Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1803-03-04 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 49 OF VOLUME IV.]
FRIDAY, March 4, 1803.
[WHOLE No. 204.]
We are authorised to inform the Citizens of Berkeley County, that JAMES CAMPBELL, Esq. and MAGNUS TATE, Esq. will stand a poll at the ensuing election for Representatives in the State Legislature.
CARRIAGE OF FLOUR, &c.
THE subscribers beg leave to inform those who have Flour or produce of any kind to send down the river Potomac, that they are provided with strong and safe Boats for the conveyance thereof, and will deliver Flour, &c. in George-Town or Alexandria, on the most moderate terms—and for the further encouragement of those who favor us with the carriage of their produce, we have taken that spacious Ware-House, formerly in the possession of Mr. James Mosley, in which their property will be deposited free of any charge.
BLACKFORD & ZUCK.
Shepherd's-Town, } February 25, 1803. }
TO RENT.—A HOUSE & LOT in Shepherd's-Town, conveniently situated for any kind of Public Business, it is calculated for a store and the accommodation of a family. Possession may be had the first day of March next. Apply to
JOHN BLACKFORD.
Shepherd's-Town, } February 25, 1803. }
ONE CENT REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber living in Middletown, Berkeley County, on the 20th day of April, 1801, an apprentice boy named ABRAHAM SINK-LEAR, was bound by his father to Joseph Moony, of Frederick County, and his indenture assigned to the subscriber, who will pay the above reward for him, but no thanks.
ZACHARIAH CHAPMAN.
February 25, 1803.
EXHIBITION.
THE Students of Charles-Town Academy, will have an Exhibition at said Academy, on Wednesday the ninth day of March next, which will commence about 10 o'clock, A. M. February 25, 1803.
From the Charleston Courier.
THE Address of Mr. RUTLEDGE to his constituents, published in the Courier of Wednesday, is one of the most perspicuous, forcible, and intelligent pieces of political writing that has for a long time appeared in any country. It is an admirable compendium of the history of our confederation. All that we had once to hope, and all that we have now to fear, are collected into one focus, and displayed to the view of the humblest intellect. While it affords instruction to the American patriot, it presents a true picture of democratic integrity and gratitude; and affords us indeed, but too melancholy a proof of the baleful success that attends the pernicious system which has all along been pursued by the party now dominant, for perpetuating their power and excluding every citizen differing from them in opinion from the least participation in the political concerns of the country.
We earnestly exhort all those who love their country, who think it worth saving, and who agree with us, that it is only wise and honest men that can save it, to read Mr. Rutledge's Address—to read it, not as they would an ordinary
newspaper paragraph, 'trippingly on the tongue,' but with attention; with studious consideration to ponder upon its contents—to lay it to their hearts—and to ask themselves fairly and conscientiously this question—Is all going on right?
[CIRCULAR.]
To the electors of the united districts of Beaufort, Orangeburg, and Barnwell. FRIENDS & FELLOW-CITIZENS,
IT will be in the recollection of many of you, that I had expressed an intention to retire from public life, prior to the last election of members of Congress, but that I was overruled by the persuasions of many respectable persons of your district. It is also in your knowledge, that having yielded up my own inclinations and interests, to the wishes of my constituents, I was elected to a seat in Congress, in a manner flattering to my feelings. The period has again arrived when I am to decide whether I shall be a candidate for your suffrages, or withdraw from the public service. I have weighed the question maturely, and I have resolved to retire. The kind confidence which you have been pleased to repose in me, evidenced by repeated elections, entitles you to be informed of the reasons of my resolutions.
They are founded on considerations in part personal, and in part of a public nature.
My private affairs having suffered by the almost entire devotion of my time, for the last six years, to my public duties, now require my attention at home; more especially since the venerable friends who heretofore, took charge of them, in my absence, have been torn from me by death.
I trust I shall always be prepared to make sacrifices to the public welfare: Yet I do not perceive that the sacrifice of my private interests, would produce at this period any equivalent public good. And I feel myself more at liberty to pursue my own inclinations since by the new modification of the election districts, the districts which I have had the honor to represent are separated from each other, and yoked to others, with which I have never had any political connection.
The considerations of a public nature, which have guided my judgment, are numerous and powerful, and naturally lead to a large retrospect—the subject is copious, but I will treat it briefly.
