Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1806-09-19 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 18 of Volume VIII.]
FRIDAY, September 19, 1806.
[WHOLE No. 382.]
From the Richmond Enquirer.
The importance of the following communication must speak for itself. The editor has neither inclination nor ability to impart to it a higher interest, than what it intrinsically possesses.
To such of his republican friends, as may expect from him some apology for having lent his columns to its publication, his answer is fearless and ready. He has published this production:
Because he holds it to be a correct principle, that the Press is free for the publication of all opinions and statements, relating to public matters, which are couched in decent and forbearing language. Let the editor of a public journal devote himself to whatever side it may suit his conscience or his interest to support, he ought to recollect that his paper itself should be "open to all parties, and influenced by none," with regard to any Essays, which are tendered to him for publication:
Because however he may lament, in common with his republican friends, the temporary warmth, and the petty schism, of which such a communication may be productive, he cannot but rejoice at the discussion itself which it is likely to provoke. Now all mystery may be expected to be at an end. The secret message of the President, the whole proceedings of Congress, during the closed doors, and it is to be presumed, the main spirit and force of the argument employed by the republican minority during these secret proceedings, will now be laid before the nation. Nothing seems to be wanting to make the chain of History complete, but the arguments of the republican majority, and an entire view of the wishes and designs of the administration. All the facts will then be laid open to the people, and it will be in their power to form their own conclusions; to censure or condemn according to their unbiased and unsuspicious judgment. Vague surmises will no longer pass for indisputable truths; nor can half suppressed rumours about confidential messages, be offered as sufficient ground for condemning the administration.
To such of his republican friends, who think that the confidential message of the president ought to have formed an exception to these principles, he has to reply that he has published that message.
Editor of the Enquirer.
To the Editor of the Enquirer:
Sir—The events of the last session of Congress have furnished ample cause of speculation to the curious, and of regret to every true friend of his country. The mystery, which enveloped their proceedings, and beneath which some of their most important transactions yet remain shrouded, could not conceal from the most careless observer, that a schism had arisen in the republican party. But the causes which led to this afflicting event, are still buried in obscurity. In the history of this memorable occurrence, all is darkness, confusion and contradiction. The public mind, impatient of suspense, and as if despairing of further information, seems to have out-run the evidence, upon which alone its judgment should have been bottomed. So far as their opinion can be gathered from the publick prints, the voice of the people has declared for the administration. In this decision, perhaps, it might have been the duty of the republican minority, and of their friends, to acquiesce, had a fair view of the subject been laid before the public. But knowing, as I do, from the most indisputable proof, that facts have been misstated, opinions misrepresented—much truth suppressed, & more falsehood suggested; approving at the same time, from my heart, the course which they have pursued, I am impelled to offer to the world some facts and observations which may enable them to form a more just opinion of the conduct of the republican minority, during the last session of Congress, and of the motives by which they were probably actuated.
It must be obvious to the most superficial eye, that every consideration of a selfish, or prudential nature would have dissuaded any man, or set of men, among
the republicans from an open opposition to any leading and favourite measure of the executive, at that juncture.—The president of the U. States had just been re-elected by a great and imposing majority of the people. The acquisition of Louisiana had given an eclat to the executive, and cast a splendor around the administration, in which every minor defect of the Government was eclipsed and forgotten. The colossal popularity of the President seemed to mock at all opposition.—Unmindful of past and dear bought experience, the republicans had erected a political idol, on whose altars he who dared to question its infallibility, must prepare to bleed. In this posture of affairs, all opposition was indeed a forlorn hope.—There was every thing to lose, nothing to gain. The minority had only to compromise their principles, to betray their duty to themselves their constituents, and their country, in order to enjoy the countenance of the administration, to ensure the approbation of the public, for a time, and their own contempt forever. They had but to acquiesce in measures which their conscience and judgment condemned, and swim in ignoble security with the current of the day. They were not insensible to the danger of the opposite course, but whilst they coolly estimated the difficulty they had the fortitude to encounter it. Let it be admitted, for a moment, that these gentlemen were mistaken in their views: still I pronounce, that he who does not applaud their independence and firmness is unworthy of the name of free man. They had the courage to assert and maintain the deliberate convictions of their honest judgment against the proudest authority, and preferred the hazard of their popularity, to the surrender of their understandings and consciences. Let the people look to it. Is there any danger of a dearth of time-servers, under any administration, which has the power of rewarding them? that due respect will not always be paid to the loaves and fishes? The history of this government, of every executive, with legal powers, must answer the question. Let the members constituting the republican minority be dismissed from the confidence and employment of the people—can they look for any thing like independence in their successors? It would, indeed be an idle expectation.—They must enter upon their legislative duties with instructions to lay aside the suggestions of their own understandings, and conform themselves in all things to the wishes of the cabinet. The first lesson which they learned would teach them to consider any variation from the executive standard, as the most heinous sin in the political decalogue.—Would such men dare to oppose any presidential project, however criminal? From the very nature of their appointment, they must become the puppets of the administration, for the time being. A house of representatives, so constituted, must dwindle into a mere chamber for enregistering ministerial edicts; and whilst the forms of the constitution were preserved its substance would vanish.
On the third of December, 1805, the president's public message was laid before the two houses of Congress. The aggressions of Spain were specially noticed. "With Spain, (says the chief magistrate) our negotiations for a settlement of differences have not had a satisfactory issue. Spoliations during the former war, for which she had formally acknowledged herself responsible, have been refused to be compensated, but on conditions affecting other claims in no wise connected with them; yet the same practices are renewed in the present war, and are already of great amount. Our commerce through the Mobile continues to be obstructed by their arbitrary duties and vexatious searches. Propositions for adjusting amicably the boundaries of Louisiana have not been acceded to. Whilst however the right is unsettled, we have avoided changing the state of things, by taking new posts, or strengthening ourselves in the new territories; in the hope that the other power would not by a contrary conduct oblige us to meet their example, and endanger conflicts of authority, the issue of which may not be easily controuled. But in this hope we have now reason to lessen our confi-
dence. Inroads have been recently made into the territories of Orleans and the Mississippi. Our citizens have been seized and their property plundered in the very parts of the former, which had been actually delivered up by Spain, and this by the regular officers and soldiers of that government. I have therefore found it necessary, at length, to give orders to our troops on that frontier to be in readiness to protect our citizens, and to repel by arms any similar aggressions in future."
