Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-05-04 00:00:00

It is reported that Mr. Madison has received letters from England informing him that Mr. Percival, not the Duke of Portland is at the head of the present administration of England. This Mr. Percival is the man who made so much clamor against the last ministers for the wonderful concessions they made this country in the late treaty.
(Alexandria Expositor.)
The following letter from Mr. King, was addressed to a Mr. Jackson, one of the persons who had become obnoxious to the British government during the Irish troubles, and to whose banishment to the United States, Mr. King had objected. Circumstances which the letter itself partly explains, induced Mr. King to withdraw his objections to Mr. Jackson's emigration, and he accordingly came to this country. The return which Mr. Jackson has made for Mr. King's friendship, has been to hand the original letter to the editor of a paper (hostile in the extreme to Mr. King) for publication. Of Mr. Jackson's view in so doing, no one can doubt, nor can any one envy the satisfaction which he may experience on this occasion. The letter is honorable in every view to Mr. King. The remarks which follow the letter are copied from the New-York Commercial Advertiser.
BRIGHTON, Aug. 23. 1799.
SIR, I ought to inform you that I really have no authority to give or refuse permission to you or any other foreigner to go to the United States; the admission and residence of strangers in that country being a matter, that, by a late law, exclusively belongs to the President. It is true that the government of this country in the course of the last year, in consequence of my interference, gave me an assurance, that a particular description of persons in Ireland, who it was understood were going to the United States, should not be allowed to proceed without our consent; this restraint would doubtless be withdrawn in favour of individuals against whose emigration I should not object; and I conclude, that it is upon this supposition, that you have taken the trouble to communicate to me your desire to go and reside in the United States. Without presuming to form an opinion on the subject of the late disturbances in Ireland, I entertain a distinct one in relation to the political situation of my country. In common with others, we have felt the influence of the changes that have successively taken place in France, and, unfortunately, a portion of our inhabitants has erroneously supposed that our civil and political institutions as well as our national policy, might be improved by a close imitation of France. This opinion, the propagation of which was made the duty and became the chief employment of the French agents resident among us, created a more considerable division among our people, and required a greater watchfulness and activity from the government, than could before have been apprehended.
I am sorry to make the remark, and shall stand in need of your candour in doing so, that a large proportion of the emigrants from Ireland, and especially in our middle states, had upon this occasion, arranged themselves on the side of the malcontents. I ought to except from this remark most of the enlightened and well educated Irishmen, who, among us, and with a few exceptions, I might say all of the intelligent and illiterate, who, entering into the spirit of the French, are unable to appreciate the salutary restraints without which it is impossible to preserve order. It would be injustice to suppose that the Irish emigrants are more national than those of other countries, yet being a numerous and very active portion of our population, they are capable from causes it is needless now to explain, of being generally brought to act in concert, and under artful leaders may be, as they have been, enlisted in mischievous combinations against our government. This view leads me to state to you without reserve, the hesitation that I have felt in your case; on the one hand, we cannot object to the acquisition of inhabitants from abroad possessing capital and skill in a branch of business that with due caution, may without risk or difficulty, and public as well as private advantage, be established among us; but on the other hand, if the opinions of such inhabitants are likely to throw them into the class of malcontents, their fortune, skill, and consequent influence, would make them tenfold more dangerous, and they might become a disadvantage instead of a benefit to our country. You must be sensible that I possess no sufficient means of forming an opinion respecting your sentiments, but the motives which lead me to interfere with your government to restrain the emigration of the persons above alluded to, oblige me to observe a due caution on the present occasion; at the same time I desire not to act with illiberality, and should be unwilling to bring upon my country the slightest imputation of inhospitality. What Mr. Wilson has written, as it is, is satisfactory; and on the whole I have concluded, after this unreserved communication, which I hope will be received with the same candour as it is made, to inform you, authorizing you to make use of the information, that I withhold every objection that may be supposed to result from any of your being permitted to go to the United States, adding only my earnest wish, that you may carry with you an unbiased mind, and be a useful member of the country, as I believe you will, favourable to your own business, and to the government receiving your attachment.
I must beg your excuse for the great delay which has occurred in sending you this answer, which I assure you, has arisen from other causes than the want of respect to your letter.
With great consideration, I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, RICHARD KING.
The Alien Law. The Adulterous Count at Dublin. It is Mr. King's letter which the factious have threatened to expose! This is the last straw which was to finish the hapless Dublin.
