Gazette of the United States and daily evening advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1795-01-24 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States AND DAILY EVENING ADVERTISER.
[No. 21 of Vol. VII.]
SATURDAY, JANUARY 24, 1795.
[Whole No. 743.]
115,000 weight of Green Coffee, In 87 bds. 45 barrels, and 200 bags...
For Sale or Charter, The SHIP MARGARET, Robert Robertson, Master.
For Hamburg, The full-sailing ship INDUSTRY, LYING at Walnut-street.
Burlington Pork, A QUANTITY OF Best Burlington Pork, FOR SALE BY Levi Hollingsworth & Son.
Nicholas Diehl jun., Inform his friends and the Public, that in consequence of the Resignation of John Hall...
NOTARY PUBLIC, Within the City of Philadelphia, and at present keeps his Office at No. 19, South Fourth Street.
HAZARD'S Historical Collections, JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE BY THOMAS DOBSON.
A pleasant Country Seat, MAY be hired for one or more years...
Just Published, By Samuel H. Smith, and sold by Mr. Stephens, No. 57, South Second Street, MEMOIRS OF General Dumourier.
A Large Assortment of Warranted Watches, From 14 to 40 dollars - a very general assortment of Watch-Materials, Chains, Seals, &c. &c. - and a few very handsome French Mantle Clocks.
John J. Parry, Clock and Watch Maker, No. 38, South Second Street. An Apprentice wanted.
FOR SALE, At the STORES of Jesse & Robert Walp, PORT WINE in pipes, bds. and quarter casks.
Nankeens, Short Nankeens, entitled to the Drawback FOR SALE AT No. 40, north Fifth Street.
This Day was published, [Price 25 cents] AND FOR SALE AT T. BRADFORD'S Book-Store, No. 8, South Front Street.
Stationary of all kinds, January, 1795.
To be Sold, A VALUABLE Tract of Land, BEING that part of the city of New Brunswick that lies in the county of Somerset...
AT THE Card & Nail Factory, No. 19, north Front Street, Webster, Adgate & White, Have constantly for sale, Cotton, Wool, Tow, and Machine Cards.
James Parker, Of Perth Amboy.
George Green, Informs his Friends and Customers in particular, and the Public in general, that he has a New four horse Stage.
Machinery for making Cards, On an Improved Construction.
Fine Fresh Lemons, At Four Dollars the Box, FOR SALE BY THOMAS RANDALL.
WANTED, A Quantity of White Beans, For which CASH will be given by Edward Stow jun.
Cotton Bedticks, (American Manufacture,) Said to contain the Down and Feathers, much better than the best India Bedticks.
George Hunter, Chemist, At his Laboratory, No. 114, South Second Street.
FRESH DRUGS, CHEMICAL PREPARATIONS, and PATENT MEDICINES.
BOOKS, PRINTED & PUBLISHED By Mathew Carey, No. 118, Market Street.
1. Charlotte, a tale of truth, By Mrs Rowson, of the New Theatre Philadelphia. Second American edition - Price 75 cents. 2. The Inquisitor - By Mrs Rowson, Second Philadelphia edition. 87 1/2 cents. 3. Adventures of Roderick Random. 2 vols. 1 dollar and 50 cents, coarse paper - 1 dollar and 75 cents, fine. 4. Notes on the State of Virginia - By Thomas Jefferson. Price, neatly bound, one dollar and a half. 5. History of the French Revolution, from its commencement to the death of the Queen and the execution of Brissot. Two dollars.
EXTRACT FROM THE PREFACE, The authors have presumed to affix to their little work the epithet Impartial...
acknowledged. On the contrary, they are well assured that these pages will not be acceptable to the readers of either party.