It should be kept in mind that the "piratical acts" (mentioned in the second paragraph of the same message) committed in the very mouths of our rivers, by private armed vessels, some without commissions, some with illegal commissions, others, with those of legal form, but transcending the authority of those commissions, plundering and sinking our vessels, and exposing their crews in open boats or on desert shores, were perpetrated chiefly, if not exclusively, by Spanish and French privateers, fitted out principally, from the Eastern ports of Cuba.
In the third paragraph, Congress was called upon to make effectual and determined opposition to the new principles interpolated into the law of nations: in reference, no doubt, to certain decisions of the British court of admiralty. This address was re-echoed by a spirited (however precipitate) resolution of the Virginia Assembly.
On the sixth of December, the following confidential message was received from the President:
"The depredations which had been committed in the commerce of the U. S. during a preceding war, by persons under the authority of Spain are sufficiently known to all. These made it a duty to require from that government indemnification for our injured citizens. A convention was accordingly entered into between the minister of the U. S. at Madrid, and the minister of that government for foreign affairs, by which it was agreed that spoliations committed by Spanish subjects, and carried into ports of Spain, should be paid for by that nation, and those committed by French subjects, and carried into Spanish ports, should remain for further discussion. Before this convention was returned to Spain with our ratification, the transfer of Louisiana by France to the U. S. took place: An event as unexpected as disagreeable to Spain. From that moment she seemed to change her conduct and disposition towards us. It was first manifested by her protest against the right of France to alienate Louisiana to us, which however was soon retracted and the right confirmed. Then high offence was manifested at the act of congress establishing a collection district on the Mobile, although by an authentic declaration immediately made, it was expressly confined to our acknowledged limits; and she now refused to ratify the convention signed by her own minister under the eye of his sovereign, unless we would consent to alterations of its terms, which would have affected our claims against her, for spoliations by French subjects carried into Spanish ports."
"To obtain justice, as well as to restore friendship, I thought a special mission advisable, and accordingly appointed James Monroe minister extraordinary and plenipotentiary to repair to Madrid, and, in conjunction with our minister resident there, to endeavor to procure a ratification of the former convention and to come to an understanding with Spain, as to the boundaries of Louisiana. It appeared at once that her policy was to reserve herself for events, and, in the mean time to keep our differences in an undetermined state. This will be evident from the papers now communicated to you. After nearly five months of fruitless endeavor to bring them to some definitive and satisfactory result, our ministers ended the conferences, without having been able to obtain indemnity for spoliations of any description, or any satisfaction as to the boundaries of Louisiana, other than a declaration that we had no rights eastward of the Iberville, and that our line to the west was one, which would have left us but a string of land on that bank of the river Mississippi. Our injured citizens were thus left without any prospect of retribution from
the wrong-doer, and as to boundary, each party was to take its own course. That which they have chosen to pursue will appear from the documents now communicated. They authorize the interference that it is their intention to advance on our possessions, until they shall be repressed by an opposing force. Considering that congress alone is constitutionally invested with the power of changing our condition from peace to war, I have thought it my duty to await their authority for using force in any degree which could be avoided. I have barely instructed the officers stationed in the neighbourhood of the aggressors, to protect our citizens from violence, to patrol within the border, to deliver deliverances, and not to go out of them, but when necessary to repel an inroad, or to rescue a citizen or his property: and the Spanish remaining at New Orleans are required to depart without further delay. It ought to be noted here that since the late change in the state of affairs in Europe, Spain has ordered her cruisers and courts to respect our treaty with her."
"The conduct of France, and the part she may take in the misunderstandings between the United States and Spain, are too important to be unconsidered. She was prompt and decided in her declarations, that our demands on Spain for French spoliations, carried into Spanish ports, were included in the settlement between the United States and France. She took at once the ground that she had acquired no right from Spain, and had meant to deliver us none eastward of the Iberville: her silence as to the western boundary leaving us to infer her opinion might be against Spain in that quarter. Whatever direction she might mean to give to these differences, it does not appear that she has contemplated their proceeding to actual rupture, or that at the date of our last advices from Paris, her government had any suspicion of the hostile attitude Spain had taken here. On the contrary we have reason to believe that she (France) was disposed to effect a settlement on a plan analogous to what our ministers had proposed, and so comprehensive as to remove as far as possible the grounds of future collision and controversy on the Eastern as well as Western side of the Mississippi."
"The present crisis in Europe is favourable for pressing such a settlement, and not a moment should be lost in availing ourselves of it. Should it pass unimproved, our situation would become much more difficult. Formal war is not necessary, it is not probable that it will follow; but the protection of our citizens, the spirit and honor of our country require that force should be interposed in a certain degree. It will probably contribute to advance the object of peace."
"But the course to be pursued will require the command of means which it belongs to Congress exclusively to yield or deny. To them I communicate every fact material for their information, and the documents necessary to enable them to judge for themselves. To their wisdom then I look for the course I am to pursue."
* Coalition between Austria, Russia, and Great Britain, it is presumed.
† Leaving Mr. Talleyrand "to infer," that it would afford him a second glorious occasion of dipping his hands into our pockets.
‡ Our ministers had proposed to surrender our claims to compensation for the withholding of the right of deposit at N. Orleans, and for spoliations, Spanish as well as French, and to establish the Colorado as the western boundary of Louisiana. Although the Colorado is a vast distance to the west of the existing limit between the two nations, it was evident, from the face of the dispatches, that our ministers, in agreeing to establish that river as the boundary, had been obliged to exceed the authority of their instructions; (the government of the U. S. claiming to the Rio Bravo.) This proposition (the ultimatum on our part) was rejected by the court of Madrid with disdain; and thus ended the negotiation. To France, it seems, was disposed to a settlement on "analogous terms;" although Mr. Talleyrand had, in the most dictatorial style, declared, that our claim on Spain, for French spoliations carried into Spanish ports, "must be abandoned."
N. Wilson

sue, and will pursue with sincere all that which they shall approve."
This message with the documents accompanying it was referred to a secret committee consisting of Mr. John Randolph, Mr. Nicholson, Mr. John Cotten Smith, Mr. Mumford, Mr. Williams of S. C., Mr. Bidwell, and Mr. Brown.
It may be proper to remark that this message, although deemed by the clerk (as he stated to the house) to be a part of the secret journal, which had been ordered to be printed, was nevertheless omitted; nor has the omission ever been satisfactorily accounted for. The house by a subsequent vote refused to make it public.
