Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1808-10-28 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
Martinsburg, Va. Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.
No. 23 of Vol. X.
FRIDAY, October 28, 1808.
Whole No. 491.
Terms of the Intelligencer.
THE price of this paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. No subscription received for a shorter term than six months, and no paper discontinued until arrearages are paid. A failure to notify a discontinuance of the paper at the end of the time subscribed for, will be considered a new engagement. The price of Advertisements , to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week. Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their Advertisements.
A settlement of all the accounts with this Office is anxiously desired; the greater part of them have been standing open, from two to six years, and some as long as eight years. It is not our wish to oppress at any time, much less at a period like the present, when distress and gloom appears to pervade all grades of society, from the once independent farmer, down to the more humble mechanic and labourer; but justice to ourselves and others, requires, in a voice that must be heard, that a settlement should shortly take place. We are disposed to make every alleviation in our power, will therefore take in payment any kind of grain, wool, or any other useful article our employers have to dispose of. From those who cannot make payment in any way, at this time, we shall certainly expect notes for what is now due, before their accounts are increased. Many have expressed a willingness to settle annually, but from not being called upon, have neglected it and some have generously paid us in advance to such we tender our thanks. It is determined upon to settle all the affairs of this establishment up till the first of January next, after which time, if the Intelligencer remains in our hands, we shall endeavour to "alter the procedure," and have our accounts closed at the end of every succeeding year; this, we are certain, will be agreeable to our patrons, and more beneficial to ourselves.
For the present, which we now print, we have been obliged to charge an advanced price of nearly fifty per cent. We cannot obtain it even at that rate from many of our subscribers; the time is fast approaching when we shall want a supply for the coming year, and we hope our friends will not forget that their aid is necessary to accomplish this.
Intelligencer Office, October 7, 1808.
CHEAP GOODS.
THE subscriber is just opening a handsome assortment of Fall and Winter Goods , which he pledges himself to the public to retail on as good if not better terms than any other person. Those who doubt, have only to call and price them.
Among his late purchases are:
 Low priced Cloths and Flannels.  Molekin coating for Ladies' ware.  Swansdown vest shapes.  Tollinet and Royal do.  President's, Constitution and Fancy Coats.  Blankets from 10-4 to 6-4.  Britannia.  Elegant and Common Shawls.  Romall and Madras Handkerchiefs.  Cotton Bandanas.  Shirting Cambric.  Plain and Cross-barred Lutestrings.  Morocco Shoes all sizes.  A beautiful assortment of Lace Muslins, do. Cotton Lace.  do. for trimmings.  Fancy Calicoes.  Extra Long Cotton Gloves.  Leghorn Bonnets all fashions.  A very large and beautiful assortment of Plain and Fashionable Silk Bonnets.  Lace and Silk Buggies.  Imperial, Hysan, T. Hysan, TEAS, Hysan and Green.  French Brandy, Jamaica Spirits, Holland Gin, Madeira and Lisbon Wines, Fish Oil, Spirits, Tappentine, British Oil, Crowley and Blisters, Steel, & by 10-window Glass, Tin-Ware, Wool Hosiery, well made and finished, a large quantity of Bar and Strap IRON. 
LEVI PRICE.
Martinsburg, Oct. 31, 1808. N. B. Highest price given for Hemp, Flax, Linen, Bees-Wax, Flax-Seed, Wheat, Rye and country produce in general.
The following BLANKS , printed with NEW and ELEGANT TYPE, are always kept for sale at this Office: DEEDS , Common BONDS , CONSTABLE'S BLANKS , Replevin BONDS , Appearance Bail BONDS , &c.
20 Dollars Reward.
RAN away from the subscriber, living near Opeckon in Jefferson County, Virginia, on Monday the 6th instant, a Negro Man named ELISHA , about twenty one years of age, about five feet seven or eight inches high, well made, rather slow in his speech, and is remarkably fond of liquor. Had on when he went away, a new shirt and trousers of strong home-made tow linen, striped swansdown jacket, and roundabout made of fulled linssey of a drab colour, the under part of the sleeves made of cloth nearly of the same colour, a wool hat about half worn, with a hat band and buckle, the hat band wrapped round with brass wire, and coarse shoes much worn. I will give twenty dollars reward and all reasonable expenses for the apprehension of the said Negro, if he is returned to me, or secured in jail, so that I get him again.
ABRAHAM GORRELL. June 17, 1809.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
We the undersigned members of the Monroe Corresponding Committee, take leave to address you:
It is manifest to all, that the situation of this country is at this time in the highest degree critical and embarrassed. The questions therefore which it presents to our view, ought to be considered with calmness, discussed with candor and moderation, and decided on principles justified by truth and patriotism only. Among these questions, there is one which has excited its deserved more attention, than that which relates to the next presidential election.
We are well aware that on this subject we differ from many of our fellow citizens. We regret this difference: but as it would be arrogant in us to request from others, a surrender of their opinions, we trust that we shall not be condemned for adhering to our own. We know that our motives are pure, and we conscientiously believe that the course which we pursue, leads more directly to the promotion of the best interests of the United States, than that recommended by the caucus at Washington, and the Bell Tavern in this city. You can at least hear our reasons and then judge for yourselves.
We thought last winter that the recommendation of the caucus at Washington, did not afford an unequivocal proof of the real sentiments of the nation. Time has evinced the accuracy of this opinion. Notwithstanding the number of Congressional votes from Massachusetts and the other Eastern states given in the caucus to Mr. Madison, it is now apparent to the world that he is not the object of their choice.
We also thought that as the members of Congress were constitutionally excluded from the right of electoral suffrage, they were the last persons, who ought to prescribe or recommend to the people the way in which their suffrages should be bestowed. The considerations of policy which induced the framers of the constitution to establish this exclusion, ought to have induced our representatives in Congress to be silent. The necessity of the case, by which they justified their meeting, is an unwarranted and arbitrary supposition. The argument derived from the constitution therefore stands in full force. Members of Congress are excluded because their duty places them within the reach of undue influence and electioneering intrigues.
It seems to be a fair inference therefore that the same reason which would invalidate an electoral vote given by a member of Congress, should diminish the weight of his electoral recommendation.