6. Plowden's history of the British empire from May 1792, to December 1793. A dollar and a quarter. 7. Beattie's Elements of Moral Science. 2 vols. One dollar and three quarters. 8. Ladies' Library. Second American edition. 87 1/2 cents. 9. Journal d'un Séjour en France... 10. Edward's treatise on the religious affections. Coarse paper, a dollar - fine, a dollar and a half. 11. Rights of Woman - by Mrs. Wollstonecraft. A dollar. 12. Willison's Sacramental Meditations. 60 cents. 13. Bunyan's Holy War, made by Shaddai against Diabolus. 14. Short account of Algiers. Second edition, enlarged - 25 cents. 15. Blair's Lectures on Rhetoric and Belle Lettres. Three dollars 33 cents. 16. Smith's Letters to Married Women, on nursing and the management of children. 62 1/2 cents. 17. American Farmer's letters. 80 cents. 18. Young Misses Magazine. 2 vols. 1 dollar 33 cents. 19. Complete Atlas for the present war, containing maps of France, Holland, Northern Italy, Germany, Spain, Italy, and the West-Indies. 2 dollars. 20. Duncan's Elements of Logic. 80 cents. 21. Trench's examination of Lord Shelburne's observations. 62 1/2 cents. 22. Ladies' Friend. 37 1/2 cents. 23. Smith's history of New York, from its discovery to 1732. 1 dollar 25 cents. 24. Complete Atlas for the present war, containing maps of France, Holland, Northern Italy, Germany, Spain, Italy, and the West-Indies. 2 dollars. 25. Constitutions of the United States, with the Federal Constitutions. 62 1/2 cents. 26. Peyton's Grammar for Freemen to learn English. 50 cents. 27. Epictetus Enchiridion. 31 cents. 28. Gay's Fables. 31 cents. 29. Christian Economy. 25 cents. 30. Charms of Melody, a choice collection of Songs. 25 cents. 31. American Museum, 12 vols. 8vo. Nine dollars and 20 cents. 32. Poem of Col. Humphreys. 37 1/2 cents. 33. Catechism of Man. 18 3/4 cents. 34. Tom Paine's Jests. 18 3/4 cents. 35. Carey's account of the Yellow Fever, 17th edition. 50 cents. 36. Devout Christian's Vade Mecum. 25 cents. 37. Garden of the Soul. 50 cents. 38. Think well on't. 50 cents. 39. Downey Bible. 6 dollars.
General Washington, Poem of Col. Humphreys. 37 1/2 cents. Catechism of Man. 18 3/4 cents. Tom Paine's Jests. 18 3/4 cents. Carey's account of the Yellow Fever, 17th edition. 50 cents. Devout Christian's Vade Mecum. 25 cents. Garden of the Soul. 50 cents. Think well on't. 50 cents. Downey Bible. 6 dollars.

THE DRAMA.
Mr. TENNO.
I BEG leave, through the channel of your paper, to offer a few remarks on the articles which appeared on Friday and Monday last, in the Aurora on the performances at the New Theatre; which appear to me, to favour much of a puff, under cover. I will agree with him, that there is in most of our modern Comedies and Farces, too much buffoonery; but there are no indecencies that can offend the ear, or corrupt the morals—human nature was, is, and ever will be the same, in all countries, and will, forever, exhibit a variety of vice and folly, which an able dramatist has it in his power more effectually to expose, by personifying them in ludicrous characters, as objects of contempt and derision; and by this means be more beneficial to a nation than if the rebuke came through the more solemn channel of the pulpit.
Horace, Martial, and Juvenal, ridiculed the luxuries and profanity of the Romans—Bolleau and Moliere, the levity and refinement of the French—Cervantes, the romantic pride and madness of the Spaniards, by exhibiting characters the objects of ridicule and laughter. In our modern Dramatis Personae, we may find some that are rather too highly coloured, but if it does not descend to absolute buffoonery, the satire is the more poignant.
In respect to Tragedy, I cannot help thinking, if any dramatic writer was to make Sophocles or Euripides his model, he would meet with no success; those worthy authors have been as much censured for their pedantry, by more writers than one, as ever Socrates was by Aristophanes. Some people go to the play to be made to cry—more I believe to be made laugh—all I suppose to be entertained—but none ever with a prospect of being sent to sleep. And were the managers to adopt such a species of entertainment, they would shortly find a beggarly account of empty boxes, and themselves in the situation of a certain Welch parson. The excellence of the modern tragedies, has been stamped by the approbation of the most judicious critics and audiences; and I must think them the best adapted for representation.
The Lycurgus of American taste has not evinced quite so much judgment in his remarks on the Musical performances, or rather Performers: He says, that among them there is one that has much merit as a singer and performer; and immediately adds: Nature has given her but little voice; an odd species of excellence for a singer to have obtained the decided preference of so great a connoisseur in music by. I should suppose, that to constitute a singer, a full, clear, dulcet voice, was the first requisite; a scientific knowledge of music, and a compass of voice adequate, can alone form a fine singer. If the reformer of taste had been called enough to confess, that a simple pleasing air, sung correctly, pleased him more than a fine song, I would give him all possible credit for the affection. As there are few people who have highly cultivated tastes for music, can feel and admire the beautiful, cromatics of Handel, Pergolesi, Haydn, Pleyell, &c. this they may term a noise—but their not liking it, does not diminish their excellence; and I can never think it a secondary merit in a singer, to be able to execute a bravura long; and I am inclined to suppose, that Mr. Critic's views tend rather to reduce the taste of the town, to the level of his own judgment, or to the venal abilities of some individual performers, who may be the object of his
A parson, in a distant retired part of Wales, is so ignorant as they generally are in that country, finding that from the dulness of his sermons, his parishioners never came to church, desired his wife, who was going to Bristol, to go to a bookseller and buy him some Homilies. The good woman immediately went to a shop, but forgetting the word, stammered a good deal, and at last thought she had recollected it, and asked for a book of Homilies. Perhaps, madam, says the bookseller, you mean Comedies—very likely Sir, for my memory is not the best. With her book of Comedies, therefore, she returned to her husband—and arriving just as he was going to Church, delivered him the book. After prayers, he fairly read out one of the plays, and the congregation seemed highly pleased. The Sunday following, double the number came to Church; the next Sunday, the Church was crowded, when unluckily, a friend explained that he had been doing. He laid aside his play book, and returned to his sermons but his Parishioners returned no more to church.
