Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1806-03-10 00:00:00

THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION.
Wanted to Charter for the West-Indies, A VESSEL, Of about 150 tons burthen—Apply to Richard Boyce, March 5. tf 561
FOR CHARTER, The fast sailing Ship CHARLES, PHILIP CRANDON, Master, 240 tons burthen, now entering upon her second voyage, and ready to receive a cargo; a freight to Liverpool will be preferred. For terms apply to N. Herton, March 3. tf 546
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The fast sailing American SHIP INDIA PACKET, WILLIAM RINDGE, Master, burthen 400 Hhds. of Tobacco, will be ready to receive a cargo in 15 days. For terms apply to the Master, or to Phinehas Dana & Co. Who offer for Sale, 60 Hhds. Muscovado SUGAR, 50 Hhds. MOLASSES, 40 puncheons N E. RUM, 300 bbls. No. 1 & 2 BEEF, 200 boxes CANDLES, Jamaica, Antigua and West India RUM. Feb. 28. tf 540
The Ship JANE, WM. COLLEY, Master, is loading for either Antwerp or Bordeaux, and will receive on freight Cotton or any small stowage.—Apply to the master on board, or the subscriber, William Pennock. Feb. 24. 3w 520
FOR LIVERPOOL, The Ship INDUSTRY, NOAH WRIGHT, Master, Two thirds of her cargo being engaged; it is expected she will sail early in March. For freight or passage apply to the master on board, or the subscriber, William Pennock. Who is now Landing, 35 Hhds. prime Jam. SUGARS, and 45 Bags Bourbon COFFEE. Feb. 24. 3w 522
FOR SALE—A-FLOAT, 60 Hhds Richmond TOBACCO, 250 Barrels FLOUR, In Store, 40 Kegs LARD, 20 do. BUTTER, superior quality. A general assortment of Cordage and Cables, of 8, 9, 10, & 11 inches, Noble, Arbuthnott, & Co. WHO WANT TO CHARTER, An AMERICAN SHIP, of 300 hogheads, for a port in France. Feb. 17. tf 513
FOR LIVERPOOL, Intended to sail by the 10th March, The American ship ALEXANDER, MILES KING, Master—three fourths of her cargo in tobacco already engaged. For freight of the balance or passage, having excellent accommodations, apply to J. & W. Southgate. February 10. tf 500
FOR GREENOCK, The British Ship MARY, WILLIAM ATION, Master. Part of her cargo being engaged, she will be despatched early in March—Tobacco or other goods will be received on low freight. Robert Dickson. Feb. 7. tf 495
For a Port in France, The fine coppered SHIP BELFAST, GEO. W. CARMAN, Master, burthen about 400 hogheads Tobacco, great part of her cargo being engaged; she will sail with all convenient speed—For freight of the remainder, apply to Messrs Rambaut, Gerson, & Co. of Petersburg, Mr. Warren Ashley, or John & James Galwey. Feb. 3. tf 485
Wanted to Charter, A SHIP, of about 300 hogheads burthen, to load for Falmouth and a Market. Also— A VESSEL, of about 100 barrels, to load for Madeira—Apply to Robert Maitland, & Co. Jan. 27. 4w 464
ROBERT GIBSON, Has removed to the Fire-Proof Ware-House in Wide Water-Street, nearly opposite Commerce Street. Feb. 28. tf 535
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE, Norfolk, Virginia, August 31, 1805. HIS Britannic Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, hereby gives notice, to the merchants concerned in the trade to His Majesty's Dominions, that according to the terms of the Act of the 37th of the King C. 97, no British built vessel captured by His Majesty's enemies, afterwards purchased by citizens of the United States, and sailing under a Sea Letter can be admitted to entry under the said Act, as an American vessel. John Hamilton. 114
NOTICE. My health being such as to require a change of air, I shall leave this State some time in April; such persons as have claims against me will bring them forward for settlement, and those indebted are requested to discharge the same, or give security for future payment. William Leigh. Portsmouth, Feb. 28. tf 529
Landing at Newton's Wharf, 50 Hhds. prime St. Croix SUGARS. For Sale by James Dykes, & Co. March 7. 3t 565
FOR SALE, At WILLIAM B. LAMB'S Vendue Office, at reduced prices for Cash, or approved paper at 60 days, 75 Puncheons RUM, 80 Bags COFFEE, 6 Hogheads, 30 barrels SUGAR, 100 Boxes Mould CANDLES, 100 Cases GIN, 40 Casks Malaga WINE, 10 Bags PEPPER, 50 Pieces DOWLAS, 100 do. Royal HANDKERCHIEFS, 200 do. Bandanna do. 50 do. Canton do. 100 doz. TAPES, 1 Case VELVETEENS, &c. &c. March 7. 3t 566
FOR SALE, An Elegant COACHEE, with Harness complete, has been but little used.—For terms apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. March 7. tf 567
To Captain THOMAS VICKERY, formerly commanding the brig Petersburg, or in his absence to his ATTORNEY, SIR,
Take Notice, that on Saturday the fifteenth day of this present month of March, between the hours of ten in the morning and four in the afternoon of the same day, and at the Tavern of Mr. Moody, in the County of Prince George, in the State of Virginia, I shall proceed to take the depositions of John Gilliam, Rueben M. Gilliam, Thomas Galt, and Benjamin Harrison, of the said County of Prince George, to be used as evidence in the suit now depending between you and myself, in the Chancery Court for the Williamsburg District. And you will also take Notice, that on the said fifteenth day of March, and between the hours of ten in the morning and four in the afternoon, and at the house known by the name of the Eagle Tavern, in the Borough of Norfolk, I shall proceed to take the deposition of William Moore, late mate of the said brig Petersburg, to be used as evidence in the above mentioned suit. I am, Sir, your ob't serv't Walter Boyd Gilliam. Norfolk, March 7, 1806. 3t 564
Ranaway on board the sch'r William, an indentured apprentice named JOHN WORTH HOOD, has a long visage and much pick marked, and is marked on his hands and arms with India ink. I forewarn all persons, and particularly masters of vessels from harbouring or trusting said John Worth Hood on my account, as I will not pay any debts of his contracting, and abide by the penalty of the law. Joseph Chandler. March 7. 3t 563
FOR SALE, 3000 Pieces Yellow NANKEN, 11 Boxes Imperial TEA, 6 Chests Hyson do. The above of the best quality and entitled to drawback. Apply to Robert Maitland & Co. WHO HAVE ON HAND, Hibbert's best bottled Porter and Brown Stout. Also, Old L. P. Madeira Wine, fit for immediate use. March 5. tf 560
FOR SALE—In Store, 8000 Bushels Bonavista SALT. James Herron. March 5. 4t 562
NOTICE. Those to whom the United States are indebted for articles furnished the Assistant Military Agent for the use of this post, are requested to send in their accounts that measures may be taken for the payment of the same. John Saunders, Cap. U. S. Ar. Com. Fort Nelson, March 3. 3t 459
STORAGE. Our large Brick Ware-House on Town Point, is now fitted to receive property on Storage—The superior advantages of this building in point of security and despatch is evident, and attention will be paid to what is put in care. Articles Stored we are frequently authorized to Sell, and have generally on hand, FLOUR of different Inspections, Superfine, Fine and Middlings. TOBACCO—Of different Inspections, RUM—Antigua, Windward Island, and Continental. BRANDY—Cogniac, Bordeaux, Spanish, Peach, Apple. GIN—Holland, Continental. WINE—Madeira, Teneriffe, Malaga, Claret, Port and Cape. Molasses, Sugar, Coffee—Cordage of various kinds—Salt loose and in sacks. George Murray, & Co. March 3. tf 543
NOTICE. THE Subscriber being desirous to close his unsettled accounts, requests all those who have accounts against him to present them at his office for adjustment, and persons indebted to him to make immediate payment. John Hamilton. October 14. tf 201
Landing this day, and for Sale, from brig Fame 100 boxes Havanna SUGARS, 47 Hhds. MOLASSES, 120 bbls. choice Green COFFEE. From on board brig Echo, 25 Hhds. Clayed SUGAR. And from schooner Combine, 65 casks RAISINS, 30 boxes soft shell ALMONDS, 3,500 bushels St. Ube's SALT. Moses Myers. Feb. 17. 3w 510
NINTH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. PROCEEDINGS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 24.