The chairman of the committee to whom the confidential message was referred, immediately waited on the president, and informed him of the direction which had been given to it: expressing at the same time his willingness and readiness to co-operate, as far as his principles and judgment would permit, in such plans as the executive might have devised for the occasion. He then learned, not without some surprize, that an appropriation of two millions was wanting to purchase Florida. He told the president, without reserve "that he would never agree to such a measure, because the money had not been asked for in the message: that he could not consent to shift upon his own shoulders, or those of the house, the proper responsibility of the executive; but that even if the money had been explicitly demanded, he should have been averse to granting it; because, after the total failure of every attempt at negotiation, such a step would never withhold her ill offices, when by their interposition she could extort money from us: because if Great Britain, with whom we had serious matters of controversy, did not consider our supplying her enemies with money as a breach of our neutrality, it must inspire her with contempt for any attitude of resistance which we might assume towards her: that it was equally the interests of Spain and of the United States to accommodate the matter by an exchange of territory;" (to this mode of settlement the president seemed much opposed) "that the nations of Europe, like the Barbary powers, would hereafter refuse to look at the credentials of our ministers, without a previous doeur," and much more to the same purpose.
The committee met on the 7th of December but came to no definite resolution. One of its members (Mr. Bidwell, of Massachusetts) construed the message into a requisition of money, for purposes of foreign intercourse, and proposed a grant to that effect, but in this construction he was unsupported, and his proposition over-ruled. He himself, when the subject was agitated in the house would not avow the same construction of the message which he had given to it in the select committee. On the 14th of December, the chairman of that committee was obliged to go to Baltimore, from whence he did not return until the 21st. During this interval, the dispatches from Mr. Monroe, of the 14th and 25th of October, were received by government. Previous to this chairman's departure, having occasion to call on the secretary of state, he was told by that officer, that France would not permit Spain to adjust her differences with us: that France wanted money, and that we must give it to her or have a Spanish and French war. It was when he related this circumstance to the house that Mr. Randolph said, "his confidence in the secretary of state had never been very high, but that now, it was gone forever." And on the same occasion Mr. Nicholson (who had voted for the appropriation) exclaimed that they trusted in God the negotiation would fail—Several other republican members seemed shocked at this disclosure, and expressed regret at the vote which they had given. On the morning of Saturday the 21st of December, the chairman of the select committee returned from Baltimore. The committee were immediately convened. As they were about to assemble, the chairman was called aside by the secretary of the treasury, with whom he retired, and who put into his hands a paper headed "provision for the purchase of Florida." As soon as he had cast his eyes on the title, the chairman declared that he would not vote a shilling. The secretary interrupted him, by observing, with his characteristic caution, that he did not mean to be understood as recommending the measure but if the committee should deem
* It is believed that the Louisiana treaty was antedated to obviate this very difficulty. If money, why not warlike stores, or even fleets and armies.
it advisable, he had devised a plan for raising the necessary supplies, he had been requested, (or directed), in that case to do. The chairman expressed himself disgusted with the whole of this procedure, which he could not but consider as highly disingenuous. He said "that he was so sensible of the importance of Florida to the United States, and as willing to acquire it honorably as any man, but he would never consent to proceed in this way—that the most scrupulous care had been taken to cover the reputation of the administration, whilst congress were expected to act as if they had no character to lose—that whilst the official language of the executive was consistent and dignified, whilst the president warned us of the "determination of Spain to advance upon our possessions until she should be repressed by an opposing force," and pronounced "that the protection of our citizens, as well as the spirit and honour of our country rendered the interposition of that force necessary" declaring at the same time "his determination to pursue the course which the wisdom of congress should prescribe," congress was privily required to take upon itself all the odium of shrinking from the national honour and national defence and of delivering the public purse to the first cut-throat that demanded it. From the official communications—from the face of the record, it would appear that the executive had discharged his duty in recommending manly and vigorous measures, which he had been obliged to abandon, and compelled by congress to pursue an opposite course, when, in fact, congress itself had been acting all the while at executive instigation." The chairman further observed "that he did not understand this double set of opinions and principles, the one ostensible, to go upon the journals and before the public, the other the efficient, and the real motives to action: that he held true wisdom and cunning to be utterly incompatible in the conduct of great affairs—that he had strong objections to the measure in itself, but, in the shape in which it was presented, his repugnance to it was insuperable." And in a subsequent conversation with the president himself in which those objections were recapitulated, he declared "that he too had a character to support, and principles to maintain, and avowed his determined opposition to the whole scheme."
The committee now assembled, and instructed their chairman to write to the Secretary of War for his opinion as to the force which it would be requisite to raise for the defence of the southern frontier, and requesting, at the same time, to be informed what number of troops were already stationed in that quarter. In his answer, the minister stated the force which the United States had on the Mississippi and its branches, ready to descend the river at a short notice, to be somewhat less than a thousand men: that he had intelligence, that Spain was collecting an army on the frontiers of New Mexico, and transporting troops from the Havanna to Pensacola, and that the force requisite on our part, would depend upon that which would be opposed to us, which he estimated (vaguely) to be superior to our own.
About this period the news of the sea-fight off Trafalgar reached America, the event of which alarming the Spanish ministry for the safety of their West India colonies, forbade the weakening of the important post of the Havanna, and suspended the hostile movements on the part of Spain against the United States. And to this circumstance we have been probably indebted for the undisturbed possession of New-Orleans and its dependencies.