ality, than to any other motive; and I would advise him, when he writes in music again, if he has not an unprejudiced judgment of his own, to borrow from some one who has.
PHILO DEMOCRITUS.
From the AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER.
TISER.
GERMANICUS.
LETTER III.
To the Citizens of the United States.
IN the preceding number it was undertaken to shew, in the first place, that the Comments in the President's speech upon the self-created societies, are genuine inferences from facts.
The train of facts is simple and unembarrassed.
The speech commences the narrative of the insurrection, by alluding to its acknowledged source, the laws of excise. From none of the caverns, in which disaffection to the union lurks, has a serious doubt been whispered against the position, there maintained, "that 'to lay and collect excises' was a legislative power, granted by the constitution of the United States." As little can it be denied, that individuals in the four western Counties of Pennsylvania, passed by degrees through all the stages of opposition, from heated argument to riot and violence; and extending their hopes of insinuating terror into the government, formed associations, by the edicts of some of which the officers of excise were cast out from society. In the range for the most successful means of defending those laws, the genius of discontent gave the impulse to certain self-created societies, and they denounced the laws. Those whose sensibility may be here summoned into action, ought to rescue me, if I am now uttering a calumny, from the pain of doing injustice. They ought to refute my assertion, if it be untrue, that certain self-created societies did condemn the excise, by resolutions published in the Gazettes, during the very period, that a high fermentation notoriously prevailed against it, not only in the western parts of Pennsylvania, but in some districts of other States. The observation is confined to certain only of those societies; because the entire fraternity is reserved for notice in another branch of this inquiry. Nay at a later stage of this convolution, while the resistance and submission of more than fifteen thousand fighting men were nearly balanced, the countenance of the insurrection was in some instances cautiously prevented from being too severe, by enjoining with a stroke at the excise, the frown, which the societies could not decently refuse. The necessity of further details on this head will be superseded by the recollection of those, who read the news-papers. They might be enlarged by the declaration of a representative in Congress, from a western County of Pennsylvania, who voted, as it were upon his own knowledge, for intimating a dissatisfaction with those societies. They might be strengthened by an appeal to that very majority, which, though not disposed to involve the self-created societies in general, attached the stigma to those in the western parts of Pennsylvania. If these facts shall be denied, or attempted to be explained away by those bodies themselves, an answer shall be turned, as soon as the trials of the unfortunate men, whose lives are at stake, shall insist a public development without prejudicing them.
That "certain self-created societies," therefore "assumed the tone of condemnation" of the excise, will not be hastily confronted by those, who are best acquainted with their movements: and as to mingle in the uproar, which was begun, is very abhorrent from a wish to befriend the laws of excise, it may be plainly deduced, that the tone of condemnation was assumed, to "defeat their operation."
But it has been concluded from the comments, directed by the speech to these facts, that the disapprobation, manifested against certain self-created societies, which fomented the insurrection, by reprobating the excise, brushed with its wing all others, whose principle resembled theirs. Such, it is confessed, must have been within the scope of the President according to every rule of reasonable construction. For it would have been a half-way watchfulness, which should not admonish us to shun like pernicious qualities, where-soever and when-soever they should arise—I will go farther; and say, that to my judgment, by combining the two extracts from the speech, noted in the former number, a definition will result, of all those self-created societies, which he meant to comprehend. It will be, that every "self-created society, whose principle: it is, to condemn constitutional laws, in order that their operation may be de-
feated, or, careless of consequences, differentiate, from an ignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealouies and accusations of the government, ought to be avoided by the citizens of the United States."
The particulars of this definition, and its application to the self-created societies known to exist in our country, will be immediately submitted to the public attention.
GERMANICUS.
GERMANICUS.
LETTER III.
To the Citizens of the United States.
