The Patowmac guardian, and Berkeley advertiser (Shepherdstown, Va. [W. Va.]), 1792-01-31 00:00:00

The POTOMAC GUARDIAN, and BERKELEY ADVERTISER.
PRICE TWO DOLLARS PER ANN.]
TUESDAY, JANUARY 31, 1792.
[NUMBER 64—VOL. 2.]
WHERE LIBERTY DWELLS, THERE IS MY COUNTRY.
Franklin.
From the FEDERAL GAZETTE.
To his Excellency ARTHUR ST. CLAIR, Governor of the Western Territory, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Major-General and Commander in Chief of the American army.
SIR,
THERE are no persons who sympathise more sincerely for the private distress and public misfortune occasioned by your last defeat, than the friends of the late General Butler; whose honor, military reputation, and memory you have injured, by intimating that he withheld from you some very material intelligence, which was communicated to him by Capt. Slough, in the course of the night before the action; which the world understand to be a plain suggestion, as one cause of your defeat.
As this imputation against General Butler is published to the world, his friends have a right to request the favour of you to make known to them in like manner, every circumstance relating thereto: and particularly, the words as nearly as may be, in which Capt. Slough informed you he had communicated the intelligence; the hour of the night; in whose presence; and General Butler's reply to him.
You will readily perceive, Sir, that the general's friends require nothing for his justification, but a simple answer to these particulars. That will enable them to investigate the charge against him, unless their intentions shall be rendered abortive by a declaration, that no person was present when Capt. Slough made the communication.
As the present Indian War is said to have been entered into by your recommendation, and the arrangements of both campaigns to have been yours, together with the exclusive power of making peace; your country has expected from you, an exertion of the abilities you possess, in one department or the other.
Your defeat appears to the world, to have arisen from deficiency of intelligence—from your not knowing your enemy—from your detaching one fourth or one fifth of your army after sixty militia deserters—and from your incautious encampment: Exculpate yourself from these, and no imputation against General Butler will be necessary. A B. P. S. General Butler's friends request, that all Printers, who have published Gen. St. Clair's P. S. alluded to above, will give this a place in their papers.
To his Excellency General St. Clair.
The friends of the deceased Colonel Oldham request the favour of you to publish the Orders of much consequence, which you had given him over night, immediately preceding your defeat; his neglecting to execute which, you suggest as one cause of it. They wish to be certified, by whom, and in whose presence, those orders were delivered.
From the BOSTON INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE, of the 22d December.
“Mr ADAMS,
THE late unfortunate defeat of our army at the westward, it is hoped will caution us from prosecuting any longer a war in that country.—Without doubt many plausible reasons will be advanced by those whose dignity depends on a “war establishment,” urging the necessity of recruiting for a similar expedition;—but the present Congress, it is presumed, will not wantonly plunge the United States into all the horrors of an Indian War, merely to gratify the pride of a few ambitious overgrown individuals; and to enable them to live in all the grandeur, pomp, and parade of Nabobs. The principles of the war, it is hoped, will be thoroughly investigated, that the revenues of the States should not be wantonly expended in disgraceful campaigns. Americans having just freed themselves from an expensive war, it is our interest to promote friendship and harmony with all the world, and not sacrifice our young men and our money to acquire territory by war, while so much land remains unsettled, and which courts our cultivation under the auspices of peace.
“The ill policy of the measure must be evident, for us to depopulate our own territory, to settle a country which must for centuries remain entirely useless to us. The brave men already fallen on this expedition, were of more value than all the lands, provided we should finally possess ourselves of them. The expense of conquering and settling them, is far beyond any advantages arising from the acquisition. Let us content ourselves with such bounds as we can manage with safety; and not explore regions, to seek an enemy, which after we have found, our army, though composed of our most veteran troops, fall an immediate sacrifice.—The blood of our countrymen is too precious, to moisten the soil of the wilderness.
BRADDOCK.
Extract of a letter from Washington County, dated December 25th.
