Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-02-10 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER  ENT RICKELAM SUA PRÆMIA LATE
VOL. IV.]
WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 10, 1808.
[NO. 89.]
From the Augusta Herald.
Whether the particular circumstances of our country were such, as have rendered an embargo at this time absolutely necessary, or even expedient, or whether this measure has in fact originated from causes, which those who recommended and supported it, are unwilling as yet to avow, or are ashamed to own, is what we would by no means presume to decide—especially as a veil of obscurity appears to be drawn over the causes, which have facilitated the progress of recent transactions. Even when under the pretence of affording intelligence to the people, a resolution was passed in the house of representatives, to give publicity to the secret journals , we find that previous to their publication, the journals were so mutilated, that the most material part of the proceedings are still kept from the public eye—and this are the people deluded and played with, and treated like children, by those who effect the most obsequious respect for their sovereignty. If it was improper to make the secret journals publick, why vote for their publication—if it was not improper, why are the journals mutilated in the most material part, and the most interesting of their contents concealed? Is this the way in which such proceedings as will bear the light are usually conducted—or do measures that will stand the test of scrutiny, and can bid defiance to censure, ever require this sort of double management?
For our own parts it is well known, and we openly confess, that we have seldom considered the course pursued by the present administration, as calculated, for any length of time, to preserve the peace, protect the rights, or promote the real interests of our fellow-citizens. We thought, and we still think that there was something radically defective in the system pursued, which, though not productive of instantaneous evils while the nation was majestically floating on the full tide of success , would have more than once predicted, soon carry us beyond the high water mark of safety , and there leave us to struggle with difficulties not easy to resist or overcome. Our opinions on this subject we often have expressed with the freedom, which a conscientious belief of their correctness warranted, in the hope, that notwithstanding the circumscribed circle in which they revolved, by uniting with the sentiments of others who thought as we did, they might gradually make their way in the community, and thereby in some small degree, help to influence the opinions and conduct of those, who, overlooking great and national objects, were perpetually resorting to temporary expedients, to preserve and increase their own popularity.
But in addition to what we conceive to be an erroneous, a time serving policy, we have been greatly apprehensive, that under an affection, and profession, of equal and exact justice to all nations, there were in some of the influential rules of this country, such an unequivocal partiality towards one of the belligerent nations of Europe, and such a degree of enmity towards another, as would eventually tend to commit the dignity of the nation, and perhaps tend to involve it in serious calamities. This opinion we hope , most sincerely hope, is utterly unfounded—But we confess that the late proceedings of Congress are not calculated to weaken it.
It appears to be agreed upon all hands, that the act laying an embargo, has some how or other been produced by the late conduct of France. But yet the arguments and comments upon it, in the ministerial circles, and in ministerial papers, seem to consider it altogether as a measure calculated to operate against England—and by some, it is expressly considered as a preliminary step to hostilities with that nation. How then is it that a measure brought about by France, should be so suddenly considered as altogether directed against England, or has it so happened that to the act of hostility committed by France against this country, in enforcing a decree against our commercial rights, in the face of an existing treaty, that there has also been added a command from Buonaparte to the president, to close at once all commercial intercourse with Great Britain? For the honour of our country, and for the credit of those who administer its concerns, we would hope, that the embargo has not been produced by a command from Buonaparte, and yet we cannot help saying, we should be glad if the circumstances favouring such an opinion were less suspicious. If something of this nature had not taken place, is it likely that an embargo, would have been added to a non-importation act, at a time when Mr. Monroe, and Mr. Rose, were both expected at the seat of government? if the administration were pacifically inclined, as they ought to have been, and as it was their duty to be, is it probable that they would have been disposed to multiply obstacles to an amicable adjustment of differences? If they acted in obedience to a command , which they were resolved to obey ,
the promptitude of their proceedings was the natural result of obsequiousness and servility. Mr. Randolph, and Mr. Elliot, openly declared on the floor of Congress, that they considered the independence of the country gone, the moment the embargo act passed—now certainly there was nothing in the act incompatible with our independence, and the remarks of Mr. Randolph and others, must have related to the cause which produced it, and if, as their observations seem to imply, the act has been produced by an imperial mandate, the independence of the country is indeed at an end, and we must calculate in future upon seeing our government under the absolute control of the emperor of the French. But to such a state of things we need not, and will not expect our citizens long to submit—there is a spirit in the great body of the American people, which, however it may be imposed upon by those who abuse its credulity, will manfully resist the meanness of submitting to the superintending control of any foreign nation , however ingenious the arguments, or plausible the reasoning that may be employed, to reconcile them to this honourable species of national guardianship . Several other members besides Mr. Randolph and Mr. Elliot, have openly expressed their opinion, that the American cabinet was under the direction of French influence , and one member in a letter declares that it is chiefly to conceal this, that their proceedings have been secret. And the editor of the National Intelligencer in passing the ministerial smoothing iron over the embargo business, seems to consider Great Britain alone answerable for the misconduct of France, and even insinuates, that the resolution to enforce the French decree against American commerce, has been produced by the late proclamation of the king of England; when in fact to say nothing of the decree itself, the letter from the French grand judge strictly enforcing it, is dated at Paris, September 18, 1807, and the British proclamation was not issued till a month afterwards . When such pains are taken, such palpable misstatements unblushingly made, to plaster over French proceedings, and to magnify the misconduct of Britain, is their not conclusive evidence, of an unwarrantable leaning on one side, which ought not to exist among those professing an impartial neutrality?
We might add many other particulars were we now inclined to dwell on a subject, unpleasing to our feelings, and not very creditable to our country—but we will close our remarks at present by observing, that notwithstanding the present very unpromising appearances, we yet retain a hope, that, though there may be a willingness in certain circles and among certain individuals, to involve our country in a war with England, and to unite its destinies to those of France, and thereby to introduce an incalculable train of mischiefs into what may then be called, this part of the imperial dominions , yet that there will still be found in the national legislature, a sufficient portion of wisdom, scarce as that commodity is there, to avert such complicated calamities. We hope and trust that the members of congress, or a majority of them at least, will see the true interests of their constituents, and that they will have the firmness to pursue them, in preference to a conformity to the will or wishes of any individual, either obscure or exalted. If a war with England was necessary, either to preserve the national honour or its unquestionable rights; or if Great Britain had approved the transaction which so generally excited the feelings of our countrymen, and had refused reparation therefor, our citizens would have met the event of hostilities without a murmur—But when it is evident and clear, that Great Britain is disposed amiably to adjust all differences, and when it is equally clear and evident that we are unprepared for an, "unprofitable contest," is it possible that a majority of those to whom the national concerns are confided, will take upon themselves the awful responsibility, of bringing upon their country the calamities and miseries of war? Can the mad advocates of such a measure, hold out to their constituents a single benefit that will, that can result therefrom.
To remain at peace is the great policy, the political and moral duty of our country, and we hope and pray, this policy and duty may not be departed from, either through the intrigues, menaces, or commands of any foreign power—if government should amicably adjust their differences with England, and will give their citizens liberty to defend themselves they will maintain their own neutrality against the rest of the world, and make their rights and valour respected, even by those to whose will, the interests of the country, it would seem were about to be sacrificed!
THE LATE BRITISH ORDERS OF COUNCIL.
The following observations on this subject in a ministerial English paper, appear to have proceeded from an official source:
"We have proved that Great Britain has a perfect right, under the present circumstances, to adopt such measures of restriction on the commerce of neutrals with France and her allies, as may be most suitable to her interests. We have shewed this right was equally unquestionable, in whatever light we considered the measures of Buonaparte. It only remains therefore to enquire whether the measures which we have adopted are conformable to sound policy."
"But it may be useful previously to recollect the nature and the extent of the restrictions which have been imposed by France."
"By the decree issued at Berlin on the 21st Nov. 1805, 'The British Islands are declared to be in a state of blockade .' (Art. 1.) 'All commerce and all correspondence with the British isles are prohibited.' (Art. 2.)"
