The Patowmac guardian, and Berkeley advertiser (Shepherdstown, Va. [W. Va.]), 1791-03-01 00:00:00

A LOTTERY.
Pennsylvania Currency.
  1 Prize, £. 516 0 0   1 ditto, 275 0 0   1 ditto, 150 0 0   1 ditto, a Horse, with new Saddle and Bridle, 25 0 0   1 ditto, ditto, 14 0 0   1 ditto, ditto, 12 0 0   36 ditto, Lots, near 1 Acre, at 10s. each, 360 0 0 0   6 ditto, near 1 Acre, at 8l. 48 0 0 0   20 ditto, 60s. 30 0 0   20 ditto, 40s. 40 0 0   30 ditto, 30s. 45 0 0   30 ditto, 27/6 41 5 0   515 ditto, 25s. 643 15 0   1 first Blank, a Saddle, 2 10 0   1 last ditto, ditto, 2 10 0   655 Prizes £. 2205 0 0   1305 Blanks,   1960 Tickets, at 3 Dollars each, £. 2205 0 0 
TO THE PUBLIC.
EVERY person acquainted with LOTTERIES, cannot but perceive, that the above is framed and calculated, so as will, upon solid grounds, induce adventurers to purchase. NOT TWO BLANKS TO A PRIZE; the lowest class of which are of value superior to the price of one ticket. That, with the consideration of such large prizes that will be drawn in a Lottery of such small amount. These, and the other prizes of Lands, are near the centre in MACKLENBURG, commonly called SHEPHERD'S-TOWN, or adjoining other Lots belonging to said Town. A sketch of the first or capital prizes, are as follow, viz. The highest prize contains a genteel Brick-House, forty six feet long, and eighteen feet wide, in which there are three rooms neatly finished, with a kitchen and garret; also, a cellar under the same, 30 by 18 feet. Said House fronts New-Street, and the stream of water that runs through said town, runs under said building. The area of this prize comprehends seventy-one feet square.
The second prize is a Stone Malt-House, fifty feet long, and twenty-four feet wide, well finished, and the situation calculated for the business. Also, a Brew-House, thirty-six by twenty-four feet; they are both under one roof, but separated below by said stream; at the lower end is a vacancy of ten by twenty-four feet.
The third prize consists of a Frame House, eighteen by sixteen feet, has a cellar under it, fronts New-Street, 33 feet, and thence runs with King-Street, 71 feet, which renders it a valuable corner.
For a greater convenience to the fortunate drawers of said prizes, there is an alley laid off, five feet wide, which runs across the lot, dividing the second from the first and third above-mentioned prizes. These landed and other property, prices will be found on examination to be estimated on very moderate terms. Upon the whole, the Subscriber flatters himself, that every candid enquirer will find, that the property, &c. exposed, is fully adequate to the sums required.
For the execution of this Lottery, the following gentlemen, Major HENRY BEDINGER, Capt. ABRAHAM SHEPHERD, and Capt. JAMES KERNEY, have been pleased to accept of the appointment of Trustees, to whom full power is granted, and them alone to sell and receive payment for the Tickets, and to give deeds for the landed prizes; also to pay off the others. Tickets signed by either of said Trustees, are and will be good to the adventurers, and may be had of either of them, and from such Gentlemen as the Trustees may please to appoint. These Gentlemen will appoint Managers to superintend the drawing of the Lottery, which will be in the house of Mr. BENONI SWEARINGEN, at his Ferry opposite SHEPHERD'S-TOWN. The time of drawing, and every other necessary information, relating to this Lottery, is wholly and exclusively left to the discretion of the said Trustees, by
THOMAS WHITE.
N. B. The Trustees will publish the time of drawing the Lottery, in the newspapers printed in the vicinity of this town.
SHEPHERD'S-TOWN, February 18, 1791.
Shepherd's-Town New-Church
Lottery Tickets,
Sold at the Printing-Office hereof.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, February 2.
THE bill received from the Senate on the establishment of a National Bank before the House.—On the question whether the bill shall pass,
Mr. Jackson recurring to an observation made yesterday by Mr. Lawrance, "that Congress under the late confederation exercised the power of establishing a bank," brought to view the circumstances under which the Bank of North-America was then instituted; it was in time of war, when the public exigencies pleaded powerfully in favour of the institution; which, to say the best, was an infringement of the constitution under which the old Congress acted. It was an illegitimate, a bastard production, and therefore could not with propriety be cited as a legal precedent.
He gave a short account of the particular events which led to the formation of the convention which framed the present constitution, and alluding to the powers which were deemed necessary to be vested in Congress for the good of the Union; he observed that no authority to establish banks was granted or contemplated in it.
He then adverted to the system of the proposed bank—which he reprobated as a plan which would give rise to an aristocracy—an aristocracy which would be possessed of the extraordinary privilege of creating fortunes by appropriating to the particular emolument of the subscribers the public monies. He read several passages in the papers, published under the signature "Federalist," to shew that the assumption of this power, agreeable to the sentiments of the author of those pieces, would be contrary to the constitution—the powers of Congress being particularly defined.
He reprobated the plan as giving undue advantages to the city of Philadelphia, and such other places as might be concerned in the bank; as it interfered with the rights of private citizens, and in particular with those of the state governments.—The operation of the institution, he conceived, would not prove of a general, but a particular benefit; the commercial interest, and not the agricultural would receive all the advantage derived from it.
On the whole he thought it a dangerous system, calculated to destroy the state governments, create an all powerful aristocratical influence, and eventually destroy the liberties of the people.
Mr. Giles said he was disposed to consider the plan as containing a principle not agreeable to the constitution, and in itself not altogether expedient.