The termination of the war with Great Britain, left the United States in an exhausted condition. Great debts had been contracted by congress, and by the several states, and there existed no means of paying or providing for them; public credit was totally at an end. Individuals were equally exhausted and equally destitute of credit.—The states without an efficient head, crumbling in their weakness, and urged by the wants and distresses of their citizens, resorted to enstainment and tender laws, to paper money, and other expedients, which aggravated the evils under which they labored. The most gloomy apprehensions began to be entertained for the fate of the country. The eminent men who had planned and effected the revolution were alarmed at this apparent issue of their toils and sufferings; they felt that there existed an imperious necessity to provide a remedy for these evils. A convention of the states was called; it was filled with great and virtuous men. They soon discovered that a national head was wanting, and that nothing short of the formation of an efficient general government, could restore the country to a sound state. They therefore formed a constitution or form of government on new principles, combining the advantages of a confederated republic with those of a national government. It was adopted in the state conventions, and went into operation, in 1789, under president Washington. The first care of the new government was to provide for the liquidation of the public debt, and the punctual payment of the interest of it, to restore public credit, and to secure the sound administration of justice. The success of the measures then devised and since pursued, has been complete; the nation advanced with gigantic steps from poverty, distress, weakness and degradation, to wealth, character and greatness. In the mean time a war broke out
in Europe, unprecedented in its nature, extent and effects. It was the interest of the American nation and the duty of its government, to avoid being drawn into the war, and to enjoy the advantages of its neutral position. France desired and Great Britain apprehended that the United States would become a party in the war; and no intrigues were spared by the former to seduce or force them to it. Indeed both the belligerents abused their rights and their power, and the enormous depredations committed by both on the American commerce made it difficult to pronounce which of them was most inimical to America, or with which she should be first compelled to wage war; the chief difference between them consisted in this, that the French super-added insult to injury.
This state of things demanded the exercise of the greatest caution mixed with firmness, by the American government. The difficulties and the varied hostile appearances which threatened our peace, the struggles and the ultimate success which crowned the labors of the administrations of presidents Washington and Adams, are known and felt by us all. Our nation alone, of all civilized nations connected with France and Great Britain by commercial ties escaped the storm; and by the wisdom of the government enjoyed in troubled times, the immense advantage of great neutral commerce, which enriched our people, and extended the national resources.
During the whole course of things thus summarily brought to your recollection there existed a marked opposition to every important measure which has been stated. The adoption of the federal constitution was resisted with a violence and to a degree which endangered it. Many visionary men, who acknowledged the imbecility of the old confederation, were yet afraid to trust any government with the powers delegated by the constitution.—In general, however, the small states had the discernment to perceive that it was deeply their interest to adopt the constitution; they were weak without it; they would be strong with it. Of this they were sensible, and accepted the instrument by great majorities in their state conventions. The case was far different in the great states, the pride of state sovereignty would be humbled by a superintending and controlling general government. Nor could they brook the equal representation in the senate of the United States, which made Delaware as important as Virginia, New Jersey as Pennsylvania, Connecticut as New-York. Many of the eminent men who guided the councils of the great states were galled at the reduction of their authority, and excited a fierce opposition to the adoption of the instrument which was to produce these effects; nor was it adopted in Virginia, New York and Pennsylvania, without mighty struggles, & by very small majorities in the two former.—The good which has been obtained by the adoption, is on record. The evils avoided are incalculable.
Irritated by defeat, those who had opposed the acceptance of the constitution, aided by some others, who, friendly in the first instance to that instrument, had been disappointed in their personal expectations; formed a systematic opposition to the administration of it. The assumption of the debts of the states incurred in the general defence, which saved several of them from Bankruptcy; the funding the national debt, which revived public credit; the establishment of a national bank, which gave facilities to Government, and to Commerce, before unexperienced, were all resisted.
When the French revolution broke out, and a general war in Europe compelled the American government to decide what conduct it would pursue, President Washington, whose penetrating judgment quickly discerned the true path of sound policy, issued his proclamation of neutrality, recalling the minds of the citizens to a due attention of a fair neutrality. This wise measure firmly adhered to, preserved our nation, from rashly engaging in the war. No man of sense will now deny this. Yet at that time it was reprehended in the wildest terms of reproach—an association with the destinies of France was the great object of democratic desires; and the government was slandered and almost shaken, for daring to negotiate with Great Britain, and to terminate the differences
with that nation by treaty. In the progress of the war, the French irritated at the refusal of America to make a common cause with them, committed the most flagrant violations of treaty, spoiled our commerce, and rejected with scorn the solemn embassies sent to conciliate with them. When every effort at negotiation failed, and the United States had almost exhausted the cup of humiliation to the dregs, the national spirit rose, and loudly demanded measures of naval and military preparation, to place the country in a posture of defence, and to vindicate the national honor and character.—The call was obeyed, and Congress took measures to equip a navy, to form a provisional army, to fortify the defenceless seaports, and to purchase arms and ammunition, and they imposed the taxes necessary to support these expenditures. They also passed acts by which dangerous strangers lurking in the bosom of the community might be removed, and for the punishment of seditious persons. These acts grew out of the then state of public affairs, and were in unison with the tone of the public mind. The immortal Washington at that time retired to Mount Vernon, reflected on these measures with a heart ever alive to the public welfare, and highly approved them, as appears by his letter to President Adams, of July '98. Yet those who had unceasingly disapproved every measure of the government, reproached them as unnecessary, prodigal, and even dangerous to the public liberty.
