Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-03-11 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  PRINTED BY J. BARNARD, ST. ANDREW'S HILL, NORFOLK.
[VOL. IV.]
FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 11, 1808.
NO. 102.]
NOTICE.
We the Subscribers forewarn all persons from crediting any of the crews of the Bremen Ship Patriot Groning and Bremen, without an order in writing from us.
Matthias Probst, Master of the Bremen Ship Patriot Groning. John Conrad Dorman, Master of the Bremen Ship Bremen.
March 9.
FOR SALE,
10 hhds. and 185 barrels Martinico GREEN COFFEE, of very superior quality.
JAMES YOUNG.
March 7.
THE SUBSCRIBERS
Offer for Sale at their Store on Campbell's wharf, the following Articles, low for cash or approved Notes at 60 and 90 days,
 10 hhds. choice old Antigua RUM,  20 do. 3d proof Rum; 4 pipes old Port Wine,  2 pipes old Cognac Brandy; 2 do. choice Hollands Gin,  4 do. New-York Anchor Gin; 5 qr casks Sherry Wine,  10 barrels Apple Brandy; 10 hh's second quality Sugar,  3 hogsheads Leaf Sugar; 10 barrels Pennington's do.  10,000 lbs. prime Green Coffee,  20 hhds. choice retailing Molasses; 4 ton assorted Bar Iron, Bar Iron, 30 kegs F and FF Gun Powder; 2 ton Shot assorted,  100 boxes choice mould Candles,  30 do. Philadelphia made Soap; 10 do. English Mustard,  25 do. choice Figs; 4 do. half pint Tumblers,  20 barrels Whiskey; Alexandria and Richmond fine and superfine Flour—and a general assortment of  Ship Chandlery, Cordage, &c. Bowden & Milhado.
March 4.
All those having claims against the Estate of JAMES VOGEL, deceased, are requested to render their accounts properly attested; and those indebted are desired to make immediate payment.
Francis Teterel, Adm'r.
Williamsburg, March 4.
For SALE,
A Tract of LAND lying on Pagan Creek, in the County of Isle of Wight, two miles above Smithfield by water, the whole about 1000 acres—it is so situated that it may conveniently be sold in different parcels; about 450 acres of it is bounded for near two miles by Pagan Creek, with a valuable marsh, and three convenient landings accessible to any vessel that can go to Smithfield; this piece lying between Pagan Creek and a large branch thereof, may be included to itself by a fence of about half a mile; separated from this tract by the branch above mentioned is about 100 acres, part of which is well timbered, with a good landing for vessels. It is unnecessary to describe all the advantages and conveniences of this Land, as it is presumed no person will purchase without viewing it. It may be seen by applying to Mr. George Braswell, living on the premises, and the terms made known by Thomas Pierce, Esq. of Smithfield.
Another Tract containing 711 acres, in Isle of Wight County; this Land lays very level and the soil well adapted to corn; but as it is entirely Wood Land, and within 10 or 12 miles of market, the advantages must be obvious—the Land may be seen by applying to Mr. John Eley, adjoining it, and the terms made known by application to the subscriber at South Quay.
Also, a Tract containing 537 acres within two miles of South Quay, in Nansemond County; this Tract is good Corn Land, and well adapted for raising stock; with it may be had one half of a Saw and Grist Mill now in operation, about a mile from it, which will render the timber valuable, as there is a ready market for all that can be sawed. For terms, &c. apply to the Subscriber—For the greater part of the above property young Negroes will be taken at a generous price.
John Dorlon.
South Quay, February 24, 1808.
For SALE,
75 tierces prime green Jam. Coffee, And a few puncheons 5 and 6 years old Antigua Rum; Loaf and Brown Sugar in hogsheads and barrels: a few sets Table China; fine and superfine Flour, &c.
Harrison Allmand.
January 4
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of
Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs,
At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for each variety, viz.—
  8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2d lb.   6d. Nails, 9 1-2d   4d. do. 2d. 9d. m. or 11d   3d. do. 2d. 9d. or 12d   Sheathing, do. 7 1-2d   6d. Sprigs, 4s 6d per M.   6d. do. 2s 9d   2d. and 3d. do. 2s 3d 
He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
Thomas H. Parker,
Offers for Sale,
His Great-bridge MILL,
newly fitted up to run two pair of stones.—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never failing stream; although she works at present only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abundant supply for ten pair.—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's Mills) about two miles farther, now in complete order, running one pair of stones and two faws—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive framps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not superior to any in that part of the country—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently believes, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia.—Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any number of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter.
October 5.
From a London Paper—Jan. 3.
THE POINTS AT ISSUE BETWEEN BRITAIN AND FRANCE.
Instead of taking a retrospect of past transactions, as is customary at this season of the year, we conceive it more important to direct the attention of our readers to the future. It is evident from the late flag of truce, that adventures of peace have been made to us, in some shape or other. Great difference of opinion exists in regard to the expediency of peace at present, and on this important point we shall for the present leave every one to judge for himself, contenting ourselves with endeavouring to aid the judgment of our readers, by bringing into as distinct a compass as possible the points at issue between us and the enemy.
The report which went abroad some weeks ago, on the first arrival of the Austrian Messenger, was, that Buonaparte had offered to treat on the basis of the uti possidetis with the exception only of Sicily. But as this was mere report, we shall do well to go back to the recorded offer made during lord Lauderdale's negotiation. On referring to his lordship's letters, we find that on the 26th of September, he wrote as follows:—
"On the 25th at one o'clock, M. de. Champagny called on me, as had been previously agreed, for the purpose of renewing the conferences. After the usual interchange of civilities, he proceeded to say, that, to secure peace, the emperor had determined to make great sacrifices.
"1st. That Hanover with its dependencies should be restored to his majesty.
"2d. That the possession of Malta should be confirmed to Great Britain.
"3d. That France would interfere with Holland to confirm to his majesty the absolute possession of the Cape of Good Hope.
"4th. That the emperor would confirm to his majesty the possession of Pondicherry, Chandernagore, Mahee, and the other dependent compagnies .
"5th. That as Tobago was originally settled by the English, it was meant also to give that island to the crown of Great Britain.
"To all this he added, that what he had now said proceeded on the supposition that Sicily was to be ceded, and that the French government proposed that his Sicilian majesty should have, as indemnity, not only the Balearic islands, but should also receive an annuity from the court of Spain, to enable him to support his dignity."
His lordship having had a second conference on the same day with M. Champagny, wrote again as follows:—
"A long discussion ensued, which ended on his informing me, that on the subject of concession to Russia, he was authorised to communicate to me, that the government of France was willing, in addition to the treaty made by M. D'Oubril, to cede to that power the full sovereignty of the island of Corfu; but that he had no authority to go any farther."
These offers will be best understood by considering them in two distinct points of view. We had never demanded to retain Pondicherry or Tobago, and still less to procure the Balearic islands for our ally the king of Sicily. But Buonaparte, being ambitious to have Sicily, offered these possessions to us and our ally as an equivalent for it. We are, therefore, to understand that we might have made peace on either of the following arrangements:—
1. In keeping Sicily for our ally, we should have retained Malta and the Cape, and got back Hanover, restoring our other conquests, namely, Pondicherry and the West India colonies.
2. On condition of ceding Sicily, we were offered the retention of Malta, the Cape, Pondicherry, and Tobago, along with the restitution of Hanover, and the acquisition of the Balearic islands for our ally. Corfu also to be confirmed to Russia.
Such were the terms on which the late ministry were offered peace. They wanted, however, something more—they wanted that France should cede to Russia a barrier for the Turkish empire, on the side of Dalmatia.—This Buonaparte refused; the war with Prussia broke out; and lord Lauderdale insisted on his passports.