MR. J. RANDOLPH observed that some time had elapsed since he gave notice that he should call up his resolution for amending the constitution of the United States. The state of his health had not admitted of his taking his seat before this day. He, therefore availed himself of the first opportunity to move that the House should resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union, with the view of taking that resolution into consideration. MR. MASTERS moved a postponement. The Speaker said, there could be no postponement of a subject referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, as it was in order every day to take up business so referred. MR. J. RANDOLPH said, if gentlemen were unprepared, he had no objection to wave his call until to-morrow. The Speaker remarked that there could be no debate on the priority of business. MR. CONRAD moved to discharge the committee of the whole from the further consideration of the resolution. He said he would briefly assign his reasons for this motion. The session had progressed, and the season was fast approaching when every man of agricultural pursuits would be anxious to attend to them, unless detained by important business. He did not believe the proposed amendment to the constitution so important, as to require immediate attention. He hoped, therefore, that it would be postponed until the next session, and that the way would thereby be paved for transacting the important national business that claimed their earliest attention. The Speaker said the first question was on the House resolving itself into a committee of the whole. The question was taken on this motion, and carried—Ayes 61. MR. GREGG was called to the chair of the committee. The resolution having been read as follows: Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring, That the following articles be submitted to the legislatures of the states, which, when ratified and confirmed by the legislatures of three fourths of the said states, shall be valid and binding as a part of the constitution of the U. States. The judges of the supreme and all other courts of the United States shall be removed from office by the President, on the joint address of both Houses of Congress requesting the same. The committee divided on agreeing to it, without debate—Ayes 51—Noes 55. The committee then rose, and reported their disagreement to the resolution. The House, having agreed to consider the report, MR. J. RANDOLPH called for the Yeas and Nays on the question of concurrence. MR. CLARK moved a postponement of the consideration of the report to the third Monday of March, merely with the intention of making it give place to more important business, which he said must be attended to. He said he had voted against the resolution, not because he was inimical to the principle involved in it. With a small modification he should be in favour of it; and he hoped the period was not distant, when with such a modification, it would become a part of the constitution. MR. J. RANDOLPH hoped a postponement to so distant a day would not prevail. He was himself desirous that it should be postponed for a few days, in order to give notice to the House, that there might be a full vote on what he considered a most important measure. He appeared in this instance, as in many others, to be in a state of profound error. The amendment, or deterioration of the constitution, he had always considered to be a point of the greatest importance. But now, judging by the opinions of gentlemen, it seemed to be of lesser importance than laying a duty of one or two per cent, to continue but for two or three years. It has, said Mr. R. been a subject of extreme concern to me, though not myself able to attend to the publick business, to find, on enquiring daily of my colleagues, that the House has refused to do any business, because on a future day they expected some important business to come before them. I understand that a very important resolution of a gentleman from Pennsylvania, on a business so generally denominated the Yazoo, as to require no other name, was postponed on the same ground that my colleague now wishes the resolution under consideration postponed. If there is such important business to transact, in God's name why not progress in it. But notwithstanding this immensely important business, which serves as an excuse for doing nothing, we make no progress in it, if by it I am to understand the state of our foreign relations. I have no wish, nor do I intend to allude to any thing, which passed while we were sitting in conclave. But I did hope, when one or two members, who were represented as the only hindrances to the despatch of business, were withdrawn from the House for one or two weeks, every thing would have been completed. I expected the adoption of very efficient measures towards Great-Britain. Instead of this I find nothing done. And now, when an amendment to the constitution is brought forward, which is allowed to be very important, and when the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania is called up, we are told by gentlemen, we cannot attend to these subjects; there is important business which we expect to have at some future day before us, and therefore we are determined in the interim to do nothing. One word as to the remark of the gentleman on my left (Mr. Conrad). He belongs to a class of men which I highly respect, for the plain reason, that I belong to it myself. He says the time is approaching when every man engaged in agricultural pursuits must be anxious to go home, and therefore he does not wish at present to act on the resolution I have laid on your table. True; but when men, be they agricultural, mechanical, or of any other profession, undertake any business, it is their duty to go through with it at every hazard. I do not know a man in the House who has suffered more than the individual who now addresses you by his attendance here, and if I could have found an apology in my own mind, I should long since have been gone. If the situation of affairs warranted it, I should be willing to adjourn for two or three months. But I never can agree to adjourn in the present perilous state of affairs, and leave the country in a blind and fortuitous destiny. I must first see something like land, some foot-hold, something like certainty, instead of a political chaos, without form or body.
Before I consent to go home, I must see something like a safe and honourable issue to our differences with foreign powers; and I must see— I hope, another thing—something like an attempt to bring the constitution of this people back to the principles on which this administration came into power. I take this proposition, and that of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) to be two important means of bringing that administration back to those principles. My friend from Virginia says he expects at a future period to obtain this reform. I fear, if delay be permitted, that we shall get into the situation of another deliberate assembly, of which every member agrees that reform is necessary, but that the present is not the accepted time. I am afraid that we are in this situation already. I believe it, because I see it. It is a most fortunate circumstance that we made way while the sun shone; that we got in the harvest at the first session of the seventh Congress; that we did away the midnight judiciary and the internal taxes. If those institutions were now standing I believe they would be as impregnable as any part of the system around which gentlemen affect to rally. I believe it, because I believe appointments would have their effect. Yes, it is but too true, that patriots in opposition are as apt to become courtiers in power, as courtiers in power are fond of becoming patriots in opposition. So far then from wishing to postpone this measure, I believe that delay will only serve to enhance the difficulty of obtaining it. It is a maxim laid down by every man that has written on national policy, that those abuses which are left untouched in the period of a revolution, are sanctified by time, and remain as the nest-eggs of future corruption, until they compel a nation, either to sweep them away, or to sink beneath them. This, without any exception, is the history of all corrupt governments; and those corrupt governments and abuses, not reformed at the first session of the seventh Congress, what has become of them? Have they been to sleep? If they have, it is not to be apprehended that they will rise refreshed from their slumbers with gigantic strength? Fortunately it was that at the first session of the seventh Congress the midnight judiciary, and the internal taxes were done away; and it would likewise have been fortunate, if another measure had been attended to at the same time. It would have been, in my firm persuasion, very different in its issue from that which it has been. If the great culprit, whose judicial crimes or incapacity had called for legislative punishment under the constitution, and which have given rise to the motion now before us, had been accused at the first session of the seventh Congress, that accusation would have had a very different issue. And why? Because it is perfectly immaterial what a man's crimes are. Every day that elapses between their commission, & the time when he is called to answer, lessens the detestation and horror felt for them, and of course, enhances the value of his chance of an escape from punishment. I am persuaded that in the remarks I have offered I have been hurried into some observations that do not strictly belong to it. Yet these remarks furnish a sound reason for not deferring the proposition until the time moved by my colleague. I hope, therefore, the House will reject the postponement till the 3rd Monday in March, and that a postponement will take place to some time when the House shall be fuller, when a decision can be made after mature reflection. For truly as to the provision under the constitution, can any man be so mad or foolish as to think of again trying it. I consider the decision of last session as having established this principle—that an officer of the United States may act in as corrupt a manner as he pleases, without there being any constitutional provision to call him to an account. MR. GREGG. I feel but little concerned as to the fate of this motion. I am ready at any time to give my vote on the resolution. As it now stands I shall vote against it, but modified, as I have seen it in the hands of a gentleman from Virginia, I shall vote for it. But my principal reason for rising, is to say that a great part of the censure cast on the House by the gentleman from Virginia for not meeting the national business is proper and applicable; and I regret that it is so. But if the gentleman reflects on the subject, he will acknowledge that a great part of the delay which has occurred attaches to himself. I, four weeks ago submitted a resolution to the House on some points of dispute between one of the belligerent nations and the United States, I was anxious that it should be taken up, and promptly decided one way or other. The gentleman from Virginia then called for certain statements from the treasury which he considered as having a bearing on the subject.—Under that impression the consideration of the resolution was deferred from day to day; and the statements have not yet been received. I stated, at the time, that these statements could have no influence on my vote; but other gentlemen said they would influence theirs. I regret that we have not been able to go on with this business, I do not know how long we are to be kept in this paralytic state. If the gentleman, who has called for these statements, and other gentlemen will agree, I am prepared at once to go into an examination of the subject. But as the gentleman from Virginia was the first to embark the House in this call, I hope he will take a part of the censure to himself. MR. SMILIE. I am sorry the motion of postponement has been made. I do not know any other time better than the present for the discussion of this subject. It is a subject of the last importance to the peace and happiness of the United States. I am a friend to an amendment to the constitution relative to the judiciary department. Whether that offered is the best that can be made, or whether it is going too far, I cannot determine until the subject shall have been investigated in this House. For my part I am so sensible that that part of the constitution which relates to the power of impeachment is a nullity, that I see the utmost necessity for an amendment. From what we have seen, I do religiously believe that we cannot convict any man on an impeachment. The resolution before you goes to place the United States on the same independent footing with those of Great Britain. Whether our situation requires that they should stand upon higher ground is a proper subject for discussion. I am rather inclined to think they ought not. It is contended, it is true, that as they have, according to the opinions of some gentlemen, the right of sitting in judgment on our laws, they ought to be placed beyond the reach of a majority of Congress. This subject must, at any one time or other, be considered, and some amendment in the constitution must take place! When the delays and various vexations, attendant on an impeachment, are considered, it will be evident that they will generally discourage the House from taking this step; and when it is likewise considered that a conviction can only take place on the votes of two thirds of the Senate, let gentlemen say whether there is any chance of making the constitutional provision effectual. I despair of it. With regard to the particular modification, which may be given to this resolution, that is another thing I sincerely wish the House

would take it up, and consider it without any great delay.
Mr. CLARK. I hope my colleague will do me the justice to believe that I have not made this motion from hostility to his resolution. With a small modification I am decidedly for it. I assure him, it did not require the remarks he has made to day, to show the insufficiency of the present system. Of that I had satisfactory proof the last year. But I doubt whether the resolution, in its present state, is correct. I do hope that my colleague will give it a little more consideration, and I assure him I shall be happy to harmonize with him. In the decision by a mere majority, the scales of justice are so near an equilibrium, that it is doubtful often to which side justice inclines. I therefore think there ought to be some modification of the principle contained in the resolution. But I principally wish the postponement to prevail, that the House may act on a resolution which I conceive all important to the whole country, and peculiarly so to that part of the community represented by my colleague and myself. Every day's delay increases the difficulty and urges on the ruin that menaces them. It is well known, that there is not the best harmony between the merchants and the planters. It is at all times the interest of the former to buy produce as cheap as they can, and never was there a better scheme for speculation on their part than that furnished by the resolutions on our table. How easy is it for them to convince the planter that there will be a suppression of intercourse, and that his produce would be soon worth nothing. These are the effects which I wish to prevent. My colleague will do me the justice to believe that I have had no hand in the prostration. I have offered no project. With regard to the proposed amendment to the constitution, I repeat it, I am in favour of it with a small modification. Nor do I wish it postponed for any great length of time. I have no idea of leaving that to be done by our children, which we ought to do ourselves. But let us, in the first instance, proceed to the most important business. Let not my colleague authorise gentlemen to say that to prevent an attention to it, he interposed his favourite scheme. I have another reason for this postponement. There is no occasion for acting on an amendment to the constitution immediately. Most of the state legislatures, before whom it must be carried before it is a part of the constitution, have broken up and will not meet again till the fall. If, therefore, an amendment be passed at any time during the session, it will answer.