An opposition so steady, organized, active and virulent, could not be withstood. It is wonderful that the federal administration stood its ground as long as it did.—Nothing but the wisdom of the measures, its caution and its vigilance, maintained it. All these ultimately were unavailing against the continual misrepresentations and slanders which assailed it. The opposition, by stimulating discontent, on the imposition of the new taxes rendered necessary by the circumstances of the times; by infusing distrust in the minds of the people; and by a thousand arts practised on their credulity, contrived at length to render the administration unpopular; at the election of President and vice-President, the Federal candidates were rejected, and the democratic candidates, were elected; a majority was also obtained in the house of representatives of the United States. It happened by a peculiar coincidence, that this change of government took place a short time previous to the termination of the war in Europe. The Federalists, whose wisdom had at one period saved the United States from rashly plunging into the war, were rejected—and the democrats, whose counsel would have produced that effect, were elected to power.
It is of prime importance to remark that the individuals who were chiefly opposed to the adoption of the constitution, or dissatisfied with it, were the persons generally who have also been opposed to all great measures, which have been found in practice to be productive of advantages to the United States; and they have been (with some exceptions) the persons whose activity and violence, contributed chiefly to the change of administration—and that those men now fill the great stations in the general government. It is also worthy of remark that the ablest and most influential men of this description, are from the great states, which so reluctantly came into the union under the constitution.—I mean Virginia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and New-York. There are exceptions doubtless to these cases, but they are not very numerous. How wisely the people of the United States have acted in thus taking the government out of the hands of those who formed it, and nursed it, and maintained it in its constitutional energy, in order to place it in the hands of those who were opposed to its adoption, and who resisted all its measures calculated to give it full and free operation, is not for an individual to decide. I submit to the will of my country, and none will rejoice more cordially in its prosperity under any administration.
On the accession of the present administration in March, 1801, it found the nation at peace, but prepared for war.
It found the differences which had subsisted with Great Britain amicably adjusted, and the northern posts surrendered up.

It found the disputes with Spain, terminated by the able negotiations of Mr. Pinckney; by which the right to the free navigation of the Mississippi was secured and strengthened.
It found the Indian tribes on our frontiers repressed and quieted.
It found a small army organized, and forming the germ of any force which the public exigencies might require.
It found a navy created, which had rendered substantial service to the nation.
It found the national debt provided for, and in part reduced.
It found the treasury full, and the public credit high.
It found a people increasing in population, and a country advancing in prosperity, in a manner unexampled in any preceding Age or Nation.
Such is the country and such is the state of things, which the federal administration left to their successors. It is the first wish of my heart, and the most ardent prayer of my mind that the democratic administration may so administer this government, that they may deliver to their successors, so fair a country in such high prosperity.
Time alone will decide: But it seems to be settled, that if the same end is to be obtained, it shall be by far different means. Already great changes have been made, and more are contemplated. Already the measures calculated to place the country in a respectable state of preparation to repel hostility from any quarter, are reversed. The germs of the small army and navy created by their predecessors, are mutilated. The foundations laid for securing a revenue above the reach of casualties, are broken up. A death blow has been given to the boasted independence of the judiciary of the United States, which all parties were bound by the strongest obligations of patriotism and duty, to have approached with awe and to have treated with veneration, as the only safe asylum for the citizens in the violent contentions of party, to which republics are peculiarly exposed.
The administration is almost avowedly a party government. None but those of the dominant sect are admitted to any share in public affairs. To be of that sect is the only road to employment and trust, however unworthy the character, or inferior the talents of the claimants. On the other hand, those who are out of the pale of that sect, however elevated by character and by services, are rigorously excluded from admission to the public employments. Thus is pursued a policy calculated to keep alive party spirit and violent animosities in the community; whilst every liberal and conciliatory sentiment is forgotten. The constitution itself is threatened with great alterations, tending to restrict the powers of the national government, at the expense of the smaller, and for the aggrandizement of the larger states.
What may be the issue of these measures is not perhaps in human wisdom to foresee. Nor is it my desire to alarm your mind with the apprehensions which disquiet mine.
An unavailing resistance has been made by the members of congress who had long been accustomed to act on the principles which guided the illustrious statesmen who formed the constitution and administered it for 12 years, with so much glory and advantage to the nation. But every effort which has been made, has been treated with scorn or rejected with contempt. Nor do I see any prospect that any material change will take place, during the present administration. Under these circumstances, I do not feel it incumbent on me to remain a reluctant witness of the steps by which the narrow views of a party administration may render the government imbecile at home and degraded abroad.
