Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1809-03-29 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER.  SINT HIC ETIAM SUA PRÆMIA LAUDI.
[VOL. V.]
WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 29, 1809.
NO. 103.]
For CHARTER, The Fine Copper Fastened Ship POCAHONTAS, CHRISTOPHER TOMPKINS, Master; burthen 380 tons or 400 hogsheads, ready for the reception of a cargo. Apply to Wilson & Cunningham.
March 8.
For Sale, on our wharf, 15000 bushels blown SALT,
principally afloat.  6000 ditto coarse ditto,  300 sacks ditto Liverpool, filled.  136 bags St Domingo COFFEE,  7 hds do SUGAR,  44 bbls do do  65 hds St Kitt's SUGAR,  87 bbls do do  56 hds do MOLASSES,  52 hds Jamaica COFFEE,  24 do do SUGAR,  121 bags PIMENTO,  380 boxes brown Havana SUGARS,  25 bags do COFFEE,  27000 feet MAHOGANY,  5 ton LOGWOOD,  3 do BRAZILETTO,  100 half crates QUEEN'S-WARE, well assorted  10 hds Havana MOLASSES,  10 pipes I. P. MADEIRA,  20 cases Superior CLARET,  5 puncheons old Jamaica RUM. 
Domestic.
 1000 hogsheads TOBACCO,  100 barrels PORK,  100 do TAR,  100 do PITCH,  400 do Superior FLOUR,  50 do WHISKEY,  UPLAND COTTON. 
C. & F. Whittle,
Who offer for Charter, The Ship ELIZA,
burthen 420 hogsheads Tobacco.
March 16.
FOR SALE, A fine new Pilot-Boat SCHOONER,
of 100 tons burthen, will finish rigging in a few days.
ALSO, The HULL and SPARS,
of one about the same size, of similar construction.
ALSO, A full built SCHOONER,
of 125 tons, or 1100 barrels; the above vessels now lying at Goshorn's wharf.
ALSO, A New Pilot-Boat SCHOONER,
of 120 tons burthen, now on the stocks, will be launched in a week.
ALSO, A VESSEL,
of 240 tons, of very superior materials and construction, building in Mathews, and can be launched in three weeks. For terms apply to
Wilson & Cunningham.
March 6.
FOR CHARTER, The Ship CLEOPATRA,
John Johnson, master, burthen 376 tons, and will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. This Ship is almost new and remarkably well built—Apply to the master on board, or the subscriber,
William Pennock.
Who has still unengaged, The Ships Jane, Industry,
AND
Courtney.
And offers for Sale, 10,000 cubick feet of Pitch PINE
Savannah TIMBER, 25 to 35 feet long, and 12 to 13 inches square,
50,000 Rough Hogshead STAVES,
17,000 Drawn Pipe do
10 Casks HOOKS and THIMBLES,
16 Hogsheads very fine Old TOBACCO, and
93 Boxes Castle SOAP.
March 9.
For Sale, or Freight to New-York, The fine new Pilot built Brig PATRIOT,
Richard Pitt, Master, burthen about 180 tons, now ready to receive a cargo. For terms apply to Wilson & Cunningham.
February 23.
FOR SALE, The Schooner LYDIA,
Burthen about 1000 barrels,
AND
The Brig NANCY,
Burthen from 1300 to 1400 barrels. Both of these vessels are well found; the former now ready to receive a cargo, and the latter will be so in all this week.
JAMES YOUNG.
February 23.
FOR CHARTER, The Ship General Colburn,
burthen 250 tons—A fine new vessel.
The Ship POCAHONTAS,
Burthen 400 tons.
AND
The Ship ARIADNE,
Burthen 330 tons.—The two latter are also new vessels, and copper fastened.
Moses Myers.
For Freight or Charter, The American Brig ELIZA, HENRY BROWN, Master; burthen 200 hogsheads, now ready to receive a cargo. Apply to the master, or C. & F. WHITTLE.
March 20.
SALT.
A quantity of coarse SALT, suited for the fisheries, on board the Ship Jeanie.
And
Liverpool Blown SALT, on board the Ship Highlander, for sale on accommodating terms, taken from a long side.
Robert Dickson.
March 20.
PATENT ILLUMINATORS,
OR
Sky-Lights for Shipping, &c.
Giving a more general Light than the common Sky-Light, with one half the expense; and are equally applicable to the state-room, steerage and forecastle, as in the cabin—they are neither liable to break or be damaged by the common traffic of the deck. Apply to
E. Sturtevant, Agent.
March 10.
THE SUBSCRIBER
Wishes to Sell, and will Sell or Rent on moderate terms,
That very excellent Wharf and Lot, in the town of Gosport, at present occupied by William Smith; the Wharf, Ware-Houses, and Dwelling-House are all in good repair.
Thirteen Lots in the Town of Suffolk;
And the following Property in Norfolk, Two good Fire-Proof Warehouses
on the Eastern side of Commerce-Street, Nos 4 and 6
Two Dwelling-Houses and Lots
on Boush-street, in good repair, and very pleasantly situated. Apply to
John Granbery.
September 14.
FOR SALE, 40 pun. choice old Demarara RUM,
200 hogsheads MOLASSES,
150,000 wt. Muscovado SUGAR,
200 boxes Havana brown SUGAR,
80 do do white do
600 bushels Extra and Cadiz SALT,
150 sacks Liverpool do
30 cases GLASSWARE, consisting of Tumblers, Decanters, and Wine Glasses,
13 crates QUEENSWARE, consisting principally of Plates and Dishes,
480 pieces CHECKS and LISTADOES,
40 boxes CASTILE SOAP; 14 bales CORKS, GIN in cases, and Gosport RUM.
James Young.
March 16.
For Sale, A flat, 705 barrels Superfine
345 do Fine
644 bushels BRAN,
SALT loose and in sacks, by
A. Maclure.
March 3.
Landing on Commerce-Street Wharf, the Cargo of the Spanish Brig General Palafox, from Havana,
280 boxes brown Havana SUGARS,
17 hds 85,000 wt. best Green Coffee,
And a few boxes SEGARS—For Sale by
MOSES MYERS.
February 27.
FOR SALE In our Ware-House, where the largest vessel can come alongside,
15,000 bushels of CORN,
2000 do do white,
30 bales Cotton.
ALSO, 4000 bushels coarse SALT,
150 sacks Ground Allum do.
45 hogsheads old Antigua Rum,
do Jamaica do
40 hogsheads Sugar, 80 barrels do.
A few casks excellent Port Wine, Coffee in hogsheads, Madeira Wine, 45 crates Earthen-ware, Tobacco from several inspections.
GEO. MURRAY, & Co.
September 9.
NOTICE.
As I am obliged, by the low state of my health, to decline carrying on business, I will sell my STOCK on hand, consisting of SALEABLE GROCERIES, which will be an object worthy the attention of any person wishing to commence the Grocery Business, as I am inclined to sell the whole on reasonable terms.
The purchaser may also obtain the Store now occupied by me, on a reasonable rent from Mr. John McPhail, which is well calculated for extensive business, being fitted for a Store and Dwelling-House, and inferior to no stand in the place.
I earnestly request those indebted to me to settle their accounts as soon as possible, so as to enable me to discharge my debts.
ANGUS MARTIN.
February 23.
Landing on Commerce-Street wharf, from on board the British Brig Point Shares, from Havana,
239 boxes SUGARS,
87 hogsheads Prime Muscovado Sugar,
14 barrels
112 bags GREEN COFFEE—For Sale by
Moses Myers.
March 3.
Twenty Dollars
For the apprehension of SAM, a negro man the property of the late Dr. Anthony T. Dixon, of Charles City, who broke prison in September last, and has been in Norfolk with a counterfeit pass, under the hand of his mistress, Ann Dixon; he has been seen in York and Hampton, and in all probability is in one of those places. He is tall and slim, very black, stoops forward, and moves rapidly.
John Tyler.
March 16.
Green Coffee and Loaf Sugar. 20,000 lb. choice Green COFFEE,
8,000 do. first quality Philadelphia Loaf SUGAR.
For Sale on reasonable terms by
Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co.
March 22.
Five Dollars Reward.
Strayed a white and brown COW, with short horns and legs. The above reward will be paid to any person who will give information so that she be recovered. Apply to the Printer March 22.
MACKINDER & WHITE,
Offer for Sale for Cash or approved Notes, 2,500 barrels NAVAL STORES,
3,500 bushels coarse SALT,
2,500 bushels INDIAN CORN,
1,250 barrels Superior FLOUR,
130 bales Georgia Up and COTTON,
28 do New Orleans do
100 barrels Smithfield and Carolina PORK,
54 crates well assorted EARTHENWARE,
40 chests and 20 boxes H. S. & Young Hyson TEA
ALSO A general assortment of Dry Goods.
September 27 Mtf
REMOVAL.
The Subscriber informs his friends and the publick that he has removed his
Saddle and Harness Manufactory,
from No. 22, to No. 11, Church-street, where he continues to make all kinds of SADDLES, COACH and GIG HARNESS, CAPS and HATS, and generally all other articles belonging to his profession.