Mr. CONRAD was in favour of the indefinite postponement of the resolution. He did not think the subject ought to be acted upon this session. He was not unfriendly to the principle, but he never could consent that a bare majority of congress should have the power to remove a judge. If the amendment were so framed as to give the President a discretionary power, to remove a judge on the address of a majority of the two houses, and to make the removal imperative on the vote of two thirds, he might be for it. At any rate he thought it best to postpone the subject until the next session.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. I am perfectly convinced of the correctness and purity of the motives of my colleague on all subjects, and wherever I differ from him in opinion I always consider it a misfortune. But I have principally risen to plead guilty to the charge of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, which is that I would not act on his motion without any information on it. I confess the fact. There is, however, one circumstance that strikes my mind as of some force. What is there to prevent our discussing the business now before us, or any other business, and when there shall be occasion to take up business of greater national importance, dispensing with that which may be before us. I ask whether, if we had taken up this resolution, or that of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, should we not have had ample time for discussion before the information called for shall be received from the secretary of the treasury; and if we have not the right, at any time, to make less important give way to more important business? Is not this the course which every man pursues in the management of his private affairs? Are we to sit here without receiving information from the secretary of the treasury, doing nothing? I am as anxious as any man, for the decision of the question implicated in several of the resolutions laid on our table, and for a good reason. My tobacco is unsold. I feel the full force of the observations of my colleague. I know that these resolutions have already given rise to much nefarious speculation. When I called for information, I had no idea of the time it would take to get it; and had I been apprized of it, I do not know whether I should not have preferred acting in the dark to waiting for it.
There is another reason why I wish this business [amendment to the constitution] taken up this session. When I offered this resolution the last session, it was said to be too near the close of the session to act upon it—this was acknowledged. But it was said, print it and let it go abroad. This has been done. But the reason for which I wish it acted upon this session is, that the elections intervene between this and the next session. Gentlemen may say what they please of the principle of quamdiu bene se gesserit , but I believe if the members of the house held their seats for seven years, their conduct would not be the same as it is under the present tenure. I wish to recur to that good old principle that sends the representative back, to render an account of his actions to his constituent. After the next election gentlemen will obtain a credit for two years more of good behaviour. I believe my friend from Virginia will allow this to be a good reason against postponement.
But I am told this amendment comes forward in a very questionable shape; that indeed it is no amendment to the constitution. But this is the first time I ever knew a legislative body refuse to act on a proposition merely because it may require some amendment. If there are any parts of the proposition objectionable, while the principle is correct, why not amend them? I cannot fathom it. As gentlemen have stated the substance of the resolution as a reason for its postponement, I will state its substance as a reason for not postponing it. One gentleman says he will not consent that the judges shall hold their offices subject to the will of a bare majority of the two houses. But does not every thing of importance depend on them? Do they not appropriate millions? Do they not hold the purse and the sword? Or do gentlemen think the wool-sack more important? This is most undubitably the case; and I wish to hear any reasoning against giving efficiency to the will of a majority that does not approximate the doctrine of the Polish veto. There can be no reason for this distinction. And so far from there being danger of this power being abused, the experience of all governments holds me out in saying that there is a greater danger that the power will not be exercised than that it will be abused. For this plain reason. It would require some overt act of notorious misconduct, or an equally notorious imbecility of mind or body to justify any man in giving such a vote. It is a point of extreme delicacy to give it; and though some men might, I trust a majority of both branches never would give such a vote for light and frivolous reasons. But it may be thought that, as in all free governments there are parties, a triumphant party would turn out the judges to get into their places. This would be a most humiliating effect. But on what is the probability of such an effect founded? How are the turners out to be turned in? Have they the power to appoint themselves to office? No. And from our experience heretofore, no such inference
can be drawn. There is no probability one triumphant faction putting down another to get their offices. Because a triumphant faction could not raise to power but at the will of a majority; and although they might take offices away from others, they could not bestow them on themselves. But suppose they did. It would be for the first and the last time. It would be a struggle between office hunters and the people; and I believe all the experience we have heretofore had, shows that this description of men are prone to union for the public to sustain either profit or loss from their divisions. But if in this opinion I am in error, I would recur back to my first principle to support me. The power to remove a judge more important, than the power of declaring war, of laying taxes, and of effecting various other national objects? This is a doctrine to me totally unintelligible. The question was then taken, by Yeas and Nays, on an indefinite postponement, and passed in the negative—Yeas 42—Nays 81.
The question was then put, and the postponement to Monday next carried.
Mr. J. Randolph. I beg leave to submit a motion to the House; a very important motion; which at present I only mean to lay on the table. The constitution of the U. States has provided that no person holding an office under the government of the United States shall be capable of holding a seat in either House of Congress. But as the best things are liable to corruption, and as we are told the corruption of the best things is always the worst, so the constitution of the U. States has received in practice a construction which in my judgment, the text never did, and does not now warrant; but which if warranted by the text, is totally repugnant to the spirit of that instrument, which, composed of the jarring interests of the different states, and settled on the basis of compromise, gave birth to a government of responsibility, without influence, without patronage, without abuse, without privileges attached to any individual class or order of men. It could not have been the object of such an instrument, that while a man, holding an office not exceeding the value of fifty dollars, should be excluded from a seat in this house, & that a contractor, living on the fat of the land, should be capable under the constitution of holding one. Look thro' the whole of the constitution, and say where such a privilege is to be found? You find there the single principle of republicanism; that he who has the influence derived from power of money shall not have a place in the councils of the nation; that place-men and pensioners shall not come on this floor. While this principle scrupulously excludes men, holding responsible offices, men known to the whole world, shall it be considered as permitting contractors to creep in through the crevices of the constitution, and devour the goods of the people? Such a departure from the spirit, if not from the letter of the constitution, such a gross evasion of principle calls aloud for remedy. Can a man, who holds a contract for fifty or an hundred thousand dollars give an independent vote on this floor? If so, why not admit the chief justice, and other high officers under the government to a seat here? Is it for any other reason, but that the constitution will not permit the influence derived from office to operate here.
The constitution may be tried by another test. It was made for the good of the people under it, and not for those who administer it. It was never intended to be made a job of, and I hope it never will be suffered by the people to be made a job of. I think it is contrary to the tenor of the constitution to hold a plurality of office. We sometime since received a petition from a learned institution to exempt books imported by them from duty. What did we say on that occasion? We said no—we cannot exempt your books from duty. All must conform to the laws.—There is no man too high or too low for them. The same measure must be meted to all. To my extreme surprise, I see a practice even more repugnant to the spirit of the constitution than a contractor sitting in congress; and that is an union of civil and military authority in one person; a union more fatal to a free nation than the union of executive, legislative and judicial powers.
SALES AT AUCTION. At Mr. Richard E. Lee's upper wharf, at 12 o'clock, on FRIDAY the 14th inst. for account of the Underwriters and others concerned.
The good SHIP NESTOR, Burthen 369 tons, with all her rigging, tackle and apparel—A stout British built Ship, well found in rigging, sails, &c.—Lately run on shore in Lynhaven Bay, and now at Lee's wharf—Also, the CARGO of said Ship, consisting of
71 TONS FUSTICK, 15 do. LOGWOOD. Terms of sale, one third cash, the balance at three and four months, with approved endorser.
George Wilson, V. M. March 3. 548 Landing This Day,
108 Bags Prime Green COFFEE. IN STORE, 800 Barrels Superfine and Fine FLOUR, London Particular, & MADEIRA, in Pipes, Hlds. do. Market, 3 and quarter Casks. Jamaica and Windward Island RUM, Petersburg TOBACCO, Prime PORK, &c.—All of which will be disposed of on liberal terms, by C. & F. Whittle. Who Want
A VESSEL, of about 800 barrels, to Charter. March 10. 571
Now landing at Maclure's Wharf, 35 Hds. Newfoundland COD FISH. For Sale by James Dykes, & Co. March 10. 570
WANTED, A WET NURSE, To whom a liberal salary will be given. Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. March 10. 569
NOTICE. Under the authority of a Deed, executed by Richard Lively, of the City of Williamsburg, on the 15th day of March, 1801, and duly recorded, I shall Sell on the Second Monday in March next, before the door of the Court-House of James-City County,
Two small Tracts of LAND, Lying in said County, and several LOTS in the City of Williamsburg, conveyed in Trust to me by said Deed, or so much thereof as may be necessary to pay the debt secured thereby to Gilliat and Taylor, together with the charges of Sale, and expenses of the Deed. The Sale will be for Cash. Robert Saunders. Williamsburg, Feb. 3. 481
To be Sold by Auction, On the premises, on SATURDAY the 15th March next, at 12 o'clock, on a credit of 2, 4, and 6 months, for notes with approved endorser.
The WAREHOUSES and WHARF, late occupied by Messrs. Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co.—with them may be had the lease of the adjoining Wharf. Wm. B. Lamb. Feb. 26. 559
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIME, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 10, 1806.
Capt. BUTLER in 24 hours from Alexandria, has favoured us with Washington and Alexandria papers to Friday; and from our correspondent in Baltimore, we received by Captain Deagle's packet the papers of that city, Philadelphia, and New-York, some days later than those by mail, from which, extracts will be found in the succeeding columns.
Hon. JOHN RANDOLPH.—This gentleman has long since, and from his talents, justly held, the first station in Congress, more particularly in the opinion of the republicans; with them he has been every thing that was wise, honourable, and patriotick. It may be amusing if nothing more, to examine the opinion which Mr. Randolph entertains of the republicans, and more particularly of those now in office; for this purpose we request our readers to peruse the debate which we commence in the first page of this day's paper. Although we see nothing new in those opinions, nothing which has not been advanced an hundred times, and an hundred times again, yet coming from one, whose intimate knowledge of the views and actions of his late associates, Mr. Randolph's testimony must and will have consideration.
Of Mr. Randolph again—It will no doubt astonish many of our readers to observe the ground which this gentleman has taken in respect to our disputes with Great-Britain. He says that the measure proposed by Mr. Gregg, among other objects, has in view the advancement of Buonaparte's gigantic plans. That there are some, and not a few, who are devoted to France, whether under her anarchical republic, or her military despotism, we doubt not; but we are far, very far from believing, that a just sense of the injuries which we have recently received, and which has been expressed upon many occasions, originates in such dishonourable motives, as Mr. Randolph states. For every thing that an American can, or ought to feel on this subject, we would refer to the speech of the Hon. Mr. Bayard, published in our paper of the 3d instant.