Permit me however, before I take my leave of you, to advise you, as you value the welfare of your country and the felicity of your families, to cherish your attachment to the constitution as the grand cement which binds together these United States, and which alone can preserve them from ruin, through all the troubles of foreign hostility, or domestic rage and folly may bring upon them. Let the constitution and the union be the great objects of our affections and of our efforts, under all changes of party, and under the most adverse circumstances, and we shall still be a great, prosperous and happy people, in spite of the misconduct of temporary administrations, the malice of party spirit, and the bold interposition of foreign intrigues or arms.
That your apprehensions may be dissipated, that our fondest hopes of the public welfare may be realized, and that you my friends, may partake largely of the public felicity is the sincere prayer of your obliged friend, and obedient servant,
JOHN RUTLEDGE.
CONGRESS OF THE U. STATES. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
February 15. Soon after the reading of the journals the galleries were cleared and the doors closed. They were not opened till nearly the usual time of adjourning. Soon after the doors were opened, Mr. Nicholson rose and said he wished to make a report upon the subject which Mr. Griswold called him to order. He believed it to be the order of the house that all transactions upon that subject should be in secret. Several engrossed bills were read, and some ordinary business was performed, and then the house adjourned.
February 19. A bill was read appropriating 2,000 dollars for the working of the salt springs on the Wabash river. Referred to a committee of the whole house on Monday. Mr. Hoge presented a petition from a number of inhabitants of Pennsylvania respecting the obstructed navigation of the Mississippi. Referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union.
February 21. Mr. Griswold said he would submit a motion which had grown out of the debate on the bill amendatory of the naturalization act; which was; that a select committee be appointed to enquire whether certain petitions from sundry aliens presented on the 14th instant were in fact subscribed by the persons therein named. The taking of this motion into consideration was supported by Mr. Griswold and opposed by Messrs. Jackson, Nicholson, and S. Smith. Lost, Ayes 33, Noes 49. The house went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Varnum in the chair, on the amendments of the senate to the bill providing an additional armament for the protection of the commerce and seamen of the United States. The senate proposed a new section, authorising the President to build a number of gun boats not exceeding fifteen, and appropriating 50,000 dollars therefor. Mr. Griswold moved the recommittal of the bill to a select committee. Lost, Ayes 71. The amendment of the senate was then agreed to.
February 24. The house took up the amendments of the Senate to the bill amending the act for the military establishment. The amendments are, a new section authorising the employment of one artificer and eighteen men, to make practical experiments; and allowing 3,000 dollars instead of 2,000 dollars for clerk hire in certain offices. Amendments agreed to.—Ayes 33, noes 23.
WASHINGTON, Monday, February 14. IN SENATE. LOUISIANA.
Mr. Ross rose in his place and called the attention of the Senate to a subject in which he felt very great interest. He went on to make a most eloquent and argumentative harangue upon the gross and unprovoked indignities heaped upon the citizens of the United States, by the Spaniards at New-Orleans, and in other parts of the province of Louisiana, and intimated that he should conclude his speech by offering certain resolutions, such as he thought the dignity of the government demanded. He proceeded for about an hour, when happening to make a remark respecting TWO MILLIONS OF DOLLARS, which he had seen mentioned in a newspaper, Mr. Wright rose and called him to order for betraying the secrets of the house of Representatives. The VICE-PRESIDENT said that he did not perceive any thing that was not in order. Mr. Nicholas hoped the doors would be closed. He did not think that a proper subject to discuss with open doors. Mr. Ross said as soon as the doors were closed he would cease. He felt no disposition to discuss that subject in secret. There was nothing of a confidential nature in it. He should therefore keep silence while the doors were closed, and when they were opened he should proceed. After considerable irregular conversation the galleries were cleared and the doors closed. The house of representatives have been
sitting again this day with closed doors. This is all that the people can know of the proceedings of those whose doctrine is that in a republic there can be no secrets.
Tuesday evening, February 15. IN SENATE. This morning a motion was made to amend the minutes by expunging all that was said respecting the memorial of the aliens presented yesterday by Dr. Logan, and also all mention of what concerned Mr. Ross's speech and the transactions which followed it. Upon the latter motion Mr. Ross objected that it ought not to be stricken out, as there was now a question depending, relative to keeping the doors closed, which was to be taken by yeas and nays. Both passages were stricken out. The galleries were cleared and the doors closed. The Senate remained with closed doors until near two o'clock, and adjourned soon after they were opened.