To shew its unconstitutionality, he read the first section of the bill which established the subscribers of the bank into a corporation, to which, he conceived, the constitution had given Congress no power. He read the clause in the constitution which had been adduced as sanctioning the exercise of such a power. This clause only respects, he said, all the necessary powers to carry into effect such as were expressly delegated; that of forming corporations was not expressly granted. He then adverted to the power of borrowing money, vested in Congress by the constitution, and controverted the idea, that a bank was necessary to carry it into execution; it might, he granted, conduce to a greater facility in exercising that power, but that it was expedient or necessary he denied, either to effect loans or establish the government.
If Congress in this instance, he observed, exercised the power of erecting corporations, it was no where limited, and they might, if they thought fit, extend it to every object; and in consequence thereof monopolies of the East and West-India trade be established; and this would place us, he said, in the precise situation of a nation without a free constitution.
He referred to the clause in the constitution, which prohibits Congress from giving a preference to one part of the United States over another. This he considered, together with his other objections, fully sufficient to justify a rejection of the plan.
He then offered some observations relative to the expediency of the measure. If it is problematical only, whether the establishment of this national bank is agreeable to the constitution, this ought to be, he thought, sufficient to prevent an adoption of the system. He shewed the consequences which will result from a doubt of the legality of the measure.
He noticed the objection which had been originally made by the people to the constitution, and the pains which were taken to obviate their fears and apprehensions. The adoption of this plan, he said, would realize many of their disagreeable anticipations. He denied the necessity of a bank for the
preservation of government: The only object as the subject struck his mind was to raise stock; but it was certainly not expedient, he conceived, to kindle the flame of discontent and rouse the fears and jealousies of the people in many states, to raise stock.
He took notice of some observations which had fallen from a gentleman from Connecticut respecting incidental powers, and denied that Congress possessed those powers. The general government, he said, was not a consolidated government, but a federal government, possessed of such powers as the states or the people had expressly delegated; but to support these incidental powers ceded to Congress was to make it not a federal, not even a republican consolidated government, but a despotic one. If this idea was contemplated, the people would be alarmed, they would be justly alarmed, and he hoped they would be alarmed.
Mr. Vining observed that he had endeavoured to give the subject a full and dispassionate consideration, and so far from thinking the plan contrary to the constitution, he considered it perfectly consonant to it.
He adverted to the principles, design and operation of bank systems. Their usefulness he deduced from the experience of those countries which had been the longest in the use of those institutions.—The constitutionality of the measure he urged from a fair construction of those powers, expressly delegated, and from a necessary implication; for, he insisted, that the constitution was a dead letter if implied powers were not to be exercised.
He noticed the remarks made by Mr. Jackson respecting the bank established by the old confederation, and asked, if the present government, which was vested with powers more extensive than the old one possessed, should be found fault with, for forming an institution, which the old Congress established, without ever being criminated for so doing.
He took notice of other objections deduced from the letter of the constitution, and observed that the definitions of some gentlemen were so contracted, that they went to explain away every power of Congress to act for the preservation of the liberties of the people.
He urged the necessity, expediency and advantages of the constitution, and observed, that the interest of every class of citizens would be essentially promoted by it. No express inhibition of the exercise of the power of incorporating banks, he said, could be found in the constitution.
Mr. Madison said he could have wished that the subject had undergone a more full investigation both within doors and out, than it was likely to receive; he regretted it had not received an ample discussion in committee of the whole.
He did not oppose, he said, all banking systems, but did not approve of the plan now under consideration. Upon the general view of banks he recapitulated the several advantages which may be derived from them. The public credit, he granted, might be raised for a time; but only partially.—Banks, he conceived, tended to diminish the quantity of precious metals in a country; and the articles received in lieu of the portion of them which was banished conferred no substantial benefit on the country. He dwelt on the casualties that banks are subject to.
To be essentially useful in so extensive a country, banks, he said, should be fixed in different parts of the United States, and in this view the local banks of the several states, he said, could be employed with more advantage than if any other banking system was substituted. Circumstances in Great-Britain, he observed, required that there should be one bank, as the object there is to concentrate the wealth of the country to a point, as the interest of their public debt is all paid in one place. Here a difference in circumstances called for another kind of policy; the public debt is paid in all the different states.
Adverting to the system, he said, he thought it did not present such a valuable consideration to the United States as perhaps might be realized. The first subscribers would perhaps receive from 8 to 10 per cent on their subscriptions; and for this benefit, which these subscribers would derive from being incorporated by a law of the Union, the United States, he conceived, would gain no advantage to be compared with the great sums received by government in European countries from those to whom charters are granted.
He then expressly denied the power of Congress to establish banks. And this, he said, was not a novel opinion; he had long entertained it. All power, he said, had its limits; those of the general government were ceded from the mass of general power inherent in the people, and were consequently confined within the bounds fixed by their act of cession. The constitution was this act; and to warrant Congress in exercising the power, the grant of it should be pointed out in that instrument; this, he said, had not been done. If we ventured to construe the constitution, such construc-

tion only was admissible as carefully preserved entire the idea on which that constitution is founded. He adverted to the clauses in the constitution which had been adduced as conveying this power of incorporation. He said, he could not find it in that of laying taxes: He presumed it was impossible to deduce it from the power given to Congress to provide for the general welfare. If it is admitted that the right exists there, every guard set to the powers of the constitution is broken down, and the limitations become nugatory.
The present Congress, it was said, had all the powers of the old confederation and more; under the old government a bank had been established; and thence it was deduced that the present legislature had indubitably that power. The exigencies of government were such, he answered, under the old confederation as to justify almost any infraction of parchment rights; but the old Congress were conscious they had not even power necessary for the complete establishment of a bank, and recommended to the individual states to make sundry regulations for the complete establishment of the institution.