GENERAL ARMSTRONG. Among other interesting matter, which we have to offer our readers this day, is a letter from that Gentleman to the Secretary of State. The President of the United States, and to his honour be it recorded, had no sooner heard of the extraordinary principles advanced by Gen. Armstrong, than he took immediate occasion to express his disapprobation of those principles. The letter of Gen. Armstrong so far, in our judgment, from affording a satisfactory explanation of his conduct, furnishes sufficient cause for condemnation; but as the sentiments imputed to him, are in part denied, or rather attempted to be palliated, we shall add an extract from the letter formerly published. "The circumstances rendering the second fact probable, is the knowledge of all men acquainted with commerce as conducted in the United States, viz. that "much property committed to the seas, and in a "state of war is always insured. Whence the probability, that the present claim is pursued, not on "account of the ostensible owners, but on account of "the insurers. If these insurers are American "they have been amply paid in their profits, which "in 1797, were 20 per cent. on their capital; and "if English they cannot come within the meaning of "the treaty." Any comment upon this extract is unnecessary, no sophistry, no evasion can conceal such plain expressions.
It would appear that the President of the U. States, had stated that an American insurer, was equally to be protected with an American owner. Whether the President is to be understood as saying, that if the property had been insured in England, the American government, was not bound to demand restitution, or compensation, we will not undertake to say, but the exception, rather favours such a construction. For our part, we cannot perceive any difference; the insurance is a matter of contract between individuals, with which government has no concern. If the property is insured as American, and is bona fide such, the government is in honour bound to protect it, as far as its means will permit, without regard to the insurance, whether made in America or elsewhere.
MARRIED—On Saturday last by the Rev. Mr. Grigsby, the gallant Captain STEPHEN DECATUR, jun. of the United States' Navy, to the accomplished and much admired Miss SUSAN WHEELER, only daughter of Luke Wheeler, Esq. Mayor of this Borough.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORFOLK LEDGER.
Petersburg, March 3, 1806.
SIR, I request you will publish the following remarks from the Petersburg Republican, of the 27th of last month, with a few observations from one of your READERS.
From the Petersburg Republican.
CLOSED DOORS.
Something rotten in the state of Denmark. "Believing, as we do, that the character of a publick officer is ever liable to the scrutiny and investigation of the people, and that his good or bad deeds should be praised or censured, according to their good or evil tendency; yet, notwithstanding this belief, a sacred regard for the purity and inviolability of the representatives of the American nation, and a sanguine hope that rumour may have exaggerated the facts and surmises which follow, induce us to suppress the name of the individual, who has been charged with the commission of a crime, during the proceedings with closed doors, too enormous to be overlooked, and too wicked to go unpunished. Without further preface or introduction, we shall proceed to state briefly the facts with which we are acquainted, and the surmises which are predicated on these facts.
"It is a fact, that a certain senator from one of the states to the south of Virginia, has been, and still is, in the almost daily habit of franking letters to a certain anglo-federal house in this town, noted for its hostility to republicanism.
"It is an incontrovertible fact, that this house, when scarcely another merchant ventured to risk his capital in projects of speculation, were buying every leaf of tobacco, and every bag of cotton which they could lay their hands upon.
"And rumour which must have some ground to build on, has asserted as a fact, that these franked letters embraced the proceedings during closed doors and detailed their probable issue—asserting, that the members from the northern and more commercial sections of the union, were averse to measures of hostility against Great Britain, and were determined to frustrate every proposition, calculated to suspend the commercial intercourse of the two countries.
"What are the surmises arising from these established and rumoured facts? Are we not led to suppose, that an American senator has prostrated the dignity of his station, by holding criminal intercourse with individuals inimical to the government of the United States, and hostile to our republican institutions, and unwarrantably disclosed the secret proceedings of the national legislature? If these letters did not contain information, which other members deemed sacred, whence originated the deep speculations which this house were carrying on, whilst their trading brethren had almost suspended business, anxiously waiting the final determination of the guardians of the country? Will they pretend to superior knowledge and foresight in unfolding the mysteries of government, and the lynx-eyed politicians on the spot, cannot penetrate the veil? They cannot. We wish it to be distinctly understood, that we attach not the smallest particle of blame to the commercial house in question. They were undoubtedly right to avail themselves of every information in their profession. But of the senator we held a different opinion. If he has been guilty of the surmisal alleged, (and we trust in God he has not) he should suffer that punishment, which the enormity of his crime demands. His name is in the mouth of every man, and every man has passed sentence of condemnation."
REMARKS.
Of all the scandalous publications, which have disgraced the American papers, there is not one which equals the preceding in base suspicion, and malicious insinuation. And as I have no doubt, that this publication will gain insertion into many of those papers, whose editors arrogate to themselves and their friends, exclusive virtue, I shall trouble you, Mr. Editor, with the insertion of the facts which have produced it, and expose some falsehoods which it contains.
The Senator alluded to, is from the state of North-Carolina, and married the daughter of one of the members of a very respectable mercantile house of this place, a house of upwards of twenty years standing. This is the anglo-federal house which is also alluded to. With this connection it may (without imputing the most criminal intention, that the most inveterate partisan of fiction ever surmised,) be supposed that a correspondence would occur on various topics. Aware of this, the writer of this most malicious publication, has taken care to insert other circumstances, one of which may be true, but the other wholly false. The connexion with one of the house, though well known, the author of the publication is not noticed, but to support the insinuation, says he, "it is an incontrovertible fact, that this house, when scarcely another merchant ventured to risk his capital in projects of speculation, were buying every leaf of tobacco, and every bag of cotton, which they could lay their hands upon."
The fact is, that the house in question, are daily expecting a large ship to load with tobacco and cotton, and what is done by every merchant in similar circumstances, they are preparing the cargo against her arrival. Now, having explained this circumstance, I do declare, that the assertion that this was the only house, which was purchasing tobacco and cotton, at the same time, and at the same, and in some instances, at little higher prices.
Having stated these facts, it may not be an unprofitable use of time, to offer a few general remarks upon this subject. The first circumstance which occurs is, an enquiry into the manner in which the writer of the publication derived his information as to the correspondence. Did the post master, or the persons employed in that office, furnish the information? Did the post master permit the letters to be examined, in order to trace the correspondence between citizen and citizen? Is it thus that the Republican editors can derive the means of uttering their foul insinuations? I am far from charging the post master with such practices, at the same time, when a writer says letters are duly received directed in a particular manner, I am curious to know where he saw those letters, not in the merchant's counting-house I presume. But, Mr. Editor, is it criminal in a Senator of the United States, to correspond with merchants because they are federalists? And is it impossible that a Senator can write to a merchant, without betraying the interests of his country, and violating every moral and honourable obligation?—Where, let me ask, are these base insinuations to end? It is certainly natural for those who are strangers to honour, to suspect others of the want of it, but will a virtuous community countenance such characters? It is not the cause of republicanism or federalism which I advocate, but the cause of innocence and truth, against the machinations of guilty suspicion and foul calumny.
It was not the defence of the respectable Senator, or that of the mercantile house, that has induced me to offer these remarks; the reputation of neither needs my defence, nor fears the attacks of malice. The effects which this calumniating spirit must produce on the political and moral situation of our country, must be obvious. In the hypocritical cant of demagogues suspicion is a virtue; a proper and decent investigation of the conduct of publick men, is necessary to the maintenance of our republican institutions, but the suspicion which can torture the most innocent actions into the blackest crimes, is not less injurious in publick, than detestable in private life. The consequence of tolerating such illiberal suspicions, will, in the end, produce a belief in the minds of the people,

that political integrity is but a name, and of course that there is no occasion to bestow any attention to the character of a representative. It is then that the vicious and profligate will become the candidates for public office, and men of worth and integrity, will avoid a contention with those, whose lives have been stained with vices and marked with crimes. It is natural for those who have no character to lose, to wish to see every one brought to their own level. To produce this, where calumny fails, suspicion is resorted to. COLUMBUS.
THE AUTHOR of Columbus is informed, that his remarks would have been inserted in our last, if it had reached us in time, but we did not receive it until it was too late for that day's publication; independent of which, the Editor of this paper, felt himself under the necessity of omitting some of the remarks of Columbus, and of altering others in a few instances.
MIRANDA'S SECRET EXPEDITION.
The following articles are copied from the New-York papers, which contain statements of a transaction of much importance, and in which the public attention has been engaged in no common degree. We shall for the present forbear to offer any remarks of our own. The subject is one of great delicacy, and the respect which we bear for the Government of our Country, determines us to wait for further explanations before we adopt any opinion derogatory to its honour, at the same time we must confess there is something mysterious in this business.
HIGHLY IMPORTANT.
We have it from authority not to be doubted, that on Saturday last, Samuel G. Ogden, Esq. and Col. Smith, of the Custom-House, and others, were arrested by order of government and taken before the District Judge, to answer such queries respecting the ship Leander as might be put to them on oath. At first, Mr. Ogden refused to answer certain questions; but, on being threatened with commitment, he proceeded; and, as astonishing and incredible as it may appear, Mr. Ogden's answers went directly to implicate the government of the United States, in the fitting out of the Leander; that General Miranda not only had interviews with Mr. Madison on this subject, but also with the President of the United States. From this it then appears, that if government have not sanctioned this mysterious expedition with closed doors, yet they have permitted it with closed eyes. Here is room for a volume of comments, but we leave this to abler pens. (N. Y. GAZ.)
From the New-York Gazette.
Messrs. LANG & TURNER. I observed in your paper of this morning, a paragraph stating that I was on Saturday last arrested by order of the government and examined before the District Judge, respecting the destination of the Leander, &c.
The paragraph further states that my answers went directly to implicate the government of the United States in the fitting out of the Leander.
I think it my duty to state, that in this particular, you have been misinformed.
Tait I was arrested by order of Judge Tallmadge, in a manner which I understand to be perfectly legal, forcibly detained the whole day, denied the privilege of counsel, and obliged to answer questions which I conceived improper and illegal, is most certain; but in respect to the government I acted with extreme caution—I was not so much pressed on this head as others. S. G. OGDEN.
Monday morning, March 5.
Remarks from the American Citizen.
The first remark which occurs on reading this extraordinary note is, that in order to an effectual exposure of the traducements of the executive which are industriously circulated, it is important to notice, that it is a direct and successful refutation of the malicious slander which appeared in Mr. Lang's paper of yesterday, to wit, that the testimony of Mr. Ogden did implicate the government in fitting out the Leander. Mr. Ogden expressly states that his testimony did not implicate the Executive—So far one federal writer involuntary rises up to knock the other in the head. I do not, however, give Mr. Ogden any credit for this his victory, for it is evident, from the tenor of his note, that the object of it is to misrepresent the conduct of the Government.