He returns his thanks to his friends for the encouragement he has received, and hopes from the superiority of his work, to merit a continuance of their custom, and from the publick he expects that additional encouragement (only) which superior workmanship deserves; and he warrants the workmanship of all articles made in his shop to be far superior to any done in Norfolk, and at least equal to any in the United States.
As the times have become difficult, it will be necessary for the future, that the cash should come when the work goes out in all cases; the total impossibility of collecting outstanding debts renders this regulation indispensable, it will therefore be strictly adhered to.
JOHN SIMPSON.
March 10.
German Linen for Exportation.
NIEMEYER & VON KAPFF,
Offer for Sale At their Warehouse in Water-Street, at the corner Maxwell's wharf, for cash, or approved paper only.
54 packages of German Linen,
consisting of
140 pieces Osnabricks
60 pieces Ticklenburgs,
500 pieces White Rolls,
900 Tuedens,
300 pieces Hessians,
1 case Plaitings,
1 case Shirt Linen,
1 case Sheetings,
ALSO,
40 pieces best Russia Canvass,
65 do Topgalliant Duck,
8000 Coffee Bags,
3,500 Gunny Bags,
90 boxes best Spanish Segas,
50 boxes English Pipes,
700 Straws 1-2 pt. Tumblers,
30 doz do Decanters,
350 pieces excellent Oil Cloth
30 pieces Paper Hanging,
3 cases Port Wine.
And at their Store in Main-Street, a great variety of
Cutlery and Fancy Articles.
Apply as above. Nov. 9.
FOR RENT.
A Convenient Dwelling House on the Main-Street, near the Bridge, next door to Mrs. Archer.
ALSO,
That commodious House on Catharine-street, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes, adjoining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses.
ALSO,
A very convenient Dwelling-House, just finished, on Commerce-street. For terms apply to James Tucker.
August 15.
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK.
WANTED TO PURCHASE,
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK,
For which Cash will be given. Application to be made to the SECRETARY of the MARINE INSURANCE COMPANY.
JOHN GRANBERY, President
Office of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, Dec. 14.
JOHN PENDRED'S
Boot and Shoe Manufactory,
No. 70, MAIN-STREET.
The publick are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands. N.B. Orders for Double Backstays, single do. a day, executed with

THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 29, 1809.
The following interesting extract of a letter from a gentleman in New-York, to his correspondent in this place has been politely handed us.
New York, March 23, 1809.
"Palafax has gained a complete victory at Saragossa over Marshal Moncey, four thousand killed, four thousand wounded, and many prisoners. The Spanish Count (Stoughton) has received official accounts from Havanna, and dates have been received there from Seville to the twenty-seventh of January."
"I do not hear that the British have been engaged. More particulars to-morrow."
We shall wait with anxiety, the arrival of the next northern mail, in the hope of receiving a confirmation and details of the above intelligence.
The address of Mr. GARNETT to his late constituents, is every way entitled to the consideration of the reader. This gentleman although known to many, is not to all our readers; his letter informs us of the party to which he belonged, when he entered public life, and from which he avers he has not separated, while the principles upon which he was associated, were maintained.
This gentleman is one of those who understands republicanism as a principle, and not as a quality belonging to certain men only; he is one of those who judges measures by their obvious effects, and not because they are advocated by one set of men, or opposed by another set; for exercising his judgment upon these principles, he has (as we learn from his letter) been subjected to the calumny, which every independent man is exposed to, in these days.
We are not acquainted with Mr. Garnett, nor are we of the same political party, but we lament, that such men, should at this important and critical juncture of our affairs, withdraw from the national councils.
We copy into our paper, Mr. Secretary Gallatin's second set of instructions for executing the late non-intercourse law, and his instructions of that, and such parts of the embargo laws as are yet unrepealed.
It is much to be lamented, that the laws cannot be so framed, as to be comprehended, without the aid of executive constructions, especially as that standard is so liable to vibration, for that which was law last week, is not so this, and perhaps the next week may produce another circular, and new and other constructions of the law.
The construction put upon the law as it regarded French and British vessels, was not very important to the people of this country, but it was such that every one who took the trouble to compare the letter with the spirit of the law, pronounced as absurd.
It is difficult to know what ports are permitted, and what are not, for it may so happen that by proceeding to a port now deemed legal, it may hereafter be considered as illegal, and a forfeiture incurred. If the laws are intended as traps for the unwary, we give our legislators all the credit for ingenuity which such praiseworthy talent deserves, but if the laws are intended as rules for the government of our conduct, it is evident that those who framed them, do not possess the happiness of being understood by others, or even of understanding what they intend themselves.
We do not speak from our own information, but we understand that several of the members of congress who voted for this law, have declared that it was not their intention, to prevent Swedish, Spanish, Portuguese, and other foreign vessels (those of France and Great Britain excepted) from taking cargoes to ports not interdicted. Yet the Secretary of the Treasury gives a different construction to this part of the law—Is it true that the ministers of France and Great Britain near the United States, have signified that if the merchant ships of other foreign nations, were allowed privileges denied to the ships of their nations, that it would be deemed cause of war?
In respect to Saint Domingo, the reason for considering it a dependency of France, is extraordinary in principle, than not more inconsistent in our government. If ever one nation was completely independent of another, St. Domingo is independent of France, for the latter has not the power to protect, or command, in that Island. We did expect that the American government would be among the last to assert that the independence of a nation is not established by its own will to declare it, or its own power to maintain it, but upon the acts of other governments to acknowledge it. Buonaparte has lately declared that Spain, was in a state of rebellion, and if his successes (which God forbid) should compel that nation to submit to his will, the colonies of Spain, tho' willing to declare, and able to assert their independence, will not be considered as such by Mr. Gallatin. The Emperor will recognize in this obedience to his views, the fidelity of one of his ci-devant subjects.
"There is nothing in the law (says Mr. Gallatin) which forbids the sale of an American vessel abroad." We always have understood, that that which is not forbidden, is permitted, provided that it be not contrary to the publick peace, and in contempt of the morals of society. We would ask any man, what injury the publick can receive from an American citizen, selling his vessel in a foreign port? Such arbitrary restraints upon the free use of property, are inconsistent with the maxims, and principles in which the people of this country have been educated, and will if persisted in, bring their abettors into contempt, and happy will it be for our country if that should be all.
FOR THE NORFOLK LEDGER.
Observations and Queries addressed to the Freeholders of the York Congressional District.
In the year 1804 an act passed the legislature of Virginia, annexing the Counties of James City and
Middlesex to your district, which before contained more than its legal complement; the object of which was to exclude the chance of sending a Federal Representative, or in the slang of the day an Aristocrat. For which act Mr. Bassett voted.
Can then any consistent Federalist, or even Republican give their vote to a man who to promote his own views, co-operated in such an outrage on the rights of others? Had not Mr. B. been foiled in his attempt to be elected for the district to which James City was before annexed? And did not this measure afford him the only chance of gratifying his ambition?
In the Congressional Session of 1807-8, were not repeated motions made to publish a letter from the French Secretary, Champagny; and did not Mr. B. as repeatedly oppose those motions, until the President recommended it?
Has Mr. B. ever assigned to you a reason for his conduct on this occasion? Or can any of you, having read that letter, assign one, why that letter should have been withheld from the publick?
Did not Mr. B. in this instance, and has he not frequently since, shown an improper devotion to executive influence? And ought the representatives of a free people to serve any idol except the publick good? even tho' in such service, his Coryphaeus, or a Jefferson should be merged?
You are all acquainted with that Presidential Hobby-horse, the gun boat system, and have seen its inefficacy. Was not Mr. B. the warm advocate, so long as it could be advocated, of this absurd and weak measure?
You have all felt the pressure of the embargo, prudent or necessary as a temporary measure, and therefore whilst such cheerfully acquiesced in. But have you not, after the most convincing proofs of its inefficacy, of its unequal pressure, of its recoiling with double weight upon yourselves, seen it under Presidential influence enforced by super-supplementary laws, oppressive in the extreme, and intirely repugnant to the constitution of a free people, and the rights and habits of free men? For every supplement Mr. B. has warmly voted, and particularly for the last, with a zeal proportionate to its turpitude. Your constitution protects and consecrates the right of having your conduct regulated and judged by known laws and independent upright judges. Does not the 2d section substitute in their place the arbitrary discretion of Collectors and Presidential instructions? Yet for this Mr. B. voted.
Your Bill of Rights and Constitution secure you against excessive fines and unusual punishment; your houses and property are also therein secured from unreasonable searches without evidence of a fact committed, and it is directed that warrants shall not issue but on probable cause supported by oath, particularly describing the place to be searched, and the person or thing to be seized.