To exercise the power included in the bill was an infringement of the rights of the several states; for they could establish banks within their respective jurisdictions and prohibit the establishment of any others; a law existed in one of the states prohibiting the passing of cash notes of hand payable on demand: The power of making such a law could not, he presumed be denied to the states; and if this was granted and such laws were in force, it certainly would effectually exclude the establishment of a bank.
This power of establishing a bank, had been, he said, deduced from the right granted in the constitution of borrowing money; but this bill, he conceived, was not a bill to borrow money. It was said that Congress had not only this power to borrow money but to enable people to lend: In answer to this he observed, that if Congress had a right to enable those people to lend who are willing but not able; it might be said that they have a right to compel those to lend who were able but not willing.
He adverted to that clause in the constitution which empowers Congress to pass all the laws necessary to carry its powers into execution, and observing on the diffusive and duce interpretation of these words and the boundless latitude of construction given them by the friends of the bank said, that by their construction every possible power might be exercised. The government would then be paramount in all possible cases; charters, incorporations and monopolies, might be given, and every limitation effectually swept away, and could supersede the establishment of every bank in the several states.
The doctrine of implication, he warned the friends to this system, was a dangerous one, which multiplied and combined in the manner some gentlemen appeared to contemplate, would form a chain reaching every object of legislation of the United States.
This power to incorporate, he contended, was of primary importance; and could by no means be viewed as a subaltern, and therefore ought to be laid down in the constitution to warrant Congress in the exercise of it, and ought not to be considered as resulting from any other power.
Incorporation, he said, is important as the power of naturalization; and Congress, he presumed, would not exercise the power of naturalizing a foreigner unless expressly authorised by the constitution.
He read a sentence in the bill respecting the power of making such regulations as were not contrary to law—What law? Was it the law of the United States? they were so few that it was allowing a very considerable latitude to their power of making regulations, and more than any member, he conceived, would wish to grant. Were the laws of the individual states contemplated by this provision? Then it would be in the power of the several states to defeat an institution of the Union.
He asked by what authority Congress empowered a corporation to possess real estates. He reproached this idea.
To establish this bank, was, he said, establishing a monopoly guaranteed in such a manner too, that no similar privilege could be granted to any other number of persons whatever.
He denied the necessity of instituting a bank at the present time; the constitution ought not to be violated without urgent necessity indeed.
There were banks in several of the states, from which some advantages could be derived, which could not be gained from an institution on the plan proposed.
In confirmation of his sentiments, he adduced certain passages from speeches made in several of the state conventions by those in favour of adopting the constitution. These passages were fully in favour of this idea, that the general government could not exceed the expressly delegated powers. In confirmation also of this sentiment, he adduced the amendments proposed by Congress to the constitution.
He urged, from a variety of considerations, the postponement of the business to the next session of Congress.
SATURDAY, February 12.
The minutes of yesterday being read, the house was ordered to be cleared, after which the house being again open.
A number of petitions were read, some of which were referred to the heads of departments, and others to select committees.
On motion of Mr. Boudinot, the committee on the navigation act was discharged from any further proceeding.
On motion of Mr. Fitzsimons, the report of the Secretary of State upon the memorial of Andrew Brown, of the city of Philadelphia, printer, was taken up for a second reading, and a resolution in conformity to said report was submitted, which after some debate was amended and agreed to by the house.
A report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of John Hollins, of Baltimore, was read, stating that the prayer of said petition cannot be complied with: whereupon resolved, That the petitioner have leave to withdraw his petition.
Mr. Sherman from the committee to whom was referred the memorial of the holders of loan-office certificates, who loaned their money between the first of September 1777, and the first of March, 1778, made report, which was read, and ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Floyd from the joint committee of enrolled bills, reported, that they had this day examined the enrolled bill, entitled an act to incorporate the subscribers to the Bank of the United States, and had found the same to be duly enrolled; whereupon the Speaker signed the said enrolled bill.
A message was received from the Senate, by Mr. Otis, their Secretary, notifying that the President of the United States, has approved and signed an act, which originated in that House, entitled, an act admitting the state of Kentucky into the federal union. Also informing, that the Senate have passed a bill for the admission of the state of Vermont into the federal union, on the fourth day of March next. Also a bill regulating the number of Representatives to be chosen by the states of Kentucky and Vermont, by which bill each of said states is entitled to two Representatives: both of which bills were read a first and second time, and referred to a committee of the whole House, on Monday next.
On motion of Mr. Gerry, the petition of Thomas Wally, and others, was referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Agreeably to the order of the day, the house resumed the consideration of the amendments proposed by the committee of the whole, to the bill for establishing offices for the purpose of granting lands within the territory of the United States, after some time spent in debate, the further consideration of the amendments was postponed.
Adjourned until Monday 10 o'clock.
BOSTON, January 26.
It is no wonder, says a correspondent, that the North-Carolina Assembly should vote an instruction to their Senators to oppose all Excise and Direct Taxes, in the United States—when it is considered that of near two millions of Impost raised the last year, that State's proportion is only 14,340 dollars—about a one hundred and twenty-third part!
HARTFORD, January 24.