When the secretary of war's letter was laid before the committee, Mr. Bidwell moved the same proposition which the secretary of the treasury had some days before put into the hands of the chairman, and which he (Mr. B.) afterwards introduced into the house, viz. a vote of two millions and a continuance of the duties, the proceeds of which constituted the Mediterranean fund. It was rejected, and the chairman directed to draft the report which has been printed with the secret journal, and published in all the newspapers. The committee saw, in the multiplied aggressions of Spain ample cause of war, on the part of a government with which the welfare of its citizens was not paramount to every other consideration. But conceiving that the true interests of the American people (which alone it behoved them to consult) required peace, they forebore to recommend offensive measures. They believed it to be our policy to reap the neutral harvest, and seize the favourable occasion of extinguishing the public debt—
at once the price of our liberties, and the badge of our ancient servitude. So long as this debt remains unpaid we can scarcely be considered as a truly independent people. The sense of the committee was neither to make war, nor purchase peace, but to provide for the defence of our actual territory, which the highest authority had announced to have been violated and to be menaced with fresh invasion. On this point they conceived there could be but one sentiment, whatever difference of opinion might exist as to the wisdom of pledging the nation to protect its flag in remote seas, or its ability to afford such protection. A poor attempt has been made to reproach the committee with a want of reliance on the militia and a preference for the standing army. When it is considered that all the protection then and since extended to the country in question, consists of regular troops, and that the nearest states, from which the militia could be marched for its defence, are separated from it by many hundred miles of intervening Indian country (not to mention that these states themselves are amongst the weakest in the union) the incompetency of the militia to the service in question and the futility of the objection must become manifest to all. Besides, the president had no occasion to apply to congress for power to call out the militia to repel invasion, that force being under such circumstances, already at his disposal; and it is worthy of remark, that the far greater number of these would be partisans if the militia refused to adopt the measure recommended by the executive (or indeed any other) for giving efficient operation to that great constitutional defence.
The report of the committee, although in strict unison with the official recommendation of the executive, was rejected by 73 to 58 votes; and the proposition to appropriate — dollars, for the purpose of defraying any extraordinary expenses of foreign intercourse, which had been previously laid on the table by a member of that committee, before their report was made to the house, was immediately taken up. The avowed object of this measure was to enable the president to open a negotiation for the purchase of Florida. A motion was then made by Mr. J. Randolph to confine the appropriation to that object, and agreed to, yeas 78, nays 58. Another motion was made by the same gentleman to render the debt which was proposed to be incurred, redeemable at the pleasure of the U. States.—This was carried without a division. But afterwards, when the bill was brought in, the house rescinded its vote for a specific appropriation, and the money was left applicable at the discretion of the executive, to any extraordinary purpose of foreign intercourse whatsoever. Mr. J. Randolph also moved to limit the amount which the government might stipulate to pay for the territory in question; upon the ground, that if congress were disposed to acquire Florida by purchase, they should fix the extent to which they were willing to go, and thereby furnish our ministers with a safeguard against the rapacity of France; that there was no probability of our obtaining the country for less, but every reason to believe, that, without such a precaution on our part, she would extort more. This motion was overruled. When the bill came under discussion, various objections were urged against it by the same gentleman: among others, that it was in direct opposition to the views of the executive, as expressed in the president's official communication (it was on this occasion that general Varnum declared the measure to be consonant to the secret wishes of the executive) that it was a prostration of the national honour at the feet of our adversary; that a concession, so humiliating, would paralyze our efforts against Great-Britain, in case the negotiation then and now pending between that government and ours should prove abortive; that a partial appropriation towards the purchase of Florida, without limiting the president to some specific amount, would give a previous sanction to any expense which he might incur for that object, and which congress would stand pledged to make good; that, if the executive, acting entirely upon its own responsibility, and exercising its acknowledged constitutional powers, should negotiate for the purchase of Florida, the house of representatives would, in that case, be left free to ratify or annul the contract; but that the course which was proposed to be pursued (and which eventually was pursued) would reduce the discretion of the legislature to a mere shadow: that at its ensuing session, congress would find itself, in relation to this subject, a deliberative body but in name: that it could
not, without a manifest dereliction of its own principles, and perhaps without a violation of public faith, refuse to sanction any treaty entered into by the executive under the auspices of the legislature, and with powers so unlimited: that, however great his confidence in the chief magistrate, he would never consent to give any president so dangerous a proof of it: that his duties as a member of that house, as the independent representative of an independent people, were paramount to every other consideration: & that he would never preclude himself, by any previous sanction, from the unbiased exercise of his judgment on measures which thereafter were to come before him; that the house had no official recommendation from the executive for the step which they proposed to take, on the contrary it was in direct opposition to its sentiments as expressed in the confidential message; that the responsibility would be exclusively their own; that, if the president deemed it advisable to purchase foreign territory, he was free to enter into stipulations for that purpose whilst congress would remain equally free to sanction or disapprove such stipulations; or that, if he thought proper to ask for an appropriation for that object, the responsibility of the measure would rest upon him; but when the legislature undertook "to prescribe the course which he should pursue, and which he had pledged himself to pursue," the case was entirely changed: that house could have no channel thro' which it could be made acquainted with the opinions of the executive, but such as was official, responsible, and known to the constitution; and that it was a prostitution of its high and solemn functions to act upon an unconstitutional suggestion of the private wishes of the executive, irresponsibly announced by an irresponsible individual, and in direct hostility to his avowed opinions.
To every objection, the "Louisiana precedent," as it was called, formed the only answer, although in the latter stages of the discussion, no reply was attempted. The doors were closed, and the minority, whose motives were impeached, and whose persons were almost denounced, were voted down without debate. In reply to the case of Louisiana, it was said, that it was no precedent at all: that every argument drawn from that source was utterly inconclusive in the present instance; that no two cases could be more dissimilar: that, except the parties being the same, there was no point of resemblance: that, when Spain withheld from us the right of deposit at New-Orleans, congress had acted on its own instigation alone; they had not been apprized by the Executive of any hostile movement on the part of Spain: the territory of the U. S. had not been insulted, nor the persons of our citizens, within our jurisdiction, violated : It had been officially announced to Congress, that "their protection, as well as the honor of our country, rendered the interposition of the national force indispensable:" the chief magistrate of the union had not officially declared that the act of aggression in question, was committed by persons acting by the orders and under the sanction of the Court of Madrid; on the contrary, the house of Representatives had expressed, by a formal resolution, their belief, that the wrong in question, had proceeded from the unauthorised misconduct of certain Spanish officers, and declared their determination, in case it should be sanctioned by their government, to redress the injuries, and vindicate the rights of our citizens. On that occasion, Congress avowed, that they would resort, in the first instance, to an amicable explanation with the Spanish court; on this, the fair experiment of negotiation had been tried, and "after five months of fruitless endeavour, on our part, to bring them to some definitive and satisfactory result," had entirely failed. It could not escape the recollection of the house, to how great an excitement, the denial of a conventional right had, at that day, roused the minds of our citizens. And it must be remembered, that the acquisition of Louisiana, which put a stop to these aggressions of Spain, (for which no satisfaction has yet been rendered) was made, not from the party by whom those offences had been offered, but from one in no wise connected with them. And, admitting at this juncture the propriety of our making overtures for the purchase of a country, the possession of which, it was conceded on all hands, was highly desirable to us; not, what measures had we taken, or did we propose to take, for the refusal on the part of Spain, to "ratify her convention with us, signed by her own minister under the eye of his sovereign, pledging her to make compensation for spoliations com-

mitted upon our commerce during a pre-coding war; to indemnify our citizens for the renewal of the same practices, already of great amount, during the present war; for the obstruction of the navigation of the Mobile; for refusing to come to any fair and amicable adjustment of the boundaries of Louisiana; and for a daring violation by persons acting under the authority of Spain and no doubt apprized of her sentiments and views, of our undisputed limits, which she had solemnly recognized by treaty." None! The denial of the stipulated compensation for the spoliation of a former war; the reiteration of the same practices during the present; the obstruction of the Mobile; the peremptory refusal to adjust the boundaries of Louisiana; the insults committed on our territory, and the violation of the property and persons of our citizens within our acknowledged limits; all seemed forgotten, in the zeal to purchase Florida, or thrown with the national purse to the scale.