If we reflect on the changes in the state of Europe since these offers were made to us, we shall find, that with the exception of Corfu, there is little cause for alteration. France, indeed, conquered Prussia, but Prussia has paid—and dearly paid—the price of Peace. The conduct of Russia has put the idea of a Turkish barrier on the side of Dalmatia out of the question; and France has acquired no means of recovering a single conquest of our's. Even Sicily, although so near the continent, seems just as safe under the solitary protection of Britain, as when the half of Europe was in arms against France. Those persons, therefore, who allege that Buena-
parte is likely to rise in his demands upon us, in consequence of his continental successes, do not accurately consider, that the nature and effect of these successes have scarcely any reference to maritime affairs. —The only countries held by the French with which we are concerned, are Pomerania and Portugal. Now the retention of Pomerania is not a great object to France, because it is remote from her own territory, and from the territory of her allies—it lies at the back of Prussia. Besides, Russia will urge its restoration to Sweden; so that it is likely that a small sacrifice on our part will get back Pomerania to our ally. The case of Portugal is brief—while France refuses to restore that country, let us refuse to restore the Danish navy.
Such is the state of the case with regard to territorial possessions. But, many amongst us, who would not object to peace on these terms as far as respects territory, consider it impracticable on account of other disputed matters, namely, the right of search; an apprehended difficulty in our future intercourse on the continent; and the danger of an increase of the French marines in peace. Let us examine these points in succession.
1st. The right of search. This is a question not between Great Britain and France, but between Britain and the neutrals. France has made, and always will make, during war, a great clamour in behalf of the neutrals; but she will never presume to ask us to insert any stipulation in their favour in a treaty of peace. A peace between France and Britain puts, at once, an end to the question. By that single act neutrals disappear, and their rights cease to be heard of. But, some persons will say, "Let us settle the question in our own favor, by a specific acknowledgment of the rights of belligerents." Well, and what shall we gain by that? Nothing; for the point will always continue in dispute, and whoever happens to be strongest will carry it. If, in future wars, we are the undisputed sovereigns of the sea, the neutrals must succumb; whereas, if we deem our enemies formidable, we shall avoid intermeddling with the neutral trade. Treaties and conventions are of no avail.
2. As to an apprehended difficulty in our future intercourse with the Continent. This apprehension has, probably, no existence except in the minds of those who, having a personal interest in the war, endeavour to persuade others that there is great danger in peace. Buonaparte, in his wildest flights, has never presumed to threaten us with shackling our intercourse with the Continent in peace. But, if government entertain the most distant suspicion of any such idea, let them ask explicitly on what principles the commercial intercourse between France and Britain is to be regulated during peace? The answer will be decisive, one way or other.—Either the apprehension will be removed, or, should it prove to be real, we immediately drop all idea of peace, and prepare for war with double ardour.
3d. The third and last point which we shall at present discuss, is the dread lest the French should make a formidable increase of their marine in peace. If this be a cause of continuing war, it is likely to be so for ever; for, nothing that we can do to France is likely to deprive her of the power of building ships of war. She has done so every peace, and her fate has been steadily the same—she has built them, to be taken or destroyed by us. True, some persons may say, but she has now so extensive a coast. Yes, but is that coast fitted for training seamen? Of all her late conquests, only Holland and the short line of coast bordering on Westphalia are adapted for this purpose. Her other acquisitions are in the Mediterranean, a sea as little calculated to educate seamen to face the hardy British navigator, as the Thames is to prepare a waterman to face the ocean.
From the frontiers of Turkey, Dec. 3.
If we may credit the reports from Servia, which, however as experience has taught us, are neither certain nor accurate, that country will soon receive a fixed constitution. It is announced from Belgrade, that the Councillor of State Rodofnikin received on the 16th & 20th of last month, two couriers, with important dispatches from the headquarters at Bucharest. It is even asserted, that one of these couriers has brought the new constitution of Servia. In pursuance of this constitution, the assembly, hitherto known by the name of the "Synod of Servians," is to assume the title of Senate, and be transferred from Semendria to Belgrade.
On occasion of the turn which affairs are taking in Servia, and the consequence which the Servian general Czerni Georges will probably retain, the public papers mention the cause which first induced that brave man to put himself at the head of his discontented countrymen. At the time when the mutinous Janissaries of Belgrade, by their acts of rapine and murder, filled the whole district
with despair, one of their troops entered the village Kamenika, in order to assassinate one of its richest inhabitants. This was George Petrovitz, surnamed Czerni, or the Black. This since so celebrated Servian, seeing his house environed, rushed out, armed with a firelock, a sabre, and two pistols. With the first shot, he levelled two of the Janissaries to the ground, with his sabre he dispatched several others, and succeeded in fighting his way to a neighbouring forest. Here he was met by another fugitive Stanoeh Stavach, famous for his extraordinary valour. Two or three hundred of the Christian inhabitants, who were roving the woods and forests, without any dwelling, collected around these 2 chieftains. A corps of 400 men, sent to disperse them, were defeated and driven away by Czerni Georges, with only 80 men. This first good fortune was the signal of an universal insurrection. The Servians made themselves masters of some pashas , or intrenched places. The Turkish generals who remained faithful to the Porte, secretly aided the Servians, furnishing them with artillery against the common enemy Paswan Oglu. Such was the origin of the Servian insurrection, which has arisen to so alarming a height in so short a time. Czerni Georges is represented to be a very honest and brave man, yet void of military talents; it is said, that he cannot even write. Military matters are conducted principally by Radko Petrovitz, late a captain in the Austrian service. Among the superior officers is Jacob Stephapovitz, who surpasses almost all the rest in political knowledge, humanity and science.
Reports are spread that fresh disturbances have taken place at Constantinople. Nothing is yet known with certainty as to the nature or issue of these tumults.
December 4.  The new constitution of Servia seems in fact to be already established, and is in part made known. The Servian congress assembles daily, in order to consult upon the measures and provisions which the execution of the new constitution may require. General Czerni Georges attends these sittings, and has a vote in them. The best understanding and reciprocal esteem is kept up between the General and the Russian minister M. de Rodofnikin. The part which Russia is taking in the concerns of Servia, does not, however appear to be hostile to the faithful execution of the armistice with the Turks. It is even asserted, that the congress sent, on the 21st of November, a courier to the army of Bosnia, with orders to retreat instantly within their own frontier, and raze all the batteries and ramparts which had been thrown up; for though the Turks broke the armistice, it was designed only to punish their breach of faith by an incursion, but on no account by any serious military operations to act contrary to the armistice of Rudschock. Five days afterwards, on the 26th, the commandant of Belgrade, Maladen Milianovich, was sent by the commander in chief to Drina, to assume again the command, in person, of the light corps returning from Bosnia. He succeeded in the command of Belgrade by Melan Obrenovich. The ad interim commander of the Servian army in Bulgaria, Melenko Stoick, is also arrived in Belgrade, and has been received with publick honours.
As to the articles of the constitution of Servia, it is understood, that in Belgrade and the other town, supreme tribunals are to be erected under the presidency of the Civic magistrate or mayor. In the villages there are to be justices of the peace. All these posts are to be filled by those only who have served in the field as officers or subalterns, and who can read and write. Measures are to be taken for promoting the civilization of the country, and the introduction of the arts and sciences. All who partake of the government are to direct their attention to the establishment of schools, and other institutions for education. Throughout all Servia, the military conscription is to be introduced; every one is to be a soldier, but they only who are in actual service are to carry arms. The sale of houses and lands is to be made by formal instruments; but foreigners cannot possess them. The territory of Servia is to be divided into 12 or 13 districts.
Phoenix Fire Office.
The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals herewith submitted.
N B FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured on one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agents, as an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured.
