soon after arrived. Mr. Naglee, apprehensive of his life, if he went in the sch'r took his passage in another vessel; and at great expence and with considerable difficulty, followed her: but not in sufficient time to save his property. Before he arrived his vessel and cargo were delivered up to Brouvard, and his only solicitude was to provide for his return to his home.
Brouvard had robbed him of a pair of pistols, which it was his wish to regain, and for which purpose he applied to him but without success. He then made an application to gen. Ferrand, who commanded at the city of St. Domingo, and Brouvard was ordered by him to restore the pistols.—After some time they were returned to Mr. Naglee; but the case in which they were contained was cut and defaced—the locks of the pistols were broken, and the barrels filled with slush! But such as they were, they were the remnant of his property, and he found himself now reduced by the villainy of Brouvard, from a state of comfort to that of beggary.—He smarted under a sense of his wrongs, and when he was about to leave St. Domingo on his return to Philadelphia, he seized an occasion to say to Brouvard, "I am now in your power, and must submit to it; but if I ever catch you in any part of the United States except Christ church, I will have my revenge."
Two years elapsed and the time for revenge arrived: Brouvard entered the port of Philadelphia a short time since, after having plundered an American vessel at sea, and occasioned the death of a respectable passenger, Mr. Campbell, and three or four of the crew. Here his vessel was ordered to be repaired, and by the orders of our government, an unnecessary quantity of provisions was furnished to him, while, at the same time, and by the same orders, the citizens were prohibited from receiving from their sister states even a barrel of flour! While the schooner was repairing at the ship yard, Brouvard, accompanied by the French vice consul, and a Frenchman, and dressed in his uniform, went to inspect her. They were met in the street by Mr. Naglee, who, addressing himself to Brouvard, said, "How do you do, sir?" Brouvard replied, "Very well, sir, I thank you."—"I suppose," said Mr. Naglee, "you do not remember me?"—"Oh, oui, tres bien," said Brouvard and held out his hands as it to greet him. Naglee instantly seized them in his left hand, and proceeded to take his promised revenge. He struck Brouvard several severe blows, when the vice consul interfered, either as a peace-maker, or as a partisan of Brouvard.—His own testimony was, that he interposed in the former capacity, and laid a gentle hand upon each, for the purpose of parting them; and in this statement he was strengthened by the oath of a Frenchman who accompanied him and Brouvard. The witness for Naglee, however, had another story to tell.—They swore that the vice-consul seized Naglee alone violently by the collar.—This latter story, it is presumed, was the impression of Naglee, for, finding himself attacked from behind, he took the precaution of extending Brouvard on the ground by one honest blow, and then turned to defend himself from his assailant. Not much, however, was necessary for this purpose. He gave the great Napoleon's vice consul one blow on the stomach, and the vice consul fell.
"O! What a fall was there, my countrymen!" Having thus defended himself from an assault, he
proceeded to perform the promise which he had made to his own satisfaction, and we hope to the satisfaction of his countrymen. After Brouvard had been beaten a second time, his epaulets covered with dust, and his tremendous cockade ingloriously thrown from his head, he recollected that he had a dirk and a sword, which he had on a former occasion held to the breast of Mr. Naglee, and which at that time answered his end. He thought he would try it again, and laid his hand on his dirk. Naglee seized a small piece of a whoop pole, and threatened to use it, unless Brouvard instantly sheathed his dirk. The captain thought "the better part of valour was discretion," and quietly obeyed; and, as Naglee expressed it in his testimony, "with the vice consul immediately ran away to a neighbouring house." Brouvard, however, was not satisfied with this mode of taking revenge, and immediately proceeded to wipe away the stain from his honour and his cockade. He complained to Mons. Turreau. Turreau complained to the government. The government instructed Mr. Dallas, the district attorney, and Mr. Dallas complained to the grand jury for the county of Philadelphia, who found two bills of indictment against John Naglee—one for assaulting and beating the vice consul—the other, for assaulting and beating captain Brouvard. The charges were alleged to be "against the peace and dignity of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania," and "in defiance and contravention of a treaty made between the United States and Napoleon, emperor of France, king of Italy, &c."
Naglee confessed the charge of assaulting and beating captain Brouvard, as, in truth, it could not well be denied, and submitted his story to the court. He pleaded not guilty to the charge of beating the vice consul, and this indictment was tried on Monday by twelve jurors, who are indeed Americans!
Mr. Dallas, the district attorney, opened the prosecution by declaring that it was instituted by the orders of government. He spoke of the mighty power of Buonaparte—of the savage disposition of Frenchmen in acts of retaliation, and said, that if Naglee was acquitted, our citizens would be at the mercy of the French whom they should meet on the ocean. He said, that if there was a verdict of acquittal, the French emperor would not be satisfied with it, and he instance as an example, the decision in the affair of Pearce, in which our government was not satisfied with the acquittal of White. He attempted to show the privileges of the vice consul and of capt. Brouvard, and said they were protected from violence by the law of nations, and by treaty. He said that the vice consul's story was true, and that Naglee's witnesses were not to be believed. He concluded by telling the jury, "that he hoped they would give such a verdict that our government would hear no more of it."
Mr. Bradford then opened on the part of the defendant, and gave a brief recital of the acts of provocation which he had suffered from Brouvard at and after the capture of his vessel. Mr. Hopkinson followed on the same side in a speech of some length and great eloquence. He spoke as an American, feeling for the honour of his country. He adverted, in an animated strain to the terrors which the district attorney had held out to influence the decision of the jury. He said he hoped we were not yet prepared to offer ourselves up to the grasp of the great Napoleon, and he trusted our courts of law were yet independent. He admitted the privileges of vice consuls, but was not prepared to admit a privilege in them to assault an American citizen. He said he hoped the jury would give a verdict of acquittal, and there could be no doubt, that whatever might be the dissatisfaction of the French emperor, that our country would sanction their verdict, and unite with them to meet the consequences.
It is, however, impossible to give a correct idea of the genius and eloquence of Mr. Hopkinson's speech, or of the effect it produced on the audience. We wish it had been preserved. We wish our countrymen to see it. We wish Napoleon himself could have heard it. It was decisive upon the jury. Mr. Dallas endeavoured in his conclusion to break the force of it; but his attempt was vain. It was addressed to the feeling and to the understandings—to the heads and hearts of Americans, and the result was honourable to themselves and to their country.
They acquitted Mr. Naglee, and ordered the vice-consul to pay the costs of the prosecution.
[The following are the remarks of the Editor of the Gazette of the United States on the foregoing subject.]
