Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-04-25 00:00:00

LETTER From Mr. Monroe to the Secretary of State, dated RICHMOND, February 8, 1808. Accompanying the message of the president of the United States, to congress, on the 22d March.
SIR, It appears, by your letter of May 26th, 1807, which was forwarded by Mr. Purviance to Mr. Pinkney and myself, at London, and received on the 16th July, that you had construed several articles of the treaty, which we had signed with the British commissioners, on the 31st of December, 1806, in a different sense from that in which they were conceived by us.
At this time there is no objection to such an explanation, that I am aware of, and there are many reasons why it should be given. You will be sensible that, so far as an unfavourable estimate is entertained of that transaction, it must, in the degree, tend to injure those who gave it the sanction of their names; and you will be equally sensible that, if the United States are in any degree interested in it, at this time, it must consist in its being viewed in a just, rather than an unfavourable light.
The impressment of seamen from our merchant vessels, is a topic which claims a primary attention, from the order which it holds in your letter, but more especially from some important considerations that are connected with it. The idea entertained by the publick is, that the rights of the United States were abandoned by the American commissioners in the late negotiation, and that their seamen were left by tacit acquiescence, if not by formal renunciation, to depend, for their safety on the mercy of the British cruisers.
The British paper states that the king was not prepared to disclaim or derogate from a right on which the security of the British navy might essentially depend, especially in a conjuncture when he was engaged in wars which enforced the necessity of the most vigilant attention to the preservation and supply of his naval force—that he had directed his commissioners to give to the commissioners of the United States the most positive assurances that instructions had been given, and should be repeated and enforced, to observe the greatest caution in the impressing of British seamen, to preserve the citizens of the United States from molestation or injury, and that immediate and prompt redress should be afforded on any representation of injury sustained by them.
both states, without injury to the rights of either. By this paper it is evident that the rights of the United States were expressly to be reserved, and not abandoned, as has been most erroneously supposed—that the negotiation on the subject of impressment was to be postponed for a limited time, and for a special object only, and to be revived as soon as that object was accomplished—and, in the interim, that the practice of impressment was to correspond essentially with the views and interests of the United States.
In our letter to you of November 11, which accompanied the paper under consideration, and in that of January 3, which was forwarded with the treaty, these sentiments were fully confirmed. In that of November 11, we communicated one important fact, which left no doubt of the sense in which it was intended by the British commissioners, that that paper should be construed by us.
It is a just claim on our part that the explanations which were given of that paper by the British commissioners when they presented it to us, and afterwards while the negotiations were depending, which we communicated to you in due order of time, should be taken into view, in a fair estimate of our conduct in that transaction.
Without relying, however, on the explanations that were given by the British commissioners of the import of that paper, or of the course which their government intended to pursue under it, it is fair to remark on the paper itself, that as by it the rights of the parties were reserved, and the negotiation might be continued on this particular topic; after a treaty should be formed on the others, Great-Britain was bound not to trespass on those rights while that negotiation was depending, and in case she did trespass on them, in any the slightest degree, the United States would be justifiable in breaking off the negotiation and appealing to force in vindication of their right.
Attached to the treaty it was the basis or condition, on which the treaty rested. Strong in its character in their favour on the great question of right, and admitting a favourable construction on others; it placed them on more elevated ground in those respects than they had held before; and by keeping the negotiation open to obtain a more complete adjustment, the administration was armed
with the most effectual means of securing it. By this arrangement the government possessed a power to coerce without being compelled to assume the character belonging to coercion, and it was able to give effect to that power without violating the relations of amity between the countries.
These considerations, founded on a view of the proposed arrangement itself, furnished strong inducement to us to proceed to the other objects of the negotiation. There were other considerations of a different character, which recommended it with still greater force. Had we refused to proceed in the negotiation, what was the alternative which such a refusal presented to our view?
The attitude which the governments held towards each other, was in a certain degree hostile. Injuries had been inflicted by one party, and resentment shown by the other, the latter having taken a step in the case of the non-importation law, which was intended to vindicate the publick rights and honour, by being made the means of obtaining a redress of those injuries.
These considerations had much weight in deciding that which was pursued and I frankly own, that a sincere desire to afford to the administration an honourable opportunity for its repeal, since under existing circumstances, it did not seem probable that it could be longer useful and might be injurious, was a strong motive with me to incur the responsibility which I took on myself in that transaction.
also to proceed in a discussion of the other objects of the negotiation, and eventually concluded a treaty; it being understood, from what we had frequently stated, that if our government should disapprove the arrangement relative to impressment, the whole would fall with it.
There was in truth nothing unreasonable in this circumstance, as the British commissioners acted in presence of the cabinet, consulted and took its instruction on every point, while our distance from our government rendered such a recurrence to it impossible.
By your letter of Feb. 3d, 1807, in reply to ours of Nov. 11th, 1806, the course which the government resolved to pursue was announced. By it we were informed, that the president disapproved the informal arrangement proposed by the British commissioners relative to impressment, and was resolved to enter into no treaty with the British government, when limited to, or short of strict right on every other point, should include in it no article on the particular one, that in case such an article could not be obtained, we should terminate the negotiation without any formal compact whatever, but with a mutual understanding, founded on friendly and liberal discussions and explanations, that in practice each party would entirely conform to what should be thus informally settled between them.
By this letter the arrangement which we had sanctioned, comprising the informal one relative to impressment, and that by treaty on the other topics, was rejected, and in lieu of it we were instructed to enter into an informal understanding or arrangement of the whole subject, and as was to be inferred from the fair import of the letter, on the same conditions.
In defending myself against the imputation of having sacrificed the rights of our seamen, I shall be permitted to derive support from the conduct of the government itself in the same interest. Under that impression, I have to remark, that I consider the conduct of the government as furnishing the most ample vindication of that of the American commissioners.
But the conduct of the administration furnishes other strong arguments in favour of the arrangement proposed by the American commissioners. By engaging to observe the informal arrangement which we were instructed to enter into, as long as Great-Britain should observe it, it seemed as if the United States would be deprived of the right of insisting on other terms, however favourable the opportunity for it might be, while Great-Britain would be at liberty to depart from such arrangement whenever the events of war furnished her an adequate motive for it.

Mr. Anderson from the committee to whom was referred, on the 4th instant, the correspondence between Mr. Monroe and Mr. Canning, and between Mr. Madison and Mr. Rose, relative to the attack made upon the frigate Chesapeake, by the British ship of war Leopard—and also the communications made to the Senate, by the President of the United States, on the 30th day of March last, containing a letter from Mr. Erskine to the secretary of state, and a letter from Mr. Champagny to gen. Armstrong.