"The trade in English commodities is prohibited, and every article which belongs to England, or is the produce of her manufactures and colonies, is declared good prize.' (Art. 6.) 'No ship, which comes direct from England, or has been there after the publication of the present decree, shall be admitted into any harbour.' (Art. 8.)"
"These extracts are sufficient to shew the injurious tendency of this famous decree.—Neutrals are interdicted from every species of commerce with England, and are forbidden to acquire a property in any article of English produce or manufacture; and to this they submit. If the acquiescence of neutrals in the hostile prohibitions of one belligerent, can ever justify retaliation in the other, never certainly was such a case more clearly made out."
"Conceiving that we have disposed of the question of right , we shall now, therefore, proceed to examine the policy of our recent conduct."
"1. In our expectations that the measure will induce Buonaparte to adopt a milder system of warfare, we do not pretend to be sanguine; it is his nature rather to be provoked than intimidated by opposition. But while he meets opposition with boldness, he looks at concession with contempt. If our retaliation will not make him fear us, it will at least prevent him from despising us. The least symptom of apprehension, on the part of an enemy, he looks upon as a sure indication of victory; if he once strikes a panic, he follows it up 'till he has obtained his object. He is deeply impressed with the idea that we exist only by our commerce; he conceives that we suffer as much from a diminished export of sugar, as Prussia from the loss of Poland. If, then, rather than incur the risk of losing any branch of trade, we continue to act purely upon the defensive in commercial regulations—if we leave it to him to determine how much or how little intercourse we shall have with the continent, and rather than offend a customer of our own, we suffer him to supply himself with whatever he may want; if such be our conduct we strengthen his injurious suspicions, and encourage his fanciful ideas.—Buonaparte has a right to say, 'I shall tire them out at last: It would be folly in me to think of peace, while the ruin of England is in a silent accomplishment.' Let us not be understood as saying, that the actual effect of Buonaparte's measures, if left to their operation, would be the ruin of England. We only contend, that by tameness we lead him to think so, and that, thinking so, he will be less inclinable to peace, which must never be lost sight of, as the ultimate object of all our hostile acts. If we cannot compel him to 'recall his orders,' we shall, at least, by our retaliation, make him doubt of their efficacy."
These observations apply to the general effect of retaliation, as to the enemy; the particular tendency of the measures adopted on one side or the other will be the subject of future enquiry."
"But if, beneficial as our policy may be, there is no great expectation of its producing a change of system in France, we are next to consider it, according to the order in council, as to its inducing neutrals 'to interpose with effect,' for the same purpose. And here, we are not merely to look to the probability of neutral nations raising such an opposition to the decrees of France, as to procure their repeal, but we should here, as in the former case, look to the effect upon neutrals, always keeping peace in mind as the ultimate object."
"Considering the nature of Buonaparte and his government, it probably never was very sanguinely expected, by the framers of the former order, that any remonstrances of America, or Portugal, would produce a relaxation of the hostile system. But it was right to make the experiment; although therefore we lost no time in asserting the claim of England to retaliate, and we commenced instantly a partial exercise of our just right—we paused before we carried it to its full extent. It was possible that neutral states might resist the execution of the decrees, and become our allies in the war: it was possible, at least, that the violent measures of France would induce
them to look with a more favourable eye towards us, and to consider us as their protectors against the encroachments of France. These might have been the inducements for desisting so long as we did from the vigorous measures now adopted. With respect to America in particular, there was some ground to hope that she would not tamely acquiesce in the restrictions imposed by France; she had considered the somewhat similar conduct of France in 1798 as a just and sufficient cause of war; nor was amity restored between the United States and France until, by treaty of 1800, the American claims were established."
"But if such expectations were entertained, they have now completely vanished. We see neutrals acquiescing in the novel and rigorous decrees of France, while they continue to urge us with incessant complaints on the enforcement of those ancient and partial restrictions which our government imposes upon their trade. They became the instruments of France in measures intended for our ruin; they consent to be interdicted from all commerce with England, while they grumble at our prohibition of the colony trade of France. Could we suppose them to act willingly, and to participate in the expectation of Buonaparte, their perfidy would be justly punished: if they act upon compulsion merely, the question is this—Has there been manifested in their conduct so much of good will towards us? is their friendship so desirable, their neutrality so beneficial, as to induce us to endanger ourselves for their sakes?"
"If we look upon measures of retaliation as useful against the enemy—if we think that no consideration of our own trade ought to interfere with the adoption of that system—not only, we contend, is there nothing of right—not only is there nothing of equity—but, moreover, nothing of policy—which should induce us to consider the inconvenience of neutrals as an insuperable bar. If neutrals forfeit their right to be treated as such, we may fairly make use of them as our instruments towards bringing the war to an honourable termination; and in a war circumstanced like the present, nothing but the most extensive and universal hostility will afford us a hope of peace."
NOTICE.
The Copartnership of RICHARD POWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
St. Ubes SALT.
The CARGO of the Barque Bremen , consisting of about 6000 bushels excellent St. Ubes Salt, will be sold for cash or good paper. Apply to Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. February 2.
For Sale on moderate terms by the cash or a smaller quantity, 12 tierces Hibbert's Brown STOUT , 13 pipes fourth proof Cognac Brandy, 1 do. old London particular Madeira Wine, 40 bds. Antigua, Jamaica, and W. I. Rum, 7 do. Molasses; old Peach Brandy in barrels, Green St. Domingo Coffee in bars; wrought Nails, Sheathing Nails and Spikes; Axes; Bar Iron; Fig Blue, Stone Jugs; a quantity of Bran; 9 pieces fine Flannel, Bed Tick of the best quality. John Macgowan. January 28.
FOR CASH ONLY.
GERMAN LINENS, &c.
  16 bales coarse Linen,  450 pieces Paper Hangings    4 do. Ruffa Sheeting,  80 boxes Window Glass,    3 boxes German Rolls,  100 do. Short Pipes,    2 do. Rouans Sheeting,  120 do. Spanish Segars,    1 do. fine Flanders do.  from 8 to 20 dollars per box,    3 do. Plaitillas,  300 doz. empty Bottles,    1 do. fine Dowlas,  200 wt. nested bottling Wire,    2 do. Table Cloth,  800 do. Glue,    1 do. common Shirt Linen,  11,000 best Coffee bags,    1 do. extra fine do.  4,500 cheap Gunny Bags,    1 do. Bed Tick 2 yards wide,  5 boxes Tumblers, Decanters, &c.    Also, 6 elegant Terrestrial Globes, A large invoice of Lace, 3 pair large Looking Glasses, Jewellery and Dice, in gilt frames, of the first elegance, Elegant Chessmen, Elegant marble Statues, Flageolets and Clarinets, Urn and Vases, Violins, Bows, and Fife, Liquor Cases, Oil Cloth, Flutes with four and six keys, Wafer and Waffle Irons, do. patent lined, Coffee Mills and Toasters, Ladies' Dressing Boxes, Velvet Ribbons, Toilet Looking Glasses, Fine Thread Stockings, Shaving Cases, Elegant Cutlery, Elegant Writing Decks, An invoice of Watches, Scarlet Plush for Saddles, Watch Crystals and Beads, Seine and Sewing Twine. For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 4.
A NEW SCHOOL
Will be opened by the Subscriber, on Monday the 8th instant, at a house he has rented on Freemason-Street of Richard E. Lee, Esq.—His course of instruction will embrace the Latin Language, the English Language grammatically, Geography, History, Writing and Arithmetic; the French language will be taught when sufficient encouragement is given to employ an assistant for this branch of education. The Subscriber's price for tuition will be 32 dollars per annum, paid quarterly. Any gentleman wishing to know the Subscriber's character, may be gratified by applying to Richard E. Lee, Conway Whittle, William Knox, and Jesse Ewell, Esquires, who have my letters of recommendation from gentlemen of the highest respectability. Beverly Crump.