Notwithstanding the force of this constitutional objection, it cannot be
denied that Mr. Madison has derived a great advantage from this congressional recommendation. It has erroneously been regarded as conclusive evidence of national sentiment, and many have declared their intention to vote for him, because they supposed that he would be supported by a majority: altho' but for that consideration they would have preferred Mr. Monroe as the successor of Mr. Jefferson.
To this mode of reasoning we can never assent. It is the duty of the minority to acquiesce in the will of the majority; but they should wait until that will is constitutionally and formally expressed. Until this is done, who can say in this extensive country, what the will of the majority is. A congressional caucus, as facts before our eyes unquestionably prove, affords but a very fallible criterion. In truth, until the election is over, it is extremely difficult to pronounce, especially in times like these, so fruitful in events, who will be selected by a majority of the nation. For let it be remembered that the president is chosen by a majority of the nation, and not by the majority of a party. Until this event occurs therefore every man ought to express his own opinion and to act according to the dictates of his own judgment. By this mode of proceeding, the opinion of a real majority prevails. In pursuing this mode, we are satisfied that we are acting upon a principle which is not only sound, but in reality the basis of all republican institutions.
This subject is entitled to a most serious consideration of the people. Their acquiescence in the present nomination, would contribute to the establishment of a precedent subversive of the only right except that of voting for their immediate representatives, which the constitution authorises them to exercise in person. Their own legitimate power will be transferred to others, and what is more to be deplored transferred to the identical persons, whom a wise policy has excluded from an electoral appointment.
We repeat to you therefore, fellow citizens, what we said some months ago, that we prefer Mr. Monroe as the next President of the United States. We think that he has the highest claims, to your confidence and regard. His early devotion of himself, in the army, to the cause of his country, proved by honorable scars, his faithful and long continued services at home and abroad, his solid and vigorous understanding, his integrity, his experience acquired in the most difficult and important trusts, his understating firmness and decision of character, entitle him to your gratitude, affection and respect. This proposition seems indeed to be generally admitted, and we believed that the great majority of his opponents, if Mr. Madison were out of the way, would be pleased to see Mr. Monroe at the head of our national affairs.
But Mr. Monroe has other claims. His long residence abroad, and the very high degree of estimation in which he was held both in France and Great Britain, have opened to him sources of information, with respect to the real views, motives and sentiments of the French and British cabinets, which could not have been equally accessible to his competitor. His knowledge, we think, would afford the most essential benefit to this country in our present critical negotiations. His election to our best judgment, would have a most suspicious influence on the destiny of this nation. We believe that if he were elected, our differences with the belligerent powers of Europe, would be accommodated with less difficulty than we are likely to experience, and if war should be the result, our defence may be entrusted to his hands with more propriety than to those of his respectable competitor.
In speaking of the just claims which Mr. Monroe has upon the confidence
and affection of the people, we cannot forbear to notice his conduct while Governor of Virginia. The period at which he came into office, must be remembered by you all. Never was the spirit of party more violent, nor was any man ever assailed with greater asperity and outrage. Such however were the integrity, firmness and moderation, which he uniformly displayed, that the administration was honored with universal approbation, and the vote of thanks which he received from the legislature on his retirement, was entered "unanimously" at the particular request of his political opponents. We have merely adverted to this circumstance by way of shewing, such to have been the happiness of his administration, that whilst he inspired the republicans with the most implicit confidence in the solidity of his republican principles and the rectitude of his conduct, he at the same time so far reconciled his political opponents, as to obtain their entire approbation of his administration, during the term for which he was elected as chief Magistrate of the commonwealth. Such a character we conceive the best interests of the nation, and the present perilous crisis of our affairs, peculiarly demand. In truth, in every situation in which he has been placed, whether in the old congress, the senate of the United States under the present constitution, the executive of Virginia, or in a diplomatic character abroad, he has acted with a degree of fidelity, zeal and ability, which if not duly appreciated now, will at some future day not very far distant, be universally acknowledged.
There is another consideration entitled to serious attention. The public papers tell you, that the republicans are daily losing ground in the eastern states. Even in Pennsylvania they are not supposed to have a great ascendancy. The people are afraid that the present state of things will not find a remedy under the administration of Mr. Madison. This apprehension has already produced the most serious and alarming effects throughout the eastern states. How far this sentiment may spread, it is impossible to tell: but if Mr. Monroe should be elected, all parties would unite in the belief, that every measure compatible with the honor and best interests of the nation would be adopted to relieve us from our present embarrassments and distress.
Let it not be supposed, however, that we mean to derogate from the real merits of Mr. Madison. We know them well. We acknowledge his abilities, integrity, and services. But there are solid objections to his election. We do not deem it necessary to state them all. The enumeration would certainly afford us no pleasure. We shall content ourselves with one only. The others have been occasionally noticed in the papers, and are probably known to you all. In doing this, we presume that we shall not give offence to Mr. Madison or to his friends. Under a government like ours, freedom of discussion, is our most essential right. A manly and liberal exercise of that right, will be applauded rather than condemned, by every one, who understands the principles of our government, or values that freedom which it was intended to secure.
A principal objection to the election of Mr. Madison, and one which we deem unanswerable, is derived from the present state of our national affairs. Our foreign commerce is totally suspended, our ships are rotting, our seamen dispersed and gone, and our produce shut up in our warehouses, our public revenue is cut off, and the deficiency resulting from that cause, must be supplied by recourse to the oppressive system of internal taxation. We know very well that these mischiefs have originated in the unjust decrees of France, and the arbitrary regulations of the British council. But we are speaking of the present state of
Mr. Monroe

things only, and not of the causes which have led to it. The evil exist; we feel that they are great and our best interests require that they should be speedily removed. We ask you, whether it is as probable that they will be removed under the administration of Mr. Madison, who stands committed by his writings and acts on every question between us and foreign nations, as under the administration of a man who is perfectly free from that bias, which regard for consistency of character cannot fail to produce on men even of the purest principles, and most enlightened understanding. We may be mistaken, and we shall rejoice if time shall convince our error: but if Mr. Madison is elected, we see at present, no alternative for the United States, but WAR, or an EMBARGO of indefinite duration. If on the other hand, Mr. Monroe should be elected, we think for the reasons just stated that he will at least stand a better chance to extricate us from the critical dilemma in which we are involved: and notwithstanding the groundless censure that has been cast upon him, for a supposed abandonment, on the subject of the seizure of British seamen, we confidently appeal to your knowledge of his conduct through a life of thirty years devoted to your service, whether he will ever consent to any arrangement incompatible with the honor or real interests of his country.
