Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-08-22 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  INT HIC ILLAM SUA PRÆMIA LUSTRO
[VOL. V.
MONDAY EVENING, AUGUST 22, 1808.
NO. 16.]
THE SUBSCRIBER Having purchased of John Mearns his Stock, with the good will of the Cellar, known by the name of Mearns's Porter Cellar , it forms the publick it at a supply of
Barne's Double ALE
is just received, and will be sold on moderate terms by wholesale and retail.
V. Chapman.
Cash for Empty Bottles. August 19.
FOR RENT.
That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr Stephen Harris.
Also,
That commodious House on Catharine-street, at present occupied by Mr James Dykes, ad joining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses.
Also,
A very convenient Dwelling-House just finished, on Commerce-street. For term apply to James Tucker.
Who has in Store,
A few thousand bushels Liverpool stowed SALT, in se and in sacks, that will be delivered in small or large quantities to suit the purchasers. August 15
Dr. Tissot's celebrated Gout and Rheumatism Drops.
The Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, and the various disorders of the same nature, are so exquisitely painful, as to be difficult to be cured, that they have justly excited the utmost stretch of medical investigation. Some professional gentlemen have excelled in one department of the sciences; others in another. Dr. Tissot particularly has long been renowned for the superior skill of his prescriptions in chronic diseases, and the length of time which elapsed during his sole attention to the nature and effects and cure of these afflictions, render the medicines which he recommended of invaluable importance. The beneficial effects of these drops, have been so often experienced, and their extraordinary efficacy has been attested by witnesses so numerous, and so unimpeachably credible, that incredulity itself cannot doubt the virtues of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops. Large quantities have already been vendited, and the fact is now become so general, and their certainty in curing the disorders of a chronic nature is so completely ascertained, that certificates of their unbounded utility are now numerous. Testimonies of their value, and a volume of attested cases performed by them, may be seen upon application at T. W. Deyot's genuine Drug and Patent Medicine Warehouse, No. 57, South Second street, Philadelphia.
The price of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops, is only two dollars per bottle, with copious directions.
Generous allowances made to those who buy to sell again. Of the many respectable testimonies of the effects of the above Drops, which have been received by the proprietor, we beg leave to annex the following:
Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton.
I certify that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply to Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the directions, they effected a perfect cure. Another time my wrist was affected with rheumatism to such a degree, as to render my hand for the time useless, when on application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder in the course of twenty-four hours was entirely removed.
I therefore, from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it a beneficial art to recommend it in similar cases to others.
(Signed) C. RIDGELY, of Hampton. Certificate of John Gibson, Esq. one of the Directors of the Farmer's Bank of Maryland.
I certify that about a year since, my foot received an injury by a fall in a few hours after it was affected with a most excruciating pain, so that I was unable to walk, with crutches. I was apprehensive that this accident would induce a feverous fit of the gout, with which I had been frequently attacked. In this situation one of my friends highly recommended a dose of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops; I immediately procured them and made the application; in less than three hours the pain entirely abated, which had been so severe, as to deprive me of sleep for several nights. By a few further applications, a perfect cure succeeded. I have frequently since in other cases, both used them myself, and recommended them to others with invariable success.
(Signed) JOHN GIBSON. Certificate of Mrs. Mary Taylor.
I, Mary Taylor, No. 135, Plum street, Philadelphia, aged upwards of seventy years, having been afflicted with very violent rheumatism pains for more than eight years, being recommended to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops, on only using half a bottle every rheumatism affection was completely removed, and I have continued free from all pain ever since; as witness my hand.
MARY TAYLOR. The above drops are sold wholesale and retail only by BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co. Norfolk.
ALSO,
DR. ROBERTSON'S
Patent Stomachick Wine Bitters.
Celebrated and well known for their superior qualities in restoring weak constitutions, destroying Worms, cleansing and strengthening, giving a proper tone to the Stomach, and increasing the appetite—a frequent use of them is a certain preventative against those complaints so common in the spring and fall. Such as intermitting fevers, agues, autumnal fevers, dysenteries, &c. &c. They are particularly serviceable to those who make long sea voyages, and are exposed to unhealthy climates, as a powerful preservative against contagious disorders.
PRO BONO PUBLICO.
Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Blacking, prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beautifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but by experience; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recommended to sportsmen and gentlemen who are much exposed to the wet—Also for cleaning Harness, as it will effectually prevent the water from penetrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the touch, giving it also a beautiful jet black gloss, a proof of which may be seen at the warehouse.
The above Blacking is prepared and sold only by T. W. DEYOT, at his Medical Warehouse, No. 11, North Second street, Philadelphia; also by his appointment, at BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co's Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVILLE & CONRAD'S, Petersburg.
If there also may be had,
THE IMPERIAL WASH,
And new invented LIQUID, For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots. May 20.
From the Charleston Courier.
What will be the effect of the Spanish Revolution upon our own affairs? This is an interesting and an important inquiry. Peace being established between Great Britain and Spain, and the war still continuing against their common enemy, the whole trade to the Spanish West Indies, the Main, and the immense regions of Spanish America, with the Brazils, will be nearly engrossed by the British nation. It is reasonable to suppose that G. Britain will endeavour to make such commercial arrangements with Spain and Portugal as will predominate over the privileges granted to other nations, and especially as there are none, at present, to put in their claim for a share—war and the embargo have driven all from the ocean. It is true the Brazils are at present open to the trade of neutral and friendly powers, but there are none but England to take advantage of it. British manufactures have, and ever will be in demand in S. America. During the whole of the war they received from the British, in licensed vessels, large supplies of their manufactures, either in exchange for money or the produce of the country. It is well known to those who are conversant with the trade of the province of La Plata, that the smuggling of British European and India goods, was productive of such immense profit, that the Americans thought nothing of risking the seizure of their ships and cargoes and the own imprisonment, to engage in this contraband traffic. No foreign vessel could enter any of the Spanish ports in South America, and a cargo of dry goods, but by virtue of a royal license. Vessels not having these, and particularly the Americans, effected by stratagem what they could not obtain by law. They secured in the hold, in such manner as they thought most likely to evade suspicion and discovery, dry goods to a large amount; they then touched upon the western coast of Africa and took in a few slaves, which gave them the right of entrance. Under the appearance of selling, perhaps, 10,000 dollars worth of slaves, British manufactured goods, to the amount, probably, of 50,000 dollars would be smuggled on shore. If the vigilance of the officers of government could be eluded, there was nothing to apprehend from the people. The goods were in demand, and the people would run all risks to obtain them. The exports in cotton, wool, copper, rice, hides, tallow, mules, gold, silver, precious stones, &c. from La Plata and the Brazils will contribute to the augmentation of the wealth of Britain and afford supplies to her manufactures. The trade in mules, alone to the Cape of Good Hope, and the windward islands will be productive of an enormous profit. The Spanish flag will now, probably, be seen upon those seas where on our own was untainted, and we partake of that trade from which American enterprise has been banished by the embargo. Commerce, like an immense flood of water may be dammed and dyked in one place, but it will break out with increased force and impetuosity in another. It may be turned but not destroyed, its channels may be turned but not choked up. It will seek for itself an outlet, and form new channels of its own. An age perhaps, would be requisite to return it to its old course. There are effects which the embargo may probably produce. Trade may be diverted into other channels.