Richard Taylor.
September 8.
137

At a Husting's Court held the 23d day of February, 1803, the Court rates Flour for the Bakers at eighteen shillings per hundred weight.
A Copy. Teste,
WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS.
No. IV.
ADDRESSED TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
The news of the defeat and capture of General Burgoyne was received in Europe in the month of November, in the year 1777. Previous to that time, Congress had instructed their ministers to propose to France a treaty of amity and commerce, and to solicit an alliance offensive and defensive with that nation. But France, (as we have seen) had determined not to depart from her neutrality, nor to give us any direct succours; unless in the last resort, and in order to prevent our reconciliation with England, which above all things was to be guarded against. France had therefore declined every overture and advance made for the above purposes on our part, in hopes that the colonies might be finally subjugated by Britain with the ruin of all their resources, or at least under such circumstances, as might compel England to employ part of her forces to prevent them from revolting anew.
The event at Saratoga convinced Britain of the difficulty, if not of the impracticability, of her undertaking: and this conviction immediately disposed her to that reconciliation, which had been before sought by us, and by her too haughtily rejected. France, apprised of the change of disposition, which had taken place on the part of Britain, and anxious, lest the propositions which might be produced by that change, should be accepted by America, was then induced to listen to the overtures of the American ministers, which she had before repeatedly declined. A treaty of amity and commerce, and an alliance eventual and defensive, (and not offensive and defensive, as had been solicited) were therefore concluded in all haste on the 6th of February, 1778, and transmitted to America. The apprehensions entertained by France seem to have been without sufficient ground; since the propositions of Britain had in fact been made known to Congress, and were rejected on the 22d day of April, 1778, whilst not the least intimation of the change of disposition on the part of France, or of the treaties entered into with our commissioners in consequence of that change, had been received by that body. This measure, being proved by the event to have been unnecessary to prevent the apprehended reconciliation, was doubtless regretted by France, as being a departure from the course, which she had prescribed to herself; but being taken, it could not be retracted.
This transaction brought on France the hostilities of Britain; but as these hostilities were accompanied with the certain prospect of terminating in a division of the British empire, and in an essential diminution of its strength, the stipulations of the treaties were fulfilled with apparent alacrity and good humour—nay! with a show of uncommon generosity, so far as was exposed to publick view. This show however was but a show; for all behind the curtain presented to the eye of the discerning politician nothing, but what was insidious and hollow.
"They mutually engage not to lay down their arms, until the independence of the United States shall have been formally or tacitly assured."
Such were the terms of the treaty of alliance, eventual and defensive, in case France should be forced into the war. The independence of the United States was the ostensible object, to which all the professions and measures of France were to be apparently directed; whilst (if we may give any credit to the memoir of Mons. Turgot, or the letter of General Du Portail) her secret and real views had been not less mischievous nor less hostile to America than to Britain, from the first. When betrayed by her miscalculations into the war, France, we admit, conceived the design indeed of effectually separating America from Great Britain; but she at the same time, we are equally persuaded, conceived the further design of rendering our country completely dependent on herself. The more we examine her conduct in every part, the stronger will be our conviction, that to this end, and to this only, all her views at every subsequent period were uniformly and secretly directed.
In the terms before quoted from the 8th article of the treaty, the American people saw, at the time of its promulgation, nothing, but what they supposed to be an honourable stipulation for the assurance and recognition of our independence in a manner the most satisfactory, which events might justify. We had never conceived, because our independence might be tacitly assured under certain circumstances less favourable, that a stipulation, in the terms before recited, was to preclude us from expecting a formal and explicit assurance, when attainable, under circumstances more favourable. Yet that such was the design, on the part of France, in introducing those terms into the treaty, it is impossible to doubt, when we consider to what uses her diplomatic skill afterwards attempted to apply these terms.
In the year 1779, a project it was supposed, was presented of attempting a negotiation for peace under the mediation of Spain, with a probability of success. Instructions were of course to be prepared and given to our ministers for that purpose. Apprehensions, it should seem, were entertained by France, lest those instructions, if formed without her superintendence, might in some respect lack a conformity to her views. These apprehensions produced an interference on the part of Mons. Gerard, the first publick minister sent by France to the United States. This gentleman had been the sole commissioner on the part of France, who had adjusted the terms of the treaties with Dr. Franklin and his colleagues: his knowledge of the import attached to those terms on the part of France cannot therefore be doubted. In the month of July, 1779, he presented a memorial to congress upon this subject; wherein after taking a view of the situation of affairs in Europe, the prospect of obtaining peace through the mediation of Spain, and the necessity of having agents duly authorised to act on the occasion, he is pleased to say he had stated these things to congress—"That they may, if they think proper, take under consideration, if it would not be expedient to give their plenipotentiary" (Dr. Franklin then at the court of France) "instructions and full powers, founded upon the necessity of circumstances and the treaty of alliance, the express and formal terms of which shall be, that peace shall not be made without an express, or tacit acknowledgment of the sovereignty, and consequently a fortiori, of the rights inherent in sovereignty, as well as of the independence of the United States in matter of government and commerce.—France foresaw (says Mons. Gerard) the extreme difficulties, a formal and explicit acknowledgment might meet with. It was only obtained by Holland tacitly after a war of thirty years, and explicitly after a resistance of seventy. To this day (continued he) Geneva and the Swiss Cantons have obtained no renunciation nor acknowledgment either tacit or formal, from their former sovereigns; but they enjoy their sovereignty and independence, only under the guaranty of France. His court (he observed) thought it important, that difficulties of this nature, which reside only in words, should not delay or prevent America from enjoying the thing itself. From these considerations arose the very important and explicit stipulations in the treaty, which he had just now related, and which had received the sanction of the United States. And it remains (concluded he) with the prudence of congress to examine, whether instructions upon some particular points, may not frustrate the very salutary purpose of the treaty of alliance relative to a tacit acknowledgment, which the situation of affairs may require."
Upon a review of this singular document, perplexed as is its diction in some passages, we have little of difficulty in ascertaining its true meaning. To accustom us by degrees to the interference and direction of France in the management of our political concerns—to prepare us for a more full exposition of what was meant by the tacit assurance of our independence—and to discourage us from expecting any thing beyond the guaranty of France, are designs palpable upon the face of the memorial.—Hence the reference to the difficulties, which Holland had experienced in obtaining a formal and explicit acknowledgment of her independence.—Hence the reference to the ground, upon which Geneva and the Swiss Cantons had been content to rest their independence. And hence a refusal to acknowledge our independence (which congress had declared to be an essential preliminary) was to be considered as a difficulty residing in words only. The guaranty of France was to give us the enjoyment of the thing itself, whilst a pertinacious adherence to the preliminary declared by congress to be essential, might frustrate the very salutary purpose of the treaty of alliance, relative to a tacit acknowledgment.
If such guaranty essentially gives to the guaranteeing nation an authoritative interference in the political concerns of the nation, which is content to have its independence resting on such basis, and if the fate of Geneva and Switzerland be examples of what may be ordinarily expected from a reliance on such guarantees, let the people of the United States consider, with serious attention, this insidious artifice to draw their country into a situation, leading to inevitable destruction.
In perfect conformity with these views, thus exhibited in America, was the conduct of France upon every other theatre. Presuming that we were indeed an independent nation (since though not formally and explicitly acknowledged, we had been negotiated with as such, by the most powerful nation of Europe) we attempted to obtain a recognition of our independence from, and to form stipulations for a beneficial commercial intercourse with the other nations of Europe. For these purposes Mr. Dana was sent to Russia, Mr. Jay to Spain, and Mr. Adams to Holland: these ministers, to their astonishment found themselves opposed and counteracted in the pursuit of these objects, in each of those countries respectively, by the ministers of that very nation, which had stipulated that our independence should be formally or tacitly assured.