February 6.

TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIMES, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEB. 10, 1808.
The following shews the votes in the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, upon the removal of the seat of government from Washington, with the names of those who were absent.
   Ayes. Noes. Absent.     NEW-HAMPSHIRE.   Ayes—Carlton, Durell, Gardner, Smith, Storer, 5 0 0   MASSACHUSETTS.   Ayes—Bacon, Cook, Ely, Livermore, Quincy, Stedman, Taggart, Upham, 8.—Noes, Barker, Chandler, Cutts, Green, Isey, Seaver, 6.—Absent, Crowninshield, Deane, Varnum, (Speaker did not vote) 8 6 3   RHODE-ISLAND.   Absent—Knight, Wildboar, 0 0 2   CONNECTICUT.   Ayes—Dana, Mosely, Sturgis, Tallmadge, 4.—Absent, Champion, Davenport, Pitkin, 3. 4 0 3   VERMONT.   Ayes—Elliot, Fisk, Witherall, Chittenden, 4. 4 0 0   NEW-YORK.   Ayes—Blake, Clinton, Gardenier, Harris, Masters, Mumford, Riker, Russell, Swart, Thompson, Humphries, 11.—Noes, Kirkpatrick, Van Allen, Verplank, 3.—Absent, Thomas, Van Courtlandt, Van Rensselaer, 3. 11 3 3   NEW-JERSEY.   Ayes—Holmes, Newbold, Sloan, 3.—Noes, Lambert, Southard, 2.—Darbey, (dead) 1. 3 2 1   PENNSYLVANIA.   Ayes—Findley, Heister, Hoge, Jenkins, Kelly, Milnor, D. Montgomery, Porter, Pugh, Rea, J. Richards, M. Richards, Smilie, Smith, Whitehill, 15.—Noes, Bard, 1.—Absent, Clay, Brown, 2, 15 1 2   DELAWARE.   Aye—Vandyke, 1 0 0   MARYLAND.   Noes—Goldsborough, Key, Lloyd, McCreery, Montgomery, Moore.—Absent, Campbell, Nelson, Vanhorn, 3 0 6 3   VIRGINIA.   Ayes—Clay, Gray, Nicholas, Wilson, 4, Noes, Bassett, Burwell, Eppes, Goodwin, Holmes, Jones, Lewis, Love, Morrow, Newton, Trigg, 11.—Absent, Claiborne, Clopton, Dawson, Garnett, Jackson, Randolph, Smith, 4 4 11 7   NORTH-CAROLINA.   Ayes—Stanford, Macon, 2.—Noes, Alston, Blackledge, Blount, Holland, Kennan, Franklin, 6.—Absent, Alexander, Culpepper, (seat vacated) Sawyer, Williams, 4. 2 6 4   SOUTH-CAROLINA.   Ayes—Moore, 1.—Noes, Alston, Butler, Marion, Taylor, Winn, 5.—Absent, Calhoun, Williams, 2. 1 5 2   GEORGIA.   Ayes—Bibb, Cobb, Smelt, 3.—No, Troup, 1. 3 1 0   KENTUCKY.   Ayes—Boyle, Desha, Howard, Johnson, Rowan, 5.—No, Lyon, 1. 5 1 0   TENNESSEE.   Aye—Rhea, 1.—Noes, Campbell, Wharton, 2. 1 2 0   OHIO.   No—Morrow, 1. 1   67 45 30  
It appears that the following is the result, Ayes—New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Georgia, Kentucky. Noes—Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, S. Carolina, Tennessee, Ohio. By States—Ayes, 10 Noes, 6 Did not vote Rhode-Island, 1 17 Members absent or who did not vote. From Massachusetts, 3 Rhode-Island, 2 Connecticut, 3 New-Jersey, 1 New-York, 3 Pennsylvania, 2 14 Maryland, 3 Virginia, 7 North-Carolina, 4 South-Carolina, 2 16 30
If all the members could be present, and those north of Delaware, who have not voted, should vote in the affirmative, and those south of that state vote in the negative, the votes would stand (deducting Darby, dead, and Culpepper, seat vacated) ayes 80, noes 60. Of this number 94 will be required to make two thirds.
We have made this statement with a view to shew, that if the Senate and House of Representatives should pass the bill for removing the seat of government, that the refusal of the President to sign it, will prevent it from going into a law.
It was some time since, that reports were in circulation, that an attempt would be made to remove the seat of government during the present session, but as Jimmy Sloan was said to be the prime mover, the report was disregarded; we now apprehend that persons of more "management" than Sloan are at the bottom of this business. We should not be surprised much, if this affair has an intimate connection with an important approaching election.
In our last we published the act of the legislature, "concerning the sale of property under execution, &c." We had not then an opportunity of bestowing upon it that attention which it certainly merits.
Men may prate about the wisdom of the embargo as long as they please, but facts will speak louder than empty professions. It has been proclaimed to the world that this embargo would bring the unjust nations of Europe at our feet, but those nations must smile with contempt when they perceive the effects which it produces on ourselves. It is not possible that a greater evil can attend a people than the suspension of civil justice. If an attentive observation is made, it will be found, that during the embargo, a creditor in certain situations is completely precluded from recovering a debt. The commissioners are to value property under execution, not at its value at the time of sale, but at what it was worth on the first day of December last, or before the embargo was imposed. Every one, we believe knows that property of almost every sort (except imports) has fallen greatly in value, since the embargo, so that a creditor taking property at 4ths of its former value , will in some instances, have to give one fourth, and sometimes one third more than its present value . To make this idea familiar, tobacco before the embargo was worth six dollars per hundred, three fourths of which are four dollars fifty cents, at present it is worth about three dollars fifty cents, thus in order to get his debt, a distressed creditor (for creditors are sometimes in distress as well as debtors) must give twenty-two and a half per cent. more than the article is actually worth.
This is not the only view of the subject which shews its folly, injustice, and inequality. If the embargo continues, many imported articles must augment considerably in value; we will take the article of salt, which before the embargo was at 50 cents per bushel, 4ths of which are 42 cents; at present the same salt will bring (the sale not being forced) 70 cents per bushel. But if under execution, and the money cannot be raised, the creditor may take it at forty-two cents—Thus the property of one man can be taken at fifty per cent. under its real or present value , while that of another cannot be taken without giving an advance of twenty-two and a half per cent. over its value. On the justice and equality of the laws, in their operation, must in a great degree depend the happiness and virtue of the people of a country. By the operation of this law, a demoralizing principle is inculcated, and it is to be feared will be acted upon in a fearful degree. But so long as ignorance and inexperience guide the councils of the state, what can be expected?
ALGERINE WAR. —What is now to be done? Are the Gun Boats and the Embargo our means to meet this unexpected calamity? Or must it come to one of two things, cherish and support the navy, or abandon the ocean?
Of all the irksome tasks, that of finding fault is the most irksome, would there were no occasion for it. The wisdom of our government determined to withdraw all our ships from the Mediterranean, and mark the consequences!
Difficulties on every side present themselves, but we shall not be surprised to hear that our Doctors at Washington will propose to apply their "strong remedy" the embargo, to this new disorder. The remedy, which kills, certainly puts an end to all complaints.
Late and Important Intelligence.
PROVIDENCE, January 31. This morning an Express passed through town, with despatches for Government, brought by the ship Honestus , which arrived last evening at New-Bedford.—The following is a copy of a hand-bill published last night at that place.
WAR WITH ALGIERS.
Arrived this evening, the fast sailing ship Honestus , captain Nathan Clark, in 42 days from the Downs. Left London about the 11th of December for the Mediterranean;—off Cape Trafalgar spoke a British ship of war, and was informed, that ALGIERS had DECLARED WAR against AMERICA, and had captured a number of vessels; in consequence, went into Tangier for further information; and on application to the American Consul, the account of war was fully confirmed, and a letter handed by the Consul to captain Clark, a copy of which is given below.