“You are no doubt convinced that the military
business is now become serious, and that government have erred, the event too clearly demonstrates; and I assure you, that I am not without serious apprehensions, that a mistaken economy may lead to another defeat. When you consider the indirect means by which the Indians are countenanced by the British, the great inequality both as to numbers and capacity of our troops sent against them, and not only the extraordinary degree of animation such victories as the two last will necessarily give to those nations now at war with the United States, but the powerful tendencies those victories will have in procuring allies, and forming as strong and powerful a confederation as that of the United States. That it is their interest to unite, must be evident to every man who will think on the subject, and that there are characters among them tolerably well qualified, (taking into view the present opportunity) to effect a combination of union of all the different tribes, is in my opinion scarcely to be doubted. The officer who is supposed to have commanded the Indian army in the late action, is certainly a man of considerable address, and on that occasion, gave full evidence not only of his bravery, but of his generalship also. The Indians are beyond all controversy a more formidable enemy than is generally apprehended; and there is nothing wanting to convince the United States of this truth but unanimity amongst the different tribes. Suffer then another defeat, and the business will be effected. The Indians do not want neither understanding or courage; indeed, they possess the latter in a very eminent degree. Their mode of war always has and always will give them a superior advantage over a regular army, when their numbers are nearly equal; and by their situation, we labour under nearly the same disadvantages that Great-Britain did in the late war with us; and, in some particulars, worse. No supplies can be had in their country; and when those for our troops are exhausted or intercepted by the enemy, the consequence is fatal. The troops must either retreat to our settlements, or fall a sacrifice to the mistaken policy to establish posts in the enemy's country, without planting settlements in their neighbourhood. If a sufficient encouragement and reasonable protection is given to actual settlers, men qualified for such an undertaking will be had; and independent of every other consideration, this would be the most eligible mode of preserving that republican equality that now pervades the United States. There are at this moment, thousands of hardy, able-bodied men in Kentucky and on the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania, as well as farther east, that do not possess an acre of ground; of consequence, they have not a sufficient interest with, nor attachment to the community. Ninepence a-day nor eighteen pence neither, will be a sufficient inducement for those men to get more profitable employment, to fight in a cause they are not immediately interested in; but give them wages, and a reasonable share in the lands for which they are to contend, and you place them on a footing with the rest of the community, they will be as eager to take possession of the country as the Indians are to keep it. Depend upon it, the Indians are not to be subdued by mercenary troops, who fight for ninepence a day.
Whether the general government intends pursuing the old plan, or what measures may be taken for the protection of the frontiers, I know not; but one thing is certain, that the general government have it not in their power to raise troops in time to answer our purpose, unless very extravagant wages are given, which I do not expect. In my opinion, the interference of the respective state governments, who are now immediately exposed, will be necessary to afford us at least a temporary defence. The pay and numbers of men necessary for that service has been suggested, in a representation from us to the Governor. By some the application may be thought extravagant; but I presume only, by those who think with Gen. Grant, that the Indians may be drove into the woods to starve. To permit the enemy at this time to drive the present line of frontier, and penetrate almost any length they please into the settlements, would be equal to, if not worse than the defeat of another army. That the present line of frontier will give way, unless supported by the government; and that it is the interest of all to support them, are truths that cannot be controverted. You know that every frontier man is a centinel on constant duty, and that instead of being considered as a dead weight on the hands of government, he ought rather to be paid by the public for his services. I know that an idea has been taken up by some in office, and others who live secure, that a few rangers are sufficient to watch the approach of the enemy, and give notice thereof to the inhabitants; but surely if the enemy attack us with force, we have a right to expect eight hundred men will be better able to watch their approach as well as repulse them, than a few rangers would be. The most active woods-men among us are not able to discover the enemy without being discovered
themselves, by their tracts or otherwise. Such is the caution with which they approach us, that unless those who make the first discovery are either able to give battle or give information to a body of men under arms posted on the frontiers, there is no chance either of annoying the enemy or of security to the inhabitants. In the name of good sense, what are the inhabitants to do if they should even have notice?—They have neither houses of strength, arms or ammunition to defend themselves. Besides, I can see no good reason why the frontier inhabitants should be constantly on duty more than their fellow citizens. If when the army left us last summer, it was thought necessary by General Butler and the Lieutenants of the frontier counties of this state, to order on duty three hundred and fifty men for the safety of the inhabitants, until the army should at least take up their line of march, I should suppose, that under our present circumstances twelve hundred would not be an over proportion; and I have no doubt but that the Governor of this state will interest himself in our behalf, to procure us adequate protection. When matters of this nature comes to a crisis, I have no notion of doing things by halves: I should not think it extravagant if the general government would embody 20,000 men, five of whom to consist of active rifle-men. For God's sake, interest yourself in this business:—another point equally important, is the choice of officers; for I take it for granted, that troops will be raised immediately.
