Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1809-01-09 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER.  SINT HIC ETIAM SUA PRÆMIA LAUD.
[VOL. V.
MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 9, 1809.
NO. 75.]
Valuable Property, for Sale.
On Friday the 3d day of February, Will be Sold to the highest bidder at the Exchange in Norfolk, the following PROPERTY, belonging to the estate of Phinehas Dana, deceased.
That elegant three story fire-proof DWELLING HOUSE, at the lower end of Main-Street, commanding a beautiful view of the river (calculated for the accommodation of two families) and the adjoining LOTS on which are Two Stables and Two Carriage Houses.
A well finished two-story dwelling-house on Barnstable-Street.
A fire-proof three story Warehouse on Commerce-Street.
Two small Tenements on Broad-water-Street. And one half of the WHARF, lately occupied by Allen Gorham. One fourth of the purchase money must be paid on the day of sale, and for the balance approved negotiable indorsed notes will be required, payable at three, six, nine and twelve months, and a deed in trust on the property to secure the payment.
And at the same time will be sold for ready money, the following property, belonging to said estate:
 60 SHARES of NORFOLK MARINE STOCK,  25 do. Bridge Stock,  A PEW in the Presbyterian Church,  A CANAL SHARE and a SHARE in the Norfolk Theatre. 
James Young, Adm'r to the estate of P. Dana, dec'd.
Jan. 4.
ADVERTISEMENT.
The GLEBE LAND in the Parish of Portsmouth being without an incumbent, the same will be Sold on Monday the 6th day of February next, on the premises, at 12 o'clock. This Tract of Land contains about 175 acres, and is pleasantly situated at the mouth of Elizabeth River, a proportion of which is cleared, and the balance abounds with good Timber. It is situated about two miles from the Towns of Norfolk and Portsmouth, by land, or water, which renders it a desirable situation.
A credit of 12 months will be allowed the purchaser, agreeable to the Act of Assembly, upon giving bond and approved security to
The Overseers of the Poor Norfolk County. Jan 4 Im
WANTED ON HIRE, BY THE MONTH,
A Young Negro Man.
Enquire at the Ledger Office.
Jan. 6.
The CARGO of the British Schooner Commerce, captain Collins, consisting of COFFEE and SUGAR.
For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. Dec. 5.
AT PRIVATE SALE,
4,000 bushels Turk's-Island SALT, 20 hlds. LOAF SUGAR.
By Sol: Marks, jr. Dec. 30.
JOHN PENDRED'S Boot and Shoe Manufactory,
No. 70, MAIN-STREET.
The publick are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands.
N. B. Orders for Double Backstraps, single do. and Cosacks, executed with the greatest dispatch. August 1. if
German Linen for Exportation.
NIEMEYER & VON KAPFF,
OFFER FOR SALE
At their Warehouse in Water-Street, at the corner of Maxwell's wharf, for cash, or approved paper only.
54 packages of German Linen, consisting of
 140 pieces Osnabrugs,  60 pieces Ticklenburgs,  500 pieces White Rolls,  900 Heedens,  80 pieces Hessians, 
Entitled to Drawback.
 1 case Platillas,  1 case Shirt Linen,  1 case Sheetings,  1 case Table Cloths,  1 case Bed-Ticking. 
ALSO,
 40 pieces best Russia Canvass,  65 do. Topgallant Duck,  8000 Coffee Bags,  3,500 Gunny Bags,  90 boxes best Spanish Segas,  50 boxes English Pipes,  700 Straws 1-2 pt. Tumblers,  30 doz do. Decanters,  850 pieces excellent Oil Cloth,  350 pieces Paper Hanging,  3 cases Port-Wine. 
And at their Store in Main-Street, a great variety of
Cutlery and Fancy Articles.
Apply as above.
Nov. 9.
NOTICE.
THE CO-PARTNERSHIP OF Doctors BROWN & MOSELEY, Will be dissolved on the 14th of January next—Those having claims against the concern are requested to present them for settlement, and those indebted will please make payment on or before the 1st of February next.
James Brown, Bassett Mosely.
Dec. 28.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, December 30.
DEBATE
On the Resolution for Raising Fifty Thousand Volunteers.
MR. GARDENIER said he was surprised that this bill had passed through the committee of the whole without opposition. He had hoped that some other gentleman would have called for the reasons which induced the report of the committee. It was proposed by this resolution to raise a standing army in time of peace; a force which to his mind was unnecessary on the one hand, and frightful on the other. Was it the object of government to plunge us into a war? Was a declaration of war intended? If we were to be put into a state of actual old-fashioned war, he should wish for one, to have the fact in the first place ascertained. If war was determined on, however unnecessary and unjust such a war may be, the interest of the country demanded that in such a case they should take care that the country did not suffer. He said he was not prepared to pledge himself, in the present state of the nation, that he would go to war; and at any rate before war was declared, he would not give his sanction to raising a force, the destination of which he did not understand, and could not calculate upon. Fifty thousand men at an expense to this nation of $2,900,000! Why (said he) I was told last year that the system on which we were entering, the embargo system, was to prevent war; that war was the most dreadful calamity which could befall a nation. I did not want to be told that in order to know it. But this dreadful evil of war was to be averted by laying an embargo, that would bring the belligerents at our feet, that would perform a great cure for all the disorders of the state, or miseries of the country. But now it appeared that the embargo system was to be abandoned, and war to be commenced in its place. Is it intended by this report to say that the embargo has utterly failed of its purpose, as was predicted by those who were opposed to it? Is it to be relinquished, because it is in its operation futile, because it has proved that those who commenced it, were not capable of calculating the effects to be produced by it? Whenever the embargo question is brought up in a direct proposition, it is smothered; and where attempted to be introduced in any amendment to any other question before the house, it is declared out of order; and yet a system is here to be introduced which, if it proves any thing, proves that the embargo system is wholly futile in its operation. Do gentlemen mean that the embargo system will do no longer? Let us go on regularly to repeal it then, that we and the nation may understand it. If the embargo be this grand preventive against war, which it is all along cried up to be, and which opinion has been the means of gaining it that languid and sickly support which it has received from some portions of the country; if it is to be continued as a coercive measure, then, sir, I do insist that raising a military force of 50,000 men is unnecessary. If the embargo be coercive, the raising fifty thousand men for coercion is unnecessary. The two different systems are incompatible. If we have embargo, let us have wholly embargo; if war, wholly war. If we are to have peace, the raising of troops is wholly unnecessary, especially with our present limited resources. I wish not to see those measures, which a declaration of war only would warrant, adopted before that attitude is taken. I have no idea of having these chains wound round me, round this house, round the nation; and I trust the nation will entertain the same opinion.
A gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Story) said yesterday, if I understood him, that the embargo had failed so far as to its coercive character. Is it the sense of the house that it should be repealed? Is it the sense of the house (as the gentleman from Massachusetts also intimated as his opinion) that there should be a declaration of war? If so, it might be proper to raise an army. But I have no disposition to raise an army until there be a war.
There had been a time, Mr. Gardenier said, when the raising 12,000 men was considered and held out by many honest politicians as a measure dangerous to the independence of the states, and to the rights of the people individually. Last year 6000 men were raised, and fifty thousand more were called for. He had thought that in this country no standing armies should be raised in time of peace; that there was a sacred injunction in the constitution forbidding it. Perhaps he did not correctly understand the subject; this might not be a standing army, because its term of service was limited to two years; but it might be extended two or ten years more. He put the question to gentlemen whether, in a state of peace, under the operation of that very system which had been represented as a substitute for war, it would be proper to raise this force? He could not reconcile it with a due estimate of the interests of the country on the one hand, or the sacred injunctions of the constitution on the other, to raise an army to such an extent. An army is to be raised; the mode in which it is to be employed is uncertain. The twelve thousand men which he had before mentioned, was a body which could not be employed to the detriment of the liberties of the country; for almost every section could raise a force to resist such an army if an attempt had been made by it to destroy their liberties. We had another security too against the force being used to a bad purpose. At the head of this army had been the great hero of the revolution—and also the man who had next to him done more for the prosperity of the country than any other, under whose luminous and creative mind, the resources of the whole country had been brought into action, and spread an
universal brilliancy over the nation, instead of that gloom and poverty which had preceded its influence in the United States. This army, so small, and under such commanders, threatened not the publick liberty. Yet there had been men zealous and eager that none, the slightest occasion should be given for any one to suppose that they were about by military force to invade the liberties of the country, who had seen horrors in this small army which they could scarcely find words to depict. Where were these men, he asked, now that an army of more than four times the number was about to be raised, when those two heroes were departed to the silent tomb, when other commanders were to have the direction of this military force? Where were the men who had been struck with this patriotic alarm? Why were not their voices raised now, when a force was offered to be raised, which if employed to overrun the liberties of the people, could not be resisted, but would spread itself over the country, and stifle the efforts of patriotism. To which, if resistance should be made, either the country must be put under military despotism, or the struggle would cost the country all it had acquired since the revolution, and the citizens would have to wade knee-deep in blood to preserve that liberty which they gained by the glorious struggle of the revolution. Are we more safe now (said he) with an army of fifty thousand men under our present commanders, than we were with twelve thousand men under Washington and Hamilton? I could wish to believe that we were. But I have not that faith which blinds my judgment and destroys my recollection. No, sir, indeed I have not; I cannot extinguish from my memory, that in one section of this country the liberty of the citizen, the judicial power, which should be inviolable, and the sacred right of habeas corpus, perished at the touch of military power. I do not believe the country safe under this army; I do not believe that the persons of this house are safe under it; and I would protest against it at the hazard of my head. Such are my own feelings, and I could wish, and I would strive, if I knew the way to the hearts of men, to recall the feelings of '78 and '99. Or is it true in all cases, even with the warmest patriotism, that tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur cum illis ? Perhaps, however, I may not see clearly; some argument may be found in favour of this proposition.