The Foreign intelligence in our paper of this day is copied from Baltimore papers received by Captain Douglass's packet, arrived here on Saturday, in twenty-five hours from that city. It is we think very evident from the accounts we publish that the French have been defeated. The accounts are from Amsterdam, Rotterdam and Antwerp, places all under the absolute dominion of France, where nothing dis favourable to the arms of France could be published with impunity.
The Emperor of Austria it would appear is determined to remain neutral, the same institution that seized Prussia in the late war, being in the Austrian Cabinet. The war in Italy has excited the fears and jealousies of Austria as to the views of Russia, and surely it must be acknowledged that if the Russians had not the army of Bonaparte, that Europe would have been in a state of war. At the same time, it is the only force protected whilst France is in a state of war.
Yesterday arrived here a part of the second wing of the Pennsylvania Key Stone Battery, commanded by Captain Shaeffer. The men and horses are fresh at the end of their journey, and the top, quickly, and the guns are in good order. The loss of the battery, and the loss of the men, and the loss of the entire destruction of the battery, and the loss of the building. The column, which was in the wing and the center, was soon discovered, the service and end timbers of the main building that also takes fire.
The collection of persons from Norfolk, Portsmouth, and the shipping, was now considerably. Their great exertions, without the aid of Engineers (which arrived after the fire was subdued) or necessary buckets and ladders, seemed to supply every deficiency, and saved a large portion of the useful building, which will be sufficient for present purposes.
The invalids were removed from the court-house, where they had been confined, until the necessary repairs to the building, and medicines were provided. The accident seems to have been caused by the chimney taking fire, and the fire spreading to the building. It is believed, if the fire had not been so great the fury of this destruction would have been prevented. It is generally allowed by the great number of the enterprising individuals, to whom the city is indebted for safety. On the present occasion, Mr. Galt, (whose activity has been before observed on similar occasions) Mr. Hays and some others not recollected are deserving great praise. The production of having performed a service to the city will be a sufficient reward to these gentlemen, and a motto to man by the name of Charles, who was uncommonly active, and who was in a house on the occasion, merits pecuniary gratification.
We have been informed from some authority, that the progress of the fire would have been arrested much sooner, but for the conduct of the keeper of the toll-bridge, in refusing to let persons pass to the fire without paying. It is possible with certainly that the directors of that company will be so inclined to the keeper as will in future prevent a repetition of such conduct.
The abuse which is bestowed on Mr. King is not only incorrect, but ignorant in many of those whom it proceeds. Mr. King is represented as the tool of the British Ministry, a mere appendage of the Court of St. James, and the author of the interests or honour of his country at the dignity of his own character. Now working these gentlemen, who lavish their abuse with a little knowledge, to inform us what the public must think of the President, who returned Mr. King with all his papers, in the situation which he found him, for two years, and did not remove him at all, Mr. King having solicited his recall. When Mr. Madison came into the office of Secretary of State, Mr. King's correspondence must have been seen by him. Is it not then wonderful that Mr. Madison did not represent Mr. King to the President? Is it not more wonderful if he did that the President did not recall Mr. King?
The circumstances of removing Mr. King so long after his arrival, and the manner of his removal, are such as to reflect on the President.
Just as our paper was putting to press, a gentleman favoured us with a Baltimore Evening Paper of Friday, which enabled us to add to our Foreign Intelligence, and to apologize for the delay in publishing our paper.
It is reported that Mr. Madison has received letters from England informing him that Mr. Percival, not the Duke of Portland is at the head of the present administration of England. This Mr. Percival is the man who made so much clamor against the last ministers for the wonderful concessions they made this country in the late treaty.
(Alexandria Expositor.)
The following letter from Mr. King, was addressed to a Mr. Jackson, one of the persons who had become obnoxious to the British government during the Irish troubles, and to whose banishment to the United States, Mr. King had objected. Circumstances which the letter itself partly explains, induced Mr. King to withdraw his objections to Mr. Jackson's emigration, and he accordingly came to this country. The return which Mr. Jackson has made for Mr. King's friendship, has been to hand the original letter to the editor of a paper (hostile in the extreme to Mr. King) for publication. Of Mr. Jackson's view in so doing, no one can doubt, nor can any one envy the satisfaction which he may experience on this occasion. The letter is honorable in every view to Mr. King. The remarks which follow the letter are copied from the New-York Commercial Advertiser.
BRIGHTON, Aug. 23. 1799.