Read the 7th and 9th sections and then say, is not excessive bail, or what is the same thing, a bond to six times a man's whole property required and in cases too where he is engaged in lawful pursuits, and where no probable charge of dishonesty or fault can be alleged? Permit me here to ask Mr. B. if two of his countymen should quarrel and one of them apply to him for a peace warrant swearing that his life was in danger; would he require bail to six times the amount of the others property? And yet he requires bond with security from an honest and peaceable fellow citizen to six times his worth, (tho' he supports a good character) that he will not become a rogue. But what is still more oppressive, if the poor man cannot procure security (a very probable case) he is debarr'd from pursuing his profession, and it may be said deprived in a measure of his sole property, since the 6th section forbids the sale of his vessel, unless he give bond with security, at the arbitrary discretion of the Collector, to the amount of 300 dollars per ton, which is more than six fold its value. In our Bill of Rights the means of acquiring property, and consequently of disposing of it, and the enjoyment of liberty and happiness are, we are told, imperceptible rights. Mr. B. sanctioned these sections. Has he not violated your invaluable rights?
The 6th section also directs the innocent owner of a ship or boat to heavy penalties occasioned by the fault of others, over whom he has no controul, and committed without his consent or knowledge—not to loss of his ship or boat only, but to enormous pecuniary penalties. Is not this to impose unusual fines and excessive punishment? Punishment of the innocent! And did not Mr. B. to this outrage give his assent?
The 9th section authorized the Collectors to seize or take into custody, without evidence, without warrant, and on their suspicion only (a Collector's suspicion!) Specie or any other domestic article, when he believes they are intended for exportation, or in any manner apparently on their way to any place whence such articles are intended for exportation. Thus not a single article can be conveyed to any sea port town or frontier but at the hazard of falling into the clutches of a greedy revenue officer, and every man may be deprived of his money, &c. under the pretext of suspicion by mercenary spies and hirelings. Has Mr. B. entitled himself to your future approbation and confidence by his cordial concurrence in this attack upon your property?
Your constitution forbids the military to be called out without the sanction of the civil power, and declares that in all cases it shall be under strict subordination to, and governed by the same.
After reading the 11th section it is not undeniable that the military are made subject to the will of the Collector without previous application to the magistrate, and called on even at the point of the bayonet to enforce his suspicions? Can you acquiesce in confiding such monstrous powers to the Collectors of Customs? Can you give you confidence and votes to one who has co-operated in conferring them? Mr. B. is that man.
Your Constitution guarantees the sacred trial by jury, before upright judges and by known laws and rules of evidence. Let me intreat you to read with the most scrupulizing and serious attention the 7th, 10th and 12th sections, and then let me ask you whether you are not sent to a single judge to petition to be heard and relieved; there to expose yourselves to treble costs if you fail of success? And are you not prevented the right of submitting to your peers the weight of evidence? whilst the defendant is allowed to plead the general issue and give in evidence this act, and THE INSTRUCTIONS and regulations of the President for his justification? Would it not be more reasonable to subject a Collector to treble costs committing injury in the exercise of his office, than he who in truth supposing himself injured, sues, but in vain, for redress? Mr. Bassett thinks otherwise, for these sections met his approbation.
This fatal supplementary act, this Pandora's box is so pregnant with evils that I might pursue my inquiries much further; but I am weary of the trouble; and the more as I regret their bearing on the publick character of a gentleman, whom in private life I highly esteem, whose amiable disposition, urbanity and politeness, where he is known, are by all acknowledged, to whom I have more than once, from respect to his general character given my vote, and of whose generous hospitality I have, when in Williamsburg, been occasionally a partaker. But unfortunately the most amiable private virtues are exposed to err in party questions, which involve the views and characters of their political friends. They recoil at merging the characters of the champions of their sect; and the zeal of friendship is too apt to present objects through a false medium, to throw a
mist before their eyes, and with its delusions clouded their minds and change their understanding.
I conclude with asking you whether you can reprobate the leading principles of this supplementary act, and whether without a change of members you are not satisfied that they will be pursued, and with more energy, in the ensuing congress? If you are not persuaded of this, I can only add, the Lord have mercy upon you, and rescue you from farther delusion.
A GLOUCESTER FREEHOLDER.
March 24, 1809.
The preceding observations and queries would have been communicated by last mail for the press, had I not since they were drawn up accidentally met with Mr. B's last circular, in which he attempts to justify the 1st supplement by numerous references to former federal acts. To examine these was a work of some time and difficulty; as the acts are not in my possession, and not easily accessible, being in very few hands, perhaps not one in twenty. The result, however, of my research, has forcibly led me to believe, that Mr. B. himself had not examined these references, but that they had been furnished him by some, with whom he is connected in politics; as most of them are no way applicable to the grand points in controversy, and as I think not one of them is in strictness relevant to them. The only ones which seem to have any bearing on the subject are those of August 4, 1790. section 46, 23, 50, 70, and June 5, 1794. The act of August, 1790, enacts that if the collector suspects any concealment, &c. they shall on application to any justice of the peace be entitled to a warrant to enter, &c. (in the day time only), and there search. Section 70, Foreign goods brought into the United States except by sea, to be forfeited with carriages, oxen, &c. bringing them; but no pecuniary penalties are added. Act June 5, 1794, allows the president to employ land or naval force, or militia, to take possession of any vessel fitted or armed for unlawful purposes, with their prizes. Admitting however, (which ought not to be admitted,) that these precedents would bear them out; is it not strange, passing strange, that Mr. B. and his party should seek shelter under acts which they then condemned, against which (to use Mr. B's phrase) they protested as far as they could, for no formal protest can be entered in the house of representatives; and raised the tocsin of opposition throughout the union. He must also be told that no precedent can justify what is wrong; and that where there is no consistency of conduct, there cannot be soundness of principle. Let me in conclusion ask Mr. B. and also you his late constituents, if the last supplementary act had passed in the administration of John Adams, if it would not have been execrated by him and his whole party, and spread a flame of resistance through the whole continent?
March 27, 1809.
FOR THE LEDGER.
TO BURWELL BASSETT, LATE MEMBER OF CONGRESS.
No. II.
SIR, I promised you in my first number, some further attentions. I will be concise; as concise as duty will permit. I will but briefly notice, the elegant, correct orthography of your circular letter; particularly exemplified, in the word concluding the first and commencing the second line of the second page. I had hoped that a member of our great national councils, when publickly communicating to his constituents, and surrounded with the dictionaries of Entick, Johnson and Walker, would have been cautious to have spelled, if not, to have written well. My memory, Sir, retraces with high emotions of chagrin and pain, your elegant debut in the session of Congress 1805-6. You will recollect, that when a lengthy bill, for the better government of the army of the United States, was before a committee of the whole house, you moved to expunge the first section, without assigning one, solitary, reason in support of your proposition. General Varnum, who had been the chairman of the committee who agreed to report this bill, called upon you, (and in language of solicitation and even supplication) for some argument, some light, to guide the committee, in their decision on your motion. You continued silent; he urged the house not to adopt your proposition, (which would destroy the bill) without some reason, some argument, evincing its propriety. You maintained an obstinate (I will not say stupid) silence; and your proposition met the fate which all should, when unsupported by arguments or reason; it was rejected. This is a faithful narrative (taken from the publick prints of that day) of the truly oratorical commencement of your congressional career. When I read this, I could not suppress my sensations. I felt for the district which had elected you. I felt a stigma on our understandings, too indelible, to be erased; I sympathized in your feelings (for indeed I am not your enemy) and lamented, that your indiscretion (not to say weakness) exposed you to ridicule, which a better judgment would have avoided.
I now, Sir, assert, that you are unfit to represent this district, because you have no will, or opinions of your own; yielding whatever judgment you possess to the dictum of others. This charge is substantiated by the secret journals of the session of Congress previous to the last, when on the proposition of Mr. Randolph, for removing the injunction of secrecy, and consequently for publishing the correspondence of our ministers abroad, for two successive days, you voted against this proposition. You refused to inform the people, and you, with others, persisted in refusing to publish; until the President in his gracious favour, kindly permitted you, to publish two of the letters only, of those which were before congress; thus in one moment without debate, without a reason, at the Presidential nod, you did, what you had refused to do, the day preceding. Shall freemen be thus represented, by a "page of the Presidential water-closet." Is it already arrived to this, that our representatives shall be guided, and dictated to by the President. You were sent hither, to exercise your own judgment. You were not elected, to become the creature of the executive. When the representatives of a people thus subserviently yield their opinions, and judgment to the direction, and will of a President, he soon becomes a monarch; our representation a farce; our legislation, a mockery. The documents on which this charge is founded, lead me to, and prove another; that you are an enemy to the people, because you refused in the votes afore alluded to, to publish, and give the people, information of affairs in which we were intimately interested. Do you pretend to call yourself a republican, after denying information to the people? After telling us (in your votes) that we ought not, and could not be trusted?