The trade with the eastern coast of South America will not, probably, be so engrossed by the British as to leave nothing to the enterprise of our merchants. A field sufficiently large for the employment of a considerable capital, would still be open to our commerce. The ports of the Brazils have been opened to the trade of neutrals, and were we not chained at home by the embargo we might now be enjoying a share of the profits of this commerce.
We have no treaty with Great Britain, no claim upon her for a participation of equal commercial rights, whom she is negotiating with the sovereigns of South America.—Any commercial privileges which she may gain from them, by treaty, she will not relinquish, nor neglect the opportunity of engrossing as much of the trade to herself as she may be able to carry on. The whole of the West India islands can be fed from the southern continent, and the riches of the colonies will be emptied in the lap of Europe.
From the view which we have taken of the trade of South America, and of its immense importance to Great Britain the question naturally returns, what influence the revolution in Spain is likely to produce in our own affairs? Will this increase of influence obtained by Great Britain, in Europe, and the extension of her commerce into South America, with the prospect of a competent supply of raw materials for her manufactures, be an inducement for her to urge a settlement of her differences with us? Ardently as we wish a restoration of our amity with that power, and to the commerce of the world, upon terms compatible with the honour of our country, we confess we do not think any of these things will facilitate it, or induce her to give up the ground she has assumed. In proportion as new channels are opened for her manufactures, and new sources are found from whence she can draw the materials necessary to keep her manufacturers employed, she becomes less dependent upon her old markets. Nothing binds nations together but interest; disinterested friendship may be known among individuals but nations are ignorant of its influence. If G. Britain can be supplied with the raw materials she may want for her manufactures from other and sufficient sources, she will feel little solicitude about the necessity of renewing her treaty of commerce with us.—The opportunity, perhaps, of this may be part, or at least, though God forbid, upon terms as advantageous to our commercial interests, as might have been, and indeed were, obtained some time ago.—
The rejection of the treaty made by Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney, and for the happy conclusion of which they congratulated our government, may be viewed, in a great measure, as the source of our present commercial distress.
In debate, in the house of representatives, on the 13th of April, Mr. Randolph said, he thought the Treaty "ought to have been accepted; and such "must finally be the opinion of every man who "wishes for neutrality and peace. Had not the "treaty been rejected, he believed the attack on "the Chesapeake would never have been made, nor "the orders in council issued." On the day following, Mr. Randolph said, "it has been asked what "reliance can you place on an informal stipulation "for the security of our seamen?—Why, if it was "disregarded, our situation could not be worse than "it is now: it might have been better. It is not "to be presumed, that if the treaty had been accepted, the orders of council would have been issued, not executed.—Because the people of this country would never have submitted to the "French Decree of November 21st. The probability, the fair conclusion is, that if we had accepted the treaty, we should have been now enjoying an almost uninterrupted commerce," &c.
From the Vermont Reporter.
A respectable correspondent has favoured us with the following communication to introduce our state list of candidates for the ensuing important election—we recommend it to our fellow citizens as the only constitutional remedy against a permanent embargo!
TO GOOD MEN OF ALL PARTIES.
Fellow Citizens of Vermont, The time will soon come, when you will have an opportunity to exercise your invaluable rights as freemen. Let no ordinary avocations keep you from the poll. To such men as you, there can be no difference of interest; no diversity of sentiments, as to push men and measures, provided you see, with your own eyes, and hear with your own ears. The times are awfully critical. A momentous period has arrived, which demands a full display of our candour and honesty as men, and our united energies. Our country has been threatened, insulted, outraged, by foreign nations—And from present appearances, it seems, that calculating on the divisions among us, they presume upon our descending to a still lower depth of degradation. At home we have been for months sinking under a state of things, which eventually will produce ruin to our country. Every eye must see it—every tongue, uninfluenced by sinister motives, must confess it; from whence are these evils? If from abroad, let us be united in our exertions to avert their effects. If among ourselves, by being united we shall be able to remove them. When such dreadful maladies are seizing upon the body politic, shall we not seek a timely remedy? A little delay and the disease will be incurable, it will be fatal to the liberty and independence of our country. If aught of prejudice has heretofore lurked in our minds, let it be no longer retained:—Our object is one and the same—the safety, prosperity, and happiness of our nation. If want of information, as to the characters, and talents of individuals, has been the means of misguiding any, in giving their suffrages; let it now be carefully and seriously sought from the most candid, honest, and worthy citizens among us—from the former conduct of publick men—and from every other disinterested and intelligent source. The crisis calls for such a duty; and if the present moment of our political salvation is neglected, we shall be awfully responsible to ourselves and to posterity—that good men of all parties may have an opportunity thus to enquire, to examine, to reflect, to decide, to act for themselves, and thereby to discharge such momentous duties at the ensuing election, the following gentlemen are held up to their consideration as candidates for the offices, annexed to their names.—And, on that day, let us all remember, that we are to act under the solemnity of an oath of freemen, and if we are influenced by any other motives than the real good of our country, we cannot answer it to our consciences here, nor to our judge hereafter.
FEDERAL REPUBLICAN TICKET.
FOR GOVERNOUR.
His excellency ISAAC TICHENOR.
FOR LT. GOVERNOUR.
The hon. WILLIAM CHAMBERLAIN.
FOR TREASURER,
BENJAMIN SWAN, Esq.
FOR COUNCELLORS,
  Moses Robinson, Jun.  Samuel Fletcher,    Chauncy Langdon,  Reuben Hatch,    Daniel Chapman,  Elias Keyes,    Solomon Miller,  J. P. Buckingham,    Zerah Willows,  Daniel Dana,    Asa Lyon,  Jon Ellsworth.  
FOR REPRESENTATIVES TO CONGRESS.
South Eastern District,
JONATHAN H. HUBBARD.
North Eastern District,
JEDEDIAH P. BUCKINGHAM.
South Western District,
CHAUNCEY LANGDON.
North Western District,
MARTIN CHITTENDEN.
They are acknowledged to be men of honest private characters—the best criterion for our judgment in the choice of publick men. They are possessed of the first talents in the state, and many of them have been long and tried faithful and publick servants, in different stations. These are men, who will do much towards saving the sinking character of our own state—much towards connecting the national councils—relieving us from self created evils at home, and averting from our country, those which so manifestly threaten us from abroad.
UNION.
In Mr. Spooner's Vermont Journal of Monday last, the same list of candidates is held up for their respective offices with the following subjoined
REMARKS.
The real interests of our country require a change of measures. Who of us has not reason to be alarmed at the present crisis? Distress awaits us home—Danger threatens us from abroad—The expectations of the farmers are disappointed; the hope of the merchant is destroyed—Our calamities are not the bug-bears of an over heated imagination—they are realities obvious to the cool sense of every man. Who is there among us that has not already been convinced of their existence, by the strongest of all possible arguments, his sufferings? But did it appear that the present alarming state of things, was the effect of temporary causes, we might be in the hope of better times. But from what quarter are we to look for relief? Six months have already passed away, and every month has brought us additional calamities. Were we convinced that the honour or the interest of our country demanded the sacrifice, our patriotism would bear and forbear. But the closed doors of congress and the secrecy of government are ill calculated to satisfy a people, who have independence enough to call for reasons, and who are too jealous of their liberties to place a blind confidence even in a republican administration.