In consequence of this information, capt. Clark left Tangier for America the 1st instant, touched at
Madeira on the 9th, and found it in the hands of the English; they having taken possession of it on the 25th December.
THE LETTER.
Tangier, December 31, 1807.
"SIR,
"The belief of the Algerines having commenced hostilities on the flag of the United States, is founded on the Declaration under oath of Captain Ichabod Sheffield, of the schooner Mary-Ann, of New-York, made at Naples; which states, that his vessel and the brig Violet , of Boston, were captured on the 26th of October,* by an Algerine frigate of 44 guns. Captain Sheffield adds, that he had heard the same frigate had taken an American ship and a schooner a few days before.—He was fortunate enough to overpower the Turks put on board the Mary-Ann , and arrived at Naples on the 4th of November.† This intelligence appears fully confirmed by the advice received at Gibraltar, on the 21st instant from Oran, of nine American vessels having been carried to Algiers, of which Mr. Gavino has acquainted me. Under these circumstances it is my decided opinion, that your determination not to proceed up the Mediterranean is perfectly right; and I beg you may make this known to every American vessel you may meet at sea.
"With this is a letter for consul Cathcart, at Madeira; if you can conveniently leave it there, or put it on board of any vessel bound for that island, it may be productive of happy consequences. I also deliver you a dispatch for the hon. the secretary of state, which I have to request you will put into the hands of the post-master, at the first port you may be able to make in the United States.
"I wish you a safe and speedy voyage, and am, Sir, your most obedient servant,
JAMES SIMSON,
Capt. Nathan Clark, Ship Honestus , Tangier Bay."
* Capt. Clark saw capt. Sheffield's declaration, and is confident that there is a mistake in this date, and that it was the 26th of November. † December 4th, in the original.
From the North American.
GENERAL WILKINSON.
The general it seems, has at length carried his point. A majority of congress have implicitly expressed their opinion by a vote, that they have not the constitutional power to interfere, and that the appointment of a committee with power to compel the attendance of witnesses and the production of papers, would be an encroachment upon the separate and exclusive functions of the executive. So far then has the generalship and superior military skill of this distinguished officer, foiled the impotent efforts of Randolph, Clark, Rowan and all the host of Spanish gold-haters. It would be heresy to say that the general's troop at the capital were admirably drilled, and it would be still more treasonable to think even, that the heads of department had been bullied into a ready acquiescence in his demands. But be this as it may, the general really seems to have displayed as much of the valour and talents of a soldier at the seat of government, (surrounded too by his enemies) as he did on the banks of the Sabine. And the affair seems to have ended pretty much in the same way. The general had warm friends in the Spanish army, they rallied round his views and interests and would not permit the general to be defeated and disgraced, and as the interest and the honour of their country dictated, pass the river and drive him from the post so advantageously assumed.
But to enquire into a subject, which certainly is not less important than any that ever arrested the attention of the American people. Have not congress the power, for their own legislative guide and information, to enquire into the conduct of the commanding officer of the armies? As the national legislators, representing all the people, and clothed with co-extensive powers, they know no restriction except that recognized by the constitution, where an express limitation to their functions is assigned. If then there is nothing in the constitution prohibitory of such interposition by congress, and neither coordinate branch of government is exclusively designated, as having cognizance of the case, the legislature alone can "apply or originate the remedy," or at least have a concurrent jurisdiction. To question this power, is nothing more than a plausible subterfuge to screen from condign punishment a guilty pensioner, who representing the honour and safety of his country, has bartered away the one and ingloriously compromised the other. But the accusation and proof (yes, I say proof which no man dare personally question, except the guilty party who is not upon a level even with the secondary traitor Burr himself) have not stopped at this point. It distinctly charges Wilkinson with misprison of treason: And not the warmest partisans of administration and those who are resolved at every hazard and extremity to uphold and defend him in despite of his guilt which stares every man in the face, have attempted to confute the charges against him although they bolster up his fallen reputation by raising constitutional doubts and difficulties.
Miserable indeed, is the condition of the people of the United States, weak and inefficient our government, if there resides no where a power to punish such an offender as Wilkinson! Congress has not the power to punish, or enquire into the conduct of a commanding officer of the armies, when there is the most direct and positive proof before them, that too given by members of their own body, that a vital blow has been aimed at the very existence!
Suppose at the moment our country was about to be invaded, or we were upon the eve of a war with a neighbouring enemy, positive proof should be received both by the legislature and executive departments, that the commanding officer was a pensioner of the enemy, and closely attached to their interest. Suppose the executive, notwithstanding such information for reasons which his blinded adherents could not honestly account for, should neglect or refuse to adopt the proper and necessary precautionary measures to guard against apprehended treachery, and prevent perhaps the destruction of government. Suppose in defiance of official remonstrance, the intercession, clamours, and entreaties of the people, he were to persist in continuing such a character in so high and respectable a station.—And to refuse to institute a fair, efficient and adequate enquiry into the accusation; would any man
pretend to say that the wheels of our government are so clogged by the miry path it has pursued; that our institutions are so ill calculated for the great and salutary purposes of good and efficient government, that we are left without a remedy; and the representatives of the people, the great source of all law and power can constitutionally do nothing to ward off the impending danger? We are told the constitution points out but one remedy, and out of the constitution we cannot travel to establish precedents which may hereafter become fearful weapons in the hands of an enraged and factious legislature—if the president fails to do his duty, and improperly and from corrupt motives continues in command an officer inimical to the safety and independence of the nation, the only remedy, is an impeachment of the executive.
This is one remedy, which the people would grasp at with avidity, shall a similar case alluded to be clearly made out against the executive. But thanks to the checks and restraints wisely preserved by the constitution, that the only remedy is not placed in the hands of the executive. The representatives of the people, tho' they have no power to displace an officer, upon such an exigency they would resort to energetick measures; they would feel and exercise their power. They would fly to a remedy, tho' it might seem violent and desperate to some, yet would be justified by such an emergency. They would disband the army. They would disarm the executive of the only offensive weapon, by withholding the requisite supplies for the raising and maintainance of an army, drive him into the faithful execution of his duty, or deprive the treacherous and dishonoured officer of the means of inflicting a wound upon the independence and safety of the nation.
The very power to impeach the president, admitted by the enemies to the proposed enquiry, should he fail to punish an officer after sufficient proof of his guilt is laid before him, presupposes an existing ability in the legislature to obtain information whether the executive has, or has not discharged his duty. How are the representatives of the people in congress, in whom alone is lodged the power of originating impeachments, to know whether justice has been executed unless they have a constitutional right to possess themselves of the necessary information by a full and efficient investigation. The president may refuse to lay before them the information which he possesses. Congress will be left to grope in the dark; they may believe a conspiracy to exist, the commanding officer to be brought over to the interest of the enemy, but as they have no official information before them (and if they had) the constitution interdicts an interference.
And by the way, it may not be improper here to remark, that the president has deemed it expedient not to lay before congress any documents and testimony touching the guilt of Wilkinson. It is true he has communicated testimony and exhibited documents, purporting to be all the papers in his possession, of a nature to be communicated, whereas he carefully keeps himself out of view, lays every thing to the charge of Washington and Adams, and brings not to light a solitary fact or paper furnished the executive since the late administration.—Some bungling story is trumped up about the late chief clerk in the secretary of state's office, and the burning down of the war office, and so on, which falls far short of a satisfactory explanation of the loss or suppression of important original documents, which go to establish the guilt or innocence of the highest military officer. But we leave it to the proselites of power to account for this and many other strange and inexplicable inconsistencies.