You have not forgotten, Sir, the persecution excited, and odium endeavoured to be heaped (by your advocates) upon the gentleman who preceded you in the representation of this district in congress, by representing him, as a friend to standing armies, and expensive navies, &c. which at the time, you and they knew to be unfounded. I now announce you to the people, as a friend to standing armies; and thus I prove it:—In the session of congress before the last, you voted for an augmentation of our army; you voted to raise six thousand men in addition to the standing force of the country. This is proven by the journals of congress. In the last session you voted to create an army of 50 thousand men, to be enlisted, or received, for two years (the longest constitutional period for which congress
can appropriate money) and call them volunteers, or by some other name, still fifty thousand men with arms in their hands, engaged to serve two years, is a standing army. And for what was this army designed? It was, as you know, and acknowledge in your circular, to invade Canada; and thus force us into a war with England. These last facts are proven by the journals of congress, and your circular letter.
The embargo system was a favourite experiment with you from the commencement of this policy, to the present day. You have placed your whole confidence in this quackery, and like all empiricks, you persevere in your nostrum, at the expense of your patients. Your constituents, have been your patients. You voted against every attempt in the last congress to remove the embargo. You voted for this embargo, which hath brought ridicule, and contempt upon this nation; which has ruined her commerce, and destroyed her revenue; locked up the produce of our land, to rot in the granaries; and our ships in our docks, which has impeded the fair course of justice; destroyed all confidence, and nearly all intercourse between citizen and citizen; which has driven our seamen into foreign service; heaped want and poverty on thousands; enfeebled ourselves; and strengthened our enemies; enriched, and spread over this once happy and flourishing land, a despondence and gloom, darker even, than the shades of Erebus; and yet, as if this country was not sufficiently humbled, injured, and degraded, the climax of her injuries, and oppressions is completed, by a law of the last session of congress, subjecting our houses to search, and our property to seizure, removal and pillage; and these too, by armed men, on the bare suspicion of a petty port collector; without a warrant, without the aid of the civil authority. This law you voted in favour of; this law, striking at the vitals of liberty; which violates the sanctity of our dwellings; the enjoyment of our property, the security of our rights, you supported. Can this longer be called the "land of liberty?" Was it for less of English oppression, and tyranny, only that they might be rivetted closer by our own government? Can you longer call yourself the "People's friend?" a republican, after contributing by your suffrages to enact a law, which rifies us of our property; violates our rights, and tramples on our liberty? Can you expect the meed of patriotism (the approbation and confidence of your country) after assisting to destroy her? Was it to enslave us; to subject our property to seizure, and our dwellings to search, at the point of a bayonet, that you were elected our representative?
The fourth article of amendments to the constitution declares "the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated." Here, Sir, in the face of the constitution, you have assisted to enact a law, which prostrates this barrier of our rights; can any search or seizure, be more unreasonable than those, which the law sanctions, and may be made, by every revenue officer, on his sole suspicion, and with the military at his command? The fifth amendment still further attempts to guard our rights by declaring, that no person shall "be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law," and yet, without the aid of law, without the interposition of a magistrate, without any civil process, a collector, with the militia at his heels, may enter our dwellings, seize and carry away our property—Is this the due process of law contemplated by the constitution? Or what avail is it, that we have a constitution if congress can at will infract it and the people will massively submit to its infraction—Here, Sir, in despite of your oath; in direct violation of the constitutional safeguards of rights, you have voted for a law, that tramples on our dearest privileges; places at the mercy of armed men our property, and infracts our constitution; a constitution you had sworn to support; a constitution once the boast of our country.
When I read the law passed the last session of congress, for enforcing more effectually the several laws laying an embargo; I know not whether astonishment or indignation most preponderated. I was astonished that in a country which is called free, a law almost unparalleled in the annals of despotism, should have been enacted. I felt indignant at the violation of our rights and liberties—That our representatives had thus shamefully abused the confidence, and betrayed the rights of the people; that our interests and liberties, which we had confided to their care, had been neglected, despised, and trampled on, by those whose duty it was to protect them; by the representatives of this nation.
You, Sir, voted for this iniquitous, tyrannical, liberty-dead law of the last Congress—You have aided in the destruction of our liberty and violation of our rights. I now arraign you Sir at the bar of the publick, as an enemy of the people, and of the people's rights; I call upon you to justify (if you can,) to your constituents, the vote you gave in favour of this law. I demand in the name of our injured, prostrate liberties, to shew us the reason, or justice, or necessity, or constitutionality of this law—We have now reached the acme of tyranny—And dare you longer ask our suffrages? Have you the effrontery longer to style yourself the "people's friend," after assisting to destroy our liberties, and rivet the chains of slavery upon us—We will arise in our strength; our constitution, our rights, our liberty, are gone forever; if we do not now exert ourselves; let us arise; break our chains on the heads of our oppressors; and hurl our unworthy servants to their merited contempt and oblivion.
Your race, Sir, I hope is nearly run—it has been long, too long for either your country's good, or your own fame. Had you have been contented to have moved in that orbit, in which nature (from the mental debility, intellectual poverty, with which she has oppressed you) seems to have designed you should, you might have lived respected, and died lamented.
MENTOR.
District of York, March 26, 1809.
The following Circular has been transmitted by the Secretary of the Treasury to the Collectors.
CIRCULAR. TREASURY DEPARTMENT. March 18, 1809.
SIR, I sent you on the third inst. together with the non-intercourse act, some general instructions which, on a first impression, appeared necessary in order to preserve uniformity in its execution. Some of those may not be sufficiently explicit; On one important point, I have, from a further consideration of the several sections of the act, been induced to alter my opinion; and new questions have arisen on which several of the collectors have applied for instructions.
The expressions, used in the sixteenth section of the act, had at first impressed a belief, that vessels owned in whole or in part by foreigners, could not be cleared for English or French ports. But on more minute investigation of the 13th section of the act, and of the proviso of the first section of the embargo act passed on the twenty-second December, one thousand eight hundred and seven, I think that opinion to have been erroneous. Vessels owned in whole or in part by foreigners are still permitted in conformity with the said proviso, to depart either as ballast, or with the cargoes which they have brought in, and which have not been landed, for any foreign port with which commercial intercourse

ted to American vessels by the act of 1st inst. they must give bond, in conformity with the thirteenth section of the said act, that they shall not proceed to a forbidden port; but if they are bound to a forbidden port no bond is necessary; and they may be permitted to clear accordingly. This applies as well to English or French, as to any other foreign vessels. But the proviso of the act of 22d of Dec. 1807, being still unrepealed in all its parts, and the act itself being repealed in part only, so far as relates to vessels owned by citizens of the United States, vessels owned in whole or in part by foreigners are still forbidden to take on board any new cargo. American vessels are permitted to go only to the ports not forbidden by the act of the 1st inst. and may export there every species of merchandise. Foreign vessels may depart to any foreign port whatever, but cannot take on board or export any merchandise either foreign or domestic, other than on board when notified of the embargo, or in other words, as it relates to all foreign vessels now in the United States, other than the cargoes which they may have brought in, and which have not been landed.
On the subject of ports for which clearances may be granted, or must be refused to American vessels, I will observe, that as the legality or illegality of the voyage can, in doubtful cases, be determined only by the courts of the United States, that question can never be affected either by granting or refusing a clearance. The forms of bonds which have been transmitted by the comptroller, are in conformity with the expressions used in the act; and it must be clearly understood that as, on the one hand, the condition of the bond may not, on trial, be deemed forfeited in every instance where a vessel shall have proceeded to a port for which a clearance had been refused; so, on the other hand, errors may be committed in granting clearances for ports which the courts may ultimately adjudge to have been forbidden by law, and it is not intended that the mere act of thus granting a clearance shall release the party from the penalty which may be incurred by pursuing an illegal voyage.
I am still of opinion that no clearance can be granted for any part of the island of San Domingo, or of the kingdom of Hayti. The independence of San Domingo has not been acknowledged by any act of government; and if not independent, it is a dependency of France. The kingdom of Italy, which now includes Venice and Leghorn, though not annexed to France, is governed in the name of the French emperor, and is not only in fact, but in name, one of his dependencies. There are ports in Spain and Portugal, which may hereafter be exclusively in the possession of Great Britain or France, and for which clearances should according to circumstances be refused. It is understood that at present they are all under the nominal government of a Spanish sovereign, or of the prince regent of Portugal, and that therefore clearances may be granted for all. The rule must be that places held in the name of the sovereign of the country, though garrisoned by British or French troops, are not to be considered as forbidden ports. But if conquered by either, as in the case of Lisbon before its evacuation by the French, they are exclusively in the possession of the conquerors and therefore forbidden.
There is nothing in the law which forbids the sale of American vessels abroad; but the condition of the bond required by the thirteenth section is, that they shall not proceed to any British or French port. The condition of this bond will be considered by this department as forfeited and the bond put in suit, if prior to their return to the United States, and during the continuance of the act, they shall proceed to such port, whether they have been sold or remain the property of the same owners. The provisions in that section which relate to the production of a certificate of the landing of the cargo, only establish the species of proof requisite in that respect, but do not affect that part of the bond by which the vessels are altogether forbidden to proceed to sea.