What course, he asked, was to be given to this army? Was a state of war expected between this country and France? There was now no point at which we could come in contact with her. Formerly, when the French government had a despotic influence over that of Spain, the Spaniards on our western frontier could have been set in motion against us. But now we had nothing to fear in that respect. Were we to have war with Great Britain? Was that at length determined on? Had it been settled out of doors that we were to have war, and were the house now called upon to vote what could only be a legitimate consequence of a declaration of war? This army must be intended to be employed out of the country, for to self-defence the militia were surely competent. Was this nation to go to war with Great Britain and Spain? Was this force to be employed against Canada, or in giving legitimate form to the Burr project? Was it to go to Mexico? Mr. Gardenier said his mind had been struck with a kind of horror which he could not express at this projected army, and could not sit still, and give a silent vote when a project which he believed to carry with it so many mischiefs, perhaps such utter ruin, was set on foot.
He did not believe, he said, that the publick liberty would be more safe in the hands of those who now directed the publick concerns, than it had been formerly in the hands of other rulers. There was a fact which filled his mind with alarm, communicated to him, and that years ago, by a man whose mind was as pure as that of any human being that ever existed—a fact concerning the opinions as to what ought to have been the form of government, and as to the theories of the gentleman who most probably was to be high in power in this country, which had made such an impression on him, that he could not but at this moment view this subject with increased horror and dread. He would, however, say no more of that at present. But in his plain and humble conception, the publick liberty was in danger—and here, within these walls, within this sanctuary of American independence, it was that the publick liberty was to be saved. It was here, by recurring to first principles, that free states should be jealous of military power, that he looked for its salvation. At a time when, under pretence of enforcing the embargo, an unconstitutional power was proposed to be placed in the hands of executive officers, when an arbitrary power was to be exercised on mere suspicion, when with all this was combined a strong and overwhelming military force, he could not at such a period be silent.
Yes, sir, (said he) I do in my soul and conscience, believe, that if ever there was a time when we should make a solemn pause, and look around us, and survey our condition with a cool and calculating eye, this is the period; and I, for one, have not hesitated to give the alarm. I would place myself here, upon the ramparts of the constitution, and give the alarm to the country. I would place myself here on the signal-tower of the publick liberty, and sound the tocsin of alarm to the nation. We can lose nothing by being jealous, by withdrawing enormous power from executive agents; by a contrary conduct we may lose every thing sacred without a hope of regaining it.
Mr. Eppes said there was no man who regretted more than himself that at a period when the safety, honour and independence of this country were assailed by external danger; when, under the pressure of a measure resorted to under circumstances
of the most urgent necessity, the citizens of this country had manifested a feeling calculated to excite sensations here and elsewhere—that such a period should be seized by gentlemen not to exert their talents in steering the national bark through the billows by which it was surrounded, but in endeavouring to thwart every measure proposed. The gentleman from New York (said Mr. E.) has told us that he will sound the tocsin of alarm to the people. And what is the project of the gentleman himself? Why, he has told you on a former day, openly, honestly and fairly, that he is for a war with France; he is willing to pocket all the injuries which we have received from Great Britain, and to go to war with France. In vain would the gentleman sound the tocsin of alarm, if this is his project. The people of the United States would not go with him. It is not the sentiment of any portion of our citizens, except of the old tories of our revolution. He would not be followed by the American people in taking to his bosom a nation which has murdered your citizens, and making war upon a nation which has pillaged your commerce, —I cannot reconcile the project with my ideas of moral principle. He would not be followed by the federalists—I cannot believe that those who walked in procession after the body of the murdered Pierce, could stamp on themselves the character of base hypocrisy, by taking to their bosom the nation which committed the outrage, while the blood of Pierce and a host of other injuries more degrading, remain yet unatoned for. All our injuries remain unredressed, not the smallest apology has been made, but the feelings of the country not only disregarded, but insulted by new acts of violence and injustice. The gentleman's project to save the honour of the nation is submission to England and war with France. I pronounce with confidence it is not the sentiment of the American people;—the gentleman from New York has taken occasion to introduce the name of Washington. He never would have been willing to put chains on his countrymen, to consent to a shackled commerce—to allow foreign nations to say to his country, this far you shall go and no farther. This is not the spirit of Washington. It is not the spirit which produced our revolution—opposition to tyrants and a manly assertion of our rights at every hazard, gave us our rank as an independent nation. The same spirit still pervades our country, and I trust will ever remain. It never, however, has been the policy of this government to rush rashly into war. The history of our country under former administrations, demonstrates this fact—and under the administration of Washington, as well as under every other, we have borne with patience degrading insult and injury. As to the great regard of former administrations for the personal rights of the citizen, on which the gentleman has dwelt, I shall not go into that part of the subject. In laying an embargo, even in the time of Washington, a short resolution was passed in which the power was vested and the execution left to the executive. This was thought at that time very constitutional and proper, no doubt, by the federalists. We, however, can frame no constitutional law on this subject, altho' they could very constitutionally adopt the old maxim, so I will it, and enforce their system. While, however, I am not disposed to excite unpleasant sensations, by bringing into view acts of former administrations, I believe that a statement of the course pursued under General Washington and Mr. Adams, as to foreign nations, will show that it has never been our policy to plunge rashly into war.—I beg leave to read on this subject an extract from a speech delivered in 1803.
"Our differences with Great Britain were coeval with the treaty of peace. The detention of the western posts was a direct violation of that treaty; it diverted a considerable portion of the fur trade from the United States, and disabled us from bridling the hostile Indians, which was a source of immense injury. This evil continued for twelve years, under every circumstance of aggravation and insult. British soldiers issued from those forts into parts of our territory, where we exercised jurisdiction, and seized the persons of deserters without the aid or sanction of the authorities of the country, and these possessions served as asylums for the savages who were in hostile array against us—and as store-houses and magazines to supply them with arms, ammunition, and provisions. The seat of government of Upper Canada was also held for a time at Niagara, in the state of New-York, an indignity of the most marked character—many thousands of negroes were also carried off in violation of the treaty, and a very serious injury was thereby inflicted on the agricultural pursuits of our southern citizens."
"It is well known that we were engaged in a bloody and expensive war with several of the Indian tribes—that two of our armies had been routed by them, and that we were finally compelled to make great efforts to turn the tide of victory.—These Indians were encouraged and aided by the emissaries of Great Britain—British subjects were seen disguised fighting in their ranks, and British agents were known to furnish them with provisions and the implements of war. The governor-general of Canada, a highly confidential and distinguished officer, delivered a speech to the seven nations of Lower Canada, exciting them to enmity against this country; but in order to furnish the savages at war with sufficient aid, a detachment of British troops penetrated into our territory and erected a fort on the Miami River. Here the Indians; dispersed and defeated by Wayne, took refuge, and were protected under the muzzle of British cannon. A violation of territory is one of the most flagrant injuries, which can be offered to a nation, and would in most cases justify an immediate resort to arms, because in most cases essential to self-defence. Not

content with exciting the savages of America against us, Great-Britain extended her hostility to the eastern hemisphere, and let loose the barbarians of Africa upon us. A war existed at that time between Portugal and Algiers. The former blocked up the mouth of the Straights, by her superior naval force, and prevented the pirates from a communication with the Atlantic. Portugal has been for a long time subservient to the views of Great-Britain. A peace was effected through the mediation of the latter. Our unprotected merchantmen were then exposed, without defence, to the piracies of Algiers. Thus in three quarters of the globe we at one time felt the effects of British enmity. In the mean time our commerce in every sea was exposed to her rapacity. All France was declared in a state of siege, and the conveyance of provisions expressly interdicted to neutrals. Paper blockades were substituted for actual ones, and the staple commodities of our country were perishing in our store-houses, or were captured on the ocean, and diverted from the lawful proprietors. Our seamen were pressed wherever found. Our protections were a subject of derision, and opposition to the imperious mandates of their haughty tyrants, was punished by famine or by stripes—by imprisonment or by the gibbet. To complete the full measure of our wrongs, the November orders of 1793 were issued; our ships were swept from the ocean, as if by the operation of enchantment—hundreds of them were captured—almost all our merchants were greatly injured, and many of them reduced to extreme poverty. These proceedings, without even a pretext, without the forms of justice, without the semblance of equity, were calculated to inflame every American feeling, and to nerve every American arm. Negotiation was however pursued, an envoy extraordinary , in every sense of the word, was sent to demand redress, and a treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, was formed and ratified. These events took place under the administration of Washington. The Spanish treaty, concluded on the 27th October, 1795, stipulated for a settlement of boundaries, and an adjustment of spoliations on commerce, and contained a declaration of the free navigation of the Mississippi, and a grant of the privilege of deposit at New-Orleans. This treaty for more than two years afterwards, was not executed on the part of Spain. In January, 1798, a report was made to Mr. Adams, by Mr. Secretary Pickering, and submitted to Congress, which charged Spain with retaining her troops and garrisons within the United States, with evading to run the boundary line, with stopping, controlling, and regulating the passage of our citizens on the Mississippi, and with sending emissaries among the Indians residing within our territories, in violation of the treaty and the relations of amity. Here then, a treaty securing the important benefit of deposit, was in a state of inexecution for a long period. Our citizens were also interrupted in the free navigation of the Mississippi, and other aggressions, affecting our territorial rights, and our internal peace, were perpetrated."
