Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1803-04-22 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 4 of VOLUME V.]
FRIDAY, April 22, 1803.
[WHOLE No. 212.]
Federal Eloquence.
SENATE of the UNITED STATES, February 24, 1803.
SPEECH
OF Mr. MORRIS on the Resolutions of Mr. Ross, relative to Louisiana.
Mr. President,
I RISE with reluctance on the present occasion. The lateness of the hour forbids me to hope for your patient attention. The subject is of great importance, as it relates to other countries, and still greater to our own; yet we must decide on grounds uncertain, because they depend on circumstances not yet arrived. And when we attempt to penetrate into futurity, after exerting the utmost powers of reason, aided by all the lights which experience could acquire, our clearest conceptions are involved in doubt. A thousand things may happen which it is impossible to conjecture, and which will influence the course of events. The wise Governor of all things hath hidden the future from the ken of our feeble understanding. In committing ourselves, therefore, to the examination of what may hereafter arrive, we hazard reputation on contingencies we cannot command. And when events shall be past, we shall be judged by them, and not by the reasons which we may now advance.
There are many subjects which are not easy to understand, but it is always easy to misrepresent, and when arguments cannot be controverted, it is not difficult to calumniate motives. That which cannot be confuted may be misstated. The purest intentions may be blackened by malice; and envy will ever foster the foulest imputations. This calumny is among the sore evils of our country. It began with our earliest success in seventy eight, and has gone on with accelerated velocity and increasing force to the present hour. It is no longer to be checked, nor will it terminate but with that sweep of general destruction to which it tends, with a step as sure as time, and fatal as death. I know that what I utter will be misunderstood, misrepresented, deformed and distorted; but we must do our duty. This I believe is the last scene of my public life; and it shall, like those which preceded, be performed with candor and truth. Yes; my noble friends, [addressing himself to the federal senators near him] we shall soon part to meet no more. But however separated, and wherever dispersed, we know that we are united by just principle and true sentiment. A sentiment, my country, ever devoted to you, which will expire only with expiring life, and beat in the last pulsation of our hearts.
Mr. President, my object is peace. I could assign many reasons to shew that this declaration is sincere. But can it be necessary to give this senate any other assurances than my word? Notwithstanding the acerbity of temper which results from party strife, gentlemen will believe me on my word. I will not pretend, like my honorable colleague (Mr. Clinton) to describe to you, the waste, the ravages, and the horrors of war. I have not the same harmonious periods, nor the same musical tones; neither shall I boast of christian charity, nor attempt to display that ingenious glow of benevolence so decorous to the cheek of youth, which gave a vivid tint to every sentence he uttered, and was, if possible, as impressive even as his eloquence. But though we possess not the same pomp of words, our hearts are not insensible to the woes of humanity. We can feel for the misery of plundered towns, the conflagration of defenceless villages, and the devastation of cultured fields. Turning from these features of general distress, we can enter the abode of private affliction, and behold the widow weeping as she traces, in the pledges of nuptial affection, the resemblance of him whom she has lost forever. We see the aged matron bending over the ashes of her son. He was her darling; for he was generous and brave, and
therefore his spirit led him to the field in defence of his country. We can observe another oppressed with unutterable anguish. Condemned to conceal her affection; forced to hide that passion which is at once the torment and delight of life, she learns that those eyes which beamed with sentiment are closed in death; & his lips, the ruby harbringer of joy, lie pale and cold, the miserable appendage of a mangled corpse. Hard, hard indeed must be that heart which can be insensible to scenes like these, and bold the man who dare present to the Almighty Father a conscience crimsoned with the blood of his children.
Yes, sir, we wish for peace; but how is the blessing to be preserved? I shall repeat here a sentiment I have often had occasion to express. In my opinion there is nothing worth fighting for but national honor: for in the national honor is involved the national independence.—I know that a state may find itself in such unpropitious circumstances that prudence may force a wise government to conceal the sense of indignity. But the insult should be engraven on tablets of brass with a pencil of steel. And when that time and chance which happen to all shall bring forward the favorable moment, then let the avenging arm strike home. It is by avowing and maintaining this stern principle of honor, that it can be preserved. But let it not be supposed that any thing I say has the slightest allusion to the injuries sustained from France while suffering in the pangs of her revolution. As soon would I upbraid a sick man for what he might have done in the paroxisms of disease. Nor is this a new sentiment: it was felt and avowed at the time when the wrongs were heaped upon us, and I appeal for the proof to the files of our secretary of state. The destinies of France were then in the hands of monsters. By the decree of heaven they were broken on the wheel, in the face of the world, to warn mankind of her folly and madness. But these scenes are past away. On the throne of the Bourbons is now seated the first of the Gallic Cæsars. At the head of that gallant nation is the greatest man of the present age. It becomes us well to consider his situation. The things he has achieved compel him to the achievement of things more great. In his vast career we must soon become objects to command attention. We too in our turn must contend or submit. By submission we may indeed have peace alike precarious and ignominious. But is this the peace which we ought to seek? Will this satisfy the just expectation of our country? No. Let us have peace permanent, secure, and, if I may use the term, independent. Peace which depends not on the pity of others, but on our own force. Let us have the only peace worth having; a peace consistent with honor.
A gentleman near me (Mr. Jackson) has told us the anecdote of an old courtier who said that the interest of his nation was the honor of his nation. I was surprised to hear THAT idea from THAT gentleman. But it was not his own.—Such is that gentleman's high sense of personal honor, that no interest would induce him to sacrifice it. He would not permit the proudest prince on earth to soil it. Millions would not purchase his honor, and will he feel less for the honor of his country? No, he will defend it with his best blood. He will feel with me that our national honor is the best security for peace and our prosperity. That it involves at once our wealth and power. And in this view of the subject I must contradict a sentiment which fell from my honorable colleague (Mr. Clinton.) He tells us the principle of his country was peace and commerce. Sir, the avowal of such principles will leave us neither commerce nor peace. It invites others to prey on the commerce which we will not protect, and share the wealth we dare not defend. But let it be known that you stand ready to sacrifice the last man and the last shilling in defence of our national honor, and those who would have assailed will beware of you.