Thus, fellow citizens, we have presented to you a rough sketch of the view which we have taken of the next presidential election. In exhibiting this view, we have only performed a duty which devolved upon us as members of the corresponding committee; and in the performance of this duty, we trust that we have not departed from that candor and moderation, which we took leave to recommend in the commencement of this address.
Under the influence therefore of a belief, which the events of every week seem more completely to justify, that in advocating the election of Mr. Monroe, we are promoting the real welfare and union of this country, we shall proceed with the least possible delay to publish his electoral ticket, with a hope, that his committees and friends throughout the state will firmly and diligently assist in every arrangement which may contribute to its success.
GEORGE HAY, JOHN CLARKE, EDWARD C. STANARD, WILLIAM ROBERTSON, JOHN BROCKENBROUGH, Richmond, Sept. 24th, 1808.
The editors of newspapers throughout the state, are respectfully requested by the Committee, to republish the above address.
FROM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
Richmond, Oct. 18.
The election of electors for President and Vice President of the United States is near at hand—we had understood that a ticket would be formed with a view to promote the election of our friends Gen. Pinckney, and the honorable Rufus King; but it now seems that we can render no service in this state by voting for such ticket. Who then shall we vote for? is the question of deep concern to every one of us. Two persons in Virginia, and two in New-York, are held forth as candidates. These gentlemen are all of them our political opponents, and yet it seems we must vote for one of them. We shall not venture into an examination of the pretensions of either of these gentlemen, in preference to others in the United States; but of these three we most undoubtedly have a choice. Mr. Madison was once a federalist! he has deserted the principles of WASHINGTON, and become a proselyte to democracy—nay, we consider him as having submitted, without a struggle, to the tyrant of the world! "France wants money, and we must give it!" For such a man we ought not to vote.
Mr. Clinton has done much for the country, and we believe him to be a very worthy man: and he was our choice of the three, yet we could not, by ourselves, be of any service to him. This brings us to the point! we must vote for JAMES MONROE, the choice of the three.
This gentleman is certainly deserving the gratitude of his country for the many services he has rendered it—whilst governor of this commonwealth, we discovered in him every disposition to administer with justice, to treat his political opponents with equal respect, to conciliate party as much as in his power lay, and avoided making those party distinctions in appointments to office, which have marked the conduct of the executive of the United States.
Mr. Monroe differs in political opinion from us; but he is an honest man; we have no fears of his marking out the federalists as a political sect, upon whom he will have vengeance! No, he will use every effort in his power to conciliate our affections, and by an impartial and enlightened administration of that government, UNITE ALL PARTIES—he will acquire the confidence and esteem of all good men of every party.
Mr. Monroe will have it in his power to settle our differences with every foreign nation, with whom we are at variance. This he will do without giving France money! or requiring from other nations more than a fair, just, and honorable retribution for past injuries, and a reasonable security for their future good conduct towards us. This he will accomplish without WAR, and without any of those evils attendant upon war, while we are at peace.
Such, federal republicans, are our expectations from the appointment of Mr. Monroe to the presidential chair—hence it is that we advise every exertion to be made in his favor on the day of election, which may be consistent, fair, and honorable.
Our concurrence with the political friends of Mr. Monroe must ensure him success, provided they do not desert him in the hour of danger—we have been told that they will desert him, but we cannot believe it; if, however, they do desert him, let us do our duty.
At a meeting agreeably to notice of the Federal Republicans of the City of Richmond and town of Manchester, held at the Bell Tavern in the City of Richmond, on Monday the 17th of October, 1808, to decide upon the candidate whom they will support at the ensuing election of President of the United States.
Doctor James M'Clurg was unanimously chosen Chairman, and Doctor John Adams Secretary to the meeting—after which the following resolutions were unanimously adopted.
1 Reduced by the tyranny of the General Ticket Law, to the necessity of abandoning our choice, and bestowing our suffrages on one of the democratic candidates for the presidency of the United States, and believing that of these, the election of JAMES MONROE would most essentially promote the welfare of the union; Resolved that this meeting will support the ticket of the said James Monroe, at the ensuing election; and that the following recommendatory address to the Federal Republicans of Virginia be published in Davis's Virginia Gazette, and in the other federal papers of this state.
TO THE FEDERAL REPUBLICANS OF VIRGINIA.
To those of our fellow citizens in Virginia, who approved of the conduct of our first President, the immortal WASHINGTON, and who are penetrated with respect for those observations on the state of parties in this country, which his political sagacity, improved by long experience in the most arduous situations, and prompted by the purest patriotism, enabled him to make; to the people called FEDERALISTS, we the federal republicans in Richmond and Manchester submit this address. The violence of a MAJORITY, which, in the pursuit of power has never hesitated to sacrifice its pretended republican principles, having deprived us of all influence in the approaching election of president, by substituting a general ticket in place of the election by districts, reduces us to the necessity of supporting the one, or the other, of their rival candidates. In the present crisis of the country, there is no room for private considerations. Ancient friendship must yield to present good; and even the opinion of eminent talents can only persuade us that, under an improper bias, they
may be more extensively mischievous. We disapprove of many important acts of the present administration; to which, in our opinion, may be ascribed the evils we now endure, and the still greater evils we have to apprehend; and as we cannot doubt that they have been recommended by Mr. MADISON, we must believe that they will continue to receive his sanction and support. On the other hand, we know that Mr. MONROE had the sagacity to foresee, and in his late public function endeavored, as far as was in his power, to prevent our present distresses: and we have reason to conclude from the last address of his Committee, that his course of proceeding, in regard to our foreign relations, will be more agreeable to our sentiments, and to the true interests of the country.