REPORTED: That on a view of the several orders, decrees and decisions of Great Britain and France, within the period of the existing war, it appears, that previous to the measures referred to in the letters from Mr. Erskine to the secretary of state, and from Mr. Champagny to gen. Armstrong, various and heavy injuries have been committed against the neutral commerce and navigation of the U. States, under the following heads:
1st. The British order of June, 1803, unlawfully restricting the trade of the United States, with a certain portion of the unblockaded ports of her enemies, and condemning vessels with innocent cargoes on a return from ports where they had deposited contraband articles.
2d. The capture and condemnation, in British courts of admiralty, of American property, on a pretended principle, debarring neutral nations from a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, instituted in time of peace. The injuries suffered by the citizens of the United States, on this head, arose, not from any publick order of the British council, but from a variation in the principle, upon which the courts of admiralty pronounced their decision.—These decisions have indeed again varied, without any new orders of council being issued; and in the higher courts of admiralty, some of the decisions which had formed the greatest cause for complaint, have been reversed, and the property restored. There still remains, however, a heavy claim of indemnity for confiscations, which were made during the period of these unwarrantable decisions, and for which all negotiation has hitherto been unavailing.
3d. Blockades notified to the ministers of the United States at London, and thence made a ground of capture, against the trade of the United States, in entire disregard of the law of nations, and even of the definition of legal blockades, laid down by the British government itself. Examples of these illegitimate blockades, will be found in the notifications of the blockade of May 16th, 1806, of the coast from the river Elbe to Brest inclusive—blockade of 11th May, 1807, expounded 19th June, 1807, of the Elbe, Weser, and Ems, and the coast between the same—blockade 11th May, 1807, of the Dardanelles and Smyrna—blockade of the 8th January, 1808, of Carthagena, Cadiz, and St. Lucar, and of all the intermediate ports between Carthagena and St. Lucar, comprehending a much greater extent of coast, than the whole British navy could blockade, according to the established law of nations.
4th. To these injuries immediately authorised by the British government, might be added other spurious blockades by British naval commanders, particularly that of the island of Curacoa, which for a very considerable period, was made a pretext for very extensive spoliations on the commerce of the United States.
5th. The British proclamation of October last, which makes it the duty of the British officers to impress from American merchant vessels, all such of their crews as might be taken or mistaken for British subjects—those officers being the sole and absolute judges in the case.
For the decrees and acts of the French government, violating the maritime law of nations, in respect to the United States, the committee refer to the instances contained in the report of the secretary of state, January 25th, 1806, to the senate, in one of which, viz. a decree of the French general Ferrand, at St. Domingo, are regulations sensibly affecting the neutral and commercial rights of the U. States.
The French act next in order of time is the decree of Nov. 21, 1806—declaring the British isles in a state of blockade, and professing to be a retaliation on antecedent proceedings of Great Britain violating the law of nations.
This decree was followed, first by the British order of January, 1807, professing to be a retaliation on that decree, and subjecting to capture the trade of the United States, from the port of one belligerent to the port of another; and secondly, by the orders of November last, professing to be a further retaliation on the same decree, and prohibiting the commerce of neutrals with the enemies of Great Britain, as explained in the aforesaid letter of Mr. Erskine.
The last British orders again, have been followed by the French decree of December 17th, purporting to be a retaliation on the said orders, and to be put in force against the commerce of the United States, as stated in the aforesaid letter of M. Champagny.
The committee forbear to enter into a comparative view of those proceedings, of the other belligerent powers, deeming it sufficient to present the materials from which they may be formed. They think it their duty nevertheless, to offer the following remarks, suggested by a collective view of the whole.
The injuries and dangers resulting to the commerce of the United States, from the cause and increase of these belligerent measures, and from similar ones adopted by other nations, were such as first to induce the more circumpect of our merchants and ship owners, no longer to commit their property to the high seas, and at length to impose on congress the indispensable duty of imposing some legislative provisions, for such an unexampled state of things.
Among other expedients out of which a choice was to be made, may be reckoned:
 1st. A protection of commerce by armed ships of war.  2d. A protection of it by self-armed vessels.  3d. A war of offence as well as of defence.  4th. A general suspension of foreign commerce.  5th. An embargo on all our vessels, mariners and merchandise. 
peculiar satisfaction. A vindication, however, of the cause on principle, however extensive the range might be, could not affect the origin of the controversy, nor give to the article entered into for its adjustment a construction different from that which, by well established rules, is fairly applicable to it.
From this view of the several orders of the British government, and from the exposition given of them by the courts, and by the government itself, it appears that the sole object of those that were issued after that of the 6th November, 1793, was to inhibit the direct trade of the United States with enemy colonies and Europe; that they did not touch, and were not intended to interfere with the trade between the United States and Europe, even the parent country, and foreign between the United States and Asia and Africa. It was, indeed, the object of the order of November 6th, 1793, to suppress the commerce of neutral powers with enemy colonies altogether; but that being abandoned, the next idea which occurred, was to embarrass that trade by forcing it through neutral countries. Here, then, arose a new question, which turned entirely on another principle. That a neutral power had a right to carry on trade from its own ports, in any articles, though of foreign produce, which had been incorporated into the stock of the country not contraband of war, and to all countries, was not controverted. That point, otherwise clear and indisputable in itself, had been long settled in the highest tribunals, & by the most eminent jurists in England. The circumstances which constituted such an incorporation of foreign articles into the stock of the country, had also been settled by the same authorities. Still the question which now arose, turned on this latter point. In forcing this commerce through neutral ports with a view to embarrass it, it became necessary (to give the greatest effect to that expedient) to increase the difficulties in those ports, which was done in the manner already stated.
If the instructions of the British government did not inhibit the trade in question, the adjustment contained in the article under consideration, could not affect it. That article supposes a difference between the parties relative to a trade with enemy colonies, and the instructions which interfere with it. The article could not operate in any trade to which the instructions did not extend, and concerning which there was no controversy. In the present case the conclusion is the more irresistible, because there did not exist even a possibility of controversy in regard to that trade.
But it is inferred, that because it is stipulated, that the produce of enemy colonies may be carried to Europe from the United States, that the ports of Asia and Africa are shut on them, and that because it is stipulated that the manufactures of Europe may be carried from the United States to the West Indies, that those of Asia and Africa are prohibited from being carried there. This objection has been already obviated. Had the instructions of the British government inhibited that trade, and a controversy between the governments arisen from the inhibition, as the article does not extend to the case, the most that could have been inferred would have been that it was unprovided for, and that the rights of the parties would remain in the same state respecting it, as if the article had not been entered into. It is easy to explain the cause why the term "Europe" was introduced into the article, in reference to the ports, to which colony produce might be carried, and "Euro-ean" in reference to the manufactures which might be carried to enemy colonies, and to show that they were adopted with a view to open on the widest scale the ports which had been any time shut on them by the British orders. Although the policy of these orders, as well as of the principle on which they are founded, is more particularly applicable to the direct trade between enemy colonies and their mother country, yet as the term "Europe" had been adopted in the modifications that were made in them, first at the instance of the United States, and afterwards at that of the neutral European powers, as the widest scale within which the inhibition operated, it was thought best to use that term to prevent the possibility of mistake, as to the extent of the adjustment. Had terms of more extensive import been adopted, they could not have been more effectual to the object, while they might have tended to enlarge the sphere of British pretension, by extending it to cases to which it would be highly improper to give a sanction.