WITHSTANDING in the eye of reason, societies, constituted according to the import of the definition in the number, are (to use the sentiment of a celebrated writer, on another occasion) what comes once were the right to be, luring meteors, irregular in their course, and dangerous in their approach; yet has enthusiasm produced opponents of every idea, which that definition conveys. They have contended, 1—That self-creation can be no cause of blame; 2—That the rights of societies, organized in the manner described, to assemble to speak and publish, cannot be prostrated, without inflicting a vital wound on the singular rights of individuals; 3—That, as the societies would probably escape criticism, if they dealt out eulogium on government, instead of criticisms; so they ought to be tolerated, when they paint the deformities of legislative, executive or judicial conduct; and 4—That the practice of the societies in the United States has afforded no testimony, that their principle is as baneful, as has been represented. Each of these resolute strong holds shall be met without evasion.
1. The obvious signification of the term "self-created" coincides with the subsequent allusion of the President, where in his reply to the Senate he introduces "those proceedings, which would arrogate the direction of our affairs, without any degree of authority, derived from the people." Does it not surprise the dispassionate observer, that this single word has been selected, and wrenched from the context, in order to alarm and enlist every assembly of men, not chartered by law? Can this indulgence, which we ought to lavish on the sincere patrons of liberty, tolerate the perverse attempt to agitate the agricultural, mechanical and religious associations as if they were proscribed? Be not deceived by the professions of comparing them with the societies whose aim is widely different. Many, if not all of them, it is true, are "self-created." That is have "no authority from the people." But in what other trait consists the resemblance between the societies, calculated to promote the energies of the soil by scientific culture; to bridge the dependence of the United States on foreign countries, and to acquire if possible a superiority, by mechanism: or to cherish the worship of their God; and those, which labor to "defeat the operation of the laws, and disseminate suspicions, jealousies and accusations of the whole government?" If the contrast be not sufficiently luminous upon the bare statement of it;—if it be not an abundant refutation of those, who tear a word from the sentence, and matter, to which it belongs, and handle it, as if it stood by itself in some vocabulary, with an intention to distort it; to say, that "self-creation," for praiseworthy purposes is praiseworthy, but for improper purposes is improper; the sequel will establish that contrast, that refutation still farther, when we examine those properties, which have been made the criteria of offence.
When I discovered from the speech, that the President had not scrupled to brave the shafts, which would fly around him, I doubted, whether he could not have accomplished another mode of expression, which should have embraced his meaning in its greatest latitude. Altho' it is immaterial to the end of these papers, when the footing, on which the term "self-created" is placed in the early part of this number, is remembered; to conjecture why it was chosen; yet were there circumstances, arising from the excise, and other public relations, which probably might confer on that term a small portion of preference.
The gazettes inform us, that it was a favorite position with those members of the House of Representatives, who were anxious to leave the career of the societies unobstructed by any indications of their displeasure; that, as a house of Representatives, they had no constitutional power to censure; and therefore they would become a mere society, as far as they might pronounce a censure. It follows then, that every house in any legislature, which shall transgress its constitutional powers, is in that respect a mere society.
Such in fact was the House of Representatives in Pennsylvania, when they "assumed the tone of condemnation," and declared, that any "proceeding on the part of the United States, tending to the collection of a revenue by means of excise, established on principles subversive of the peace, liberty, and rights of the citizens, ought to attract their attention; and that no public exigency within their knowledge or contemplation, could, in their opinion, warrant the adoption of any species of taxation, which should violate those rights, which are the basis of our government, and would exhibit the singular spectacle of a nation, resolutely opposing the
oppression of others, in order to enslave itself." It seems to have been the policy of the federal government, to preserve the most perfect harmony with all the great orders of power in the individual states; and it cannot be presumed, that the President was desirous of unnecessarily exciting a contention with the Pennsylvania house of Representatives. Had "societies" only been spoken of, that body would quickly have been told, that they must have been glanced at; being a society, in the sense both of constitutional legislators, and unauthorized censors.
To this it will be answered, that, in proportion as the Pennsylvania house exceeded its power, it was converted into "a self-created society." If this were to be admitted, as a deduction from those premises, not a man could be found, who would understand that the name of self-created society was a distinction of the Pennsylvania house of representatives. It had its effect in this view, since it suppressed an effort to induce them also to suppose, that they were arraigned. With the word "society" alone, that house would have been invited to the banners of opposition, as well as the agricultural, mechanical and religious societies.
But what would have been the language of those, who defend these institutions, and are familiar with the town meetings in the New-England states? These may be denominated societies, sanctioned by law. Without the discriminating feature of self-creation, how easily might it have been clamoured, that the legal assemblies in the states were condemned?
Much safer then was it to use a phrase, which might on the one hand, even if it had been superfluous, set malicious sophistry at defiance, in its endeavours to inflame the bodies, created by law; and on the other might characterize the societies, which are noxious, and those which are faultless.