Wednesday evening, Feb. 16. IN SENATE. This morning the galleries of the Senate were again cleared, and the doors remained closed for a considerable time. After they were opened Mr. Ross rose and expressed his satisfaction that he was at length, and after the extraordinary transactions, which had recently taken place, now allowed to proceed with a discussion of a very important subject which he had introduced three days since—and that, notwithstanding the opposition of some honorable gentlemen on that floor, a majority of the senate had consented that he should be indulged in the discussion, and that the discussion should be public. Mr. Ross then proceeded at considerable length in a very masterly discussion, which he concluded by offering the following
RESOLUTIONS. Resolved, That the United States of America have an indisputable right to the free navigation of the river Mississippi, and to a convenient deposit for their produce and merchandise in the island of New-Orleans. That the late infraction of such their unquestionable right is an aggression, hostile to their honour and interest. That it does not consist with the dignity or safety of this Union to hold a right so important by a tenure so uncertain. That it materially concerns such of the American citizens as dwell on the western waters, and is essential to the union, strength, and prosperity of these states, that they obtain complete security for the full and peaceable enjoyment of such their absolute right. That the President be authorised to take immediate possession of some place or places, in the said island, or the adjacent territories, fit and convenient for the purposes aforesaid, and to adopt such measures for obtaining that complete security, as to him in his wisdom, shall seem necessary. That he be authorised to call into actual service, any number of the militia of South Carolina, Georgia, Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, or of the Mississippi territory, which he may think proper, not exceeding fifty thousand, and to employ them, together with the military and naval force of the union, for effecting the objects above mentioned. That the sum of five millions of dollars be appropriated to the carrying into effect the above resolutions; and that the whole or any part of that sum be paid or applied on warrants drawn in pursuance of such directions as the President may, from time to time, think proper to give to the secretary of the Treasury.
Monday, February 21. A motion was made by Mr. Breckenridge, to amend them by striking out from the word Resolved, and inserting the following: That the president of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised, whenever he shall judge it expedient, to require of the executives of the several states to take effectual measures to organize, and equip, according to law, and hold in readiness to march at a moment's warning, 80,000 effective militia, officers included. Resolved, That the President may, if he judges it expedient, authorise the executive of the several states to except, as part of the detachment aforesaid, any corps of the volunteers, who shall continue in service for such time not exceeding months, and perform such services as shall be prescribed by law. Resolved, That dollars be appropriated for paying and subsisting such parts of the troops aforesaid, whose actual service may be wanted, and defraying such other expenses as during the recess of Congress, the President may deem ne-
cessary for the security of the territory of the United States.
Resolved, That dollars be appropriated for erecting, at such place or places on the western waters as the President may judge most proper, one or more arsenals.
On these last resolutions a debate ensued which continued to a late hour, in which Messrs. Breckenridge, Clinton, Cocke and Jackson supported and Messrs. White, Mason and Dayton, opposed.
On yesterday the debate was continued by Messrs. Wells, Ross and Morris against the resolutions of Mr. Breckenridge, and by Mr. Wright in their favor, until 7 o'clock, when the Senate adjourned.
CHARLESTON, February 2. A report is in circulation, on the authority, it is said, of a French gentleman lately arrived in this city, that a large fleet of French men of war, with a number of workmen and labourers on board, are on their way to the river St. Mary's, to cut timber for building ships, and to form a dock yard on the Florida bank of that river. It is added, that the two Floridas have been ceded by Spain to France, and that the cession took place at the same time with that of Louisiana. We are getting into a warm situation. With such a neighbor as France on our western and on our southern boundaries, are not our prospects of peace and security doubtful? From the same quarter we understand, that transports laden with refractory negroes from St. Domingo, are to come to America and land their contents at the river St. Mary's
NEW-YORK, February 21. Private accounts from Paris state, that the First Consul will, in a short time, nominate for his successor the son of Madame Louis Bonaparte, and appoint a Council of Regency, consisting of Generals Murat and Moncey, Cambacérès, and the Grand Judge, at the head of which his brother Joseph is to be placed. The College of Princes is, according to the same advices, to be composed of the great Officers of the Legion of Honour, the Presidents of the Deliberating Body, the Presidents of the Sections of the Council, of State, and an Upper Chamber, taken from the Senate.
FREDERICK TOWN, February 27. HIGHLY INTERESTING
A gentleman in Frederick-Town has received a letter from a friend in the city of Washington, and has been so kind as to communicate to us the contents. They are. That the President of the United States had received from Paris and communicated to Congress, a letter written by M. Levingston our minister there, who states, that he had an interview with the First Consul (Buonaparte) of France on the subject of his taking possession of Louisiana, and the Consul assured him, that although it was the intention of the French government to take possession of that province, yet the United States might be assured that all due respect would be paid to treaties relative to the navigation of the Mississippi, between them and Spain
MARTINSBURG, March 4.