The bill nevertheless passed by a great majority. A motion was then made, to transmit, by a committee, the following message to the senate:
"By the House of Representatives, January 16th, 1806.
Gentlemen of the Senate,
We transmit you a bill which has passed this house entitled "an act making provision for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the U. S. and foreign nations," and in which we require your concurrence. This bill has been passed by us to enable the president of the U. S. to commence, with more effect, a negotiation for the purchase of the Spanish territories lying on the Atlantic ocean, and Gulf of Mexico, and eastward of the river Mississippi. The nature and importance of the measures contemplated have induced us to act upon the subject with closed doors. You will, of consequence, consider this communication as confidential." Mr. J. Randolph then moved to strike out the words "river Mississippi," and to insert "bay of Perdido," upon this ground—that the country between the Mississippi and the Perdido was in dispute between the United States and Spain, "such as it was as possessed by France," and conveyed by the treaty of Paris of the 30th of April 1803, to the U. States. To the territory in question (embracing both banks of the Mobile, and out of which all our differences with Spain, on the subject of boundary on this side of the Mississippi, had grown,) the executive had advanced, what they deemed, an undoubted claim. Upon this claim congress had already legislated, having passed a law, erecting the shores and waters of the river Mobile into a collection district, and it was deemed, that the authorizing the president to purchase that portion of the country would not only be a compromise of the national honour, but might fairly be considered as a surrender on our part of all pretension to the disputed territory. This motion, however, was negatived—Yeas 59—Nays 68.
It is perhaps worthy of remembrance, that on this, as on most of the other questions arising out of this subject, many of the warmest advocates of the measures eventually pursued were in the minority. (See the secret journals since published, page 33.) But to the message itself, as well as to the general course of proceeding, this strong and, (as is presumed) unanswerable objection was taken:—That the direction which the house of representatives had chosen to pursue was to be prescribed, not to the senate, but to the president; and that it would be impossible for the executive, even with the ingenuity of Oedipus himself, to divine, from a message to the senate, what was the real intention of the representatives of the people: that this message was not to be announced to him, but to the other branch of the legislature, and that, even if it were, his duty was to execute the laws, which should be enacted, and which could not be enlarged, restrained, or modified in any degree whatsoever, by any message from one house of congress to the other: and the appropriation being for any indefinite purpose of extraordinary foreign intercourse, and not made, in consequence of any intimation, or recommendation from the president, he must be presumed to be totally in the dark, "as to the secret wishes" of the senate and house of representatives, and to be incapable of inferring the intentions of the legislature from any thing but the context of the law itself: much less should he be deemed responsible for the execution of plans of which by the general maxims of legislation, as well as by the known principles of the constitution, he must be supposed to be altogether ignorant. As I have
said however, this, with every other difficulty that could not be solved, was overruled: and on Thursday the 16th of January, the engrossed bill, with the message, above recited, was transmitted to the senate.—On the day following, when the bill was no longer in possession of the house, or under its control, the dispatches from our minister at London, of the 18th and 25th of October, 1805, which had been four weeks lying in the office of the secretary, were laid before the house.—Those dispatches which had a most important bearing upon our Spanish relations, which had occupied the attention of the house of Representatives for nearly three preceding weeks, during which their doors were closed, produced an instantaneous conviction on the minds of many, the best informed and most influential members of the house, who had hitherto voted with the majority, that the course which they had pursued was wrong. A feeble insinuation was indeed made by certain members of the house, presumed to be in the confidence of the Secretary of State, that the dispatches had but recently arrived; and this inference was supported by this circumstance that a single copy only, (perhaps the original) was submitted to the two houses, to be interchanged between them; from whence it was concluded by many, that sufficient time had not elapsed, since their reception, to enable the clerks in the office of foreign affairs to make out duplicates of the papers. But this fact was immediately disproved by Mr. J. Randolph's calling at the secretary of state's office, where he learnt from Mr. Wagner, the chief clerk of that department, as well as from the secretary himself, that they had arrived the week before Christmas; that is, prior to the 21st of December.
The house of representatives having resolved to incur an expense for the purchase of Florida, the second member of Mr. Bidwell's resolution, to continue for years, the additional duty of two and a half per cent. ad valorem, imposed by the "act further to protect the commerce and seamen of the U. S. against the Barbary powers," to make good the same, came under consideration. But this proposition was vehemently opposed by Mr. J. Randolph, who stated, that he deemed it an unconstitutional mode of voting supplies to raise taxes in conclave: that if the members of that house should once come to levy contributions on their constituents with closed doors, whilst the votes which they should give, (to say nothing of the discussion) from the very nature of the secret journal, remained concealed from their constituents there was an end of public liberties. Congress might thus pass any laws, however unconstitutional and oppressive, whilst the people would remain ignorant of the part which their representatives respectively had taken, and be consequently unable to apply the proper corrective, and that, however reasons of state might render it expedient to proceed in this way against a foreign enemy or to give a secret direction to military expeditions against the common foe, those reasons were totally inapplicable to the impositions of burthens upon the people, or to any curtailment of their rights, with which that enemy could have no concern, and from the knowledge of which he could derive no advantage. The proposition was at that time withdrawn, but, on the last day of the session, April 21, this tax was continued: the only ostensible motive is to be found in a message from the executive of the 14th of the same month, intimating the existence of an unfriendly disposition on the part of Tunis towards the United States.