However, let me be permitted to repeat, that, whatsoever motives of delicacy and caution may have suggested the term "self-created;" the propriety or impropriety of self-created societies depends upon the propriety or impropriety of their principle; and especially, as that principle is developed in their actions. If the Cincinnati themselves cannot endure this ordeal, which in the course of these researches, shall be applied to them; they too shall be consigned to impeachment.
GERMANICUS.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Tuesday, 20th January.
Mr. Hartley presented a petition from sundry of the Representatives in the State Legislature from York county, stating the propriety of establishing a post road and post, from Yorktown in the state of Pennsylvania, by Abbot's town and Geyksburg, to Hagers Town in the state of Maryland and the same was referred to the committee of the whole House on the bill from the Senate concerning roads.
There was read a report from the committee of claims on the petition of Joab Stafford. In the conversation which ensued, it was remarked that many inconveniences had arisen from the unacquaintance of the American soldiers with the laws respecting invalids. This report contains "an extensive view" of the subject: and it seems therefore proper to publish it at full length for the information of military invalids, since no man better deserves the attention America than he who has bled in defence of it.
The Committee of Claims, to whom was referred the petition of Joab Stafford.
REPORT.
THAT the petitioner states, he was wounded on the 16th day of August 1777, in the battle of Bennington, and was placed on the pension list in the month of February 1794. and that he cannot, by the existing law, receive arrears of pension; and prays for a grant of such arrears, at the rate of his allowance, which is 10 dollars per month, from 19th August 1777, to June 1793, making in the whole of arrears the sum of 1980 dollars.
The statement in the petition, is found by the committee to be the truth, but as many persons are in the same situation with the petitioner, and the sum claimed by them is very considerable, the committee have taken the liberty to lay before the House, an extensive view of the merits of these claims, and likewise of the objections which, in their minds, operate against granting.
The pensioners claim an original promise of government, founded on the
principles of justice, that all persons who should become invalids, under certain circumstances, should receive pensions in nature of a maintenance; and that such maintenance, both from the terms and nature of the promise, should commence at the period of their becoming invalids, or when their full pay ceased. They suppose government ought to adopt the same rule of construction, when contemplating this promise, as a court of justice would adopt, were it in the power of the claimants to bring the question before such court; and that the laws of the United States have by repealing the limitation acts, revived the original promise in all its extent, and that the very circumstance of their being placed on the pension list precludes the necessity of any further proof or argument that they are entitled to arrears.
It will be found, on recurring to the first engagement of government respecting pensions to invalids, by a resolution of Congress of the 26th of August 1776, that the object of the promise was to afford relief to such persons, who, by disabilities incurred in the service of the United States, should be unable to obtain a livelihood; several additional resolutions of Congress under the confederation, have made the admission on the pension list more easy; and on the 11th day of June 1788, a resolve was passed, limiting applications for pensions to six months from that time, and which barred all applications not made before the 11th December 1788.
On the 23d March 1792, Congress passed an act allowing persons who had become invalids in the late war, to apply for pensions, for the space of two years from the time of passing the act, under certain restrictions;—in this act, express provision is made for accruing arrears. On the 28th February 1793, an act passed, repealing that of March 23d 1792, and gave two years from February 28th 1793, for the applications of invalids, under certain restrictions;—by virtue of this last mentioned act, the petitioner, and claimants in a similar situation, have been placed on the pension list, and now claim arrears.
The committee are of opinion, that this act of the 28th February 1793, is not a repeal of any limitation act, so as to revive any former act respecting invalid pensioners, and that all persons claiming under this law, are allowed a pension from the time they prove an existing disability; but can, by the law, claim no arrears. In point of equity, if maintenance is the meaning of this pension, because the invalid is rendered incapable of labor, it is some proof that antecedent to the application, under the existing law, the applicant was able to procure a maintenance, or they would have applied before, when so many opportunities offered; and also the committee who reported on the returns of invalids last session of Congress, supposed, and the legislature by accepting and passing the law they reported, confirmed the supposition, that the most strict construction of that part of the law now in force which directs that a good and sufficient reason shall be given why application was not antecedently made, ought not to be given against the invalids as to future maintenance; yet it is clear, a more strict construction is justifiable in reference to arrears.
The excuses for most of these persons, are merely those of inconvenience on their part to have applied sooner. Certainly if they could not have procured a maintenance they would have been excited to a more early attention; add to this, that a considerable proportion of the sum of these arrears will be given to commissioned officers. There is a manifest reason why they did not apply sooner, as they were obliged, in all instances of admission on the pension list, to return commutation if they had received it:—The arrears of a full pension will now purchase the commutation to be returned, and leave a handsome sum over; which, in fact, will place the officer in a situation to receive what he has accepted as an equivalent to half pay for life; and in addition a pension equal to half pay for life—which in effect is placing him on full pay; whereas, no pension is to exceed half pay. In addition, no proper rule can be adopted to ascertain the ratio of arrears, as the present inability, in almost all instances, must have increased with the age of the invalid, and many concurrent accidents, which would render it unjust that the present monthly allowance should be the ratio for arrears; and unless a tribunal be established for that purpose, no other ratio can be adopted.
