The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg, Va.), 1773-11-25 00:00:00

VIRGINIA
GAZETTE.
Open to ALL PARTIES,
but influenced by NONE.
My dear, dear lord, The purest treasure mortal times afford Is spotless reputation; that away, Men are gilded loam, or painted clay.
SHAKESPEARE.
Mrs. RIND,
THERE is nothing more mortifying to a good man than that of his character's being ever liable to calumny and aspersion. Indeed, it is truly alarming, that my good name, which I have been acquiring by a continued progress in the paths of virtue, and a series of praise worthy actions, should lie totally at the mercy of every odious calumniator that thinks proper to defame me. The cankered breath of slander is like a poisoned dart, which not only inflicts a wound, but makes it incurable. A slanderer is a common enemy to mankind, a bane to society, and a disgrace to human nature, and ought to be depressed and vilified by all honest men. We all unite in condemning such a character in theory, yet, experience will teach, we generally incline to the wrong side of the question in practice. We may learn from the records of history how the great men of antiquity comported themselves under these opprobrious circumstances; from thence we may observe they were all very sensibly stung by any unmerited reproaches that were cast upon them, although they acted very differently upon such occasions. We are informed, from a fragment of Cicero's, that although there were very few offences which were criminal, in the twelve tables of Rome, yet a libel, or satire, which destroyed the reputation of any man, was esteemed a capital crime, and the offender was punished with loss of life. For my part, I cannot look upon a person, who is capable of giving these secret stabs to a man's reputation, in any better light than a villain or assassin, who would, in like manner, assault our lives or fortunes, provided he could do it with the same security. The truth of it is, there is something so pitiably mean in the inverted disposition of that man who can take a secret satisfaction in reviling his fellow creature, that he truly deserves the common detestation and abhorrence of mankind.
I am led to these reflections by ruminating on the numberless irreparable injuries that have been sustained by many worthy men, from these poisonous arrows of detraction. Every man's experience will inform him that every action of his life, every speech he makes, may be perverted and misrepresented to his disadvantage by these vermin, with which all human societies are infested. Ye youths, be cautious how you make your first steps into the world; for it is principally against you these envious detractors spit their baneful venom. Be cautious how you give the least room for a misrepresentation of your actions, which you will always find readily embraced. Take heed, lest you indulge some favourite folly or wildness, until you have proceeded too far on the high road of destruction. It is just as you are stepping forward into the world, at a time when you have least judgment to direct you, that your actions are most obnoxious to criticism; and, what is very unjust, the world is too apt to judge of your future conduct from your first advances in life. One of the most refined philosophers of old was of opinion that the most advisable method of conducting himself against the malice and defamation of his enemies was, seriously to reflect with himself whether their reproaches were just; if they were, to amend for the future; if their censures were unmerited, to conclude he was not the person they meant to revile. The only way to silence calumny, saith Bias, is to be always exercised in praise worthy actions. Socrates seemed not to regard the most virulent reproaches of his enemies, while others chose rather to retort the injury by a satirical reply. In these cases, the bitterness of the answers sufficiently testifies the uneasiness of mind the persons were under who made them. Thus, Madam, we may see it has always been esteemed the cardinal virtue of human life, with respect to this world, to acquire and maintain a good reputation among our cotemporaries; it has ever been esteemed the most glorious passport through life, and the man who is possessed of a general good character seldom fails of compassing his ends one time or other, while an ill name, on the contrary, hangs over his head like a drawn sword, and he can never be secure from its falling on him.
I have learned, from these reflections, not to pay too slight a regard to my neighbour's reputation;
but, on the other hand, to respect the person thus injured with an eye of pity and commiseration. From hence I have learned to keep up a lively abhorrence of this horrid practice in myself, and to take all opportunities of setting my neighbour's conduct in the fairest point of view. Madam, your humble servant, AN AMERICAN STUDENT.
Mrs. RIND,
I HAVE often heard the meetings of the merchants growled at, as it were, from a suspicion of some injurious intention against the planters with whom they trade. But I believe there is one ill consequence, not yet thought of, to be certainly deduced from those meetings, though possibly the thing may not be so intended by the merchants, and therefore it is very probable, when they come to reflect on it, they will endeavour to accommodate themselves to a more social behaviour; I mean, those meetings generally appointed late in November. It is, I am persuaded, well known, that those gentlemen collect all the money they can about, which may be owing to their stores, the year through, presumably to discharge their own engagements; but the making their contracts only payable at those meetings has been looked upon, and perhaps with some propriety, to be a mere contrivance of shifting off the payment of the demands against themselves, whilst they had already called in the debts due to them. Certain I am, that things not long ago did wear such a complexion. But to go on: Such meetings, attended with the above collections, must necessarily effect a great scarcity of cash in most neighbourhoods, till the money can get again into circulation, which was a thing hardly experienced before these meetings took place; because all payments, as well their debts as the planters demands, being either discharged at their stores or at the county court meetings, the seemingly only proper exchange, for the business of the counties and their adjacencies, the cash must and did evidently continue in its due circulation. But now mark the certain effect of these town meetings. Public officers, seldom tender in their feelings of humanity, are sure, at such times, to stretch every lettered power of the law to expose to sale those personal chattels, which they, by their offices, may have taken in execution; and as such sales are only to be made for ready money, very few purchasers can attend them, through that particular want of cash occasioned as before. Of course, callidity, ever watchful for such opportunities of gain, is sure to make its purchase, at hardly one fourth of the real value of the poor debtors effects. I believe no instance can be here wanting, to any observing reader, to evince such a fact; but how shocking must it be to see a slave executed for 10 or 12l. at most, sold at so low a rate, that, except at such times, no purchaser could have had the effrontery to offer less than 40l. for? I do expect it will be urged, the time allowed by law for replevying effects taken on execution is a certain means to prevent this, unless with the most indolent of debtors, who cannot deserve any further compassion: But ought it not rather to be reasoned, that the legislature could not possibly have had under contemplation even the least surmise that any mercantile mode of business whatever, whether accidentally effecting it or not, could produce so strange a consequence as at any one time to drain neighbourhoods merely of their cash, and by that means evidently destroy the intended benefit of that 3 months indulgence given by replevying, and throw even the most diligent, as well as best disposed debtor, into the same condition of inevitable ruin with the most indolent? Misconduct, to be sure, makes a very large proportion in most lists of debtors; but may not misfortune also bear some share in such an unhappy situation? Is it not a seeming inhumanity, then, to suffer the industrious man (struggling against his misfortunes) to be crushed, even in the view of a plentiful prospect, when, could money at such times really be obtained at any reasonable rates, he must have been safe? But, by the above explained scarcity, it must be almost impossible to be borrowed on such a prospect; and by these mercantile modes of meeting out of all reasonable intercourse for business, and protracting their payments till such meetings, the debtors crops must either be given away (as it is not improperly called) for ready money, or if he sells it, he cannot be paid for it in time to satisfy, possibly an unmerciful creditor, but rather a more designing executioner. Thus, it is to be feared, have numbers of poor diligent, but unfortunate creatures, been totally