The French Captain and the American Citizen.—According to promise, we this day present to our readers an account of an interesting trial which has excited the more attention in consequence of its having been taken up by our government, and urged with all the zeal and perseverance which could be wished by the corrupter and conqueror of the world. In one point of view it is very important; as it proves what we have ever believed to be a fact that Americans of all parties, whenever put to the test, will feel and act as becomes the honor of their country, however prostituted and debased some of the foreign leaders of faction may be. A majority of the jury who tried Mr. Naglee are decided democrats; but they are Americans.—The consequence is, that the laboured arguments of Mr. Dallas, by which he attempted, as we are informed, to convince them that the French emperor would take it very unkindly if they should acquit the accused, failed to produce the desired effect upon the jury, although backed with the intimations that our own government were fearful of hearing more upon the subject, unless Mr. Naglee should be punished in an exemplary manner.
On the indictment for beating the French capt. Brouvard, to which Mr. Naglee plead guilty and submitted to the court, sentence was pronounced yesterday, and he was fined in the sum of one hundred dollars with costs! It does not become us to make any comments upon this sentence; but we may remark that so high a fine for a breach of the peace by a simple assault and battery is very unusual, if not unexampled.
[COMMUNICATION.] In the well written report of the case of the French Consul against Mr. Naglee, published in your paper of Friday last, there is one circumstance omitted, which is too honourable to the publick sentiment not to be told. We allude to the spontaneous, and immediate collection, in different quarters of the city, of money to pay the fine, which the court inflicted on the injured defendant. The gentlemen of the bar, as soon as the judgment was pronounced, came forward, and contributed a sum sufficient for this purpose, and we understand, that several other collections were made among the citizens generally. Neither ought it to be concealed that the officers of the court, the greater part of whom are democrats, unanimously agreed to relinquish their fees. Indeed, upon this occasion, all the minor distinctions of party were merged in a general and utter detestation of the mean, submissive, and dastardly spirit which directed the prosecution by the president, of the language and sentiments held in its support by Mr. Dallas, and of the penalty inflicted by the court.—U. S. Gaz.
From the Repository. While the manly and independent spirit of the enlightened people of Massachusetts, displayed in their selection of gentlemen to represent them in the legislature at this serious juncture, and the dignified tone and attitude of that assembly, convened to announce and enforce the publick voice, have spread joy throughout the United States, it is not surprising that the will and sentiments of this respectable commonwealth have carried dismay to the seat of an infatuated and oppressive government.
We accordingly find, that the "Resolutions" offered by Mr. Wheaton, which would, last year, have been rejected by a majority of one hundred and forty pledged supporters of the administrations with all its iniquitous measures, but now adopted by a decided majority of representatives recently chosen to express what the people now feel, are received at Washington with doleful lamentations. An article in the National Intelligencer, the mouth piece of Executive exultation or complaint, as the case requires, introducing that appalling document thus begins:
"It is with the deepest humiliation that we lay before our readers the following Resolutions, with the sanction given them by the people of Massachusetts."
We trust this sense of humiliation is as sincere as deep; for as professions of regard to the publick welfare, (while measures spreading wanton destruction through the nation have been pursued, with a determination inexorable as death,) are now understood and at length begin to be resented by an insulted community, they will not easily be appeased by miserable whining and empty expostulation.
What has this government editor to advance in reply to the voice of the people of Massachusetts? What has he to urge in defence of the administration? What sin of omission or commission will he attribute to the legislative body of this state?
"It might have been expected, (says the official organ,) that while the policy of the Embargo was questioned, the course of the negotiation with Britain would have been approved. It might have been expected, that a body, so alive to the national honour, (an attribute most justly applied,) as to be ready to plunge into the horrors of war to guard it, would not have been insensible to the dignity and talent with which it has been defended, or to the justice of the ground taken by the administration; and that here at least the pride of an American would have silenced the petty feelings of the partisan!"
We rejoice that as the legislature of Massachusetts are denounced in the government paper, their crying offence is thus honestly set before the world. Yes, the legislature of Massachusetts have declined to bow the knee to our political Baal, and teach the tongue to pronounce what reason and truth cannot approve.
For a long time, the ever busy instruments of executive influence have spread their delusions among an easy, credulous people, and insidiously exacted popular applause; the incense of adulation has smoked even on our legislative altars, until servile homage has become, in the eyes of administration, an expected tribute from those, whose solemn duty it is to guard the people's rights—maintain their independence, and consult their prosperity. The degrading situation into which they have been sinking has at length become obvious and disgusting; and henceforth, the powers that be may rest assured, that publick measures will not be applauded, merely because the administration has thought proper to adopt them, but that the people will first exercise their right and capacity to judge, whether those measures promote or destroy the happiness of the community.
That the administration should wish the approbation of our legislature, on the subject of the "negotiation with Great-Britain" is very natural; for the very extraordinary mode in which that negotiation has been conducted, has doubtless been part of a system very dear to our rulers; part of a plan, which unless supported by blind confidence, will most certainly excite general execration. If the
people equate and examine for themselves, if the crooked policy of those who have conducted our foreign relations is not carried down, by resolves of factious men, the true interests and just pride of the American are not silenced by the petty feelings of the partisan, then indeed the mighty talisman of visionary politicians must dissolve, and the sacred subserviency of our councils to a foreign despot's will, excite the indignation of a people, who love their freedom and will never barter it for the slavish chains of imperial alliance.
How the legislature of Massachusetts would repel, or reply to, the tremendous accusation of a dereliction of duty, in being "insensible to the dignity and talent" with which the negotiation with Britain was conducted, we need not to state. But as that body appear not to have been inactive spectators of the course our administration has pursued; as they must, in common with all the inquiring and informed part of their fellow citizens, have adopted certain conclusions from the facts relative to that negotiation which the spirit of duplicity and misrepresentation have been well and satisfactorily ascertained, we can be at no loss to conjecture what would by their defence—we believe the tables of estimation would be turned upon their accusers.
The legislature did not approve of the negotiation with Great Britain, for it was a subject of too serious a magnitude, to indulge in empty or fictitious compliments to tickle the presidential ear. The advocates of Mr. Wheaton's resolutions have most, probably all of them, been on the stage of active life, long enough to have been acquainted with the mode in which negotiation with Britain was conducted, under a former administration. When she had infringed our real rights as neutrals, and was smarting under the recollection of the recent loss of a powerful colony—then indeed we saw dignity and talent. By an attitude which displayed, with a demand of justice, an honourable disposition for such an adjustment as should secure us, indemnity and the enjoyment of our rights, without abridging those of others, the coldness of the offended parent was converted into respect and friendship. A happy understanding succeeded war and hatred, and the old wounds of national animosity were apparently healed forever. But since the administration of Mr. Jefferson, a new and pernicious system has been pursued, and pursued without remission. Unhappily, many of our commercial arrangements with that country naturally expired by limitation, about the time of his accession to the presidency. A forbidding and ill-natured reserve succeeded. His history to that prosperous arrangement which had taken place, with regard to England was no less notorious, than his predilection for her deadly rival. It was with the factions, and all the partisans of France, whom Washington & Adams had confounded, but not reclaimed, a cause of his election. Things soon went on, as might have been expected. A portentous reserve gained ground between the two governments. The obvious expedience of the measure, and the loud calls of a large and respectable class of the American people rendered it necessary to take, or affect to take, steps towards the renewal of commercial stipulations. An ambassador was sent to negotiate, but with instructions to insist on such new concessions, that a definitive adjustment was delayed.