A Correspondent remarks, that Gen. HARMER's letter to the Secretary of War, and his orders to his troops, during the late expedition into the Indian territories, are a singular literary display of military manœuvres. He is certain no precedent of the kind is on record. The substance of the whole is, that a body of 1400 men marched ten miles a day into the wilderness, found one straggling Indian and took him prisoner, that they lost a number of baggage horses, some through fatigue, and some stolen by the Indians in the night through the negligence of the centinels (a good story for a disciplinarian to tell;) that they came to the Miami town and found it deserted and burnt by the Indians themselves; that they began their march back; but as the Indians kept their distance from the main body, the General sent, in the course of the enterprize, two small detachments of men beyond supporting distance, to hunt up the Indians; which detachments were just sufficient for the Indians to cut to pieces separately; and that the last detachment in particular might have a little fighting, it was sent back to the deserted town, where the main body had just before burnt the corn of the Indians, to encounter the whole body of exasperated savages. Does this exhibit generalship? Will not the continuance of such a man at the head of troops, weaken our confidence in appointments? Or will men enlist under an officer who is capable of making such a puerile communication to the public?
NEW-YORK, February 10.
A correspondent remarks, that it gave him peculiar satisfaction to see the pointed disapprobation which the petition of masters of apprentices in Philadelphia (praying Congress to exempt apprentices from military duty) has received from that patriotic body, the mechanics of this city. What! shall the aspiring youths of America be deprived of the privileges of that school of manliness, of heroism, and grace!—And of the patriotic, soul-exulting anticipation, of being able, with martial valor, as they have done, to defend their invaded territory! Behold America, freed from foreign impositions, and say—who has achieved this? Were there not many thousands, from the age of 18 to 21, who repulsed an inveterate foe, and proved their valor by more than Roman fortitude? Would not our soil have sunk under the haughty presumption of John Bull, had not father, son, and grand-child, flew to arms! and shall Americans be so sordid, so pusillanimous, as to suppose it impossible, that an invasion of the kind, or something worse, might not again take place—and if per chance, it should, then to trust to foreign aid! Thank God the hardy and patriotic sons of Colum-
bia yet retain a spirit to FORBID it! Though a few may think of lolling on the couch of security, the great body have not arrived to that abasing degree of effeminacy, which lost to Rome her freedom!
The exempting article, in the militia bill, before Congress, says a correspondent, will be a prolific article to the people called Quakers, in this country. Many already, who had never made up their mouths to Thee and Thou, begin to tu toi —There can be no doubt but the greater part of the European Friends will soon cross the great pond to enjoy the blessings of a good government and laws at the expence of others—entirely free from carrying arms, or paying an equivalent! Members of Congress, all legislators, civil magistrates, office-holders and clerks—all ministers, schoolmasters, &c. must be exempted from this duty, and equivalent! Apprentices, certainly, of all denominations, must also enjoy this exemption, or every species of manufacture must be at an end! and if their masters go to war? what can we do!—Who will give us beef and mutton if the butchers go to war? Who will give us corn, potatoes and forage if the farmers go to war? Horrible dilemma! what must be done, or how defend our country!
It is said, the women in Philadelphia intend to petition Congress to reverse the scheme hitherto invariably pursued—to turn pusillanimous man into kitchen swabs, and washers of their linen, and take the field of Mars themselves! It is expected, however, that this plan will not succeed.—What must then be done—Ah, I have it,—we must raise a standing army—and we must fill a Columbian camp with mercenary troops hired from foreign nations! we must enlist every strolling vagabond and send him there—they may fight our battles, while we loll upon the lap of ease—those would be obedient soldiers—or open tools for grand purpose:—while the proprietors of our soil, the happy sons of Columbia, wallow in perfect security.
I recollect the day, says a correspondent, when the cry was, "your property is invaded, your country is besieged, turn out; to arms; or no protection!" How ridiculous does this sound; how harsh, in these refined days; an old, hackneyed, worn-out republican idea! The first of the community then took the field; now the firelock would bruise the delicate fingers—hire a Turk!
NEW-BRUNSWICK, Jan. 25.
A WHALE.
A remarkable circumstance happened on Sunday the 16th inst. at Chequamekes, three miles below South-Amboy. A whale of about 40 feet long run on shore so as not to be able to get off again—He will not be taken away we are informed till Saturday, but will be left entire to gratify some of the curious.
PHILADELPHIA, February 12.
Some recent accounts from France, via Boston, state, that the assignats of France, which had been down to eight per cent. discount, have risen to par. Extract of a letter dated Charleston, 19th January, 1791.
"Villainy too brig for an honest man to conceive, is practising here in the Indent Line. No less than £4000 has lately been forged by swindlers, who purchase small Indents and with a chymical preparation erase the true sum and substitute convenient ones of great amount in its room. It is unnecessary therefore to say more to put you on your guard against Southern Paper. I understand the best way to detect it, is, to hold the Indents between you and the candle, and the part which has been operated upon, will appear as if it had been dipt in Oil."
Extract of a letter dated Charleston, 20th January, 1791.
"I have only time to tell you, to be careful how you pass any of the Indents or certificates of this state, through your hands; three persons were taken up yesterday for counterfeiting; they extracted ink out of the body of the Certificate, and instead of small sums for which they were issued, they altered them to sums from five to fifteen hundred pounds; it is supposed, they have circulated from £30 to 40 000 of them, as they have been a long time at this work and a good many of them are gone to your city."
What is a state assembly but the collected wisdom of a state? and what is more proper than for wisdom, especially so much of it, to give advice? and what has the Pennsylvania assembly done but to give advice to Congress? A second reason to vindicate their advice is, that the advisers have had the experience of the excise; but Congress has not. When the assembly maintain by their vote that an excise is subversive of liberty, we see that wisdom and experience confirm what they assert. Pennsylvania then has lost its liberty—for it has had, and still has, an excise law in force—which of course has subverted the liberty of the state: It has lasted so long, that most of the people were born in slavery. It is not known how the marshall will return the number of slaves; but it may be a question, whether the people born under a slavish excise law, will be allowed representatives, except in the proportion of 3 to 5, according to the constitution. The event, it seems, has happened here, which was foretold in another state. While the assembly was discussing some question, which was explained by several able men, a member from the country rose with some warmth, and declared that those men were glossing the affair over so as to deceive them. If the bill should pass, said he, we shall be the most miserable undone people in the world, and know nothing of it.