reduced, not through any want of the real value of the money they have owed, but only through the want of the money itself, at such times, indeed, an ever so well disposed humanity had it not in its power to advance it; and no further security could (either by law, or by the officers fears, sheltering themselves with art under the words of the law) be admitted, even till the return home of these merchants, who doubtless, through the common reciprocations in trade, might, on such an occasion, have advanced the money; a fact really too full in view to need any particularizing. Certainly, then, so destructive a malady as this may be deemed, to any community, must call for some prudent application; and I cannot but persuade myself, that had such an evil been suggested when those writers, who (under the signature of planters) recommended counter-meetings amongst ourselves, it must have produced a most hearty concurrence in every patriotic breast. For certainly nothing can be more deserving of opposition than that practice which in any degree shall obstruct the free circulation of money, even but for a time only, in any community, no matter whether it is accidentally or otherwise produced; and I am almost experimentally convinced that the meetings must and do effect such an unhappiness. I shall be sorry to be mistaken, as endeavouring to raise any contest between the traders here, and the planters; for, on the contrary, I would rather, if I could, harmonize them into a better agreement. For I now see, that what formerly was only surmised, from the conduct of the British merchants at home, is actually advancing into an indisputable fact. There seemed, some time ago, I say, to be an inclination to bring the whole export trade of goods from Great Britain to this colony, through their own counting houses, and he who is not wilfully blind may now see how few of them care to give our tobacco, shipped to them, any other kind of credit than the goods generally sent for upon it; and as the counting house advance on goods is already got to near 30 per cent. without the least possible risk whatever, should the whole trade of goods pass through counting houses, attended with such unjust desires of gain, who knows where it will stop? I am afraid, hardly short of a real pillage of all the profits of our commodity. How long, then, can it be thought that the produce of the colony can support us, even in such returns alone?
I am fully convinced that the planter must be every day feeling the force of what I say; but I fear that, with the other part of my readers, the true spirit of principals has not as yet inspired any notions in trade more generous than what are often to be seen groveling in the trammels of factors or substitutes; otherwise I would erect a mere fabric of demonstration to this certain truth, that wherever the prices of necessaries shall exceed the utmost expectations of labour, it must be impossible for any people, so situated, long to exist. The advantages of trade, then, to any community, can only be proved on the prices of those necessaries; and whilst the merchants are exclaiming abroad that they get nothing by their merchandizing, if it is done with any truth, they ought to be convinced that their want of gain must proceed from those counting houses through which the goods they import pass; because, as to the planter, the prices these goods are sold at here do sufficiently convince him, that to purchase them is to part with his whole labour. In vain, then, can he be prepared for the accidents of bad years. Here, then, would I wish to conciliate the merchant and planter. If the former knows not how to get those goods but through those counting houses, I beg leave to put him in mind of three female sister adventurers, of old, to this colony, who flourished in their wealth, as well as they did in their numerous progenies, perhaps the very originals of many a reputable family in these days. One of them alternately, as tradition has it, constantly attended their purchases home, sold them themselves, bought up their goods, and returned with them, without leaving them to be fettered up in counting houses. Do this, and both merchants and planters will live in a happy and flourishing society.
EXPERIENCE.
THE ALARM, NUMBER IV.
THE pernicious effects of the intended importation of the East India company's tea, in a commercial view, were in general pointed out to you in my last number. It shall now be the amusement of an hour to answer objections, and to unfold to you

more particularly, some of the numerous evils that unavoidably await you, if they succeed in that project. Unfortunately for human nature, the states who have enjoyed the greatest share of liberty have given birth, opulence, and importance to miscreants, who have prostituted these blessings to enslave, instead of protecting their country. Rome had its Cæsars, and England its Staffords. Happy had it been for this distressed colony, if no such accursed Achans were found in your camp. But, thanks be to God, there are not many who are so hardy as openly to declare for or patronize the machinations, either of the ministry or that company, to enslave this country. Those, therefore, who desire to see their country sacked by harpies and parricides, that they may share the plunder, have recourse to insidious arts, to impose on the ignorance and credulity of the unsuspicious few, who are dependent on, or connected with them. As the first are sensible of the public abhorrence, and dare not openly abet a measure, which, to their great mortification and the joy of all good men, is considered as replete with the ruin of your commerce, and the liberties of America, their arguments in favour of the importation can only be collected from the whispers of their creatures. These shall be fully considered, and every appearance of argument that may occur in favour of it. Should it be said that there is no danger of your being subject to the company's extortion, because the merchants, when the tea is once introduced, will import it as usual from London, and as the sale of it will be in many hands, the country will be supplied upon as moderate terms as usual. Whoever asserts this must either be a knave or a novice, totally a stranger to commerce. Can any merchant purchase tea of the company in London, and dispose of it here upon equal terms with them? No; because the first must purchase it of the last, and therefore he will not attempt to bring that article to the same market with them who have it at first hand, and at the cheapest rate from India, as he must know they can and will under sell him; and therefore, as he will not import any, you will fall a prey to the avarice and monopoly of the company. Here then their advocates fail. Equally futile will it be to assert, that as the sale of the company's tea will be at public vendue, you will be supplied with it at a moderate price. Common experience evinces that, whether the sale of any commodity be public or private, it does not alter the price. If such article be in demand, and within the consumption, there will be competitors for the purchase; for the higher any article is the quicker the sale, and consequently the greater the encouragement to the retailers to buy it. For although the sale of tea is public in London, they expose only such a quantity of it as they know, from the demand, will produce a price to their satisfaction. And there have not been wanting late instances there of such notorious and manifest extortion, from such sales, that the citizens were obliged to petition the parliament for a law to dissolve the company, or to enable them to import tea from abroad, when it exceeded a certain price. This has in some cases induced the company to enlarge their sales; hence you see that a complaint to parliament was necessary to check their extortion. But have you any such security against it? No. Will the parliament, who is in league with the company to fleece you of your all, hear your complaints against the instruments of their tyranny? No. Here then the advocates of the company fail.