But it is supposed that although the orders of the British government may not have inhibited this trade, it is comprised in the general inhibition of the British principle. If the British principle inhibits such a trade, which I do not admit, it does not follow that a sanction to that inhibition is given by this article, for reasons already stated. If the provision of the article does not extend to that trade, the rights of the parties cannot be affected by it. They remain equally in force against the principle, as against the instructions, had they inhibited it. But the claim to an exemption from that trade from the operation of the British principle, rests on still stronger ground, admitting that it ever extended to it, which however I am far from admitting. It can be shewn that the orders themselves, take it completely from within the scope of that principle. By instructing the cruisers to seize vessels engaged in a particular trade, every other trade is allowed. It is in that mode, that what is called a relaxation of the British principle, is effected. The order reduces the principle to its own standard, or, in other words, becomes the principle itself. If this doctrine is not true it is impossible to designate in what mode the relaxation, which is universally admitted, of the British principle is wrought: or to prove that there has been any relaxation of it whatever. If the orders have not that effect, of what avail are they? That they have that effect is proved by the decisions of the courts, and the practice under them. I am aware of the broad doctrine held by the courts on the subject, but that doctrine necessarily ambiguous from the dilemma in which the courts were placed by the inconsistent orders of the government, if not reconcilable to this construction (as I think it is, when the whole subject is taken into view) is contradicted by the decisions of the same courts and the explanations of the government itself.
I say that this trade is not inhibited by the British principle because it supposes a trade between enemy colonies and the mother country. But a trade between the United States and Asia and Africa, let the subject of it be what it may, is not a trade of that kind. It is a trade with the independent powers at peace with Great Britain, with whom we have a right to trade, by all the rules which Great Britain has at any time insisted on. It would be of dangerous tendency to admit that Great Britain had a pretension to interfere with such a trade in any case. After the goods are received into the United States, no matter of what articles they consist, or from what quarter they came, they are the property of the country, and may of right be shipped to any other country. The British principle does not controvert this doctrine. It asserts in its widest range the right only to seize them on their route to the neutral country, and from it to the mother country of the colony, or some other enemy country of Europe, provided they be not incorporated into the stock of the neutral country. If they are, they may go under the arrangement made to the countries to which the British principle applies. But they require no sanction from the British government, to go to those to which it does not apply. The destination of the vessel alone would, as I presume, dispel every doubt of the legality of the trade, and preclude a further inquiry concerning it. The question of continuity of voyage could never arise in such a case. It is certain that the arrangement alluded to gives no sanction to it, and for the best of all reasons, that the trade was not admitted, or even contended to be comprised within the range of British principle.
I shall close my remarks on this point by observing, that as the arrangement of the acts to break the continuity of the voyage from the United States to the parent country, and other enemy countries of Europe, in the produce of their colonies, and from the United States to those colonies, in the manufactures of Europe, is confined strictly to that object, the rights of the parties remain unimpaired in every other circumstance relative to that trade; that as the article contains no stipulation against the direct trade from the colony to the parent country, the right to carry on even that trade is not necessarily suspended by it; that if in any view it can be considered as suspended it is by implication arising out of the whole transaction, rather than from the stipulation itself. How much stronger then is the conclusion already drawn from other premises, that nothing is to be deduced from that article to justify the construction which has been imputed to it.
(To be continued)
NOTES OF HAND,
according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.
ALSO,
NOTES for the Virginia Bank;
Checks; Bills of Lading, and of Exchange, printed on paper of superior quality; and Shipping Articles on large paper, and approved form.
LEDGER OFFICE.
ject of this order seems to have been to introduce a new rule relative to contraband, by subjecting a vessel to seizure on that account, on her return voyage, after depositing her cargo at her place of destination. It prohibits the seizure of neutral vessels, European as well as American, engaged in a trade between enemy colonies and the neutral countries, by positive inhibition. That the trade had been left free before by restriction of the seizure to vessels engaged in the direct trade between enemy colonies and the parent country. It was now secured by positive inhibition. The right to carry on the trade from the neutral countries to other countries, was left on the ground on which it stood before. That this order was not intended to affect that trade, and did not affect it, is made sufficiently evident by many decisions of the courts of admiralty, which have been given since the order was issued. In proof of this I refer to all the cases that were decided by the British courts of admiralty, touching the trade of neutrals with enemy colonies in the years 1805 and 6, and more especially to that of the William Trebley, it being the last one and containing a summary of the whole doctrine.
If we recur to the decisions of the courts themselves, we shall find a full confirmation of what is here advanced. We shall find that in conforming their decisions to the spirit of the orders of the government, they inhibit the direct trade only between the colony and the parent country of Europe; that they do not call in question the trade between neutral powers in the productions of enemy colonies, after those productions were allowed to have been incorporated into the stock of the country: that they gave recent and high offence only by the new doctrines advanced, on this latter point, which, by assuming to investigate the motives of the parties engaged in the trade, and to reject acts which were before deemed satisfactory by decisions the most solemn, and to impose new conditions the most onerous and oppressive, laid that commerce completely at the mercy of the British tribunals.—The most material cases are those of the Immanuel, which involved the question of a trade between Bordeaux and St. Domingo, that is, the direct trade between the parent country and its colony; in which the goods were condemned on that account. Robin, Rep. 2d vol. page 186.—And of the Polly, Lasky, in which the vessel was taken on a voyage from Marblehead to Spain, charged with the productions of the Havanna, brought to Marblehead by the same vessel. In this case the question of continuity of voyage was not involved, and the court decided in favour of the American claim, on ground that gave no offence. It was admitted in explicit terms by the judge, that an American had a right to import the produce of the Spanish colonies into his own country, and to carry them on thence to the general commerce of Europe, and that the landing of the cargo and the payment of the duties would be sufficient criteria of bona fide importation. 2d Rob. Rep. page 361. The next cases were those of the Essex, Orne, of the Rowena, and some others of the same kind, in 1805, which turned on the point of the continuity of voyage, in which the court, pushing its doctrine to the unjust and pernicious extent complained of, produced the controversy which took place, between the countries.