The house of representatives with an almost unanimous voice called upon the delegate from New-Orleans to communicate all his knowledge relative to the alleged offence of Wilkinson. This was evidently an implied admission of the power of congress to interfere, or an idle, illegal, and reprehensible interposition, which produced the very effect so much clamoured about, and assigned as the reason why congress ought not, if it were constitutional to interfere, that of prejudicing the publick mind against General Wilkinson. This call upon Mr. Clarke brought forth the most conclusive evidence of treacherous and dishonourable intercourse with Spain. It produced a statement the truth and sufficiency of which no member in his place had the rashness to contradict, and connected with the representations and verbal communication of Messrs. Randolph and Rowan, carried conviction to the mind of every man.
Mr. Randolph made a distinct and perspicuous statement to the house, of the proof exhibited to the grand jury at Richmond. He expressly declared that not a man in the grand jury doubted the moral guilt of Wilkinson, and that when the vote was taken to present him for misprison of treason, there was but a majority of one against finding the bill, which was occasioned by what the jury conceived a legal flaw in the evidence; that is that gen. Wilkinson's letter to the president, disclosing Burr's views was dated two days anterior to the date of the fact proved to be committed by Wilkinson.—That gen. Wilkinson had perjured himself, before the grand jury, by giving under oath, a false translation of Burr's cyphered letter, inculpatating Burr, exculpating himself, whereas the letter was evidence equally strong against both of them. That it was in full proof before the jury that the army of the United States co-operated with col. Burr, and that it was by the instrumentality of Wilkinson that Burr's views were so far matured, and that he received his supply of provisions and the miserable equipment he procured from the publick arsenals.—That he and his men were caressed and hospitably treated, at the different posts and forts as they descended the river.
All this Mr. Randolph has distinctly stated was in full proof before the grand jury. No man can believe Mr. R. so vile and uncharitable a calumniator, to prefer such charges against a publick officer, without the power to substantiate them. With all his faults and errors his bitterest enemies will acquit him of so base and mean a purpose. But let his slanderers say what they will, the charges are susceptible of easy and speedy confirmation, and the united voice of the jury, and their informers, will sustain them, whenever the matter shall be brought before a competent tribunal.
Such a statement made by a distinguished member in the councils of the country, a man of high toned honour and unimpeachable integrity, however its object may be scandalized and perverted by the enemies of truth, must have its influence with the enlightened and impartial portion of the people.

In spite of the untiring zeal of the hired underminers of integrity and truth, the combined evidence of Messrs. Clark and Randolph will excite a sensation in the American people which will shake administration to its very centre.
A natural question will present itself to the minds of the people—why do the heads of department evince so strange a solicitude to uphold and protect a man against whom there exists evidence "strong as proofs of holy writ?"
From the Boston Gazette.
COMMUNICATION.
"England takes all our ships going to France—France takes all our ships going to England, therefore the embargo is wise."
The foregoing is the substance of governor Sullivan's reasons in defence of the embargo, and some men who do not give themselves the trouble to look below the surface, because it requires exertion, think that there is something plausible in this reasoning.
It is necessary that somebody should go through the process of thinking, and present the results to those who will not think for themselves.
If the above reasoning in favour of the embargo is true, THEN it follows that the embargo ought to last as long as France and England keep on their blockading decrees, and of course it will follow that we must cut up our ships for fuel, and our sailors must begin their apprenticeships to our farmers.—The embargo is to last as long as the pertinacity and pride of Buonaparte—and the power of Great Britain!!!
As to the latter, it will increase and flourish by our embargo. The British flag will really be mistress of the ocean, for it will be the only one upon it—Guadaloupe, Martinique and Cuba, will soon send embassies to England to beg them to come and feed and protect them—They must starve if we embargo ourselves.
But the complete fallacy of governor Sullivan's reasoning is, that it is founded on FALSE premises.
France cannot take all, nor one twentieth part of our ships going to England or her colonies—she can take so few, that the risk would not pay the expense of our arming, nor diminish the profit of our trade.
Let us take two views of these blockading decrees.
First, the Comparative Justice of them. Secondly—The Amount of Commerce still left to us in case they both go into operation.
First, then, the Comparative Justice of the French and English decrees.
1. The first idea which presents itself is that France began this new warfare. It is more than a year since she announced it.
2. The decree of France being a violation of the law of nations, to the detriment as well of Great Britain as of neutrals, Great Britain had a right to expect on the part of neutrals, a resistance to this usurpation. This she notified us, she did expect twelve months since. We have not resisted but have submitted.
3. France was bound to us by treaty—England was not. By the 12th article of our treaty with France, she stipulates that she never will declare the ports of her enemies in a state of blockade, unless the blockade be actual, and that we may at all times freely trade with her enemies.
We have not violated this treaty—no complaint is ever made against us. The French decree is then doubly perfidious and unjust.
4. France forbids ANY trade whatever with G. Britain.
But Great Britain allows a licensed trade through her own ports with France.
5. France prohibits all trade with British colonies.
But England allows a free trade from neutral countries, to French, Dutch, and Spanish colonies, in the productions of the neutral country, and the free importation of the colonial produce of her enemies into such neutral countries.
6. France gives no notice to the unconscious and unhappy neutral, but subjects him to capture without turning him away.
Great Britain gives actual notice, and never captures till the neutral ship has been warned.
8. France gives no privileges—relaxes no laws as a partial compensation for her unjust decrees.
Great Britain relaxes her darling navigation act, in order to give as little cause of complaint to neutrals as possible.
9. France avows that her decree is laid to destroy her enemy's commerce, and finally her existence—It is therefore only a scheme of ambition.
Great Britain declares her decree, to be merely defensive, in support of her existence thus threatened, and it will continue no longer than while other nations submit to the injustice of her enemy.
What then is our duty and our interest?
To resist the decree of France, in order that we may procure the repeal of the other.
Secondly—What will be the amount of our commerce, if both decrees go into operation?
We now export 41 millions of our own produce. This is of infinitely more importance to the nation, than our exports of foreign produce, because the capital of the former will be lost to us if we do not export it, and the mercantile profit only, is all we shall lose by the loss of the export trade of the latter.
If both decrees are enforced, as France can do very little in the execution of hers, except in the ports of her allies and in her own—
We shall still have,
1st. All our trade with England and her possessions, to which we have exported 26 millions per annum.
2d. All our export trade of our own produce to the French and Spanish, and Dutch and Danish colonies.
3d. All our import trade from these latter colonies.
4th. We shall be permitted to carry on a free trade to India and China, as before.
5th. We shall have our trade to Russia.
6th. Our trade to Africa—to Sicily—to Trieste—to Smyrna, and the coast of Asia Minor, will still be open.
7th. Our trade to Sweden will be perfectly free, except in French, and Spanish, and Dutch goods.
8. A licensed trade will be permitted in our own products, and perhaps even in colonial produce, from hence to England, Gibraltar, and Malta, and thence to the enemies of Great Britain.
If it be said this is prohibited by France, we an-
swer, that a sea coast extending from the Baltic to the Black Sea, occupied by nations who curse their yoke, and detest this decree, will and must afford room for an extensive and lucrative smuggling commerce.
But if not, it will be seen that three quarters of all our trade is left open to us, even if these decrees remain in force, and especially that most important part, the export of our own produce, and the import of our own supplies, which are in no degree impeded.
Will any man be mad enough to say that an embargo is preferable to this extensive and secure unmolested commerce?
A MERCHANT.
From the same.
COMMUNICATION.
To the Hon. TIMOTHY PICKERING and JOHN Q. ADAMS, Esquires, Senators, and the Hon. J. B. VARNUM and JOSIAH QUINCY, Esquires, and others Representatives in congress from the state of Massachusetts.
GENTLEMEN,
We did ourselves the honour to address to you a letter through the medium of the Press, stating to you the motives of our present application, the deep anxiety, and profound ignorance of your constituents as to the causes and probable results of our present disasters.—We trust our apology will be satisfactory—and will induce you to listen with candor, to the following questions, upon all of which your constituents need information.
1. Is not the constitution of the United States the foundation, and only source of your power? Are you not its political creatures? Are you not bound to obey its provisions in letter and spirit?