Bonds given under the act of the ninth January last, in six times the value of the vessel and cargo, on the condition that vessels having cargoes on board shall not depart without clearance, may be cancelled whenever the owners shall think proper to send such vessels and cargoes to a port with which intercourse is permitted by the act of the 1st instant, and give bond in conformity with the thirteenth section of the said act.
The extension of the term of credit allowed in certain cases on revenue bonds by the acts of March tenth, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and January 12th, 1809, continue in force, notwithstanding the repeal of the act laying an embargo.
The temptations to evade the embargo laws are so much diminished by the partial repeal which has now taken place, that I do not perceive any further necessity for continuing the extraordinary expenses which had been authorised for the purpose of enforcing those laws. All the authorities therefore which have been heretofore given to employ additional boats, officers, or men for that purpose, must be considered as henceforth revoked. And under the existing circumstances of the revenue, I have to request that you will as far as is practicable and consistent with the publick service, reduce every branch of expense incident to the collection of duties, and connected with the performance of your official duties.
I am very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN. To the Collector of the Customs } for the District of } From the Spirit of Seventy-Six.
TO THE FREEHOLDERS OF CAROLINE, ESSEX, KING & QUEEN, AND KING WILLIAM.
Fellow-Citizens.—The period is at hand, when that connection, which has subsisted between us for four years, will cease to exist. To you, I fear, it has been a connection productive of but little benefit; whilst, to me, it has proved the source of much unavailing disquietude and mortification. The first, has been occasioned by my anxiety to manifest, in a proper manner, the high sense I entertained of the confidence that you have been pleased to repose in me; and the last, has been excited by the failure of almost all those publick measures which I believed most conducive to your happiness. An experience of longer duration than I could have wished, unless it had furnished me with more consolatory knowledge, has produced a thorough conviction on my mind, that party spirit has at length become, by long and mutual recrimination, so rancorous; that it has pervaded so widely all the different grades of society, and from thence transfused itself into your publick councils, as to interpose almost insuperable obstacles to every thing like correct legislation. In the hands of the people are the remedies.—'Tis they alone who can administer them; and without their timely interposition, no man can say where the fatal consequences are to stop. One of these remedies seems to be (and since I cannot now be supposed to have any other interest in its application than that which every private citizen has, I may venture to mention it) a suppression, by the instrumentality of election, of what may very properly be called party legislation, in contradistinction to that which is purely national. If at any time since I have been your
used in relation either to foreign or domestic matters, have had any thing of correctness in them, they have been generally rendered inefficacious by the unmerited distrust with which almost every proposition coming from any of those with whom I have usually acted, has been viewed. In the present state of things, 'tis a lamentable fact, that almost every negative vote, however pure the motive for it may be, to any proposition which is believed to have the executive sanction, is considered a political sin of so deep a dye, as nearly to destroy the merit of a whole life of virtuous exertion. The times 'tis true are not quite such as when the divine right of Kings, and the detestable doctrines of passive obedience were openly preached and supported; but the practice now, does not appear materially different from the theory then. Let me not be understood as attributing improper motives to others, whilst I am endeavouring to exculpate myself. The incorrectness of prevailing dogmas in politics, some of which it is my present purpose to endeavour to expose, is quite a distinct thing from the purity of the moral principles which govern those who act under the influence of such dogmas. The former constitutes a proper and indeed all important subject of consideration both for you and me, whilst the latter, from its inscrutability, is an affair chiefly between man and his creator. To have any thing like a beneficial result from the 1 hours of men embarked in a common cause, such for example as the business of legislation, those men must be willing to allow each other at least the merit of good intentions. Without it, little good can be expected from them; and with it, variance of opinion, so far from being mischievous, excites truth, and is every way serviceable. The very reverse of this, seems to be the case at present. Mutual distrust and mutual recrimination, appear to have usurped the province of mutual forbearance and mutual confidence. All opposition to the majority is indiscriminately styled disorganization; and if at any time one party evinces a disposition to yield to another, fear, or some other worse motive, is suspected to produce their acquiescence. I do not undertake to say where the fault is; 'tis enough that it exists; and although I am perfectly aware that I subject myself to the charge of wishing to disseminate discontent, as all those do who venture to give you even a glimpse of the dark side of your publick concerns, I consider it a part of my duty to exhibit it to your view. Your happiness is materially involved in it, and 'tis certainly not by concealment that such evils are to be cured. In such a situation this painful alternative has presented itself to me; either to forego in a course which can do you no good, on account of the unreasonable suspicion with which it is viewed, together with the odious motive of 'dividing the republicans,' with which it has been most undeservedly stigmatized; or to sacrifice all the deliberate convictions of my understanding to pleas of expediency—to mere numbers—and, above all, to the authority of great names. The first course seems to be worse than useless; and the last I can never consent to take, whatever may be the inducement. I am very far from insinuating that those who differ from me, have made any sacrifices of their independence of sentiment. I mean to claim no more, but certainly not less of that quality than I am willing to allow them. The only idea I designed to convey, was that as my judgment refused its assent to their opinions and arguments, I should make such sacrifice in acting entirely with them.
These considerations, together with many of a private and domestic nature, which it is altogether unnecessary to enumerate, have determined me to decline being a candidate at the next election for congress.
I have designedly postponed this last communication to you, until the latest period of the session, in the hope that I might have some good news to console you, for all the privations which, very contrary to my wishes, you have suffered from our late political regiment. I am still however so far from accomplishing my object, that all I have to say will be rather in the style of prophecy than in actual detail of facts. 'Tis true the subject on which I am about to congratulate you, is so far matured, that the bill has advanced so near to becoming a law, that I might almost venture to pronounce it would certainly pass. Many accidents, however, may happen between the cup and the lip, in these days of vibratory legislation, and political mysticism; the irrobability therefore of its passage is all that I shall undertake to predict. Permit me then to felicitate you upon the probable repeal of the embargo laws, except as to Great Britain, France and their dependencies, to take effect on the 15th of March next. It is a subject of deep, but unavailing regret, that this repeal could not have taken place before the violent, and highly censurable conduct of some of the eastern people had inflicted a wound on the integrity of our union, and on the sanctity of our laws, which many years, I fear, will scarcely heal. That unfortunate pride of opinion which renders it so difficult for men to acknowledge and retract error, has had I am apprehensive, but too much share in retarding this salutary measure of repeal. It has left the motive of it, at least equivocal, and in so doing has produced as great an evil almost as the embargo itself. Instead of the praise of magnanimity, which an earlier repeal might have acquired for congress, their delay has subjected them to the humiliating suspicion of having acted under the influence of fear alone. From this unworthy motive, however, I trust, that they have not only been free, but what is of more consequence to them and to the publick, I hope that the people will exempt them from it. The relief which you must all feel from this measure must be so great, that 'tis scarcely worth while to embitter your enjoyment by imagining that possibly you owe your representatives no great thanks for it.
The bill has a provision in it repealing the non-intercourse act, and also another declaring the non-intercourse with Great Britain, France and their dependencies, to take effect on the 20th of May, to last only until the end of the next session of congress, which we may presume will continue some six or eight weeks. This latter measure seems to have been intended as a sort of plaster for the national honour and for congressional consistency. Although I have little faith in its efficacy, I shall nevertheless vote for it rather than lose the repeal of the embargo, with which the majority have inseparably connected it. The only effect which it appears to me it can have, will be in some degree to enhance the price of foreign manufactures, and to depress the value of domestic produce, by substituting a circuitous, instead of a direct exchange of those articles. Whilst foreign commerce is tolerated in any shape, the possibility of excluding altogether the manufactures of any particular country, is what no man in his senses believes. As a proof of this 'tis a notorious fact, that many of the troops, even of Napoleon himself, are clothed in British goods smuggled into France. There are some other objections to this non-intercourse project, such as its encouraging British navigation at the expense of our own. But 'tis evidently better to endure this inconvenience than the embargo, particularly as it promises to be one of short duration, being limited by the bill to the expiration of the next session of congress. At this session, which takes place in May, some material change is contemplated in our present system. Upon the old principle, that when things come to the worst, they must mend. I sincerely hope this change may be for the better. I speak chiefly in reference to our foreign relations, for surely none will deny that they
are as they could be. It would be difficult perhaps for any one person to point out precisely what sort of policy ought to be pursued. But any one I think may venture, without the risk of censure, to say in general terms, that it should be a policy practicable and permanent, rather than extemporaneous and fluctuating—that it should be regulated more by the actual state of things at home, than by the mere expectation of events abroad, which may, or may not happen; and above all, that it should be adapted to the wants, the habits and government of our country. It should be one too, which the government has resources to maintain, and the power to enforce; which the whole nation has either the inclination to approve, or the capacity to endure, if general suffering be necessary. It certainly should not be one which at home is viewed by a large portion of the people (whether just, or not is another affair) as tyrannical and oppressive; more injurious to ourselves than to our enemies—and abroad, is considered as a mixture of coxcombry—timidity—and menace; sometimes assuming a character of foreign coercion, and then, all of a sudden, of mere internal and municipal regulation. Neither should it be a policy at all liable to be controlled by the selfish, speculating and temporary projects of any of our citizens in foreign countries; its basis should be the substantial, and permanent interests of the nation. No law of any great importance has yet passed the legislature; for, although there are several bills of considerable consequence under deliberation, so much of our time during the present session has been spent in talking about how we ought to act, rather than in acting, that we have not in reality done scarcely any thing. So much has been said on the subject of war, since our meeting, that it may perhaps be expected, I should not pass it in silence. It is rather an unfortunate thing, when men undertake to play the prophet, particularly if the fulfilment of their prophecies should happen in any degree to be in their own hands. Some of us had undertaken to say, at an early period of the session, that we must have War or Embargo. As soon, therefore, as it became evident that it was necessary and proper to repeal the embargo; propositions leading directly to war, appeared also to be necessary; or nothing could be more clear than that the prophecy must fail. In this dilemma, as the prediction seemed likely not to fit the case, the only remedy was to make the case fit the prediction. Resolutions amounting to war were accordingly offered; and although I am persuaded the authors of them, very conscientiously thought them right, I have found it impossible to convince myself, from the apparent inefficiency of some of them, but that the prediction of "War or Embargo" had a considerable share in producing them. Having had no participation either in the prophecy, or the efforts to fulfil it, I am not responsible for either. The embargo is off, and we are likely still to remain at peace. And although it may appear strange to some that war should not immediately follow the death of the embargo, I hope we shall content ourselves with seeing the fact, notwithstanding all prophetic calculation may be against it.