Men of discernment and patriotism of all parties are convinced that a change of measures is necessary; but are at a loss as to the means by which it is to be effected—Some, with the best intentions, have supposed that petitions and remonstrances would have the desired effect. But the experiment has been tried in vain. Scarcely had the respectful memorial from the inhabitants of Burlington reached Washington, when the extraordinary rebellion proclamation was issued. In what manner was the memorial from the merchants of Philadelphia received in congress? One of our representatives had the assurance to say, that it was an insult on the dignity of the house—What dignity! Indeed it is now a settled point that a change of measures cannot be effected without a change of men. We must be contented to remain in our present situation, and indeed to suffer it to grow worse and worse from day to day, unless we relieve ourselves by exercising our constitutional rights. Nothing can be hoped for the better, from men who stand pledged to support the ruinous experiments of the administration. Whatever may be the motives, still the effect of their measures is equally oppressive. Whether the embargo was laid from motives of commercial precaution, or in obedience to the mandate of France, still it is the same unnecessary and destructive measure—And we may calculate with certainty, that its authors will be its supporters—it is not to be expected that they will acknowledge themselves to be the enemies of their country. In proof of this we need only adduce the perpetual declamations of the representative of the North Eastern District. He voted for the embargo in all its stages—And even for the land embargo! And he now defends it with as much zeal, as though he were certain (and he is certain) that his re-election depended on his convincing his constituents of the policy of the measure. But their good sense is an over match for his sophistry—and his pamphlets, &c.
It is pleasing to observe that the people in the adjacent states are awakening to a sense of their danger and are exerting the prerogatives of freemen, in thinking and acting for themselves. The time has now come when caucus has ceased to govern men's consciences. Time servers and sycophants cannot drive them from the high grounds of patriotism. The alarming crisis has aroused our brethren in Massachusetts; they have arisen in their strength, they have set us an example. Then let it be observed that they well know how to appreciate John Q. Adams, and his letter, which has been circulated in this state with so much industry. Both Adams and his letter have met their merited fate: All New England is renovating: Let us not be last to join with our sister state in common measure for our common welfare. In the choice of our officers, let us look out for heads that are able, and for hearts that are honest.
In the present perilous situation of our country, the petty divisions of party ought to give way to the pressing calls of patriotism. We ought to unite our suffrages on such men as are disposed to relieve us from our present embarrassment—And such are the men who compose the FEDERAL REPUBLICAN TICKET. The friends of their country are desired to examine their characters; their private virtues, bid defiance to calumny; Their publick services have tested their attachment to their country—They are men who have a common interest with us—They have a stake in the Hedge—Their habits, feelings and sentiments are purely AMERICAN—They are men to whom we should be willing to trust our publick interest may safely be committed.
AN ELECTOR.
BOOKS, &c.
Just Received,
The Register of the Arts, or a compendious view of some of the most useful modern discoveries and inventions: American Semi-Annual Register, or general Repository of History, Politics, and Science, vols. 1 and 2. Nairn's Columbian: Commerce & Surgery; Life of Beattie; Life of Lee the 10th, 2 vol.; Burt's Works, 4 vol.; Piacers and Martineau's Medical Companion; Espinella's Letters from England, 2 vol.; Salmagundi, 2 vol.; Modern Chivalry, 2 vol.; Corinna; Fatal Revenge, 2 vol.; Founding of Telegades; Wild Irish Girl; American Agitator's Companion, Nos 1, 2, and 3; Saul, a Poem by Seton; Collection of new Plays; Rec's Cyclopaedia, part 10th; six new and Letter Paper, &c.
August 5.
Bonsal, Conrad, & Co.
2 and 3

On Saturday arrived here the British schooner Swift, captain Young, 18 days from St. Croix, from whom we have derived the following important information.
On the first of August a vessel arrived at St. Croix from La Guira, by whom advices were received, which stated, that on the 16th of July, the French government brig Le Serpent, of 16 guns, and 110 men, arrived at La Guira, with the information that the throne of Spain had been abdicated by kings Charles and Ferdinand, in favour of the Emperor of France. Orders were delivered to the governor of Caracas from the dethroned kings and from the French emperor to acknowledge Joseph Buonaparte for their lawful sovereign, as the Emperor had named him king of Spain. This information excited the deepest concern, which was dispelled on the following day by the arrival of the British frigate Acasto, captain Beaver, despatched from Barbados, by admiral Cochrane, with the determination and proceedings of the Supreme Council at Seville. The unanimous resolution was to adhere to the Council of Seville. The French officers fled in haste from the city of Caracas to La Guira, and got on board the Le Serpent, with intention to proceed to sea, but they were stopped by the Acasto, who made prize of the vessel.
The resentment of the people against the French was so great, that the commandant could with difficulty protect about 40 French soldiers that remained of the party that was sent by Gen. Ernouf from Guadalupe at the time of Miranda's threatened invasion.
The British sloop of war Lark, arrived at Leguiza on the 20th July from Curacoa, but the object for which she had been despatched was anticipated by the arrival of the Acasto.
A flag of truce arrived at St. Thomas from Porto Rico, in which island the measures of the council of Seville were obeyed.
The following proclamation, issued by the governor of that island has been translated for the Ledger.
PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR OF PORTO RICO.
Inhabitants of Porto Rico!
Your fidelity and loyalty to the lawful Catholic Kings of Spain, since Divine Providence placed this island under their government, are too well known, to make it necessary to exhort you now to display the same loyalty and fidelity which you have always exhibited against the enemies of Spain, in their attacks upon this valuable island.
Now, more than ever, all your efforts are to be roused into action, in order to confound the views of an infamous usurper of your dearest rights. Napoleon Buonaparte, aims to subject you to his iron despotism. He has dethroned the amiable sovereign, who you had acknowledged, and solemnly sworn to obey; he has violated our holy religion, and all with the pretext of making Spaniards more happy, whereas his real object is to reduce us to the vilest condition of slavery.
Already I see you resolved, and ready to proclaim with a loud voice, that you will shed the last drop of the noble blood that circulates in your veins, rather than to submit to the yoke, which the unparalleled despotism of the French would impose on you; that you will not for a moment countenance in your minds, those revolutionary crimes, which have been the destruction of the human race. This is also my determination, and I promise and swear by all that is sacred and holy, that I will defend your persons and property, with you to preserve unsoiled the holy religion in which we were born, and the fidelity we have always borne to the Spanish nation, particularly to our Lord and Sovereign Ferdinand the seventh.
As a signal of our unity of sentiment, of our determination to execute the noble purposes we have resolved on, let every one (without exception to persons) wear in the hat a red cockade! with these distinctions—those who are officers of government, or are employed in the armies of the king, shall place in the center of the said cockade, a small one of black, to denote the armistice and alliance between the Spanish and English nations, and these will add the initial letter of the name of our beloved sovereign Ferdinand the seventh. All persons are desired to take notice, that in eight days, from the publication of this proclamation, those who are found without these insignia, shall be considered as suspicious persons, and be proceeded against according to law. Given in Porto Rico, this 29th day of July 1808.