Why should not the Representatives of Pennsylvania, in the state legislature, lend a hand to dispatch the business of Congress. They are near

neighbours, and they cannot but have observed that the latter has a great deal to do, and but little time to do it in. Many hands make light work. The new government, which is often compared to a building, is not yet finished: It is a benevolent practice for the neighbours to fall too and help a new beginner: They kindly work at the frame, and assist at the raising and covering of it. Congress has but just set up the trade of making laws in this place and no doubt will feel encouraged to continue it here, where without losing one of its customers, it is so easy to get journeymen. If the kind folks, who are so forward to lend assistance, would find their own affairs at sixes and sevens, in consequence of their transacting the business of Congress, the least that Congress if it has honor and gratitude, can do, is to postpone its own work, and assist its benefactor. What a pleasant thing to see those who were expected to be rivals, engaged so lovingly about the same business. One would think that the truly amiable temper of the friends in this Quaker city had mellowed the wrangling spirits of the two governments. The time seems to be coming when the lion and the lamb shall lie down together: When that shall happen, it is to be supposed that the lion will not go without supper. Such friendship for Congress seems to have occasioned the late doings of the Pennsylvania assembly. Jealousy, that quarrelsome fault-finding Devil, shall be cast out and bound in chains—he has stood too long pimping at the ear of government, and whispering malignant suspicions of its best friends.
It would do one's heart good to live 1 or 2 hundred years longer, and see with what good nature the world's business will be done: In France, they are going to spoil the old trade of making war: Nations are not going to be quarrelsome and ambitious any more: they will talk and dispute over, or they will make a prize question of the matter, or leave it to some academy to settle:—The read coats will be strip'd off the soldier's back—and as read is out of fashion at present, the cloth will be torn into strips, to be worn for the cure of sore throats; gun powder will be used only to kill rice birds, canvas backs, &c. and cannon balls will be kept to grind mustard seed: And what delight it will give to see the state governments so much the champions of the federal constitution, as to take all unpleasant work off the hands of Congress, least it should make that body unpopular; What may we not expect from this generous national spirit in future? In its very beginning we have seen Congress and the assembly engaged at the same time debating the excise: May we not then expect to see the Assembly take up a new funding act, or militia law, for the Union—and Congress, scoring to be outdone in generosity by its neighbour, form a committee of the whole house to discuss the regulations of the state judiciary, or the best means of maintaining schools for the poor. Besides the generosity of this mutual aid, there is a great deal of reason for it: When a man undertakes to do what is none of his business, he cannot be accused of selfishness—A looker on sees the fault of the play better than he who holds the cards—we may expect more wisdom therefore: Further, it belongs properly to government to set the example of this love of others, more than ourselves, by doing their business for them—for if a private person was to pretend to do it before it gets into fashion, he would get his head broke.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in the country to his friend in Philadelphia.
"I am pleased with the spirit of the debate on the part of Mr. Bingham's motion—"that it is inexpedient for this legislature, at present to enter into any discussion respecting the laying and collecting excises by the government of the United States" contained in the paper you last sent me.
"I have wondered, nay have been vexed at the imprudence of some Pennsylvanians. Some petition for altering the funding bill—some subscribe for the exemption of certain very important members of society from the militia bill (I mean minors and apprentices) because, if they were all excused, the muster-master would be put to difficulty to find his men. Others spout and bawl against excise. And if some people were indulged in their wishes and attempts we might soon expect a resolution moved for—"that Congress might go home, as the Pennsylvanians were (in their own opinion) competent to do their business for them." Not a few, with indignation, behold their presumption.
"But it is believed that the Federal Ship will truly find her own course: That she has the head of the Branch at helm, the world acknowledges: That she is in the main well manned, all the passengers testify: That she sails well, two years experience has proved: That her voyages have been profitable, appears from the credit of her bills."
"The expectations of the owners are by no means allayed from some little appearance of a mutiny on board one of her Tenders—for they say, that the materials of the ship are good—that the was built by the first of the profession—that her sides in particular are strong—that the crew are in good spirits and well paid—and that they are confident, the Ship will take more than broad-side, before she will quit seas, in which she has an indubitable commission to navigate."
Extract of a letter from Bordeaux, dated October 25. "The principal Merchants of this place met last week to deliberate on the means of obtaining 'redress concerning the tonnage duty laid by Congress on French vessels, notwithstanding the treaty of commerce which subsists between the two nations."
"They resolved unanimously immediately to write to the Chambers of Commerce of Nantz, of Rouen, and of other sea-port towns, to request their concurrence to an address which is to be presented
to the National Assembly. They desire that the Americans, who hitherto have paid no tonnage in France, be placed on the same footing as the French are in America. I do not know what will be the result of this step, but I shall take care to inform you of it by the first opportunity."
"Great complaints are made here that your government has appointed two Consuls to reside at Hispaniola and Martinico. We do not even allow the Spaniards to have Consuls in our colonies. These officers are only admitted in countries where commerce is free; the trade of our islands is not free; it cannot, it will not be free. Our policy in this respect does not differ from that of other nations; attempt to send Consuls to Jamaica or to the Havannah, and you will see how they will be received."
"The assignats rise considerably since the beginning of the sale of the Church lands; it is believed they will soon be at par."
"From this moment we may consider the Revolution as complete. If the aristocrats dare to make new attempts, they will be ruined forever."