We presume not, however, to dictate to our fellow citizens—our only hope is, that an expression of our opinion may induce in their minds that serious reflection, which the times require, and a disposition, at all events, to act with energy and concert. Still less do we entertain the idea of interfering with the plans or objects of the other states, in which federalism may be more confident, or less fettered, than here. We leave them to vote according to circumstances and inclination; happy if they can accomplish, what it would be folly in us to attempt. We know that at this late period, the whole weight of the federal vote in Virginia cannot be brought into action; but we had seen, until lately, no proof that Mr. Monroe would adopt a different course of proceeding in respect to our foreign relations, and a choice between individuals disposed to pursue the same system of measures was to us unimportant.
2. Resolved. That Mr. Daniel Cull, Mr. William Marshall, Dr. John Adams, Messrs. James Penn, Robert Gamble, jun. Thomas Wilson, Walter M'Clurg, and Charles Johnston, be appointed a committee to correspond with the federalists throughout this state, and to adopt all proper measures to promote the success of the election of James Monroe.
JAMES M'CLURG, Chairman. Attest, JOHN ADAMS, Secretary.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
The following is the Monroe electoral ticket republished for the information of the citizens of Virginia.
  Littleton W. Tazewell,  Norfolk borough,    Arthur Smith,  Isle of Wight,    Dr. Jas. S. Gilliam,  Dinwiddie,    Peter Bailey,  Mecklenburg,    Gen. Turlington Woodson,  Prince Edward,    Bill Carter,  Nelson,    Thomas Watkins,  Chesterfield,    Peabody R. Gilmer,  Henry,    Chan. Creed Taylor,  Richmond,    Col. John Taylor,  Caroline,    James Hunter,  Eszex,    Gen. John Minor,  Spotsylvania,    Armond Mason,  Loudoun,    Robert Saunders,  York,    Chas. Sam. Tyler,  Williamsburg,    Gen. J. P. Hungerford,  Westmoreland,    Gen. Carroll Brent,  Stafford,    H. St. George Tucker,  Frederick,    James Dally,  Hampshire,    John Cunningham,  Pendleton,    John Custis,  Augusta,    Daniel Sheffy,  Wythe,    Linus Minor,  Greenbrier,    John Prusty,  Harrison.  
WASHINGTON CITY, Oct. 20.
Dispatches from Mr. Pinckney, our minister at London, which arrived at N. York in the British Packet Lord Chesterfield, reached the department of state yesterday.
We understand that the relations between the British government and that of the U. States remains much in the same situation that they did at the time of the St. Michael's leaving England. Mr. Pinckney had, however, in a manner which reflects great credit upon himself and lustre upon our government, presented to Mr. Canning a memorial, which places the subject of the orders in council and the embargo upon such a basis as to leave Great Britain devoid of any just cause for the continuance of the former.—In obedience to his instructions, it is said he has urged in an amicable and very respectful though firm manner, the propriety of the abrogation of those orders on the ground, that as they were issued on the supposition that the U. S. had not resisted the French decree, and the American government having proposed to enforce the embargo against France if she will not abrogate her decrees, and to annul its operation
against the British if they will repeal their orders, there no longer remains any cause for the existence of the orders of council. At any rate with regard to the U. States.
Mr. Pinkney, we understand, has very ably and conclusively combat the idea that the U. States did not resist the Berlin decree. He represented that general Armstrong, our minister at Paris, had demanded an explanation from the French government as soon as the decree made its appearance, and had received assurance that it was not meant to apply to America; and that for twelve months afterwards no condemnation had taken place under the Berlin decree, the first case being that of the Horizon, which was not known in England when the orders of council were decided upon; and that the American government, as soon as it had understood the French were proceeding to act upon the decree against the U. States, opposed the encroachment by the embargo.
The British cabinet had taken the memorial into consideration, and an answer was expected by Mr. Pinkney in the course of a few days. By the return of the Hope, which, from her being a swift sailer, may be expected in a very few days, our government will be made fully acquainted with the result, so that on the meeting of congress, if not before, we shall be enabled to inform the public of the final determination of the British government, upon which will depend in a great measure the future dispositions of our own. The probability is in favor of an amicable adjustment of differences.
[Monitor.]
Declaration of WAR.
New-York, Oct. 22.
Yesterday arrived at this port the barque Richard, Capt. Odiorne, in 32 days from Liverpool. Capt. O. informs that on the 18th Sept. Mr. Maury, the American consul at Liverpool, received dispatches for our government from Mr. Pinckney at London, with positive directions, that should there be no vessel about to sail from Liverpool, one should be instantly chartered for the purpose, and sent off within eight hours. That the barque Richard, loaded only in part, was procured for the occasion, and dispatched early on the 19th. That while beating down the channel, she was boarded by Mr. Maury's clerk for the purpose of communicating the intelligence, that an express had just arrived from Mr. Pinckney, bringing information that Buonaparte had declared War against the U. States, had confiscated all American property within his reach, and arrested and imprisoned all the American citizens that could be found.

Horrible French Cruelties in Portugal. A letter from on board our fleet off the Tagus, in giving an account of some of the excesses of the French in Portugal, says:
At Bejas the inhabitants were decimated; the place burnt, and given up to pillage and rapine for three days; a battle has lately been fought at Evora, where the people, armed principally with sticks, in great numbers were ultimately overcome by a French division of 6000 (who own to the loss of 200 killed and wounded) and what has been their fate we have not heard; private report however, states, that full one-third of the French may be considered as their loss in this business. In the North, at Leiria, Alcubaser, and other towns and villages, many persons were wantonly murdered, and the places given up, and three miles round them, to all the excesses French soldiery chose to commit; at the latter place, priests were murdered at the altar, the nuns were violated in their convents, and no female was supposed to have escaped their brutality, from the age of twelve years upwards. A column of 4000 approached our marine battalion of 300, within five leagues, and then retreated, supposed from wrong information as to their numbers; they threatened Coimbra that it should cease to exist, any where but in the page of history, where even it would be stigmatized for revolting from the protection of the emperor of the French, and no where else was that university, town, or inhabitants, in future to be found, according to the language they held. The nuns in the English convent at Lisbon have had their means of subsistence cut off by Jnot to only a lestoone (91-2d per day) and they in consequence, have been, and still are, almost starving. Sir Charles and Lady Cotton have set on foot a subscription for the alleviation of their sufferings, and we shall probably all become mendicants in their cause.