MONTES.
We observe in a Northern paper that the Madisonian republicans intend to run John Langdon of New Hampshire for vice president, instead of George Clinton.
We invite our readers to the perusal of our first page, in which they will find some interesting articles.
Mr. Witherkill, one of the Embargo members of congress, for Vermont, has declined contending for another election.
SPANISH AFFAIRS.—To the true friends of civil liberty, it must afford the most pleasing hope that the bounds of Corsican despotism will find a limit in the unanimity and bravery of the Spanish nation. The same spirit that animates the mother country, prevades all the numerous and distant colonies.
It would appear from our intelligence from La Guira, that Napoleon intended the throne of Spain for his brother Joseph.
No event has occurred which has so completely unmasked our pretended republicans as the Spanish revolution. Instead of finding them, among the advocates of the oppressed and insulted Spaniards, we find them first predicting that Buonaparte would, and then openly wishing that he might subdue them. It is not only the sentiment of a man who abhors oppression, to wish success to the Spaniards, but the interest of the United States will evidently be promoted thereby. With all Europe at his command, with the colonies of Spain annexed to his empire, we ask what security would the United States have for their union and independence?
But those national prejudices and national partialities, of which General Washington speaks with the spirit of prophecy, have destroyed all regard to the honour and interests of the country. There is a probability that Great Britain may derive some benefit from the success of Spain, and that is sufficient to direct the course of one description of politicians in this country. To effect the downfall of Britain all their wishes and all their efforts are directed. It is a fact, that the destruction of England, which includes a devotion to France (whether under an anarchy, a mock-republick, or a military despotism) is the great object of the ruling party. The concerns of our own country are objects of secondary consideration; hence our non-importation law, and hence our numerous sea and land embargoes.
We admire the urbanity of the government paper at Washington, in the omission of all that part of the proclamation of the governor of Havanna, which noticed the conduct of France. With the same view, all that part which noticed England was also omitted in the same paper.
THE PROSPECTUS of a new paper to be published in Richmond, called "The Spirit of Seventy Six" has appeared. The first number will be issued early in the next month, to be conducted by Mr. Edward Carter Stowell. The character of this paper will be, what is termed (to designate party) "republican." The Editor approves of the administration generally, but not of all its acts, he promises whatever may be his opinions, that the columns of his paper will be open to decent and candid discussion, on both sides, and in the execution of this part of his duty, promises strict neutrality, as far as it is attainable.
The committees in the different counties throughout the state, appointed for the purpose of promoting the election of James Monroe, are authorised by the standing committee for the Monroe Ticket to fill up the vacancies, that now, or hereafter may exist, in consequence of resignations, &c. Enquirer.
COMMUNICATED. NATHAN HAYLEY.
The appointment of this man has excited much news-paper war against the administration, as well as against the man himself—Facts are stated against him of great enormity—and their enormity is increased by the cool deliberate manner in which they are justified by himself—As to his identity, there is no certainty—but if true—does it follow that he was known by the president?—We all know that it is easy for men of effrontery and ingenuity to obtain recommendations to the president, and Hayley's worst enemy does not deny his qualifications in all respects except that which has been alluded to—As it was easy to impose upon Mr. Jefferson by recommendation of improper characters, it is but liberal to suppose that in this case he knew not the man. Ibid.
[We believe the correspondent of the Enquirer is correct, in supposing that the president has been imposed on in the case of Hayley. We have understood that this man was introduced or recommended by Thomas Paine, Esq. author of the Age of Reason, letter abusing gen. Washington, &c. &c.]
Extract of a letter from a British physician, now a prisoner at Verdun, in France, to Dr. Rush, of Philadelphia, dated 26th of Nov. 1807.
"In cases of irritability of the stomach if attended with vomiting or not the vin de Champagne Mousseux has been administered with the greatest possible success, either alone or mixed with Seltzer-water. The Champagne was first prescribed by Dr. ALLEN, of the navy, in a bad case of fever, attended with frequent and violent vomiting. The Champagne immediately excited a sensation of heat in the stomach, and a general copious perspiration soon broke out. For some time afterwards, when the Champagne was omitted, the vomiting returned, and was constantly checked by the Champagne."
"As both Champagne and Seltzer-water contain a great deal of carbonick acid, is it not extremely probable that brisk cyder, perry, or beer, might be administered with great advantage in the yellow fever, and other diseases attended with vomiting. I remember an officer of the 60th regiment told me, that he was very ill of the yellow fever at Tobago, and was given over by the medical men. He then, without their knowledge, drank at least six bottles of brisk porter in 24 hours, to which he ascribes his recovery. It would seem that carbonick acid cures the chronick inflammation of the internal coat of the stomach." Medical Museum.
SPANISH REVOLUTION.
FROM THE NEW YORK GAZETTE, Aug. 13. Extract of a letter from Cadiz, dated June 20, received via Tenerife.
"The whole of Spain is in arms, one general cry of vengeance pervades the mass of Spaniards.—From every quarter we receive daily accounts of the country people flying to arms—it is in short a popular, patriotic, and simultaneous movement from one end of Spain to the other—not a Frenchman found in arms will be left alive. We have just received a courier from Grenada—every thing there is in terrible commotion—every eye flashes indignation—notwithstanding all this apparently popular phrensy, the greatest order is maintained, and the most systematick plans are deliberately entered on. The army of Grenada is put under the command of gen. Reading and major gen. Abadia, who occupy the Gorgantos of Sierra Morena in St. Helena. From every appearance, we shall soon be rid of the French—for nothing can withstand the irresistible prowess of our arms."
Extract of a letter from St. Cruz, Tenerife, 3d July, 1808.
"A Spanish frigate and schooner arrived this morning, with the glorious news that Spain has risen in mass, and that 800,000 men are under arms. The French army in the different provinces are cut off from every retreat to their own country. No quarter is either given or received. Twelve thousand men in the castle of Montjoye were attacked by the Catalonians who were re-pulsed with great slaughter. The French offered to surrender—the answer of the Catalonians was, to take up their arms and defend themselves, for they would give no quarters. They were all killed, as were 13,000 Catalonians. The same destructive war is carried on in all the provinces. The council of the kingdom have met at Seville, with the minister Saveredra at the head. Generals had offered their services, and armies were marching in all directions. Every province has published similar resolutions to those of Seville. A letter was received from young Ferdinand, that he had made up his mind to die for his subjects, and desired they would remember his last request—and if he perished, that his loyal subjects would continue their alliance to his august house, and never forget the perfidy of Buonaparte."
"The frigate goes to Vera Cruz, and the schooner to Buenos Ayres. The latter carries out a general, as no confidence can be put in the present governor (Laniers) who is a Frenchman. The governor of Cadiz was torn to pieces by the enraged populace, for having had the weakness to accept a commission under Murat, the brother-in-law of Buonaparte. The Spanish officers have joined the English cockade to their own, in expression of their union. This town exhibits a scene of which you can form no idea. All is in motion—with a continued haze of—Viva Ferdinand the 7th, and death to his enemies!"