The communication between Mr. King and Lord Hawkesbury is of the same character. The advocate general, admits in his report, which was adopted by Lord Hawkesbury, and communicated by him to Mr. King, that by the relaxation of the general principle respecting the trade with enemy colonies, it was distinctly understood, and had been repeatedly so decided by the court of appeal, that the produce of enemy colonies might be imported into the neutral country, and re-exported thence even to the mother country of such colony; and in like manner that the produce and manufactures of the mother country might be carried to its colonies. He states that the direct trade between the mother country and its colonies had not been recognized as legal; that what amounted to an intermediate importation into the neutral country, might sometimes be a question of difficulty; that the mere touching in the neutral country to take fresh clearances, might perhaps be deemed evasive, and in effect the direct trade; but that the high court of admiralty had expressly decided (and he saw no reason to expect that the court of appeal would vary the rules) that landing the goods and paying the duties in the neutral country would break the continuity of the voyage, and was such an importation as would legalize the trade, although the goods were re-shipped in the same vessel, on account of the same proprietors, and were forwarded for sale to the mother country of the colony.
This communication corresponds in every the minutest circumstance with the spirit of the orders and the decisions of the courts as above explained. It insists, and in terms that are far from being positive, that the direct trade only between the mother country and the colony, was inhibited. It admits that the trade through the neutral country to the mother country of the colony was lawful, and fixes, with great precision, the acts to be performed in the neutral country, which would be sufficient to incorporate the goods into the stock of the country and break the continuity of the voyage. In the latter part of the report alluded to, the advocate general seems to make a kind of reservation of the right of the court of appeals, to revise the decisions of the high court of admiralty, which he represents to have settled the doctrine. But he makes that reservation, if indeed it was intended as one, in such terms, as to preclude the idea, that it would even be taken advantage of, especially when it is considered, that the report was adopted by the government, and communicated officially, by the secretary of state, to a foreign minister. It is certain, however, that through the court of appeal, the new encroachment on the rights of the United States was made, which produced the controversy which ensued immediately afterwards.
The discussion which took place between Lord Mulgrave and myself in 1805, on the subject of the seizures then made, treated the encroachment in that line as the special cause of complaint on the part of the United States. Although the British pretension to inhibit even the direct trade, had not been countenanced by the government, yet the commerce of the United States had been made, in a certain degree, to accommodate with it by the merchants.—They were content to decline the direct trade, and to prosecute their enterprises through the United States, equally with the mother country and its colonies. It was natural, in the course of a controversy which involved such important interests, that the rights of the parties should be taken up on principle, and carried to the greatest extent. To the light thrown on the subject by a very able essay, which I received from you, I was much indebted, and I acknowledge, in this communication, the aid which it afforded me, with
the above, by which, as we present, she would be bound, and we free. Certainty to our merchants was all important. Any fair well defined rule, within which they might prosecute in safety their enterprises, although it might fall short in some respects of our just claims, might perhaps be preferable to frequent collisions which put every thing at hazard. In any event it was an object of great importance to keep the peace of the country in our own hands, by retaining the right to resort to war when it suited us and then only.
I will now proceed to the other topics, which are adverted to in your letter of May 20, 1807, and on which I shall be as concise as possible. In your examination of the treaty you notice several of primary importance, which you conceive to have been improperly arranged in the articles which refer to them. I will pursue in my remarks the order which you have traced.
You consider the 11th article as objectionable in having shut to our commerce important channels which were left open to it, by the decisions of the British courts, and the principles contained in the communication from Lord Hawkesbury to Mr. King. In support of that opinion you observe, that as the article stipulates, that the United States may carry the manufactures and productions of Europe, from their own ports, to any colony of the enemies of Great Britain, they are prohibited by it from carrying the manufactures or productions of the countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope, in like manner, to such colonies. You observed also that as the United States are authorised to carry from their own ports the productions of enemy colonies to Europe, they are prohibited from carrying those productions to the southern coast of the Mediterranean, or beyond the Cape of Good Hope, or to any other enemy or neutral colonies in this quarter.
I am persuaded that you will be satisfied, on further consideration, that this construction of that article is unfounded. It is not the object of the article to regulate the general commerce of the countries, or to compromise their claims in any case to which the regulation does not explicitly extend.—The regulation prescribed by it applies to a case or controversy between the parties, in a point of immediate contact, and it was the object of the article to adjust the controversy in that point. If we advert to the issue which was made up between them, as clearly defined by the orders of the British government, the decisions of the courts of admiralty under them, and the discussions which took place between the governments on the subject, we shall find that in no view can the constructions which you impute to this article, be supported.
The issue lately made up between the parties involved solely the question, what circumstances, or acts to be performed in the neutral country, were necessary to break the continuity of a voyage from the colony of an enemy to its parent country or some enemy country in Europe? This point has been settled, as was presumed, by former decisions of the British courts of admiralty, and explanations of the British government, in a manner which was so far satisfactory to the United States as to justify a belief, that if the decisions and explanations had been adhered to, the existing controversy on this subject would not have arisen. But in 1805 the British courts of admiralty insisted on the performance of new acts in the United States, or what amounted to the same thing, extended by construction the doctrine of former decisions in such manner as to make the performance of new acts, such too as were of a nature highly onerous and oppressive, indispensably necessary. On this special point the parties were at issue, and the sole object of the article was to adjust, by temporary arrangement, the controversy on that point. The rights of the parties, in every other instance, not within the scope of the adjustment, were to remain, of course, untouched, and, in that particular one, to revive at the expiration of the term limited for the duration of the article.
A concise analysis of the several orders of the British government relative to the trade of neutral powers with enemy colonies, will place, in a clear point of view, the ground of the controversy between the parties, and the precise object and effect of the regulation proposed by the article under consideration. The first order bears date on the 6th Nov. 1793. It directed the British cruisers to bring in for lawful adjudication all vessels laden with goods, the produce of any colony of France, or carrying provisions or supplies for such colony. That order amounted, in express terms, to a declaration of war against the neutral powers, and it was issued in that spirit by the British government. The policy, however, which dictated the order, did not last long. Events soon produced a change of policy, and with it a revocation, or, to use the technic phraseology of the admiralty, a relaxation of the order. The second order was of the 8th Jan. 1794. It directed the cruisers "to bring in all vessels laden with goods, the produce of the French West India islands, and coming directly from any port of the said islands to any port in Europe." This order being directory prescribed the case in which neutral vessels engaged in such a trade should be seized, and thereby confined the seizure to that case only. No vessel engaged in that trade which did not come within the scope of the order, could be touched.—Thus the effect of the order was to inhibit the direct trade of the United States, between enemy colonies and Europe, in the productions of those colonies. It left the trade free between the United States and enemy colonies, and between the United States and Europe, and of course every other country. It left it free also, in a direct line, between enemy colonies and Africa and Asia. By confining the restriction, to Europe, those countries were necessarily exempted from its operation. The third order of the 25th January, 1798, directed the cruisers to "bring in all vessels laden with cargoes, the produce of any island of France, Spain, or Holland, and coming directly from any port of the said islands or settlements to any port in Europe, not being a port of Great Britain, nor of the country to which such ships, being neutral, belonged." The sole effect of this order was to extend to the neutral powers of Europe, the accommodation which had been yielded to the United States by that of 8th January, 1794. The next order bears date on the 24th June 1803. It directs the cruisers not to seize any vessels which shall be carrying on trade directly between the colonies of enemies and the neutral country to which the vessel belongs, and laden with the property of inhabitants of such neutral country; provided such vessel shall not be supplying, nor have supplied the enemy on the outward voyage, with any articles contraband of war, &c. The sole ob-

This last was adopted, and the policy of it was enforced, at the particular moment, by account-quickly after confirmed, of the British orders in Nov. and by the probability that these would be allowed, as has also happened, by invigorated spirit of retaliation, in other belligerent powers. The happy effect of the precaution is demonstrated by the well known fact, that the ports of Europe are crowded with captured vessels of the United States, unfortunately not within the reach of the precaution.