SIR, I ought to inform you that I really have no authority to give or refuse permission to you or any other foreigner to go to the United States; the admission and residence of strangers in that country being a matter, that, by a late law, exclusively belongs to the President. It is true that the government of this country in the course of the last year, in consequence of my interference, gave me an assurance, that a particular description of persons in Ireland, who it was understood were going to the United States, should not be allowed to proceed without our consent; this restraint would doubtless be withdrawn in favour of individuals against whose emigration I should not object; and I conclude, that it is upon this supposition, that you have taken the trouble to communicate to me your desire to go and reside in the United States. Without presuming to form an opinion on the subject of the late disturbances in Ireland, I entertain a distinct one in relation to the political situation of my country. In common with others, we have felt the influence of the changes that have successively taken place in France, and, unfortunately, a portion of our inhabitants has erroneously supposed that our civil and political institutions as well as our national policy, might be improved by a close imitation of France. This opinion, the propagation of which was made the duty and became the chief employment of the French agents resident among us, created a more considerable division among our people, and required a greater watchfulness and activity from the government, than could before have been apprehended.
I am sorry to make the remark, and shall stand in need of your candour in doing so, that a large proportion of the emigrants from Ireland, and especially in our middle states, had upon this occasion, arranged themselves on the side of the malcontents. I ought to except from this remark most of the enlightened and well educated Irishmen, who, among us, and with a few exceptions, I might say all of the intelligent and illiterate, who, entering into the spirit of the French, are unable to appreciate the salutary restraints without which it is impossible to preserve order. It would be injustice to suppose that the Irish emigrants are more national than those of other countries, yet being a numerous and very active portion of our population, they are capable from causes it is needless now to explain, of being generally brought to act in concert, and under artful leaders may be, as they have been, enlisted in mischievous combinations against our government. This view leads me to state to you without reserve, the hesitation that I have felt in your case; on the one hand, we cannot object to the acquisition of inhabitants from abroad possessing capital and skill in a branch of business that with due caution, may without risk or difficulty, and public as well as private advantage, be established among us; but on the other hand, if the opinions of such inhabitants are likely to throw them into the class of malcontents, their fortune, skill, and consequent influence, would make them tenfold more dangerous, and they might become a disadvantage instead of a benefit to our country. You must be sensible that I possess no sufficient means of forming an opinion respecting your sentiments, but the motives which lead me to interfere with your government to restrain the emigration of the persons above alluded to, oblige me to observe a due caution on the present occasion; at the same time I desire not to act with illiberality, and should be unwilling to bring upon my country the slightest imputation of inhospitality. What Mr. Wilson has written, as it is, is satisfactory; and on the whole I have concluded, after this unreserved communication, which I hope will be received with the same candour as it is made, to inform you, authorizing you to make use of the information, that I withhold every objection that may be supposed to result from any of your being permitted to go to the United States, adding only my earnest wish, that you may carry with you an unbiased mind, and be a useful member of the country, as I believe you will, favourable to your own business, and to the government receiving your attachment.
I must beg your excuse for the great delay which has occurred in sending you this answer, which I assure you, has arisen from other causes than the want of respect to your letter.
With great consideration, I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, RICHARD KING.
The Alien Law. The Adulterous Count at Dublin. It is Mr. King's letter which the factious have threatened to expose! This is the last straw which was to finish the hapless Dublin.
tion of his character, and seal forever the lips of political friends! "The original letter," too, "with Mr. King's own private signature affixed," is let with the editor of the Citizen (generally a secretary precaution) to silence the doubts of all as to its genuineness and authenticity! Plain speaking is important!
Fellow citizens, give the letter a second perusal. It will be found, as we have before observed, highly honourable to the private and diplomatic character of Mr. King—honorable to him as a man, as a philanthropist, a patriot, an American, and a faithful guardian of his country's rights. It will be found to contain no language, to convey no sentiment, to unfold no conduct derogatory to that distinguished reputation, to establish which cost him the uninterupted and laborious exertions of more than twenty years. It conveys, however, a striking picture of the ingratitude of the man, who, for the vilest purpose, has authorised its publication, and of the depravity of the faction which, with the basest views, has given it publicity. The artifice of the party is as weak as it is wicked. It will defeat its very object. It will fasten on the heads of those who have used it, the odium they intend to affix to Mr. King.