To go through the detail of the history that now opens upon us, would be tedious and is unnecessary. Mr. Monroe has confirmed, what was long before believed by many; that at certain times he could have easily secured every point essential to our rights or character; but that his ever varying instructions, rising in their requirements as the British government advanced, precluded the possibility of settlement. In the mean time the war between the two mighty powers of Europe, as is the course of things, bore hard in many instances upon the concerns of the neutral. Here was a new field for that dignity and talent, which our legislature are expected to commence, and which has been so singularly displayed. Every aggression and insult from France, however gross and inexcusable, was endured without a murmur from our government and individual complaint drowned into silence; while every part of the conduct of Great Britain which was or could be represented obnoxious, was the theme of clamour, throughout the country. In our ministerial papers, no effort was spared to renew in our citizens their prejudices, and their hatred; and as this temper rose, the injunctions on Mr. Monroe became more absolute. The Chesapeake affair at length took place, and thus the views of Mr. Jefferson appeared to be approaching consummation. Subjects totally distinct in their nature were now blended together, and no modification of either was to be admitted. Points relating to the carrying trade; the protection of all seamen under our merchant flag—the Chesapeake affair, and every other topic of collision, some just and some absurd, were all erected into one consolidated barrier, to yield in no respect, to favour the restoration of friendship. Things have been managed with so much dignity and talent, that Mr. Monroe has returned to America; Mr. Rose has returned to England: we have a non-importation law; several embargo laws, and an executive edict, which restricts the coasting trade to whom it may please the delegates of presidential usurpation to favour. Thus ends that negotiation, which Mr. Jefferson, no doubt, would rejoice to have our legislature approve!
Twenty Dollars Reward. Deserted from Gun-Boat No. 64, on the 21st instant, PATRICK FITZGERALD, a private in the marine corps, born in Ireland, 38 years of age, 5 feet 4 inches high, black eyes, sallow complexion, a currier by trade. The above reward will be given to any person who will deliver him to the commanding officer at the navy yard, Gosport. June 27.

In our first page will be found the proceedings of an interesting trial at Philadelphia, and remarks worth notice. Buonaparte will hence learn that an American Jury are independent, and neither fear his resentment, nor value his friendship.
JOHN NEWBON, Esq. is elected a Director of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States at this place, in the place of Philip Dana, esq. deceased.
The circular letter of WILSON C. NICHOLAS to his constituents is commenced this day. We have deemed it our duty to insert this letter, because we believe that it is relied on by the friends of the administration as a satisfactory defence of the prominent measures of government, and a reply to the letter of Mr. Pickering.
It would not be candid to offer any comment upon this document, upon the perusal of a part.
The Defence of CAPTAIN GORDON, before the Court Martial, shall be commenced in our next.
Yesterday five or six large ships left our port bound to — not to London, Amsterdam or Bordeaux, freighted with valuable cargoes, but up into the fresh waters to avoid the worms.
It appears by the National Intelligencer that the Algerines are likely to make war upon us, but for once Mr. Jefferson is too fast for those Barbarians. He has placed the commerce of this country beyond their grasp. This furnishes another proof of the wisdom of the embargo, and was no doubt taken into the calculation at the time it was laid. How strongly do events confirm the prudent foresight of our rulers! Until France and England are governed by justice and moderation, and the Algerines cease to be pirates, the good people of America must remain in dignified retirement. How long it will be before those things happen we do not pretend to judge.
[We copy the following communication from the Charleston Courier—it is so applicable to this place, that we were induced to present it to the consideration of the police of Norfolk.]
COMMUNICATION.
Messrs. Editors. I am at a loss at present to say, to what department of our police belongs the authority, to put an immediate stop to, or to punish, that shameful and immodest practice of bathing in the open day, at Cannon's bridge, which I have observed has begun this season. Surely a practice so offensive to modesty and decency, will not be further permitted, in a place where our best and most pleasant road induces many ladies to ride out, for their health and recreation, at this season. I trust it will be sufficient only to mention this disagreeable business, to have it immediately suppressed by the proper authority.
An Old Inhabitant.
Charleston, 18th June, 1808.
We give the following editorial article from the American Citizen of this morning, just as it stands, and without expressing any opinions on its merits, further than to say that it bespeaks a bold independence, highly creditable to the writer. How must the conduct of Cheetam in thus steadfastly maintaining at every hazard, the cause of his friend and benefactor, Governor Clinton, against a Virginia faction, hostile to the northern states and to commerce, how must it gall the professing, whining, "accommodating trimmer" Wortman? Cheetam, with his own party, has fairly entitled himself to the eulogium of being
"Found faithful among the faithless; Faithful only he." Even. Post.
From the American Citizen.
The following are the odious terms in which gov. Clinton is proscribed in the Baltimore American, and the half apostate, John Quincy Adams, recommended as his successor to the vice presidency.
"To the Editor of the American."
"Sir, That man who dares be honest in the worst of times, and sacrifices the ambitious walks of office at the shrine of patriotism, who bares the traitor of his visor, and exhibits his treason to publick execration, is certainly preferable to that character, whose PATRIOTISM HAS BEEN SO LONG AT MARKET UNTIL IT HAS BECOME dog cheap. He is certainly more entitled to publick confidence, whose approving conduct has assisted the helmsman in steering the barque of state through the stormy season of the last session, than he whose confidential letters have had a tendency to shake the confidence of a portion of society in their rulers, by a proscription of the embargo, with a design of compelling an acknowledgment of his unbounded influence, to coerce an admission of his weighty claim on the presidential chair, and whose apathy to the union of the republican citizens of America will suffer his selfishness to predominate over their wishes."
"The present incumbent of the vice presidency has suffered his name to be made use of by an individual printer, as a candidate for the first honours of the country, against the wishes of a great portion of the citizens of America, through their representatives in congress, and by this act has given sanction to the idea that he wishes not to continue in his present exalted station. Therefore, I think it would be doing a publick duty to shew our contempt of the paralyzing endeavour of the British partisans in the Massachusetts legislature, to thwart the measures of government in their career of duty, to hold JOHN QUINCY ADAMS forth as a deserving candidate for the vice presidency. In making this proposal publick, you will gratify the wishes of thousands of your
REPUBLICAN FELLOW CITIZENS."