Mr. Ogden states, first, that his arrest was illegal—2d, that he was forcibly detained a whole day before the Judge—3d, that he was denied the privilege of counsel, and therefore (I presume the remarks are meant as induction) that he was obliged to answer questions which he conceived to be illegal—But, in respect to the government, continues Mr. Ogden, I acted with extreme caution—I was not so much pressed on this head as on others. Very ingenious!
As to his conceptions of the illegality of the arrest—the forcible detainer—of his being denied the privilege of counsel, and of the answers which he was obliged to give to what he conceived to be illegal questions, we think he may be allowed to enjoy his opinion in perfect repose, as it is the opinion of one who it cannot be presumed is at all acquainted with what are the legal courses on such occasions. So much may with propriety and truth be said of the opinion of Mr. Ogden, for he is not versed in the models and technicalities of the law.
Let me now ask Mr. Ogden in what his opinion of the illegal proceedings is founded? I ask this question as of right, for who can implicitly receive his opinions of what is legal and what is not? On all questions touching the quality of Sugar, his opinion would indeed deservedly have weight, for it is presumed that he is well acquainted with that article. But when he launches into a subject whose depth is immeasurable to his faculties, and presumes publicly to give an opinion upon it, we naturally ask for the whys and the wherefores. He has not however troubled us with these. Perhaps his avocations did not afford him leisure! Shall I explain for him?
His arrest was in the usual form. It was on the customary warrant issued upon the oath of witnesses. Was this illegal? As to the forcible detainer; why a witness who shall be examined in a court a whole day may with equal propriety complain. The moment Mr. Ogden was arrested, he was brought into court, and as soon as his examination was completed, he was at liberty to leave it. Where then was the forcible detainer? He was however as he states denied the privilege, as he terms it of Counsel. Was this illegal? Mr. Ogden was examined in a double capacity—in the character of the accused and in that of a witness. As the accused, his declarations, which amount to nothing, were voluntary; not on oath; they were not to be used against him. Is it the privilege of one standing in court to have counsel? I put this question to professional men, and I am well advised when I say that it is not. As a witness, he had no pretension to counsel.—what witness was ever known to bring counsel into a court with him? so much for the mode of proceeding.
But Mr. Ogden, in court, acted with extreme caution in respect to the government. Let me tell him that the government is under no obligation to him for his extreme caution. Judging however of his caution by his note, I should take it to be at least, of a dubious kind. This note, in respect to the government, I pronounce to be insidious, and to contain unfounded and slanderous insinuations. It is couched to convey the idea that as Mr. Ogden knew that the government is implicated in fitting out the Leander, that point was not pressed upon him by the court, who we are to infer were quite as knowing as himself. Is this caution, or is it malice? In opposition to Mr. Ogden I affirm that he was pressed on the point, on which, by the insidious tenor of his note, he seems desirous to raise unfounded and injurious suspicions against the government. And what was his answer? This, and judging by his note I conclude that he said all he could say upon it: He knew nothing that could implicate the government. He had indeed been told, by Miranda, who to accomplish his visionary projects, might have told him anything, that he, Miranda, had conversed with the President and with Mr. Madison on the object condition of the people of South America and other general topics. Now suppose Mr. Ogden himself had this conversation with the President and with Mr. Madison, what would it import? Why that those two illustrious men had condescended to listen to Mr. Ogden's observations on the affairs, generally, of the South Americans. But the fact, according to the testimony of Mr. Ogden, is neither so plain nor direct. It is simply that Miranda told Mr. Ogden that he had with those gentlemen a conversation so innocent. I challenge Mr. Ogden to meet me on this point, and I beg, if after a day's examination he has concealed, in his extreme caution, aught from the court, that he will divulge it to the public. On this as all other subjects, the government and its friends court investigation.
To the District Attorney.—In Monday's Gazette, Mr. Lang had a paragraph importing that the testimony of Mr. Ogden went to implicate the Government in fitting out the Leander. In the Gazette of the same person of yesterday, Mr. Ogden contradicts Mr. Lang. Notwithstanding Mr. Ogden's contradiction, Mr. Lang, I am informed, posted, yesterday, on the Coffee-House boards, a note stating that he could prove, or knew a gentleman who could prove, that the government sanctioned the fitting out of the Leander. I believe this declaration of Mr. Lang to be a foul and abominable slander, and in order to convict him of, or punish him for it, I call upon the District Attorney to examine Mr. Lang upon it. The declaration is either true or false: if true, let it be known, if false, let Mr. Lang bear the weight of the ignominy of the detestable slander. THE EDITOR.
From the New-York Gazette of March 5. The Leander paragraph in Monday's Gazette has given rise to an unusual degree of agitation in the public mind, and occasioned some ill-natured and personal remarks against the editors of this Gazette. The latter gives us no uneasiness, but, to the public, we have to state, that the information communicated to us was considered of the utmost importance to the commerce of this country, and fairly entitled to publication—that it was not because we wished to expose the folly of our executive in this business, but to put those on their guard who were most likely to be injured. We most cordially hope that the government are not implicated, but we have strong reasons to believe otherwise.
In reply to all that has been said on our paragraph of Monday, we have to observe that, The substance of the information relative to the destination of the Leander, &c. which was on Monday communicated through the medium of this Gazette, is correct. We were only mistaken as to the channel through which the secret was divulged; instead of using the name of Samuel G. Ogden, we ought to have said that the evidence implicating the government, came through Col. Smith, and we are since informed, that this evidence has been corroborated by another gentleman of the first respectability.
The destination of the Leander is now ascertained to be for the coast of Caracas.
Extract of a letter from New-York, dated Feb. 5. The district judge continued yesterday the examination of four persons more who had sold ammunition for the expedition of the Leander. Mr. S. G. Ogden declares now, that her destination is the coast of Caracas, probably to the port of Coro, but that upon this head the administration must be very well informed by a letter which general Miranda wrote to Mr. M——, in Washington, nine days before he sailed.
This letter, says col. Smith, was sealed in the presence of Miranda, who delivered it both to himself and Mr. Ogden to put it into the post-office in this city; this was duly executed by them, not in the common accustomed manner, but for greater safety, it was put into the hands of one of the clerks who was at that moment receiving some other letters.
The publication which the editors of the New-York General Advertiser intended to make this day, was yesterday exposed at the coffee house, by which they confirm their publication of Monday last. Mr. Ogden applied immediately to the said editors, not with the intention to contradict the substance of their publication, but only to elucidate their mistake as to the persons whose answers directly implicated the government in this business. The evidence of col. Smith was the one which exposed them completely, so that you see the position is the same although the name of the instrument may be a different one.
The general opinion here is, that government has been privy to Miranda's plan, and to its execution, and however difficult it may appear, hopes are entertained that this circumstance will be proved by legal evidence.
NEW-YORK, March 6. From Antigua papers to the 6th ult. received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser.
ST. JOHNS (Antigua) Feb. 6. His majesty's cutter Nimble, in 50 days from England, arrived at Barbados back, and yesterday noon reached English Harbour. She was sent out express to apprise our squadron in these seas of the escape of the enemy's ships from Brest and bring intelligence of great importance: the substance of which is, (for we have not been able to procure the details) that Buonaparte, after obtaining considerable advantages over the Austro-Russian army in the neighbourhood of Vienna, had experienced a reverse of fortune, and his army been put to flight in all directions with great slaughter, he himself being severely wounded. It is further stated that when these accounts left Germany the enemy were endeavouring to escape from the scene of action, but that very few, if any, it was supposed, would reach Paris. The Emperors of Russia and Germany were both present on the field of battle. Such is the account we have received, and wait impatiently to see it confirmed.
The packet left Barbados before the Nimble, and may be hourly expected here.
BALTIMORE, 6th March.
NAVAL ENGAGEMENT.
DESTRUCTION OF THE FRENCH FLEET. By the brig America, arrived yesterday from the city of St. Domingo, the following important intelligence has been received:
On the 21st of January a French fleet under command of admiral SINGLE, from Brest, arrived at the city of St. Domingo, and landed 600 troops—they consisted of the
L'Imperial, 134 Guns. Jupiter, 74 Diomed, 74 Coquet, 36 Corvette Diligence 22
And on the 29th arrived (in addition) the
Le Brave, 84 L'Alexandre, 74 Felicite, 44
The following are the particulars of the engagement between the French and English off St. Domingo.—They were taken by an eye-witness from the top of one of the houses in that city, and are copied from the Gazette of last evening.
"St. Domingo, February 6, 1806.
"At 6, A. M. the look-out ship of the French squadron was seen firing alarm guns, and an English squadron of seven sail of the line, two frigates, one brig and a schooner in chase of her. At half past 7 A. M. the French squadron of five ships of the line and two frigates got under way, and ran to leeward with the sloop of war that was on the look-out: at 30 minutes past 10, the headmost ship of the English, (supposed a 74) ran ahead of the French squadron and brought them to action: In 20 minutes after another British ship of the line fell into action; in 10 minutes after 3 ships of the line came into action, & in 75 minutes after the commencement, the action was general—2 French ships ran on shore and two more were dismasted. The action lasted 2 hours and 20 minutes: By this time they were so far that I was unable to see what ships were taken.
"February 7, several officers and seamen returned from the admiral's ship the Imperial, that was on shore, and said that her three decks were battered away: the admiral & 750 men were killed and wounded. The Diomed was also on shore dismasted in sight of St. Domingo; the other three ships of the line were now ascertained to be taken, but not certain of the fate of the sloop of war or frigates. At 12, meridian, 3 heavy ships passed the city, steering to the westward, but showed no colours.
"February 8, at 9 A. M. one of the dismasted ships hove in sight, with a brig and frigate plying about her. At 2, P. M. 4 frigates, 2 ships of the line and a brig passed along the coast reconnoitering about the two ships that were on shore: while the heavy ships kept a straight course, the frigates seemed to keep ranging in with the shore, and had St. George's ensign flying; one of the heavy ships were blue at the mizen. Night came on and no further observations could be made. The French admiral was slightly wounded; the captain-general had both his legs shot off, and the 1st and 2d lieutenants on board the admiral were killed. Officers and seamen were returning to town in a shocking condition. The Jupiter and Le Brave were both dismasted by the board in the first of the action. The admiral's mast went by the board as she was running on shore. She was silenced nearly an half hour prior to going ashore."