In a future number, some remarks will be offered on the proceedings of congress respecting our relations with Great Britain: a subject, which, if possible, has been more misrepresented, and less understood, than that of the present communication.
DECIDUUS.
NAPLES, June 1.
Vesuvius continues to rage. The crater still discharges a great quantity of stones, resembling hail. On the 4th and 5th, a continual noise was heard extremely loud, while the thick cloud that enveloped the summit of the mountain was alternately penetrated by flames of fire, amazingly vivid, resembling lightning. The course of the lava ran towards the Terre del Greco, and along the eminence upon which the Cloister of Camalduna is situated, and has extended to the distance of four miles, destroying all the trees, vineyards and habitations it has met with in its course. Just now it has reached the high road in the neighbourhood Torre del Greco, while a great
number of strangers and curious persons are repairing to the spot to be witness to the singular phenomenon. The Terre del Greco, is situated at the foot of Vesuvius, with a population of 15,000 souls.
BALTIMORE, Sept. 8.
Latest from Europe. —By the fair American we have received London papers to the 23d of July. Their contents are not very important. There is every appearance of a rigid prosecution of the war, and the idea of peace seems to have vanished like a golden dream, leaving no traces worth depending on. On this subject private letters from London speak positive as to a continuance of the war—one, of which we were favored with a perusal by a friend, dated 22d July 1805 "You may rely on there being no peace as yet—Those who seemed most sanguine are beginning to acknowledge themselves deceived—while every act of the ministry, and the arrival and departure of every courier to the Continent is watched, and their intentions and business interpreted. But all will not do—the people begin to find themselves imposed on by stock jobbers. A courier arrived yesterday from France. A Cabinet council was immediately held, and peace was soon after resounded on change, but it is actually understood that Bonaparte has refused to negotiate until England acknowledges his continental regulations, and then he will treat with her for peace, on terms most suitable to form the happiness of Europe and the prosperity of the French empire."
It is said that Bonaparte has obtained leave of the Porte to march an army thro' the Turkish provinces into Egypt, a measure indicative of his intentions to carry on the war far and near.
KINGSTON, (Jam.) August 12.
By the schooner Stag, we learn that General Miranda in the Leander, accompanied with 13 vessels, among which there was 1 or 2 ships, had arrived on the coast of South America, and landed near Coro, of which he had got possession, and, by the reports prevalent at the departure of the Stag from Aruba, had been successful in several engagements with the Spaniards, and was penetrating into the country.
August 13.—We yesterday mentioned the arrival of the expedition under General Miranda, on the Spanish Main, and his subsequent success, we are now however, enabled to state the particulars more accurately. While Capt. Esdell was taking in his cargo at Cape St. Roman, on the Spanish coast, an overland dispatch was received there, containing accounts of Gen. Miranda having effected a landing at Coro, (which is said to be only 12 hours sail from Aruba) that he had captured it, and was proceeding up the country. It was also asserted, that he was daily joined by the Spaniards, and had several skirmishes with the government forces, in all of which he had been successful. The gentleman who furnished the cargo for the Stag informed the captain of her, that he was obliged to be under arms the next morning at day-light as every person not found in arms against Miranda were considered as his accomplices, and instantly executed. Miranda is aided by a British force, but the exact number not ascertained. He has been joined by a British frigate.
MARTINSBURG, September 19.
The paper signed Decidus , (from the Richmond Enquirer ) which we this day publish, is attributed to the pen of Mr. John Randolph, and is a deliberate expression of the opinions entertained by the democratic minority, who during the late session of Congress, perceived and obeyed the necessity of protesting against the policy, which Mr. Jefferson and his thorough-going partizans adopted. This paper will certainly excite a lively interest, and we recommend it to the attentive perusal of all parties.
Married, by the Rev. Mr. Hutchinson on Thursday, the 11th inst. Mr. JAMES W. CAMPBELL, to Miss POLLY LITTLE.
Married on the 14th inst. by the Rev. Mr. Wilmer. Mr. JOB ROBINS to Miss CATHERINE CLAYCOMB, daughter of Mr. Conrad Claycomb, all of Berkeley County.
Foreign News. —By the Sally-Ann, arrived at Boston from Liverpool, which she left the 28th of July, London papers have been received at that place as late as the 26th. They inform that Paris
ment was prorogued on the 23d, and that the King's speech assures the nation that discussions for peace were going on, and if the French are sincere, hopes were entertained of a successful termination.
Mr. Erskine's son is coming to America as Plenipotentiary.
Gen. Pinckney had delivered his credentials.
Mr. Fox's health was mending.
Jerome Bonaparte snug in port. —The ship Harriet, which arrived on the first inst. at Baltimore, informs, that she passed a French 74 gunship in the bay bound up, with the loss of her top-masts; and a letter received this forenoon from Baltimore adds, that Jerome Bonaparte has safely landed at that place.
(New-York Herald.)
We have been informed that the Negotiation for the FLORIDAS has failed. This information was received from Virginia very lately. It seems dispatches from Mr. Monroe, our Minister at the British Court, were conveyed to Monticello, by one of Mr. Monroe's family, who lately landed at Boston.—This gentleman mentioned the failure on his way to the President's. (Washington Fed.)
Extract of a letter dated Alexandria, September 2.
"A schooner of Mr. Thomson's has just arrived from Carraccas. The Captain informs that Miranda had landed with fifteen hundred men; but he did not hear how he had been received by the people."
TO BE RENTED.
THAT very commodious large Store Room, with shelves, counter &c. complete, counting room and a large dry cellar, on the Main-street, Martinsburg, wherein Thomas Neilson & Co. lately kept store; a good situation for a well assorted cash and country produce store; and if wanted the whole of the House and Lot will be rented on very moderate terms.
Also to rent, a two-story Stone House and Kitchen, a good stable, &c. and full Lot, on John's-street and Spring-alley, very convenient to water, mills, &c. suitable for any kind of public business, or tradesmen, say coppersmith, tinkers, hatters, tobacconists, bakers, brewers, or a joiner &c. that would keep a deal and lumber yard; as industrious sober tradesmen of those kinds are much wanted in this town.
For terms apply to MICHAEL M'KEWAN. Martinsburg, September 19, 1806.
Money Found.
ON Wednesday the 10th inst. the subscriber found a sum of money, on the road leading from Martinsburg to Winchester.—The owner on proving his property may have it again, on application to me, near Opeckon bridge, Berkeley County.
WILLIAM BISHOP. September 19, 1806.