I shall dismiss this worn out topic, with calling your attention to two facts, as a reply to some of the most current arguments of the friends of the embargo. They have been incessantly telling you that if the law was repealed, the state of things would not be materially different in relation to the prices of domestic produce. Why, the price of flour for example, was all last summer from 3 1/2 to 4 dollars, and even that paltry value was produced, not by the embargo—but by the shameful violations of it. As soon as congress met, the mere expectation of repeal elevated flour in some ports to 5 and 6 dollars, and now it is selling in Norfolk and Alexandria at 7 and 8 dollars! This one fact speaks more than all the metaphysical reasoning of all the statesmen in the world could do. Again, you have been often told, that the embargo was chiefly designed to get home our resources, amongst which were our seamen. But how has it operated in this respect? The number of those unfortunate men, whose only means of living was employment on the water, who from being too proud to beg and too honest to steal or rob, have been compelled to seek a foreign service, has been so great, that sailors enough cannot be found to man the vessels wishing to go to sea. As a proof of this fact, which I have heard from various sources, 30 dollars per month are now offered in Baltimore as wages for seamen; whereas, before the embargo, as many as were wanted could be procured for about 20 dollars, and often for much less.
On the topic of neutral rights—submission—resistance—and all other watch words of the present day, so much used in these war debates, the limits of a letter preclude me from saying much. Suffice it to remark, that I cannot assent to all the strange and contradictory doctrines uttered about them; that I have always endeavoured to maintain our national rights by all practicable measures; and that I have also been anxious, by all honourable means, to preserve the nation in peace. It is the means and not the end, about which I differ in many respects from those usually called administration men. Peace has ever been the professed object of your administration. 'Tis that which has constituted the exhaustless theme of so many fair eulogiums,—and for the support of which, in any way that administration might choose, so many unconstitutional pledges of lives, of fortunes, and of sacred honour, have been given. Peace, both external & internal, has also been my object in voting for the repeal of the embargo laws, as well as in every other vote involving the question of peace or war, that I have ever given. If the motive of your administration therefore has deserved to be the subject of general and indiscriminate applause, mine, I may be permitted to hope, will not become a topic of unlimited censure. I cannot but be sensible, that my publick conduct has incurred the disapprobation of several persons in our district; but I must take the liberty to say, that if they extend that disapprobation to my intentions, it must be because they have entirely misunderstood them.
As it is probably the last time that I shall ever address you on this subject, suffer me to add, that I never have had, nor indeed, from the similarity of my situation in life to yours, could I possibly have had, any other object in view, but the happiness and prosperity of those who elected me, combined with that of the nation. Permit me also to say, that, whatever you may have been told of my having changed my politics, I have no political opinion or principles now which I have not always had; nor had I any formerly which I do not still entertain. For the truth of this declaration, I appeal to all my past conduct, both in publick, and private life—to every sentiment I ever addressed to you—to every vote I ever gave as your representative.
Upon this occasion, I trust, I may be suffered to speak of myself, without the charge of egotism. The whole calumny for it certainly is one, has arisen from the circumstance of a better knowledge of certain publick characters, than I formerly had, having compelled me to change my opinion of them; an opinion, at first adopted more from the opinion of others, than from my own observation. To those who believe there is such an intimate connection between these men, and the true principles of republicanism, that they are inseparable; who are incapable of perceiving the obvious distinction which exists between our opinions as to abstract doctrine, on the subject of government, and what we think of the conduct of those in whose hands government may happen to be, it would be utterly in vain, to say any thing on this subject. But to you, who can understand it, I have no hesitation in declaring, as I be-
lieve I often have done before, that I do think differently of many publick men from what I formerly did. This, however, is because I perceive defects in their appearance to me, in their characters and conduct, which I once did not expect; and not because my political principles have undergone the smallest change. We are all too much in the habit of confounding principles, with men—of appearing to think that a change of names, can alter the nature of things. For example, a thing in its nature federal, must remain so still to all eternity, although it may happen to be done by men generally called republicans; and an act in its nature republican, can never be any thing else, although federalists may happen to perform it. Yet most of us are in the constant practise of pronouncing every thing done or said by republicans, republicanism; and every thing said or done by federalists, federalism. A very limited experience in publick life, and a very slight degree of observation, will be sufficient to convince us, that both these classes of politicians often depart in practise from the principles which they profess. Whenever they do, their acts assuredly should be called by the names that properly belong to them. If they will so far forget themselves, as to make any part of their publick life, a mere business of ins and outs—practising in power, what they condemn out of it—'tis fit, upon all such occasions, that the people should know them for what they are, and estimate them accordingly.
You will excuse, I hope, this last attempt to vindicate myself against the foul aspersion of having changed my politics. I have been more full in it, than in a different situation I should have been. But as no improper and electioneering motive can possibly be now suspected, even by my enemies; neither the jealousy of rivalry, nor the excitement of an excited controversy, will interpose, I trust, any obstacle to the fair exercise of their reflection, their candour, and their justice. All I ask of them is a deliberate consideration of what I have said in self-vindication.
Permit me now to bid you farewell, to assure you that I shall long continue to cherish with pleasure the recollection of the proofs which you have for some time past given me of your confidence, and that I shall never cease to wish you all possible domestic and political happiness.
I remain your friend and fellow-citizen, JAMES M. GARNETT. Washington, Feb. 25th, 1809
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Sch'r Jane, Jackson, 10 days from Philadelphia. The sch'r Mary Bell, Fitzhugh, left the Vineyard for Boston, the 19th inst.
The Schooner ANTELOPE, Capt. Hamilton, will sail for Philadelphia in a few days. For freight or passage apply on board, at Commerce Street wharf, March 29.
Williamson's Packet will sail for Alexandria on SATURDAY next, March 29.
PORT OF NORFOLK AND PORTSMOUTH.
CUSTOM-HOUSE—ENTERED.
Sch'r Jane, Jackson, Philadelphia.
CLEARED.
Ship Rolla, Sandford, Tangier. Jane, Davis, Madeira. Georgiana, Chamberlain, Cadiz. Brig Nancy, Muren, Spanish Main. Betsy, Shellabar, Baltimore. Sch'r Eliza, Ferguson, ditto. Thomas, Carrico, Boston.
FOR SALE.
17,000 barrels Superfine FLOUR, 180 do do do 75 do Ship Staff—A fresh crop, 700 barrels of which is a fair and warranted of superior quality, Alexandria in section. 1700 wt. choice Gree. Coffee, in barrels and bags, 240 boxes white and brown Cu a Sugar, 55 barrels Rye Whiskey, 16 hogheads prime Petersburg Tobacco, 50 barrels Herrings, 5 tiers Rice, 100 barrels Prime New York, expected per the Jane, from New York.
Apply to Francis Smith, or D. Sanford.
March 9
Niemeyer and Von Kappf.
Offer for Sale at their Ware House, in Water Street, for Cash or approved Paper only, the following
GERMAN LINENS.
650 pieces SACKING, 37 pieces S. IRT LINEN, 200 do OZNBURGS and 45 do fine S. IRT LINEN, TICKLENBURGS 70 do TABI CLOTH, 450 do WHITE ROLLS, 30 do BED TICKING, 80 do HESSIAN do 65 do SUIT RAVENS 30 do fine PLATILLAS, DUCK.
ALSO.