The important cause of the schooner Sarah, and cargo, of this port, depending upon an appeal from the circuit court of South Carolina, being a suit brought by the original owners of the property, has
been decided in the Supreme Court of the United States in favour of the original owners. The property was brought to the United States, having been captured by a French privateer, carried into Cuba, from whence it was shipped to Charleston without having been condemned by any court of admiralty, or any process having been whatever instituted against it. We hope to have it in our power shortly, to lay this important decision before our readers.
A NONSEMOND TARBURNER'S Letter to the Hon. Thomas Newton is received, and shall be noticed in our next.
The National Intelligencer says—
"We state, upon very respectable authority, that a conversation, reported in some of the publick prints, as having passed between Mr. Madison and Mr. Rose, respecting the President's proclamation, did not take place."
This alludes to what we republished in our last from the New York Evening Post, under the head of "State of our affairs with Great Britain." When the publick are informed what conversation did take place on this subject, a judgment may be formed how far the substance of what is stated in the Evening Post is contradicted by the cautious article of the Intelligencer, which in its present shape may apply either to the whole or a part of the conversation.
The Evening Post has pursued the subject in a subsequent paper, with the following article, which deserves a serious consideration, as containing some facts not yet disclosed to the publick:
"State of our Affairs with Great Britain."
"The article which appeared in our Wednesday's paper under this title, has excited no small share of publick attention: But its import seems to have been more unexpected, and its authenticity more questioned, than with the opinions, not lightly adopted, which we entertain of the executive, we could have anticipated. The important and interesting intelligence contained in that article however, we still continue to be firmly persuaded is essentially correct, and deserving the highest credit, notwithstanding certain accounts from Washington do not precisely agree with the statement we made—Why indeed should we doubt it?"
If Mr. Jefferson should not permit Mr. Monroe to accept any reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake, which could be proffered in London, without he received at the same time satisfaction respecting other and distinct complaints, will be, in a negotiation at Washington separate matters which in the negotiation at London, he insisted on keeping together? Will he be likely to do this, when the mighty and decisive occurrences which distinguish the present from all former times, increase the dangers, and diminish the resources of England?
The proclamation recites, That whereas the impartial use of our harbours had been afforded to all the belligerents, and this too amidst a constant recurrence of acts of insubordination to the laws, of violence to the persons, and of trespasses on the property of our citizens, committed by one of the belligerent parties, &c: And after stating the outrage on the Chesapeake, with various observations to shew that it had become expedient to shut our ports against the English ships of war, it concludes in this manner, "In this light the subject cannot but present itself to that (the British) government, and strengthen the motives to an honourable reparation of the wrong which has been done, and to that effectual control of its naval commanders which alone can justify the government of the United States in the exercise of those hospitalities it is now constrained to discontinue." (or in other words) to open the ports it is now constrained to shut.
As this clause discloses to us that state of things, which only, according to the determination of the government, will justify them in rescinding the proclamation, it becomes highly interesting to search for and ascertain its precise import.
What then are the injuries which the proclamation charges upon Great Britain?
1. Disobedience to our laws.
2. Violence to our citizens.
3. Trespasses on their property. And
4. The attack upon the Chesapeake by the commander of the British ships hovering upon our coasts.
The precise cases meant to be included in the first of these complaints, are readily comprehended. The 2d refers to the impressment of our seamen. The 3d to the capture of our vessels, and the 4th explicitly relates to the affair of the Chesapeake.
These then are the reasons assigned for shutting our ports; and the proclamation declares that the government of the U. States cannot be justified in opening them, until it shall have received an honourable reparation of the wrong that had been done and obtained an effectual control over the British naval officers. In other words; The ports must remain shut until satisfactory reparation be made for the attack on the Chesapeake—until G. Britain relinquishes the practice of impressing British seamen employed in our merchant service—and until she agrees in no case, to capture our vessels. In such be not the meaning of this artful and insidious proclamation, we confess ourselves at a loss to give it any rational interpretation. That such is the real import, may be safely concluded, not only from the just rules of construction, but also from the course and termination of Mr. Monroe's negotiation at London. He was especially instructed to couple the affair of the Chesapeake with the other complaints and refused therefore, to accept any reparation that could be offered for that affair, and at length broke off the negotiation because the English government would not consent to blend that complaint with the others. Let us then ask:
Do the foregoing observations, which bring before the publick the unprecedented, the mysterious, the extremely suspicious tenor of the instructions to our ministers at London, or do they not remove all question respecting the correctness of the information which we communicated in our paper of Wednesday?—Finally, can any impartial man who has carefully considered the past, and who seriously reflects upon the present course pursued by the administration, any longer hesitate in his opinion as
to its views, or doubt of the crisis of our affairs, and of the approaching fate of our country?"
We must confess, that we have not seen any thing which has been published on this subject which has made a deeper impression on our mind, than the preceding article, it corresponds in substance with some circumstances, which we have understood from a source, that we have the best reasons to rely on.
The people of the United States, are not permitted to know the true state of their relations with England, and (in our judgment) for obvious reasons.—Unless satisfaction for the affair of the Chesapeake, and a relinquishment of the principle upon which that outrage was perpetrated, are obtained, the people would go with the government and meet a war with all its consequences. But they are not willing to go to war in order to protect British deserters, or French property under the American flag. The affair of the Chesapeake has furnished the cabinet at Washington, with an opportunity of indulging a hope of succeeding in a project which they have long had in view. We do not charge the administration with being under the influence of France, with dishonourable views; but we do apprehend that there is in the cabinet, a rancorous prejudice against Britain, and a blind partiality towards France, both the effect of feeling, and not of corrupt interest. To this nation however it can make very little or no difference, whether from the influence of feeling or wicked motives, we are precipitated into a war with the one nation, and a consequent connexion with the other—the effects will be precisely the same.
To return—We believe that the British government did on the first intelligence of the affair of the Chesapeake, disavow the act in the strongest terms, and we further believe that the formal disavowal was communicated to the government before the meeting of congress, or very soon after.—We further believe and indeed we are almost certain that in every point, both in fact and in principle, as connected with the affair of the Chesapeake, the British government has acceded to the terms, proposed by our government, but that the cabinet of Washington insists upon connecting with that affair, subjects which had formed points of negotiation previous to the occurrence.
[By giving insertion the following document, we would not be supposed as approving all that is contained in it. We have never entertained the most distant suspicion of the integrity and patriotism of Mr. Madison, we believe him to be incapable of "recommending a shameful bargain, or a dishonourable compact with fraud and corruption."
We do think that the share which Mr. Madison had in that celebrated work, "the Federalist" entitles him to the gratitude of his country, as indeed does his whole conduct in the establishment of that wholesome Constitution, which the rash empirics of the present day are destroying, by the debilitated nostrums of quackery.
But so far as this protest has for its objects the condemnation of that abominable system of caucusing—so far as it would recommend for a President a citizen more distinguished for energy than Mr. Madison, and so far as it points to James Monroe, it has our entire approbation.]
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Fellow Citizens,
In the course of the events which have marked the conduct and characters of those, to whom you have, at different periods, intrusted by your suffrages, the power making laws for your government, few measures have occurred, since the adoption of the present constitution, more extraordinary, than the meeting lately held for the purpose of nominating a president and vice president of the United States.