REMARKS.—By the editor of the Citizen. We have already a foretaste of what the administration of Mr. Madison would be, were it possible for the states to elect him President. Narrow and irresolute where he should be liberal and firm, he would proscribe and denounce at home and shrink from the aspiring ambition and overwhelming power of a nation abroad. Sanctioned by his name, a system of proscription, denunciation, and terror is already commenced. That which cannot be accompanied by argument, is to be effected by force. The worst passions are appealed to in the worst manner. The very mounds of morality are thrown down, and we are menaced with a deluge of venality. The press, hitherto our safeguard, is employed for our ruin. Placed in the hands of "tools as gross as norance made drunk," or of professional political ut-throats, purchased by "vaulting ambition" for political butchery, what calamities are there in the store of malignity and wickedness that we may not anticipate from the administration of a man under whose auspices such outrages are committed?
The Baltimore American is said to be under the influence of the Smiths, of Maryland. Is Mr. Smith, Secretary of the Navy, the writer of the base attack on Governor Clinton? He will not deem this question a presumptuous one, assured as he is that I am neither unacquainted with that spirit of deadly hostility which is cherished at Washington against the state of New York, nor with that system of proscription which, planned at Washington is rapidly extending its baleful influence over the union.
The "patriotism" of Gov. Clinton, we are most impudently and profligately told, "has been at market until it has become dog cheap!" What base slander will Madisonian turpitude next invent.
A long life well spent—near fifty years of distinguished publick service, are not sufficient to shield this excellent man from the atrocious attacks of a villainous demagogue.
What man living has rendered greater services to his country than Governor Clinton?
Where is the politician whose conduct has been so uniform?
What, but a system of terror and proscription, could have dictated this outrage?
"Gov. Clinton's patriotism has been at market until it has become dog cheap."
It is by such means that Mr. Madison, a man who has always "trimmed with times and bended to circumstances," is to become President of the United States? Can any thing more be necessary to demonstrate the terror which has commenced, and the denunciations which are to follow? It Mr. Madison thinks that he can thus get into power and govern us, I can assure him that he will not govern us long. If idolatry has not put out the publick eye, nor faction blunted the publick sense, things will be seen and felt by the community as they are.
Governor Clinton has written no "confidential letters proscribing the embargo." The letter to which allusion is made, in the one which he wrote to Mr. Denning. But in this letter, which was no more confidential than all other private letters are, it has already been certified by gentlemen of veracity, who had read it, that it was silent on the subject of the embargo. But say, that the contrary is the fact; say that he expressed a dislike of a permanent embargo; can "the king do no wrong?" Is it sedition to say that, possibly, he may? Are our lips to be sealed, and our understandings to go back to old chaos? Are our tongues and our pens to be embargoed with our merchandise and our shipping?—Shall the power to pass a gag law be denied to congress, but granted to combinations of unauthorised men? How long has passive obedience been a republican maxim? I recollect the time when we (I mean the old republicans) maintained quite a different doctrine. We said that the tongue, the pen, and the press, should be free as the Constitution allowed them to be. And it is well known that we made excellent and efficacious use of that Constitutional freedom. The father of the equivocal apostate John Q. Adams, can certify the fact. But Constitutional freedom I am afraid, is growing into disuse, and another sort of freedom, a la Parisian, fast taking place. Does a republican say that the "king may do wrong?" Denounce him—"Off with his head—so much for Buckingham."
That gov. Clinton is opposed to a permanent embargo, I have no doubt; but that he has written confidential letters on this or on any other publick concern, which he is solicitous to conceal from the world, those who know him cannot believe. Gov. Clinton advised the embargo when it was laid, but I do not believe that he had then an idea that it was meant as a permanent measure; than which nothing can be more opposed to our habits, or ruinous to our country. Gov. Clinton is friendly to that commerce which a permanent embargo must destroy.—But, at the same time he advised the embargo, as a temporary measure; as one of precaution; to save our property, but not that it might perish on our hands, he also advised, as an act of humanity, and policy, to take sailors into publick pay. He never thought of driving this useful class of men to the hard necessity of either starving on our shores or of deserting their country. His views were liberal, humane and enlightened. His plan displayed the comprehensive mind of the statesman and the vigor and energy of the soldier. I may say more on this subject hereafter."
LETTER
From WILSON CARY NICHOLAS, ESQUIRE, to his Constituents.
To the Electors of the Congressional District, composed of the Counties of Amherst, Albermarle and Fluvana.
FELLOW CITIZENS, It has fallen to my lot to represent you in the congress of the United States, at a period the most interesting and momentous that our country has ever known, since its existence as an independent nation. I owe it to you and to myself, to state faithfully the occurrences that have led to the present crisis, and the measures that have been taken to divert the storm, or to prepare to meet it; not only that you may know the real situation of our affairs, but that you may judge of the fidelity with which I have discharged the trust you reposed in me. Devoted to my country, bound to you by the strongest ties of gratitude and affection, and in all things having a common interest with you, you may doubt the propriety of some of the measures I have advocated; but I trust and hope there is not a man in the district, who will doubt of my entire and exclusive
sive attachment to my native country. I may mistake the means, but my only objects are the happiness, liberty and independence of the American people. If I could be insensible to my duty to you, I could never lose sight of the deep interest, that I and my numerous offspring have in the welfare of our common country.
The extraordinary occurrence that caused the president of the United States to convene congress last October, need not be mentioned; the impression it made is indelible: with one voice you demanded honourable reparation or vengeance. In order to understand fully our dispute with Great Britain, it is necessary you should know the relations between the two countries at, and antecedent to the attack made upon an American ship of war, by a national ship of Great Britain. Atrocious as was that act in itself, it was the more so under existing circumstances. From the year 1793, when the war between Great Britain and France commenced, Great Britain had inflicted every injury upon this country that could be suggested by her hatred and jealousy of us, or that the command of the ocean enabled her to perpetrate. These were in some measure lessened by Jay's treaty, and ceased with the war that was terminated by the treaty of Amiens. The renewal of hostilities between England and France, in the year 1802, brought upon our commerce and citizens, the outrages and wrongs we had borne in the war. The object of Great Britain, in violating the rights of neutrals, was not the injury of her enemy; not the expectation of compelling her to make a fair and honourable peace, by withholding supplies, or by depriving her of the means of selling her surplus produce or manufactures, but to give the advantage of that commerce to her own subjects, for the double purpose of enriching them and depressing us. This is clearly proved by her efforts to secure to them that very commerce from which she attempted to exclude us. The love of peace and an unwillingness to involve this country in the vortex of European wars and politics, induced the American government and people to submit to all the injuries that had been inflicted upon them, until the winter of 1806, when the British outrages were so great and enormous, that to have borne them longer, would have been cowardly; would have been a dereliction of national character, duty and interest, and would have made us contemptible in the eyes of the world.