11,000 BAGS of different sizes and qualities. 10 boxes Spanish SEGARS, TUMBLERS, 40 do Crown GLASS, 160 dozen half pint DECANTERS, 140 do English PIPES, 3 gross memory BOTTLES, 120 dozen WINE GLASSES 600 do CORKS, 100 pair WAFFLE IRONS, 100 wt Bottling WIRE, 350 pieces PAPER HANGING, 20 gross Cowskin WHIPS, IN 3, 600 wt GLUE, 100 pieces OIL CLOTH, 10 wt Oznburg THREAD 4 cases FORT WINE. 100 Straw half pint and gill
And at their Store in Main Street,
Looking Glasses, Glassware, Cutlery, and fancy Articles
We will take in barter, about 25,000 wt. of Green Coffee. March 29
COTTON at AUCTION.
On Wednesday 12th April next at 10 o'clock, at Pennock's Stores in Gosport, 463 bales COTTON, for the benefit of the owners, underwriters or others concerned in the Cargo of the Ship Cleopatra, captain Johnston, from Charleston, damaged by having remained so long on board the ship, and is sold by the recommendation of the surveyors per order of the captain. March 26.
Silk, Cotton, Woollen Dying and Scouring.
FRANCES BENJANS.
The widow of the late Francis Benjans, deceased, respectfully informs her late husband's customers and the publick in general, that since his death she continues to carry on the same business with neatness, punctuality, and dispatch, at the Parish House in the county of Norfolk, within two miles of the Borough.
All orders left at the house of Thomas Knight, Hair-Dresser, Concord-Street, the late residence of Francis Benjans, deceased, will be thankfully received, and punctually obeyed, where the charge of any article wanting to be done will be made known.
NOTES OF HAND,
According to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.

Eagle Fire Company of New-York.
Office of the Company, No. 59, Wall Street.
PROPOSALS
For Insuring Houses, Buildings, Stores, Ships in Harbour, Goods, Wares, and Merchandise, FROM LOSS OR DAMAGE BY FIRE.
THE Legislature of the state of New-York, having incorporated the Eagle Fire Company of New-York, with a capital of five hundred thousand dollars, (with the liberty of increasing the same, if the business of the company should require it, to one million of dollars,) for the sole purpose of insuring buildings, and every kind of personal property from loss or damage by FIRE; and the capital of five hundred thousand dollars having all been paid, or secured to be paid, according to law: the directors feel a particular satisfaction in offering to their fellow-citizens, throughout the United States, the means of security against that kind of loss which so frequently, in an unexpected moment, involves in destruction the earnings of a life of industry and frugality, and reduces the independent and affluent, together with their families, to poverty and distress. To provide an additional guard against calamities of this nature, have been the primary motive of this institution: and the directors engage to conduct its concerns, with a fairness, candour and liberality, which will justly entitle it to the confidence and patronage of the public.
No insured person will be liable to make good the losses of others; but in case of fire, the sufferer will be fully indemnified. The Company also make good losses on property burnt by lightning.
Classes of Hazards, and Rates of Annual Premiums for Insurance against Fire.
No. I.
HAZARDS OF THE FIRST CLASS.
Brick or Stone buildings, covered with slate, tiles, or metal. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 62 1-2 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.
No. II.
HAZARDS OF THE SECOND CLASS.
Brick or Stone buildings, covered with wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 93 3-4 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.
No. III.
HAZARDS OF THE THIRD CLASS.
Buildings, the sides of which are part of brick or stone, and part of wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 125 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.
No. IV.
HAZARDS OF THE FOURTH CLASS.
Buildings, the sides of which are entirely of wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 187 1-2 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk. Ships in Port, or their Cargoes, Ships Repairing or Building, may be insured against Fire.
This manner of classing hazards will give a general idea of the rates of insurance, but there will necessarily be an increase of premium in all cases where the local situation, and other circumstances, increase the risk: such as joining, or being contiguous to wooden buildings, or buildings occupied in carrying on hazardous business—distance from water—no engines or firemen in the town or place, &c. &c. The premiums may also, in some cases, be reduced on wooden buildings in the country, when standing single or detached, or attended with circumstances of peculiar security:—But in all cases, if the sum to be insured on or in the same building exceeds 10,000 dollars, an additional premium will be required.
Conditions of Insurance.
 I. All applications for insurance must be made at the office of the company, in writing; and the subject offered for insurance accurately described.  II. If the property offered for insurance is within the district of a surveyor of this company, he will examine and report thereon; but if not within any such district, then the applicant must himself furnish an accurate and just description thereof, viz. of what materials each building is constructed; whether occupied as private dwellings, or how otherwise; where situated; the name of the present occupier; how situated with respect to other buildings. And in the insurance of goods, wares and merchandise, the place where the same are deposited, is to be described; also, whether such goods are of the kind denominated hazardous, and whether any manufacture is carried on in the premises, all which is to be certified and attested in such manner as the nature of the case may admit. And if any person or persons shall insure his or their buildings or goods, and shall cause them to be described in the policy other wise than they really are, so as the same be charged at a lower premium than is herein proposed; or if such description be false or fraudulent, such insurance will be void and of no effect.  III. Goods held in trust, or on commission, are to be declared as such; otherwise the policy will not extend to cover such property.  IV. Every Policy of Insurance, made by this Company, shall be sealed with its seal, and signed by the President and Secretary; and the person for whose interest the insurance is made, must be declared and named therein; nor can any Policy, or interest therein, be assigned but by consent of the Company, expressed by endorsement made thereon.  V. No Insurance will be considered as made or binding, until the Premium is paid.  VI. Persons insuring Property with this Company, and who have already made other Insurance on the same property, shall give notice thereof in writing, at the Company's Office, before, or at the time of the execution of the Policy; and persons who, after insuring Property with this Company, have Insurance made on the same property elsewhere, shall, with all reasonable diligence, notify the same in writing at the Office of the Company, and have the same endorsed on the Policy, or otherwise acknowledged in writing; in default whereof, the Policy shall cease, and be of no effect: and in case of loss, each party insuring shall be liable to the payment of a ratable proportion of the loss or damage which may be sustained.  VII. No loss or damage by fire will be paid, that may happen or take place in consequence of any invasion, civil commotion, riot, or military or usurped power whatever.  VIII. Books of Accounts, Written Securities, Notes, Bills, Bonds, Deeds, Ready Money, or Bullion, cannot be insured.  IX. Jewels, Plate, Medals, or other Curiosities, Paintings and Sculptures, are not included in any insurance, unless such articles are specified in the policy.  X. All persons insured by this Company, sustaining any loss or damage by fire, are forthwith to give notice to the Company, and as soon after as possible, to deliver in as particular an account of their loss or damage, signed with their own hands, as the nature of the case will admit of, and make proof of the same by their oath or affirmation, and by their books of accounts, and other proper vouchers, as shall be reasonably required: and shall make oath, whether any and what other insurance is made on the same property; and shall procure a certificate, under the hand of a magistrate, notary public, or clergyman, most contiguous to the spot where the fire happened, and not concerned in such loss, that they are acquainted with the character and circumstances of the person or persons insured; and do know, or very likely believe, that the fire, really, and by misfortune, and without fraud or evil practice, have sustained by such loss, and the amount therein mentioned; and that all such affiants and certificates are produced, the loss shall not be payable: Also, if there appears any fraud, or false swearing, the claimant shall forfeit his claim to restitution or payment, by virtue of his policy. 
XI. In case any difference shall arise, touching any loss or damage, it may be submitted to the judgment of Arbitrators, indifferently chosen, whose award in writing shall be binding on the parties. And when any loss or damage shall happen, the company shall pay for the same in sixty days after the loss shall have been ascertained and proved, without allowance of discount, fees, or any deduction whatever. XII. Insurance may be made for seven years, by paying the premium for six years, and for a less number of years than seven, a reasonable discount will be allowed.
The Subscriber being appointed Surveyor for the Eagle Fire Company, upon application, will survey, and value, such buildings, (or property contained therein) upon which Insurance may be required.
Francis Foster, Church-Street, Norfolk. Feb 19
Norfolk Borough: At a Hastings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809. THOMAS HOLLIDAY, Compt. against WILLIAM SMELLY, LITTLETON W. TAZEWELL and PETER DALEY, Defs. In Chancery.
THE defendant William Smelly not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant William Smelly, do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendants Littleton W. Tazewell and Peter Daley, who have effects of the said William Smelly in their hands, do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court.
A Copy,—Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c. March 3.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hastings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809. Richard Gernon, Complainant, against William and Anthony M. Buckley, and Shanks and Binford, Defs. In Chancery.
THE defendants William and Anthony M. Buckley, not having entered their appearance, and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of the commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants William and Anthony M. Buckley, do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendants Shanks and Binford, who have effects of the said William and Anthony M. Buckley in their hands, do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court.
A Copy,—Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c. March 3.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hastings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809. THEODORICK ARMISTEAD, Compt. against NICHOLAS PETERSON and CHRISTOPHER FRY, Defs. In Chancery.
THE defendant Nicholas Peterson, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant Nicholas Peterson do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendant Christopher Fry, who hath effects of the said Nicholas Peterson in his hands, do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain the same until the further order or decree of this court.