"An armistice with the English commanders off Cadiz has been concluded, and envoys had sailed for London, to make an offensive and defensive alliance. The governor of Gibraltar has sent them some men, arms, and ammunition, also, a seasonable supply of hard dollars."
Extract of another letter, dated July 5.
"A man of war from Spain has brought us the agreeable news of peace with England, which has been received with great exultation. The perfidy with which Buonaparte withdrew forty thousand men from Spain, and placed two hundred thousand of his soldiers in their stead, and then under a mask of friendship, got the king and all the royal family in his clutches, has irritated the nation to such a degree, that they have risen in Mass, and neither give nor receive quarters. This is a signal to all Europe, and in France they grumble so much at being sacrificed to the ambition of Buonaparte, his family, and a few of his generals, that you may soon expect to hear he has been deposed by his own soldiers, who will not easily be persuaded to march to certain slaughter in Spain and Portugal."
From the North American. FRENCH PRIVATEERS.
The connivance of the executive officers at the violation of the embargo law by French privateers, is plainly inferable from the several cases, which have occurred at New-York, in the Delaware, the Potomack, and at Charleston. Two of those privateers have been captured by the British, and thereby their cargoes became exposed. We are however of opinion, that those, which loaded at New-York and in the Delaware, would more conspicuously prove the foul management, if they should chance to be overhauled at sea. For smaller infractions of the law, seizures have been made from our own poor seafaring people, and in the conflicts, which have ensued respecting the exportation of Ashes, by the simple Vermont borderers, the blood of the citizen has been more than once shed, or he has rashly shed the blood of those who opposed him, under executive orders. These marauders of the great Napoleon, or of his ordering chiefs, are permitted to load their cargoes in unascertained and unrequited places, out of the reach of observation.
From the Philadelphia True American, we have copied a passing strange instance of the impunity with which another privateer has loaded and been escorted by a gun boat, possibly as a guard of honour down the Delaware. If these things are to pass unresisted, though so frequently recurring, how can it be expected that they should not be tempted to avail themselves of every opportunity of evading laws, which have an operation upon them, but give way to the convenience and profit of privateers-men, who are "truly the most worthless part of society?"
It has often been asked, by what authority this is done? It is sometimes answered, that the treaty with France requires it, and that the treaty cannot be dispensed with by the executive. We know, however, that the constitution and the law have been dispensed with. But the treaty warrants no such privilege; and if it did, having been violated in all parts by Buonaparte, it is wonderful that any indispensable obligation should remain on us to carry it into effect to the profit of their freebooters.—From the treaty, however, could it be supposed to continue in force, no exception to the general provisions of the embargo laws can be deduced, any more than the dispensing power, which has been illegally exerted in favour of the Mock Mandarin, can be found in them. This latter instance of favours extended in defiance of the law, is as well justified, and for as worthy purposes, as in the instance of the French privateers.
Let us, however, look a little further into the indulgence extended to the privateers, and see whether it is compatible with neutrality. All British ships of war are excluded from our ports, in virtue of the president's proclamation, issued after the affair of the Chesapeake. This measure was adopted upon the authority of the laws providing for the peace of our harbours, which give the president a perfectly undefined and arbitrary discretion to exclude foreign ships of war, by way of precaution, or by way of reprisal if he choose. He has therefore effectually exercised the power against the British; and it is not necessary for the present view, to examine the expediency or the justice of this executive act. It will not, however be denied, that it is no less incumbent upon the president to reduce the French vessels of war to an equal privation of the hospitality of our ports, if the cases, he may suppose to be intended by the law for the exercise of the power, have happened.
The words of the act are, "It shall be lawful for the president of the United States either to permit or interdict at pleasure the entrance, &c. to all armed vessels belonging to any foreign nation," &c. This is truly alarming power as it includes the decision upon peace & war, and furnished another example of the sweeping authority bestowed by democracy on congresses upon their idol. But it is not my present purpose; what I have said will be sufficient to show that the power given is a comprehensive as any terms of the English language can convey it. The only question therefore remaining, is whether France is equally insulted and injured with England. The Billof, M Lan and Bayonne decrees, the cases of the Lovely Lucy and Robereus, the seizures at Leghorn, Hamburg, and in France, Spain and Holland, the turning of our vessels at sea, and above all, the audacious letter of Champagny must afford the answer. These multiplied acts contain every species of insult and aggression, political and moral, by land and by sea, which the most licentious quibbler could call for as a necessary foundation for the exclusion of French vessels. But they have not been sufficient in the view of the president; to demand from him a performance of the duty of neutrality, by equalizing the situation of the belligerents.
From the Federal Republican. OPINION OF THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL.
In presenting the legal opinion of Mr. Rodney to our readers, we cannot forbear a few remarks upon a subject so interesting and involving such important consequences. We consider the present as a continuation of that system of attack upon the independence of our federal judiciary, which the ruling party so early and rigorously commenced in which they have so perseveringly persisted. That a party uniformly hostile to the constitution should wish to prostrate the judiciary, is by no means unnatural. They know this to be the principal pillar of that fabric they wish to overturn, and level their strokes against it, as the only means of ensuring success to their delirious projects. These attacks commenced with narrowing the jurisdiction of the supreme court, by freeing the states from their obligation to abide by their rules of law and justice. In the next place, we find Mr. Jefferson recommending the repeal of a law, by which judges were arbitrarily deprived of their offices, the constitutional tenure of which was during good behaviour. This repeal was effected notwithstanding the able and patriotic manner in which it was opposed. But this measure would not effect all those judges who were obnoxious to the administration. An attempt was consequently made to oppress others, by vexatious and maliciois impeachments for acts either perfectly proper, or at all events perfectly legal. This scheme failing in the first instance, was abandoned. The president next denounces the chief justice for no other reason than that he had administered justice with impartiality according to law, instead of making himself an instrument to gratify the malignant passions of Mr. Jefferson, by sacrificing an obnoxious individual. He has now presumed to oppose a judgment of the circuit court, to question the correctness of their decisions upon a subject exclusively within their cognizance. In all this conduct may be seen an unwarranted system to depress the judiciary, and to give the executive department an extent of power and controuling influence, which the framers of the constitution never intended to confer.
That government is free, in which the laws govern, instead of the arbitrary will of an individual or a multitude. To expound the laws, courts are erected, and exclusively empowered to decide upon their extent and application. If this power is connected with the executive or legislature, the government will degenerate into a despotism. To guard against this evil, the convention which framed our constitution provided, that these three departments should be independent and co-ordinate. For the president to interfere with decisions of a court is an usurpation of illegal power and a dangerous infringement of our rights and liberties. As an usurpation, it should be resisted, and he is answerable for consequences.
In obtaining this opinion of the attorney general we must presume, that the President intends to regulate his conduct by it. Should this be the case, should the President order the commanders of cruisers to detain vessels regularly cleared in obedience to an order of court, what a scene would ensue! We should then behold two independent and co-ordinate branches of government contending for superiority. The judges are bound to adhere to their opinion, and adhering to it, they must encounter the rage of Mr. Jefferson and the power of his congress.