With respect to a protection of our commerce by ships of war, it must be obviously impracticable, in any material degree, without a lapse of time, and an expense which amounts to a prohibition of that resort, besides that it would necessarily involve hostile collisions with one or more of the belligerent powers.
Self armed merchantmen would have the same tendency, at the time, that they would be utterly inadequate to a security against the multiplied fleets and cruisers to be encountered.
An entire suspension of foreign commerce as the resort in the first instance, would evidently have produced some inconveniences, not incident to the embargo, as it was modified. But the committee do not suppress their opinion, that after a reasonable time, it may not improperly take the place of the embargo; in case of a protracted adherence of the belligerent powers, to their destructive proceedings against our neutral commerce.
With respect to a resort to war, as a remedy for the evils experienced, the committee will offer no other reflection, than that it is itself so great an evil, that the United States have wisely considered peace and honest neutrality, as the best foundation of their general policy. It is not for the committee to say under what degree of aggravated injuries, and sufferings, a departure from this policy may become a duty; and the most pacific nation finds itself compelled to exchange for the calamities of war, the greater distresses of longer forbearance.
In the present state of things, the committee cannot recommend any departure from that policy which withholds our commercial and agricultural property, from the licensed depredations of the great maritime belligerent powers. They hope that an adherence to this policy will eventually secure to us the blessings of peace without any sacrifice of our national rights; and they have no doubt that it will be supported by all the many virtue, which the good people of the United States have ever discovered, on great and patriotic occasions. But the committee would suggest, on this subject, that better councils in the belligerent governments, producing a juster conduct towards neutral nations, would render the continuance of the embargo unnecessary and that it will be a provident measure to vest in the executive a power, in such an event, to suspend until the next session of congress, wholly, or in part, the several acts prohibiting the departure of our vessels for foreign ports.
Although the committee have abstained from entering into particular comparison, of the proceedings of the French and British governments, towards the United States; they cannot reconcile with their duty, or with the just sensibility of the nation, not to advert to the tenor and language of the late communications, made by the respective organs of those governments.
In the letter of Mr. Champagny, the United States are not only threatened with confiscation, as the final destiny of American property, seized under French decrees, unless disposition shall be made by them against Great Britain, satisfactory to France, but they are even declared, without reserve of any sort, to be actually in a state of war with Great Britain.
In the letter of Mr. Erskine, to the secretary of state, the United States are explicitly charged with justly subjecting their commerce to confiscations under the British orders, by not opposing an effectual resistance against the decrees of France; in other words, by not making war against that nation, in case no other interposition should be effectual.
There are in this exposition of the British orders, certain features, which claim particular attention; among the regulations of which they consist, it is provided, that the commerce of the United States, bound from their own ports to its legal and ordinary markets, shall pass through British ports, shall there in all cases, take their clearances from British officers, shall, in some cases, obtain special licenses, and in others, pay a direct and advanced tax; thus, putting the United States on a commercial footing, even worse than was allowed to British colonies—which were left free to carry their exports directly to foreign markets, in cases where an intermediate voyage to the parent country, would be too oppressive. In the present case, not a single article is permitted to be sent from the United States to the most southern parts of Europe, without a previous voyage to Great Britain, and in some instances, not without purchasing even that privilege, without paying a tribute to the British Treasury.
The committee have taken into consideration the documents relating to the attack on the frigate Chesapeake; but they have not deemed it their duty, in the actual posture of that subject, to make any other remark, than that it strengthens the motives for persevering in all the provisional and precautionary measures hitherto contemplated.
The committee finally beg leave to submit the following resolutions:
Resolved, That the committee do bring in a bill, authorizing the president of the United States, in the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe in his judgment, to suspend the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, under such exceptions and restrictions, as the publick interest and circumstances of the case may require: Provided, such suspension shall not extend beyond days after the commencement of the next session of congress.
Resolved, That the committee do bring in a bill, authorizing the president of the United States to suspend the operation of the several acts prohibiting the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise, in his judgment the publick good should require it: Provided, That such suspension shall not extend beyond days after the commencement of the next session of congress.
Resolved, That the committee be instructed to report a bill prohibiting after the day of
all commercial intercourse with such of the belligerent nations, whose edicts against the neutral commerce of the United States may render such prohibition expedient.
Resolved, That the committee be further instructed to report a bill, expatriating all citizens of the United States, who shall be convicted of voluntarily accepting any license, or paying any tax, in conformity to the British orders of council, of the 11th of November last.
Resolved, That the committee be further instructed to report a bill, imposing on the navigation and commerce of foreign nations, restrictions corresponding with the restrictions, imposed by them respectively on the commerce and navigation of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, April 18.
The house took up the unfinished business of Saturday, to wit: giving leave for the committee of the whole to sit again on the bill for arming the whole body of the militia of the United States.
After some remarks, it was carried in the affirmative; when Mr. Desha took the chair in committee of the whole; and the question recurring to fill the blank with $1,000,000, it was lost. The question was then taken on inserting $500,000 which was also lost. $150,000 were then proposed, which was likewise lost.—400,000, lost—300,000, lost—200,000, carried—47 yeas—36 nays.
Mr. Rhea (of Tenn.) offered an amendment, providing for the distribution of the arms among several states according to their respective militia. Mr. Bowell moved for a modification, so that the arms should be distributed in proportion to the representation of each state.
Mr. Randolph opposed the amendment. He considered the bill as delinquent, from the smallness of the appropriation. Unless the house would consent to revise the bill in that particular, it might as well be put to sleep at once.
Mr. Poindexter moved to insert after the word states, "and territories."
A message was received from the senate authorising the president, in the event that circumstances should justify it, to suspend the embargo.