From the above-mentioned particulars, which were taken down as the incidents which they relate occurred & from the details we have been able to collect from other sources, it appears, that on the French squadron passing by St. Thomas's some person of that island hired a large row boat, and with 20 or more hands plied away to windward up to Tortola, where an armed vessel was lying, which was dispatched with the utmost expedition to admiral Cochrane, at Barbadoes, who collected all the ships which the urgency of the case would permit, and with the force above stated, scoured down to leeward till he overtook the French squadron at anchor off the city of St. Domingo; where he captured the Jupiter, 74, La Brave, 80, and L'Alexandre, 74, and burnt the fine new ship L'Imperial, of 134 guns, and Diomed, 74, after they had been run ashore by their own officers. The action was an obstinate and bloody one; but the precise loss of men, on either side, is unknown.
The destruction of this fleet, if their object was accurately stated by the officers who escaped from the ships which were run ashore, is one of the most fortunate events that ever occurred for the insurance offices of America.—It was no less than a complete execution of the arrest of Ferrand, except, possibly, the sanguinary part; but it was, at all events, to take or destroy every American vessel in the harbours or on the coast of Hayti.
We learn that the French squadron engaged in the late action off St. Domingo, sailed from Brest in company with another squadron of 7 sail of the line and 1 frigate, under the command of prince Jerome Buonaparte, and parted from them off the Western Isles—then destination unknown; but from their steering a S. W. course, it was conjectured that they were bound for the Cape of Good Hope.—American.
WASHINGTON CITY, March 3.
Our readers must have noticed, for some time past strong animadversions in several of the public prints, on the conduct of general Armstrong, our minister in France, in the case of the New Jersey; which has likewise produced a remonstrance to the President from the Insurance Company of New-York. On the communication of this remonstrance, Dr. Mitchell of the Senate of the U. States was some time since made the organ. An answer was made through him at an early day, by the President, expressive of confidence in the integrity of our minister, and intimating that as soon as information had been received of the opinion ascribed to him, a letter disapproving it had been written to him, the reply to which, it was expected, would comprise the necessary explanations. The President added that having no doubt of the right of insurers to stand in the place of the insured, that right would be asserted and maintained on every proper occasion.
An explanatory letter having been since received from gen. Armstrong, and communicated to Doctor Mitchell, is now published, with the view of elucidating a subject which has excited so much sensation among mercantile men. Nat. Intel.
Extract of a letter from gen. Armstrong, minister plenipotentiary of the U. States at Paris, to the Secretary of State, dated Paris, November 26, 1805.
"I had the honour within the last week, of receiving your letter of the 25th of August, expressing the solicitude of the parties interested in the ship New-Jersey and cargo, "least their claim should be rejected on the idea, that the rights of the insured did not pass to the insurers;" and communicating also the opinion of the President, that "American underwriters who had paid the loss to the original owners, citizens of the U. States, were entitled to the benefits of the treaty of 1803."
In my next dispatches I shall furnish you with documents from which you will see, that the difficulties in this case, having in no stage of it, arisen from the causes to which they have been ascribed; that its admission by the American board was long suspended under col. Mercer's objections, that "no evidence had been produced of the insolvency of the captors," that its rejection by the council general of liquidation proceeded from the belief, that "the ship and cargo were partially, or altogether, British property—and from certain other causes"—and that when this belief concerning the national character of the property was done away by the production of certain policies of insurance, which had been effected in different parts of the U. States, (but which till then had been carefully kept out of sight) the claim so far from
being opposed on the principle that "the rights of the insured did not vest in the insurers," or indeed on any other principle, was on my suggestion sent back to the council, relieved from the first and apparently the principal objection, and left the subject only to the "other causes" mentioned in the rejecting arrest of the 28th Primair. These "other causes" are fully exhibited in the report of the Director of the 4th division, dated on the 15th Germinal, and may be digested into the following heads:—
1st. That the judgment of the 17th Prairial, year 6, pronouncing the confiscation of the New-Jersey, and cargo, is still subsisting, inasmuch as it has not been annulled by the decree of the council of prizes, which directs only, the restitution of the sum deposited by the owner with gen. Hedouville. 2d. That the claimants having neglected to prosecute their appeal within 6 years after the capture, were precluded by the laws of France, from a right of appealing. 3d. That the New Jersey not having a role d'équipage, as provided by the treaty of 1778, was excluded from the provisions of the 4th article of the treaty of 1800. 4th. That the captain and agent of the privateer not having been heard in their defence, nor even summoned to appear before the tribunal, the decree of the council of prizes was illegal. 5th. That no evidence having been produced of the abandonment of the ship and cargo to the underwriters, and the agents having even denied the right of either government to question them with regard to an abandonment of the property, and having besides acknowledged that the original owners, or a part of them, had acquired the New-Jersey by a new title; by yielding to the underwriters, "un droit conventionnel de retour dans le depot" it may be fairly inferred that the loss never was paid by the insurers, and that the receipts (which by the way do not correspond in number with policies) are merely fictitious, and, 6th. That were it in proof that the owners had abandoned, and that the underwriters had paid, still the claim of the latter could not be admitted, inasmuch as it could not now be liquidated under the rules prescribed by the treaty—the American commission having no longer an existence.
You will readily perceive that in all this there is not a single syllable pointed at the rights of insurers "who have paid the loss of the original owners." It only remains for me, therefore, to show, that in no after act either of the council or of Mr. Marbois and myself, was the broad principle which has given so much alarm to our underwriting citizens, or even the qualified one to be found in the President's opinion, adopted or applied to the case of the New-Jersey—The report of which I have already given you the substance, not having been agreed to by all the members of the council, and the liquidator general not chusing to decide the difference, transmitted the case a second time to the treasury, with a wish that Mr. Marbois and myself might determine it.—We complied with this wish—we did determine it, and admitted it for its full proportion of the marginal fund. It is true that Mr. Marbois and I differed somewhat concerning this proportion. He would have given 333,000 francs, whereas I thought that 300,000 were quite as many as fell to its share; and that you will think as I did, I have no doubt, when I inform you, that there are claims amounting to more than three millions, as sound in point of principle, less objectionable in point of form, and better recommended by the pecuniary circumstances of the claimants, for which I have not yet got a single sous."
March 7.
Our readers will perceive by our Journal of Congressional proceedings, that the great national question at issue with Great-Britain has at length seriously engaged the attention of the house of representatives.
On Wednesday the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union, when Mr. Gregg's resolution for a non-importation of British goods was taken into consideration. As we shall give this debate at as early a period as possible and very much in detail, we shall at present but briefly notice its character.
It was opened by Mr. Gregg, the mover of the resolution, who took a rapid view of the outrages, insults, and oppressions of Britain, which appeared to him to be parts of a system deliberately planned, and which would probably be perseveringly adhered to, unless the government of the United States should make a decided and spirited stand against them.—A non-importation of her goods, a measure altogether pacific, appeared to him the best instrument of recalling her to a sense of her true interest.
Mr. J. Cly followed. He allowed, in their fullest extent, the outrages and injustice of Britain; but he feared that the contemplated measure, so far from inflicting any serious injury on her, would react more injuriously on ourselves, and that it could not for any length of time be adhered to. He declared himself in favour of measures, which though apparently less energetic, would, by forming a part of a permanent and practicable system, prove more efficacious.
Mr. Crowninshield took the same ground with Mr. Gregg. He said the outraged honour and violated interests of the country demanded efficient measures, not of a warlike character, but such as would convince Britain that much as we valued her friendship, we would no longer submit to the degradations accumulated upon us. He was for peace. He believed the present measure eminently calculated to maintain it. Not that he was afraid of war from the effects it would produce. For in war we should be more than a match for Britain. We should make more captures, her provinces would fall, and the debts of her subjects would be at our mercy.
Mr. J. Randolph rose in reply about 2 o'clock, and continued on the floor till 5 o'clock. He pronounced the resolution a war measure, pushed forward by a spirit of mercantile avarice, calculated in its effects at once to expose the United States in her most vulnerable point, on the ocean; to aid the gigantick strides of Buonaparte, by making France mistress of the ocean; to translate her from the ground on which it became her to stand, and to carry her into maritime contests; and to endanger her liberties and the constitution.
On Thursday the debate was again resumed at noon, by Mr. N. Williams, who spoke in favour of the resolution.—He was followed by Mr. Masters on the opposite side.
Mr. Smith spoke next in favour of the resolution; when the debate was closed for the day by Mr. J. Randolph, about 4 o'clock.—Nat. Int.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Sch'r Elizabeth Margaret, Mallory, 13 days from Bermuda, Ballast, R. Bowden & Co.—Left at Bermuda the 23d Feb. Ships William & James, Pollard, of Portsmouth (N. H.) detained; John Jay, Fry, of Providence (R. I.) do. Columbia Packet, Worthington, of Philadelphia do. Elizabeth, Downing, of Boston, do. Briggs Ann, Venson, of Baltimore, repairing; Sally, ——, of New London, detained; Kitty, Hutchings, of New-York, seized; ——, Snell, of Philadelphia, detained. Sch'r Maryland Mary, of this port, to sail in 5 days from Turks Island.
The schooner Bellona, Adams, from this Port to Jamaica, is carried into St. Domingo, and was waiting for trial the 15th ultimo.
BILLS ON NEW-YORK, for Sale by Francis Smith.
March 19.