A Copy,—Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c. March 3.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hastings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809. JOHN WALLACE, Compt. against JAMES BROWN, & Co. of Philadelphia, and ALEXANDER MACCLURE, Defs. In Chancery.
THE defendants James Brown, & Co. not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants James Brown, & Co. do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendant Alexander MacClure, who hath effects of the said James Brown, & Co. in his hands, do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court.
A Copy,—Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c. March 3.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hastings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809. STEPHEN G. WILLS, Compt. against JONATHAN LAYCOCKS and PETERSON BROWN, administrators, &c of John D. White, deceased, and WARREN ASHLEY, Defs. In Chancery.
THE defendants Jonathan Laycocks and Peterson Brown, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants Jonathan Laycocks and Peterson Brown, do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendant Warren Ashley, who hath effects of the said Jonathan Laycocks and Peterson Brown, administrators as aforesaid, in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court.
A Copy,—Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c. March 3.
A RENDEZVOUS
Is opened in Norfolk for the United States Schooner Enterprise. February 23.
DR. ROBERTSON'S Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health.
Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the Stomach: also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, severe Gravel, and all other diseases of the bowels, a dose never fails to remove a cold if taken soon after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, removing habitual costiveness, sickness at the Stomach, severe head-ache, &c. &c.
The following certificates are selected from the many respectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession.
Certificate of Mr. William Julion, carpenter and builder, No. 69, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will pay my case before the publick, as an undeniable proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robertson's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health.
I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me to such a state that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained, I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by taking Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business.
I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance from the country, where assistance cannot be immediately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world, I have since recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person with to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure explain it to them by applying to me.
I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM JULION.
MR. DYOTT, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807.
Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, of the most essential service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my stomach, and continual head-ache, attended with a sickness at the stomach, which brought on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before:—As I consider your medicines to have been the means of saving my life, I solicit you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by abiding by the directions given with your invaluable medicines, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES.
MR. DYOTT, Philadelphia, August 1, 1807.
ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES. Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pains in my breast and side, and a sickness at my stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and shall certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint.
I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON.
MR. T. W. DYOTT. August 22.
Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia.
DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I wish you to publish the following:
About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which ensued on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption must soon have followed, had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is impossible to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most efficacious remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint.
I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE. November 11.
The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the proprietor, T. W. DYOTT, No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; and by appointment at BONSAL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMIRVELL & CONRAD'S, esterburg. May 23. lawly
Dr. Tissot's celebrated Gout and Rheumatism Drops.
The Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, and the various disorders of the same nature, are so exquisitely painful, and so difficult to be cured, that they have justly excited the utmost stretch of medical investigation. Some professional gentlemen have excelled in one department of the sciences; others in another. Dr. Tissot particularly has long been renowned for the superiority of his prescription in chronic diseases, and the length of time which elapsed during his sole attention to the nature and effects and cure of these affections, render the medicines which he recommended of invaluable importance. The beneficial effects of these drops, have been so often experienced, and their extraordinary efficacy have been so often attested by witnesses so numerous and so unimpeachably credible, that incredulity itself cannot doubt the virtue of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops. Large quantities have already been vendued, and the sale is now become so general, and their certainty in curing the disorders of a chronic nature is so completely ascertained, that certificates of their unbounded utility are now unnecessary. Testimonies of their value, and a volume of attested cases performed by them, may be seen upon application at T. W. Dyott's genuine Drug and Patent Medicine Warehouse, No. 57, South Second-Street, Philadelphia.
The price of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops, is only two dollars per bottle, with copious directions.
Generous allowances made to those who buy to sell again. Of the many respectable testimonies of the effects of the above Drops, which have been received by the proprietor, we beg leave to annex the following:
Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton.
I certify that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply to Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the directions, they effected a perfect cure. Another time my wrist was affected with rheumatism to such a degree, as to render
my hand for the time useless, when, on application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder in the course of twenty-four hours was entirely removed.
Therefore, from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it a beneficial act to recommend it in similar cases to others.
(Signed) C. RIDGELY, of Hampton.
Certificate of John Gibson, Esq. one of the Directors of the Bank of the Commonwealth of Maryland.
I certify that about a year since, my foot received an injury by a fall; in a few hours after it was affected with a most excruciating pain, so that I was unable to walk, with crutches. I was apprehensive that this accident would induce a fever: it of the gout, with which I had been frequently attacked. In this situation one of my friends highly recommended and earnestly advised me to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops; I immediately procured them and made the application; in less than three hours the pain entirely abated, which had been so severe, as to deprive me of sleep for several nights. By a few further applications, a perfect cure was effected. I have frequently tried it in other cases, both used them myself, and recommended them to others with invariable success.
(Signed) JOHN GIBSON.
Certificate of Mrs. Mary Taylor. I, Mary Taylor, No. 135, Plumb Street, Philadelphia, aged upwards of seventy years, having been afflicted with very violent rheumatism pains for more than eight years, being recommended to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops, on only using half a bottle every rheumatism affection was completely removed, and I have continued free from all pain ever since; as witness my hand.
MARY TAYLOR. The above drops are sold wholesale and retail only by BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co. Norfolk.
ALSO, DR. ROBERTSON'S Patent Stomachick Wine Bitters.
Celebrated and well known for their superior qualities in restoring weak constitutions, destroying Worms, cleansing and strengthening, giving a proper tone to the stomach, and increasing the appetite—a frequent use of them is a certain preventative against those complaints so common in the spring and fall. Such as intermitting fevers, agues, autumnal fevers, dysenteries, &c. &c. They are particularly serviceable to those who make long sea voyages, and are exposed to unhealthy climates, as a powerful preservative against contagious disorders.
PRO BONO PUBLICO.
Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Black-
ing, prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beautifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but be experienced; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recommended to gentlemen and gentlemen who are exposed much to the wet—Also for cleaning harness, as it will effectually prevent the water from penetrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the very last, giving it also a beautiful jet black gloss, a proof of which may be seen at the warehouse.
The above Blacking is prepared and sold only by T. W. DYOTT, at his Medical Warehouse, No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; sold also by his appointment, at BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co's Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMIRVELL & CONRAD'S, Petersburg.
Where also may be had, The IMPERIAL WASH,
And new invented LIQUID, For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots. May 20. lawly
Boot and Shoe Manufactory.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Opposite the Market, (westward) has received by captain Hand, from Philadelphia, a quantity of the
Highest Priced Boot Legs, Vamps, Tops, and other Materials, for his Factory—He has also Sole Leather, which has been in tan seven years; with these, the best workmen he can get, and the greatest care and punctuality, he believes the people of this place and its vicinity, may be as well served as by any factory in the union. His Stock at present is as good as this country can furnish, and he intends to use no other kind, the price of course must be higher, and when the boots go the money must come, having found in a number of instances that a few days means six or twelve months, and an application even then for the money is ample cause of enmity.
He has on hand a large assortment of BOOTS and SHOES.
ALSO, SALT, LONDON PORTER, &c. &c. Fresh SHOES from New-York
for Ladies, of red, green, and black Morocco, with 1, 2, and 3 ties
JOURNEYMEN WANTED.
The best Boot and Shoe Makers, not only such as can, but such as will do the best work in all cases, may meet with as much encouragement in my factory, as in any in this state, for any state in the union north of this. October 3. tf
A BARGAIN OFFERED, In a fine and Valuable FARM, in the County of Princess Anne.
THE Subscriber is disposed to sell his Plantation called LEVEL GREEN, situated in the county of Princess Anne. It contains about 500 acres; and, as it may be advantageously divided into two or three Farms, the subscriber will accommodate a purchaser, in selling either the whole or a part. He will also give a long credit. This tract of Land is certainly the most desirable in the county, lying on the Eastern branch of Elizabeth River, and distant from Norfolk Market only five or six miles by water, and 8 or 9 by land—The soil is excellent, about one half of the tract being cleared land, and fit for immediate culture; the other heavily timbered with Oak, Pine, Ash, and Hickory.—It has also the advantage of several good landings—Any one disposed to view the land, and to purchase, may apply, in the absence of the subscriber, to JAMES ROBINSON, or JOHN READ, who reside in the neighbourhood. Tully Robinson. Dec. 7. tf
SPANISH HIDES.
One Thousand SPANISH HIDES,—For Sale, by Wm. Plume, Esq. Co.
January 23.
At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the
Dismal Swamp Company, held at Williamsburg on the 19th ultimo, a Dividend of TWO HUNDRED DOLLARS on each quarter share was declared; which sum will be paid by a draught from the Managers upon their agent at Suffolk, after the first of March next; proper vouchers of the right of the claimants being produced, and subject to any discount the company may have against the claimants. A Meeting of the Company is to be held annually at Suffolk on the first Tuesday in May, and it is requested the proprietors will be punctual in their attendance, either personally or by their attorneys. William Nelson, John Bracken, Corbin Griffin, Jas. Henderson, Managers. February 2d. law9m
NORFOLK:
PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.