Which not being in order before the committee rose, a motion was made for the committee's rising, and it was carried.—The house agreeing to consider the bill, and amendments, as reported, they (together with Mr. Poindexter's amendment) were agreed to. On motion to engross the bill for a third reading, the ayes and noes were called for, the question was decided in the affirmative; and the bill ordered for a third reading to-morrow.
Several bills were received from the senate, which that body had agreed to: among others, that respecting publick contracts.
The bill from the senate authorising the president to suspend the embargo, was read and committed to a committee of the whole house to-morrow.
The resolution relative to the impeachment of judge Buin was agreed to. Mr. C. W. Campbell reported a bill making appropriation for the support of an additional military force. It was referred to a committee of the whole house, when the house adjourned.
BALTIMORE, April 20.
A bill is before the senate fixing the time to which congress shall adjourn. The first of October is generally spoken of.
The senate have passed a bill authorizing the president to suspend in whole or in part the operation of the embargo, in the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities, between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe in his judgment.
The vice-president of the United States having on Friday retired from the chair of the senate, general Smith of Maryland was elected president pro tempore.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Georgia, dated March 14, 1808.
"The embargo has had its effect on the citizens of Mobile and Pensacola.—They are almost in a state of starvation. Corn is four dollars per bushel—bacon fifty cents per pound—hogs lard one dollar per quart—towels nine dollars per dozen. What they will do by summer, if the embargo continues, I cannot say."
"A ship loaded with coffee, carrying 50 men and 24 guns, under American colours, has been taken by the Spaniards, and her cargo is now selling at Pensacola."
NEW-YORK, April 18.
We learn by the ship Thames, from Batavia, that Admiral Pellew, with a squadron, consisting of two line of battle ships, three frigates, and two brigs; having on board twelve hundred troops, had anchored in the harbour of Gresse, and taken possession of that place without opposition. Two Dutch line of battle ships, and an East Indian, were scuttled, and left in possession of the enemy.
The Boston Palladium of Tuesday contains a return of votes for Governor from 350 towns of the state of Massachusetts. They give
Table with 2 columns: Name, Votes. For Mr. Sullivan 38,031; For Mr. Gore 36,792; Leaving a majority for Mr. S. 1,239.
PHILADELPHIA, April 19.
COMMERCIAL.
At Antigua, 11th ult. the prices were: Flour 15 dollars, plenty; tobacco 14, scarce; rice 7, plenty; fish 7 50, scarce; corn 2 50 do. lumber of all kinds scarce and high.
Capt Jackson arrived at Boston from St. Lucar and Cadiz, reports, that salted provisions were high, beef 24 dollars; pork 22; rice 9 50 to 10; fish 6 a 7; tobacco 50.
At Tobago, March 10, flour 15 dollars. At St. Barts, March 10, flour 14 dollars. At Havanna all kinds of lumber in great demand.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 25, 1808.
THE CARRIER of this paper being sick, it is probable that the person employed for the present, may omit some of our subscribers, if so, they are requested to call at the office for their papers.
We have this day commenced Mr. Monroe's defence of the treaty negotiated by him and Mr. Pinckney, and rejected by the President, and shall conclude it our next. It was with some reluctance that we divided this important document, but the arrangement of our paper for to day, did not permit an insertion of the whole.
The Report of Mr. Anderson from a committee of the Senate, to that body, will command the attention of every reflecting person. We shall take no notice of the gentle manner in which some of the outrages of the French government are passed over, nor yet of many that are not noticed—nor shall we make any remark upon the copious view which is taken of British aggressions, for in part as respects them the report is correct. Our whole attention to this document has been excited by more powerful considerations. This report has an "awful squinting" at a state of things to which this nation is hastening, by rapid, but with strides imperceptible to the great body of the nation. Compare this report with the answer of the President to the St. Tamany Society of New York, and it is impossible not to discover a determination to adopt a measure to which the embargo was but the harbinger. "An entire suspension of all foreign commerce" says the reporter "may after a reasonable time take place." We presume abolition and not suspension, was meant—The embargo will very soon produce a suspension of all foreign commerce, for it is evident that if we cease to export, we must cease to import. That this experiment will be made, we confess there is too much reason to apprehend, that it will fail in its object, and cover its authors with disgrace we have no doubt, and if the mischief stopped there we should feel no concern, but the peace, safety and union of these states will be hazarded by this rash experiment.
We are told in language that cannot be mistaken, that unless the belligerents change their conduct towards us, that the suspension or rather abolition of all foreign commerce, should take place of the embargo. It is no longer then in the wisdom and energy of our own councils that we are to look for safety, but to the acts of two governments who are engaged in a contest the object of which is of too much magnitude to both, to permit them to bestow a thought upon us or our measures. France contending for universal empire, and with but one obstacle opposed to her ambitious designs, can hardly be supposed to change her measures for any prohibitions we may please to impose upon our own commerce. Great Britain, struggling to maintain her existence as a nation, will not hazard that existence on account of any particular intercourse with us.
Will it not appear wonderful that persons, who have contended for commercial rights with a degree of pertinacity, that has some times approached injustice, suddenly determine to abandon all commerce? Will it not appear wonderful that those who lately rejected any accommodation with G. Britain, unless the rights of our seamen were effectually protected, should suddenly adopt a line of policy, that must force those seamen into the service of that of some other country, or leave them to starve? There is in all this a mystery which we cannot unravel; we have never indulged in suspicion, but when we can assign no just or reasonable cause for extraordinary and dangerous measures, suspicion is in some degree forced upon us.
The man who can look forward to a state of things which the abolition of all foreign commerce must produce, and not tremble for the fate of the country in general, and for certain portions of the people particularly, must possess a degree of apathy of which we can entertain no just conceptions. Better, far better, would it have been for the nation to have incurred a debt of one hundred millions or more, and to have expended them in military and naval preparations, than to pursue a policy, which leads to national bankruptcy, and to the destruction of all publick spirit, with individual sufferings, that cannot be thought of without horror.
The limits of an editorial paragraph are too confined to permit an examination into all the consequences of this desperate policy. The effects which a partial operation of this system has produced may convey some faint idea of what will be its effects when permanently established.
By the schooner Fletcher & Riley, in 8 days from New-York, we received papers to the 21st inst. they contain nothing new, and we could only extract from them the following articles.
Arrival of the Royal Family of Portugal in Brazil.
Capt. Lee, who arrived at Boston on Wednesday from the coast of Patagonia, touched at Parnam buco, where he learnt that the Portuguese fleet from Lisbon, with the royal family of the house of Braganza on board, had arrived at Rio Janeiro, about the middle of January, and were cordially received.
A gentleman from Havanna informs, that the British had licensed Spanish vessels to carry flour from La Vera Cruz to Havanna and the English islands; in consequence of this the price of flour at Havanna was on the decline.