At that period, the table of congress was covered with memorials and remonstrances from every part of the United States, complaining of the injuries we daily receive from Great Britain, and calling upon our government, in the strongest terms, to protect our citizens and commerce. Faithful to the true interests of the nation, seeing its interest would be best promoted by the preservation of peace, our government delayed the appeal to arms, which the insulting conduct of their officers, the impressment of our seamen, the seizure and condemnation of our vessels, the murder of Pierce within our jurisdiction, and the proclamation blockade of whole nations, would have justified. A law then passed congress, to take effect six or eight months after its date, prohibiting the importation of certain articles from Great Britain; and to give greater weight to our demand, a special minister was despatched to that country, to enforce our claims to justice. This course was adopted "from a hope that an appeal in this peaceable form to the reflection and interests of an enlightened nation, would be successful in removing every obstacle, to a perfect and permanent cordiality between the two nations." About the time the non-importation act was to take effect, dispatches were received from Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney; stating that negotiations were then in a train for adjustment of the differences between Great Britain and the United States, and recommending the suspension of the act: They say, "the ground which congress have taken in this just and salutary measure, we are far from wishing to abandon; but to suspend and abandon are very different things. The last would wound deeply the honour of the nation, and prostrate the character of the government; but the first is in perfect conformity with the spirit and purpose of the law, and while it would furnish a signal proof of the equity and moderation of our publick councils, would preserve unimpaired, that firm and dignified attitude which it becomes us at all times, but especially now, to maintain." This signal proof of equity and moderation of our publick councils was instantly given, not only the suspension of the non-importation act, but a power given to the president to suspend it for a further time, if the state of things between the two countries should require it. This was done by the president in the month of March, 1807, even after he refused to ratify the treaty negotiated by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, until the next meeting of congress: Thereby giving to the British government new evidence of the most sincere desire of putting an end to differences that ought not to exist between the two nations, having so many motives to establish and cherish mutual friendship. In March, 1807, the president received from our minister in England, a treaty, signed by the commissioners of the two nations, the 31st December preceding: this treaty, for reasons that I will hereafter explain, was with great propriety rejected by the president, and our ministers were directed to renew the negotiations with Great Britain, with the fullest assurances of our desire to maintain the friendly relations between the two nations, so conducive to the happiness of both; of which disposition he had given a recent and unequivocal proof. If any further evidence is required to prove the sincerity of this declaration, I need only refer to the correspondence between Mr. Madison and our ministers in England, from which it does appear that we not only have right on our side, but that our claims have been asserted with an ability, dignity, temper and moderation, that ought to have ensured us redress, and that the failure can only be ascribed to a confidence in power and disregard of right.
Not long after the return of this treaty, it is known to you that the British ship Leopard, in view of a strong British squadron, then within our waters committed the most flagrant violation of our national honour, by attacking the American frigate Chesapeake, under circumstances of the most aggravating kind; that immediately afterwards, this squadron took a station near Norfolk, and committed every act of hostility, short of attacking that town; that in defiance of the Proclamation, it remained within our territory, even after the arrival of Mr. Rose at Washington, and pending his negotiation. If the President had been desirous, as he has been falsely charged, to go to war with Great Britain, how
easy and with what little responsibility could he have then plunged the nation into war? Instead of which, without a sacrifice of our honour, he took the course dictated by the soundest wisdom and policy. He demanded of Great Britain, whether this act had been committed under the authority of that government, and if not that she should make honourable and prompt reparation, such as she would expect under similar circumstances.
You have seen the pretence that was made in England, for not making reparation, or even treating about it—that our government demanded, "as a security of the future, an entire abolition of impressments from vessels under the flag of the United States." The connexion between these subjects must be obvious, as, but for the practice of impressments, there would have been no pretence for the outrage committed; without the abandonment of the practice, there would be no security that there would not be a repetition of the same violence. The British demanding the revocation of the proclamation of the president, as a preliminary to a discussion of the nature and extent of the reparation we should receive, is a proof that the abandonment of the right to impress from our vessels being required did not prevent Mr. Monroe's adjusting this subject with the British government; for as it was here, so it would there have been required, that the revocation should precede the discussion, and it is known that Mr. Monroe had no authority to treat upon that subject, and I hope, for the honour of my country, there is not one American who believes he ought to have had. You are informed, that the refusal of our government, to revoke the proclamation, as a preliminary to discussion of the reparation we ought to receive, is the ground upon which the negotiation with Mr. Rose was broken off. This whole transaction ought to convince every American, in the strongest and fullest manner, that there does not exist a desire in the executive to go to war with England; and that if we are involved in it, or circumstances that produce distress, it is to be ascribed to the folly and wickedness of others, and not the choice, misconduct or remissness of our government, in a single instance. For although an adjustment of the affair of the Chesapeake, would have removed only a small part of our difficulties with Great Britain, and although that adjustment did not give us security against acts of violence proceeding from the same cause; yet our government, in order to remove all suspicion of an unwillingness to lessen our difficulties, entered into a negotiation upon that subject alone, with a frankness and sincerity peculiar to it, and pursued it as long as it could be done, without national degradation. It is painful to me to speak in a manner of any government, or its accredited agents, that may not be considered respectful. In this case, however, I feel it to be my duty, to state explicitly, that I do not believe it was the intention of Great Britain to give us satisfaction upon this point. The extravagance of the demand that we should precede the discussion of the reparation we were to receive, by making reparation to her, forbids the belief that she could have expected we would do it. The impunity of admiral Berkeley, whose life could not have atoned to his own country, for the embarrassment in which he had involved her, by committing an act of great enormity and hostility against the only nation with whom she was in amity, and whose friendship was important to her; the detention of the unfortunate men taken from the Chesapeake, who have escaped the merciless vengeance of Berkeley; but above all, their orders of the 11th November, prohibiting the commerce of neutrals with the enemies of Great Britain, which orders only operate on the United States; and their concealing from Mr. Rose (if this was done) and from our ministers in London, their intention to issue such orders: all these things prove the determined hostility of the English ministry. For it is inconceivable, that it should not have been contemplated by the British to issue these orders, before Mr. Rose left England (as these events happened within a short time of each other); and if they did, they could not believe any good could have resulted from any reparation they could offer, for the attack on the Chesapeake, when it was to be immediately succeeded by a measure of so decidedly hostile and ruinous a character to the United States. To a nation proud and regardless as the British are of the rights and feelings of others, there could be no inducement to make atonement for one act of violence and indignity, when they were about to perpetrate another, that would inflict a mortal wound upon the honour and the interest of the United States. I cannot but entertain a suspicion, that the only objects of Great Britain, in sending Mr. Rose to this country, were to get time to put her colonies in our neighbourhood, in a state of defence, and to take the chance of embarrassing us at home, by exciting in the minds of a portion of the American people, a distrust of their own government. That such an effort has been made and is making, must be obvious to all who read our newspapers—how else can various publications be accounted for?