I know it is said the colony will not be in danger of extortion from the company, because whenever tea shall rise to an exorbitant price the Holland traders will import it. Let the reader now pause a little, and consider this objection. Does it not, in so many words, declare, that unless the trade to Holland is prosecuted you will be in the power of the merciless company to extort from you, for their commodities, whatever price their avarice shall dictate? Nay, does it not declare against the intended importation of the company's tea, as this article has, at no period since the settlement of the colony, been sold so cheap as it has since the non importation agreement?
From that period to this the mean price has been under four shillings per pound, and not higher for any considerable time than four shillings and six pence; and if it had not been apprehended for some time that the company would risk the tea to America, which prevented the orders of your spirited merchants, you would have had this article under four shillings; and you will be thus supplied whenever you disappoint the hopes of those who are alike enemies to your commerce and liberty. Here then the advocates of the company fail. But it can be demonstrated, as the company is to establish a warehouse in this city, they will prevent your trade to Holland for the commodities of India. I grant that whenever the Holland traders conceive the company raises the price of their tea or other articles so high as to make it the interest of the former to run the risk of importing those from foreigners, it will be done, but not repeated; the company are so connected with the ministry, and play into each others hands, that the first can borrow millions of the government. This, and other advantages from their capital, will enable them upon such importation to lower the price of their tea, &c. so as to make the Holland traders, if they sell theirs, smart for their temerity; or, if they keep it for a better market, which they cannot get, suffer by the loss of interest. Whenever they have disposed of their tea at either of those losses, the company will raise their tea at pleasure; and if the Holland traders will
be bold enough to make a second attempt, they will easily be defeated by repeating the same expedient.
This will be effected at the expence of a few thousands sterling, which they can put on the tea when the entire sale returns to them. Thus, disappointed with the loss of their interest, the Holland traders will decline the pursuit of a trade subject to a certain if not a total loss of their property; and thus will you be entirely in the power of the East India company. Should it be said that you may as well be in their power as the Holland traders, let the experience you have had of the latter for near four years, and of the former, since the settlement of the colony, be the answer.
Whenever a merchant or company has the sole vending of a commodity they impose on the consumers, and infinitely more so are they subject to the extortion of a company who has a permanent monopoly, and those advantages to support the true spirit of it; therefore the public are always best served, when there are competitors for the public favour or commerce. Cast your eyes now to the loss the colony will sustain by the company's engrossing the trade of all the India commodities consumed and imported into it. When the account of the inhabitants of the colony was taken in the winter of 1770, and 1771, the return amounted to 121,000 souls; but as many families were disinclined to give up their number, from an apprehension that a pole tax was in contemplation, I am confident that the numbers concealed, the encrease since that, and the number of those who emigrated from Europe, will make our number at least 150,000. * From this deduct a fifth person, for all those who are unable, disinclined, or otherwise prevented from purchasing tea, and the number of tea drinkers will be 120,000; allowing each of these to consume three pounds of tea a year, beside coffee, &c. the annual consumption of this colony will be 363,000 pounds of tea, equal to 1000 chests. The importation of this article to supply our trade to the west part of Connecticut, and the east part of Jersey, may very moderately be fixed to half the quantity we consume. This quantity, at the moderate price of five shillings currency per pound, amounts to 136,125l. From this sale deduct the freight of 30s. a chest, insurance, and commission for shipping, at five per cent. the nett sum, on which the profit is to be calculated, will be 127,181l. 5s. currency. Suppose this yields the moderate profit of ten per cent. to the purchasers of tea in London, the annual loss to your merchants will be 11,561l. 18s. 6d. To this add the freight of 1500 chests, at 30s. is 2250l. which their ships will lose, as the company will send the tea in their own ships; then the annual loss to them on our importation of tea will be 13,811l. 18s. 6d. The India silks, cottons, spices, and china, imported for the consumption of this and those two colonies, may be computed to half the value of the tea we import for those consumptions. Allowing half the profit on those articles at the above rate on tea, and half the freight of it for the freight of those different commodities lost to your merchants, 4603l. 19s. 6d. added to the loss they will sustain by the company's importing tea you would import, amount to the enormous sum of 20,717l. 17s. 9d. currency, annual loss to this city. To this add the duty on tea consumed in this colony, 4537l. 10s. sterling, at 75 per cent. 7940l. 12s. currency, will be 28,658l. 9s. 9d. annual loss to the colony. But this is but a small part of what the company will extort from you by the monopoly of all the India commodities you consume. As no man can conceive, and far less describe, to what pitch their unbounded avarice will carry them, you have abundant reason to dread the consequences. You have been fully informed to whom this sacrifice of your commerce will be made—to a company who connived at, if not abetted, the most horrid inhumanities and cruelties the sun ever beheld; to a company now made the instruments of a corrupt, a tyrannical ministry, to give the last and finishing stroke to your commerce and your liberties. It therefore concerns you to act with a vigilance and resolution that become a free and trading people, if you would avert the storm that now hangs over you, ready to strip you of both, or you will be left monuments of folly and pusillanimity to all eternity!
NEW YORK, } HAMPDEN. Oct. 27, 1773. }
* The colony of Connecticut, in 1757, had this number of inhabitants.