"An amicable explanation was had with Spain, and our wrongs were satisfactorily redressed. This took place in the administration of Mr. Adams, and when most of the honourable gentlemen who support this war resolution, except such as were dangling in the courts of Europe, held prominent stations in the councils of the country."
"Our differences with France were of a more serious nature, and of a longer duration. They commenced in the administration of Mr. Washington, and were adjusted in that of his successor. Great and enormous depredations were committed upon our commerce by France, and our merchants were fraudulently robbed of compensation for provisions supplied her in the hour of distress. The treaty and consular convention were violated. The right of embassy, a sacred right, respected even by the barbarous savages, was wantonly trampled upon; and the representative of our national sovereignty was refused a reception, and ignominiously ordered out of France. A fresh attempt at negotiation was made—three ministers were sent, armed with all the powers, and clothed with all the honours of diplomacy. They were also refused a hearing, and were forced to leave the country without experiencing the forms of common civility. The treaty was then annulled, and reprisals directed; and when the honourable gentlemen and their friends, then in power, had worked up the passions of the nation to the highest pitch of exasperation—when war, bloody war, was expected from all quarters—when the worn soldiers of the revolution were girding on their swords, and preparing to stand between their country and the danger that menaced her, the scene suddenly changed; the black cloud passed away; and we again beheld three ministers at Paris, extending the olive branch, burying all animosities, and returning with a treaty of "firm, inviolable, and universal peace, and true and sincere friendship." I have read this statement, sir, (said Mr. Eppes) because it is the deliberate and grave statement of a man arrived at that period of life when he is not so much under the influence of passion. It is a statement of facts, which if made by myself, might be attributed to party feeling. It proves that it never has been the policy of this nation lightly to embark in war. And however the gentleman from New York and myself may differ in other respects, we unite in this; that no evil is so great as war, except a surrender of our independence; nothing short of an attack on which should induce any nation to resort to this alternative, injurious to every nation, but particularly so to ours."
So far then as we have progressed in our present situation, so far as the course pursued was calculated to preserve peace, it was a course which justice and humanity dictated, and which has been approved by the nation. But is there never to be an end to the sufferance of a nation? Is there no time when we shall act? The idea of a permanent embargo —and when on this part of the subject, I shall perhaps be told, as another gentleman was yesterday, that my observations resemble more the slang of an ale-house, than the debate of a deliberative body—this idea, I observe, is to be found in the speeches of those who opposed the measure. Such an idea cannot be inferred from the conduct of members of this house, or from any thing else which has occurred. It proceeds only from men, who from the first moment the measure was laid on the table, endeavoured to place it in the most odious colours. Immediately after the measure was adopted last winter, what takes place, sir? A man, distinguished by the favour of the people, a man advanced in years, the very man who in '98, kept back the despatches from Mr. Adams, and had almost plunged us into a
war with France by this act. What does he do? In 1808, he displays the same spirit of hostility to France, which he manifested in '98; writes a letter, in which he attributes the embargo to French influence, to the mandates of Buonaparte. [Mr. Gardener requested the gentleman from Virginia to name him.] Mr. Eppes. "General" Pickering. [It appeared to be doubted whether Mr. Eppes was in order. Mr. Smilie said, that if the gentleman from New York was permitted to criminate his own government, a reply ought certainly to be allowed.] Mr. Eppes continued. "I wish it to be understood by the speaker and the house, that I hold myself responsible to any man who is injured by my observations. No circumstance shall deter me from expressing the truth in relation to our affairs. It is time that the nation should see the strange union of sentiment between gentlemen in opposition, and that government which has injured us most. I am responsible for my assertions; I have a right to discharge my duty in that way which I please, and in that way I will. I then say this letter proceeded from the man who in 1798 was willing to involve the United States in a war with France. There was a party in this country in favour of it; and if correctly informed, the man who wrote this famous letter, is the head of that very party; a party connected and known under the name of the Essex Junto. This was the first stroke at the embargo; and what took place afterwards? I regret that a gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Livermore) is not in his place, whose speech as delivered to his constituents, was sent here some weeks before our last adjournment, said to have been delivered to the inhabitants of his district, in which he declared that southern members of influence in the republican party here, had openly declared to him their hostility to commerce! The gentleman has had the candour to declare that he did not make to his constituents such a statement; but, sir, it was circulated as his speech, immediately previous to the election, and although the gentleman never made such a speech, many people in Massachusetts believed that he had not only made the speech, but that it was a deliberate expression of his sentiments. These things justify the statement of the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Story) that misrepresentations have been spread amongst the people. The federal printers have united in giving currency to these misrepresentations. They have even made speeches for the members of Congress; they have made them accuse the majority of congress of being under French influence. A sentiment of this sort has been given in a speech of the gentleman from New York, (Mr. Gardener) though it is denied."
[Mr. Gardener said he never had expressed such an opinion; the speech which he had seen printed had not conveyed that idea. He never intended to express such an idea; for however he differed in opinion with gentlemen, he never had the slightest suspicion that gentlemen were governed by dishonest motives. He should hold up their course as pernicious to the nation, and never would cease to do so, thus performing a constitutional right, and a duty from which he would never shrink.]
It never has been my habit (continued Mr. Eppes) to attribute to gentlemen improper motives; I never have done so; but the course which has been pursued will give weight to the opinion already entertained in Great Britain that we are a divided people—That we are divided in opinion on what the gentleman from New York himself has called a self evident proposition—that the belligerent decrees cannot be submitted to without a surrender of our rights, independence and honour. Are we to be surprised that the people of Massachusetts or of any other parts of the United States, are agitated when they find men so enlightened as their representatives in congress telling them that this is to be a permanent system? Do gentlemen really believe that it is our intention to abide by the embargo until our injuries are redressed, be that soon or late? Do they believe that the embargo is all that is to be opposed to insult, injury and blows? Do they believe that we are destitute of sense? I for one unequivocally deny that I ever had such an idea, or any person with whom I ever conversed on the subject, except the gentleman who opposed it, to whom it was convenient to represent it as a permanent measure. And whatever gentlemen may say on other subjects, they will do me the justice to say that at the last session I told them my opinion that the period would arrive when the embargo would be removed; and that when it was, there was no other course than war, open and direct, or submission. I defy gentlemen any where to find the embargo considered as a permanent measure, but in their own speeches and the prints of their party."