Our alarm is equally excited, whether we advert to the mode in which the meeting was summoned, or to the proceeding after it was convened. The senator who assumed the power of calling together the members of congress, did it under the pretext of that power being vested in him, by a former convention; this pretext, whether it be true or not, implies an assertion of a right in the congress of 1804, to direct their successors in the mode of choosing the chief magistrate; an assertion which no man has ever before had the hardihood to advance. The notices were private; not generally to all the members in the two houses; nor confined to the republican party; a delegate from one of the territories was invited and attended, a man who in elections has no suffrage, and in legislation no vote. The persons, who met in pursuance of this unprecedented summons, proceeded without discussion or debate, to determine by ballot the candidates for the highest offices in the union. The characters of different men and their pretensions to the publick favour, were not suffered to be canvassed, and all responsibility was avoided by the mode of selection. The determination of this conclave has been published as the act of the republican party; and with as much exultation as the result of a solemn election by the nation. Attempts are making to impress upon the publick mind, that these proceedings ought to be binding upon all the republicans, and those who refused to attend, or disapproved of the meeting, are denounced as enemies of liberty, and as apostates from the cause of the people. In this state of things, we think it our duty to address you, and we deem ourselves called upon to enter our most solemn protest against these proceedings.
It is true, that at former periods, when the election of a president and vice president approached, it was customary to hold meetings of the members of congress, for the purpose of recommending candidates to the publick. But these meetings, if not justified, were palliated by the necessity of the union. The federalists presented a formidable phalanx; and either to succeed at all, or to prevent

them from placing the candidate of the vice presidency in the presidential chair, it was necessary to exert the combined efforts of the whole republican party. But it is equally true that in those instances, the nominations for the presidency were mere matters of course. In the first and second elections under the constitution, the eyes of all were turned upon gen. Washington, and since the expiration of the two periods, during which he filled the executive office, there has not until now been any difference of opinion among the republicans, as to the candidate for the first magistracy. The real object of all former meetings, was to produce such a co-operation as would secure the election of a republican vice president.
The circumstances, which might be urged in extenuation of such a measure heretofore, do not now exist. The federalists are comparatively few in number, and form but a feeble party; they cannot give to any one candidate, more than sixteen or seventeen votes out of one hundred and seventy-six; no federalist can therefore be elected by the electors; and should no person have a majority of all the electoral votes, the choice of the president will devolve on the members of the present house of representatives, in which the federalists have the votes of only two states, Connecticut and Delaware. The alteration of the constitution prevents the danger of any intrigue, by which the intended vice president might be elected president. No good reason can therefore now be assigned, why an union of the republicans in favour of any particular person, should be attempted by a measure in itself so exceptional, as a nomination by the senators and representatives in congress.
We do not say that a consultation among the members of congress, respecting the persons to be recommended as candidates for the two highest offices of the nation, may not in some extraordinary crisis, be proper. But the propriety must arise from absolute necessity. Even then, we doubt whether it can be completely justified. The people ought to exercise their right of election without any undue bias; and is it not the evident intention of such consultations, to produce a bias? Besides, in the event of there being no election by the electors, the choice of the president devolves on the house of representatives, and that of the vice president on the senate: Should the house of representatives not succeed in electing the president, the vice president will become the chief magistrate; hence the impropriety of nominations by the members of congress, is more glaring, as it may become the political interest of the representatives to prevent an election by the electors, and of the senate for frustrating any choice by either. Nor is this all; a danger of more than ordinary magnitude arises from the influence which may be used by the president, over meetings of any individuals at the seat of government. The hope, or the promise of office may be employed to induce a nomination either of himself, or of a favourite successor, and it requires but little sagacity to foresee the consequence of such corruption.
So conscious were the members who attended the late meeting, of the weight of objections which might be urged against their proceedings, that they have thought it proper to publish an extraordinary resolution, proposed by Mr. Giles, of Virginia, and unanimously adopted. They have declared, that in "making their nominations, they have acted only in their individual characters as citizens;" this is very true, because they could act in no other, without a breach of their oaths, and a direct violation of the letter of the constitution. But was it not intended that those nominations should be enforced by the sanction of congressional names? They proceeded to assert "that they have been induced to adopt this measure from the necessity of the case, from a deep conviction of the importance of the union to the republicans throughout all parts of the United States, in the present crisis of both our external and internal affairs." We trust we have shown that no such necessity exists, and that an union among the republicans, in favour of any individual, is not important. We acknowledge that the aspect of our foreign affairs is unpromising. We are perhaps on the eve of a war with one of the great powers of Europe; we are therefore strongly impressed with the difficulties of our situation. In such a crisis, if unanimity in the choice of president is necessary, that choice should be directed to a man, eminently calculated by his tried energy and talents, to conduct the nation with firmness and wisdom, through the perils which surround it; to a man who had not in the hour of terror and persecution deserted his post, and sought in obscurity and retirement a shelter from the political tempest; to a man not suspected of undue partiality or enmity to either of the belligerent powers; to a man who had not forfeited his claim to publick confidence, by recommending a shameful bargain with unprincipled speculators of the Yazoo companies, a dishonourable compact with fraud and corruption. Is James Madison such a man? We ask for energy, and we are told of his moderation; we ask for talents, and the reply is his unassuming merit; we ask what were his services in the cause of publick liberty, and we are directed to the pages of the Federalist, written in conjunction with Alexander Hamilton and John Jay, in which the most extravagant of their doctrines are maintained and propagated. We ask for consistency as a republican, standing forth to stem the torrent of oppression, which once threatened to overwhelm the liberties of the country; we ask for that high and honourable sense of duty, which would at all times turn with loathing abhorrence from any compromise with fraud and speculation; we ask in vain.
But farther. One of the reasons assigned by Mr. Jefferson for declining to stand again as a candidate for the chair of the chief magistrate, is the propriety of a rotation in that office. The great advantage of this principle of rotation is, that by appointing as a successor to the present officer, a man not immediately connected with him, the acts of the administration may be impartially reviewed; those measures which tend to promote the publick good will be adopted, and those of a contrary tendency, which form the fulcrum of human nature may have been pursued, will be abandoned, and if necessary exposed. All other refutation is a mockery.
We do therefore in the most solemn manner protest against the proceedings of the meeting held in the senate chamber, on the 23d day of January last, because we consider them—
As being in direct hostility to the principles of the constitution:
As a gross assumption of power not delegated by
the people, and not justified or extenuated by any actual necessity:
As an attempt to produce an undue bias in the ensuing election of president and vice president, and virtually to transfer the appointment of those officers from the people, to a majority of the two houses of congress.
And we do in the same manner protest against the nomination of James Madison, as we believe him to be unfit to fill the office of president in the present juncture of our affairs.
Joseph Clay, Abraham Trigg, John Russel, Josiah Masters, George Clinton, jun. Gordon S. Mumford, John Thompson, Peter Swart, Edwin Gray, W. Hodge, Samuel Smith, Daniel Montgomery, John Harris, Samuel Mactay, David R. Williams, James M. Garnett, John Randolph.
City of Washington, Feb. 27th, 1807.
From a London paper of the 3d of January, we extract the following article as one evidence of the manner in which Buonaparte will execute his blockading Decrees. When the wretched victims of his power and ambition have learned to live without food and raiment, which commerce enables the inhabitants of populous cities to procure, he may count upon the execution of his decrees.
"We were concerned to learn, yesterday, from a person very recently arrived from Dantzic, that the distress of its inhabitants is but too true. A French army of 15,000 men, commanded by generals Rapp and Oudinot, occupied the town and neighbourhood; the former was friendly to the admission of the ships of every nation bringing articles of food or raiment, of which the army and inhabitants were in such need, that famine and disease were with difficulty averted. Oudinot, on the other hand, took pains to discover whether any of the vessels which put in there, had touched in England, with a view to their sequestration, under the French Decrees; but the publick hardships obliged him to desist, and all such ships as were laden with the necessities of life were allowed to dispose of their cargoes, and to load for a homeward voyage. Two or three ships from thence are daily expected."