From the PENNSYLVANIA PACKET. TO THE PENNSYLVANIA FARMER. SIR,
THE praises, like the blessings of patriotism, should have no end. You have been satiated with the suffrages of America. The friends of liberty in Britain, Ireland, and France, have celebrated your name. Tyrants and their ministers have trembled at it; but the highest encomiums of the former, and the guilty fears of the latter, fall short of being a proper tribute for the services you have rendered your country.
After this eulogium, give me leave to call upon you once more, in the name of your countrymen, to step forth in behalf of the liberties of America. A most insidious attempt has been made to enslave us, through the medium of the East India company. The influence of this body of our fellow subjects, and their late acquisition of power in the parliament of Britain, render them an engine the most formidable that ever was planted against the liberty of America. Never
was a time in which the united efforts of the sons of freedom, or the single arm of its champion, were more necessary to save our country from ruin. A steady perseverance is the best mark of sincerity in the cause of liberty. Your reputation is at stake; for fame, like the affection of a mistress, can only be preserved by the practice of the same arts that gained it. But I go farther: Your country claims your services. You have devoted yourself to the sanctuary of American liberty. You have officiated at her holy altar, and you cannot, consistent with her canons, lay aside your priestly robes, till death fixes his seal upon your character.
You have nothing to hope or fear from any quarter. The vermin which were hatched by the first dawning of your character have long since been consumed by its meridian lustre. All honour as well as power, is derived from the people. Royalty itself can bestow no title upon you equal to that of the DELIVERER OF YOUR COUNTRY.
The genius of America once more kneels at your feet. Come forth at her call, and exchange your ploughshare and pruning hook for the weapons of reason and eloquence. Only stretch forth your hand, and the baneful chests of tea shall return, like Noah's first dove, without an olive branch, to the ark from whence it came. If you with the guardian spirits of Roman and British worthies should not desert you, remember you must live a patriot; and if you wish to be received into their society hereafter, remember you must die a patriot.
The following is supposed to be written by Mr. Flood, a member of parliament in Ireland, a gentleman of great erudition, an eloquent speaker, an excellent writer, and one of the truest and most inflexible patriots that ever was produced in that kingdom.
The reader will be pleased to substitute IRELAND instead of BARATARIA, and ENGLAND for SPAIN, and apply the following character (equal, at least, to any portrait, or other writing, published by the author of the papers signed JUVIUS) ad libitum.
Sic qui promittit, cives, urbem, sibi, curæ. Imperium fore, et italiam delubra deorum, Quo patre fit natus, num ignota matre inhonestus, Omnes mortales curare, et querere cogit.
HORACE.
To the EDITOR of BARATARIA.
SIR, December 31, 1772.
AMONG the manuscripts in St. Patrick's library, in which there are many curious pieces of antiquity, I happened, a few days ago, to find a character of Sancho II. governor of Barataria, drawn by the pen of a cotemporary historian, which I communicate to you for the instruction of his successors.
PLUTARCHUS BARATARIANUS.
Sancho, the governor of Barataria, was descended from a noble house in Spain; but even the impotence of Majesty can transmit to posterity no more of honour than that which is merely titular. Sancho was not the name which he derived from his family, neither was it that which was conferred on him at his baptism; but it was a title of extravagant and unsuitable elevation, furnished by a romance, and stamped upon him by the unanimous voice of the Baratarrians, from the preposterous incongruity which they observed between his station and character, his person and profession, his duty and demeanor, when they saw the gravity of government guided by the levity of a ridiculous buffoon and the sober concerns of a great nation resigned to the guardianship of an half witted bacchanalian. The aptness of the title was the cause of its universality; and as by the exploits of his folly he departed from the name, so by the degeneracy of his nature did he extinguish the lustre of his family. His father, indeed, was a person of figure and high reputation in Spain; but he had another parental example before him, that of his mother, which the natural impulse of his mind led him to emulate. The whimsical licentiousness of the one was preferred to the regular dignity and honourable deportment of the other; and, indeed, from the first moment in which the mind of Sancho assumed the powers of selection, it was employed in chusing that which was most unsuiting for him. Thus he became a soldier without fortitude or generosity; a statesman without wisdom or sobriety. Thus he was amorous without tenderness, and affected sociability without temper or good manners. Into high life did he carry all the degradations of a degenerate mind, and mixed in humble condition the arrogance of exalted station; his arrogance, however, was not above familiarity. It accompanied him through the streets of the city, with the vilest associates; he affected a freedom of carriage with the lowest of the community, who would accept it, under the title of grace and condescension. And yet, though he was too mean for dignity, he was too insolent for equal society. Of that insolence, indeed, he had frequent occasion to repent; for it led him into many embarrassing situations, from which he seldom extricated himself, without some mortification or disgrace. For some years he passed through life under the protection of contemptible talents, and was thought to be inoffensive because he wanted wisdom. But he was a singular instance of a man's mixing malevolence with levity, and dedicating even his smiles to the injury of his companions. His friends (or those whom service had retained as panegyrists, and who praised for subsistence) affirm, that, taken unawares,

in the sudden moment of surprize, he has been hurried into acts of kindness and beneficence. But it is as certain he has repented him of them speedily, and disclaimed them; and it was the universal opinion, that so soon as the fury of passion, or the surprize of commiseration, had passed away, when cool reflection, and native sentiment, re-assumed the empire of his mind, the result was injury, injustice, and oppression. And, indeed, to the honour of human kind, we must admit that Sancho was the only person who had fallen within our experience whose sudden extravagance of passion was the peculiar article with which the partiality of friends would clothe him when they wished to exhibit him to public view. The crimes of most men are excused or palliated by thoughtlessness, surprize, temptation, or intemperance. Sancho's alone were enormous in proportion as time and deliberation had leisure to digest them. Whenever the wantonness of that fortune which placed power in his hands furnished him with the means of injury, he did not rashly discharge the raptures of malevolence, but held them long before his eyes, as a reverberation of felicity, which he rather wished to hoard than to dissipate. He dallied and played with vengeance; he thought it a morsel too delicious for immediate consumption, and reserved it to crown and conclude the luxury of the banquet. Fortune, however, with all her favours, was not his real friend; if she raised him to high station, she raised him to public observation. Had she not made him a general, the whole world had not known that he wanted every qualification of a soldier; that he was only capable of war-ring with the dead, and plundering deceased heroism of those laurels which himself could not wear. Had she not made him the representative of majesty, a few only would have known that he wanted wisdom, moderation, sobriety, and decorum; that his principles were not founded in justice, and that they were subversive of freedom; that the only things he had ever learned in camps he brought with him into the cabinet—arbitrary law, and military government.