2. Has not the constitution wisely separated the different branches of the government—the executive from the legislative, and the Judicial from both?
3. Ought not every encroachment of either of these branches upon the others, or either of them, to be strenuously resisted?
4. Has not the constitution vested congress exclusively the power to declare war, and to regulate trade, and do not all the powers necessarily incident to these, belong to the two houses?
5. Is not an Embargo one of the usual preludes of war—and does it not involve a most interesting regulation of Trade?
6. Ought congress to adopt so serious a measure, involving the exercise of the most important and solemn powers granted by the people, without all the evidence which could be procured?
7. Would it not be a violation of the constitution, to pass such a law at the recommendation of the president, inasmuch as it would be a surrender of that sound discretion, which the people have required Congress alone to exercise?
8. Is it true, that some members of the house of representatives did openly declare, that the wish of the President, was sufficient, and that it stood in lieu of evidence? And were those members called to order and censured by the house?
9. If this be the fact, ought you not to adopt a standing rule, that to attempt to influence the proceedings of either branch by stating the wishes of the Executive, as a ground of procedure, shall be deemed a breach of the privileges, and an insult to the honour and dignity of the house?
10. Is it true, that the famous secret message, which terminated in a permanent statute, laying a perpetual embargo, consisted only of a copy of the British proclamation reclaiming their own Seamen, and two insignificant letters of Regnier, the grand judge, and Armstrong, the substance of which had been published six weeks before?
11. Is it true, that papers and further evidence were moved for in both branches and refused?
12. If Gentlemen, as the President stated in his message at the opening of the session, our accustomed relations of amity still exist with France, why not disclose all the correspondence?
13. Did not the Executive disclose all the correspondence between Canning and Monroe, and are we to infer from this, that he is willing to stir up the publick passions against one nation, and quiet them as to another, by smothering up the evidence?
14. Did not Mr. Adams always communicate all his correspondence with the French Directory, and was it ever known that an obedient legislature in Great Britain, or France, or America, ever have passed a War act, or an act worse for New-England, than perhaps war itself, upon newspaper authority, or the recommendation of an Executive magistrate?
15. Is it true that some members voted for the embargo as a measure against England—others as a measure against France—others as well calculated against both—others as a permanent system of coercion—some because it would frighten Mr. Rose, and others because it was the wish of Mr. Jefferson?
16. Did it pass in three hours through the senate, and was all delay or time for reflection refused—If so, what was the particular cause of hurry—your constituents not being able to see any thing in that moment, more than in any other for six months past?
17. Was it avowed to be intended as a permanent act in its operation—to produce a change in the policy of foreign nations—If so, why did not the Representatives of New-England oppose it—and protest against it, and declare they would die in the breach, before they would surrender their rights?
18. If it was avowed to be permanent, and to be intended to force the European nations to abandon their claims to us, why were not congress told that to produce the smallest effect on Europe, would require one or more years, and that an Embargo for that time would ruin New-England?
19. Tell us plainly gentlemen, would not congress have listened to your complaints, or are they indifferent to our commercial rights, which are our existence?
20. Did you tell them that Massachusetts owned one third of all the shipping of the United States—and exported one fifth of all the United States export, and therefore that the operation was unjust and unequal—and if intended as a permanent regulation, it was a species of Warfare, and therefore operated as a tax, and ought to be borne in just proportions by all the states?
21. If the embargo was not intended as a permanent measure, why was the act made perpetual? Why was it not laid for 60 days, and so continued as the case might require, as was done in Gen. Washington's Presidency?
22. Could you trust Jefferson better than Washington? Is he more honest—more discreet—more patriotic?
23. Are you not sensible, that Mr. Jefferson who declares in his Notes on Virginia, that we ought to abandon the ocean, can keep on this embargo forever by his Veto? Have not congress then surrendered the Lamb (Commerce) to the Wolf, (Jefferson,) its avowed and hungry enemy?
24. Why did not the minority enter their deep and solemn protest against this surrender of our most important rights?
25. Is it true, that opinions prevail, that France has made insolent demands upon us. Is it true, that she is stated to have demanded that we should not receive another minister from England, and especially it is true, "that Mr. Armstrong wrote to Amsterdam that an embargo would be laid as soon as the Revenge should arrive—and was the embargo laid in three days after the arrival of dispatches by that ship?
Gentlemen, We have just begun the interesting inquiries which crowd upon our minds—We trust that you will keep in mind our personal respect for you—and our full conviction that the delegation from our own state, will never be wanting in their exertions to maintain its just rights, and to promote its best interest.
THOUSANDS OF THE PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
GEORGE-TOWN, February 3.
Communication.—It is with regret we hear that Mr. John Randolph received considerable injury from a fall on his hip on Saturday evening last.—Mr. Randolph, with several gentlemen dined with Mr. Key, and in the evening was proceeding to return to town, when just as he reached the steps, his foot slipped, and he had a violent fall. He was so much hurt as to require immediate medical aid—and we are sorry to learn he is yet unable to come to town. We hope he will soon recover, and resume his seat in our national legislature, where his brilliant talents and unending integrity may be still employed in assisting to shield his beloved country from foul dishonour and impending ruin.
WASHINGTON CITY, February 3.
The military court of inquiry in the case of gen. Wilkinson met on Monday, and adjourned to that day week, without transacting any business, no evidence whatever having been yet adduced.
We stated in our last the arrival of Burr and Blannerhasset at Chillicothe on the authority of a marginal note on a print of that place of the 12th ult. We have since perused several letters, of subsequent date, whose entire silence on this point renders their arrival at best disputable. The latest of these advices is dated the 16th. Some of the letters say Burr and Blannerhasset had both forfeited their recognizance; others that their names had been called every morning and their default noted. The grand jury had been engaged for two weeks in examining evidence respecting Burr and Blannerhasset, and it was supposed, would very soon report to the court. Scarcely a doubt was entertained of bills being found against them and others; but whether for treason or misdemeanour is not said. Messrs. Baldwin and Burnet have been employed as counsel for the accused at a fee of a thousand dollars, and Messrs. Bibb and Creighton, the attorneys of the districts of Ohio and Kentucky, are counsel for the prosecution. The court has received a letter from Luther Martin requesting that the recognizances may be respited until the next term, when he assures the court the parties will appear. It was, however, thought this request would be rejected.
On the first day of the term, on its being moved to have the recognizances of Burr and Blannerhasset called, the application was resisted by their counsel, who particularly suggested that the recognizance of Blannerhasset was defective, inasmuch as he was not recognized to appear on any particular day, or at any particular term. The objection was resisted on two grounds—first, that the accused could not be heard by their counsel until their appearance was entered; and, secondly, that if the recognizance was defective, that defect could only be taken advantage of, when an action of debt was commenced, or a scire facias sued out on the bond. It was understood that the argument on this question would not be gone into until the grand jury had found a bill.
Whispers were circulating at Chillicothe, that the conspirators were assembling in force at Orleans, and were more sanguine than ever in their expectations of success.
ADMIRALTY COURT—DOCTORS' COMMONS. Monday, Nov. 23.
This day the right hon. Sir Wm. Scott proceeded to the adjudication of the following cases: The Dispatch, Claver, master.—This American vessel, with a cargo of various merchandise, on a voyage to Bremen, was captured on the ground of a breach of blockade. Ship and cargo restored.
Little William, Brown, master.—This was also an American vessel, and the question before the court was with respect to that part of the cargo belonging to various claimants (the ship and part of the cargo belonging to the owner thereof, having been condemned at a former hearing.) The court was of opinion, that the same rule ought to be applied, and accordingly condemned that part of the cargo likewise.