SHEPHERD'S-TOWN, March 1.
Extract of a letter from Marietta, to a Member of Congress, dated Jan. 6, 1791.
"When the settlers of this region had purchased their lands and removed hither, they had not the least apprehension, that they had any difficulties to encounter, except those of an uncultivated soil—placing all faith and confidence in the Hon. the Congress, of whom they purchased it—being as it were under the necessity of laying out that which they received as pay for their past services, in land, most of the settlers here consider their purchase as bought with their blood: But, Sir, is it possible we should have purchased lands, which we cannot improve, by reason of a savage enemy, whom the United States can extirpate with a nod?—No. Surely we shall have help in due time. You have no doubt had the particulars of the attack on the unfortunate settlement up the Muskingum.—The groans of your slaughtered dying countrymen—the lamentations of parents for the loss of their beloved sons—the indignity offered to the United States by those savages murdering her sons, who were peaceably improving the land they had sold them, will rouse the indignation of the American Eagle, and pour speedy vengeance on the guilty heads of those murderers, who received not the least provocation, but on the contrary every friendly office in our power. It is not my province to enquire into the particulars of the late expedition; but this I can say with propriety, that it has not had the desired effect—for in place of a partial, it has produced a general WAR. To whom have we to look for help and protection from the enemy, but to the general government, whom, next to God, are the fathers and guardians of the lives and properties of the people."
Extract of a letter from Pittsburg, relative to the unfortunate circumstance which happened up the Muskingum, on the 2d of January last.
"The Indians entered the Block-house between sun-down and dark, while the people were at supper—fired at and killed the greatest part of them—and whilst those who survived were begging for mercy, the unfeeling savages tomahawked them.—The whole number in the Block-house consisted of eleven men, one woman big with child, and two small children—they were all killed and scalped by the assailants, who afterwards set fire to the Block-house, but the fire went out without damaging it materially. The woman could only be distinguished from the men by the child, with which she was big, having dropped from her womb, occasioned by her being much burnt. The two small children were discovered, killed and scalped, in one corner of the house.—The miscreants who committed this diabolical act of barbarity, consisted of Shawanese and Delawares."
The weather was so severely cold at Bennington, state of Vermont, on the 19th of December last, that the mercury, in Farenheit's scale, stood at 27 degrees below 0. It is remarked by the observer, that 20 degrees has generally marked the severest cold at Quebec, and 23 at Petersburg, Russia, in the month of December, which places are esteemed severer climates. The temperature was marked by 17, 18, 21, and 24 degrees below 0, at several different periods in December at Bennington. The severest cold in New-York that month, was 9 degrees below 0.
In consequence of the small-pox having lately broke out in a family at Richmond, a meeting of the inhabitants was called and held at the Capitol, when it was decided upon by a large majority, that as the diseased person had been removed, the danger of communicating the infection was not to be apprehended, and that therefore inoculation should not be introduced or permitted either in town or country.
Anecdote of his Majesty and a Chimney-Sweeper.
IT is a common received opinion with the vulgar, that there is something in the person Majesty that wants not the insignia to distinguish it. The fallacy of such a notion will be proved by the following story, which is absolutely fact:—As the King and the Prince of Wales, undressed, unattended, were walking in Richmond gardens, near the river, they saw at some distance a swan struggling in the water, as if entangled in some weeds: a chimney sweeper coming by, the King desired him to go and see what was the matter with the swan. "Aye sir, that I will," says he (throwing his brush and foot-bag upon the ground) "but you'll be so good as to let little master give an eye to my things."
TRUE BENEVOLENCE.
AN EPIGRAM.
THE other day, says Ned to Joe
(Near Bedlam's confines groping)
Whene'er I hear the cries of woe,
My hand is always open.
I own, says Joe, that to the poor
(You prove it every minute)
Your hand is open, to be sure,
But then—There's nothing in it.
EPITAPH on a SCOLD,
AFTER some three-score years of Catterwauling, Here lies a Scold, who here is stopt from bawling;
I with her, in revenge, amongst the blest;
For she'd as soon be damn'd, as be at rest.
EPIGRAM.
MY wife's so very bad,"—says, Nick,
I see, she ne'er can hold it:
She keeps her bed!—mine's worse quoth Dick,
The Jade has just now SOLD IT.
TO THE GOOD PEOPLE OF FREDERICK, BERKELEY, HAMPSHIRE, and HARDY.
ESTEEMED FRIENDS,
THE season is approaching, when you will be called upon to elect a Senator for this District, and if life could last, I should continue to serve you with cheerfulness—but your prudence and attention is now necessary in making another choice: More than twenty-five years, the prime of life, have I devoted to your service, stimulated as I was, by a zeal for my country second to none, together with the uncommon marks of esteem conferred on me by the unanimous voice of these numerous and opulent Counties. More than fourteen years, added to the generous manner in which I had, preceding that period, been uniformly elected to the former legislature. A disposition thus affectionate, with a circumstance so peculiarly rare, demand my warmest thanks, which I offer with pleasure, and with a heartfelt consciousness that the rights of the people have at all times been very dear to me, whilst I now rejoice with them in the full enjoyment of a free constitution, and equal laws, which secure these rights, religious and civil. They, the People, have indeed delegated some powers very properly to Congress, which that honorable Body will no doubt exercise with great wisdom, prudence, and moderation, for the honour and real interest of the union; but all the members of the Federal Assembly being elective, the primary powers of government, the Majesty of the People, are by them retained, as they ought, and as sacred deposits, transmitted inviolate to latest posterity.—Our country, as a tender parent, claims the pious attention of every man of genius, as well as the people at large. May she continue to be revered with deepest regard, by her numerous patriot sons, and may they remain, as now, the most free and happy people, is the wish of their sincere friend,
R. RUTHERFORD.
BERKELEY COUNTY, February 15, 1791.