“You can hardly conceive what confidence respectable appointments infuses into the public mind. Often, in the course of the late war, we were reduced to have scarcely any other resource to keep our spirits up, but our confidence in those who conducted our affairs. Then even those disasters that arose from mistake or misconduct, were in a good natured manner placed to the account of misfortune. Then hunger and nakedness were suffered without producing discontent or suspicion. The necessity of the times rendered these things unavoidable; and they were submitted to with magnanimity. But how is the scene changed! and at a time when a full gale of prosperity put even the object of every reasonable wish in our power—at a time when perfect confidence in those who stand at the political helm, raised our expectations perhaps too high. I know, Sir, you must have observed how little approbation was expressed either in town or country, of some of the most influential appointments, and most important arrangements for the last campaign. The open disapprobation of numbers did not impress my mind so much as the silence of others and the total want of advocates. This prepared people to pay more attention to the flimsy, and ridiculous clothing of the army, the want of system if not for using worse in the quarter-master's department, the scanty provisions, bad, and ill fed horses, insufficient gunpowder, of which the complaint is so general and of little contradicted. The returns of the few naked wretches who have escaped the mighty carnage, and have not perished in the wilderness, encreases the prevailing murmur and excites the common compassion.—I am told, that members of Congress say, that body is not chargeable with the business. How can they say so? Did not Congress make the law? Did not the House of Representatives originate the bill, which insulted freedom with the offer of two dollars a month, and limited the time of service for the levies? Members of the House had the greatest knowledge of the price of labour, and the greatest interest in protecting their constituents. Did they intend to ensnare the young, thoughtless, simple part of the community, and take them naked, undisciplined, to a convenient spot in the woods, that the savages might, with the greatest ease and least danger, put them out of the way of being a burden to society. Such ill-judged parsimony in making the law, might be pled as an excuse for the other departments. I always love to see the people's hopes and confidence embrace the measures of government, especially in military operations; during the last campaign, those hopes and that confidence were wanting, both amongst the intelligent part of the people and those of experience in the army.”
CHARLESTON, S. C. December 28.
Yesterday landed here on board the ship Juno, from Philadelphia, a company of Federal Troops, under the command of Capt. Mills, of the 2d United States regiment. We understand they are to join Capt. Roberts's company, raised in this city, and proceed to the Rock Landing, on the frontiers of Georgia.
PHILADELPHIA,
JAN. 13.
Extract of a letter, dated Edenton (N. C.) December 26th.
“A vessel from France arrived here the 23d inst. by which we learn that the King of France has made another elopement, and is now actually in Prussia.”

JAN. 14.
The account of the elopement of the King of France, is dated at Washington, the 26th December, [not Edenton]—"The State Gazette of North Carolina," published in Edenton on the 30th of the same month, contains no such account.
JAN. 18.
A manifesto against the new Constitution of France, signed by the refugee Princes, has been published—the leading sentiment of which is, that the King was not free when he accepted it.
Mirabeau having died insolvent, the National Assembly has voted unanimously to defray the expenses of his funeral.
JAN. 19.
The situation of the French emigrants at Scioto is thought not to be, at this time, the most eligible. It is hoped, however (says a late publication) that the conduct of these settlers among their Indian neighbours, will procure them safety. If the natives, however exasperated, do but know them as harmless strangers, it is not probable, upon those principles of natural justice, which predominate even in a savage breast, that they would wish to consider them as enemies.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES. MONDAY, January 17.
MR. Murray moved that the petition of John F. Amelung should be taken up in order to its being referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. White objected to going into the discussion of any business of a private nature, while public concerns of the first importance demand the immediate attention of the House.
The question being put for taking up the petition it was negatived.
TUESDAY, January 18.
A bill to reimburse certain extra expenses of the late Commissioners for treating of peace with the Creek Indians, having been read a second time, and referred to a committee of the whole House, on Wednesday next, it was (on motion of Mr. Giles) resolved, that the Comptroller of the Treasury be directed to lay before the House a copy of the account of the said extra expenses.
A message from the President of the United States was delivered by Mr. Secretary Lear, together with the copy of an act of the legislature of Vermont, ratifying, in behalf of that state, all the articles of amendment proposed to the constitution of the United States.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the communications from the President, respecting the western frontier—whereupon the doors were ordered to be shut.
THURSDAY, January 19.
On motion, the House took up the report of the committee of the whole, on the message from the President of the United States, relative to the situation of the western frontier—whereupon the House was cleared of all persons, excepting the members.
After which, the House being opened, Mr. Fitzsimons moved a resolution to this effect, that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before this House such information, with respect to the finances of the United States, as will enable the legislature to judge whether any additional revenue will be necessary, in consequence of the proposed increase of the military establishment, which was agreed to by the House.
Adjourned.
BALTIMORE, January 24.