Before I go into a minute consideration of this subject, I will notice what the gentlemen opposed to me have said on the law of nations. But I must observe that, in a conjuncture like the present,
there is more sound sense and more sound policy in the firm and manly sentiments which warm the heart of my friend from Delaware, than in all the volumes upon all the shelves of the civilians. Let us, however, attend to the results of those logical deductions which have been made by writers on the law of nations. The honorable member from Kentucky (Mr. Breckenridge) has told us that foreigners ought to shew a sincere desire of peace, and should not hastily take offence, because it may be that the offensive act was the result of mistake. My honorable colleague has told us, that among the justifiable causes of war are the deliberate invasions of right, and the necessity of maintaining the balance of power. He has told us further, that attempts should always be made to obtain redress by treaty, unless it be evident that redress cannot be so obtained. The honorable member from Georgia near me, informs us, that the thing we would obtain by war should be important, and the success probable, and that war should be avoided until it be inevitable. The honorable member from Maryland (Mr. Wright,) has explained to us the case cited by the gentleman from Kentucky, as being a wrong done by a private citizen. Under the weight of all this authority, and concurring with gentlemen in their propositions, I shall take leave to examine the great question we are called on to decide. I shall moreover fully and entirely agree with the honorable member near me in another point. He has, with the usual rapidity of his mind, seized the whole object. He tells us, and he tells us truly, that the island of Orleans and the two Floridas are essential to this country. They are joined, says he, by God, and sooner or later we must and will have them. In this clear and energetic statement I fully agree; and the greater part of what I have to say will be but a commentary on the doctrines they have advanced, and elucidation of their positions, and the confirmation of that strong conclusion.
In order to bring this extensive subject within such bounds as may enable us to take a distant view of it's several parts, I shall consider first, the existing state of things: 2dly, the consequence to the United States of the possession of that country by France: 3dly, the consequence to other nations: 4thly, the importance of it to France herself: 5thly, its importance to the United States if possessed by them: and having thus examined the thing itself in its various relations, the way will be open to consider, 6thly, the effect of negotiation: and then 7thly, the consequences to be expected from taking immediate possession.
Before I consider the existing state of things, let me notice what gentlemen have said in relation to it. The honorable member from Kentucky has told us, that indeed there is a right asserted, but whether by authority or not, is equivocal. He says the representative of Spain verily believes it to be an authorised act. My honorable colleague informs us there has been a clashing between the governor and the Intendant. He says we are told by the Spanish minister it was unauthorised. Notwithstanding these assurances, however, my honorable colleague has, it seems, some doubts.—But nevertheless he presumes innocence—for my colleague is charitable. The honorable member from Maryland goes farther, he tells us the minister of Spain says the intendant had no such authority—and the minister of France too, says there is no such authority. Sir, I have all possible respect for those gentlemen, and every proper confidence in what they may think proper to communicate. I believe the Spanish minister has the best imaginable disposition to preserve peace—being indeed the express purpose for which he was sent among us. I believe it to be an object near to his heart, and which has a strong hold upon his affections. I respect the warmth and benevolence of his feelings, but he must pardon me that I am deficient in courtly compliment, I am a republican, and cannot commit the interests of my country to the goodness of his heart.
What is the state of things! There has been a cession of the island of New Orleans and of Louisiana to France.—Whether the Floridas have also been
ceded is not yet certain. It has been said, as from authority, and I think it probable. Now, sir, let us note the time and manner of this session. It was at or immediately after the treaty at Lunéville, at the first moment when France could take up a distant object of attention. But had Spain a right to make this cession without our consent? Gentlemen have taken it for granted that she had. But I deny the position. No nation has a right to give to another a dangerous neighbor without her consent. This is not the like case with private citizens, for there, when a man is injured he can resort to the tribunal for redress, and yet, even there to dispose of property to one who is a bad neighbor is always considered as an act of unkindness. But as between nations, who can redress themselves only by war, such transfer is in itself an aggression. He who renders me insecure, he who hazards my peace, and exposes me to eminent danger, commits an act of hostility against me—and gives me the rights consequent on that act. Suppose Great-Britain should give to Algiers, one of the Bahamas, and contribute thereby to establish a nest of pirates near your coasts, would you not consider it as an aggression? Suppose during the late war you had conveyed to France a tract of land along Hudson's river, and the northern route by the lakes into Canada, would not Britain have considered and treated it as an act of direct hostility?—It is among the first limitations to the exercise of the rights of property, that we must so use our own as not to injure another—and it is under the immediate sense of this restriction that nations are bound to act toward each other.
But it is not transfer alone. There are circumstances both in the time and manner of it which deserve attention.—A gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wright) has told you that all treaties ought to be published and proclaimed for the information of other nations. I ask, was this a public treaty? No. Was official notice of it given to the government of this country? Was it announced to the President of the United States, in the usual forms of civility between nations who duly respect each other? It was not. Let gentlemen contradict me if they can. They will say perhaps that it was the omission only of a vain and idle ceremony. Ignorance may indeed pretend that such communication is an empty compliment, which, established without use, may be omitted without offence. But this is not so. If these be ceremonies they are not vain, but of serious import, and are founded on strong reason. He who means me well, acts without disguise. Had this transaction been intended fairly, it would have been told frankly. But it was secret because it was hostile. The first consul, in the moment of terminating his differences with you, sought the means of future influence and controul. He found and secured a pivot for that immense lever, by which, with potent arm, he means to subvert your civil and political institutions. Thus the beginning was made in deep hostility. Concealed in such principles it presages no good. Its bodings were evil, and evil have been its fruits.
We heard of it during the last session of congress—but to this hour we have not heard of any formal and regular communication from those by whom it was made. Has the king of Spain? Has the first consul of France no means of making such communication to the president of the United States? Yes, sir, we have a minister in Spain, we have a minister in France. Nothing was easier, and yet nothing has been done. Our first magistrate has been treated with contempt; and through him our country has been insulted.