The circumstances which produced the embargo are well known; but the misfortune is that gentlemen will not state the question fairly, but cover it under a heap of lumber, calculated to conceal from the people the real question. Let the question be fairly put, and there is not a man in America (always excepting old tories) who would not say that they will resist. What is the real state of our affairs—and I will not stop here to discuss who began first. If we mean to assert and maintain our rights, it is totally immaterial to us who commenced, tho' on this subject I might refer gentlemen to the letter of Mr. Hammond in 1793 in which he takes the ground now maintained, and asserts the rights of Great Britain to blockade the whole of France. The statement of our situation is simply this—Great Britain says if you go to France or her dependencies without a license from her, your property shall be liable to seizure and condemnation. France says if you have visited Britain or been visited by a Briton, your vessel shall be liable to seizure and confiscation. Now take the dependencies and allies of France and England, and what remains? Your commerce is as completely blocked by these decrees as the port of Boston in the revolutionary war—and when gentlemen come forward and tell you that your ships are rotting in your ports, and the country suffering, and attribute this to the embargo, is it fair? Is it manly? is it not an assertion materially variant from our present situation? I call upon any man, federalist, quid, or of what denomination he may be, to answer whether these decrees have not destroyed our commerce; and yet the destruction is imputed to the embargo. At the time the embargo was laid, our exports amounted to one hundred and eight millions annually. Taking all the countries with whom we could trade, throwing Great Britain out of the question, with whom I contend that no man can be willing to trade under existing circumstances, and our whole commerce does not amount to
seven millions and a half—a commerce not equal to one half of the exports from Massachusetts alone; and give Massachusetts her relative share of one fifth of this seven millions of commerce, and this is all she can have to support her seamen, to enrich her merchants whom the embargo is said to have destroyed. This is the real situation of the country. Do the people of the eastern portion of it know it? No, sir, it is kept from them; they cannot find them in the speeches of their representatives; No, sir; there it is all embargo, the favorite hobby-horse of federalism."
Having thus attempted to shew that it was not my intention when the embargo was laid to consider it as a permanent measure, I will proceed to state some circumstances which have rendered this measure less oppressive than it would otherwise have been. The embargo had two objects, to gather in our capital, and to withhold supplies from our enemies. The first object has been completely answered, and there is not a period at which it would be more necessary to adhere to it than the present moment. To withhold supplies from their enemies is now more important than ever. The nation must be put in a state to meet war."
It is in vain for gentlemen to attempt to delude the people. The decrees of England and France must be withdrawn, or we must fight; it cannot be avoided. We have declared we will not submit, and there is no species of effectual resistance but war."
We have a right to carry our produce to every place on the globe whose municipal regulations do not forbid it. France has a right to interdict our trade with herself, but none to interdict it with her enemy. Great Britain has a right to exclude us from her ports, but none to compel us to go there. What other course I ask can the U. S. take but war, or submission to these decrees? let gentlemen examine the various proposals brought forward. It is immaterial whether we pass a law that we will reduce our trade to the places left by the decrees, or suffer it to be so reduced by the decrees themselves. In either case we submit—we allow foreign nations to fix the amount of our commerce—to destroy the fruits of our industry and legislate for us."
Now, sir, I do not believe that there is a native American in any part of the United States who is disposed to submit;—and I rejoice that in this house there is no division of sentiment. Gentlemen have publicly declared that they will not submit. In what form then will they resist? We have tried paper long enough. It is time either to exert the energies of the nation; or to give up our rights and again become the colonies of Great Britain. I am not for that. I have no other interest than that in hand, by the produce of which I live. I would sooner let it go in the general wreck of my country than surrender those rights which are so important to the nation, and which our fathers purchased with their best blood. I am not for disgracing our ancestors who fled from oppression abroad; I am not for proving ourselves a base degenerate offspring. We possess a country of 2000 miles extent, a population of six millions of souls, 600,000 men fit to bear arms. If with this we cannot preserve our independence, we deserve to be kicked out of the territory neck and heels by those powers whom we have suffered to trample on our maritime rights."
In the course of my remarks I have noticed the strange union of sentiment between gentlemen in the opposition and the British ministry on the subject of the embargo. On this subject I will read an extract of a ministerial pamphlet—
"Providence has ordained, that nations as well as individuals, should, in a certain degree, be dependent on each other; and the inhabitants of no country can be debarred from their accustomed commercial communications, without being deprived of many advantages and enjoyments. Society being thus constituted, the government that attacks the comfort and happiness of the people, by prohibiting this intercourse, alienates their affections, and consequently holds its authority by a very precarious tenure. When the late emperor Paul entered into the confederacy against Great Britain, his subjects were at once reduced to severe and general distress, their hemp, their flax, their tallow, their ashes, their iron, their timber, all their great staple commodities, for the sale of which they depended on British purchasers, were left a dead weight upon their hands. If the produce of the land becomes of no value, the landlord may apply to his tenant for rent in vain. If the vassal can procure no employment, he can pay nothing to his lord. Thus the nobles, whose revenue is derived from the rent of their estates, and the labour of their vassals, found themselves involved in the calamity of their inferiours: and were led by common interest, to attempt that revolution, which cost the emperor his crown and his life."
"If any further elucidation of the principle to which this event is ascribed, were wanting, it promises to be found in the United States of America; where the cultivators of the soil are deprived of the fruits of their labours, and the merchants of their commercial gains, by the present embargo. This forced state of things cannot be of long continuance. Already have the Vermontese set the constituted authorities at defiance, and persist in carrying on their trade with the Canadians across lake Champlain, while the northern states manifest strong symptoms of discontent."
Perhaps I ought to apologize to the representatives from the state of Vermont for reading a clause speaking particularly of that state, but I assure the gentlemen that it is not my wish to bring the attention of the house to circumstances which have passed there. I view them with that deep regret with which I shall ever view a similar state of things in any portion of the country. I regret that any portion of the people of this country, however they may feel, should not manifest their feeling in that form prescribed by the constitution and the laws. We are told by this pamphlet of true British origin, that the United States cannot stand this measure—and what are we told on this floor? "You cannot stand it; you are committing suicide on yourselves." All this goes to Great Britain, what I say never will reach it. All there seen of it will be a garbled statement in a federal paper, which I could cover with my thumb, and that will be sent to Great Britain. Through this corrupted source their information is derived, and they know nothing of the real situation of American feeling, or of the American character. And is the government to blame, when I declare to God that I have seen speeches attributed to me which I have never made—the most shameful misrepresentation made by men brought
here, not for the purpose of reporting our proceedings to the nation, but for supporting party purposes. Gentlemen tell us we cannot stand a permanent embargo. We never intended it. Gentlemen well know that the rights of the nation cannot be abandoned without a struggle. The only question is, when to commence it. Our resources will soon be at our command. Means of resistance are provided, and the period must soon arrive when nothing will be wanting but spirit on the part of the representatives to use them. The people are with you—you have their support. Nothing can forfeit it but abandoning their rights. If by war only they can be maintained, the people will meet it with firmness. I never had any other feelings but that these decrees must be withdrawn, or we must resort to war. I said so last year; I spoke it openly—My sentiments are known to the people I represent.—They unite in that sentiment. It is the undivided sentiment of the state in which I live."
It has been said that the southern people wish to destroy commerce. I will ask gentlemen what but commerce has produced our present difficulties? If I had consulted my interest only, of what importance to me was the carrying trade? None sir, but it was, it ever will be, of infinite importance to me to support the principles of our constitution.—What are these principles? Equal and exact justice to every class of our citizens. United for common protection and for the general safety, the rights of no one class can be abandoned. The merchant has as good a right to protection in the use of his ship, as the farmer in the use of his plough. I said so in 1805, and I say so still. Our situation, however, is now changed; it is no longer a commercial question; the late decrees and orders make a direct attack on the sovereignty of the nation; it is no longer a commercial question whether we will trade, but whether we will maintain or surrender our independence. The embargo at the time it was adopted, was I believe, the best measure which could have been resorted to. Its operation was defeated, partly by the misrepresentations of which I have spoken. While on this subject I will ask attention to another point, which I had nearly omitted. I have said something about tories . I wish it to be understood, that I mean no gentleman in this house. I meant to state that the tory principle had manifested itself in a portion of this country, and that it was that principle, in union with the agents and acts of the British government, which produced the evasions of our law. Your towns swarm with these British agents, who send to their friends, what is essential to their prosperity, in violation of your law. Nay, sir, toryism in this country, has in one case assumed a sort of official form. I refer to the proceedings of the Essex Junto. I hold them in my hand, and I will read a resolution from them. These patriots say—
"As to the orders of council. It will be recollected that these orders, bearing date 11th November, 1807, were occasioned by the decree of the French Emperor, dated November, 1806, declaring all the British dominions in a state of blockade. Great Britain may think these orders completely justified by the Lex Talionis (law of retaliation.) There is no reason to consider them as originating from a disposition hostile to this country, and they ought not to be so considered: It is notorious that she could, according to known law and usage, plead the actual blockade, by her navy, of all the principal ports under the power of France."
Now, sir, this I say is a rank tory principle; and it is immaterial what may be the professions of men. The man who can say in the present situation of the country, that the conduct of Great Britain towards us is justified by the Lex Talionis , or by any other law, is a tory. It is in vain for the people in any portion of the union to make professions of patriotism, when they come forward, and by a publick act say, that we have no cause of complaint against Great Britain. I wish gentlemen correctly to understand me. If the British nation would come forward and make reparation for the insults offered in our ports and waters, she will stand with me on equal ground with France. But when I recollect that instead of tendering reparation for the most humiliating insults and injuries, she sent here a legalized spy to insult us with insolent demands."