The following proceedings of the military court of enquiry in the case of general Wilkinson have been communicated for insertion in the National Intelligencer.
The court being formed on the 16th ult. at the particular request of general Wilkinson, for the purpose of perpetuating testimony. He presented himself and addressed that body.
GENTLEMEN, I beg leave to premise a few remarks before I proceed to call a witness. Nothing could be so acceptable to me as to be confronted by my accusers, who have artfully and wickedly hung me up to the world for offences, which cannot but affect the feelings of a man of honour nearer than life; and wherefore am I refused this rightful indulgence? Is it because my enemies, conscious of the fallacy of their accusations, content themselves "spargere in vulgum voces ambiguas," and prefer to trust the result to the jealousies of a free people, exercised by the machinations of the friends and partisans of that conspiracy which I have defeated? Or is it because the eye of the injured man is insupportable to the sight of the base injurer?
Whatever may be the cause, it will not be denied, that the case is a hard one. It is indeed peculiarly so—and every person will admit, that to be criminated without an opportunity of defence, and to be condemned without a hearing, is a sad recompence for services acknowledged, and a poor encouragement to future sufferings and sacrifices in the publick cause.
Thus circumstanced, and denied the opportunity to meet the testimony which may be opposed to me, I hope the peculiarity of my situation may be my excuse for defying my enemies, and daring them to a candid investigation. If then Mr. Clark will come before this court and answer interrogatories, I will not only defend myself against his foul imputations, but if the testimony which has been recently offered to me, be not greatly deceptive, I will convict him of forgery, perjury, and a co-operation with Aaron Burr in his treasonable designs; and if his right worthy patron, the very gallant and honourable John Randolph, will step forward from the floor of privilege, and utter what has been ascribed to him in the publick prints, I will institute an action of slander, and will give an opportunity in a court of civil jurisdiction, to verify his assertions, and satiate his vindictive spirit, or of being himself convicted of the most atrocious, wanton, and murderous calumnies which ever found place on record.
It is apparent from the mode of the attack, that my accusers had rested much on the audacity of the assault, and the hateful aspect of the charges alleged, supported by the mock solemnity of a voluntary exparte affidavit. They expected from the time—the place—the manner, and circumstances of the accusation, to excite a torrent of indignation, which might prostrate reason and justice before prejudice and passion, and in a moment of popular phrensy, sweep me from the list of honour to the occlusion of all further enquiry. Then indeed Mr. Randolph might with malignant delight have exclaimed "my end is completely answered" by the destruction of the man who has dishonoured me. The attempt was worthy its authors—worthy the cause it was destined to abet. It deserves all the merit which is due to desperation, and will meet the ample reward of full handed infamy. For I do still live—live in honour, and can assure you, gentlemen, I have fortunately saved from the casualties incident to an erratic life and the wreck of time, the means of my complete vindication, which shall be submitted to you, so soon as the testimony to support the accusation is brought forward.
In the mean time to invalidate, discredit and destroy the effect of whatever has been said or sworn by Daniel Clark to my prejudice, I must pray that his exparte voluntary affidavit submitted to the house of delegates may be received at this court at its full estimate, and that I may be permitted to rebut it with such testimony as may now be had, and which if not perpetuated at this time, may, by further delay, be lost to me forever.
I therefore request, that lieut. Spence, of the navy, and lieut. Murray, of the army, may be sworn. The court then proceeded to take the testimony of lieut. Spence, of the navy, lieut. Murray, of the
army, and Thomas H. Williams, secretary of the Mississippi territory.
The rules of the court having prohibited the publication of the testimony as it occurs, we can barely state from a bye-stander of good authority, that lieut. Spence acknowledged he had embarked at Philadelphia with madame D'Auvergne, Bollman, and Alexander, with the privy of Burr—that he bore a letter of recommendation from Burr to Daniel Clark, dined with Clark in company with Bollman—that he bore letters from Bollman, and madame D'Auvergne (alias Norah Haskell) to Burr, whom he expected to find at Nashville, Tennessee, but did not meet him until he got to Lexington, Kentucky.—that Daniel Clark gave him a letter of introduction to a gentleman on his route, but that he did not deliver it.
Lieut. Murray's testimony was, we learn, of great importance. He declared that on being urged to attack Baton Rouge, he, after resisting the proposition made by judge Workman and Lewis Kerr, applied to his friend, Mr. Clark, then in New Orleans, who advised him to attack and take the place by all means—adding, that he "was going to congress, and would do him (M.) all the good he could"—that he would "inform the government it would require a large force to retake the place—and that before the government could send down troops for the purpose, he (Murray) would find himself in a situation to do as he pleased."
This happened in April, or May, 1806. Mr. Williams was called to prove, that Daniel Clark and D. Wadsworth were appointed on the part of the American commissioners, Claiborne and Wilkinson, to receive the Spanish archives at the surrender of Louisiana—which Mr. Williams did most amply and satisfactorily, stating the reasons why Mr. Clark was appointed.
The military court has adjourned to the 14th of March, subject to the call of the president in the mean time.
HEAR BOTH SIDES.
From the National Intelligencer.
MR. SMITH, Having noticed with some degree of displeasure a statement said to have emanated from a bye-stander of parts of evidence given by me before the military court in the case of Gen. Wilkinson, I should not only deem it repugnant to every principle of equity and honour to become the passive instrument of an impression to the prejudice of the hon. Daniel Clark when wholly unacquainted with any circumstance in the slightest degree relative to the affair in issue between him and the general, or of any incident calculated to establish the charge of co-operation with col. Burr, or fact going to shew a connexion between them in the evil designs ascribed to the latter gentleman; but I should conceive it offending against the impulse which actuates all my actions were I not to notice what appears materially to concern myself. This stenographer of mutilated testimony in his selection of expressions, seems to imply that I had heretofore been desirous of concealing unsworn and admitted fact, which can only receive an unfavourable hue from such a desire. It is a circumstance, I have ever openly declared when called upon, (but which I never acknowledged, for an act in itself innocent should not be reluctantly confessed as a sin), that I embarked for New Orleans in a vessel on board which was Dr. Bollman, a gentleman I had never spoken to prior to sailing from Philadelphia; Mr. Alexander, a barrister, known to me only as a man eminent and respectable in his profession, and a lady who at that time I had never seen, but who I afterwards had the pleasure of knowing as Madame D'Avergne. Whether those persons sailed with the privy of col. Burr, or with views in coalescence with his I could not at that time have taken upon myself to determine, for I never understood from either of them by the remotest intimation that designs were contemplated such, as subsequent accusations have charged them with—but that col. Burr was acquainted with my intentions to visit New Orleans is manifest from the subjoined transcript of a letter written by him to the hon. Daniel Clark, which till the day of delivery was open to perusal.
"This will be handed you by my young friend, Lt. Spence of the navy—he was one of the brave corps who gave splendour to our naval character at the siege of Tripoli, and an officer of distinguished merit. I have to request you will shew him every civility, and I need not say how much your attentions will contribute to render his stay amongst you agreeable—introduce him to some of your friends of both sexes. A. BURR."
This is the letter spoken of in my evidence which I stated to be a simple letter of introduction, the face of which supercedes the necessity of my saying differs widely from a letter of recommendation. It insured to me the polite attentions of Mr. Clark, and whilst the hospitality of his table is still alive in my memory, I cannot silently permit its being interpreted to his prejudice, as I never have or shall without resentment suffer any man to offend my feelings or honour. I can safely affirm that neither col. Burr nor Dr. Bollman at any period of my acquaintance with them made to me a proposal incompatible with this unfrail principle of conduct.
There is a remark made by this bye-stander respecting my having dined with Mr. Clark in company with Dr. Bollman, something too exclusive to accord with my testimony given before the honourable court. It would have been more the complexion of candour had he stated that I never (to the best of my recollection) had seen Dr. Bollman in the house of Mr. Clark but once at a dinner of which many participated, after nearly a month's residence in New Orleans.