The committee therefore submit to the consideration of the House, the following resolution, viz:— Resolved, That all persons who have

From the Aurora, of this morning.
We are authorized to assure the public that no resolution forbidding the meeting of political societies was agitated or carried in the German Lutheran Corporation, as was asserted in the Gazette of the United States, and that the assertion contained in that Gazette is scandalous and false.
Our readers will please to suspend their judgment—we shall in due time lay before them full evidence that the subject was agitated—and the account which has been published is neither "scandalous or false," but substantially true.
Notes to Correspondents.
If the Correspondent who (perhaps very properly) signs "Benedict Arnold" will cause Ben Tinker to be published in the Aurora—Benedict Arnold shall then appear in this Gazette—otherwise the trite simile of the Jug will not hold being without a bottom.
PROPOSALS
For printing by subscription, a new publication, to be entitled The American Remembrancer & Universal Tablet of Memory.
 1st. This publication will be printed on good paper, and on a good type, and will contain at least 300 pages octavo.  2d. The price to Subscribers will be 75 cents a number, one dollar.  3d. The Work, it is expected, will be ready for delivery, by the middle of March.  4th. Those who shall obtain 12 Subscribers, will be entitled to one copy for their trouble; to Printers and Booksellers the usual allowance will be given. 
To the PUBLIC.
THE principal design of this publication is to rescue from oblivion the many important events and transactions, which, under divine providence, have been chiefly conducive to the settlement of this country, and to the establishment of our present happy form of government; as also to transmit to posterity the names and achievements of those statesmen and heroes, to whom America is most indebted for her liberty and independence.
Should any patriotic Printer think proper to patronize this undertaking by occasionally inserting the above in his paper, and procuring Subscribers, the favour will be thankfully acknowledged by the Editor.
James Hardie.
N. B. It is requested that such persons as are entrusted with subscription papers, will be so obliging as to return them by the first of March, in order that their names may be inserted as patrons of the work.
Wants Employment.
An Elderly person, who writes a good hand, and understands accounts, and who also can be well recommended for his honesty and industry. Any tradesman or mechanic who may wish for such a person to keep his books, and make out his bills, may receive information by applying to James Hardie, corner of Lombard and Fifth street.
NEW THEATRE.
THIS EVENING, JANUARY 24. Will be Presented A COMEDY, called the Clandestine Marriage
 Lord Ogleby, Mr. Chalmers  Sir John Melvil, Mr. Green  Sterling, Mr. Morris  Lovewell, Mr. Marshall  Canton, Mr. Harwood  Bruff, Mr. Moreton  Searjeant Flower, Mr. Francis  Traverfe, Mr. Cleveland  Trueman, Mr. Warrell  Servant, Mr. Darley jun. 
 Mrs. Heidsberg, Mrs. Shaw  Miss Sterling, Mrs. Merr's  Fanny, Mrs. Marshall  Betty, Mrs. Rowson  Chambermaid, Mrs. Francis  Truly, Mrs. Bates 
To which will be added.
A Musical DRAMA, in one act, called The PURSE.
 Baron, Mr. Green  Theodore, Mr. Moreton  Edmund, Mr. Marshall  Will Steady, Mr. Harwood  Page, Mrs. Marshall  Sally, Mrs. Oldmixon 
Ladies and Gentlemen are requested to send their servants to keep places by five o'clock, and order them, as soon as the company are seated, to withdraw, as they cannot on any account be permitted to remain.
No money or tickets to be returned, nor any person on any account whatsoever, admitted behind the scenes.
UNITED STATES.
NEW-YORK, January 21.
What occasions the high price of our home produce and labor? This question admits of several answers. First, the augmentation of circulating medium since the establishment of a great number of banks. Perhaps the various banks circulate fifteen millions of dollars; and add to the medium, a clear increase of five millions.
Second. The Stock of the funded debt may have some effect, as an indirect augmentation of circulation.
Third. The principal cause, is, the war in Europe, which has created an immense demand for many of our principal articles of export. France alone supports an army, which with the necessary attendants, amounts to fifteen hundred thousand men—the expense of subsisting these is supposed equal to the support of six millions, who are at home and in their ordinary occupations. See Linctet's report on the interior state of France.