His politics, as governor, were perpetually the result of his own humour, and his humour was rashness, resentment, and caprice. In the wide rotation of his inconstancy, he has placed his confidence, by turns, on every branch of his household. He has counselled upon the mysteries of state with every life-guard-man in his train, and made his stables his council chamber, as he once made his council chamber his kennel.* If he ever assumed gravity of discourse, it was applied to playfulness, or childhood; and his jokes and good humour were the wages of his lackeys. Here we shall repose the character of this extraordinary person. If the ferment of the times ever tended to exaggerate the features, let it be remembered that he was the author of those ferment; that national calamities, it is true, are severe commentators on the conduct of him who has produced them; and that he who has stimulated a brave people by his oppressions deserves to feel the lash of their sensibility.
* Alluding to the remarkable story of his introducing his fox hounds into the council chamber whilst the council were in debate.
SOLILOQUY on the LAST SHILLING.
IN the dry desert of a leathern pocket There yet remains a solitary shilling, In his last retreat: So lies the hunted stag, In tim'rous, fearful mood, when in full cry The bellowing hounds threaten his dissolution. My honest, faithful, generous friend, come forth! Joy of my heart, and pleasure of my eyes, Thou royal stamp of majesty divine, Must thou dissolve? Yes, time will have it so. Here, waiter! bring me change: Be not dismay'd; Thy being must have end, but not to-day; The dogs will tear thee, and thy mangled limbs Will soon be scatter'd o'er this joyless waste; Yet, Phoenix like, thou shalt again revive, Again shine forth, assume thy native splendor. But let me charge thee, as my last request, Mix not with vulgar coin; forever shun The impious hand that would in iron chest Thy useful, humble services retard. Now I dismiss thee: Oh, farewell forever! As lightning, swift fly to some empty cob, And faithful still, as thou hast been to me, Assist where griping penury usurps; For only there thy value can be known.
For the MONUMENT of General WOLFE. Rest, warrior, rest; what wonders hast thou done! Restor'd thy country, and an empire won; Falling, thou conquer'd in the arms of death, And hail'd the triumph with thy parting breath. To tell thy fate no marbles can suffice; Behold the hist'ry in a nation's eyes. Though to this shrine select in tears we come, Yet all BRITANNIA is the HERO's TOMB.
The ORIGIN of MAN. To know the origin from whence you came, And the frail fashion of this human frame, Pause o'er those monuments with pensive eye, Where purpled tyrants, proud oppressors lie; All who could boast wealth, wisdom, beauty, birth, Here meet, and mingle with one common earth: Yet these no bright accomplishments could save From fate's dread sentence to the gloomy grave: There while you read the frailty of your frame, Learn from what vile original you came.
BOSTON, November 1. To the GENTLEMEN, MERCHANTS, and TRADERS of this province.
GENTLEMEN, AS the general topic of conversation has lately been relative to some quantities of TEA, said to be shipped by the East India company for this place, New York, and Philadelphia, it has been expected that the merchants and traders would have called a meeting before now on this occasion. For, my brethren, I take it to be a matter of great consequence to our trade, and it may prove to have a dangerous tendency, and which deserves your most serious attention and deliberation.
If, my brethren, the government had taken off the three pence sterling per pound duty on importation in America, which was generally thought would have taken place, then the East India company might have attempted this plan with a better face; but while that duty remains a burthen on us, and is for the sole purpose of a revenue, to me it appears that the evil is so obvious, that it requires no explanation at this time.
The operation of the sale of this tea when it arrives may also produce very bad effects; if the gentlemen who are entrusted with this commission should pretend to sell it by the single chest or smaller quantities, then it will affect a great number of gentlemen who used to import tea, as it will certainly deprive them of the benefit they used to make of the sale of that article; and should any arrive soon, and the article admitted for sale, tea being now scarce, the East India company will find a profit on it so as to encourage them to continue their exportations, which I presume will fully supply us, and those gentlemen that have dealt in that article will altogether be deprived of the benefit arising from such business.
Another consequence that will further attend it, by degrees it will drain us of most, if not all our present circulating cash. This is so great an evil, that should it take place, in will in the course of a few years ruin this province, and put us to the necessity of applying to government for a paper currency again. This we formerly found to be so big with many evils and inconveniencies, and even the ruin of many distressed widows, orphans, and others, by the depreciation of paper currency, that I even shudder at the thoughts of it.
I am sensible there may be plausible arguments against this position, but at present my design is not to enter into any in this letter, but if any appears, they will be answered with moderation and candour.
For the above reasons, and many more that may be added, and for your own interest and preservation, I think it very necessary to beg you will no longer delay to call a general meeting of the merchants and traders together, that they may seriously consider of this momentous affair. I beg you will do nothing precipitately, but I think you may safely follow the example of your brethren at New-York and Philadelphia. I am, gentlemen, your most humble servant, A MERCHANT.
Captain Scott was offered the tea intended to be sent here, as were several captains of vessels for this port, but they all refused taking it on board. It was not thought, when he left London, that the East India company would send any tea, fearing it would meet with a reception not at all to their advantage in America.
By a schooner, in about six weeks from Halifax, we learn that his Excellency Francis Legge, Esquire, lately appointed governor of Nova Scotia, in the room of Lord William Campbell, was arrived there in the brig Adamant, Capt. Crowne. We are also told that Lord William Campbell, with his family, were soon to embark on board the above brig, on their return to England.