For RENT till the 1st January next,  THE HOUSE I now occupy, nearly opposite the Exchange Coffee House.—There is in the rear of it a small convenient House, with one room below and three above, which together with a very large and commodious garden which will be let with it.—Immediate possession will be given. William Hartshorne, jun. Feb. 28. tf 558
TO RENT,  A Ware-House on Commerce-Street Wharf.—Apply to William Plume, & Co. Feb. 3. tf 482
Now landing from on board the Sloop Director, and for SALE at the Ware House formerly occupied by Messrs. James and Thomas Tucker, Maxwell's-wharf,  5 Pipes Cogniac BRANDY, 5 Hogsheads MOLASSES, 20 Casks Malaga WINE, 20 Barrels SUGAR, 20 do. Prime New-York PORK, 20 do. do. BEEF, 10 do. do. APPLES, 30 Boxes Mould and Dipped CANDLES, 10 do. SOAP, 10 Casks Souchong } TEA. 2 do. Imperial } 1 do. Hyson } All of which will be Sold low or exchanged for Country Produce. James McClenachan. Feb. 3. tf 485
FALL AND WINTER GOODS.  GILLIAT AND MACKINDER, Just received by the Ship PLANET, Boust, from London, and FREDONIA, from Liverpool, their supply of  FALL AND WINTER GOODS, And will be Sold on low terms, for Cash, or approved Acceptances in Town—Amongst which are 17 Bales of Napt Cottons. 16 Boxes Boys' and Men's Hats. 18 do. of Rose Blankets. 6 Trunks of Manchester. 8 do. Stripe do. 4 Boxes Cutlery, assorted. 9 do. White and Red Flannels. 30 Casks Shot. 10 do. White Plains and Kersys. 150 Kegs of Gunpowder. 12 do. Blue do. 40 Casks Nails. 14 do. Blue & Green Half Thicks. 4 do. Seine Twine. 6 do. Stripe and Grey Coatings. 6 Trunks Men's and Women's Worsted Hose. 2 do. Yarn Hose. 3 Bales of Oznaburgs. do. Carpeting and Carpets. Flecey Hosiery, for Ladies and Gentlemen's wear. 8 do. Mixed Teamaughts. Muslins, Dimities, Calicoes, &c. &c. The above packages are well assorted. September 16. tf 145
FOR RENT, (And possession to be had immediately)  A comfortable small TENEMENT, on Smith's Point, neatly fitted up; having two rooms below with two closets in each, and three rooms above, a new double storied Brick Kitchen, and other requisite out buildings. A spacious Garden and large front Yard are attached to this Tenement. P. Barraud. Jan. 29. tf 406
BANK NOTES LOST. A letter dated Williamsburg, 27th November, 1805, directed to Messrs. Tho's & Wm. M'Gavish, merchants, Norfolk, containing Bank Notes to the amount of Two Hundred Dollars, as below described, and supposed to have been deposited in the Post-Office, has either been lost, mislaid, or taken a wrong direction.—It is hoped that any person who may have become possessed of the same, accidentally or otherwise, will forward it on to the subscribers, as payment of the Notes have been stopped at the respective Banks. D. No. 1124, United States Branch, Norfolk, Dec. 6, 1804, — 100 Dollars. B. No. 97, Virginia Branch, Fredericksburg, February 6, 1805, — 100 Dollars. Wm. M'Gavish, & Co. Williamsburg, Dec. 9. tf 341
REMOVAL.  JAMES TUCKER, Has removed to No. 1, Hunt's Lane, near Main-Street, WHERE HE OFFERS FOR SALE, ON REASONABLE TERMS,  HIS STOCK IN TRADE, CONSISTING OF A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF  HARDWARE, NAILS, &c. May 8. tf 659
NOTICE. I request all persons having claims against the Estate of JOHN WADDEY, Sen. deceased, of Northampton County, Eastern Shore, Virginia, to bring them forward properly attested on or before the first day of June next, as I shall plead this notice in bar against all claims that may appear after that date. I. R. Waddey, Executor to the Will annexed. Northampton Court-Yard, Feb. 1. 2m 490
EAGLE TAVERN. The Subscriber has taken that eligible stand in Market-square, and has to inform his friends and the public in general, that he will spare no pains to make them as comfortable as possible while with him—he would be glad to take in Eight or Ten Gentled BOARDERS by the Year. Thomas Glenn. January 15. 3m 483
LADIES FASHIONABLE SHOES. SEVERAL Trunks of Ladies plain and fashionable LACED KID SHOES, and Gentlemen's fashionable London made do. just received by the ship Planter, Captain Boust, and for sale by Gilliat & Mackinder. September 9. tf 135
Notice is hereby given that I shall apply to the Court of Northampton County, at April term next, for leave to discontinue so much of the road leading from Franktown to Occohannock Neck, as goes upon my land. Tully R. Wise. Feb. 14. 1m 509
COW-POX. The subscriber informs the publick, that some VACCINE MATTER which he has received from Philadelphia, has succeeded; and that those persons who have been prevented taking the disease from the loss of the infection here, can now be inoculated. George Balfour. Feb. 12. tf 505
Richmond Academy Lottery, NOW DRAWING, CONTAINING  One Prize of Ten Thousand Dollars, Besides several other large Prizes. ** TICKETS for Sale by the EDITOR of this PAPER. November 15. 279
FRANCIS SMITH, Has opened his Vendue and Commission Office at the Store lately occupied by Messrs. Bowman and Walker, No. 48, Main-Street. Jan. 20. tf 451
If George William Clarke who left England for this Country in July, 1802, is living, he will hear of something to his advantage on application at this of- fice. Norfolk, Jan. 15. tf 455
JUST LANDED,  25 Hogsheads Choice MOLASSES. For Sale by Thos. H. Parker. Jan. 10. tf 426
HUNTER & GATEWOOD, Have received per Ship Jane, Captain Colley, from Liverpool, the balance of their supply of  FALL AND WINTER GOODS, Which in addition to their former importation from London, makes their assortment general and complete—it consists of almost every article of useful and fashionable goods too tedious to enumerate, which they offer for sale, at their Store No. 129, Main Street, by Wholesale and Retail, on the lowest terms for cash, or short payments. November 8. tf 262
FOR SALE, The CARGO of the Schooner Elizabeth Margaret, now landing on Marsden's Wharf, 342 boxes White & Brown Havana Sugars, 28 Hogsheads MOLASSES, 5 do. HONEY.—For terms apply to John Brown. January 6. tf 412
FOR SALE, Liverpool Salt, Kendal Cottons, &c.
The CARGO of the Ship Industry, Noah Wright, master, from Liverpool—Consisting of  12,000 Bushels SALT, 8 Boxes KENDAL COTTONS, 10 Cases COPPER, 18 and 20 oz. 18 Sugar BOILERS, of 150 gallons each, 3 Hogsheads SKIMMERS and LADLES, 4 Casks Copper NAILS.—Apply to William Pennock. December 20. tf 567
MRS. MACDOUGAL, INFORMS her friends and the publick, that she has taken that hand some house belonging to Mr. Roberts, in the centre of Market Square, where she will receive Boarders on moderate terms—the strictest attention will always be paid to the diet rooms, and lodging, and every endeavour used to render a transient or permanent abode at her house satisfactory. September 25. tf 169
FOR RENT, And immediate possession given,  The WAREHOUSE lately occupied by Mr. Edward Roberts—Also, The WAREHOUSE lately occupied by Mr. Edward Johnston.—For terms, apply to Robert Gibson. January 20. tf 450
At a Court held for Norfolk County, the 29th day of January, 1806. Thomas Davis and Thomas Dickson, merchants and partners, under the firm of Davis and Dickson, } Gilbert Robertson and James Brown, merchants and partners, under the firm of Robertson & Brown, and Robert Gibson, } Defendants. THE Defendants Robertson and Brown, not having entered their appearance, and given security for performing the Decree to be made in this cause, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are out of the country: On the motion of the Plaintiffs by their Counsel, it is ordered, that they the said Defendants, appear here on the third Monday in April next, and give security for performing the Decree aforesaid. And it is further ordered that the Defendant Gibson, who has been effects of the other Defendants in his hands, or is otherwise indebted to them, do not pay, convey away, or secret such debts or effects, until the further order of this Court concerning the same. A Copy, Teste, William Wilson, jun. C. C. 13d Mon. Ap. 472
FOR SALE,  250 bbls. Superfine FLOUR, Afloat. Apply to James Maurice & Co. January 6. tf 414
FOR SALE The Cargo of the Brig Paragon, Captain Ainsley—Consisting of 157 Puncheons high proof JAMAICA RUM. 7 Hogsheads MOLASSES. Redmon & Frith. Who have removed to the second Fire-Proof Store, on Gibson's Wharf. November 13. tf 271
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE Norfolk, Virg. Jan. 18, 1806. HIS Britannic Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, takes this method of communicating to such officers on the British half-pay establishment, as are resident within his district, the following Notice from the Army Pay-Office, in London, in respect to the form of the Certificate required from British half-pay Officers, by whom it is highly essential that the regulations therein specified should be strictly complied with. John Hamilton, Consul. PAY-OFFICE, Horse-Guards, August 28, 1805.
NOTICE is hereby given by direction of the right honourable the Pay-Master General of his majesty's forces, that the affidavits of Officers on half-pay and military allowances, who reside in the United States of America, commencing subsequently to the twenty-fourth day of December 1805, will not be passed at this office, unless the officer's place of residence, and also the county, district, or place for which the magistrate acts, before whom the said affidavit is made, (the competency of whom must be certified by the British Consul, if any shall be resident in the province or state, or by the governor, chief justice, or some other person in authority in the government thereof,) are therein specified, agreeable to the undermentioned form. D'd. Thomas, Accountant.
A. B. maketh oath, that he had not between the twenty-fourth day of _____ and the twenty-fifth day of _____ any other place, or employment of profit, civil or military, under his majesty besides his allowance of half-pay, (or his military allowance, as the case may be) as a reduced officer in the _____ { The Officer to sign his name here, together with his place of residence. Sworn before me at _____ this _____ day of _____ in the year of our Lord The Magistrate to sign his name here, and the county or place for which he acts. N. B. Chaplains must insert in their affidavits the following words between the words "Majesty," and "besides," viz "or any Ecclesiastical Benefice in "Great-Britain or Ireland." No alterations or interlineations of any sort will be allowed to be made in the above mentioned affidavit. January 20. tf 446
THIS DAY LANDING, From on board the Schooner Eagle, Captain Gros, from Bourdeaux, 160 Casks CLARET. 961 Cases assorted do. 66 do. do. White do. 80 Baskets SWEET OIL. 2 Trunks and 3 Cases Ladies' and Men's SHOES. 8 Cases Men's and Children's Silk and Beaver HATS, assorted. DEMIJOINS, ALMONDS, NUTS, &c. &c. For sale on liberal terms, by John & James Galwey, Commerce-Street Wharf.