We are sorry to acquaint our Readers, that the justly-reprobated Practice of Duelling still has its votaries among us—one of whom has recently fallen a Sacrifice to the mistaken Idea of HONOUR.—In a Duel, which took place on Monday the 16th Instant, in the State of Delaware, near the Maryland line, between Mr. James Matthews and Mr. Richard Heath, both young Gentlemen of Cecil County, of very respectable Families—the former fell at the first Fire of his Antagonist's Pistol, and instantly expired.—May this sudden and awful Transition from Time to Eternity, impress impetuous Men, who are Slaves to their own fierce Passions, with a just Sense of the Importance of that Existence, which they, in defiance of its OMNIPOTENT AUTHOR, thus ungratefully and daringly hazard.—We are unacquainted with the Circumstances which led to this fatal Catastrophe; but, Report says, Mr. Heath gave the Challenge in consequence of his Father (Daniel C. Heath, Esq.) having been violently assaulted by the unfortunate Mr. Matthews.
SHEPHERD'S-TOWN, January 31.
All accounts of the late action with the Indians reflect honour on the conduct of General St. Clair and his gallant troops. It is true the army was defeated, but it is highly probable they were overpowered by superior numbers. The annals of the late war do not exhibit a more lengthy and severe conflict; and although the issue of it was unfortunate, the reputation of the American arms remains unimpaired.
Whatever may be the consequences of the Indian war, the United States are not responsible for them. The predatory incursions of the Wabath and Miami Indians, began in the early part of the late war, and have continued without intermission to the present time.
These Indians have constantly refused the invita-
tions of the United States to treat of peace, although the neighbouring tribes did at several periods since the late war, conclude treaties with us. Some people have supposed that this war has been lighted up by the encroachments of the whites. This does not appear to be the case. The Wabath Indians have not any claim to the lands within the boundaries stipulated by several treaties with the Western Indians; nor have they urged any such claim: they appear to have been incited to a continuance of their depredations by a thirst for blood and plunder with both of which they have been but too abundantly gratified.
When the insolence and cruelties of these banditti shall be fully explained to the public, together with the means used to bring them to a just sense of their situation, without having recourse to the last extremity, the humanity of the United States will be abundantly apparent, and their conduct receive, as it merits, the approbation of the enlightened part of mankind.
The House of Representatives of the State of Georgia, have resolved that James Jackson, Esq. is, by the free voice of the people, their representative in Congress, for the lower district of that State, and that thro' mal-practice he was not returned. The house also resolved that articles of impeachment be exhibited against the Hon. Judge Osborne, for high crimes and misdemeanors, referring to his conduct in respect to the above election.
Want of room obliges us to omit a number of advertisements until our next.
From the VIRGINIA CENTINEL.
Mr. PRINTER, Please to insert the following DIALOGUE between PADDY the NEWS-PEDLAR and PETER GRIEVOUS, in your next, and oblige your's, &c.
A FARMER.
Frederick County, January 5, 1792.
PETER. WELL, Paddy, what news from Congress?
PADDY. Excellent—they met in very good humour, and congratulated each other on the pleasing prospects of our political atmosphere, fine crops, &c.
PETER. I suppose, then, they forgot the uncommon dry season—but how do they attend to business?
PADDY. They meet at eleven o'clock—sometimes later—and sit till one, sometimes not so long.
PETER. Not more than two hours at business—for instance.
PADDY. Why you know they have Six Dollars per day, and they must have time to spend it.
PETER. That's true—well, what have they done with the Excise Law?
PADDY. They have directed the Secretary of the Treasury to reconsider, and new model it, so as to make the collection of the duties on stills more convenient.
PETER. They had much better repeal the law altogether, for I am of opinion they will not get money enough to pay the new officers.
PADDY. That's no matter—those and a great many more MUST be maintained; for they cannot work, and begging is a poor trade.—But why not money enough, is the tax too low?
PETER. No, it is too high by half; for many have quit distilling who would have carried it on to great extent had the tax been moderate, an account thereof taken by the old commissioners of taxes, and collected by the sheriffs in each county—new officers would not then have been required, and the people would have gone on distilling.
PADDY. I tell you there are a great many poor gentlemen that MUST have offices, and we must maintain them—we must maintain them, and at a high rate too.
PETER. Well if we must maintain them, let them take the method the Old Congress did, and lay a DIRECT TAX—nobody ever grumbled at that.
PADDY. That would not do—the people would then know too well what they had to pay, and grow uneasy.
PETER. They are uneasy already.
PADDY. I thought they were contented, since the adoption of the new constitution—what do they complain of?