By a vessel just arrived from New Providence we learn that two companies of the 14th regiment had arrived there from Saint Augustine, and that they all died in the course of a week, except two.
NEW LONDON (in Connecticut) October 22.
The counsel, to whom the general assembly of this colony applied for their opinion, in respect to the validity of the colony's claims to the western lands, lying within the boundaries of the charter, and westward of the province of New York, have given their opinion in favour of the title of the colony; and the assembly in their present sessions, have thereupon resolved, that they will assert their claim, and effectually support such claim to those lands, against the proprietaries of Pennsylvania, who lay claim to the same, in opposition to the title of this colony. The counsel who have signed this opinion are the attorney general, the solicitor general, the solicitor to the board of trade and plantations, and Mr. Dunning.
NEWPORT, November 1.
Last Wednesday the honourable the general assembly of this colony met at South Kingstown, and on Thursday a warrant was granted by the speaker of the house of deputies for bringing Mr. George Rome before the house, on account of a certain letter some time since returned from England signed George Rome; and on Saturday afternoon, being brought before the house, and returning evasive answers to the questions put to him, the house deemed his conduct a contempt, and he was, in consequence thereof, committed to his Majesty's gaol in South Kingstown, where he remained until the house rose, which was
between 8 and 9 o'clock on the evening of the same day.
We hear that in answer to a petition from the Massachusetts assembly, respecting the appointment of judges, &c. his Majesty declared his intentions of supporting the supreme authority and right of the British parliament to make the laws binding on the colonies, and expressed his great displeasure that principles repugnant to this right should be held forth in the petition.
NEW YORK, November 3. Extract of a letter from St. George's Key, dated Honduras Bay, August 29, 1773.
The day before yesterday arrived at this Key the Garland man of war, in consequence of a petition from the inhabitants of this place to Admiral Rodney in Jamaica; she is to stay here till there is an end to the rebellion. There were great matters expected from the last party we had out in search of the insurgents, but, to the great grief of every body here, they have returned unsuccessful, not being lucky enough to fall in with them. It is uncertain whether they have gone back towards the Spaniards, or whether they are encamped nigh hand. Until the truth of this is known, we apprehend ourselves in almost as much danger as ever, and Heaven only knows when there will be an end to it.
The Garland, in her way hither, called at Port Omboua, at which place she spoke a register ship bound to Old Spain, who gave the following melancholy account, viz. that on the 29th of July last, the city of Guatimalla was sunk by an earthquake, and upwards of 30,000 souls perished. It was but a few days before the Garland spoke the ship that she received the express to carry home. As this is the first vessel for America since we received the news, we beg you will have it inserted in your newspapers."
By letters of good authority from England we are informed that the 14th regiment now at St. Augustine, the 16th at Pensacola, and the 52d at Quebec, will be relieved next summer; and that the 4th, or King's own, and the 5th regiments, are ordered out for that purpose, but we cannot yet learn what other corps is to be added to them to complete the relief. And we are likewise informed that for the future the garrisons in the West Indies will be relieved by regiments doing duty in North America, which will always be supplied by fresh battalions from Great Britain and Ireland.
In the Philadelphia Packet of last week was published an extract of a letter to a merchant in that city, from Lisbon, complaining of the bad quality of the Philadelphia flour, &c. a remarker upon this extract, in the Packet of Monday last, expresses his surprize that any merchant of Philadelphia should receive or publish such an account, since it is notorious; that for many years past the flour in Philadelphia has been inspected with the greatest care; that it is in the highest estimation at every port where it has been carried, particularly in England, and that the account published can only be true of flour damaged by being too long kept, or otherwise.
Yesterday afternoon Daniel McLeod, Esquire, of Kilmorie, a gentleman lately arrived from Scotland, set off for Albany, on his way to Beekman township, on Lake Champlain, to view the land, which he has just made a purchase of. On his return hither, he intends immediately embarking for Scotland, in order to emigrate a considerable number of families to settle that place.
They write from Charlestown, South Carolina, that on the 16th of September a schooner belonging to Capt. Gilbert Harrison, of this port, and a small schooner belonging to Virginia, were lost at Grenada, in a gale of wind that happened there.
Several days last week a very large whale was seen in the north as well as the east river, near this city.
A correspondent, in one of the Boston papers, has hinted, that it would be highly improper to return those great cargoes of tea that are expected without sending the important gentlemen, whose existence depends on it, along with it, to give the premier the reason of such conduct.
PHILADELPHIA, November 3.
We hear that the general assembly of the lower counties have appointed a committee of the house to correspond with the committees of the other houses of representatives on the continent, to enquire into the nature, &c. of the new court opened at Rhode Island, for enquiring into the affair of the Gaspée schooner, and to have a particular attention to all such acts of the British parliament as may in any wise affect America.
Extract of a letter from Edenton, in North Carolina, dated September 6.
"On the first day of this instant we had the most violent gale of wind that has been known for a long time. There were 15 sail of vessels at Ocracoke Bar, mostly outward bound, all of which except one, were either drove on shore or lost; indeed the greatest part of them are entirely lost, and a number of persons, some say near fifty, perished. The hardest of the gale was about north."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Boston, dated October 5, 1773.
"You may depend no tea, if it should arrive, will be landed here. The spirit of opposition to that measure is daily gaining strength, and will bring on a struggle that, I trust, will have a prosperous issue."

BALTIMORE, October 23. Extract of a letter from Londonderry to a gentleman in this town, dated August 1, 1773.
"As you cannot be strangers on your side the water to the general commotions which affect this kingdom, some particulars thereof may not be unacceptable to you: The stagnation of commerce, occasioned by a resolve of the merchants to take no gold coin under full weight, is very prejudicially and universally felt. No less than the amount of 20,000l. of this specie has been already cut to pieces at the bank. We hope, however, that the result of an address now framing for the lord lieutenant and privy council will give us relief. The distress of our manufacturers in many branches is truly afflictive. Notwithstanding which, so great is the propensity to luxury, that foreign manufactures are in as great request as ever. Several thousands of weavers in Dublin have assembled and paraded the streets, threatening destruction to the vendors and wearers of any commodity but such as is manufactured in this kingdom; and, to fill the measure of our woes, a stamp act is with some certainty talked of, nay, it is beyond a doubt that the heads of it have been long formed, but kept back as a dernier ressource . To this species of oppression we are determined to shew a warm opposition; in which we cannot be better governed than by adopting a conduct similar to that of the colonies, when the nauseous pill was offered to them for digestion; for, weighing the whole of their conduct at that trying crisis, it must be acknowledged laudable, and such as has deservedly done them high honour, and will, at some future period, give resplendency to a page in the annals of America."