With that meek and peaceful spirit now so strongly recommended, we submit to the insult, and what followed? That which might have been expected; a violation of our treaty: an open and direct violation by a public officer of the Spanish government. This is not the case cited from one of the books. It is not a wrong done by a private citizen, which might for that reason be of doubtful nature.—No—it is by a public officer. That officer whose particular department it was to cause the faithful observance of the treaty which he has violated. We are

told indeed that there was a clashing of opinion between the governor and the intendant. But what have we to do with their domestic broils? The injury is done, we feel it. Let the fault be whose it may, the suffering is ours. But say gentlemen, the Spanish minister has interfered to correct this irregular procedure. Sir, if the intendant was amenable to the minister, why did he not inform of the step he was about to take, that the president of the United States might reasonably have been apprized of his intention, and given the proper notice to our fellow citizens? Why has he first learned this offensive act from those who suffer it? Why is he thus held up to contempt and derision? If the intendant is to be controuled by the minister, would he have taken a step so important without his advice? Common sense will say no. But, the bitter cup of humiliation was not yet full. Smarting under the lash of the intendant, the minister soothes you with kind assurances, and sends advice boats to announce your forbearance. But while they are on their way new injury and new insult are added. The intendant, as if determined to try the extent of your meekness, forbids to your citizens all communication with those who inhabit the shores of the Mississippi. Though they should be starving, the Spaniard is made criminal who should give them food. Fortunately the waters of the river are notable, or else we should be precluded from the common benefits of nature, the common bounty of Heaven. What then, I ask, is the amount of this savage conduct? Sir, it is war! Open and direct war. And yet gentlemen recommend peace, and forbid us to take up the gauntlet of defence. Will gentlemen sit here and shut their eyes to the state and condition of their country? I shall not reply to what has been said respecting depredations on commerce, but confine myself to objects of which there can be no shadow of doubt. Here is a vast country given away and not without danger to us. Has a nation a right to put these states into a dangerous situation? No, sir. And yet it has been done, not only without our consent previous to the grant, but without observing the common forms of civility after it was made. Is that wonderful man who presides over the destinies of France ignorant or unmindful of these forms? See what was done the other day. He directed his minister to communicate to the elector of Bavaria his intended movements in Switzerland and their object. He knew the elector had a right to expect that information, although the greater part of Swabia lies between his dominions and Switzerland. And this right is founded on the broad principles already mentioned.
As to the depredations on our commerce, they are numerous and of great importance, but my honorable colleague told us our merchants are in a fair way of getting redress. I own, sir, I am surprised at this information, which is, I presume, a state-secret communicated from the executive department. My honorable colleague who is the pattern of discretion, who was the monitor, and threatened to be the castigator of those who from treachery and weakness might betray or divulge the secrets of the senate, cannot possibly allude to anything on our files. He has therefore received this information from some other quarter, and I feel myself much obliged by his kind communication. But he must pardon me, sir, that until it come forward in some body, shape, or condition which I can grasp, I am compelled to withhold my faith.
Having thus examined the existent state of things, I proceed to consider the consequence to the United States resulting from the possession of that country by France. To this effect I shall suppose the Floridas to be included in her newly-acquired dominion, and shall state what I conceive to be the conduct which she will pursue. She will, I presume, consider herself as not bound by our treaty with Spain. Declaring to the inhabitants of the western country, and repelling the claim of right, she will (as matter of favor) give them unlimited freedom of trade to and from New-Orleans. At that place she will eventually raise a considerable duty on exports to pay the expence of the garrisons and of the civil administration. But to compensate this, she will probably give an exclusive privilege of commerce to her colonies, and obtain from Spain and Holland singular privileges. Under these circumstances let us examine the general and particular consequences to this our country.
The general consequences are those which effect our commerce, our revenue, our defence, and what is of more importance even than these, our union. Your
commerce will suffer because you will no longer hold the means of supplying the West-India islands subject to your single controul and because all the exports from New-Orleans, being of course, in French bottoms, your navigation will be proportionately diminished. Your revenue will suffer as much as your commerce. The extensive boundary of more than two thousand miles will be stocked with goods for the purpose of contraband trade. The inhabitants will naturally take their supplies in that way. You must therefore multiply your revenue officers and their assistants, and while your receipt diminishes, the expence of collection would be increased. As to what regards your defence, it is evident that the decrease of your navigation and revenue must narrow your means of defence. You cannot provide the same force either by land or sea; but the evil does not stop there.—With this country in your possession you have the means of defence more ample, more important, more easy than any nation on earth. In a short time all the West-India islands, fed from your granaries, must depend on you for will. And in consequence, all the powers of Europe who have colonies there, must court your friendship. Those rich sources of commercial importance will be as it were in your hands.—They will be pledges for the amity of others in seas and dominions far remote. It is a defence which, though it costs you nothing, is superior to fleets and armies. But let the resources of America be divided, (which must happen when the French are masters of New-Orleans) and all this power and influence is gone.
One half your resources will be in their hands, and they will laugh at your feeble attempts with the other half. It is the interest of this country that the possessions of European powers in the West-Indies should be secured to them. And in this view of the subject, it is important that the island of St. Domingo should be subjected by France, it would therefore have been wise to have aided in that subjugation. There is indeed a special reason for it beyond the considerations of exterior policy. That event will give to your slaves the conviction that it is impossible for them to become free.—Men in their unhappy condition must be impelled by fear or discouraged by despair. Yes. The impulsion of fear must be strengthened by the hand of despair. Consider, moreover, your condition in the wars which are most likely to happen. These must be either with France or England. If with France your interior is ruined; if with England the commerce of the Atlantic states will be distressed, and that of the western country too, though not perhaps in so great a degree. Thus let the war be with whichsoever of these nations it may, one half of the United States must be peculiarly injured; and in all cases it will be difficult for them to assist each other. The interior has no seamen for naval defence, the seaboard can send few if any troops beyond the mountains. This powerful influence of one nation on one great division of our country, and of another nation on the remainder, will tend to disunite us. The ridge of mountains will mark the line of distinct interests. The effect of those different interests will be felt in your councils. It will be evidenced on this floor. This must be the case as long as man is man. Look, I pray, at those nations. The enmity of France and England can terminate only by the subjugation of one to the dominion of the other. It must be by the complete exertion of force and the utter impossibility of resistance. They are the Rome and Carthage of modern times. Their implacable spirit will stimulate them to attempt a division of this country by sentiments of hatred, deadly as their own. These efforts will, I hope be vain; but with such powerful engines to operate on the interest and the will, is there not danger to that union so essential to our prosperity? There will be a constant struggle in congress as to the kind of public force which ought to be maintained. The one will desire an army, the other a navy.—The unyielding spirit of party will perhaps prevent the support of either: leaving the nation completely defenceless, and thereby increasing the power of those who may influence or command our destinies. For let it be remembered that a nation without a public force is not an independent nation. In a greater or smaller degree she will receive the law from others.