PETER. Why they complain of the assumption law—the excise law—the high salaries to officers—and they imagined that Congress were so taken up in securing high wages to themselves and their friends the speculators, &c. that they had like to have forgotten the Indian War—and, indeed, I think they had better have forgotten it altogether.
PADDY. Why? did they not send out men for six months?
PETER. Yes—but they had better have done nothing, for of these there were very few experienced officers or soldiers. Some few, indeed, who are enumerated among the slain, were men of distinguished valor; but had they all been like H. or S. no sign of sorrow would dwell on the brow of the public, unless it were at the expence of sending them.
PADDY. Well, what is to be done now?
PETER. Why go back again to Congress and tell them to send men for three years, unless circumstances permit that they should sooner be discharged—and send Morgan or Scott, or both, to command them; and let them pick their men, and the copperheads will soon be compelled to sue for peace—and tell them to mind their business better, or the people will turn them out, and put better men in their places.
WANTED,
A young, industrious, sober MAN, to take the care of a public stable, horses, &c. &c. Inquire of the Printer.
A MILLER wanted at the Lick Mill.
A SINGLE MAN, of undoubted abilities, and a good character as to his honesty, sobriety and industry—such a character will meet with immediate employ and liberal wages, by JAMES MAXWELL.
Lick Mills, 29th January, 1792.
N O T I C E.
THE Managers of the Shepherd's-Town, New-Church Lottery, being of opinion that a number of the adventurers will be desirous to attend on the day of drawing, and apprehending that the inclemency of the season might prevent numbers from attending on the day published for the drawing, and being desirous to give as general satisfaction as possible, are induced to postpone the drawing until the first Monday in March, when the drawing will commence without fail. Those indebted for Tickets are earnestly requested to remit the money to the person from whom they purchased, that the Managers may be enabled to discharge the Prizes as soon as the drawing is over.
Wanted immediately,
TWO JOURNEYMEN SADDLERS, who are good workmen, to whom constant employ by the month or job will be given, by the subscriber. JOHN RICHARDSON.
Shepherd's-Town, Jan. 28, 1792.
N O T I C E.
A PERSON intending for Philadelphia in the course of a few days, and to return to this town in two weeks after leaving it, would transact business in that city for any gentleman, upon moderate terms. Apply at the Printing-Office. Shepherd's-Town, Jan. 28, 1792.
A STRAY BULL.
THERE is at the plantation of the Subscriber, near Shepherd's-Town, a stray BULL, four years old; he has some white on the back, belly, and head; his sides brown; neither earmarked or branded; he has been posted according to law. The owner is desired to prove his property and take him away.
JOSEPH SWEARINGEN.
Berkeley County, 19th January, 1792.
BY Virtue of a Decree of the Court of BERKELEY County, and State of VIRGINIA, will be exposed to sale by PUBLIC VENDUE, upon the first day of February next, if fair, if not the next fair day, a MERCHANT-MILL, with the Lot, Premises, and Buildings thereunto belonging, late the property of HENRY COOKCUS, deceased, and now in the possession of CHRISTIAN ORENDORFF.
Also, the Stone Dwelling-House, and Ground-Rents of the said estate, late of the said COOKCUS, deceased, all situate in Shepherd's-Town, in the County and State aforesaid.
The terms of sale will be, one third part of the purchase money to be paid in twelve months from the day of sale, one other third part within two years after the day of sale, and the remaining third part within three years after the day of sale.
By order of the Court.
JOHN KEARSLEY, HENRY BEDINGER. } Trustees.
BERKELEY COUNTY, July 25, 1791.
6m.
N O T I C E.
WHEREAS some time in the year 1789, the Subscriber gave a Note to Isaac Long, for the sum of three pounds, Pennsylvania currency, which note has since, (as I am informed) been assigned to Owen Roby, but as payment has been fully made to the said Isaac Long, as well also the said Owen Roby, if he holds the note, I therefore forewarn all and every person from taking any assignment on the said note from either of the above persons, as I am determined not to pay the same unless compelled thereto by law.
RICHARD M'MAHAN.
Martinsburg, January 9, 1792.
STRAYED or stolen from the Subscriber, on the eighth of this instant, living near Shirley's Mill, one and half miles from Martinsburg, a bright bay HORSE, four years old, with one hind foot white, a small star and snip, neither docked or branded, a natural trotter, fourteen hands and half high. Whoever takes up said Horse and delivers him to me, shall have Three Dollars Reward, and reasonable charges, paid by me, JOHN SHIVLEY.
Berkeley County, January 14, 1792.