I cannot consider in point of injury done to this country, these two foreign nations as equal in the honourable career of injustice and violence towards us. Let Great Britain redress these injuries, and I would as soon tender the hand of reconciliation to her as to France."
I believe the principles of both are infamous.—That in a contest for the empire of the world, they regard only their own aggrandizement. It is the duty of the United States to take a firm and manly attitude, and oppose both; to maintain the independence of the nation, and spurn a foreign yoke. You must assert your rights; they cannot be maintained without men. The independence of our country is an object, before which all differences as to the internal administration of our affairs should sink.—This is a period when all honest men have a common interest. It is a period when all party feelings should be sacrificed at the shrine of our country's good. It is a period when federalists ought to forget that they have lost the helm of state, when the old tories, dispersed through our country, should forget that we have acquired independence, and when all honest men should unite to maintain those rights which are the birth right of an American.
WANTED ON HIRE, BY THE MONTH, A Young Negro Man. Enquire at the Ledger Office. Jan. 6.
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK. WANTED TO PURCHASE, VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, For which Cash will be given. Application to be made to the SECRETARY of the MARINE INSURANCE COMPANY. JOHN GRANBERY, President Office of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, Dec. 14.
NOTES, According to the form lately ordered by the DIRECTORS of the VIRGINIA BANK, for Sale at the Ledger Office. Nov. 28.

THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHOW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIMES, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 9, 1809.
We feel extremely chagrined to be under the necessity of offering the PUBLICK LEDGER upon paper so very inferior in quality to that which we have heretofore used. But our readers may be assured that we are not in fault; an accident has happened to the mill from which we have always been supplied, and which we did not know until we received this inferior paper, when it was out of our power to procure better. We are assured, that early in the next month we shall be supplied with such as we have heretofore used; until when, we hope our friends will extend their indulgence.
Ledger Office, Jan. 9. 6th, 1809.
We have occupied much of our paper of this day, with the speech of Mr. Eppes, a member of this state, and son-in-law of the President. This speech is worthy of attention; it is with a view to perform our duty to the publick, and to avoid a reproach which the honourable member has cast upon the federal editors, that we have inserted the whole of this speech, and from the source from which we derive it, we expect, it is not one of those speeches which saucy printers compose, and ascribe to honourable members; though upon this subject, we have understood that taking things generally, the members of Congress, have no just cause of complaint against the printers; we have been so informed from persons who have heard the speeches delivered, and afterwards read them in the newspapers. The honourable member may be assured that we shall take special care to give another proof of our impartiality, and regard to his wishes. He apprehends that his speech will never reach Great Britain, we are determined as soon as the embargo will permit to export it, and wish nothing more, than we may have an early opportunity of complying with our promise.
From the connection of Mr. Eppes, with the head of the government, one would expect that something might be discovered in his speech, whereon an opinion might be formed, of what would be probably the future course proposed to be pursued. If we can infer any thing from the speech of Mr. Eppes, it would be, that the embargo is to be raised, and that we are to declare war against France, and Great Britain, or in other words against the whole world, for at this time, nearly the whole civilized world, are parties in the war. This is in truth, a most curious and unprecedented course, and worthy of the profound policy which has distinguished an administration, that is to terminate in a few weeks. Mr. Jefferson means, then to retire, leaving his country at war with the whole civilized world. There is something so extraordinary in this course, that one finds it difficult to believe that it is seriously contemplated, and yet we believe it is. There is one way, in which we can account for this policy, and in but one way, and we have no doubt but events will justify our predictions, provided this double war measure is adopted. The great object of the ruling party, is, to get the nation into a war with Great Britain, but to declare war against her alone, would be submission direct to the mandates of the French Emperor, repeated more than once.
This the people would not submit to, being equally opposed to their interests and feelings. When men talk of making war upon France, we should like to know at what point they intend to make the attack, while they have the British navy to contend with at the same time? All this seeming inconsistency is reconciled when we pursue our enquiry a little further; let us suppose war declared against France and Great Britain, and then all will be explained. With France, a peace will be immediately patched up, and upon terms that we may, if we please, dictate, and which she will (as she has already done) observe just so long as suits her convenience, and no longer. The war against France will only be a war in form, for in effect, she cannot make war upon us, nor we upon her, unless by permission of our other enemy. In the mean time, the war with Great Britain will be an actual and active war, both by sea and land, mutual injuries inflicted by both parties, and incident to a state of war, when the parties can meet, will heighten animosities, and impede reconciliation, and thus the nation, by a piece of management, worthy of the genius of Talleyrand himself, will find itself engaged in an expensive and unprofitable war, and the ally of the great Napoleon in his praiseworthy project of subduing all the world, including the United States.
It is certainly worth while to bestow a thought on the probable consequences of such a war. Having withstood the blandishments and menaces of France for sixteen years past, we shall give no great proof of our wisdom by yielding at a moment when the tide in the affairs of Europe appears to be running in a new direction. But suppose that Buonaparte succeeds in his present abominable attempts upon Spain and Portugal, it is difficult to perceive what advantages we are to derive, unless we set a high value upon the friendship of the emperor; experience, one would think, had taught all men that his hostility is less fatal than his friendship.
But we will invade Canada—be it so: but are we sure that we can conquer it, without expending more blood and treasure than it is worth? That province is in a state of preparation that defies a coup de main. We must attack it with a considerable force; how great, we do not pretend to say; but we should have to contend with an army of fifteen to twenty thousand regulars, besides militia. And, after all, Canada is not worth our acceptance. As a colony of the United States, we could not hold it, and, as a member of the Union, no persons would be less disposed to admit her, than the politicians of this State.
To return to Mr. Eppes' speech. This gentleman is indignant at the conduct of those persons who have called the embargo a permanent measure; that it is permanent in a legal sense, no one can doubt, because all statutes which have not a clause of limitation, as to the term of existence, are perpetual; and certainly the embargo has no such clause. It stands upon the footing of every other law which exists, as long as a majority of the legislature deem it proper to continue it in force.
Mr. Eppes has noticed our differences with Great Britain, prior to Mr. Jay's treaty, with a sarcastic notice of his appointment. Our differences with her were healed by that treaty, which was honourably observed, and the citizens of this country amply indemnified for unjust captures. Now let Mr. Eppes show what has been the conduct of France; of forty millions of dollars of which she has deprived the citizens of this country, (prior to the recent seizures in her ports) not one cent has been compensated for. Mr. Jay's negotiation has been a fruitful source of complaint; we should be glad to know when the United States made a better treaty; one as good was formed, but was rejected without a consideration.
The frequent use of the word "tory" in the speeches and writings of the ruling party, cannot escape notice, nor its object be mistaken. If intended to apply to such as were "tories" in the war, the number of those now alive must from natural causes, be too few to deserve the consideration of an overwhelming majority. We cannot suppose, that (whatever some others may do) the honourable member intended to use the word tory as defined by Mr. Jefferson in his letter to Major Wise. Is the appellation intended for those who oppose the present system of measures? Is this appellation then intended as a mark of proscription, to cry "mad dog and shoot him?" Are those who cannot be put down by argument to be silenced by terror? It is this part of Mr. Eppes' speech, which we deem most censureable, the greater part consists in arguments, to which we cannot give our assent, but may proceed from a conviction, that they are correct. Mr. Eppes was followed by Mr. Quincy, whose speech we shall lose no time in laying before our readers.
Our Washington papers contain nothing new—all the important matters before Congress are postponed until the holidays are over.
MARRIED, last evening, JAMES NIMMO, Esq. Attorney at Law, to Mrs. BROADIE.
DIED, at Philadelphia, on the 31st ult. in the 75th year of his age, JOHN NIXON, Esq. President of the Bank of North America, and one of the oldest and most respectable citizens of that city, and also one of the early patriots of the revolution.
SOMETHING RARE.
A letter from Millidgeville, dated 15th December, and printed in the Savannah Museum, states, the grand jury of the circuit court have presented judge Johnson for an improper interference with the executive, in granting the mandamus sometime ago at Charleston.
Despotism is not far in the rear of such anarchy. North American.
COURAGE AND ORDER.
According to the National Intelligencer of yesterday, Mr. Eppes being called to order in the house of representatives, for personal observations on colonel Pickering, declared, "I wish to be understood by the speaker of the house, that I hold myself responsible to any man who is injured by my observations." Mr. Eppes knew he could not be legally questioned for what he had said in the house, and as to other means of obtaining reparation, the reader must know that col. Pickering is upwards of sixty years old, and Eppes a young man.
He then proceeded: "I have a right to discharge my duty in that way which I please; and in that way I will." Yet it does not appear that there was spirit enough in the chair to oblige the president's son-in-law to sit down.—Ibid.
CONFUSION IN THE CAMP!