To be RENTED, for a term of years, A Blacksmith's Shop
With a set of TOOLS, advantageously situated for business, about five miles from WINCHESTER.—There is also a Log Dwelling-House, with a good Garden, nearly adjoining. For terms, apply to NATHANIEL CARTMELL, living opposite the premises, or the Printer hereof.
TO BE SOLD, On Friday, the 25th day of March, The Personal Estate of ANDREW CALDWELL, deceased.
Consisting of
Household Goods,
Horses, Cows, Hogs, Indian Corn, and Grain in the ground, where due attendance and reasonable credit will be given, by me,
SARAH CALDWELL, Administratrix.
ALL Persons having any just Demands against said Estate, are hereby desired to bring them in, properly attested, immediately, that they may be settled:—Likewise, those that are indebted to said Estate, are desired to make immediate payment, as no indulgence can be given by me, SARAH CALDWELL, Administratrix.

SEAT OF THE MUSES.
L I N E S
ON MAJOR WYLLYS,
Of the Federal Troops, who fell in a late engagement with the Savages at the river St. Joseph, in the Western territory of the United States.
BY A FRIEND
WHERE the sack'd hamlet darts expiring gleams, Thro' smould'ring clouds and thy encrimson'd streams WABASH! slow rolling to the western bourne, Thy slaughter'd sons in sudden murmur mourn. There, if e'er chance the traveller shall lead, The blood-drench'd shore with rev'rence let him tread, And mark the spot where oft, at eve unseen, The weeping Genii plant the laurel green, And fancy bids her choicest flow'rets rise, To deck the lonely grave where WYLLYS lies. If polish'd manners, undisguis'd by art, The tenderest passions, and the firmest heart; Where lavish Heaven united every grace, To the mild virtues of the WYLLYS race. If worth, long tried, distinguish'd and approv'd, Could move the tyrant Death, or e'er had mov'd, Thy valu'd life had known a longer date, Not savage yells announc'd thy hapless fate.
A bard, and the meanest of the tuneful throng, Whose idle lire, has long remain'd unstrung, Who lov'd thee living, and regrets thee dead, Pays this last tribute to thy gentle shade. Th' historic muse, in more exalted verse, May thus to future times thy fate rehearse. From England's gentlest blood, an honour'd name, In virtues, arts and arms, long known to fame, He sprung:—Where Hartford crowns with spiry pride, Her high romantic banks and chrysal tide, His infant sports and happier hours were led, Till Yale's fair laurels, grac'd his youthful head, What time the Briton, to our guilless shore, In proud array, his thund'ring legions bore, When erst Columbia's starry flag unfurl'd, Show'd a new eagle to the wond'ring world, The gallant youth appear'd at freedom's shrine, Drew this yet unstrain'd steel, and join'd the embattl'd line; There in long toils, and dangers tried, he won Th' approving smiles of godlike WASHINGTON. With tarnish'd arms the Britons sought the main, And heaven-born Peace, resum'd her golden reign. The patriot bands reliev'd from martial toil, Return and court the long-neglected soil: Severer cares his warrior arms engage, To guard the Western realm, and quell barbarian rage, And lo! on wild Miami's dusky plain, O'er slaughter'd heaps he leads his victor train, There as the foe in trembling haste retires, In glory's arms the hapless chief expires.
Columbians rise! no more inactive lie, Your slaughter'd friends for speedy vengeance cry: Their mangled corpses and yet teeming blood, Their groans yet echoing in the western wood, The matron's piercing shriek, the infant's cries, And yon brown cloud slow rising to the skies, Call to revenge—to arms! to arms repair! Urge home the ruthless brood, and wage eternal war, On those curs'd miscreants whom no faith can bind, The scourge of God, the terror of mankind; Then let the vengeful bolts of war be hurl'd, And with black myriads crowd the infernal world.
THE TALE OF THE COW.
From the NEW-YORK MAGAZINE, for January, 1791.
A FAIR-FAC'D brown cow, fed on clover most dainty, A buxom young jade as you'll meet with in twenty, Had lately broke loose from her walks on the Hudson, And run away bellowing to live the wild woods on— Was caught in a trap on the banks of the Delaware, And coop'd in a stable before she was well aware. The proud snuffy Dons of the ANCIENT DOMINION, Had helped to catch her—but were of opinion "That shortly her stall must be some where south-westward." By George! this was fix'd, while she graz'd to the eastward.
But here now the fly, plotting sons of old Penn— "The cow's in our stable,—there she must remain, "Talk now of agreements, and bargains your fill, "Our scheme is effected—the grist's at our mill,"
High words exchang'd, and much Billingsgate flung, Each claiming the cow, for the love of her d—g, By-standers took part, as their int'rests were in it; Some join'd the dominion—some favour'd the Pennite.
The Dons grew enrag'd at the thoughts of being jockied, And swore by Patowmac—they'd not be thus mock'd!
Then seizing the cow,—(for the Dons all fear scorns) Attempted to drag her along—by the horns. The Pennites, conceited, elate and imperious, Could hardly believe that their rivals were serious: But soon being alarm'd, lest the Dons should prevail, All clasp'd the cow's rump—and held fast by her tail—
And swore by the city, white men should turn fable, Before the cow stir'd one foot's length from their stable,
The crowd gathered round them, loud hooping and laughing,
Huzza'd for both ends of the cow—with much scoffing.
But thoughtful spectators express'd with sad faces, Their fears that the cow would be soon torn in pieces.