Having thus considered the effect of this cession upon the United States, in a general point of view, let us now examine it more particularly, as regards the greater divisions of our country, the western, the southern, the middle and the eastern states. I fear, sir, I shall de-
tain longer than I intended, certainly longer than the light of the day will last, notwithstanding my effort to comprise what I have to say in the smallest compass. As to the western states, the effects will be remote and immediate.—Those more remote may be examined under the two-fold aspect of peace and war. In peace they will suffer the diminution of price for their produce. The advantage of supplying the French, Dutch and Spanish colonies may at first sight lead to a different opinion; but when the port of New-Orleans is shut to all but French ships, there will no longer be that competition which now exists and which always results in the highest price that commodities can bear. The French merchants have neither the large capital nor have they the steady temper and persevering industry which foster commerce. Their invariable object in trade is to acquire sudden wealth by large profit; and if that cannot be done, they abandon the pursuit for some new object. Certain of the market, and certain of the increasing supply, they will prescribe the price both to those who cultivate and to those who consume. Such will be the effect in peace. In a war with England the attention of her fleets to cut off supplies from her enemies must necessarily affect the price of produce in a still greater degree; and in a war with France it will bear no price at all, until New-Orleans shall be wrested from her grasp.—Add to this the danger and the devastation from the troops of that country, aided by innumerable savages from the western wilds. Such being the evident effects to be produced in times not far remote, the present evil follows from the anticipation of them. The price of land must be reduced from the certainty that its produce will become less valuable. The flood of emigration to those fertile regions must cease to flow. The debts incurred in the hope of advantageous sales must remain unpaid. The distress of the debtor must then recoil on his creditor and from the common relations of society, become general.
What will be the effect on the southern states? Georgia, Carolina, and the Mississippi territory are exposed to invasion from the Floridas and New-Orleans. There are circumstances in that portion of America which render the invasion easy, and the defence difficult. Pensacola, though the climate be warm, is among the healthiest spots on earth. Not only a large garrison, but an army may remain there without hazard. At Pensacola and St. Augustine forces may be assembled to operate in that season of the year when the morasses which separate them from our southern frontier no longer breathe pestilence. By what are those armies to be opposed? Will you call the militia from the north to assist their southern brethren? They are too remote. Will you to secure their seasonable aid, bring them early to the field, they are ordered to defend? They must perish. The climate more fatal than the sword will destroy them before they see their enemy. The country adjoining our southern frontier is now in possession of the most numerous tribes of savages we are acquainted with. The access to it from New-Orleans and the Floridas is easy and immediate. The toys and gew-gaws manufactured in France will be scattered in abundance to win their affections and seduce them from their present connexions. The talents of the French to gain the good will of the savages is well known, and the disposition of those uncultured men for war is equally notorious. Here then is a powerful instrument of destruction which may be used against you with ruinous effect. Besides, what is the population of the southern states? Do you not tremble when you look at it? Have we not within these few days passed a law to prevent the importation of certain dangerous characters? What will hinder them from arriving in the Floridas and what can guard the approach from thence to our southern frontier? These pernicious emissaries may stimulate with a prospect of freedom the miserable men who now toil without hope. They may excite them to imitate a fatal example, and to act over those scenes which fill our minds with horror. When the train shall be laid—when the conspiracy shall be ripe—when the armies of France shall have reached your frontier, the firing of the first musket shall be a signal for general carnage and conflagration. If you will not see your danger now, the time must soon arrive when you shall feel it. The southern states being exposed to such eminent danger their representatives may be made to know that a vote given in Congress shall realize the worst apprehensions. You will then feel their danger on this floor.
Such being the probable result, as to the southern what will it be to the middle states? Their trade to the West-India islands is gone the moment that country is in possession of the French. England to whose dominions alone they can have recourse for the vent of their produce and the purchase of their supplies, will confine that commerce to her own ships. I say the moment the French are in possession of New-Orleans your West-India trade is gone. I do not mean that this effect will be sudden as a flash of lightning, but it will be gone in a few years, which may be considered as a moment when compared with national existence. You will then be dependent for that trade on the good will of England, and, as your navigation decreases, your dependence will be still greater, because you will rely on her navy for your protection. I again repeat that when it shall be a question in your councils whether you will have a navy, the increasing weight of the western country will be thrown into the scale of opposition.—They will insist on an army for their protection. My honorable colleague has expressed his fears for a standing army. Sir, your present negligence will put you under the necessity of having such an army, and expose you to all the consequences to be apprehended from it.—You may indeed remain united in a body as one nation, but with such contrariant interests and opinions, with sentiments and views so different, it will be a large and languishing body without a soul.
(To be continued.)
NEW-YORK, April 15, 1803. SYMPTOMS OF WAR IN EUROPE.
Captain Sterling of the ship Mercury, who arrived yesterday in 31 days from Liverpool informs that on the 10th of March, the day of his sailing, an express had arrived from London with orders for an immediate impressment of every seaman in the port of Liverpool, in consequence of which every outward bound merchantman was instantly stripped of all their hands. A press boat came alongside the Mercury, but did not molest her.—Capt. S. saw a boat with a press-gang on board, in chase of a Dublin packet, outward bound, but did not overtake it.
Impending War was the general rumour of the day, in consequence, as was suggested, of some difference between England and France, with respect to the surrender of Malta. A London paper of the 8th of March, mentions the depression of the price of stocks, and speaks confidently of an approaching change of Ministry. [D. Adv.]
The following is a copy of a letter from Mr. Gascoigne, member of Parliament from Liverpool, to the Mayor of that city, dated London, March 8, 6 P. M.
DEAR SIR.
War is expected—a message this day from the King to the house of that tendency—Militia expected to be called to guard against invasion—Stocks down 4 per cent—Mr. Pitt it is supposed will return soon to power. I have time to add no more, it being 6 o'clock.
J. GASCOIGNE.
Extract of a letter from Havre, dated January 23, to a person in London.
“We are here very busy in sending our victims to the west-Indies.—Two thousand sail tomorrow, and a very large force is preparing in other ports; it is said sixty thousand. If they should send one hundred thousand, the yellow fever will provide for them all. Twenty seven thousand men have fallen under this disorder. An officer who left St. Domingo one month ago shewed me the actual returns; not a house remains standing in the country; every thing is leveled to the ground, or burnt. A white person dare not move half a mile from the centinels, without the certainty of being murdered. No quarters is given. The Blacks in dying, will not take quarter. He assured me that, under the stroke of the bayonet, they declare death to be preferable to slavery. The cruelties on both sides are dreadful and are even incredible. Frequently fifty or one hundred of these unfortunate wretches are conveyed ten or twelve leagues to sea, and thrown overboard, tied back to back, though they are generally first suffocated in the hold. I do not doubt the veracity of this Officer: Indeed this account has been confirmed to me by others.”
ALBANY, March 29.
Major John C. T. Brock, has been removed by the President of the United States, from the office of Surveyor and Inspector of the port of Hudson, in this state, and Isaac Dayton appointed in

his place. "The first, (says a correspondent in Hudson) is an old revolutionary soldier whose constitution was broken down in a seven years campaign, and who now supports himself by the labor of his own hands—he last a brawling democrat, despised by every honest man within this city, and esteemed too low for even a tool of democracy. This transaction is here viewed in its proper light. Thank God there are some honest democrats, and they universally condemn it." This, to be sure, is no uncommon thing, but the circumstances attending it coming more within our knowledge than other transactions of the same nature which happen daily, have induced us to mention it.