The democratic representatives from Massachusetts have received a letter from Mr. John Quincy Adams, announcing to them that the embargo must be given up, or democracy dies forever in the east. Mr. Story and Mr. Bacon have taken the alarm, and are preparing to discover that this wise and powerful measure, "however honourable to the Sages with whom it originated," as the former gentleman has said, is not so coercive upon foreign powers as those Sages had led them to believe. There are many strong indications of an approaching rebellion against "the anti-commercial system of Confucius the Younger," in a quarter where nothing but the most abject submission was expected. Freeman's Journal.
MR. GALLATIN'S OPINION. Extract of a letter, dated Boston, December 30. "A gentleman in this town, last from Washington, has had a conversation with Mr. Gallatin, who informed him, The embargo must come off before Congress rises, as commerce is the only support of the treasury."—Ibid.
From the Petersburg Republican of January 7.
SHIP SALLY.
On Wednesday last we made some remarks touching the evasion of the embargo law, by the ship Sally, which some time since sailed from City Point, apparently destined for Boston. Those remarks were made with the view of dragging the real culprits before the bar of an impartial publick, and of eliciting the whole truth in relation to this business. Since that time, we have had an interview with Mr. George Pegram, of this town, who, at the instance of a Mr. George Farquhar, of Philadelphia, became security, to a very considerable amount (about forty six thousand dollars) that the said vessel should not contravene the laws of the United States.
From this interview, together with the correspondence of the parties, (which we have seen) we are enabled to state how far Mr. Pegram was interested in the vessel and her cargo, and also the names of the persons who have thus evaded the laws of the land.
It appears that the ship Sally had on board 350 bds. of tobacco, 100 of which belonged to a Mr. M'Adam, and the balance originally to the house of Harper & Co. of Philadelphia, but which afterwards was secured to a Mr. Tilton, for certain reasons hereafter explained.
It further appears, that during last summer, Mr. Pegram met with Mr. Farquhar in Baltimore, (whither Mr. P. had been for the promotion of the health of his family) with whom he formed an acquaintance, having taken lodgings at the same house.—During their temporary residence together, Mr. F. expressed to Mr. P. an intention (as there was a probability of the embargo being raised) of purchasing tobacco in Petersburg, and solicited Mr. P's. good offices. From the respectability of Mr. F's appearance, Mr. P. readily consented to aid him, as he was himself much engaged in that business. Mr. F. further intimated, that before Mr. P. returned home, it was probable he (F.) would commission him to purchase a parcel of tobacco.
A few days after Mr. P's return, he received a letter from Mr. F. introducing and recommending Mr. Daniel Tilton, whose object in coming here was to purchase tobacco.
While here, Tilton intimated to Mr. P. that he had a very considerable claim on the house of Harper & Co. of Philadelphia, the reputed owners of the ship Sally, then lying at City Point, on board of which it was also alleged they had 250 hogsheads of tobacco. This house he represented to be in very doubtful circumstances, and informed Mr. P. that one of the above firm was in Richmond. Tilton then went, and secured their interest in the cargo of the Sally.
Every thing being thus matured, and the remainder of the Sally's load completed by M'Adam, Farquhar writes to Mr. Pegram a letter, denying any connexion with T. but at the same time indemnifying Mr. P. from any risk or loss in any business or agency he might undertake for Tilton. Thus indemnified, Mr. Pegram becomes security for Tilton, and the vessel is permitted to depart—since which time she has not been heard of.
From these facts, we must draw two conclusions; first, either Mr. Pegram has been duped by the superior address of Farquhar; or, secondly, Farquhar has been imposed upon by the still deeper cunning of Tilton.
Whatever Farquhar may be, we are convinced Tilton belongs to that class of citizens denominated by the president, "the most base and worthless part of the community."
But we are inclined to believe Farquhar is in the plot, from the following facts: He sees Mr. Pegram in Baltimore; intimates his intention of commissioning him to purchase tobacco; declines that plan; and recommends Tilton to him as a tobacco buyer and a gentleman, and solicits Mr. Pegram's good offices for him.
On the 10th of November, Farquhar writes to Mr. Pegram a letter of indemnity; and the 12th of the same month, Tilton purchases the interest of Harper & Co. in the 250 hogsheads tobacco, for the safe delivery of which in the port of Boston, Mr. Pegram becomes security.
We have given this plain sketch to the publick according to promise, and solicit still further facts relative to this villainous business.
The editors of papers in Philadelphia, friendly to the administration, and to truth, are requested to inform the publick, who and what Tilton and Farquhar are, and also the standing of the house of Harper, & Co.
In making our remarks in the Republican of Wednesday, respecting the above business, we had no intention to wound the feelings of any innocent man. We wanted to obtain the truth, and nothing else.—The publick will see from the preceding statement, that Mr. Pegram is completely exonerated from any connivance in this business; and the subjoined note from him, will, we imagine, remove every unfavourable impression, and convince his fellow-citizens, that he has been the innocent victim of designing men.
G. P. invites the strictest investigation of his friends and enemies, into his conduct, as relates to the said ship Sally's having evaded the embargo laws, asserting, unequivocally, that he never had any interest, directly or indirectly, in the said ship Sally, her cargo, or with any of the parties; and that he became security at the particular instance of Geo. Farquhar, of Philadelphia.
From the Boston Gazette.
COMMUNICATION.
"America has preferred to renounce commerce and the sea, rather than recognize slavery!!" See Buonaparte's speech to his Legislative body. If Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Giles and Mr. Campbell can read this praise bestowed upon their labours without a blush, it must be because they are insensible to all shame.
The embargo, though really directed as we all have known solely against Great Britain—though its intention and objects were equally understood as St. Cloud—by those against whom it was aimed as
well as by those by whom it was directed, is still audaciously declared to have been aimed as well against France as against Great Britain.
But Buonaparte, superior to the opinion of his submissive subjects in America, and regardless of the feebleness of his faithful servants here, declares his unqualified approbation of the measure, and thus cuts up by the roots, the apology of his transatlantic friends.
He declares, probably on private authority from its authors, that it was adopted in preference to the recognition of slavery.
But as it is impossible that he would characterize his own edicts as despotick orders, and the submission to them slavery, it results, necessarily results, that he considers them as aimed solely at his enemies.
How did he obtain this idea? Not from the letter of the act itself—not from the avowed language of our cabinet—it must have been obtained then, from the private instructions and explanations of our minister.
We then obtain a clue to the suppression of all general Armstrong's correspondence with France on the subject of the Embargo—We then perfectly comprehend the mysterious declaration of gen. Armstrong, that it was unnecessary to explain or apologize for the Embargo to the court of France.
Still less will that court require an explanation of our additional act of submission, promised by his faithful subjects in congress, in the act prohibiting all intercourse with the belligerents.
In the former merited praise from imperial lips, will not the latter demand some more substantial reward?
Let the wise and patriotick (if patriotism be not already extinct) ponder upon these things.
BOSTON, December 30. From Halifax.—On Saturday last arrived, his Britannick majesty's schooner Bream, Lieutenant Mials, commander, in 4 days from Halifax, with dispatches.
The expeditions sailed on the 6th instant. The destination not certainly known. It consisted of the Penelope and Eurydice frigates, Columbine brig, a schooner and transports, with about 2500 men. Next day an express arrived from Quebec (to stop them it was supposed.) The cutter was dispatched after the fleet; but it was thought could not overtake it.
SAVANNAH, December 27. His Britannick Majesty's brig Sandwich, Lieut. Foley, commander, arrived at Tybee on Saturday the 24th inst. with dispatches for the British Vice Consul, James Wallace, Esq. relating to the Spanish Felucca, a British prize, brought into this port in distress, on the 5th of August last. Lieut. Foley, accompanied by a Midshipman, came up in his boat to the city, and with the Vice Consul, immediately waited on the Collector, to acquaint him of his arrival and business, but having been informed of the sale of the Felucca, said he should immediately leave the port, either that evening (Sunday) or in the morning, to which the Collector expressed no objections. About one o'clock the same day, he was waited upon by Captain Houston, with a letter from A. B. Armistead, Esq. Captain of the United States Artillerists, Commanding, directed to the officers of his Britannick Majesty's brig Sandwich, ordering them to depart this town immediately, as they were violating the President's proclamation, by entering the waters of the United States; to which an answer was sent by the Vice Consul, stating the cause of Lieut. Foley's coming here, (having brought official dispatches) and that he would take his departure in the morning. Lieut. Foley, had just sat down to dinner, with a gentleman to whom he brought letters, when he was again called upon by Captain Houston, with a letter from Captain Armistead, directing Capt. H. to see him into his boat immediately. The gentleman, at whose table he was, endeavoured to prevail with Captain Houston, to suffer Lieut. Foley, to remain half an hour to finish his dinner, but this was refused.—He was then under the necessity of departing immediately, without the pilot, and one of his men who were absent.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Brig Rover, Foster, 22 days from Boston. Schooner Neutrality, Fabins, 12 days from Salem.