This contest once commenced, we know not where it will terminate. The judges are supported by the constitution, but their powers either for offence or defence are very circumscribed and inadequate to contend with the superior weight of executive influence. The judiciary must rely on popular favour for support; but if the people will shut their eyes to consequences and resolve at all hazards to uphold a favourite in his illegal assumptions of power, the independence of our courts must be destroyed, and every barrier against despotism be broken down. The friends of constitutional liberty must regard an attack upon the judiciary as pregnant with danger to our republican institutions. The judiciary is powerful only to protect—it cannot endanger our liberties. Their principles and their interests render them averse from innovation and anxious to preserve the constitution in its purity. The overbearing influence of a president, or power of the legislature may be excited, in the hands of wicked men, to the destruction of those very establishments they

are bound to support. They should therefore be viewed with a jealous eye by the people and their assumptions of illegal power should be vigorously resisted. But the judicial authority must be preserved, as a necessary restraint upon the executive, the legislature and the violence of party.
BOSTON, July 11.
We find that the idle report, that admiral Berkeley had been promoted to the command of the British channel fleet, has again found its way into some of the papers. We know the report to be false; and that Berkeley has been out of commission ever since he was displaced from his command on the Halifax station. While we are on the subject, we think the following list of English admirals, in commission, on the 1st June, 1808, will afford some information, viz.
[Boston Centinel.]
   Names. Stations.     *Admiral Montague, Spithead, &c.   *Admiral Lord Gambier, Channel fleet.   *Admiral Wm. Young, Portsmouth.   *Ad. Sir Charles Cotton, Hamaze.   *Vice-ad. John Holloway, Coast Portugal.   *Vice-ad. Lord Collingwood, Mediterranean.   *Vice-ad. J. H. Whitshed, Cork.   Vice-ad. Sir J. T. Duckworth, Plymouth.   *Vice-ad. B. S. Rowley, Jamaica.   *Vice-ad. Sir J. B. Warren, Halifax.   *Vice-ad. Thomas M. Russel, North Sea.   *Vice-ad. Sir H. E. Stanhope, Woolwich.   *Vice-ad. B. Douglas, Yarmouth.   Vice-ad. E. Thornborough, Mediterranean.   *Vice-ad. G. Campbell, Downs.   *Vice-ad. Sir James Saumarez, Baltick exp.   *Rear-ad. A. Bertie, Cape of Good Hope.   *Vice-ad. Jos. Vashen, Leith.   *Vice-ad. Thomas Wells, Nore.   *Vice-ad. Sir E. Pellew, East-Indies.   *Rear-ad. J. C. Purvis, off Cadiz.   *Rear-ad. hon. Sir A. Cochrane, Leeward-Islands.   Rear-ad. W. O. B. Duury, East-Indies.   *Rear-ad. Sir E. Nagle, Jersey.   Rear-ad. Geo. Martin, Mediterranean.   Rear-ad. R. J. Strachan, Mediterranean.   *Rear-ad. Sir S. Smith, Brazil.   Rear-ad. Thomas Southey, Off Ushant.   Rear-ad. hon. M. De Courcey, Channel fleet.   Rear-ad. W. A. Otway, Coast Portugal.   Rear-ad. Sir Samuel Hood, Baltick exp.   Rear-ad. R. Keats, Baltick exp.   Rear-ad. R. Stopford, Off Ushant.   Rear-ad. C. Teyr, Spithead.    * Those marked with the [*] mark are commanders in chief.
NEW-YORK, August 13.
The Ship Beaver and the Mandarin .—The publick attention is particularly invited to a transaction of a most extraordinary complexion.
A first rate merchant's ship, which will be navigated by about 30 seamen, is preparing for sea, and is expected to proceed on a voyage to Canton, in a few days, under a special permission from the president of the United States.
The ostensible object of this voyage is to carry home a person who is said to be a Mandarin of China .
It is however, well known that the person for whom the permission has been obtained, is no Mandarin ; is not even a licensed or security merchant:—that his departure from China was contrary to the laws of that country; that if he arrives in China he will be put on shore privately, and that the obscurity of his condition in life, affords him the only chance he has of avoiding punishment.
It is also believed, that the owner of the ship, would not accept all the property of all the Chinese in this country as a compensation for the voyage, and it is known that he has offered to contract for bringing home goods on freight.
Whatever may have been the motive of the President in granting the permission, it is therefore certain, that the object of the owner of the ship is to make a China voyage, at a time when other merchants are restrained by the embargo.
The time of granting this permission is remarkable:—It is when a general embargo is imposed on all commerce with our nearest neighbours; when the exchange of domestick produce with Canada, New-Brunswick, and the Floridas, is interdicted by an armed force—when the intercourse of our citizens in our own bays, rivers, and harbours, in small boats, incapable of a sea-voyage, is subject to the most rigorous control of the custom-house:—when more; this permission is to go into effect, when, on account of some new and unknown political necessity, all other permissions which have not been carried into effect, are rescinded:—the ship is one of the most valuable;—the number of seamen exposed to peril the greatest in any merchant's service; and the voyage, not to the West-Indies, but to the Antipodes.
If the government has been surprized and the permission obtained by any misrepresentation, the error can yet be corrected;—or if the transaction can be vindicated: the honour of the administration and the reputation of all concerned, require that an explanation be made.
Fellow-citizens, let us observe the progress of this affair;—if the trade is safe, and can be prosecuted consistently with the publick interests, let all who are willing, engage in it;—otherwise, let all be restrained:—let there be an embargo, or no embargo; but let us not countenance partial dispensations from the operation of general laws.
PHILADELPHIA, August 15.
The French brig La Paris , which arrived at the Lazaretto the 8th July last, on her way to this city, soon after dropped down to Marcus Hook , a village containing about twenty houses, off the publick road, and of course free from the scrutinizing eye of the traveller. Why she went there, those who gave the orders best know; the rest of the world are left to guess. There she received a complete overhaul, and repaired with new masts and rigging from stem to stern; and we are told that our collector, or some person under him, received orders from head-quarters, that the brig La Paris should "be liberally supplied" in consequence of which order, we are told, that a Challope was daily and nightly transporting articles from this city for her accommodation, and the accommodation of her patrons in Guadaloupe . Among the articles so transported by permission "according to Law," were,
5 tons Cordage, 150 barrels Flour, 100 do. of salt Provisions,
6 pipes of Wine, — pipes Brandy,
With a long string of electers.
Whether the permitted articles loaded her or not we cannot pretend to say; be it as it may, (with permission or without permission) we are told by a person who saw her going down, after her departure from Marcus Hook , on Friday last, that she was as deep as she could swim—so we go—all for our good allies!—We are also told, one of the Jeil's alias our ships of the line (alias gun-boats) accompanied her down, no doubt to pass her by the three Jeil's or ships of the line and Delaware cutter, now cruising in our bay, as it is, no doubt, improper to trust too many people with secrets.
BALTIMORE, August 16.
UNDISGUISED PROSCRIPTION!!
Mr. Hewes,
Could I be induced to estimate the danger approaching by the audacious profligacy of a few individuals, prudence might whisper me to remain silent; to keep aloof from troubles too plainly to be seen to doubt for a moment their rapid advances. But, Sir, I depise as much the ignominious safety of trembling cowardice, as I abhor and detest the dark purpose of the jacobin whose production I beg leave here to mention: and should proscribe from words to deeds from the goose-quill to the French knife . I may not be unknown nor unfeelt by the fierce cannibals who delight in blood and rapine.