MARTINSBURG, April 22.
WE have just been favored with a statement of the poll in Hampshire on Tuesday evening last. The progress Federalism has made in that county is highly gratifying, and has surpassed the calculations of the most sanguine Federal Republican. Desirous of satisfying the public anxiety we hasten to lay it before them.
CONGRESS.
Osborn Sprigg, 368 Dem. Major James Stephenson, 326 Fed.
SENATE.
Lewis Wolfe, Esq. 356 Fed. George North, Esq. 326 Dem.
ASSEMBLY.
Jenkins, 436 } Fed. Snider, 337 } Higgins, 326 Demo.
Now, Citizens of Berkeley, with you it rests to close the scene. With you it remains to say, whether a genuine Republican, who has served you faithfully in the Camp and Cabinet, shall be elected, or one who has profusely squandered your money, and attempted to stigmatize you, by placing you on an equality with the low land negroes. But you do not want this disgusting subject again brought to view, to make you spurn from your employ, the man who could thus indignantly debase you. You have always been the votaries of Federal Republicanism, in its genuine sense—and to you, and your lately detached brethren, will the district be again indebted for a Representative in Congress, possessing sound principles.
Since writing the above, we have seen a gentleman who left Romney after a final closing of the poll. The account he brings is still more favorable to the cause of Federalism, Sprigg had then only 25 of a majority. So that with the Federal majority obtained in Jefferson, Major Stephenson is 6 votes before Sprigg.
We have this day commenced the publication of Mr. Morris's speech on the Resolutions respecting Louisiana. This speech is one of the most splendid specimens of modern eloquence. Had Mr. Morris left nothing behind him but this single speech, posterity would number him among the greatest statesmen and most powerful orators of this age.
The Rev. Stephen George Rozell, will Preach at the Court-House, in this Town, next Sabbath, at half after 11 o'clock, A. M.
"Strong Hold of Federalism."
LOUDOUN COUNTY ELECTION. TRIUMPH OF REPUBLICANISM. Monday last being election day in Loudoun county, an uncommon number of voters attended at an early hour, and the result has been such as to exceed the calculations of the most sanguine votaries of Federalism or genuine republicanism. The candidates were—
CONGRESS.
Republican. Joseph Lewis, 517 Democratic. Richard Brent 170 Majority for Mr. Lewis 347.
STATE SENATOR.
Republican. Col. Peyton, 551 Democratic. Mr. Horner, 132 MEMBERS OF ASSEMBLY.
Republican. Mr. Rozell, 520 Democratic. Mr. Hamilton, 177 Mr. Harrison, 466 Mr. Heaton, 177 Mr. Rust, 25
The above election having terminated so much more favorable to the good old cause than was anticipated, leaves no room to doubt that Mr. Lewis will be chosen to represent the district, composed of the counties of Prince William, Loudoun and Fairfax, by a very large majority, as the most sanguine democrat, we believe, scarcely calculates upon a larger majority, in the county of Fairfax, than 40 or 50, and it is very doubtful with us, whether Mr. Lewis will not have a majority even in that county, if his friends will turn out.
(Alexandria Advertiser.)
Massachusetts Election. VOTES FOR GOVERNOR.
   Counties. Strong. Gerry.     Suffolk (complete) 1996 918   Essex (complete) 5537 2999   Middlesex 12 towns 1118 566   Worcester, 3 towns 221 47   Norfolk, 10 towns 585 602   9457 5132  
(Salem Gaz.)
Hingham last year gave 17 majority to Gerry, this year 70 majority to Strong. Charleston last year 65 maj. to Gerry, this year 29 maj. to Strong. Sherburne last year 6 maj. to Gerry, this year 62 for Strong. Groton last year 100 maj. to Gerry, this year 52 maj. for Strong. Townsend last year 33 maj. to Gerry, this year 48 maj. to Strong. Concord last year 1 federal maj. this year 30.—Medford last year 68 fed. maj. this year 86. Watertown last year 74 dem. maj. this year 7 only. Hingham is in Suffolk, the rest of the above towns in Middlesex.
Charleston and Townsend, in Middlesex, which gave a majority for Governor Strong, have given a small majority for the democratic list of senators. All the other towns in that county, from which we have heard as giving a majority to Strong, we believe have given a majority to the federal list of senators.
The towns of Stoughton, Randolph, Roxbury, Milton, Dorchester, Medfield, Weymouth, Braintree and Quincy, in Norfolk county, gave Mr. Gerry, last year, a majority of 452 votes—this year only 6 votes. (ib.)
RICHMOND ELECTION.
Doctor JOHN ADAMS, a federalist, was re-elected last Monday, to represent this city in the next general assembly, by a majority of thirteen votes.
We understand a considerable alarm prevails in Scotland, in consequence of the emigrants to America, of persons, some driven from the small farms by the extension of sheep-walks, and others invited away. The Earl of Selkirk has a great project on his hands. He has actually engaged many hundreds or thousands of Scots farmers to go to America, where he will purchase lands.—[N. T. Herald]
Parties. —When Henry the IV of France, was struggling for his crown, amid the contention of conflicting parties, he pursued a conduct, and was actuated by motives evincive of real greatness. Embarrassed in his operations, by the violent animosities that subsisted between his protestant and catholic subjects, the event became extremely doubtful.—The Duke de Sully advised him at this critical juncture of his affairs, to adhere to the protestant interest, dismiss the catholics of his army, and rely for success on the efforts of a select party. Henry's reply to this proposition was every way worthy of his sound principles and excellent disposition. It is not said he the crown of France but the hearts of the people I wish to secure. Choosing rather to loose a crown to which he was justly entitled, than by an expedient, create a division, that would have involved him in inextricable difficulties. Had Mr. Jefferson, when struggling for the Presidency of the United States, possessed a sentiment thus noble it would have been happy for our government.—Had he been less intent to gain an office, and more scrupulous as to the means used to affect the object; had he sought to unite conflicting parties, and to secure the hearts of the people whose government he was to administer; had personal ambition been subservient to the interest and happiness of his country; and had not the odious distinction of sect been introduced to keep alive dissensions, and create disgust, we should not have been in all probability at this period a divided people. There was a moment when professions were believed, and a great body of the federalists were disposed to place confidence in a man who on paper appeared plausible. But we might as well attempt "to pluck bright honor from the pale faced moon," as expect temperance and moderation from the leaders of a hungry faction. Office, the emoluments of office, the loaves and fishes have a charm more powerful than all the stale considerations of honor, virtue and patriotism. The same spirit that prompted to a dereliction of principle and a consequent adherence to artful intrigue, has since operated to secure the continuance of an ill gotten power. Executive influence has been strengthened, and a precedent established, that has given a fatal wound to elective franchise; a species of bribery that puts up offices to the highest bidder at the auction of elections. The same spirit
that opened the purse of a penurious expectant, to reward a miscreant for the most atrocious calumnies that ever came from the pen of man; bidding a price for iniquity, as a profitable speculation, has since extended its deleterious influence, by gratifying the claims of dependent satellites and answering the demands of political office-jobbers. The same spirit that dictated the celebrated letter to Mazzei, which slandered our government, and pointed a dagger at the bosom of his country's benefactor, has since led to measures ruinous to the dignity of that government, and fatal to the constitution. (Patriot.)