FROM THE FEDERAL GAZETTE.
Baltimore, Oct. 19. THE RIOT.
Yesterday afternoon an indelible stigma was wantonly laid on the character of this Christianity. With no desire to magnify the horror of the scene, and under a melancholy conviction, that knowledge of our shame and disgrace cannot be checked on its march through the country, we will here, with what patience we can exercise, and as public duty requires, place the scandalous occurrence on our journal.
Between three and four o'clock, in the centre of the city, and within a few yards of the mayor's office a journeyman boot-maker was seized by about a dozen men, put into a cart prepared for the purpose, covered with tar and feathers, paraded through market street, amidst the shouting hideous monster, "Many-headed Mob," down to the Point, and back to the shop in South street, whence he had been barbarously dragged.
The almost universal apathy in the citizens we will not attempt to defend before a valorous, free and christian people. But we will note, as a part of our editorial duty, that although the mayor and several other peace officers interfered, although the high sheriff, with ample powers, almost unlimited, on paper, interceded for the suffering citizen, yet no rescue was effected until near night. Several hours was a small unarmed mob triumphant, in open day, in defiance of all law, braving the civil power, and fearless of a brigade of citizen soldiers! Not a gun was fired, not a sabre unsheathed; no heads fell, nor powder burnt, even in feeble defence of our character, our constitution, and our laws!
People of Baltimore; brave descendants of the immortal patriots and valiant soldiers, who achieved the independence of this western world, we will not foolishly attempt to stir a manly feeling in your bosoms, or to force up the crimson glare of shame, everlasting shame. No; you are the guardians of your own dear honour; you are the conservators of the peace; you are the friends of law, of order, and of regular government. To you we will not presume to dictate; to you we exhibit no event; It must be well if you permitted; for you are all well,
unhurt: it must be honourable, if you permitted; for you are an honourable people: it must be right and legal if you permit; for you are the sovereign, whence all laws proceed.
But, fellow citizens, though we presume not to question your correctness, your valour, or your high sense of character, yet, for a correct understanding of this glorious affair amongst our distant readers, we must make the statement complete. We observe then, by the laws of Maryland, a mayor or general, a brigadier general, or the commander of a regiment, may at any time order out the soldiers under his command, to quell an insurrection, or to prevent an insurrection; upon the demand of two magistrates such, or either of these commanders shall order out as aforesaid. Again, the sheriff may at any time of such disturbance command the service of any citizens, or of the whole county, under a severe penalty for refusal to obey his summons. Under a knowledge of these facts we consider it no easy matter to account for the progress and termination of the insurrection yesterday; unless indeed we may account for it by stating, that "tarring and feathering" has been so much talked of, and printed too, of late, that the idea has become so familiar as to appear not improper.
We have further to mention, that the ringleader was taken before the mayor, when an intent was signified to send him to prison—the people outside threatened to tear down the house if he were not in five minutes liberated; in three minutes he was bailed, and immediately carried through the city in triumph, mounted on a platform supported by some of the people.
This was the quarrel of a shoemaker's man: not political.
An expedition under command of Gen. Baird began to embark at Cork, on the 9th September.
It was reported in London that an insurrection had taken place at Naples against the government of king Joachim Napoleon ( Murat .)
The operation of the conscription law had occasioned a serious revolt in the Tyrol country, to quell which a military force had been dispatched from Munich. ( Will these troops be zealous to cut the throats of Spanish patriots? )
A valuable cargo of cotton had arrived at Liverpool, the first fruits of the Brazil commerce.
Joseph Bonaparte is said to have arrived at Bayonne.
The emperor has demanded of the Confederation of the Rhine 120,000 conscripts.
IMPORTANT EXTRACT. Extract from the French Expose, September 1808.
The court of Vienna has constantly testified to your majesty the most amicable intentions; indignant at the policy of England, she has recalled her minister from London, sent back the minister who was at Vienna, shut her ports against England, and placed herself in a state of war with that power. She adds to these measures an interdiction in her ports against the admission of vessels, which under a neutral flag, are only the carriers of English produce and merchandise. Latterly, however this power has carried its armament beyond measure—its military force is out of all proportion of its population and finances. Your ministers, sire only wish to remark this, in order that your majesty may perceive the necessity of augmenting your force, for the purpose of preserving the relative superiority which exists between the power and the population of the two empires.
The Americans, a people who involves their fortune, their prosperity, and almost their existence in commerce, have given the example of a great and courageous sacrifice. They have suspended, by a general embargo, all commerce and all navigation, rather than shamefully submit to that tribute which the English impose on the navigation of all nations. Germany, Italy, Switzerland, and Holland, are peaceable, and wait only for a mari-
time peace to exert all their industry. How insolent in a nation whose extravagant blockading decrees against England were the cause of the issuing and are the cause of the continuing of the Orders in Council. The French seizures and condemnations are to give no offence.
Extract from the message of the Emperor to the Senate.
I am determined to carry on the war with Spain with the utmost activity, and destroy the armies which England had disembarked in that country. The farther security of my subjects, the prosperity of commerce, and a maytime peace must alike depend on these important operations.
My alliance with the emperor of Russia extinguishes every hope which England can entertain from her projects. I have no doubt respecting the peace on the continent, but I neither will nor ought to rely upon the false calculations and the errors of other Courts, and since my neighbors increase their armies, it is a duty incumbent on me to increase mine.
The empire of Constantinople is struggling with the most violent convulsions; Sultan Selim, the best emperor the Ottomans have had for a length of time, has just fallen by the hands of his own nephew. This catastrophe has deeply affected me.
Martinsburg, October 20.
Married, Mr. JOHN CHENOWETH of this County, to Mrs. PHILLIS BRADY, of Martinsburg.
Federal Republicans, on the day of Election be ready—have the Monroe ticket in writing, (printed ones wont do) attend at the poll and do your duty.—We have been nearly cut off from the privileges of freemen! And unless we now exert ourselves we may never have the chance again of participating in the choice of a Chief Magistrate—We exhort you again, meet early on the day of Election, have your tickets ready, and when you have voted for Monroe, you may then in truth say, we have done our duty!!!