THE inconsistency of Democracy has been frequently held up to public view. To men, who are desirous of examining the proceedings of our rulers, this trait in their character must be very striking. Their professions and promises present a direct contrast to their conduct. When every engine was set in motion to overturn the federal administration, the democrats clamoured incessantly at the secrecy with which some of its measures were planned and adopted. The secret-service money, which was entrusted to the disposal of Mr. Adams, was considered by them, nothing less than a means by him to be employed for corrupt purposes, and indeed some of them asserted, that part of it was disposed of to promote his re-election to the presidency. They argued from the depravity of human nature, how dangerous it was to trust any man in power. They presented to the people in impassioned language the perilous predicament to which their rights and liberties were reduced by such appro-

propriations. It is not our intention to detail the various inconsistencies of their former professions and their present conduct—we will for the present only take a cursory notice of a motion, lately made by Sam Smith in Congress, to place at the discretion of the President the sum of two millions of dollars. At his discretion —that is, to do with it as he thinks proper, without being responsible to any tribunal whatever for the application of it. The constitution has wisely reposed the power of originating money bills in the House of Representatives. They represent the nation in point of wealth as well as population, and are immediately amenable to the people for their conduct, and it is therefore the safest, that they should hold in their hands the keys of the Treasury, from which not a dollar can be drawn without their permission. It is therefore the spirit and meaning of that clause of the constitution, that the people who gave the money to the government, should know also for what purposes it was expended. But mark the conduct of this leading democrat! he had the doors of Congress shut, before he ventured to make the motion and we should as yet be ignorant of it, had it not made its way into public through a federal member. It might have passed in secrecy, and Mr. Jefferson might have expended it in the same manner, and the people, from whose purses it was to be drawn, would not have known any thing about it, if its barefaced impropriety had not shocked the feelings of even some of the democrats themselves. The appropriations of secret-service money, whenever heretofore made, were discussed with open doors, and the Executive was always ready to account for it to congress, but, by this motion, as it was to pass without the knowledge of the people, so the President was to expend it without any responsibility for the abuse of it. Had it been only a few thousand dollars, the smallness of the sum, would have been a safeguard against any extensive mischief that might have arisen from its misapplication—but the enormous sum of two millions of dollars in the hands of an ambitious Executive, if he were so disposed, would enable him to sacrifice our liberties, to his own personal aggrandizement. Does this shew that jealous spirit of liberty, which the democrats cried up so much, and particularly this same Sam Smith? which they indulged so much under the former administration, and excited so unreasonably in the people by falsehoods and misrepresentations against Mr. Adams?
This motion for giving up of two millions to the discretionary disposal of the President, has been contrasted by the democrats, with apparent exultation with the appropriation of five millions of dollars, which Mr. Ross proposed in the Senate, for defraying the expenses of an expedition of 50,000 militia, for the capture of New-Orleans.
We have been told in conversation, as well as in their papers, that two millions of dollars would be a less burden to the people, than five millions. They keep out of sight the principle altogether. The manner of making the appropriation is not at all considered, but in their usual way of working up the feelings of the ignorant, they only state the difference in the sums. The people will certainly not be misled any longer by such manoeuvres of faction. They will judge for themselves. Mr. Ross, in his motion, expresses the purposes to which the 5 millions of dollars are to be applied, and retains to Congress the right of examining, whether that sum has been applied, as directed by the law, if it had passed into a law—but the secret
appropriation of two millions of dollars for the discretion of the President, was to be applied to unknown purposes, in an unknown way, and without any responsibility whatever. The futility of such misrepresentations vanish before the breath of reason, like the fleeting mists before the rays of the morning sun.
It has been remarked, that more secret business is suspected to have been done at Washington, since the commencement of the present short session of congress, than at any former period, since the removal of Congress from Philadelphia.
(Port Folio.)
From the United States Gazette of February 12.
The house of Representatives are again in session with closed doors. Yesterday also they were in secret a considerable part of the day. From the remarks this day made by Mr. Gregg, before the galleries were cleared, and from the circumstance of the house meeting on this day, being the first Saturday on which they have met during the session, and from some other considerations, it is rational to conclude that the subject of so much secret consultation is of a very important and urgent nature. It is a fact that intelligence has lately been received, that the citizens of the United States are forbidden all intercourse with the Spaniards at New-Orleans. It is a fact that Mr. Monroe is still remaining here. It is a fact that General Smith declared in debate, that he considered the United States as on the eve of a war. Whether all these things have any relation to the important business before congress, with which the people cannot be trusted, it is impossible to say.
It is understood that Gen. S. Smith has relinquished his intention of calling up the subject of discriminating duties. It seems to be going the way of the President's dry-dock.
The Rev. J. MINES will preach at Tuscarora Meeting House next Sabbath at eleven o'clock, A. M. and in the afternoon of the same day, in Martinsburg.