The insolence of these men is extremely disgusting. They appear to think that the American minister had no other employment at the British court than to consult their wishes, and to ransom them from the dungeon or the scaffold. They would represent him as having violated his trust, as having denied them a right, and as being amenable to them for his conduct. They would represent him as the author of their losses, their sufferings, their imprisonment, and their crimes. Let these disorganizing jacobins now learn, if they have yet to learn, that Mr. King was sent to the English court, not by the Irish directory, but by the American government; not to aid the disturbers of Ireland, nor to protect their interests or their lives, but to guard the rights and protect the interests of America. Let them learn that his official conduct, and especially the part of it relating to the Irish state prisoners, received the approbation of his government, and the gratitude of his country. With this approbation and this gratitude—from this elevated height he can look down, with the mingled emotions of pity and contempt, upon the imbecile attacks of foreign culprits and native jacobins. "Like a rock in the midst of the ocean, he receives unshaken the fury of its waves. Violence, intrigue, faction, dash themselves to pieces against him, and fall in empty murmurs at his feet!"
Extract of a letter from Bordeaux, under date of the 20th March.
"I have seen 8000 conscripts, the proportion from this quarter of the empire, destined for Poland; among them are several of the merchants of this city."
The above article is more illustrative of the pressure of the Russian arms, than any thing that has yet transpired.
BOSTON, April 22.
Dutch expedition.—The expedition which sailed from Holland the latter part of February, and was compelled to return by bad weather, was under the charge of general Daendels, and supposed to be bound to the East Indies. It consisted of four frigates, and several transports all full of troops. Stores, (it is said) had been previously sent off in American bottoms, hired for the purpose—One of the frigates has been lost; and perhaps the expedition may be abandoned.
On the 1st of March his Britannic majesty informed parliament, by message, that he had concluded a treaty of peace with Prussia; and that his minister plenipotentiary, under his discretionary powers, had advanced his Prussian majesty £200,000.
It is stated, that the English government contemplated granting subsidies to Russia and Prussia; and it is added, that the king of Prussia finds it difficult to employ, as he wishes, even what remains of his army, for want of pecuniary means to procure the necessary supplies.
We yesterday were favoured with a Dutch (Antwerp) paper of the 18th of March. It was obtained by the Dromo from a vessel spoken at sea, bound from Antwerp to Philadelphia.
The French grand army had gone into winter quarters behind the Passarge, a river which runs into the Vistula, not far from Thorn; a position from 80 to 100 miles in the rear of Eylau. But the French did not find repose there; and two battles had been fought with the advanced corps of the Russians, in the vicinity of the French cantonments. The Russians were repulsed with considerable loss. The fact, however, proves that the Russians had pursued Buonaparte in his retreat from Eylau, and had even crossed the Passarge to annoy him. Savary's (late Lannes's) corps had also been ordered into winter-quarters. We learnt yesterday, by an arrival from Rotterdam, that the great loss and severe rebuff the French met at Eylau, were the theme of general conversation at Rotterdam.
NEW-YORK, April 24.
The ship Eliza arrived yesterday in 28 days from Bordeaux.—Accounts by her mention that no new battles had occurred—that Buonaparte had won the field of the last battle—and that he had pronounced the slaughter dreadful, an awful scene, but a necessary lesson to the princes of Europe to deter them from engaging in war with the invincible soldiers of France!—It was the general belief at Bordeaux, that the French army had been severely beaten.
Paris papers, under the head of Paris, March 1, give considerable representations of the effects of the sale in the Tent of the 18th—Puff, which it seems was followed by the nearly as destructive as the 20th of the same month.
On the 18th February, the French took possession of the small town of Thannvill, and this affair they lost 3 men killed and 20 wounded. The Russians lost their cannon, 100 men killed, & 120 taken prisoners.
It is reported that the Turks had gained a partial advantage over the Russians.
General Odeon has paid the debt of war. Two of the principal officers were taken prisoners, and the Russians took 1000 men and 100 cannon.
The Emperor of Austria has sent a message to the French.
April 27. Arrived the British packet Duke of Kent, captain Lawrence, with the March mail. She left Falmouth the 10th March, and is 6 days from Halifax.
PHILADELPHIA, April 29.
Last evening arrived the ship Frederick Augustus, captain Potter, 20 days from Amsterdam, who informs, that it was current at the time of his sailing, that on or about the 1st March, the Russians had gained considerable advantage of the French, who, with the emperor at their head, had charged the Russians seven times, and were as often repulsed; that the French had retreated 100 Dutch miles, and left the Russians in possession of their winter quarters, lately occupied by the French. Captain P. left at Amsterdam, the brig Isabella, Crane, of this port; the Juno, of Norfolk; and ship Clyde, Alcorn, of New-York, all discharging; the Eleanor, Taylor, to sail the day after him for Baltimore; and the ship Hardware, Law, of New-York, ballasting for Hull.