DEMOCRATIC DECEPTION.
AS we expected, the democrats are boasting loudly of the prosperity of our finances. Before Jefferson had been in office six months, they began to proclaim a millenium, though no one measure had been entered into by him, but that of making room for his friends and partisans. Not a single dollar has ever been brought into the treasury by any measure of the democratic party. The prosperous system of finance, suggested by Hamilton, and adopted by the Washington administration, is the source to which we are indebted for an overflowing treasury; the credit of opposition to which system, is all that the party now in power can claim.
When the Federalists went out of office, and Mr. Jefferson and his party came in, government had just began to breathe free of embarrassments which had oppressed it ever since its first establishment.
At the out-set there was not a dollar in the treasury; they were actually forced to borrow money to pay the members of congress. As soon as the revenue system was brought into operation, a very expensive Indian war broke out, that took every spare cent in the treasury.—Then followed the Algerine pirates.—Next Gallatin and his whisky boys.—Then the British depredations, amounting to almost four millions dollars. Then the French, to twenty millions, and to close the scene, another Pennsylvania insurrection. Yet notwithstanding all these obstructions, the national debt was diminished, the country was enriched beyond calculation, a navy built, our commerce doubly extended, and three millions of money in the treasury, and a revenue established which annually produced between ten and twelve millions of dollars closed the career of federal labours. When all this was done, and peace settled with foreign powers, and the army disbanded and the navy laid up, the democrats came into power, and fading things in a prosperous train begin to crow up the good effects of their management ere they have taken a single step, backward or forward. The sly ones of the party think that they can praise themselves now for every thing done by the Federalists, and the people are so short sighted as not to discern the trick. They calculate upon all being as dumb as democrats—incapable of seeing an inch beyond their noses, but they are out in their reckoning. The people are not so stupid as democrats would have them.
They know as well as democrats that there must be a reason for every thing; that it takes time and labor, rain and sunshine, to produce a crop, and that there is as much merit in those who fence the land, manure, plough, harrow, sow, and keep off the crows and wild beasts till harvest, as to those who then come in and barely reap the field. They will not admit such great merit in the democrats in our money concerns, when they know that these gentry have never brought a single cent into the treasury, when they know that Gallatin and his whisky-boys, have taken more by a MILLION, out of the treasury, than they ever put in, when they see these sunshine patriots, who made such a noise about high salaries, getting their FIVE and TWENTY-FIVE thousand dollars a year, and their SIX dollars a day; when they see them taking the taxes off the coaches of the rich, and leaving the burdens of the poor undiminished!
[Trenton Federalist.]
For the INTELLIGENCER.
To OSBORN SPRIGG, Esq. SIR,
YOUR unprovoked attacks on Major Stephenson have done you but little honor; and if I am not mistaken you have been exceedingly unfortunate in your mysterious explanation of your own public conduct. Your doctrine of "Negro Representation" carries to my mind the most terrible ideas; for if it be possible to prove, that the slave holder should vote for his
slaves, or which is the same thing, have his slaves represented; the liberties of this country are but an empty name, and the poor in their turn, not being able to procure slaves, will become the slaves of the rich. It was the same spirit, Mr. Sprigg, which took the taxes off the rich and fastened them on the poor.—And perhaps it was the same spirit which tempted you to say, that Pace's Memorial, which proposed to save fifteen hundred dollars to the state, "was rejected with becoming contempt."—These are your own words Mr. Sprigg; and after such a declaration, it is no wonder you approve of the administration. Your friends in Congress have given TWENTY HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS to the President, as secret service money; but they have wit enough to try to keep such conduct hid. They drive out the people, bar the doors, enjoin secrecy, and then proceed.
From the practice of iniquity proceeds the love of darkness. It is evidently the plan of the ministerialists to exterminate every Federalist from the councils of the nation. For the two last years, Virginia has sent twenty democratic Representatives to Congress, and but ONE Federalist to watch them. Three years ago we were told that opposition was the life of liberty. Why do you now wish, Mr. Sprigg, to deny us a few centinels to guard our rights, to watch the conduct of an overbearing majority? Stephenson will not throw away the public money on Meriwether Jones. He does not wish to see the poor oppressed as they are, and he does not wish to see the slaves giving laws to Freemen.
I am not done Mr. Sprigg, with your "Negro representation." By this 'blasting doctrine,' you proclaim the eternal degradation of the people west of the Blue Ridge. You say this negro representation would give us two Senators more than otherwise we would have.—But you certainly know, it would give, at the same time, a much greater number of Senators to our oppressors, because the slaves on the other side of the Ridge are vastly more numerous, consequently, the representation would be more unequal and our condition made worse than before. Your argument reminds me of a place they call Point 'No Point.' The consolation you offer us for mixing us with slaves, and fixing our necks under the feet of the slave-holders, comes to appear the moment we approach it. Mr. Sprigg! I called this your blasting doctrine, by which you proclaim the eternal degradation of the people west of the Blue Ridge, by which you proclaim the insolence of power, and the vassalage of the poor. The people of this District will not be able to send you to Congress, until they can spare another fifteen hundred dollars for Meriwether Jones. You are an expensive representative. "A VOTER."
PARTNERSHIP DISSOLVED.
THE partnership of Mines & Kearsley being this day dissolved by mutual consent, the business will, in future, be carried on by John Mines, who only has full power to collect the debts due to the late firm, and to settle all business respecting it. Those who have accounts open are respectfully and earnestly requested to come forward and close them.
JOHN MINES.
JONATHAN KEARSLEY.
Charles Town, Jefferson County, April 1, 1803.
N. B. The subscriber has on hand an assortment of well chosen GOODS, which he is determined to sell uncommonly cheap for cash.