To Mr. ALBURTES, Printer.
I AM one of those people who think a great deal and talk little, my thoughts I have often imagined would be useful if laid before the public. I do not know whether I am justifiable in communicating them now or not; however, at all events, I shall venture to lay before you my last night's dreams, with a few observations thereon, which if you think proper to insert in your useful paper, it will oblige a constant reader.
I imagined that a dreadful and alarming fire had broke out in the most central part in Martinsburg, that the inhabitants being roused at the cry of fire turned out to afford their assistance in extinguishing the flames, but, alas! their assistance I thought proved ineffectual. One exclaimed, is there no fire engine in town! another cried, for Heaven's sake, let us bring the engine! but there was none to be found to put a stop to the dreadful ravages occasioned by the spreading of that most dangerous element. During this confusion and bustle, I thought the flames, had extended to a very great length, and in a short time laid one side of the street in ashes, and reduced those who but a few hours before were in affluent circumstances, to a state of beggary and ruin. Now, Mr. Printer, if such a fire was to happen, what other hopes or expectations would we have but to see our property consumed before our faces. We have no fire companies, no engines, no buckets nor ladders, nor are the inhabitants under any manner of regulation. It would be but trifling to furnish the above articles on such an occasion. It would give me pleasure, should these imperfect observations, stimulate a desire in the inhabitants to form themselves into fire Companies, to be under similar regulations to those in Philadelphia, Baltimore, &c. &c. and be always in readiness when their assistance may be required.
VIGILANS.
Martinsburg, March 3, 1803.
According to a late return of the Military force of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, it appears that the infantry consists of 55,953 men, Cavalry of 2,335, and the Artillery of 2,447, making in the whole 60,624. The militia of Massachusetts is under better discipline than that of any other state in the Union.
Mr. King, the American Minister here, we understand, has resigned that office, &
will return to America next spring. It is not yet known who is to be his successor. Mr. King's departure will be regretted in this country, where his talents and good sense have greatly contributed to maintain that good understanding between England and America which must ever be so beneficial to both.
(London Paper.)
Extract of a letter from Paris, Dec. 12th 1802, to a person in Philadelphia.
"Yesterday General Victor, the capt. General of Louisiana, left this city in company with J. J. Ayme, the East Major, and the officers of the administration of the colony, to embark from Helvoet-sluis for New-Orleans. The Prefect set out for Rochefort a few days since, to take his passage from thence in a corvette, and make preparations for the arrival of the troops at New Orleans."
Extract of a letter to a gentleman in Philadelphia, from his correspondent at N. Orleans, in date of 22nd Jan. 1803.
"Business seems to increase every day between this and the French ports—since a month not less than 15 vessels arrived from France. There are no official accounts as yet, of the time when the French are to arrive here—and notwithstanding the representations of Congress, and the courier or express constantly going and coming between this and Kentucky, the intendant of this province remains obstinate in his determination not to permit a deposit to the Americans. We, think, however, that the produce coming down the river will be permitted—Now is the moment of its coming down."
Extract of a letter from General Wilkinson to his friend near Natchez, dated on the Yazoo river, Dec. 14, 1802.
"I have after surmounting obstacles and objections unexpected, unprovided for, and almost insuperable, prevailed on my red associates to agree to the extension of the British line, and to establish a boundary on the east bank of this river—about eleven miles above that called for by Mr. Pevicell, in his field notes—by this modification, in which the Choctaw commissioners (duly authorised) cheerfully concur, we secure a permanent beginning for our boundary near the high land and the Indians suffer no injury. The Choctaws engaged with me on this business, deserve much credit—they are jealous, but not improperly so—firm, but not obstinate—intelligent and temperate, with different dispositions a rupture would have been unavoidable. I shall this day complete the line of demarcation to the river, and as soon as the weather will permit me to ascertain the latitude of the spot, and the variation of the magnetic needle, I shall return southward, mile-marking the rout in my progress."
LAW OF VIRGINIA.
An Act for altering the time of holding Elections.
Sec. 1. BE it enacted by the General Assembly, that the elections of the members of the Legislature of this Commonwealth, and of the members of the House of Representatives of the United States, to which this state is entitled, shall be held in the several counties and corporations, on their respective court days in the month of April. The meeting of the returning officers conducting the elections of Senators, shall be within five days, and of members of Congress, within ten days after the last day of said Elections, at the court house of the county, the name of which is first mentioned in the law describing the district—and the said returning officers shall in all respects be governed by the rules and regulations at present established by law.
Sec. 2. Be it further enacted, that no freeholder shall vote more than once for a senator or member of Congress in the same district at any one election.
Sec. 3. This act shall commence and be in force from and after the passing thereof.