From the Federal Gazette. We have been politely favoured with a file of the Orleans Gazette to the 23d ult. inclusive; the following is the only article worth extracting:
NEW-ORLEANS, March 17. A report has been in circulation since Tuesday, that the Spaniards are again advancing on our frontiers. Their force is stated at 500 regulars, joined by the provincial militia. Yesterday report had them on the east side of the Sabine. The governor has, we learn, received a letter from judge Carr, of Natchitoches, stating the reports prevailing at that place; but we cannot learn that there are any facts ascertained to create alarm.
By virtue of a Decree of the Worshipful Court of Princess Anne County, sitting as a Court of Chancery, for the County aforesaid, in the suit of JOHN READEY, Complainant, vs. WM. I. KEELING, and MARY his wife, and ELIZABETH HAYNES, Defendants.
WILL BE SOLD at Publick Sale, to the highest bidder, on THURSDAY the 28th day of April next, on the premises, in the Town of Kempville, in the county aforesaid.
The Lot or Lots of LAND, with the Houses and appurtenances belonging thereto, having been the former residence of Mr. Wm. White, deceased. This Property is eligibly situated, and the Dwelling-House is large, excellent and commodious, with good out houses, a fine garden and pasture. The terms of Sale will be Cash, to be paid on the ratification thereof by the Court. William Bishop, William Dale Woodhouse, Thomas Cornick, Arthur S. Woodhouse, Chas. S. Sawyer. March 23.
WE, THE SUBSCRIBERS, Trustees chosen by Benjamin Nottingham and John Eyre, to execute the trust reposed in us, by deed executed by said Nottingham and Eyre and the subscribers, shall set at Publick Sale, for ready money, at Northampton Court House, on the second Monday in May next, if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter, the said Nottingham's portion, to wit:
One undivided fifth part of 110 acres, more or less, of the LAND, lately held by said Nottingham's father. JAMES LYON, GEORGE PARKER. Trustees. Northampton, April 5, 1808.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has established
A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY. For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those who will be served who choose to promote an institution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.
New SHOES from New-York, as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s and 8s 3d for 7s. 6d.; those at 13s 6d except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.
VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt the most elegant made in the United States. Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very gentlemen who cannot be fitted. A few hundred Bushels of ground Alum Salt; India Cottons; Brown Sugar, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. April 27.
LOST, A GOLD SLEEVE BUTTON, marked H. Any person who may have found the same, shall be rewarded by leaving it at the Office of the Publick Ledger. April 25.
NORFOLK, April 26, 1808. MR. GEORGE RIDE, Sir—Take notice that I as all the deposition of Mathew Hurst, senior, at the office of Robert B. Taylor, attorney at law in Norfolk, between the hours of ten in the morning and four in the afternoon of Friday the 27th day of May next, to be used in a suit depending in the Borough Court of Norfolk, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendant. This notice is given in this mode, as you do not reside within the State of Virginia, and have to know agent or attorney within the State to whom notice can be given. I am, your obedient servant, TILDENLEY GRAHAM.
On Hand, A few qr. casks of choice Teneriffe WINE, And a few kegs fresh Dutch HERRINGS—For sale by the Subscriber. Moses Myers. April 25.
STOLEN from a House in this Borough, about the 15th or 16th instant,
TWO TABLE SPOONS, one marked T. M. G. the other T. A. G. in a cypher. Any person that will inform the Editor of this paper where the Spoons can be obtained, shall be well rewarded. N. B. Silversmiths and others are requested to stop them if offered for sale. April 25.
FOR CASH ONLY.
GERMAN LINENS, &c. 16 bales coarse Linen, 4 do. Ruffia Sheeting, 3 boxes German Rolls, 2 do. Roman Sheeting, 1 do. fine Flanders do. 3 do. Pluillas, 1 do. fine Dowas, 2 do. Table Cloth, 1 do. common Shirt Linen, 1 do. extra fine do. 1 do. Bed Tick 2 yards wide, 450 pieces Paper Hangings, 80 boxes Window Glass, 100 do. Short Pipes, 120 do. Spanish Segars, from 8 to 20 dolls. per box, 300 doz. empty Bottles, 200 wt. sealed bottling Wire, 800 do. Glue, 11,000 best Coffee bags, 4,500 cheap Gunny Bags, 5 boxes Tumblers, Decanters, &c.
Also, 6 elegant Terrestrial Globes, 3 pair large Looking Glasses, in gilt frames, of the first elegance, Elegant marble Statues, Urns and Vases, Liquor Casks, Oil Cloth, Wafer and Waffle Irons, Coffee Mills and Toasters, Velvet Ribbons, Fine Thread Stockings, Elegant Cutlery, An invoice of Watches, Watch Crystals and Beads, A large invoice of Lace, Jewellery and Dice, Elegant Chessmen, Flageolets and Clarinets, Violins, Bows, and Fifes, Flutes with four and six keys, do. patent lined, Ladies' Dressing Boxes, Toilet Looking Glasses, Shaving Cases, Elegant Writing Desks, Scarlet Plush for Saddles, Seme and Sewing Twines. For sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 4.

COW-POCK.
The Subscriber informs those who wish to be vaccinated, that a parcel of fresh matter lately received from Philadelphia, has succeeded, and is now fit to inoculate from.
George Balfour. April 20. 1m
A WET NURSE FOR SALE.
A Strong NEGRO WOMAN, with a good breast of Milk, and her Boy six weeks old—The Woman is used to washing, ironing, and house-work.
ALSO, A NEGRO WOMAN , an excellent Cook and House Servant. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 22. tf
STOLEN, A SILVER CANDLESTICK,
Stamped on the base J. Lownes. The negro woman who it suspected took it about a fortnight since, may have offered it for sale or pawn for rum, of which she is very fond—FIVE DOLLARS will be given to the person who may bring it to the Office of the Ledger. April 22. tf
CASH for Warwick STAVES.
Moses Myers. April 20. tf
THE STOCKHOLDERS
In the Marine Insurance Company, of Norfolk, are hereby notified that an Election will be held at the Office of the said Company, on the first day of the next month (May), according to law, for the choice of fifteen Directors, for one year, from the said first day of May. John Cowper, Sec'y. Office of the Marine Insurance Company, } the 11th of April, 1808. tdm
THE STOCKHOLDERS
In the Dismal Swamp Canal Company, are requested to meet at the Eagle Tavern, opposite the Market-House, on Monday, the 2d day of May next, at 12 o'Clock, to elect a President and Directors, and other business of importance to the said company. RICHARD BLOW, President. April 13. tdm
ENGLISH GOODS.
Appleton & Co.