Extract of a letter from a respectable commercial house in Liverpool, to another in this city, dated March 24, 1807.
"The demand for American cotton has been for some time very regular, and from a continuance of easterly winds, by which we have been prevented from receiving the usual supplies, the stock in the market has been gradually reduced. This circumstance, together with the impression occasioned by the check given by the Russians to the French arms in Poland, has produced an advance in the price of cottons of every description, but particularly in that of Uplands and New Orleans."
"Within these few days we have had three vessels with cotton from Charleston and one from New Orleans; but with these supplies our stock is still inconsiderable. It is however very doubtful whether the quotations annexed will be fully maintained; so much depending upon the supplies that may come forward. Should these be large, which is generally expected, a temporary decline will most probably take place; but if they arrive gradually the quotations must continue. The Manchester dealers, looking for a considerable import, are disposed to postpone their purchases; at the same time, the stocks in their hands are known to be very small; and it is of principal importance, that the consumption of American cotton generally is not on the decline."
"Sea island, from the low prices at which they have ruled for some time past, are more in use.—There is very little good cotton of this description now in the market."
"The demand for grain, which a short time since was brisk, has considerably slackened. The holders of the New York wheat ask 12s 6d and of Baltimore 12s 3d per 70lb. and are firm at these prices, which however, the buyers are not disposed to give. Our market being altogether governed by the prices of grain in London, it is uncertain at what they may next rate here, but we see no reason to expect that wheat will be lower than the quotations, and it may possibly be higher. New York flour would not at present command more than 45s per barrel, Philadelphia 45s and 46s."
"For rice we have not yet any export demand; quantities of middling quality are selling at 24s. to 25s. per cwt. and one barrel very fine has been sold, for home use, at 28s."
"We have just received a supply of pearl ashes, with a few pots; both of which may be expected to maintain their present quotations, except in the event of a considerable import. Pot ashes which are scarce, would sell readily, and the price would probably be still higher, if arrivals were not expected shortly from Quebec."
"Tobaccos, in consequence of a demand for export to the Baltick, have improved in price; low qualities full 1-4 per lb. Our stocks consist principally of middling qualities, and we have very few fine on hand."
"Naval stores are in good demand. For very fine soft turpentine we believe 17s. a 18s. per cwt. might be procured, but the inferior or mixed parcels would not command this price. Hard turpentine 12s. per cwt."
"Timber is just now rather dull; staves of all sorts in good demand."
"Dye-woods for exportation are quite nominal. Mahogany for home use is even more dull than it was before, and the stock of St. Domingo is very large; several of the holders would make great sacrifices in price, to effect sales. Indigo is steady. Cochineal at the last public sale went off from 20s. 6d. 24s. 7d. per lb. according to quality."
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
LONDON, March 21.
Last night, a large company of noblemen and gentlemen who are to compose the new administration, dined with his grace the duke of Portland, at Burlington house, when the proposed arrangement was discussed and settled in all its parts, as far as it can be settled, till the king's pleasure is known. Matters are understood to be in such forwardness, that the plan can be submitted to his majesty on Monday, and the principal appointments be announced in the Gazette of Tuesday.
Among the noblemen and gentlemen who dined with the duke of Portland, were:
The earl of Camden, lord Hawkesbury, lord Castlereagh, lord Elden, Mr. Rose, Mr. Canning, Mr. Sturges Bourne.
Mr. Sheridan, on being introduced by the sergeant at arms for non-attendance in his place, on a call of the house, good humouredly exclaimed, "This is rather too hard, to be excluded out of place, and taken into custody, on account of the same day."
We are anxious for the arrival of intelligence from the continent, for some great and important change in the state of affairs must soon take place. The negotiations at Warsaw must end in some positive determination. Buonaparte will never suffer Austria to remain in her present indecision. In his present situation, all his motions are necessarily directed to the preservation of himself, and of her possible dominion. A moment's loss of the Austrian station might, in a moment, put all his affairs in jeopardy. He is determined to retain the command of the Danube, and to secure the possession of the Tyrol. He is determined to retain the command of the Danube, and to secure the possession of the Tyrol. He is determined to retain the command of the Danube, and to secure the possession of the Tyrol.