This immense consumption has exhausted France of her manufactures, and every thing but bare necessaries. Salted Provisions for her fleets are drawn from America—flour has been in demand and leather and cloth are purchased in great quantities in America for the French armies. The immense demand for these articles in France, has been the principal cause of the high price of them in America.
In proportion as the produce of land rises in value, labour and the price of land rise also—The demand for produce creates a demand for labour to cultivate the earth, and this demand draws labourers from mechanical occupations—A want of mechanics is the consequence, and this want raises the price of their labour. Thus the rise and fall of lands and labour regulates the prices of all other articles, and these depend on foreign Markets.
Will the prices of articles, of rent and of labour fall or will they not; is a question much agitated by our farmers and speculating gentry. The answer is, if peace should take place in Europe, of which there is some prospect, the price of labour and of produce of all kinds will doubtless fall.
The Rev. John Clarke of Boston, has published an answer to the question, "Why are you a Christian?" in four sections—I. The internal evidence of Christianity. II. Evidence arising from the early triumphs of Christianity. III. Evidence arising from the completion of the prophecies. IV. Evidence arising from the character and miracles of Christ—From the highly literary character of Mr. Clarke, we may expect the subject to be treated in an able manner.
his abilities, no man in this house has had more personal opportunities of being a judge respecting them. He was not for reducing the army, but he should very willingly vote for the resolution suggested by Mr. Sedgwick. He withdrew the Committee to rise.
Mr. Dearborn withdrew his motion. The Committee rose, and progress was reported. Mr. Sedgwick then moved, that the President be requested to lay before the house an estimate of the forces necessary for the effectual protection of the frontier.
Mr. Page said he saw no material difference between it, and that which the good humour and candor of its member from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Fitzsimons) yesterday withdrew; that he hoped, the same good disposition would lead the member from Massachusetts to withdraw his. That it was till yesterday without a precedent. That nothing but a certainty of unusual dangers from an enemy on our frontiers, it would be thought could have given rise to such motions. If the President was not called on for the plan of defence, or for his opinion respecting the number of troops necessary for the defence of the frontiers last year, when war raged in that quarter, and we were every day told here that we should be plunged into a war with Britain, why, when the Indians have been chastised into a wish for peace, and no one has an idea of being engaged in a war with Britain, should he now be called on? As to information, it is in the hands of a committee, to whom was referred the President's message, and the report of the Secretary at War.
This motion produced some debate but was finally carried. Ayes 40, Noes 37. A letter was read from the Secretary of the Treasury, inclosing a statement of the imports of seven and an half, and two and an half per cent. on goods imported into the United States: ordered the estimate to be printed. Adjourned.
The committee rose, the chairman reported progress. The bill was read a third time and passed. Mr. Fitzsimons then moved, that eight members should be added to the former committee of seven, to take into consideration the resolution for perfecting a road between the southern and eastern states. His design was that there should be a member from each state in the union. This was agreed to, and eight other members were selected by the speaker. Mr. Dearborn moved, that the house should go into a committee of the whole on the report of the select committee on the military establishment. This being done, he next read a resolution, the substance of which was, that in considering this question, the view should be limited to a defensive system only. This motion produced a very long conversation. Mr. Dayton declared he would never consent to a defensive system only, while Britain was in possession of the western posts. It would be a wrong policy to reduce the army of general Wayne. Mr. Hartley spoke against the propriety of passing this preliminary resolution. Such resolutions have generally a tendency to embarrass. If upon consideration, we think the number of troops too large, we may reduce them. But why tell our southern friends, who are now bleeding, and call upon us to protect and assist them, and desire more offensive operations against their savage neighbors, that we will not comply with their wishes. Our western army has been successful, and by giving it the proper aid and countenance, we may expect a peace with the western Indians. But now, to say that we will no longer keep an army; that our troops are to be thrown into posts, and give the field to the Indians, would be highly impolitic; will this not encourage them to risk another campaign? Will it be prudent to let your posts, far advanced in the Indian country, rely upon supplies to be brought under escorts of militia? militia horse which costs double the expence of the same number of regular troops. Why should the latter solely depend upon the militia to convey them provisions, when they would be willing to run the risque themselves, if their number was kept up in a proper manner. I am sorry that objections are so frequently made against the legion which has been so useful. It has been said, that regulars were unfit to go against the Indians. Experience has shown the contrary. The discipline has been fitted to the nature of the service, and has been successful. The regulars had the greatest share in the late engagement, but still we know there were near 1000 volunteers from Kentucky ready to support them. This support is withdrawn; fill you wish to weaken this little army. You disorganize it, by leaving no provision for horse in the proposed resolution, which is to follow. It is well known how useful the horse have been in the legion. I think we ought to continue the legion until the next session of Congress. We have reason to believe that the