Volunteer, master.—This vessel was laden with a cargo of sugar and cotton, on a voyage from Philadelphia to Tonningen. The court, in this case, restored the ship and part of the cargo, and required further proof to be produced as to the remaining part, consisting of 207 bales of cotton.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Sch'r Union, Mahon, 18 days from City of Santo Domingo, Coffee, Moses Myers.—December 25, on the outward bound passage, in latitude 30, 54, longitude 69, saw a wreck a-head, boarded her, supposed her to be a Nova-Scotia built schooner of about 180 tons, no name, both masts gone by the board, rudder gone, had been stripped of sails and rigging except a few fathoms of 2 1/2 inch rope and a small spar which we took, also a short piece of cable—her anchors on her bows—loaded with coarse salt—on her after locker was written with chalk: "Think of the late of us poor mariners, who were without spars or rigging and not a mouthful to eat, were fortunately relieved from the jaws of
death by the sch'r Robert Cockrin, of Wilmington, Stephen Richardson—Wrecked in lat. 32, 20, long. 77, 30—taken up by the brig Hope, of Portland, Moses Hall, master.—The sch'r Enterprize, Coudie, with sugars from St. Eustie, of and bound to Salem, foundered off Martinico on the 15th Dec. two of the crew were washed overboard and lost in getting out the long boat, the captain, owner and three men saved themselves in the long boat, and arrived at Balahoue, a small place on the west part of St. Domingo, after being 13 days at sea with only 6 biscuits and on an allowance of a pint of water for 3 per day, subsisted 3 days on berries on shore—at length arrived at the City of Santo Domingo, where they received every necessary succour and hospitality from gen. Ferrand.—Arrived in Santo Domingo on the 7th Jan. Mr. Joseph Scott, supercargo of the ship Semiramis, Clement Collins, master, of and bound to Charleston, s. c. from Bonney, on the coast of Africa, with a cargo of 220 slaves, captured on the 16th Dec. in sight of Cape Maize by the French felucca Le Repartiteur, capt. Brun, of St. Jago-de-Cuba, and carried into St. Jago—the cargo was there selling by mutual consent—Mr. Scott came passenger in the privateer and was waiting trial.—Left at Santo Domingo, brig Amazon, Coffin, of and for New-York, taking in cargo, to sail in a few days.—Feb. 5, on Hatteras Shoals, in sight of the light house, saw a wreck supposed to be a small schooner, both masts heads about 6 feet out of water.
At my Office on Saturday, the 20th instant, at 12 o'clock, will be sold by order of the President and Directors of the Marine Insurance Company of Alexandria, the Wreck of the
SHIP WILLIAM MURDOCK, as she lies stranded on the Middle Ground—The said ship was built in Newburyport, under particular inspection, is about two years old, 348 tons, and carries 350 hogsheads tobacco—Terms, Cash.
William B. Lamb.
February 10.
Will be Sold before the Raleigh Tavern, in Williamsburg, on SATURDAY the 27th of February,
The line of STAGES from Richmond to Norfolk, under a contract to carry the mail ending in October—Bond with approved security will be required, and also an indemnity as to the mail. Those who wish to purchase are referred for particulars, as to the state of the line, to Mr. Pace in Williamsburg; Mr. Guy in Richmond, and the several drivers, who will give every information in their power.
John Bracken, Administrator of P. Moody.
All those indebted to the estate of the said P. Moody, on open account, are requested to come forward immediately and pay or adjust by bond the same; and those who have claims to bring them in properly attested, as the administrator wishes to close his administration with the present year. Jan. 30. Iawids
By virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed by Thomas Gibbons and Ann his wife, bearing date the 14th day of September, 1805, to John Patterson and Thomas Smith, to secure the payment of one thousand two hundred and two dollars and ninety four cents, with interest from the date of said deed, due Richard Billings, together with all legal costs and charges necessarily incurred by carrying the said deed into effect, WILL BE SOLD at Matthews Court House, on the second Monday in March next, being Court Day, at Publick Auction, for ready money,
The Tract of LAND,
conveyed to us in trust by the deed aforesaid, containing two hundred and twenty acres, more or less, situate, lying, and being in the county of Mathews aforesaid, on North River, whereon the said Thomas Gibbons lately resided, and was formerly the property of Doctor Frederick W. Hearn, deceased, and by him purchased of John Hayes
By the Trustees.
February 4.
One Hundred Dollars Reward.
RAN-AWAY last October from the Subscribers, living in Monroe County, two Mulatto Men, ISAAC CONNER and WILLIAM CONNER, (brothers) both very bright mulattoes. Isaac is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, stout and well made, is marked on the under lip with a small reddish spot, and a scar on his forehead occasioned by the stroke of a whip; on one of his feet there is also a scar made by an axe; he is 22 years of age.
Bill is 20 years of age, about 5 feet 10 inches high, also stout and active, and wore his hair in a cue of 6 or 8 inches in length. It is supposed they will attempt to get to Norfolk, as they have some acquaintances there, and we heard of in the neighbourhood of Williamsburg in company with some free mulattoes, who lives on Queen's Creek. Whoever confines them in jail so that we get them again, shall be entitled to the above reward.
John Handley, Martin Franklin.
N B Being very fair, they will no doubt attempt to pass for free men. Feb. 10. 12t
CAVALRY ATTENTION!
You are ordered to parade on the usual ground at half past ten o'clock on Friday morning. Feb. 10. Robert B. Taylor, Capt.
BOOTS.
Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS, Just received and for Sale by Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market Square. Feb. 8. tf
Just received and for Sale, 40 kegs first quality BUTTER, Alexandria superfine Flour and Crackers. IN STORE, Holland Gin, Antigua Rum, Philadelphia Port and Ale, Potomack Herring. James M'Clenachan. February 8. 3
NOTICE.
A meeting of the Members and Pew-Holders of the Presbyterian Church, will be held on Friday morning next, at 11 o'clock in the Church; it is wished to have a full meeting, as matters of importance will be laid before them. Feb. 8. 2
6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat.
IN STORE, 35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 100 hogsheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 30 Herring London Brown Stout, 20 hogsheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, fit for use, 600 ready made Check Shirts; 20 hds. Petersburg Tobacco, 50 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Hermitage For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. February 6. tf

NOW IS YOUR TIME! 10,000 Dollars may be gained for One Dollar and Fifty Cents in the PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY.
Highest Prize 10,000 Dollars. Authorised by an Act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES. 1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars 10,000 2 do. of 5,000 10,000 5 do. of 1,000 5,000 10 do. of 500 5,000 10 do. of 200 2,000 40 do. of 100 4,000 100 do. of 50 5,000 200 do. of 20 4,000 500 do. of 10 5,000 1,000 do. To consist of machines for opening off-cast worsted and open wrought woollen clothing into wool, valued at one hundred dollars each, (patent right included) 100,000 1,000 do. To consist of rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings for dwelling houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each, 50,000
Dollars 200,000 Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 Dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows:
DOLS. First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each 200 First drawn number on the succeeding ten days', each 500 First drawn number on the succeeding five days', each 1,000 First drawn number on the succeeding two days', each 5,000 First drawn number on the last day's drawing, 10,000
This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, and the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time. Tickets in the above Lottery at $1 50, for Sale by A. C. JORDAN, & Co. No. 3, Market-Square. The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses.