The Hon. JAMES MONROE. Our Federal friends will please bear in mind the first Monday in November! On that day the fate of our Country is to be decided! On that day it will be known who it is that deserves his post! VIRGINIANS , be active on that day, for it may save our Country—we advise you to be on the alert—let us test the energy of the Commonwealth by giving our full vote for James Monroe as President of the United States. [ Vir. Gaz. ]
LETTER VII. To the Editor of the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
IN a republican government like our own, the people form the true source whence all legitimate power and authority must flow. This being the case, no man can deny that they must also have the right of investigating the conduct of those, whom themselves have clothed with the dignity of power and the pomp of office. With regard to those who hold their places by the tenure of periodical elections, the great body of the people may well undertake this investigation and reward or punish according to its result. But to confer the privilege to these cases, would be, to render it a great measure of necessity, as most of those who enjoy places under our government, are appointed by the executive and are subject to removal at its pleasure.
The people then have a right which they cannot immediately exercise, and from the nature of a representative government it must follow that this right is delegated to our representatives and may be enjoyed by them.
With these truths staring us in the face, we cannot but feel surprised at the conduct of the American congress with regard to General Wilkinson. Notwithstanding the accumulated evidence which appeared against that man, a majority of our legislature was decidedly opposed to bringing his conduct fairly before the public. In the course of that debate the alarming doctrine was supported, that the representatives of the people do not possess the right of investigating the conduct of a commander in chief, let him be guilty of crimes never so heinous. A doctrine more replete with danger has seldom been agitated in our country. To see therefore those men to whom we had entrusted the defence of our liberties and rights, thus tamely surrendering them at the will of the executive, must fill with indignation, every mind in which the spirit of liberty breathes high and strong.
If the commander in chief was innocent of the charges urged against him, it was due both to his reputation and to the interests of our country, that a thorough scrutiny of them should be had. What candid man can now place his hand upon his heart and declare himself con-
vinced of Wilkinson's purity? And can the American army repose any confidence in that man about whose character lovers such a cloud of suspicion? If on the contrary there exists incontrovertible evidence of his guilt, what reliance can the government of the United States have, in the good faith of a traitor?
On what side soever we view this question the conduct of our own representative must appear reprehensible. To protect a villain from just censure argues unfavorably for the soundness either of the heart or the judgment. As I have the highest confidence in the virtue and integrity of this gentleman, I cannot help considering this as one more proof of his weakness, and consequently of his unworthiness to retain the high and important trust he now holds.
But our astonishment at this conduct of the administration party will be increased, when we consider the character of that man whom they have thus boldly stepped forward to shield. When we remember that through the gloom of perfidy which surrounds him, there breaks not a glimmering of merit, which could entitle him to the respect of his country, unless indeed it be the equivocal one of betraying the traitor with whom he had combined for her destruction. It is here however that we discover the true cause of all that favor which the administration have shewn Gen. Wilkinson.
Pursuing the same system of indecisive policy by which he has always been distinguished Mr. Jefferson found himself suddenly relieved from all the embarrassments with which the report of Burr's scheme had surrounded him, by the unexpected destruction of that adventurer, by the commander in chief. Like a child just drawn from the brink of a precipice, he forgot in his tremulous joy that the man who thus saved him from destruction, was the cause of his previous situation. For the first time in a long life our president was touched with gratitude not unmixed perhaps with a secret sympathy which insensibly drew together minds similarly organized. The character of each, has, from their early entrance into public life, been marked by a kind of fatality which has compelled them to betray every one so unfortunate as to be ensnared by their connection. Respect for the first magistrate of my country, forbids my continuing this parallel, but Wilkinson commenced his career by treachery to his friend and benefactor and has continued through life, the same system of perfidy which marked its commencement. From such a youth nothing could be expected but perfidy in age, and this man has now arrived at that "maturity of corruption" which defies rivalry—Such however is the man whom the partiality of the president still continues in office, and whom our representatives have protected from disgrace, at the expence of their own reputation.
STENTOR.
TO BE LET, and possession given immediately, THE House in which Mr. John Roberts now lives, adjoining the Clerk's Office, Martinsburg. It is a convenient and comfortable dwelling, and would suit a mechanic, with a small family. JOHN ALBURTIS. October 20, 1808.
Public Sale.
WILL be sold at public vendue, at the subscribers farm near Opeckan bridge, on Friday the 19th November next, HORSES, HOGS, CATTLE, SHEEP, and a quantity of HAY. Nine months credit will be allowed on bond with approved security. The sale will begin early in the day. JACOB GORRELL. October 20, 1808.
James Maxwell's NIGHT SCHOOL. will be opened on Monday evening, November 7, in the Stone School-House, Martinsburg. October 20, 1808.
THE subscriber informs the public that he has removed from Frederick County to Martinsburg, where he intends to carry on the CLOCK making and WATCH repairing business ; he has opened shop in the house belonging to Robert Cockburn and where J. Alburts formerly kept his Printing-Office; where he will be thankful to all who please to call on him in that line, and all Watches that are repaired in his shop are warranted for one year, accidents excepted, and all Clocks made by him are warranted to be good.
He will give a generous price for old Copper and Brass. REES BRANSON. 10th mo. 28th, 1808.
A meeting of the corresponding committee of Federal Republicans for Berkeley County, is requested at Mrs. Mackey's Tavern, on Wednesday the 2d November, in the afternoon.
The Members of the MARTINSBURG COFFEE-HOUSE, are requested to meet at Mrs. Mackey's Tavern, on the evening of Wednesday, the 2d November.

Public Sale.
BY virtue of a Deed of trust, executed by John Jones to the subscriber, for the purpose of securing to Samuel Dunham a sum of money mentioned in said deed of trust, will be exposed to Public Sale, for ready money, on Tuesday the 1st day of November next, on the premises, a
TRACT OF LAND, lying and being in the County of Berkeley on Back-Creek, adjoining the lands of Wm. Wilson and others, containing eighty acres.
SAMUEL BOYD, Trustee. Oct. 14, 1808.
THE CITIZENS of Berkeley County will be pleased to take notice, that on the first Monday of next month [November] an Election will be held for (twenty four) Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States, as heretofore, by General Ticket.