JOHN MINES.
JOHN BOND.
RESPECTFULLY informs the inhabitants of Martinsburg and its vicinity, that if suitable encouragement is given, he will open a SCHOOL in the said town of Martinsburg, for the instruction of youth in the English language, grammatically, Arithmetical large, and several useful branches of the Mathematics.—His wife, Mrs. Bond, will attend if requested, a female School, in which young ladies will be taught plain and other Sewing, Reading, Writing, &c. J. Bond has taught school in Winchester for 12 years past, and has certificates from the most respectable persons in the state of Virginia of his capability and moral conduct, which certificates are lodged with J. Alburris for the inspection of all who may wish to enquire into his character. A subscription paper is also left with the said Alburris for the signature of such as may please to patronize his undertaking.—He will open his school as soon as 25 scholars are subscribed for. April 22, 1803.

LAND FOR SALE. AGREEABLY to the last Will and Testament of Lewis Wisenall, dec. and pursuant to a decree of the Court of Jefferson County, will be sold at public sale on Friday the 20th day of next month, a tract or parcel of land, containing about two hundred and sixty eight acres, late the property of said Wisenall, dec. situated in Jefferson County, Virginia, near the Potomac river, and adjoining lands of Joseph McMurrin, Adam Moler, & others. Mrs. Mary Wisenall has a right of dower in eighty nine acres of said land, but the whole will be sold subject to that right. It is said that this land is of the first quality, and abounds in fine timber, and only about one third of it cleared. One third of the purchase money will be required in hand, and for the remainder the purchaser will receive a credit of one, two and three years, on giving security for the payment. The sale will commence at 12 o'clock on the premises, at the house of William Addy, where more particulars of the sale will be made known, by
JOHN BAKER, Executor of L. Wisenall. April 8, 1803.
THE subscriber has for sale, at his Plantation near Lee Town, and at the house of Mr. Patrick Duffy in Martinsburg, a quantity of good Fresh HEMP SEED, Which he will dispose of at Ten Shillings per bushel. April 8, 1803. RICH WILLIS.
WATCH REPAIRING, SILVER-SMITH'S WORK, JEWELRY, &c. &c. ROBERT McGUIRE, INFORMS his friends and the public that he has removed his shop to the house of Mr. Jacob Hamm, in the Main Street Martinsburg, nearly opposite Mr. Edmund Graham's Fountain Inn, where he has now for sale a quantity of Silver Work, &c. and can furnish any person who may please to favor him with their custom, with any article wanted in the above branches of business, on a short notice, at a reasonable price, and executed in a masterly manner. Gratefully impressed with a just sense of the encouragement manifested by the public towards me, since my commencing business in Martinsburg, I tender them my most sincere thanks, and trust it will be in my power to execute their work in such a manner, as will in every respect be satisfactory to them. April 8, 1803.
RENTERS TAKE NOTICE. THE subscriber will rent for a term, not exceeding three years, all that large Farm situated on Back Creek, formerly the property of Capt. James Blue; there are upwards of two hundred acres cleared, one hundred of which is now ready for the plough (of which forty acres are prime bottom). There are on the place three separate tenements, by which two tenants can be well accommodated, and if agreeable to the renters, they may have the crop now in the ground (which looks very well) on a credit of twelve months. Immediate possession may be had of the whole, except one of the dwelling houses, which will be occupied until the 1st of May, by Capt. Blue. This place is never injured by fresher, the land being high. For terms apply to WILLIAM WILSON. April 8, 1803.
WILL BE OFFERED FOR SALE TO THE HIGHEST BIDDER, AT the Court-House in Martinsburg, on the first day of April Court, the three Lots of Land with all the Houses thereon, that formerly belonged to, and which are now in the possession of Richard M'Mechen—Also the House and Lot at present in the occupancy of William M'Causland. The said property is situated in the north end of Martinsburg, and would suit well for several private families—it is offered for sale to satisfy a deed of trust executed to me by each of the above named persons. The premises may be seen on or before the day of sale, when the terms will be made known. WILLIAM BURNS, sen. April 8, 1803.
We are authorised to inform the freeholders of Frederick, Berkeley, Hampshire, Hardy and Jefferson Counties, that GEORGE NORTH, Esq. of Jefferson County offers himself as a candidate to represent the district as Senator in the State Legislature. April 8, 1803.
TO BE LET, For one, two, three, four, or five years, and possession given the 1st day of April next, THE property at present occupied by Mr. Abraham Lange, situated in Garrards-Town, Berkeley County. This property consists of a very good and convenient Dwelling House, well calculated for a tavern (for which it has for a long time been occupied,) with a bar room, cellar, dining room, and a number of lodging rooms, good stables, ball alley, &c. with an excellent garden, and two acres of land, well enclosed, adjoining. There is a good lime stone spring conveniently situated, the water of which runs through this lot. Any person inclining to rent, may know the terms by applying to Mr. George Lemen, of Garrards Town, or to the subscriber living near Mr. Raughly Colstons, on the Potomac river. JOHN BECKETT. March 18, 1803.
The Famous Stud Horse YOUNG SNAP, WILL stand the ensuing season, on the three first days in each week, at my stable in Martinsburg, and the three last days in each week, at Capt. Alexander Miller's stable in Buckles Town, and cover mares at the moderate price of four dollars and one bushel of grain the season, one dollar and a half cash the single leap, and seven dollars to insure a foal. YOUNG SNAP was got by the noted horse Old Snap, the property of Jacob Vandoren, his dam was got by the imported horse Old Arabian, his grand dam by the noted horse Goliath, his great grand dam by Sampson. Young Snap is a handsome black, full sixteen hands high, rising eleven years this spring—his carriage, movement and figure, will recommend him to the eye of every impartial judge. It is needless to give a longer history of his pedigree, as his colts are well known. The money for the season must be paid on the 15th of October next. The season will commence the 29th instant and end on the 1st of July. ABRAHAM GORRELL. March 18, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. February Court, 1803. ROBERT WILCOX, Complainant, vs. JACOB ONG, Defendant. IN CHANCERY.
THE Defendant, Jacob Ong, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said Defendant do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in May next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of the said County. A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. s. c.