When the embargo was laid, circumstances fully justified it. It is a fact, however, that this measure was taken, not only in consequence of outrages then committed, but in expectation of others of a more flagrant nature, not only from England, but France. When the president recommended to congress to lay the embargo, he informed them that the emperor of France had announced, through Mr. Champagny, to general Armstrong our minister at Paris, a determination to apply his decree of the 21st November, 1806, for the blockade of the British isles, to us as well as other neutrals, from the operation of which decree our commerce had hitherto been exempt. We knew, that our demand for reparation for the attack upon the Chesapeake had not been complied with. We believed Great Britain would instantly declare all Buonaparte's dominions and those of his allies in a state of blockade: this opinion was founded upon the past conduct and declarations of that government—Accordingly it appeared, as we had anticipated, that orders to that effect, issued in Great Britain, on the 11th November, 1807. We at the same time received the proclamation of the king of Great Britain, commanding his cruisers to impress all his native born subjects, whenever they should be found on board merchant vessels, and to demand all such as should be on board ships of war—his officers being made the sole and absolute judges of who were, and who were not his native born subjects. The British orders of November last have been followed by the French decree of December 17th, extending to every possible case, the authority of capturing American vessels going to, returning from, or car-

rying any British manufactures, and to all vessels that have submitted to be searched. The French have since sequestered all our vessels that were in their ports, and the British have attempted to confine our commerce to their dominions (with very few exceptions) or to subject it to be carried on under British licences and subject to British taxation. When the embargo was laid, it was believed there were 100,000,000 dollars of American property afloat and in other countries; but for the wisdom of the measures of our government, we might have been deprived of all this property. If we had yielded to our just resentment and gone to war, when the embargo was laid, all, or the greater part of our property, that was abroad, would have been lost to us. If we had not laid the embargo, a great part of our last year's produce, with at least an equal value of the produce of other countries, now the property of American citizens, to the amount of from seventy to eighty millions more, would not only have been lost to us, but would have gone to enrich those, whose perfidy, injustice, and oppression we have so much reason to complain of. All this, we have not only saved to ourselves, but withheld from the grasp of robbers and pirates. It is enough to justify the embargo to say, that not a ship of ours can sail, which will not be subject to seizure and confiscation by one or other of the belligerents, unless she is going to the barren kingdom of Sweden. I challenge any man to deny this fact. There are other facts which prove the propriety of this measure. All the vessels which left this country after the first of December last, and before the embargo was laid, for the continent of Europe, have either been seized and sequestered or forced to a market where the cargoes could not be sold, or have been obliged to return to this country with their cargoes, not having been permitted to go to their places of destination; this has happened to several vessels, and congress was obliged to make a law to permit such cargoes to be landed in the United States. Under these circumstances what ought congress to have done? we had no choice but to lay an embargo; go to war; arm our vessels; withdraw our ships and let foreigners carry on our commerce; or submit to trade within the limits prescribed by Great-Britain.
As to war, there are the most weighty reasons why we should avoid it. It is in itself one of the greatest evils, and there are at this moment considerations, that make it peculiarly the interest of the United States to avoid it, if possible. It is evidently the object of both Great Britain and France, to plunge us into war with their adversary. This has been avowed in a manner that cannot be mistaken. But for the peculiar circumstances in which we are placed; but for the situation into which the world is thrown, by the insatiable thirst for dominion in the two great powers of Europe; but for the risk of being thrown into the arms of one of these contending nations, whose insidious caresses I should think more dangerous than the hostility of either or both; and but for the benefit that either of these nations would derive from being at war with the other; my vote should have been given for a declaration of war. The co-operation of this country with either of these nations would enable that nation to effect its object. With our aid, Great Britain could sustain herself forever. The commerce of both the Indies and of North and South America, would furnish her with every thing she wants, and a market for her manufactures; but this would be contributing to a despotism on the ocean that would drive us from it. If we go to war with England, the loss of our market, the withholding our supplies, and the proper application of our force, would bring destruction upon that nation. This we have neither the inclination nor interest to do. It cannot be the interest of the United States, that all the force of Europe should be at the disposal of one man. In their contests I wish to preserve a neutrality, if we are permitted, and to keep the United States free from all political connections with every other country. If war with either power is necessary for our own purposes, we will wage it; for either of them, we will not go to war, we will not be coerced into it: sooner than I would make war upon the mandate of any government, or to avoid injuries threatened to be inflicted by that government, I would wage eternal war against the government and nation, that should treat us with such insolence and indignity.
Aiming our merchant vessels would not effect our object; for altho' we shall be able to force our way to the ports to which they would be destined, when they got there, they would be subject to sequestration, if not condemnation. War, and with Great-Britain, would be the inevitable consequence of this measure; it belongs to Congress to determine when there shall be war and with whom. I will never transfer this power to the merchants or their captains, nor will I ever agree to let the merchants arm their vessels but in time of war.
The expedient of withdrawing our ships and allowing foreign vessels to carry on our trade, is inadmissible in every point of view. All the various interests within the United States are equally entitled to the protection of the government; it was for the common defence and general welfare that our government was instituted; one of its special purposes was the protection of commerce. The navigation of the United States is of immense value and importance, when it is considered with a view to its intrinsic utility, the number of our citizens employed, or the capital invested in it; in point of value, it is second to no interest but the agricultural; without it, agriculture would not be a source of wealth. At this enlightened period, it would be a waste of time to attempt to prove the value of commerce; there can be but one opinion upon this subject.—What but commerce enables the British Isles to resist the whole force of the continent of Europe? What but commerce has given to a portion of our own country, not equal in extent of territory, to several of these states, and certainly inferior in climate and soil, nearly one third of the population and wealth of the United States? The prosperity of commerce and agriculture are intimately connected; they must stand or fall together. This expedient is worse than that which Great-Britain offers to us; she will allow us to continue our commercial intercourse with her, and to be the carriers of our own produce; but this expedient would not only give her markets the monopoly of our supplies, but confine its transportation to British bottoms, as she has driven from the ocean the vessels of every other country.
Late in the session, it was proposed in congress to repeal the law laying the embargo, and calculations were made to show that the bulk of our pro-
duce might be exported free from danger. This was in effect proposing a tame submission to all the outrages committed by Great-Britain; and that instead of resenting the various insults and injuries she had done us, we should reward her with the monopoly of our commerce. Sooner than I could accept a commerce to which any nation should attempt to limit us, I would abandon the ocean.—Are we such miserable slaves to our ease and to false ideas of our interest? Are we so debased, that for the advantage of carrying on our commerce with Great-Britain, we will abandon the commerce of all the world? Are we to be bribed by England with the offer of allowing us to trade with her, to give her the monopoly of our commerce? We will not sell our rights and our sovereignty, for all the wealth she is mistress of. What she could not deprive us of in our infancy by arms, is madness and folly to expect we will now, in the strength and vigour of manhood, lay at her feet in consequence of the injuries she has done us.