ERASMUS GANTT, JOEL WARD, WM. SOMMERVILLE. Commissioners. Martinsburg, Oct. 14, 1808.
Carriage Manufactory.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the public, that he has now in his employ, at his Carriage Manufactory in Shepherd's Town, Virginia, a number of excellent workmen from the most fashionable Cities, which will put it in his power to furnish his employers, on a short notice, with Carriages of any description, finished in the most elegant, or in a plain and neat style, at reasonable prices.
Old Carriages will be handsomely repaired, at cheap rates.
He makes Drums and Fife, Paints Floor Cloths, &c.
His local situation, will always enable him to procure timber and other materials of the best quality, and he is determined that no pains shall be spared to make his work handsomely and serviceable.
GEORGE MILLER. Shepherd's Town, Sept. 2, 1808.
LANDS for sale.
ON Monday the 21st of November next, being the 1st day of the Court of the County of Berkeley for that month, at the Globe Tavern in Martinsburg, I will sell at public auction for ready money, a very valuable tract of LAND containing about 228 acres lying about a mile and an half from the town of Martinsburg. There are on the premises a good dwelling house, kitchen, barn, &c. and the whole is in tenable condition. It will be shown on application to Mr. Samuel B. Harris in whose tenure it now is, and possession will be given to the purchaser on the 1st of April next.
This property was some years since sold under a deed of trust from Michael M'Kewan and wife for the benefit of Gen. Swann and others of the city of Baltimore to whom it now belongs. It is encumbered with an old Mortgage which will be extinguished prior to the sale. Full information as to the title will be given on application to
PHILIP C. PENDLETON. Martinsburg, Virginia, August 12, 1808.
An Overseer Wanted.
I SHALL want on the 24th day of December next, an OVERSEER, who can come well recommended for his honesty, industry and capacity for business.
ELISHA BOYD. Sept. 23, 1808.
Notice to Carpenters.
THE Commissioners of the town of Bath, having empowered me to contract with a workman to construct new Baths, I hereby give notice, that I wish to receive proposals on that subject, as speedily as possible.
RAWLEIGH COLSTON. September 9, 1808. [8w.]
Letters remaining in the Post-Office at Shepherd's Town, on the first day of October, 1808, which will be sent to the General Post-Office if not taken out before the first day of January, 1809.
 A. ANN AINSWORTH.  C. Isaac Chaplin, William H. Canal, James Cooper.  F. John Files.  H. David Hiestand, John Hoffmuth, David Harris, John Hewett.  J. Isaac James.  K. Widow Nelly Kiddie.  L. Erasmus Lindsay, Michael Lindenfelter.  M. Samuel Michael, Robt. M'Williams.  N. Hitty Nace.  O. Julia Osborn, Peter Oller.  P. James T. Pollock.  R. Meredith Richardson.  S. Jacob Stong.  T. Prudence Thornburgh, Joseph Thompson, Thornberry's Jack, James Thomas.  W. Jacob Welshhans.  JAMES BROWN, r. m. Shepherd's Town, Oct. 7, 1808. 
CAUTION!
ALL persons are hereby cautioned against fishing, fowling, or passing through the enclosures of the subscriber, on any pretence whatever, or from committing any other unlawful depredations on his property as he is positively determined to prosecute to the utmost limits of the law every person who may be found so offending in future.
CONRAD KOWNSLAR. Mill-Creek, Oct. 7, 1808.
RAN-AWAY from the subscriber on the 16th of September, a bound boy named Jonathan Oldfield , aged nineteen years. Whoever takes up and brings home said runaway, shall receive TEN CENTS reward, but no thanks nor charges.
JOSEPH VAN MATRE. October 7, 1808.
Berkeley, ss. August Court, 1808 George Bowman, Complainant AGAINST John Bowman and Joseph Foreman, Defendants. In CHANCERY.
THE defendant Bowman, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered, that the defendant do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in November next, to answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, c. s. c.
Prime Soar and Upper Leather FOR SALE.
THE subscriber now has, and will have during the fall and winter, PRIME SOAR at twenty-two cents per pound, by the single side; a generous reduction will be made by the quantity. Some well finished Upper and Calf-Skins, with part cash, will be taken in exchange for Soar.
EBENEZER CAMPBELL. N. B. An exceeding good Iron Mill, with all the apparatus for grinding bark, will be sold Cheap. Shepherd's Town, Virg. } [2m.] September 30, 1808.
FLAX SEED.
The subscriber gives the highest price for clean FLAX SEED. L. PRICE. Martinsburg, Sept. 16, 1808.
Ladies fashionable Bonnets and Hats.
 Just received, a great variety of Fashionable Bonnets and Hats, Wreaths, Artificial Flowers, Ostrich Feathers, Lace Veils, Broad Thread Lace, Patent Cotton, ditto, Fine Thread Edging, Lace Sleeves, Spider Net, ditto, Extra long Silk Gloves, ditto White Kid, ditto, Short Kid and Silk, ditto, Kid, Morocco & Leather Slippers, Figured and plain Leno Muslins, Cambric, ditto, Chintzes and Calicoes, Dimities, Irish LINENS, Home-made, ditto, Twilled Bags, FLAX, Ticklingburgs, &c. &c. 
 They also have on hand, Medicines and Paints, Seal and Upper Leather, Nice Fair-tops, Calf-Skins and Boot-Legs, Bar-Iron, Steel and Nails, Bacon, Flax-seed Oil, Well-seasoned Plank.  A complete assortment of China Glass, Queens, Stone, Tin, Wood-en and Potter's Ware. 
Cast Nuts for grinding Fruit.
 Superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, Flannels, Velvets, Constitution and Presidents Cords, Mill-Saws, &c. &c.  All which they are selling very cheap.  JAMES & JOHN LANE. Shepherd's Town, } September 2, 1808. } P.S. Cash paid for Hides and Skins. 
LANDS for sale.
A BARGAIN may be had in the purchase of the places where John Files and Basil Cross now reside, containing five hundred acres of good lime stone LAND, binding on Opecon-Creek, distant about five miles from this place and six from Shepherd's Town. The buildings are comfortable, with a mill seat on Opecon.—The title good, the price low and the payments will be made easy to a punctual man. Those who are inclined to buy, may know the terms on application to John Baker, Esq. at Shepherd's Town.