The full-bred Fox Hunter LOFTY, WILL stand this season on Mondays, Tuesdays and Wednesdays, at the stable of Mr. Jarvis Jeffries in Martinsburg, and the three last days in the week at Mr. Philip Shutt's tavern in Shepherd's Town, and be let to mares at five dollars the season (two shillings and six pence to the groom, to be paid when the mares are brought) two dollars and an half, cash, the single leap, and nine dollars to insure a colt—the money to be paid the first of September. LOFTY is a chestnut sorrel, full 16 hands high, with a small blaze—stout and handsomely formed, five years old this spring; he was got by my horse Paymaster, for which I was offered 1200 dollars, his dam was the brown Filly, got by Mr. Filpot's Horse, which was sold at fifteen years old for 800 dollars—Lofty's grand dam was Portley, her sire was Stewart's full bred horse, bred by Samuel Ringold, Esq. which was sold in South Carolina for Five Hundred Pounds. For a colt of Lofty's I was offered 100 dollars, at one year old. The season has commenced, and will end the first of July. Good pasturage may be had, but I will not be answerable for accidents or escapes. JAMES BREATHED. Washington County, April 15, 1803.
The Young Mill-Wright and Miller's Guide, for sale at this Office.
SPRING and SUMMER GOODS. THE subscribers are just opening a large and general assortment of Prime Goods, suitable to the present and approaching seasons: And having long seen the advantages that would arise to their friends and the public in general, was a suitable person, with a good capital, to attend the markets of New-York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, and purchase all the cheap things sold at Vendue or elsewhere, they have been induced to embark in it, (one of the concern is now employed in the above business,) and we take this method of informing the Public, that we now have a valuable assortment of Cheap Goods, and solicit their early communication either personally or otherwise. JAMES S. LANE, & Co. Shepherd's-Town, April 15, 1803.
THE Light Infantry Company commanded by capt. JACOB HAINES, are requested to attend muster in Shepherd's-Town, at the usual place of parade on the 2nd Saturday in May. A punctual attendance will be expected. ELIJAH HOWDEN, 1st sergt. April 15, 1803.
AGREEABLY to law, the whole of the Taxes for the County of Berkeley, are distrainable on the 1st of May next. All persons therefore who are subject to taxation, will please to take notice, that the time of the present sheriffs expires on the 1st of December next—and that they are determined to collect every species of tax by that period. No person need expect any longer indulgence as they are positively resolved to complete the whole of their collections on or before that time. AM. & SAM. DAVENPORT. GEO. HARRIS, D. s. for B. C. April 15, 1803.
FARMERS TAKE NOTICE, THAT I have now taken in possession the Lower Mill in Martinsburg, belonging to the heirs of Moses Hunter, dec'd. and am ready to receive and manufacture all kinds of grain agreeable to the terms hereafter mentioned:—Out of every Five Bushels of Merchantable WHEAT, weighing 60 lbs. to the bushel, I will make a barrel of Superfine Flour, and stand the Inspection of the same in any market whatever within this state.—All Grist Work will be particularly attended to. Being determined to use every exertion within the compass of my knowledge, aided by the judgment of an ample assistant, I hope to merit the favors of the people at large. JOHN WEST. April 15, 1803.
LOST BETWEEN Martinsburg and the Falling-Waters, a large Linnen ROCKET BOOK , with 8 or 9 pockets, alphabetically lettered, containing a number of Clerk's and Sheriff's Notes, and some other papers of no use to any person but the subscriber. Any person finding the same and so contriving that I get them, shall receive a generous reward, and be entitled to the thanks of their very humble serv't. JOHN McCLEARY. April 15, 1803.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a HOUSE OF PUBLIC ENTERTAINMENT , at the sign of the Bull's Head, in the house formerly occupied by Mrs. Susannah Wolgamott, where he is well provided with every thing necessary for the agreeable and genteel accommodation of all those who may please to favor him with their custom. He will always keep a quantity of chopped Rye, Corn, Hay and cut Straw, for the purpose of supplying waggoners and other travellers, for whom this will be an excellent stand, as it lies on the main street (through which all the principal roads pass) and has a well of excellent water at the door. JARVIS JEFFRIES. Martinsburg, April 15, 1803.
TAKEN up by the subscriber, on Monday the 4th inst. in the edge of Hampshire County, near Bath, a stray Horse, of a dark brown colour, about 11 years old, 16 hands high, has no brand perceivable, has three old shoes on—trots and canters. This horse has been straying about the neighborhood, since the 7th of March last. The owner is requested to prove property, and take him away. DAVID SIMPSON.
To the Citizens of Berkeley, Jefferson and Hampshire. GENTLEMEN, I OFFER myself to your consideration, as a candidate at the ensuing Election, to Represent you in the Congress of the United States. To give my political opinions in detail, I consider unnecessary, as it may be presumed they are generally known throughout the district. I declare an inviolable attachment to the Rights and Liberties of the People of this Country—I declare an inviolable attachment to the Constitution of the United States, by which these Rights and Liberties are secured; and if elected, I will cheerfully co-operate in all measures which in my judgment are calculated to promote your interest and happiness. I am, Gentlemen, with due respect, Your obedient servant, JAMES STEPHENSON. March 4, 1803.
We are authorised to inform the Citizens of Berkeley County, that JAMES CAMPBELL, Esq. and MAGNUS TATE, Esq. will stand a poll at the ensuing election for Representatives in the State Legislature.
NOTICE is hereby given, that an ELECTION will be held at the Court-House in Martinsburg, on the Monday after the third Tuesday in April next, for the purpose of choosing two fit persons to represent the County of Berkeley in the General Assembly of this State. JOHN DAVENPORT, Sheriff. March 4, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, that an ELECTION will be held at the Court-House in Martinsburg, on the Monday after the third Tuesday in April next, for the purpose of choosing a fit person to represent the District composed of the Counties of Berkeley, Jefferson & Hampshire, in the House of Representatives of the United States. JOHN DAVENPORT, Sheriff. March 4, 1803.
THE SUBSCRIBER WISHES to inform the public and his friends in general, that he has removed his shop to the house of Mr. John Blackford, lately occupied by Evans & Jamieson, where he means to pay the same attention to the practice of Physic, Surgery, &c. as he heretofore has done. I cannot think that it is in my power to pay those friends who have honored me with their confidence and partiality, too great a compliment; my heart is penetrated with the most lively sense of gratitude for the distinguished patronage and encouragement which I have met with in the line of my profession, and hope the exultation is no ways culpable that springs from the reflection, that none have reason to repent of the confidence reposed in me. It has been by several years extensive practice, great labor, and close application, that has enabled me to obtain your confidence, which it shall be my ambition to preserve through life. J. D. WILLIAMSON. Shepherd's Town, April 8, 1803.
TO BE LET —two rooms, in a public situation in this Town, that would suit well for a Store, or a small family. Apply to JOHN ALBURTIS. Martinsburg, April 15, 1803.
Terms of the Intelligencer. THE price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week. Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their advertisements.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.