But it is not true, we could continue the commerce with Great Britain, that we have hitherto carried on with her. Upon that commerce there was a balance against us of seventeen millions of dollars; we were enabled to pay this by the profit of our trade with other countries, and by the profit arising from our navigation (our labour in that way is supposed to produce from fifteen to twenty millions of dollars annually.) We import from the British, eight or ten millions of dollars' value, which we export and derive a profit on; all these sources of wealth would be lost to us. It is known that Great-Britain affords us a market but for a small proportion of our staple article—flour, pork, beef, rice and tobacco: (our fish we are not allowed to sell in Great-Britain they are our rivals in that trade;) and however large the export of any or all these articles may be to that country, but a small proportion of them are there consumed; but they have been re-shipped. There is now, however, an end to that, as she has not access to the countries in which they are consumed, and they must perish there or at home, under the operations of their orders in council, and the French decrees.—Illustrate this by the situation the Barro trade would be placed in under this commerce, which it is said we ought to give our independence to enjoy. When we have a good crop of tobacco, we make 80,000 hogsheads; Great Britain consumes annually 12,000; the remainder is consumed on the continent. If we are deprived of all intercourse with the continent, direct and indirect, where five eighths of our tobacco is consumed, what are we to expect to get for it? I beg pardon for having entered into this consideration of the subject. I am convinced it was unnecessary. No temptation of gain, no prospect of wealth, can induce the American people to part with their sovereignty and independence, which they will do, whenever they permit any nation to deprive them of all commercial intercourse with the rest of the world. After having taken a station among the nations of the world, with the most certain presages, that if we are true to ourselves, we shall at no very distant day rank among the most powerful: will we, for the mere prospect of wealth, which can never be realized, bear the degradation and disadvantages of being again in a colonial state? Sooner than submit to this, if one spark of the spirit of seventy-six remains, we will sacrifice our lives and our fortunes.
(To be continued.)
The trade of Britain destroyed. —We are often told of the destruction of British commerce by Buonaparte's decrees. In looking over the list of goods imported into London in one week, ending the 15th March, 1808, we find the following:— Brandy from France, 4400 gallons. Butter from Holland, 105 tons. Cheese from do. 40 tons. Lemons from Malaga, 25,000. Oranges from Seville, 181,750. Do. from Lisbon, 475,000. Do. from Malaga, 261,750. Prunes from Bordeaux, 478 cwt. Wine from Oporto, 33,157 gallons; from Spain, 11,838 gallons; from Lisbon, 4471 gallons; from France, 12,907 gallons. Wool from Bilboa, 132 cwt. From the above statement it would seem that the trade of England was not entirely annihilated at the date of these accounts.
N. Y. Com. Adv.
BOSTON, JUNE 20. NEW HAMPSHIRE.
The following is a letter from a gentleman in the interior of New Hampshire, to his friend in this town.
June 15, 1808.
DEAR SIR, The change of political sentiments in this state, within a few months, has been almost too great for your belief. It is true, this state was not so democratick, as from the elections you would imagine.—Finding themselves likely to be in the minority, in respect to other states, and that the contest against the spread of democracy, would be here but of little importance, the federalists rather relinquished, than were overcome by the democratick party. And from acquiescence, became as it were, amalgamated with the democrats; and were willing to have continued in this state of things for the sake of peace. At the last election for members of congress, no opposition was made to the democratick ticket, which prevailed but by a small majority; and had there have been any exertion, it is more than probable a different set would have been chosen. The same thing happened with respect to electors. A ticket was prepared by some federalists, and published; but a few of the list declined the election, the thing was given up, and the democratick ticket prevailed.
For these three years past, no opposition has been made with us, to the democratick candidate for governor. Nobody expected to find in him a great man, but there has been no cause of complaint against him, as a persecutor.
Things appeared to go on smoothly, and all parties appeared disposed to be quiet and contented; and would have so remained, but for the impolitic doings of the federal government. As little or no influence has been made with the people to direct their mode of thinking, except what came from the democratick presses; they have in general formed their opinions upon cool deliberation. The stuff retailed from the democratick newspapers, they have long been accustomed to disregard as trash, intended to impose upon them.
There can be no wonder at the great change, which to appearance has taken place in the state. First, it is to be considered, that the majority never were decidedly democratick, but accidentally so,
from many fortuitous causes; and being now able to form their opinions deliberately, they must naturally be supposed to be correct. And their opinions are now decidedly formed; and very openly expressed. "If (say they) war we must have, we will have it with France, and not with England." "The embargo is worse than a war; there appears to have been no cause for laying it; much less for continuing it;" "Whether the measure was dictated by Buonaparte, or is intended to operate against England, or to preserve our ships and seamen, it is alike injurious, and has done no possible good, but will bring our country to ruin." "Our ships are rotting—our seamen gone—our produce we cannot sell—our debts we cannot pay—direct, taxes will be levied upon us—and discontent and disunion will prevail, and we in the end fall a prey, either to intestine broils, or to some foreign invader."
The idea of not trusting the merchants with the management of their own property, is treated with great ridicule. In every gathering of the people, either at courts, or trainings, or meetings, or at taverns, or private houses; this subject is as well, and impartially discussed, as it would be on the floor of congress; and the conclusion invariably is against the competency of the present rulers.—With one voice, the people say, "there must be a change;" and a most radical one there will be.
Great complaints are made of the apathy or inertness of their former federal leaders; they hope they will arouse from their stupor. They are surprised that a federal ticket of representatives and electors has not been formed. "Perhaps," say they, "it is owing to their not knowing what course the general court will take with respect to the choice of electors." But as it is now decided, that the choice shall be by the people, it is presumed, that the people themselves, in different parts of the state, will agree upon a ticket. The present legislature are democratick, and undoubtedly Madisonians, Embargoons, &c.—and would have chosen the electors, if they had not dreaded the consequences. It is generally supposed, that bad exertions have been made, a very different legislature would have been chosen; and little doubt is now entertained of the federal ticket's prevailing by a large majority; and the wonted lies of the democratick papers will avail nothing. Please to let me hear from you soon. Your friend, &c.
P. S.—I am sorry to inform you we have disagreeable accounts of opposition being made to levying executions in different parts of the state.—There is no knowing to what length this may be carried by a misguided, though at the same time, an oppressed people. An attempt was made in the general court and a bill introduced for suspending the levying of executions, during the embargo; but so glaring a measure met with no support.
WASHINGTON CITY, June 24.
We understand that the Dey of Algiers has lately given grounds to distrust his peaceable dispositions towards the United States. After having settled with the American consul there the differences which arose, in December last, including the case of the Algerine seamen who perished in the rescue of the American vessel captured by one of the Dey's cruisers, he suddenly set up a demand about the middle of March for two thousand dollars a man, threatening to put Mr. Lear in chains if not paid in 24 hours. This was resisted. He then gave notice, that two frigates and other cruisers just on the point of sailing, had orders to capture American vessels, which would infallibly go into execution unless the money should be immediately paid.—To obtain a recall of the orders, Mr. Lear thought it best to comply; signifying to the Dey that he should communicate it to his government as the result of the force put on him. The day before Mr. Lear was threatened, the Danish consul, on the pretext that arrears were due from his government, had been seized by the order of the Dey, and actually set to work among the slaves, with an iron chain of 40lbs. fastened to him. Mr. Lear had circulated through the consuls at different ports, this state of things with the Algerine Regency.