BENJAMIN ODEN. Martinsburg, Nov. 20, 1807.
PROPOSALS
FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, The Armenian Skeleton, BY WILLIAM HUNTINGTON.
THE publisher has been induced to offer a new American edition of this work to the public from the scarcity of it, (it being almost out of print) and with the hope that its circulation will be a great public good, and have a tendency to point out to our fellow citizens the true path in which it may be found. He trusts that it will richly repay those for its perusal who are in search after Divine truths; all who wish to see the glorious Gospel promoted and spread through our land, he doubts not, will feel a disposition to encourage this scarce and valuable work.
The publisher is not actuated by interested views in offering this work to the public; his sole object is the dissemination of truths necessary for every human creature to be acquainted with; he only wishes to obtain as many subscribers as will pay for the printing, his own situation being such as to put it out of his power to have it republished without the aid of others.
The work will probably make from 250 to 300 duodecimo pages; it shall be well printed on good paper, and the price, half bound, shall not exceed one dollar; those who wish them bound in leather can have them at the additional expense of binding; if the number of subscribers should be equal to his expectation, the price in all probability will be less.
The work will be put to press as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained to pay for the printing.
Subscriptions received at the office of the Intelligencer. JOHN HUTCHINSON. June 3, 1808.
Fresh Fall and Winter GOODS.
THE subscribers respectfully inform their old customers and the public generally, that they have just received, from the city of Philadelphia, and finished opening, one of the largest and best assortments of GOODS since commencement. It is thought by them (however usual with others in a similar line of business) to be entirely unnecessary thro' the channel of public advertisements to assert the very moderate terms on which they will be disposed of for Cash—when by a judicious and an impartial inspection every purchaser shall be advantageously informed.
Among the entire assortment is comprised the following, viz:
 Superfine and Common Broad Cloths, ditto ditto Cassimeres, ditto, do. Coatings, ditto Kersey Molekin, Knapped Frize, Devonshire, Kersey, Dble. Mill'd Drab Cloths, Forest do. Hunter's Patent Satinett, Halfbacks and Fearnought, Fancy Windsor Cards for waistcoating, ditto Swandowns, Red and Green Baize, S. fine and Common Flannels well assorted, Rose Blankets, Striped ditto, President and Constitution Cords, Velveteens and Velveteens, Thibetts, Corduroys, Ladies' Pelise Velvets, Benett's and Fancy Cords, Ladies' Floss Tippets assorted, Gentlemen's Comfts, ditto, Yellow, Red, Brown and Blue Bandanae Hks, Madras Shawls and Hks of various descriptions, Damask Silk and Cotton Shawls, Diaper Table Cloths and Towels, Bed Tickings assorted, a complete assortment of fine Ivory Combs, Quillback dressing ditto, Silvert pocket and common ditto, Ladies most fashionable Tortoise & Common ditto, Ladies' fashionable Plush Hats trimmed complete, ditto to Leghorn Bonnets, Artificial Flowers, ditto Wreaths, Ostrich &c. Feathers, Tippets assorted, Silk and Cotton Umbrellas, Veils, Broad Thread and Cotton Lace, Fine Thread Edgings, Spider-Nett Sleeves, Plain, Spotted and Trafalgar Leno Muslins, Black ditto, ditto Shawls and Hks, Extra Long Silk Gloves, Pic-Nic ditto and Mitts, Short Silk Gloves, Beaver'd ditto, Raw Silk Stockings, Fustiture Cotton Tasels, Ladies' Silk and Cotton ditto, assorted complete, S. fine Linen Cambric, 6-4 and 4-4 Cotton ditto, 6-4 and 4-4 Black ditto, 4-4 S. fine Crapes assorted, Narrow Black do. Laced Clock'd and Plain Cotton Hose assorted, Gentlemen's S. fine Angola ditto assorted, ditto Worsted ditto, German full'd ditto, Mahogany framed Looking Glasses, Common and Focket ditto, Morocco and Leather Slippers elegantly assorted, ditto Childrens ditto, Black Battin, Italian, &c. Silk for dresses assorted, Nett-Braces, Patent Silk, Leather and Cotton Suspenders, S. fine English Chintzes, the most elegant Figures, India and American prints, Pink, &c. Fine Ginghams, Irish and Country Linens, White and Brown Muslin Sheetings, Ticklingburgs, Dowlas, &c. &c. Gin, Cognac Brandy, Jamaica Spirits, N. E. Rum, Rye Whisky, Sherry, Lisbon and Malaga Wines, Ground-Allum and Fine Salt, Havannah, Muscovado, Leaf and C. Sugars, Best Green Coffee, Spanish Cigars, Cavendish, James River and Plug Tobacco, best Sugar-house Molasses, Hyson, &c. Tea, Nutmegs, Cloves, Pepper, Allspice, Cinnamon, Camphor, Turkey Cassia bark, best Tennessee Spinning ditto, Crowley and Blister'd Steel, also an extensive assortment of Brin and M'Pherson's Bar-Iron, a large quantity of China and Queen's Ware handsomely assorted, Medicine, Cordial in bottles. We return sincere thanks for past favours and hope nothing on our part shall be wanting to merit a continuance. 
THOMAS C. SMITH, & Co. Martinsburg, 21st Oct. 1808.
BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTORY
MARTINSBURG.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his customers and the public, that he still occupies his old stand, between the Post-Office and Printing-Office, Martinsburg; that he has lately made a considerable addition to his stock of leather, (which is of the best quality) and shall constantly keep by him a large assortment, so that none who may please to employ him, will ever be disappointed; he will be careful in always keeping the best workmen, and from his own particular attention, feels an assurance, that he shall be able to give satisfaction to his customers—BOOTS and SHOES, of every description, will be carefully made, agreeable to directions—He intends to keep, ready-made, a variety of work for Ladies and Gentlemen—Having a large stock of Leather on hand, he will be able to give a short credit to punctual persons who may wish it. He is thankful for the favours already received, and will endeavour in future not to be undeserving encouragement.
RICHARD HICKSON. April 1, 1808.
Cash given for clean Linen and Cotton
RAGS, at the Office of the INTELLIGENCER.