FOR SALE.
By virtue of four separate deeds in trust from Bart. Yates, to satisfy sundry claims, will be sold at Gloucester Courthouse, on Saturday the 4th February next, for ready money.
Four likely young NEGRO MEN, two of them are very excellent Blacksmiths, the third a Carpenter, and the fourth accustomed to different sorts of labour.—These negroes are under most excellent characters. William Jones, Ex'r. of John Callett, dec'd.
January 9. The Sale of the above Negroes was postponed on the 24th December, on account of the badness of the weather. W. J.
By virtue of a deed in trust, from Bartholomew Yates to James Henderson, WILL BE SOLD in the City of Williamsburg, on Monday the 13th February, being James City court day.
Two Houses & Lots, in the said city, lately in the occupancy of the said Bartholomew Yates, and situated opposite to the Lot of James Semple, esq. Terms ready money. The Trustee. Williamsburg, January 9. 1aw4w
LOST,
Certificates for Stock in the Bank of Virginia, as follows:
4 SHARES in the name of William Pennock, 2 do. in the name of Sarah C. Pennock, 2 do. in the name of Courtney Pennock, 2 do. in the name of William H. Pennock. TEN SHARES; for which ten shares application will be made for renewals, according to law.
William Pennock. January 9. 2m
COWPER & GRAY
HAVE A LARGE TRACT OF PRIME JUNIPER SWAMP,
Adjoining the Lake—which they wish to lease for the term of five years. Terms will be made known on application to G. Gray in Suffolk, or W. Cowper, in Gates. Suffolk, Jan. 9.

For NEW-ORLEANS, The American Ship ELIZABETH, 300 tons burthen, Timothy Tufts, Master, in complete order, will be ready to depart the 25th inst. For freight or passage apply to the captain on board, or to  C. & F. Whittle, Who are Landing per Gould's packet, a parcel of  Choice Baltimore WHISKEY. Jan. 4.
BRIG MOSES MYERS. NOTICE—All those who had an interest in the American Brig MOSES MYERS, late of Baltimore, Master, or her cargo, captured by the French in the year 1809, one voyage from Baltimore to Norfolk, and re-captured by the British privateer Rever, and carried into Halifax, Nova Scotia, by applying to the subscribers, will receive their proportion of the funds collected from the captors, by the agents of the claimants, according to a de- cree of the high court of appeals in Great-Britain. Robert Maitland. November 4.
The Members of the Dismal Swamp Company, are requested to meet at Suffolk on the 28th of December. That place is preferred for a meeting, because it is a very small distance from the land, and the members will have a better opportunity of information as to the whole business of the company than at any other place—Those who may not attend will be pleased to give power to others to act for them. Dec. 2.
At the particular request of some of the Mem-  bers, the Meeting is postponed to the 17th of Janu-  ary, and also Williamsburg appointed instead of Suf-  folk. Wm. Nelson, J. Bracken, Corbin Griffin. December 19.
Dr. Tissot's celebrated Gout and Rheu-  matick Drops. The Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, and the various dis- orders of the same nature, are so exquisitely painful, and so difficult to be cured, that they have justly excited the ut- most stretch of medical investigation. Some professional gentlemen have excelled in one department of the sciences; others in another. Dr. Tissot particularly has long been re- owned for the superiority of his prescription in chronic diseases, and the length of time which elapsed during his sole attention to the nature and effects and cure of these affec- tions, render the medicines which he recommended of in- valuable importance. The beneficial effects of these drops, have been so often experienced, and their extraordinary ef- ficacy has been attested by witnesses so numerous and so unim- peachable credible, that incredulity itself cannot doubt the virtue of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops. Large quantities have already been vend, and the sale is now be- come so general, and their certainty in curing the disorders of a chronic nature is so completely ascertained, that certi- ficates of their unbounded utility are now unnecessary. Tes- timonies of their value, and a volume of attested cases per- formed by them, may be seen upon application at T. W. Dyott's genuine Drug and Patent Medicine Warehouse, No. 57, South Second-street, Philadelphia. The price of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, is only two dollars per bottle, with copious directions. Generous allowances made to those who buy to sell again. Of the many respectable testimonies of the effects of the above Drops, which have been received by the proprietor, we beg leave to annex the following: Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton. I certify that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply to Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the direc- tions, they effected a perfect cure. Another time my wrist was affected with rheumatism to such a degree, as to render my hand for the time useless, when on application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder in the course of twenty-four hours was entirely removed. I therefore, from the experiences I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it a benificent act to recommend it in similar cases to others. (Signed) C. RIDGELY, of Hampton. Certificate of John Gibson, Esq. one of the Directors of the Farmers' Bank of Maryland. I certify that about a year since, my foot received an inju- ry by a fall; in a few hours after it was affected with a most excruciating pain, so that I was unable to walk, with clutch- es. I was apprehensive that this accident would induce a feverish fit of the gout, with which I had been frequently attacked. In this situation one of my friends highly recommend- ed and earnestly advised me to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops; I immediately procured them and made the application; in less than three hours the pain entirely abated, which had been so severe, as to deprive me of sleep for several nights. After two further applications, a perfect cure proceeded. I have frequently since in other cases, both used them myself, and recommended them to others with invari- able success. (Signed) JOHN GIBSON. Certificate of Mrs. Mary Taylor. I, Mary Taylor, No. 135, Plum-street, Philadelphia, aged upwards of seventy years, having been afflicted with ve- ry violent rheumatick pains for more than eight years, being recommended to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, on only using half a bottle every rheumatick affection was completely removed, and I have continued free from all pain ever since; as witness my hand. MARY TAYLOR. The above drops are sold wholesale and retail only by BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co. Norfolk. ALSO, DR. ROBERTSON'S Patent Stomachick Wine Bitters. Celebrated and well known for their superior qualities in restoring weak constitutions, destroying Worms, cleansing and strengthening, giving a proper tone to the stomach, and increasing the appetite—a frequent use of them is a certain preventative against those complaints so common in the spring and fall. Such as intermitting fevers, agues, autumn- al fevers, dysenteries, &c. &c. They are particularly ser- viceable to those who make long sea voyages, and are expo- sed to unhealthy climates, as a powerful preservative against contagious disorders. PRO BONO PUBLICO. Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Black- ing, prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beau- tifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but by experi- ence; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recom- mended to sportsmen and gentlemen who are exposed much to the wet—Also for cleaning Harness, as it will effectually prevent the water from penetrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the ve- ry last, giving it also a beautiful jet black gloss, a proof of which may be seen at the warehouse. The above Blacking is prepared and sold only by T. W. DYOTT, at his Medical Warehouse, No. 11, North Second-street, Philadelphia; sold also by his appointment, at BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co's Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMER- VELL & CONRAD'S, Petersburg. Where also may be had, The IMPERIAL WASH, And new invented LIQUID, For taking catarrhals, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots. May 20. lawly
FOR RENT, That delightful little FARM, Belonging to the estate of David Patterson, deceased. SITUATED on Elizabeth River and Tanner's Creek, ad- joining the land of the quarantine house, containing a- bout 65 acres, the greatest part of which is cleared and fit for immediate culture; has on it a good comfortable dwell- ing house, kitchen, &c. for a small family, a most excel- lent garden, apple and peach orchard, and its conveniences to the best fish, oysters, and Norfolk market, must render it desirable and valuable. For terms apply to D. R. Waddy.
ALSO, FOR RENT, A TRACT OF LAND, Containing about 260 acres, in the county of Princess Anne, adjoining the tract now used for sale by Mr. Tully Ro- binson. This tract is well timbered and well worth the at- tention of a good farmer, who might in a short time put it in a state of high cultivation. And for Hire, A Valuable BLACKSMITH,
With a complete set of Tools. For terms apply as above, or to Capt. Thomas Calvert, near Kempsville. Dec. 12.
NOTICE. All persons indebted to the estate of David Patterson, deceased, are desired to make im- mediate payment; and those having claims to ren- der them properly attested, to D. R. WADDEY, Adm'r. Nov. 16.
MACKINDER & WHITE, OFFER FOR SALE, FOR CASH or APPROVED NOTES, 2000 barrels NAVAL STORES, 100 bales Georgia Upland COTTON, 28 bales New Orleans do. 62 barrels APPLE BRANDY, 8 bds Richmond TOBACCO, 20 hogsheads York-River, do. 24 bds Petersburg, do. 100 barrels Smithfield and Carolina PORK, 22 pipes HOLLAND GIN, 9 pipes COUNTRY GIN, 100 boxes FRESH IMPERIAL and GUNPOWDER } TEAS. 40 boxes YOUNG HYSON } And 500 bds. Fresh Alexandria Superfine FLOUR ALSO, A General Assortment of DRY GOODS, suitable to the Season. Nov. 14.