By the John Adams, St. Johns, from Liverpool, No. 16, Calvert-Street, Baltimore, have received their regular supply of GOODS, calculated for the present and approaching season, Cambrick and Common Calicoes, Plain and striped Dimities; Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans; Furniture Chintz; do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths; do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres; patent Nankeens, Corduroys; Grandurells; Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambrick Muslins, Japan, Harlequin, and Check do. plain and figured Mull do. Leno, Victory, and Riddle Muslin; coloured do. do. do. 4-4 plain Book do.; Ginghams; Silk do. Satins, Persians, and Sarnets; Bonnet Silks; Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs; Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, do. Braces, do. Laces and Footings, do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves, Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks; Buttons; Birmingham Ware. In Store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted paper at 60 days. April 15. 10
Mackinder & White,
Have just received from on board the schooner Liberty, Capt Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ticklenburgs, superfine Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 15. tf
Thirty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the Subscriber on the 22d of last month, a bright mulatto, named CALEB, about 24 years of age, bow legged; he has a red mark upon his neck just below his right ear, (as well as I can recollect.) I will give the above reward to any person or persons that will secure the said negro so that I get him again, and if delivered to me all reasonable charges shall be paid. H. PITTS. Northampton, Eastern-Shore, Virg } April 11, 1808. 7*
Landing from the schooner Antelope, Capt. Putnam, 100 hhds. & 12 tierces MOLASSES, 24 bags Green Coffee. Also received from New-York, New Mess and Prime PORK, and Prime BEEF. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. April 13. tf
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18. tf
6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat. IN STORE, 35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 100 hogsheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 30 tierces London Brown Stout, 20 hogsheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, fit for use, 600 ready made Check Shirts; 20 hhds. Petersburg Tobacco, 50 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Hermitage For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. February 6. tf
NOTICE.
Lost, a CERTIFICATE, certifying my right to four Shares in the Virginia Bank Stock, in consequence of which I shall make application to the Bank for a new one. I request that any person who shall get possession of it, will return it to the subscriber. Edward Watson. April 14. Lawfw
Intending to leave the country for a few months, I have appointed Mr. William Dickson my attorney. Bartholomew Redmon. April 7. 1m
COCKE & SANFORD, Have received eighteen hogsheads and eighteen barrels Loaf and Lump SUGAR, which they offer for Sale on very moderate terms. On hand of their last importation, 2 bales flaxen OZNABURGS, 2000 wt. Seine Twine; 1 bale assorted Blue Cloths, 1 bale superfine Navy Blue Cloth, 2 boxes well assorted Irish Linens, Irish and Dutch Sheetings and Dowlas, 2 Trunks Cotton Hosiery; 1 case Dimities, 2 do. assorted Nankeens and Grandurells, 3 do. Calicoes; 2 do. Cotton Cambricks, 1 box French Cambricks and Handkerchiefs, 2 cases Mens' and 1 do. Childrens' fashionable Beaver Hats. Feb. 24. 2m
BOOTS. Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS, Just received and for Sale by Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market Square Feb. 8. tf
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. tf February 2
Cognac Brandy, Hollands Gin, Country do. in pipes, Rice in tierces and half tierces—For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. February 24. tf
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13. tf
For SALE, 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. Kitts RUM. MOSES MYERS. January 8. tf
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4. tf
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8. tf
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 28. tf
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5. tf
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
For RENT, The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Blanchard. April 7. tf
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street. March 30. tf
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Publick Lodger. Sept. 25. tf
For RENT, That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also, That convenient House, where Mr. Cornelius Calvert formerly lived; they have very fine gardens and all convenient out-houses—possession may be had on the first day of May next, on application to James Tucker. April 13. tf
Intending shortly to leave this town, the Subscriber informs the publick, that from this day he will sell at the first cost, All his STOCK, Consisting of DRY GOODS, and every kind of ready made CLOTHES. B. Danfossy. No. 24, Market-Square. 3*
For SALE, On board the ship Damascotta, Robert Duckendorff, master, at Commerce-Street Wharf, Coarse Liverpool SALT, St. Vincent's RUM and MOLASSES. Moses Myers. April 15. tf
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7. tf
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation.—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 Coffee; 25 hhds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hhds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New-York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackarel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26. tf
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. tf Hampton, February 17.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Mattress Tickling, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. tf February 26.
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary from New-York, 17 hhds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hhds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-street to William Hull, Jun. October 16. tf
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf
The following prices will be given in Cash for 500 or 600 cords of BARK, deliverable at my Tan Yard, Spanish Oak, $ 6 per cord, Willow or Water do. 5 Red do. 4 Young White do. 3 50 Beach Bark, - - 3 50 With a view to prevent disappointment to those who procure this article, arising from the uncertainty of the quantity which may be brought to market, I will receive all which may be delivered at my landing before the first day of June, provided it be well cured and in good order. Theoderick Armistead. 2m April 4.
New SHOES from New-York. SAMUEL COLEMAN, Offers for Sale such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 13s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction. April 1. tf
VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt the most elegant made in the United States. Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very gentlemen who cannot be fitted. BUTTER at 17 cents in nice order; a few tons of Iron; a few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cottons; Brown Sugar, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. April 1. tf
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castile Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hhds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12. tf
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Navy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambrick Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woolens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assortment of WOOLLEN GOODS. Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c. On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; Ladies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for CASH, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11. tf
The Subscriber grateful for past favours, takes the liberty of informing the publick, that in addition to his BEER and PORTER-HOUSE, he has rented the upper apartment of that commodious house situated at the corner of Wide Water and Commerce-Streets, formerly occupied by Mrs. Bryan, which he has opened as a Tavern, by the name of the GLOBE TAVERN, and will keep a constant supply of the best of Liquors; and for the accommodation of customers, he will keep a constant supply of prime New-York Ale, Philadelphia Beer and Porter. Solicitous for a share of publick patronage, he assures those who may favour him with their custom, that every attention will be paid to give satisfaction. Gentlemen Boarders can be accommodated by the week, month, or year, upon moderate terms. Good Stabling and forage for a few horses. WILLIAM TONKIN. April 7. 1m
Two TENEMENTS situated on Town-Point, will be rented cheap, together or separate. For terms apply as above. April 7. 1m
5000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Machine. March 2. tf
NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceased, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admr'x. December 9. tf
Phœnix Fire Office.
The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals herewith subjoined. N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8. 157
AT PRIVATE SALE, BY S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2. tf
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, fuitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credit only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hhds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffels; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirtings, 34 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburghs; 3 do. Heffians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24. tf
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hhds. and 6 bbls Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackarel, 15 cases Sailed Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31. tf
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones.—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never failing stream; although she works at present only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abundant supply for ten pair.—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's-Mills) about two miles farther, now in complete order, running one pair of stones and two faws.—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber floor, is equal if not superior to any in that part of the country.—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently believes, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia.—Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any number of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5. tf
The Subscriber offers for Sale, 73 puncheons well flavoured RUM, A few pipes Old Bordeaux Brandy, and 22 hogsheads choice retailing Molasses. Phinehas Dana. March 2. tf
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR. Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.