Permit me, sir, to introduce here a passage from the "American" of this morning; to understand the meaning of which, requires no conjuror's aid.—The writer to whom I allude, after some prefatory and general remarks, thus comes to his point:
From the American.
"In a state of peaceful society, human subsistence and comfort are only to be acquired by active exertion.—Aversion to labour is an inducement to the poor and aught to enter your to riot in luxury at the expence of other's industry. The acquisition of power and wealth is the consummation of the desires of the ambitious man. Men are found, even in this country, who would drench the land in blood to acquire a subsistence from the fruits of the poor man's toil, rather than submit to gain a subsistence by any of the useful avocations of life."
"This class of men are ever prone to evil, and always flock to the standard of ambition, and civil broil. THE CHARACTERS WHO COMPOSE THE FEDERAL PARTY IN THE UNITED STATES CONSIST OF THE MEN WHICH HAS JUST BEEN DESCRIBED. The rank of life which they hold, or the splendour in which they move, is merely transitory, and bottomed on their riches, which take wings and fly away. They cannot brook the respect paid to humble but honest penury. Hence all the fiery passions of the soul are brought into action; pride, supported by avarice and ambition, mark their weary paths. The agitated chaos of their distempered imagination impels them to the commission of crimes for the acquisition of power, at the idea of which humanity shudders."
So scandalous (to use no harsher term) an attempt to denounce one half of the native citizens of the United States, deserves prompt and particular animadversion.
I have heard that a democratick writer (no less a man than gen. Barker !) in Philadelphia, openly avowed his attachment to a French party ; I have been accustomed to witness in several of the Baltimore papers a constant partiality for France : but I never before heard of or have seen an " American " so bold in wickedness as to denounce the whole body of federalists as traitors: he makes no exception: his neighbour, his friend, or patron, the veterans of the revolution and the peaceable quaker—nay, the great Washington himself is baselessly slandered by a scribbler who enjoys the benefits derived from the valour and good faith of that wisest, bravest, best of men! Shame thou miserable slanderer! thou impotent and malicious reviler. It is all sense of shame forsaken the unblushing tools of party?—What! will ye and your masters withdraw from the federal merchants their means of support, deprive them every opportunity of pursuing their business, and then, because while thus tied down they cannot move, tauntingly accuse them of " aversion to labour "? Do you shut up the shop of the industrious federal mechanic, turn him and his suffering family out of doors, and then belie and cruelly insult him by declaring his " aversion to labour "! Are you so onfeeling as to break the implements of husbandry, confine the federal farmer and his team closely to the barn-yard, and while he and his horses are thus spencelled and embargoed, falsely proclaim his " aversion to labour "?
"Men are found in this country who would drench the land in blood to acquire subsistence from the poor man's toil. The characters who compose the Federal party consist of THIS class of men. " &c.
Read, my countrymen! the quotation is the writer's own language not garbled, nor strained from its own proper import, but naked and undisguised, as is the evident meaning of this vile Doctor, who is feeling the publick pulse. Tell me not that this is some obscure self directed scribbler , laughing at the distresses of the country; nor that he is an inconsiderate printer, going beyond (what some suppose) the tenets of his party. No, my countrymen, he is directed; to him was this attempt directed; not by the honest, hoodwinked republicans, real friends to our common country; but by a base faction, contemptible in numbers as wicked in their designs on your liberty! The honest " American republican , whose single wish is the honour and the welfare of his native land, will frown with as quick indignation on this diabolical attempt, as his fellow citizens thus marked out for extermination.
Are not many of you, my countrymen, here " marked off ," as Cheetham says, by the pencil of denunciation, " for the Parisian knife "? Read again:
"The rank of life which they [they Federalists] hold, or the splendour in which they move is merely transitory, and bottomed on their riches," &c.
I grant you, mons. Robespierre , their rank and their riches are indeed but transitory, if your blood hounds can manage to decapitate them? but you must recall your anathema; the publick pulse is not at a height nor the national depravity at a
depth, for such work: The republick is against you; ye will be denounced too, more efficiently, if ye do not exonerate the great republican party from a pretended acquiescence in your treasonable conspiracy against the loyalty and the lives of your better fellow citizens, and against the honour and the fair fame of this virtuous country.
Tell me not, O my countrymen, that I animadvert on the common licentiousness of the press; nor that this of which I complain is the common cant of ignorant jacobin writers. Though he exhibit no literary talent of sufficient weight or brilliancy to attract notice, yet the scope and tenor of the piece is wide from the unmeaning " slang " of the day: nor does an unprincipled jacobin need the talent spoken of. He and his employer ask but power, or publick countenance and the work goes on. They can have neither the power to succeed, nor the publick countenance to encourage them, in this vile assault on my countrymen and on my country's honour.
A Federalist no "Traitor."
GUN-BOATS.*
Copy of a letter from capt. Usher to Rear Admiral Purvis.
His Majesty's sloop Redwing at sea 7th of May. Sir—I have the honour to a quaint that this morning at day-light, Cape Tralagar , bearing N. N. W. about 6 miles, an enemy's convoy was discovered coming down along shore. The wind being very light and variable, I was not enabled to close with them before seven o'clock; at that time, being within point blank shot, the armed vessels handed their sails, and forming a close line, swept towards us, indicating an intention to board. The just confidence I placed in the officers and men that I have the honour to command, induced me to enter the enemy upon his own terms, and I endeavoured to close, to decide the business as quick as possible, to secure the merchandise. Upon arriving within musket shot, a quick and well directed fire was opened; our guns doing great execution. At one o'clock the enemy, completely beaten, pushed their vessels into a heavy sea, sacrificing all their wounded. I instantly sent a boat to try and save as many as I could, as it was distressing to see their situation, but our men were unable to rescue one of them. The merchant vessels seeing the state of their convoy, attempted to escape; some we sunk, others ran into the surf, and in a short time disappeared; the rest were captured, excepting three, (two of which were armed) that it was not in my power to come up with, owing to our crippled state, having two twenty-four pounders shot through our forecast, one through the main, and one through gunning of the bowsprit, that likewise cut the knee of the headounder. The steady and cool conduct of the officers and men throughout deserve my warmest praise; and had the enemy possessed resolution enough to have boarded, I could not doubt of the result, though opposed to such superior numbers.
I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed)
T. USHER.
List of killed and wounded in the Redwing's boats.
Killed—Joseph Carter, seaman.
Wounded—Englebert Jacobson, seaman, severely (who was also wounded on board the sloop) Mr. Davis, master, slightly; Mr. Horniman, purser, severely.
List of the Convoy—The Diligent , of 2 twenty-four pounders, and 2 eight pounders, and sixty men, sunk ; the Boreas , of 2 twenty-four pounders, and 2 eight pounders, and sixty men, sunk ; No. 3, of 2 twenty-four pounders, and 1 thirty-six pounder, and thirty-six men, sunk ; No. 6, of 1 twenty-four pounder, and forty men sunk ; No. 107, of 2 six pounders, and twenty-five men, escaped ; a Mexico , of 4 six pounders, and twenty men, taken ; a Felucca , of 4 three pounders, and twenty men, escaped . Merchantmen—Seven captured, four sunk, and one escaped.