The Subscriber being about to leave this State, is anxious to settle his individual affairs. Those having claims against him are requested to hand them in for settlement—and those indebted, to make immediate pay- ment. James Brown. Dec. 28.
TO HIRE, A Negro Man, Accustomed to plantation work. Apply to the Printer. Dec. 24.
A BARGAIN OFFERED, In a fine and Valuable FARM, in the County of Princess Anne. THE Subscriber is disposed to sell his Plantation called LEVEL GREEN, situated in the county of Princess Anne. It contains about 500 acres; and, as it may be ad- vantageously divided into two or three Farms, the subscri- ber will accommodate a purchaser, in selling either the whole or a part. He will also give a long credit. This tract of Land is certainly the most desirable in the county, lying on the Eastern branch of Elizabeth River, and distant from Norfolk Market only five or six miles by water, and 8 or 9 by land. The soil is excellent, about one half of the tract being cleared land, and fit for immediate culture; the other heavily timbered with Oak, Pine, Ash, and Hickory. It has also the advantage of several good landings—Any one disposed to view the land, and to purchase, may apply, in the absence of the subscriber, to JAMES ROBINSON, or JOHN READ, who reside in the neighbourhood. Tully Robinson. Dec. 7.
Norfolk Borough, At a quarterly session court held the 28th day of No- vember, 1808. The Marine Insurance Company of Nor- folk, } Plaintiffs, Against } Felix Corran, Michael Corran, Noble and } In Chancery. Arbuthnot, & co and Theodorick Ar- } mistead, } Defendants. THE defendant Felix Corran not having entered his ap- pearance and given security according to the act of as- sembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant Felix Corran do appear here on the fourth Monday in February next and answer the bill of the Plaintiffs, and that a copy of this or- der be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough: and it is fur- ther ordered that the defendants Michael Corran, Noble and Arbuthnot, & co and Theodorick Armitstead, who have ef- fected the said Felix Corran in their hands do not pay, convey away or secrete such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, (Teste,) Wm. Sharp, c. c. Dec. 2.
FOR RENT, That convenient BRICK HOUSE in Market Square, at present occupied in part by Mr. Fabre— it is well calculated for two Grocery Stores below, and will be neatly fitted above for the residence of families—pos- session given the first of January. Apply to William A. Armistead. Dec 14
For SALE, by the Subscriber, 50 tierces RICE; 30 bales COTTON. GEORGE RAINCOCK. Dec. 16.
TURKS ISLAND SALT. 3000 bushels Turks Island Salt now on board the brig Alert, captain Hatchard, from Turks Island, for sale by William Pennock. Dec. 21.
27,000 feet MAHOGANY, 5 ton LOGWOOD, 3 do. BRAZALETTO, 60 lb. TORTOISESHELL, being the Cargo of the British Schooner Hannah, from Honduras, landing this day on our wharf. And for Sale, by C. & F. Whittle. Dec. 28.
* We will barter 800 bds. Petersburg tobacco for co- lonial produce Dec. 28.
Phoenix Fire Office No. 13, MARKET-SQUARE, NORFOLK.
INSURANCE UPON SHIPS. NOTICE is hereby given that the following pre- miums only, will henceforward be charged by this company for insurance from fire upon Ships, Vessels, and all Water Crafts, and also upon Cargo on board, in the seaports and rivers of Virginia and North-Carolina.
  One month 12 1/2 cents per $100   Two do. 20 do.   Three do. 25 do.   Four do. 30 do.   Five do. 35 do.   Six do. 40 do.   Seven do. 45 do.   Eight do. 50 do.   Nine do. 55 do.   Ten do. 60 do.   Eleven do. 65 do.   Twelve do. 70 do. 
The above premiums will be charged for any sum not exceeding 40,000 dollars in one risk; but a separate sum must in all cases be specified on the ship and another on the cargo. Richard Taylor, Agent. Dec. 19.
DR. ROBERTSON'S Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health. Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the stomach; also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, feverish Grip- pings, and all other diseases of the bowels, a dose never fails to remove a cold if taken soon after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, removing habitual costiveness, sickness at the stomach, feverish head- ache, &c. &c. The following certificates are selected from the many re- spectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession. Certificate of Mr. William Julion, carpenter and builder, No. 69, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will lay my case before the publick, as an in- contestible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robert- son's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health. I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me to such that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained, I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by tak- ing Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business. I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance in the country, where assistance cannot be immedi- ately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world, I have since recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person with to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure ex- plain it to them by applying to me. I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM JULION. Mr. DYOTT, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807.
Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water  Street, Philadelphia. SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, of the most effectual service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my stomach, and continual head-ache, attended with a sickness at the stomach, which brought on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robert- son's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before—As I consider your me- dicines to have been the means of saving my life, I solicit you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by abid- ing by the directions given the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES. Mr. DYOTT, Philadelphia, August 1, 1807.
ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES.  Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street,  Philadelphia. SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the af- flicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pains in my breath and side, and a sickness at my stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and shall certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint. I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON. Mr. T. W. DYOTT. August 22.
Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia. DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I will you to publish the following: About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which settled on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption must soon have followed, had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is impossible to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most efficacious remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint. I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE. Mr. DYOTT. November 11.
The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the pro- prietor, T. W. DYOTT, No. 11, North Second-Street, Phi- ladelphia; and by appointment at BONSAL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVELL & CONRAD'S, Petersburg. May 23. lawly
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.
FOR SALE In our Ware-House, where the largest vessel can come alongside, 15,000 bushels of CORN, 2000 do. do. white, 30 bales Cotton. Also, 4000 bushels coarse SALT, 150 sacks Ground Allum do. 45 hogsheads old Antigua Rum, do. Jamaica do. 40 hogsheads Sugar, 80 barrels do. A few casks excellent Port Wine, Coffee in hogsheads, Madeira Wine, 45 crates Earthenware, Tobacco from several inspections. GEO. MURRAY, & Co. September 9.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogs-head, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18.
FOR SALE, 3000 bushels Turk's-Island SALT, Now on board the Sloop Julianna, Capt. Stowe. Also, 21,000 feet MAHOGANY, A few puncheons Old Antigua Rum, New do. Molasses, Sugars, Indian Meal in barrels. John Granbery. September 21.
The CARGO of the British Brig Meanwell, from  St. Kitts—Consisting of Prime SUGAR and MOLASSES, For Sale, by C. & F. Whittle. Dec. 5.
Boot and Shoe Manufactory. SAMUEL COLEMAN, Opposite the Market, (westward) has received by captain Hand, from Philadelphia, a quantity of the Highest Priced Boot Legs, Vamps, Tops, and other Materials, for his Factory—He has also Soak Leather, which has been in tan seven years; with these, the best workmen he can get, and the greatest care and punctuality, he believes the people of this place and its vicinity, may be as well served as by any factory in the na- tion. His Stock at present is as good as this country can fur- nish, and he intends to use no other kind, the price of course must be higher, and when the Boots go the money must come, having found in a number of instances that a few days means six or twelve months, and an application even then for the money is ample cause of enmity. He has on hand a large assortment of BOOTS and SHOES. Also, SALT, LONDON PORTER, &c. &c. Fresh SHOES from New-York for Ladies, of red, green, and black Morocco, with 1, 2, and 3 ties. JOURNEYMEN WANTED. The best Boot and Shoe Makers, not only such as can, but such as will do the best work in all cases, may meet with as much encouragement in my factory, as in any in this state, for any state in the union north of this. October 3.
FLOUR.  FOR SALE, BY JOHN GRANBERY, AT HIS WARE-HOUSE ON COMMERCE-STREET, A small quantity of very excellent New Flour, in barrels and half-barrels, now on hand, fit for family use, and a regular supply expected from the Columbian Mills— Richmond inspection. CASH given for good new flour barrels and half-barrels. Nov. 9.
THE SUBSCRIBER Wishes to Sell, and will Sell or Rent on moderate terms, That very excellent Wharf and Lot, in the town of Gosport, at present occupied by William Smith; the Wharf, Ware-Houses, and Dwelling-House are all in good repair. Thirteen Lots in the Town of Suffolk; And the following Property in Norfolk, Two good Fire-Proof Warehouses on the Eastern side of Commerce-Street, Nos. 4 and 6. Two Dwelling-Houses and Lots on Boush-street, in good repair, and very pleasantly situated. Apply to John Granbery. September 14.
Wanted on Hire, By the month or year, a GIRL about 15 to 16 years old, as a House Servant. She must be recommended for her abilities in this capacity. Enquire of the Printer. Jan. 4.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just re- ceived from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt-Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiv- ing from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family fe, with printed directions, put up as usual.
FOR RENT, And possession given the 1st day of January, The HOUSE at present occupied by Mr. Argote, near the Virginia Bank.—Apply to Edward Roberts. December 9.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.