WILLIAMSBURG, November 25. The Peggy, Rothery, the Florida Packet, Elam, the Grenada Packet, Madox, from New York, and the Molly, Goffigin, from Philadelphia, are arrived in James river.
The printer hereof presents her compliments to the TRAVELLER, and informs him that INIMICUS PRODAGORUM is now received, and shall have a place in this paper as soon as possible.
To Mrs. R I N D.
MADAM, Please to insert the following order of council in your Gazette, and continue the publication of it three weeks, for the information of the officers and soldiers therein mentioned.
At a COUNCIL, held November 4, 1773. IT was ordered, that the five certificates lately returned to the secretary's office for 72,299 acres of land (being the residue of the 200,000 acres promised by the Honourable Robert Dinwiddie's proclamation of the 19th of February, 1754) should be patented in the following manner, viz.
The survey for the tract of 7276 acres to George Washington and George Muse; the former to have 3953, and the latter 3323 acres.
The tract of 28,400 acres to the following persons, whose proportions thereof are mentioned after their names, viz. Robert Stobo's heir 9000, Jacob Vanbraam 9000, John Banes, representative of J. Towers, deceased, 6000, Andrew Fowler 400, Thomas Napp 400, the representative of Arthur Watts, deceased, 400, John Fox, assignee of Jesse May, 400, Francis Self 400, Robert Stewart 400, Robert Murphey 400, John Smith 400, Alexander Bonny 400, the representative of William Horn, deceased, 400, and William M c Anulty 400 acres.
The tract of 1894 acres to the following persons, in the proportions, mentioned after their names, viz. William Bronaugh 6000, Doctor James Craik 1794, and George Muse 100 acres.
The tract of 6788 acres to the following persons, in like manner, viz. Andrew Wagener 2572, John Welt 1400, and George Mercer 2816 acres. And
The tract of 21,941 acres, in like manner, to the following persons, viz. To the heir of Col. Joshua Fry 7242, John Savage 2572, Thomas Bullet 2500, the representative of William Wright, deceased 2500, John David Woelpert 600, Adam Stephen 2100, Andrew Lewis 2100, and Peter Hog 2100 acres.
In making the above allotment of these five tracts of land, it may not be amiss to remark, that those who were deficient of their respective quantities at the last distribution have been considered in the present; and as the issuing of these patents will complete the grant of 200,000 acres, under the proclamation aforesaid, it is hoped, and expected, that all those who have contributed nothing, or partially towards the completion of it, will now (without more delay) think it reasonable and just to pay their several proportions of the expences attending this undertaking into the hands of theirs and your most humble servant, GEORGE WASHINGTON.
ALL persons who have any demands against the estate of Richard Cocke, of Brunswick, deceased, are desired to make them known immediately; and those indebted, it is hoped, will make payment without farther notice
2 * LEMUEL COCKE, Executor.
THE conscientious Elkanah Deane, doubting of his own integrity and veracity, has got an officious monitor, who makes bold to admonish me by telling me to be honest: How justly he may be authorized so to do I leave to the determination of the public; however, I thank him kindly for his unasked for admonition. But it is to you I address myself, not your monitor. You urge me to declare, what I have yet never denied, that is, my not having been in Europe. I thought I had sufficiently given you to understand how it came about; but, since you will have a public declaration, it was a mistake of the person who wrote the advertisement for me; because I had mentioned to him that my father had served his time there, he did not know but what I had also. I hope you will no longer accuse me of not coming to the point. I think your monitor has led you astray by introducing the cant term pettifogger ; a query that is neither resolvable by him or you. No matter where this Canadian has learned his trade; though you falsely will have it, in your shop. But let us come to the point, which shall be, since you will have it I am not a workman, to make, each of us, a coach, and stipulate any certain sum, to be depending on the best finished of the two, in every respect, as well for the goodness of the work as the ornamental part, which shall be decided by those who are judges, that they and every one may impartially say THE WORK HAS CROWNED THE WHOLE. Farewell. From your's, A CANADIAN.
For SALE,
BETWEEN seven and eight hundred acres of LAND, in the lower end of Goochland, equal in quality to any land in the neighbourhood, being a very fine fertile soil, extremely well adapted either for tobacco, wheat, or Indian corn. The sale will be on Tuesday the 21st day of December next, on the premises, where Edward Barrett lives. The land lies within 20 miles of the town of Richmond, to which there is an excellent fine road. The terms will be one third payable in April twelvemonth, another third April two years, the last April three years. Bond and security will be required, and interest from the date, if each payment is not punctually made. I shall attend there three or four days preceding the day of sale, in order to shew it to any one who inclines to purchase; in the mean time it will be shewn by Edward Barrett. 2 THOMAS TOWLES, STOCKLEY TOWLES.
TO BE SOLD, in Charles City county, a plantation, lying upon a branch of Herring creek, containing 200 acres, 40 or 50 acres of which are good low grounds; also a dwellinghouse 28 by 18, and other houses; likewise some orchards. This is an excellent place for stock. Any person wanting to purchase may know the terms by applying to Capt. William Green Munford, who lives within 4 miles of the plantation. SYLVANUS GREGORY.
IN pursuance of a decree of the county court of Elizabeth City will be sold, at the dwellinghouse of John Casey, at Saltford's creek, in the said county, on Thursday the 16th of December, if fair, if not, the next fair day, the tract of land whereon the said Casey now lives, containing 62 acres, more or less, whereon is a good dwellinghouse, with some convenient out houses, lying about 5 miles from Hampton, and convenient for fishing, fowling, &c. likewise two Negroes, twelve head of neat cattle, two oxen, one pair of cart wheels, twenty head of sheep, two horses, and one mare, to satisfy a mortgage due to the estate of William Westwood, deceased. Twelve months credit will be allowed the purchasers, giving bond, with approved security, payable to the executors of said Westwood; the bonds to carry interest from the day of sale. The SHERIFF.