FOR SALE. A LIKELY YOUNG
Negro Woman,
Who is well acquainted with house work, and her three children, a girl and two boys. Inquire of the printer.
FOR SALE.
A VALUABLE Tract of lime-stone LAND, containing about 260 acres, lying on Mill-Creek, Berkeley County, and adjoining the stone house tavern place; there is about 160 acres cleared and under good fence, and the balance clothed with excellent timber; 4 acres of meadow are made, & 12 more could be made, which may be watered with a wheel. The improvements are a comfortable dwelling house with a good kitchen adjoining, smoke house, and other convenient out houses: There is also on the premises an excellent new barn, 24 by 63 feet, within 30 yards of the water; a good apple orchard, and various kinds of other fruit trees. This tract of land is level, and in other respects well adapted to farming; it is in sight of the road leading from Martinsburg to Winchester, and about 12 miles from each place. Any person wishing to purchase can know the terms by applying to the subscriber living on the premises.
HUGH DAVIDSON. September 19, 1806.

THE subscribers request those indebted to them will make payment on or about the first of October—they are hard pressed by debts and have not been important duns.—Grain of every kind will be received in any of the merchant mills near town (at the current prices) in payment of debts, or for goods. Those having claims against them will oblige by bringing in their accounts for settlement. MEMINGER & COOPER. Martinsburg, September 12, 1806.
REGIMENTAL ORDERS. THE Officers' Muster of the 69th Regiment is appointed for the 27th, 28th and 29th of October next, at Martinsburg; and the Muster of said Regiment on the 30th of said month at the same place. The Majors of Battalions and Commandants of Companies will issue the necessary orders for this purpose. D. HUNTER, Lt. Col. Comt. 69th Regt. V. M. September 12, 1806.
Look Here! THE subscriber has on hands about eight hundred Volume of well-assorted and handsome brand BOOKS—NATURE—and several HORSES. All of which he will exchange for good paper that is, or may become due within twelve months. JOHN MCLEARY. Martinsburg, September 12, 1806.
Fulling & Dying. THE subscriber has erected a new Fulling Mill on Tuscarora, (on the plantation formerly belonging to Wm. Patterson) about one mile and an half from Martinsburg, where he intends carrying on Fulling and Dying in all its various branches. He flatters himself, that from his long experience and close attention to business, to be able to satisfy all who may please to favour him with their custom. AARON HIBBERD. Berkeley County, the 9th mo. 6th, 1806.
FOR SALE. A CONVENIENT two story Log Dwelling House, with two Lots of Ground, situate in the north end of Martin-street, Martinsburg. As I am about to remove from this country, I will sell the above property for considerably less than its value—and will give a reasonable credit for the money, or I will exchange it for horses. For terms apply to Jacob Miller, near Martinsburg. ADAM SHEETZ. September 12, 1806.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber on the 20th of July last, a NEGRO MAN , named Andrew Ivy , about 5 feet 6 inches high, stout made, 23 years old, talks fast, and is very impudent. He is a miller and has been working in a mill in Berkeley County, Virginia, and it is probable he may offer his services in a mill again. The above reward will be given for delivering said negro to the subscriber, living near Hagers-town, Maryland, or in the jail in that place; or five dollars for putting him in any jail in Virginia. JACOB BROADSTONE. September 12, 1806.
ESTRAY STEERS. CAME to the subscriber's plantation, near Martinsburg, some time in May last, two estrays of the following description: one a red Steer with four white feet, a star in his forehead, white under the belly, branded but not so as to be understood, marked in the ears with half a crop in the left and a slit in the right, four years old past, and appraised to twenty dollars; also, one white and brown spotted Steer, four years old past, marked in the left ear with an under bit called half penny, a star in his forehead, and appraised to fifteen dollars. The owner of said estrays is desired to prove property, pay charges, and take them away. NICHOLAS CHOPPER. September 12, 1806.
ELOPED from Harper's Ferry on Saturday evening the 30th ult. an apprentice lad named EDWARD HESSY . Whoever takes up said apprentice and returns him to his master at said Ferry, or in Shepherd's-Town shall receive six cents reward but no thanks. BERNARD WISENALL. Harper's Ferry, September 12, 1806.
WHEREAS Adam Eyre and Robert Eyre, jun. did on the 11th of April, 1806, convey to the subscriber, as trustee, a certain tract of Land lying and being on the waters of Mill-Creek in the county of Berkeley, for the purpose of securing a sum of money due by the said Adam Eyre and Robert Eyre, jun. to Elisha Boyd, esq. and whereas the said Adam and Robert have not paid and satisfied the said debt with interest and costs, agreeable to the conditions and stipulations mentioned in said deed—THIS IS TO GIVE NOTICE, that on the 20th day of this month, I shall offer for sale for ready money, on the said premises, mentioned in said deed of trust, the Tract of LAND therein mentioned, or a sufficiency thereof to satisfy the amount due the said Elisha Boyd, on the said deed of trust, with interest and costs. JAMES STEPHENSON, Trustee. September 4, 1806.
A FARM TO SELL OR RENT. THE subscriber wishes either to sell or rent a valuable FARM—It is situated in Hampshire County, at the junction of the Great Cacapon and Potomac Rivers, and about three miles from Berkeley Springs—It was lately the property of Cornelius Ferree, Esq. and is at present occupied by him. The tract contains 257 acres, a considerable part of which is cleared, and in good order for cultivation—There is upon the premises, a very good dwelling-house, as likewise a barn, and all other buildings necessary or convenient for a farm. The land, from its situation between the two rivers, and in a great measure surrounded by them, is of a most excellent quality. As it is remote from any other land belonging to the subscriber, he would prefer selling it; and his price is six pounds per acre—But if he cannot sell, he will rent it at the rate of 75 pounds per annum, for any term, not exceeding ten years,—and in either case, possession will be given the first day of December next, with the liberty of sowing a crop this fall—If any person, having viewed the premises, should wish to purchase, or to lease upon these terms, he will please to apply to the subscriber who resides in Shenandoah County. THOMAS ALLEN, sen. September 5, 1806.
FOR SALE, A CONVENIENT FAMILY CARRIAGE, in good repair, with harness complete for two horses—It will be sold low for cash, or bartered for other property. JACOB VAN DOREN. Berkeley County, September 5, 1806.