WHO HAVE ON HAND,  75 Boxes White & Brown Havana SUGAR. September 6. tf 128
LIVERPOOL SALT.  A Cargo of Stoved SALT, on board the Alexander—For Sale on moderate terms by J. & W. Southgate. A few hundred bushels COALS. Feb. 3. tf 487
FOR SALE,  A NEGRO WOMAN, From the country, 24 years of age, a good house servant and seamstress; sold for a pardonable fault—Apply to Price & Waddey. March 3. tf 545
FOR RENT,  The three large and commodious Ware- Houses on the lower end of Gibson's Wharf—Possession may be had immediately, by applying to John Southgate, or William Dickson. Feb. 26. tf 554
Madame V. Casaumajour, HAS JUST RECEIVED,  2 Trunks real Madrass Handkerchiefs, which she offers for Sale on good terms.—Apply at her Store No. 18, Market-Square. Feb. 24. 2aw3w 326
NORFOLK HOTEL. THE Subscriber informs his friends and the publick, that he has opened an HOTEL in that convenient house formerly the NAVY TAVERN No. 123 Main-Street, where he hopes by his attention, to give satisfaction to those who may favour him with their company. He will always keep the best liquors: and Private Parties will be furnished with Dinners, Suppers, or Relishes, at the shortest notice. BOARDERS accommodated by the week, month, or year Henry Benbridge. October 9. tf 170
Wanted to Purchase or Hire,  A smart active Negro MAN, From 20 to 25 years of age. Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Jan. 10.
WANTED TO PURCHASE,  A NEGRO WOMAN, who is a good House Servant and Sempstress; one without children will be preferred. For one well recommended, a liberal price will be given. Apply to the Editor. Feb. 3. tf 479
LOTTERY TICKETS LOST. The following Tickets in the William and Mary College Lottery, viz. Nos. 1721, 2790, 7202, and 7778, have been lost. The finder will be liberally rewarded by leaving them at the Ledger Office. Feb. 7. tf 408
All persons having claims against the Estate of ROBERT WARREN, deceased, either by bond or open account are desired to bring them forward for settlement, and those indebted to make immediate payment to Warren Ashley, Administrator. December 9. tf 339
FOR RENT,  A STORE-HOUSE near the Market- House in Portsmouth, an excellent stand for a Grocery or Shoe-Store, both of which are very much wanted in that place—Enquire of the Printer. Feb. 10. tf 502
GERMAN GOODS.  JOHN C. NIEMEYER, Has lately received and offer for Sale, the following Goods, for Cash, or on convenient credit, for approved Notes, viz. 7000 Bags of 2 and 3 bushels, in bales of 600 each. 1000 East India Gunny Bags. 190 Pieces Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs. 400 Brown Rolls. 400 White Rolls, different qualities. 100 White Plaitillas. 75 Brown Hollands. 100 Bretannias. 20 Dowlass. 62 Fine White Flanders Sheeting. 25 Shirt Linen of 20 to 100 dollars per piece of 57 yards. 40 Fine Bed Bunts and Bed Ticking. 390 Velvet Ribbands, No. 2 to 150. 30 Russia Sheeting, and Diaper. 320 Dozen Smuff Boxes. 100 Boxes Baltimore Window Glass, in whole and half boxes, viz. 8 by 10, 9 by 11, 9 by 12, 10 by 12, and 12 by 14, at the manufacturer's prices, with the addition of the usual charges. A few Barrels Philadelphia bottled Porter 105 Boxes Short Pipes. 120 Spanish Segars, of different quality. 150 lbs. Shoe Thread. 130 Twine. 15 Boxes Glass Ware, of different kinds, cut and plain. 37 Barrels Turpentine. ALSO, 20 Dozen of Shoe Brushes. Violins, Flutes and Fifes. ditto Strings and Bows. Looking Glasses of all kinds. Nuns' Thread and Fine Lace. Thread Stockings, Plush for Saddles. Coffee Mills.—Beads, and Bird Cages. Razors, Spectacles, and Penknives, 1st quality. Backgammon Tables, Dice, Cards, Chesmen. Fowling Pieces, Pistols, and Agut Flints. 40,000 Marbles. And a great variety of other Articles. Apply as above. September 25. 164
TO PRINTERS. I WILL DISPOSE OF  A FONT OF BURGEOS TYPE, Upon which the Publick Ledger is at present printed. IT CONSISTS OF ABOUT 600 LBS. WELL-ASSORTED LETTER, with French and Latin accent; has been carefully used; and is almost as good as when new. Should the whole be too much, any one who might incline to purchase ONE HALF, will please to make application, by letters post paid, or personally, at this Office. The terms will be liberal, and a credit will be given, if required, to a purchaser who can give good security in Norfolk or Baltimore. John Cowper.
VILLAINY EXPOSED. On the 11th of August, 1805, JOHN ROBERTS, master of the Schooner Aurora, of Baltimore, sailed from Norfolk with 500 bushels of Coal, taken at City Point from on board the ship Belleisle, John Hatt, master, from Glasgow. The said Coal was shipped for Mr. Many, the British minister at Washington; but instead of proceeding to that place, the said Roberts went round to Philadelphia, and there disposed of the Coal on his own account; after which he sold the vessel, and has not been heard of since. It was stated by him at Philadelphia, that the Coal was Virginia produce, and he entered a protest on oath before Nicholas Ditchell, Esq., Notary Public in Philadelphia, assuring that he sailed from Norfolk bound to Baltimore, with the Coal on board as ballast; and having in a heavy gale of wind sprung his foremast, was drove out to sea, and compelled by stress of weather to put into that port. Being bound to an adjoining state, and the cargo under the value specified in the 14th section of the Coasting Act, he was authorized to proceed without a clearance; but on his arrival at Philadelphia, being other than a district in the same or in an adjoining state, in order to his being permitted to an entry he made the said protest, and reported his vessel agreeably to the 22d section of the said act, declaring at the same time that the cargo was shipped by and consigned to himself. Should the said JOHN ROBERTS have returned to Baltimore, or his residence elsewhere be ascertained, it will be subserving the cause of justice to make it known to the Collector of that port, or those of Philadelphia, Norfolk or Petersburg. February 28. tf 555
To Rent,  A HOUSE pleasantly situated in the Fields, at present occupied by Mrs. MILHADO.—For terms apply to David Milhado. Feb. 24. tf 527
NOTICE. MARTIN FISK has taken Mr. CHARLES J. CALLETT into partnership, the business in future will be transacted under the firm of Fisk & Callett.
Who have for Sale,  4000 pieces Yellow NANKLEENS first chop, Fresh Imperial Hyson and Young Hyson TEAS, 150 Crates Crockery WARE, well assorted, 8 Tons Patent SHOT, assorted, 75 Kegs ENGLISH GUNPOWDER, 100 Boxes London Crown GLASS, 100 Kegs White LEAD, ground in oil, 1500 lbs. Seine TWINE, 150 Casks NAILS, assorted, cut, and wrought, 50 Worts OZNABURGS, 200 Boxes Mould CANDLES, 25 do. Spermaceti do. 50 do. Fresh CHOCOLATE, 500 lbs. Spanish Root INDIGO, 50 Boxes fresh MUSTARD, (Dixon's Manufactory) 100 Rhams Writing PAPER, 200 do. Wrapping do. Also—This Day Landing,  50 Barrels BEEF, Boston Inspection, 50 do. MACKAREL, 12 Hogsheads choice retailing MOLASSES. Feb. 24. tf 525
SUGAR AND COFFEE. Landing this morning on Town-Point, the cargo of the brig Wheeler, from Guadeloupe, consisting of  Clayed and Muscovada SUGARS, And  Prime Green COFFEE in tierces. To be sold on moderate terms. Robert Dickson. Feb. 7. tf 406
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER, AT HIS LUMBER YARD ON CALVERT'S WHARF, 700,000 SALE SHINGLES. 50,000 BUILDING do. 50,000 STAVES—White and Red Oak. 10,000 CYPRESS PALES. 5,000 CEDAR and CHINQUEPIN POSTS. Also—shall keep a supply of  PLANK AND SCANTLING. Thomas H. Parker. August 19. tf 77
NEW CUT-NAIL MANUFACTORY, ON TOWN POINT, A small distance below Custom House Wharf, Wide Water Street. THE Subscriber has, at a considerable expense, fitted up, in addition to his other business, a complete set of machinery, adequate to finish 200 to 600 lbs. of Nails daily. He is also provided with a good stock of Iron; and with a sufficient number of skilful workmen. He has an ample and constant supply of  Nails, Flooring Brads, and Sprigs, which he offers for Sale at the reduced prices as follows, by the keg, viz.
  10d, 12d, 16d,  Nails,  84  per lb.    8d,  do.  94  per lb.    Sheathing  do.  71-1-2  per lb.    6d,  do.  10d  per lb.    4d,  do.  34  per M.    3d,  do.  24  7 1-2 do.    8d, 10d, 12d, and 16d,  Brads,  84  per lb.    6d,  do.  44  6d per M.    4d,  do.  34  do.    3d,  do.  24  7 1-2 do.    2d,  do.  24  7 1-2 do.    ALSO—HOOP AND BAR-IRON ASSORTED. LEVIN DORSEY. March 18. 503
For Sale or Rent,  A PLANTATION, situated on Hamp- ton Creek, consisting of about 300 acres; being the property on which Mr. W. Brough has long resided. It possesses all the necessary buildings for the convenience of a family, or agricultural purposes. There are some valuable orchards, one particularly of apple, is considered more productive than any other in that part of the country. There is also a Wind-Mill most eligibly situated.—For particulars, application may be made to Mr. G. Hope, Hampton, Mr. John Dunn, Norfolk, or the Subscriber in Richmond, who will give immediate possession. James D. McCaw. Feb. 21. tf 519
We have received by the brig Fame, Capt. Cox, from Jamaica,  75 Puncheons high proof RUM, 4 Hogsheads MOLASSES.—For Sale by Redmond & Frith. Feb. 24. tf 323
To be Leased, For one or six years, and possession to be had on the first of January next.  A Commodious BRICK-HOUSE on Smith's Point, now occupied by Mr. Harris—all convenient offices, and a good garden are annexed to this tenement—For the accommodation of a tenant, an adjoining lot may be had. P. Barraud. November 18. tf 283
CASH FOR  Rough Hogshead STAVES, by Moses Myers. Feb. 21. tf 516
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK,  BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE. Price Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.