recruiting service, as to part of General Wayne's army, is in a critical situation. We should do nothing to discourage the recruiting service. A late law was past giving further encouragement to the recruiting service; officers are scattered throughout the Union; but with this encouragement and the great industry of the officers, we have no reason to believe that the legion will be completed before the next session. Nay; with the utmost countenance I fear we shall not be able to do more than bring a sufficient number of men into the field against the season for action. I wish for peace: but to obtain it we should be prepared for war. I would be for proceeding according to the spirit of the last law, until next session. If we should have peace or circumstances change, we may then safely reduce the number. I hold the preliminary resolution improper, and shall vote against it. Mr. Sedgwick moved that the committee should rise, for the purpose of his making a motion for applying to the President to get information on this point. Mr. Murray could not agree with those who had preceded him, in arguing for the reduction of the army. He was against any reduction of force, as was intended by the resolution, by which the present establishment was to be reduced from 5000 down to two regiments, it is an abandonment of every sound principle of self defence known to any nation in a state of war. He considered the resolution in three or four points of view, as very interesting. Peace with the Indians in the North-Western country—British Posts—South Western territory—defence, and generally Posts, or a chain of Forts on the Frontiers. As the reduction of force affected either of these points, he thought it affected the hoped for peace with the Indians, it was very unsound policy surely, to reduce your army at the moment you have gained a victory that entitles you to look for an honorable peace. The only way to reap the fruits of victory, was to retain the power of repeating it, if the obliquity of the enemy shall render repetition necessary. The surest way to lose the profits of your victory, is to diminish your decided superiority of force—you would thus, by weakening yourselves, strengthen the enemy; and they would rejoice, if in the moment when they were defeated, and ready to send the belt, the calumet of peace, they discovered in their enemies a disposition to relax in the efforts by which you had reduced them to humility. The ardor of the distressed warrior will return, when he finds you are tired or unwilling; and we must expect, that if the tribes gain intelligence of this motion, that they will amuse you by signs of peace, till they find you have reduced your force, and they will then burst upon your Frontier. The feelings which you have excited by victory, though brilliant to you, are such as must have added to their rancour. You may beat them into a submission to your terms, but you will never drub them into friendship. In fact, they will watch your moments of relaxation, and avail themselves of your errors. Peace is the object of war, but it is the prize of continued exertion and vigilance. All wise nations keep the sword unsheathed, until its object is completely attained; and perhaps there is hardly any thing more fallacious, than the hope which is inspired by victory, if cautious prudence does not complete the business before exertion is relaxed. The British posts present another object. It is unnecessary to say much of them, but, when we recollect that they may, possibly, produce a war, it appears to be the height of impolicy to weaken our means before the end is obtained. The papers on the table show the state of the South Western Territory—a considerable force will be essential there. The Creeks either wage war, or threaten it—here is a vulnerable place, to which a memorial of that District has powerfully called the attention of Congress. But, supposing a peace already established, and the British posts in possession, he apprehended that the number of posts necessary for the Frontier, would call for an establishment fully as large as the present. Some one part of the Frontier will be always open to attack. Were the Indians a civilized people, reduced into a regular order of society, and under laws capable of promising something like good faith to their engagements, fewer troops would be necessary. We might calculate the less on the necessity of force to watch contingencies and sudden irruptions if compact had more solemnity and obligation; but they are not to be relied on. They form not a whole nation; nor even a confederated body of nations, except for temporary objects. Each tribe is savage; unconconnected, and insatiable, so as to exclude the just expectation of permanency and uniformity in the objects, or duration of their engagements. So it is, that they will for ever think themselves injured, and will for years hold themselves in readiness to make war the moment a weak part appears of course, you will be obliged, if you mean to defend your frontiers, to keep up posts contiguous to each other that may repel their incursions. Mr. Smith said, that he should vote for the rising of the Committee for the purpose of obtaining information. Mr. J. Wadsworth in answer to Mr. Murray, said, that the Indians would always think themselves injured, and would always have a right to think so, because they always have been injured, and always will be injured. The Six Nations, it is said by some gentleman, are now at peace with us. But when were they at war with us? They have been so used to be robbed and murdered by us, that they submit tamely to it. There was nothing like war lately. The two different nations, whites and Indians, were living together in the same villages. It is true, they had been advised to object to the establishment at Presque Isle. But if an army had been sent into their country at that time, Mr. Wadsworth did not believe that they would have fired a shot. It never could be made out that so many as twenty of them were concerned in the war with the Miamies. He said that since the day when the first white man landed, the Indians always have been injured. He thought it very proper to enquire for advice on this subject of the President. He is not only a President but a soldier. He was born and bred on the frontier. He is well acquainted with the Indians, and independent of