CHARLES-TOWN RACES. THE Charles-Town Jockey Club Races will commence on the third Wednesday in October, agreeable to a standing rule of the Club, and continue for three days. A meeting of the members of the Club is requested at their Club-Room on the 13th instant, to elect a president and vice-president, and apportion each day's stake. By order of the Club, GEORGE HITE, Secretary. September 5, 1806.
FOR SALE, AN ABLE BODIED NEGRO MAN, About 19 years of age, strong and active, that has been brought up to the farming business, which he understands well. Inquire of the printer. Berkeley County, September 5, 1806.
ORDERED that the annual meeting of the Overseers of the Poor be on the 20th of September next, at the Poor-House in Martinsburg; all those concerned are desired to attend at 10 o'clock. By order of the Board, ROBERT COCKBURN, C.O.P. August 25, 1806.
Sale of Land. TO be sold on the 30th day of October next, a Tract of first-rate limestone Land, the property of Michael Pultz, dec. containing two hundred and thirty-five acres, lying about three miles from Smithfield, Jefferson County, Virginia. The improvements are a good Dwelling House, with convenient Out-houses, and a good Barn; also, a number of excellent Fruit-Trees of various kinds. The terms of sale will be made known on the day; and a good title made to the purchaser. Due attendance will be given by NICHOLAS SCHALL and HENRY SYBERT, } Ex'rs. August 22, 1806.
Land for sale. AGREEABLE to the last will and testament of William Henshaw, Esq. dec. will be sold a Farm, (called Springfield) containing about 600 acres of valuable limestone land, late the property of said Henshaw, dec. situate in Berkeley County, Virginia; more than 300 of which is cleared and under good fence, the residue well clothed with timber; about 12 acres in meadow, which can be watered, and much more can be made. The improvements are a large and convenient stone dwelling house; stone spring house, with good limestone water running through it, within 12 feet of the kitchen door; smoke house; barn; stables; with other necessary buildings for the convenience of a farm. About 120 yards across the creek stands the GRIST and MERCHANT MILL, with two pair of stones in her, one pair of burrs, and two water wheels; and near the mill is a house for the reception of a miller—Also, a large Stone Still House, with tubs, &c. and constant over head water. About half a mile below at a separate dam, are a Saw and Fulling Mill, with a log dwelling house; and two lime-stone springs breaking out of the side of the dam. These mills are built upon that well known creek, for its constancy called Mill-Creek, which runs through the above land. One fourth of a mile above the merchant mill is a double log house, kitchen, barn, &c. and a never failing limestone spring within 40 yards of the door. Three other log buildings and a smith shop, suitable for tradesmen. There are four bearing apple orchards, containing about 600 trees of excellent fruit, and a sufficient number of other kinds of fruit. It will be sold altogether, or in two or three tracts, as may best suit the purchaser or purchasers. This property is situated in a rich and fertile settlement, and not inferior to any in the county; about 12 miles from Winchester, 10 from Martinsburg, 1 from Maj. Stephenson's stone tavern, and 18 from Potomac, where the produce may be carried to market to George-town, the city of Washington or Alexandria. We deem it unnecessary to give a further description of the property. Any person wishing to purchase will please call upon the subscribers living on the premises, who will shew the property and make known the terms. Also for sale by the subscribers, three hundred acres of Land, lying in the county of Monongalia, adjoining lands of Anthony Sell, on Sillwell's Creek, a branch of the Canawa. Also, four hundred acres of Land, lying on Salt Lick Creek in said county. LEVI HENSHAW and HIRAM HENSHAW, } Adm'rs. August 29, 1806.
N. B. A good Fuller is wanted to attend the above fulling mill. He will be hired or may have it upon a moderate rent.
F. NADENBOUSCH, & Co. HAVE just received, in addition to their former stock, a very handsome assortment of Choice Goods, almost of every description, suitable to the present season. Those Goods have been selected with care from the latest importations; and they are satisfied on particular examination will give satisfaction to the purchaser both as to cheapness and quality—to be had for cash, country produce, or on the usual terms of credit to punctual customers. Martinsburg, June 20, 1806.
FOR SALE, A FULL SET OF DOBSON'S EDITION OF THE ENCYCLOPEDIA. Apply at the office of the Intelligencer.
DR. REES'S NEW CYCLOPEDIA. WE have just received the 1st number of the above work, and request those gentlemen who have subscribed for it to call immediately for their books. Those who feel a desire to procure this great and highly valuable work, had better avail themselves of the present time, as the price will be considerably augmented after the 1st of November next. We have now a specimen of the work for their inspection, and have the testimony of the first literary characters in England and this country, in its favour. And we think it but fair to say, that, the paper is of excellent quality, and the printing is in the first style of elegance. The embellishments are of a very superior description, and will form, when completed, an incomparably more elegant and correct set of scientific and other plates than has ever been produced. Intelligencer-Office, August 15, 1806.
THE subscriber has recently received and is now opening an extensive assortment of the most fashionable EUROPEAN and INDIA MANUFACTURES, of the first textures and most permanent qualities; also, a large and general assortment of almost all kinds of GROCERIES of the best quality;—the whole of which he flatters himself he may with propriety recommend to his friends and customers in particular, and to an impartial public in general. Any further recommendations are considered unnecessary, as the only criterion by which the most reasonable terms are known is by inspection only. He has also received a handsome assortment of BAR-IRON, Strap ditto, Crowley and Blistered STEEL, SICKLES, and Waldron's highly approved of SCYTHES assorted. THOMAS C. SMITH. Martinsburg, June 13, 1806. Superfine Flour for sale by the barrel.
BOLTING CLOTHS. JUST received an extensive assortment of best warranted BOLTING CLOTHS, of every description, which will be sold unusually low, by KENNEDYS & RAGAN. Hagers-town, June 5, 1806. [1y]
Jefferson County, ss. July Court, 1806. Abram Davenport, Complainant, against James Starky, Cyrus Saunders, and William M'Guire, Defendants. In CHANCERY. THE defendant, James Starky, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth, upon the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant, James Starky, does appear here on the second Tuesday in October next, and answer the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, also published at the front door of the court house of the said county for the same length of time. A Copy. Attest, GEORGE HITE, C.J.C.
The following BLANKS, printed with NEW and ELEGANT TYPE, are always kept for sale at this Office: DEEDS, Common BONDS, CONSTABLE'S BLANKS, Promissory NOTES, &c.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.
TERMS OF THE INTELLIGENCER. The price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week: Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their Advertisements.