While parties ran violent—(poor cow I bewail her) Some cursing the horned, and some the vile tailer, The Vans of the Hudson, unwilling to bilk her, Laid by their long pipes, and set all down to milk her.
A NEW-YORK FARMER.
B O S T O N, January 19.
DUCK MANUFACTORY.
Too much credit cannot be given to the patriotic and persevering gentlemen of this town, who have established this manufactory among us. Seventeen hundred bolts—each bolt containing near 40 yards—of the best Duck ever before seen in America—have been sold from this manufactory in the last year: and the work is rapidly increasing, as the demand is increasing from all parts of the continent. Quantities of this Duck have already been sold at Philadelphia and Baltimore, where it is in high estimation—which must be the case, when its principles are considered—it is made from flax, the raw material of our own soil—which has not suffered from that fermentation which must arise from ALL vegetable substances confined in the hold of a ship, whereby the fibre is greatly weakened.—In the Boston manufactory the whole of the clean flax is worked up, which is separated in foreign parts, into eight different sorts, the finest of which they never permit to be worked into their sail-cloth, but reserve for the finer linen manufactories. Another peculiar excellence of the Boston duck, is, that it is not subject to mil-dew, as all foreign duck is: this is owing to the difference of the sizings made use of in the several manufactories.—In the Boston Manufactory, it is made from animal substances—in Europe from vegetable. The noble ship The PRESIDENT, of 1000 tons burthen, lately launched at Providence, is wholly cloathed with Duck from the Boston Manufactory, as several of our large ships have been—upon whose return the intrinsic merit of the Boston Duck has been fully established. Our fishermen have discovered the excellent quality of this Duck, that it is not subject to mil-dew, have actually bespoke more than the manufactory can turn out for some time.
ADVERTISEMENT.
WHEREAS the subscriber, on the 21st day of June, 1788, purchased of a certain WALLACE REED a Tract of Land, for which he was to give him the sum of ninety-eight pounds, Pennsylvania currency, eighteen pounds of which he paid in hand, and gave his obligations for ten pounds each, payable annually on the 15th day of March—six of which bonds only are unpaid. And whereas I am informed, and have every reason to believe, that the said WALLACE REED cannot make me a clear and good title for the land, I hereby forewarn all persons from taking assignments of the said Bonds, as I am determined to pay no more until I am assured of the title.
JOHN SHANEYBERRY.
January 25, 1791.
To be RENTED in CHARLESTOWN, BERKELEY, THAT VALUABLE
H O U S E,
Where Mr. JAMES HAMMOND now keeps Store. IT is well calculated for either Store or Tavern, and may be entered on the 1st. of April next. ALSO, that commodious HOUSE where Mr. PHILIP WELSH lives, opposite Mr. HAMMOND's Store. And a new finished two-story HOUSE, on the Main Street, fit for a genteel private family, or a tradesman. For particulars, apply to the Subscriber, near the premises.
WILLIAM CHERRY.
January 6, 1791.
SHEPHERD'S-TOWN New-Church LOTTERY.
THE following is the SCHEME of a LOTTERY, to be drawn under an Act of the Honorable the Assembly of VIRGINIA, granting to the Trustees of the Congregation full power, by this method, to raise the sum herein proposed, for the purpose of completing their NEW MEETING-HOUSE in SHEPHERD'S-TOWN. Any of the Trustees who sign the Tickets, will be responsible to the fortunate adventurers, that the prizes drawn by them shall be paid in specie the next day after the Lottery is drawn—and that the drawing of it shall commence as soon as the Tickets are sold. There shall be in this Lottery
  1 Prize of 160 Dollars..... is..... 160   1 ditto of 80 ditto..... 80   2 ditto of 40 ditto..... 80   4 ditto of 20 ditto..... 80   8 ditto of 10 ditto..... 80   16 ditto of 5 ditto..... 80   32 ditto of 3 ditto..... 96   64 ditto of 2 ditto..... 128   The sum to be raised..... 832 
Dollars...2000
1000 Tickets at 2 Dollars each, are.....2000
In this Scheme there is little more than two BLANKS TO A PRIZE, and as it was unavoidably set on foot for the most laudable purpose, so the most ample justice may be expected, and we flatter ourselves it will meet with encouragement from every good man. The Trustees will be considered as Managers—and Col. JOSEPH SWEARINGEN, Col. WILLIAM DARKE, and Major ABRAHAM SHEPHERD, will be requested to sit as Judges at the time of drawing—which time will be published 3 weeks before it commences, in the PATOWMAC GUARDIAN AND BERKELEY ADVERTISER.
JOHN KEARSLEY, JOHN MORROW, JOHN MARK, WILLIAM BUCKLES, LAURENCE VANDEVIER, } Trustees.
N. B. Tickets may be had from any of the Managers, and also from sundry other Gentlemen in the County.
To be sold, for a term of years, ONE HUNDRED ACRES OF L A N D, Or the one half of a Merchant-Mill.
Any person inclining to purchase, may know the terms, by applying to
THOMAS HALL.
Berkeley-County, January 20, 1791.
Edward O. Williams
Most respectfully acquaints the Public in general, and his Friends in particular,
THAT he has recommenced the practice of PHYSIC and SURGERY in this town, living opposite Mr. Wyncoops.
Shepherd's-Town, January 24, 1791.
W A N T E D, A sober, steady young MAN, to officiate in the capacity of a BAR-KEEPER.
Apply at the Printing-Office, for further information.
Wanted to Hire, A young Man,
In the capacity of a HOSTLER. He must be of an honest, industrious, sober Character. Apply to ALEXANDER ROGERS, at Martinsburg, or the PRINTER hereof.
Blank Deeds of Bar-
gain and Sale, Common Bonds, &c. may be had at this Office.