PETERSBURG, November 15, 1773.
THE death of Mr. Richard Booker occasions a discontinuance of the business carried on by him at this place by the firm of Richard Booker and company: This is therefore to request those who have had dealings with the said concern to pay off their respective balances immediately to Mr. Thomas Shore, who is properly authorized to receive and settle the same; likewise to treat with any person in want of the goods on hand, which consist of a large assortment suitable for the season.
3 THE SURVIVING PARTNERS.
SURRY, November 20, 1773.
ALL persons indebted to the estate of Mr. William Edwards, deceased, are desired to pay their accounts immediately; and those who have any demands against the said estate are requested to bring or send them to the subscriber by the 25th of December next. 2 NICHOLAS FAULCON, jun. executor.
TAKEN up, in King William, a small brown heife, marked with a swallowfork and half crop in each ear, the two hind feet white a little above the hoofs, and some white in her flanks. Posted, and appraised to 11 10s. * ANNE PATMER.
TAKEN up, in Amherst, a middle sized gray fleabitten horse, about 4 feet 5 or 6 inches high, no perceivable brand, and appears to be very old. Posted, and appraised to 4l. * MOSES CAMPBELL.
ROBERT YOUNG, lately from London, intends to leave this colony shortly.
FOR SALE,
ABOUT twelve thousand acres of exceeding rich TOBACCO LAND, in Amherst county, whereon are several plantations and improvements sufficient to work forty or fifty hands. There is on this land for sale a very valuable GRIST MILL, lately built, with a stone dam and a pair of good COLOGNE MILLSTONES, which mill has for two years past got upwards of 100 barrels of toll corn, and is situated on a never failing stream. The land will be shewn by William Womack, who lives at one of the plantations, and the prices of the land made known by him. One or two years credit will be allowed, interest being paid for the second year, and also for the first, if the money is not paid agreeable to contract. The land is to be laid off and surveyed by Colonel William Cabell, at the expence of the purchaser. Deeds will be made, upon bond and approved security being given, either to Call, William Cabell, or the subscriber. Six per cent. discount will be allowed for ready money, or good merchants notes. If any person would chuse to exchange lands in the lower part of the country, on or near some navigable river, that are good, it is more than probable we should agree.
November 10, 1773. } t f CARTER BRAXTON.
To be SOLD, on Tuesday the 4th of January next, if fair, otherwise next fair day, at Samuel Watson's plantation, in Amherst county, about five miles from Penn's ordinary,
EIGHTY choice SLAVES, consisting of men, women, and children, most of whom are Virginia born, a large quantity of CORN and FODDER, sixty or seventy head of CATTLE, some PLOW HORSES, MARES and COLTS, and many PLANTATION UTENSILS. Credit will be allowed until the first day of April, 1775; but if payment is not made then the bonds to carry five per cent. interest from the day of sale. Bond and approved security to be given to Messrs. William Cabell, James Allen, John Hawkins, and William Womack, who are empowered to conduct the sale. Six per cent. interest will be allowed for ready money, and also for some merchants notes, after they have accepted orders drawn on them. At the same time and place will be rented, if not before sold, several valuable PLANTATIONS, in fine order for cropping, sufficient to work 30 hands, with all necessary houses.
Some of the SLAVES will be sold for ready money. 6 CARTER BRAXTON.
ON Monday the 29th of this month will be sold all the personal estate of the late Mr. John Tyler; also the houses and lots, and a young cook wench with two children. Six months credit for all sums above forty shillings for the personal estate, and twelve months for the houses, &c. Bond and security will be required by
JOHN TYLER, Executor.
CHESTERFIELD, November 19, 1773.
WHEREAS the partnership of Wright, Fowler, and company, was dissolved the first of October last, it is requested of all persons indebted to the said concern immediately to discharge their balances, as the situation of the concern will admit of no indulgence. Those who are unable, are desired to settle, and grant bond, with security, if required. The GOODS on hand will be sold on Thursday the 16th of December next, altogether, or in parcels, as may best suit the purchasers. The credit will be agreed on at the day of sale. Bond, with security, will be required 3 WILLIAM FOWLER.
THURSDAY, December 4, 1776.
ORDERED, That the Clerks of the several County Courts in this Colony do transmit to the Clerk of this House, in the first Part of every Meeting of the General Assembly, a List of the Titheables in their Counties, containing the Names of such Titheables; and that they transmit also, at the same Time, a List of the public Charges of their respective Counties.
ORDERED, That the Clerk of this House do cause the same to be published in the Virginia Gazette.
BY THE HOUSE OF BURGESSES. GEORGE WYTHE. C. H. B.
A YOUNG gentleman, who has lately taken his batchelor's degree at Nassau Hall college, in New Jersey, would be glad of employment as a private or public TUTOR, and will wait on any gentleman, on notice being given by letter, directed to Mr. William Carr, postmaster at Dumfries, if the terms proposed are approved.
WILLIAMSBURG, November 18, 1773.
THE many difficulties attending the management of the estate of the late Mr. William Rind compel me once more to remind all those indebted to it to be speedy in their payments, otherwise I shall be necessitated to use the most rigorous means; and those who have bonds, or other specialties, which are not already made known, will please to acquaint me thereewith, that they may be adjusted as soon as possible—I must also entreat the collectors in the several counties not to be remiss in making their returns, as the necessity of it must be obvious.
WILLIAM RUSSELL, Administrator.
WILLIAMSBURG: Printed by CLEMENTINA RIND, at the NEW PRINTING OFFICE, on the Main Street. All Persons may be supplied with this GAZETTE at 12/6 per Year. ADVERTISEMENTS of a moderate Length are inserted for 3/ the first Week, and 2/ each Time after; and long ones in Proportion.