* Let us profit by the experience of others.
† The Redwing mounts 18 guns.
HAMBURG, April 24.
FRENCH PROCLAMATION.
People of Hamburg!—Excluded persons coming from publick places, to which others as some leads them than to the working places, have had the audacity to appear in a tumultuous manner at a gate of this city, with what all, but further orders, he regularly and punctually shut after half past seven o'clock in the evening. Some have had the impudence to storm the gated wicket doors, and pelt the guards with stones, which guards consist partly of those of his majesty the king of Holland. This crime had deserved to be revenged on the spot by force of arms, and it has not been done, beware of attributing it to the fact which this troop of seditious people could inspire, as under such painful circumstances, patience rather makes the eulogium of the soldier, who for fear he should strike the father of some family that has no part in the riot, or lest him suffer an offence which he can rigorously revenge in compatibility with his duty.
May those rioters tremble, and all shall be betid: such of them as shall be seized; they shall be put before a Military Commission, and punished with all the rigour of the laws. Fathers of families, good citizens, take care how you meddle with those insurgents; those distillers of the publick tranquility have only to hope being made an example of to posterity. In consequence of this, every one, who after the shutting of the gate, shall appear before the gated wicket door, shall be thrice warned to be gone; which if he do not, the sentinel shall fire at him, and call to arms.
Every soldier pelted with stones, shall fire without any further warning. Every gathering of people within the city, shall be considered equally punishable as a riot. The officer who commands a body of soldiers, and happens to come on the spot, shall immediately give orders to disperse; if he is not obeyed, after giving a tripple warning, he shall order to fire, and use all means to seize one or more persons, who shall be arraigned before the above-mentioned Military commission.
"Every gathering of people attended by hazzar or pelting of stones, shall be immediately and without warning dispersed by force, and pursued with vigour. Every one who throws stones out of his window on a patrol or body of soldiers, shall be imprisoned and arraigned before the commission. Every one who dares in a popular commotion, to ring the alarm bell, without permission of the commanding generals, shall be punished with death.—From the present day, 29th inst. all tickets of ad-
mission or passage out of the gates, shall, till further orders, be declared out of force. Every day, and till further orders, a company of grenadiers, or voltigeurs, shall be stationed as a picket-guard at the Altona gate, where they are to be precisely at five o'clock, and from whence they shall not retire till the commanding officer is sure that all is quiet. This company to do the service in concert with the soldiers whom the commandant sends either from the garrison of Hamburg.
The presiding Burgomaster is invited to get this proclamation printed, posted up and published in French and German, and to send me some copies. Hamburg, April 20, 1808.
The general of division, commanding the second line of reserve of the army of his highness the prince of Ponte Corvo.
P. L. DUPAS.
The senate, a few days after, sent the senator Schulte, to Bernadotte's head quarters, at Odensee, to pray relief from the severe measures of the commandant, and particularly to prevent the additional burthen of fresh troops. Bernadotte so far complied with their petition, that most of the troops which had marched to Hamburg from Lubeck and Bremen, have been ordered back by degrees, and the gates of the city, instead of being closed at half past 7, are to remain open till half past 9.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Schooner Adventure , Town, 60 hours from Philadelphia.
In Hampton Roads, British schooner Swift , Young, 18 days from St. Croix, bound to Philadelphia, put in on account of head winds, cargo Rum and Sugar.
The brig Polly , Boardman, of Portsmouth, N. H. 38 days from Isle of May, bound to New-York, with a cargo of salt, was ran on shore on Cape Henry on Tuesday last to prevent her sinking.
The schooner Laurel , Hopkins, from hence bound to Charleston, is sunk on Hampton bar, crew and greater part of the cargo saved.
On Friday the 26th instant, will be
So for Cash, for the benefit of the owners, underwriters, and others concerned,
The Sails, Rigging, Anchors, Cables, &c saved from the schooner Laurel , Capt. Hopkins
S. Marks, Jun.
FOR CHARLESTON, The regular Packet PLOUGHBOY , Capt. F. Hall, hourly expected from Baltimore, and will proceed immediately for Charleston. For freight or passage, apply to D. R. Waddey, & Co.
SAMUEL J. DYCHER,
FROM LONDON, Informs the Inhabitants of this Borough and its vicinity, that he intends carrying on the following Branches of Carving and Gilding, viz.
Looking Glass and Picture Frames made to any pattern; as it is reasonable to expect that there is a number of Looking Glass, Picture Frames, Ornaments, &c. wanting repair and re-gilding and a risk of sending such articles to the northward, the disadvantage of not being present to have such work executed to suit any particular fancy, the artist offers himself a liberal publick will encourage him in his profession. Orders from any part of the Borough or Country will be attended to.
Prints, Needle Work, and Drawings, framed in burnish gold; black and gilt Edge Frames, with glasses plain or enameled; and gilt, oval, or square Prints and Paintings executed.
Orders sent to No. 2, Washington-street, D. will attend in person at the houses of any lady or gentleman to receive orders. He has in hand Patent Perpetual Almanacks, there has already been sold upwards of ten thousand, the third plate is now engraving in New-York.
Ten Dollars Reward
For Negro ALECK , purchased of Mr. Lubhard of this place of a very dark complexion, has lost his upper fore teeth; had on when he went away a coarse check shirt and casimere pants, long coat and white shirt; he was seen near T. Johnson's Ferry, York, where I expect he is still lurking, or at William's wharf where he has a wife.
George Veale.
Just received from New-York by captain Fitzhugh, a fresh supply of
Barne's Double Amber ALE,
none to exceed it in quality on the continent, and will be sold as usual at my Beer and Porter-House, the corner of Commerce and Broad Water-streets.
William Tonkin.
FOR NEW-YORK, The Schooner EMILY , Capt. Bainham, will sail in 8 or 10 days. For freight or passage apply to the master on board at Newton's wharf, or
Jennings & Koddey.
For Sale on board,
A few barrels BEEF and PORK.
FOR SALE, A Handsome Strong BAY HORSE, only six years old, and goes well in a carriage, or under the saddle, has no vice. He will be sold on reasonable terms, and is worth the attention of any person wanting such a horse. Apply to Mr. Jervis, corner of Mason and Hough-streets.
August 19.
Ten Dollars Reward.
Deserted from Gosport Navy Yard, July 28, 1808, BENJAMIN PHILLIPS, a Private in the Marine service, 24 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high, dark hair, light eyes, and fair complexion.
Edward Hall, Lieut. M. C.
NOTICE.
All persons indebted to the estate of WILLIAM DAVIS, deceased, are requested to come forward and make payment to those to whom said estate is indebted are desired to bring in the claims authenticated.
William Dickson, Executor.
Five Cents Reward.
Ranaway from the Subscriber residing in Portsmouth, a colored man named JOSHUA G. KNIGHT, aged 17 years, a cut 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, sturdy built, dark complexion, with a known N. H. mark. Whoever will give said boy to me in Portsmouth, shall receive the above reward.
William Forsyth.