I have never felt a reluctance in disclosing views separate from and unconnected with col. Burr, and such as I intend no man of spirit shall reflect upon with impunity, induced me to realise an excursion I had long contemplated, suggested by curiosity and the errantry of youth, a tour from collateral consequences pregnant with great uneasiness to me, but which I should have made, had col. Burr been in London or its Antipodes! Dr. Bollman knew of my purpose to make this jaunt, for he had often heard me express this intention; and a few days before my departure requested me to take charge of a letter to col. Burr whom he said would be in the Western country and probably at Nashville, and I have an impression that Madame D'Auvergne solicited the same favour.
I knew col. Burr as the ex-vice president of the United States. He had but just abdicated this dignified situation; he had never been accused of de-
signs at variance with the interest of the country, nor had the breath of suspicion sullied the reputation which had exalted him to the post of honour; his esteem was no odium nor was his acquaintance a censure. Under these circumstances I took charge of a letter—On a similar occasion where he who could so far deviate from politeness as to refuse—Mr. Clark on my leaving New Orleans had the kindness to furnish me with a letter of introduction which contained merely a repetition of what col. Burr had written.
This Mr. Smith I wish you to insert as an annotation to the statement I noticed in your paper of the 20th ult. to explain and dissipate the fallacious expression, and to do justice to one who has the honour to remain
Your obedient servant, ROBERT T. SPENCE. Washington, March 1, 1808.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Brig Canton, Goold, 24 days from Kingston, (Jamaica) Ram, Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co.—Left there Feb. 15, ships Union, Tillinghurst, of and for Rhode Island, to sail in 5 days; —, Pelham, of Boston, for Havana in 7 days—brig Lucy, Davis, of and from Savannah, for Charleston, 5 days—Schooner —, Small, of Portland, from Honduras, detained—A number of others names not recalled.
Deagle's Packet will sail for Baltimore the first fair wind. March 11.
The Sch't Jefferson, Carlton, will sail for New York the first fair wind. For passage only, apply to the master on board. March 11.
Newcomb's Packet will sail for New York in a few days. For freight or passage, apply on board at Dickson's wharf. March 11.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.
In Common Hall, March 9, 1808.
WHEREAS it appears that there is a difference of opinion amongst the inhabitants of this Borough, respecting the provision necessary to be made for the seamen.
Resolved, That the Hall will adjourn until Monday next, at 11 o'clock, that the sentiments of the citizens may be ascertained.
Resolved, That the foregoing resolutions be transmitted to the Mayor of the Borough by the President of the Common Council; and that he be requested to publish the same in the Newspapers, and call a meeting of the citizens on Saturday the 12th, at 10 o'clock.
A Copy, Teste, WM. SHARP, C. C. H. In pursuance of the above resolution of the Common Hall, a meeting of the Citizens is requested at the Town-Hall, on Saturday next, at 10 o'Clock. RICHARD E. LEE, Mayor. Norfolk, March 11, 1808.
THEATRE.
By particular desire, the Theopian Society will TO-MORROW EVENING, the 12th instant, repeat the Tragedy of
GEORGE BARNWELL. With the Farce of Fortune's Frolicks. Admittance One Dollar—Tickets to be had at Mr. Klein's Store; Ledger Office; and at the Theatre. Doors to be opened at half past 5, and the performance to commence at half past 6 o'Clock precisely. March 11.
On Friday the 18th instant, at eleven o'Clock, will be Sold at the Dwelling House of Captain Drysdale, near Joshua Oldner's,
All his Household and Kitchen FURNITURE, Consisting of Beds, Chairs, Tables, Sideboard, Looking Glasses, Glass and China Ware.—Terms, Cash. WM. B. LAMB. March 11.
By virtue of a Deed in Trust from Thomas H. Parker to Lattimore Halstead, will be Sold on the premises at Publick Auction, for ready money, on Saturday the 2d day of April next,
All that Tract of LAND and appurtenances, in the County of Norfolk, near the Borough, which David Pierce sold and conveyed to the said Thomas H. Parker, containing seventy-five acres more or less, and which is now in the occupancy of Thomas Williamson and L. Simon. THE TRUSTEE. March 7.
By virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed
by Thomas Gibbons and Ann his wife, bearing date the 14th day of September, 1805, to John Paterson and Thomas Smith, to secure the payment of one thousand two hundred and two dollars and ninety four cents, with interest from the date of said deed, due Richard Billings, together with all legal costs and charges necessarily incurred by carrying the said deed into effect, WILL BE SOLD at Matthews Court-House, on the second Monday in March next, being Court Day, at Publick Auction, for ready money,
The Tract of LAND,
conveyed to us in trust by the deed aforesaid, containing two hundred and twenty acres, more or less, situate, lying, and being in the country of Mathews aforesaid, on North River, whereon the said Thomas Gibbons lately resided, and was formerly the property of Doctor Frederick W. Hearn, deceased, and by him purchased of John Hayes. By the Trustees. February 4.
PIANO FORTE.
The Ladies of Norfolk are respectfully informed, that MR. SOTHEREN has arrived here from Baltimore, and will be happy to wait on those who wish to take lessons on that instrument.—Any commands left at the Eagle Tavern, Market-Square, will be attended to. March 7.
Richard Jeffrey & Co.
No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter,
An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality.
Alfo, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Stuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's Best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c.
They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries.
MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5.
NOTES OF HAND,
according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.

FOR SALE. The Schooner SATURN , Capt. Collin, has just received an additional supply of 1000 barrels on freight if immediate application be made to the master at Mendenhall's wharf, or
C. FRY. Who offers for Sale at reduced prices, A quantity of Cheese; N. E. Rum, in hogsheads and barrels; Country Gin; Hollands do.; and a few bundles good Hay. March 2.
6000 bushels STOVED SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally , by A. Maclure. March 2.
The Subscriber offers for Sale, 78 puncheons well flavoured RUM, A few pipes Old Bordeaux Brandy, and 28 hogsheads choice retailing Molasses. Phinehas Dana. March 2.
THE COTTAGE, A small Farm handsomely improved in the neighborhood of Portsmouth, commanding a beautiful view of Norfolk harbour is offered for Rent—and the HOUSE lately occupied by Doctor Leigh, pleasantly situated near the Ferry Wharf, in Portsmouth. Apply to Mr. William Pritchard, or JAMES YOUNG. March 2.
AT PRIVATE SALE, BY S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2.
NOTICE. All those who are indebted to the estate of WILLIAM THOMPSON , deceased, of Little England, are required to make immediate payment, and those who may have claims against said estate are desired to render them, legally attested to William H. Thompson. Feb. 29.
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the Estate of DANIEL COOK , deceased, of Nansemond County, are requested to bring them in on or before the first day of May next; those indebted to the estate, are requested to make immediate payment, wishing to settle the estate as soon as possible. Mary Cook, Admr'x. N. E. Whereas Bartholomew Redmon, of Norfolk Borough, having a bond in his possession, which was given by Daniel Cook and Edward Frith, jointly, for the sum of 3000 dollars or thereabouts; Edward Frith being exonerated, and the said Redmon refusing to give me up the bond, although there is not one shilling due on account of it, I caution all persons from receiving the said bond in any way whatever, as this notice will be plead in bar against it. Western Branch, Nansemond County, February 17, 1808.
The sum mentioned in the above should be as follows:—two Bonds dated 11th day of July, 1804, the one payable the 11th day of January, and the other on the 11th day of July, 1805—each in the penal sum of two thousand dollars, conditioned for the payment of one thousand dollars each, both given jointly as above specified; which bonds or either of them, I again caution all persons from receiving in any way whatever, as this notice will be plead in bar against the payment thereof. Mary Cook. March 2.