Note. —The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. January 18. td
Doctors Brown and Moseley, Respectfully inform their friends and the public, that they have entered into partnership, and practice PHYSICK AND SURGERY. They may be consulted at their Shop, No. 47, Main-street, adjoining Messrs. Southgate's store. January 13. 1m
All persons to whom the Subscriber is indebted, are requested to make known the amount of their claims immediately. Wm. Hartshorne, Jun. January 13. tf
For SALE, At reduced prices for Cash, 250 bags, 30 barrels COFFEE, 70 hhs. 40 tierces, 60 barrels Sugar, 20 chests Young Hyson Tea, 4 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, 2 tierces Loaf Sugar. William B. Lamb. January 25. 6
Fifty Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th December last, a Mulatto Man named TONEY, a Blacksmith by trade; he is about 24 years of age; 5 feet 10 inches high—laid on when he went away a dark cloth suit coat and pantaloons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th ult. have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North-Carolina. JOHN WALKER. January 8. 12*
For SALE, 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. KITS RUM. MOSES MYERS. January 8. tf
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
For RENT. The STORE , No. 86, Main-Street, with or without the house. Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter, and Nabby, from Liverpool, their Fall and Winter GOODS. The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths, Cafimiers, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; Ladies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Childrens' beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epaulets; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin for dresses; Calicoes, Chambrays, and Ginghams; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cottons; strong white Plains; mixed Farnoughs; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plains; Dimities and Marcellies; 4-4 Irish Linens; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheetings; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c. The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper. Baltimore Baker's FLOUR, of superior quality, for family use, for sale by T. & W. A. Armistead, Campbell's wharf. Nov. 18. tf
REMOVAL. The Subscriber has removed to the large Fire-Proof Ware-House at the head of Maxwell's wharf, in Wide Water Street, where he offers for SALE, 7 pipes COUNTRY GIN, 70 barrels Whiskey, 30 do. N. E. Rum, 15 hhs. do. do. 30 do. Mackarel, 30 do. Shad, 150 kegs Salmon, 150 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 50 boxes Soap, 60 boxes Mould Candles, 50 do. Spermaceti do. 25 do. Chocolate, 28 do. assorted Cotton Cards, 4 chests Hyson Tea, 150 reams Writing Paper, 1 case Diapers, 150 sacks Liverpool Salt, 7 tons assorted Swedish Iron, 50 bundles Nail Rods, A quantity of coarse Woollen Goods—low for Cash. Edward Clark. Who transacts business on Commission, as usual. Jan. 1. tf
Just received and for SALE by the Subscriber, 10 hhs. excellent retailing Molasses, 10 quarter casks Sherry Wine, 50 boxes superior bleached Mould Candles, 50 do. Soap, Philadelphia manufacture, 2000 wt. St. Domingo Coffee; 1000 do. best Jamaica do. 3 pipes French Brandy, fourth proof, 1 ton patent Shot; 20 bolts Russia Duck, 20 bolts Ravens Duck; a few boxes best Havanna Segars, 4 pipes New-York Anchor Gin. DAVID MILHADO. January 6. tf
The Subscribers have removed to the Brick Ware-House on Merchant's Wharf, and have on hand for Sale, 100,000 W. O. hhd. drawn STAVES, 100,000 red do. do. do. 40,000 rough do. do. do. 50,000 do. barrel do. do. 10,000 pipe do. do. do. 500,000 sale Shingles; 100,000 building do. 10,000 three feet do.; 5,000 Garden Pales, 5,000 Chinquapin and Cedar Posts. And also for Rent, A commodious WAREHOUSE. Proby, Harmanson, & Co. January 11. tf
For SALE, 75 tierces prime green Jam. Coffee, And a few puncheons 5 and 6 years old Antigua Rum; Loaf and Brown Sugar in hogsheads and barrels: a few sets Table China; fine and superfine Flour, &c. Harrison Allmand. January 4. tf
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hhs. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hhs. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-street to William Hull, Jun. October 16. tf
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf
For SALE, by the Subscriber, 34 hogsheads WHISKEY, 50 crates Earthenware; 10 cases Glass do. 55 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 16 groce Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castile Soap, 1 hogshead and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 10 hhs. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York River Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton, 38 whole and 9 half tierces Rice. A. Maclure. November 13. tf
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castile Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hhs. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12. tf
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25. tf
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hhs. and 6 bbls Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls. Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackarel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31. tf
For RENT, And possession given the 1st of Jan. next, that commodious three story brick DWELLING HOUSE in Church-street, at present occupied by Mr. Barth. Redman. And a convenient two story DWELLING HOUSE , with a fine extensive garden, in the Fields near Smith's Point, at present occupied by Mr. Stratton, possession of which may be had the 1st of January—Application to be made to Wm. Plume & Co. Nov. 18. tf
For SALE, 5 cases only of superior PIGEON-EYE CHAMPAIGN. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Dec. 16. tf
Baltimore Baker's FLOUR, of superior quality, for family use, for sale by T. & W. A. Armistead, Campbell's wharf. Nov. 18. tf
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Navy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambric Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woollens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assortment of WOOLLEN GOODS. Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c. On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; Ladies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11. tf
The Subscriber offers for Sale at his Store in Market-Square, 20 hogsheads W. I. RUM, 10 pipes Cogniac Brandy; 5 do. Country Gin, Sugar—Brown and Loaf, by the barrel or hogshead, Teas—Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson—Also, A parcel of DRY GOODS, Consisting of Woollens, Calicoes, Hats, and Hardware. In addition to the above, he intends keeping a constant supply of PORK and BEEF. Bread—Pilot, Navy, and Ship, of the first quality—Families may be supplied with small quantities of Pilot Bread, of a superior quality. Cordage of any size or description for negotiable notes or West-India produce. Any orders for the above articles, will be complied with at the shortest notice. Cary Selden. Nov. 23. tf
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4. tf
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune, captain Norton, from Tenerife, 100 pipes and 90 hhs. L. P. Tenc-rifle WINE, of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. September 28. tf
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. Who has on hand, Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16. tf
Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A PARCEL OF Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf
NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS , deceased, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admr'x. December 9. tf
WANTED for the Ship Shelfield, A CARPENTER; also, two young LADS, from 14 to 15 years of age, as apprentices, not to go in the cabin or to cook. Apply to Josiah Cowper. December 9. tf
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground ALLUM SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EAR-THENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. Feb. 20. tf
Just received and for sale by the subscriber, from New-York, 4 half pipes 8 gr. casks old London particular Madeira WINE; 20 dozen Old Port do. 20 kegs Beef Tongues; 50 kegs Salmon; 30 do. Mackarel, 50 do. Tongues and Sounds; 20 do. Lard, 20 bbls. Whiskey; 10 hhs. N. E. Rum; 100 boxes Candles. Also—100 barrels Flour a-float. CARY SELDEN. December 2. tf
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhs. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hhs. and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cogniac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffles; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Tickenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Heffians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24. tf
One Thousand Acres of LAND FOR SALE, or would be bartered for property in Norfolk. It adjoins the tract on which Grenville Court-House stands, in North-Carolina, and is commonly known by the name of Newby's Fold. For particulars inquire at the Ledger Office. January 26. tf
Just received for Sale, 25 gr. casks Gordon's old Sherry Wine, 20 boxes Hyson Tea, 30 do. superior quality Young Hyson, 12 pipes Holland Gin, 20 do. Country do. Mackinder & White.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18. tf
For RENT, The DWELLING-HOUSE on Granby-street, belonging to captain Vickery, next door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of January next. For terms apply to Alexander Wilson. December 18. tf
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 28. tf
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones.—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never-failing stream; although she works at present only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abundant supply for ten pair—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's-Mills) about two miles farther, now in complete order, running one pair of stones and two faws—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a floor, the situation of which, for a lumber floor, is equal if not superior to any in that part of the country—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the fulcrum also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the fulcrum confidently believes, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia.—Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any number of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5. tf
Received per schooner Traveller, from Boston, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18. tf
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 bags Coffee, 5 tierces do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks old Sherry Wine, 2 hhs old L. P. Madeira do. 3 hhs. Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hhs and pipes—For Sale by Phinehas Dana. June 8. tf
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5. tf
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz.— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2d lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d Sheathing, do. 7 1-2d 6d Sprigs, 4s 6d per M. 6d. do. 2s. 9d 2d. and 3d. do. 2s. 3d He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store. Apply to Niemeyer & Von Kapff. December 28. tf
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office. ALSO, NOTES for the Virginia Bank; Checks; Bills of Lading, and of Exchange, printed on paper of superior quality; and Shipping Articles on large paper, and approved form. LEDGER OFFICE.
Phoenix Fire-Office. The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY , of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the public, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals herewith subjoined. N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8. tf
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.