Extract of a report made by a person appointed to enquire into the facts relative to the aggressions and hostile assemblage of Indians on the frontiers of Tennessee.
On Monday the 2d inst. I proceeded on my route from Dover to the mouth of Duck river, and at Richland creek had a conversation with Famous Mortimore, the man who owned and had command of the boat when it was fired on by the Indians: Mr. Mortimore is intelligent, and I think, a man of veracity; he stated that on the third of April, ten miles above the mouth of Duck river the attack was made on the boat by the Indians from the north side of Tennessee, seven men were in the boat, out of which number two were killed and three wounded, the third man, who it was said, died of the wounds he received, is now on the recovery and out of danger. The Indians kept up a constant fire until the boat was out of reach. They then manned a perogue and pursued about two miles, but discovering they could not overtake the boat hauled in: Mr. Mortimore further states, that on the twenty third of April, Levi Colbert came down the Tennessee to carry up the boat, and informed him, that 30 or 40 miles above the mouth of Duck river, he saw the party of Creeks, thirteen in number, who had made the attack on the boat, and told them he was going for the boat they had fired on; they at first denied it, but a Cherokee, one of the party, acknowledged it.
They then confessed, observing they had not been satisfied, that one white man and two Indians had been killed, they had now killed one too many, but were not yet satisfied. Colbert was lately in the Creek nation, the chief said he wished peace, and would not go to war with the white people unless Buonaparte did; that the party who made the attack on the boat had not lived in the nation for ten years and the attack was unauthorised by the nation. From Richland creek I directed my course to the mouth of Duck river, and proceeded up that river to the settlement, about twelve miles above the mouth, and was enabled to ascertain by information received from Labou Combes, that the statements made by William Meadows, upon which the orders of the major general of the 20th ult. are predicated, are utterly false.
We are advised by our correspondent at Fort Stoddert, on the Mobile, that a temporary embargo took place at Pensacola and Mobile, about the 26th of April, and continued till the 9th of May, owing, it is said, to the Spaniards fitting out, a
boat that time, two armed Schooners, the destination of which was unknown.
MORE FRENCH FRIENDSHIP!
Two French armed Schooners, the Exchange and Jeune Estelle, arrived at this port on the 15th ult. from Barratanga, via St. Mary's river. One of them had on board a cargo of coffee, which was either sold or left in the hands of their agents at this place. They were permitted to take on board such a quantity of provision as was deemed, by the proper authority, sufficient for their voyage, and they sailed again on the 30th ult. When they arrived here they were reported to be commanded by capt. Youz and capt. Fellir.
Yesterday morning letters were received in town, by express, from St. Mary's, stating that these same privaters, who had received the rights of hospitality in this port, had arrived in the river St. Mary's and had plundered the brig Charles, of Baltimore, of flour to the value of 6000 dollars. Capt. Brownlow has forwarded his protest to a mercantile house in this city, and has requested that an attachment might be laid upon any property which might be found in the hands of their agents here. This, we are informed, was done yesterday; but whether any thing will be ultimately recovered to indemnify the owners, is yet to be ascertained. Captain Brownlow in his letter says, "This business is a most notorious transaction, and its equal he had never heard of."
We subjoin the captain's protest to prove that he has not been paid for the articles of which he was robbed.
State of Georgia, St. Marys.
Personally appeared Robert Brownlow, who being duly sworn, deposeth and saith—That on the fourth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, while in the brig Charles, of Baltimore, of which this deponent is master, lying in Amelia Sound, within the province of East-Florida, he was boarded and taken possession of by Ant. Bonasson, Louis Fellir, and Jean Baptiste Carvine, owners and masters of the armed Schooners Exchange and Jeune Estelle, and forcibly deprived of two hundred barrels superfine flour, the property of this deponent; and this deponent further states, that he will be entirely without redress, if the property of the said Bonasson, Fellir, and Carvine, is not attached to answer the demand of this deponent; and further, that he is entitled to the amount of six thousand dollars, by reason of the loss of the aforesaid two hundred barrels of flour; by reason of the detention aforesaid, and the failure of his voyage and sale of the said flour.
Sworn to before me, this seventh day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, at St. Marys, in the state of Georgia.
ROBT. BROWNLOW.
Hormen Courtez, J. P.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Sch't Ploughboy, Hall, 9 days from Charleston. Sch't Jane, Jackson, 6 days from Philadelphia.
Office of Discount and Deposit Bank U. S. Norfolk, June 29, 1808.
Monday next being the 4th of July, this office will not be opened for the transaction of business. All Bills or Notes falling due on that day must be returned the day preceding.
Robert Oliphant, Cashier.
Office of Discount and Deposit Bank of Virginia, Norfolk, June 29, 1808.
Monday next being the 4th of July, this Bank will not be open for the transaction of business. All paper intended for discount on Tuesday, must be offered on the Saturday preceding.
Thomas Williamson, Cashier.
FOR CHARLESTON. The regular Packet PLOUGHBOY, F. Hall, master, will sail in 10 days. For freight or passage, apply to D. R. Waddey, & Co. June 29.
THE SUBSCRIBER Respectfully informs the Citizens of Portsmouth, that he has been solicited to open a SCHOOL in that place for the instruction of females only, and will certainly commence business on Monday the 4th of July, in a house belonging to Mrs. Spading, near Dr. Leigh's white house, where will be taught the Latin Language, (if required) the English Language grammatically, Writing, Arithmetick, &c. Those who wish to be informed of the character of the subscriber, are referred to Mr. William Wilson, Jun. The terms will be Five Dollars per quarter. T. Crump. June 29.
ADVERTISEMENT.
A good Price will be given for the First Vol. of the History of France, BY GIFFORD. This Book was sent to the late Mr. Mirick to be bound, and sold at Auction with the rest. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 29.
1500 sacks SALT, Liverpool filled, 6000 bushels do. loose, and 30 crates Earthenware—For Sale on board the Ship Sachem, by A. Maclure. May 6.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best RUSSIA CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Mattress Tickings, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26.
NOTICE.
Lost, a CERTIFICATE, certifying my right to four Shares in the Virginia Bank Stock, in consequence of which I shall make application to the Bank for a new one. I request that any person who shall get possession of it, will return it to the subscriber. Edward Watson. April 15.
BANK STOCK LOST.
LOST, Certificates for Ten Shares of VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, standing in the name of Ann and Rebecca Begg.—Any person who has, or may find the said certificates, will please to deliver them to the subscriber. Wm. G. Camp. April 15.