Council Chamber, February 25, 1808. THE EXECUTIVE will receive on the 25th of March next, Proposals for constructing sufficient and proper Carriages for mounting all the pieces of Artillery belonging to this Commonwealth, at which time drafts of the most approved models, in conformity to which, the said carriages are to be constructed, will be submitted to the inspection of all persons disposed to contract for the same. The Executive will probably furnish all the necessary timber, and will have the iron work done at the Penitentiary—Subjoined is a list of the pieces intended to be mounted. Daniel L. Hylton, Clerk of the Council.
6 Brass Cannon 32 pounders, 9 Iron do. 24 do. 1 do. do. 18 do. 1 do. do. 12 do. 1 do. do. 6 do. 4 do. do. 4 do. 2 do. do. 3 do. 10 or 15 others of different sizes.
Received per Schooner Traveller , from Boston, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18.
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 bags Coffee, 5 tiers do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks Old Sherry Wine, 2 hds. old L. P. Madeira do. 9 hds. Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hds. and pipes—For Sale by Phinehas Dana. June 8.
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5.
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Messrs. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store. Apply to Niemeyer & Von Kapff. December 28.
Just received for Sale, 25 qr. casks Gordon's old Sherry Wine, 20 boxes Hyson Tea, 50 do. superior quality Young Hyson, 28 pipes Holland Gin, 20 do. Country do. Mackinder & White.
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Navy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambric Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woollens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assortment of WOOLLEN GOODS. Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c. On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; Ladies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11.
Now landing from on board the Schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castile Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12.
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc. Money will be taken in payment.—Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hds. and 6 bbls. Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls. Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31.
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4.
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune , captain Norton, from Tenerife, 100 pipes and 90 hds. L. P. Tene-riffe WINE, of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. September 28.
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney , capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. Who has on hand, Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16.
Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A parcel of Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. September 28.
NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS , deceased, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admr'x. December 9.
WANTED for the Ship Sheffield, A CARPENTER; also, two young LADS, from 14 to 15 years of age, as apprentices, not to go in the cabin or to cook. Apply to Josiah Cowper. December 9.
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credit only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Mendenhall's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18.
Alexandria Mountain FLOUR. A few barrels Superfine , do. for family use ( Carlisle brand ) in barrels and half bbls. For Sale—Apply to Caton & Veale. February 26.
NOTICE. I shall attend at the Court-House on Friday morning the 11th of March, for the purpose of paying the Artillery and Infantry Companies of this Borough, late in the service of the United States, under the command of Brigadier General Thomas Mathews—and on the following Monday I shall attend at the Court-House in Portsmouth, for the purpose of paying the Companies of that place. Robert C. Jennings, Acting as Pay-Master. February 29.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Mattress Ticking, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26.
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation.—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New-York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26.
COCKE & SANFORD, Have received eighteen hogsheads and eighteen barrels Loaf and Lump SUGAR, which they offer for Sale on very moderate terms. On hand of their last importation, 2 bales flaxen OZNABURGS, 2000 wt. Seine Twine; 1 bale assorted Blue Cloths, 1 bale superfine Navy Blue Cloth, 2 boxes well assorted Irish Linens, Irish and Dutch Sheetings and Dowlas, 2 Trunks Cotton Hosiery; 1 case Dimities, 2 do. assorted Nankenees and Grandreils, 3 do. Callicoes; 2 do. Cotton Cambricks, 1 box French Cambricks and Handkerchiefs, 2 cases Mens' and 1 do. Childrens' fashionable Beaver Hats. Feb. 24.
FRESH SHOES. E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main-Street, Has now landing from the Schooner Mary Ann , capt. Luce, 22 trunks, barrels, and casks of Ladies', Gentlemens', and Childrens' SHOES. February 19.
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg , of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
For SALE, 5 cases only of superior PIGEON-EYE CHAMPAIGN. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Dec. 16.
New SHOES from New-York. SAMUEL COLEMAN, Offers for Sale such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction. VERNON'S BOOTS, which are well known to command higher prices in Baltimore than Boots made by any other person there—reduced to 11 dollars for fair tops, and 9 dollars for Hessian Boots, such as he himself sells in retail for 12 and 10 dollars. BUTTER at 17 cents in nice order; a few tons of Iron; a few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cottons; Brown Sugar, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. Feb. 17.
BOOTS. Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS Just received and for Sale by Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market Square Feb. 8.
6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat. IN STORE, 35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 190 hogsheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 30 tiers London Brown Stout, 20 hogsheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, fit for use, 600 ready made Check Shirts; 20 hds. Petersburg Tobacco, 50 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Hermitage For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. February 6.
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN , & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
Cognac Brandy, Hollands Gin, Country do. in pipes, Rice in tiers and half tiers—For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. February 24.
For Sale, Just received by Deagle's Packet from Baltimore , 150 bags of good Green COFFEE. Wilson, Cunningham & Co. February 6.
All persons to whom the Subscriber is indebted, are requested to make known the amount of their claims immediately. Wm. Hartshorne, Jun. January 13.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th December last, a Mulatto Man named TONY , a Blacksmith by trade; he is about 34 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on when he went away a dark cloth surcoat and pantaloons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other. He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th ult. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North-Carolina. JOHN WALKER. January 8.
For SALE, 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. Kitts RUM. MOSES MYERS. January 8.
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter , and Nabby, from Liverpool, their Fall and Winter GOODS. The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths, Callicoes, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; Ladies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Childrens' beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epaulettes; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin striped Blankets; Kendal Cottons; strong white Plains; mixed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and 5-4 and 6-4 Sheetings; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c. The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper.
The Subscribers have removed to the Brick Warehouse on Merchant's Wharf, and have on hand for Sale, 100,000 W. O. hhd. drawn STAVES, 100,000 red do. do. do. 40,000 rough do. do. do. 50,000 do. barrel do. do. 10,000 pipe do. do. do. 500,000 sale Shingles; 100,000 building do. 10,000 three feet do.; 5,000 Garden Pales, 5,000 Chinquapin and Cedar Posts. And also for Rent, A commodious WAREHOUSE. Proby, Harmanon, & Co. January 11.
Now landing from the Schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-street to William Hull, Jun. October 16.
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18.
For SALE, by the Subscriber, 34 hogsheads WHISKEY, 50 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do. 65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 16 grove Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castile Soap, 1 hogshead and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 10 hds. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York River Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton, 38 whole and 9 half tiers Rice. A. Maclure. November 13.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY last October from the Subscribers, living in Monroe County, two Mulatto Men, ISAAC CONNER and WILLIAM CONNER , (brothers) both very bright mulattoes. Isaac is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, stout and well made, is marked on the under lip with a small reddish spot, and a scar on his forehead occasioned by the stroke of a whip; on one of his feet there is also a scar made by an axe; he is 22 years of age. Bill is 20 years of age, about 5 feet 10 inches high, also stout and active, and wore his hair in a cue of 6 or 8 inches in length. It is supposed they will attempt to get to Norfolk, as they have some acquaintances there, and were heard of in the neighbourhood of Williamsburg in company with some free mulattoes, who lives on Queen's Creek. Whoever confines them in jail so that we get them again, shall be entitled to the above reward. John Handley, Martin Franklin. N. B. Being very fair, they will no doubt attempt to pass for free men. Feb. 10.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hds. and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffils; 1 do. fine Cloths; 3 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Hessian, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24.
For RENT, The DWELLING-HOUSE on Granby-street, belonging to captain Vickery, next door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of January next. For terms apply to Alexander Wilson. December 18.
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tiers and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 28.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.