Passed Jan. 13th, 1803.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
and for sale at this Office,
[Price 25 Cents]
AN INTERESTING ACCOUNT OF THE PROJECT OF FRANCE RESPECTING
LOUISIANA.
Drawn up by a FRENCH COUNSELLOR OF STATE, addressed to BUONAPARTE, translated from the French.
Intelligencer Office, March 4, 1803.
To the Citizens of Berkeley, Jefferson and Hampshire.
GENTLEMEN,
I OFFER myself to your consideration, as a candidate at the ensuing Election, to Represent you in the Congress of the United States.
To give my political opinions in detail, I consider unnecessary, as it may be presumed they are generally known throughout the district. I declare an inviolable attachment to the Rights and Liberties of the People of this Country—I declare an inviolable attachment to the Constitution of the United States, by which these Rights and Liberties are secured; and if elected, I will cheerfully co-operate in all measures which in my judgment are calculated to promote your interest and happiness.
I am, Gentlemen, with due respect,
Your obedient servant,
JAMES STEPHENSON.
March 4, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, that an ELECTION will be held at the Court-House in Martinsburg, on the Monday after the third Tuesday in April next, for the purpose of choosing two persons to represent the County of Berkeley in the General Assembly of this State.
JOHN DAVENPORT, Sheriff.
March 4, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, that an ELECTION will be held at the Court-House in Martinsburg, on the Monday after the third Tuesday in April next, for the purpose of choosing a fit person to represent the District composed of the Counties of Berkeley, Jefferson & Hampshire, in the House of Representatives of the United States.
JOHN DAVENPORT, Sheriff.
March 4, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, that an ELECTION will be held at the Court-House in Martinsburg, on the Monday after the third Tuesday in April next, for the purpose of choosing a fit person to represent the District composed of the Counties of Berkeley, &c. &c. in the Senate of this State.
JOHN DAVENPORT, Sheriff.
March 4, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss.
February Court, 1803,
ROBERT WILCOX, Complainant,
vs.
JACOB ONG, Defendant.
In CHANCERY.
THE Defendant, Jacob Ong, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said Defendant do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in May next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of the said County.
A Copy.
Teste,
H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
TO BE SOLD,
A VALUABLE BODY OF LAND, situate in Berkeley County, Virginia, near Mill Creek, containing 500 acres. This Land is divided into three Tenements, with a good Barn and convenient Dwelling House, an excellent apple Orchard of about 500 bearing trees, with a number of peach and cherry trees on each place—About 50 or 60 acres of Meadow is made, which is nearly equally apportioned between the different places, and a considerable quantity more may be made with but little trouble. About one half of the Land is cleared, enclosed with good fence, and in excellent farming condition; the other half is cloth'd with good timber, such as white and black Oak, Hickory, &c. There are four springs of good Water on this Land, three of which are so situated as to be convenient to each of the different houses. The Property may be seen and the terms known on application to the subscriber, living on the premises.
An indisputable title, free from incumbrance, will be given.
JONATHAN GARRARD.
October 1, 1802.

TO be sold at Public Vendue, on Tuesday the 15th of March next, at the subscriber's Plantation, one and an half miles from Buckles Town, HORSES, Milch Cows, Hogs, Sheep, a variety of Household Furniture, a Waggon, Plows, Harrows, a Wind-Mill, and a number of other Farming Utensils too numerous to mention. The terms will be made known on the day of sale. The sale to commence early in the day, when due attendance will be given by JAMES STARRET. February 18, 1803.
TAKEN up by the subscriber, living near Hedges' store, six miles from Martinsburg, an estray BULL, of a red and white colour, about one year old, neither cropped nor branded, appraised according to law. The owner is requested to prove property, pay charges and take him away. PETER HOUT. February 18, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. OCTOBER COURT, 1802. Andrew Waggener, surviving Executor of William Cunningham, dec'd—Comp't. AGAINST
Ann Henshaw, widow and adm'x of William Henshaw, dec'd, who was Ex'r of James Cunningham, dec'd, Nicholas Henshaw, Rachel Lemon, Lewis Moore and Rebecca his wife, Levi Henshaw, Hiram Henshaw, Seth Duncan and Rhexanna his wife, Adam Stephen Henshaw, Jonathan Seamon Henshaw, Washington Henshaw, William Slaughter Henshaw and Uriah Springer Henshaw, the said Adam Stephen, Jonathan Seamon, Washington, William Slaughter and Uriah Springer, are infants under the age of 21 years, which said Nicholas, Rachel, Rebecca, Levi, Hiram, Rhexanna, Adam Stephen, Jonathan Seamon, Washington, William Slaughter and Uriah Springer, are children and co-heirs and co-heiresses of the said William Henshaw, dec'd—Defendants. In CHANCERY.
THE Defendants, Nicholas Henshaw, Lewis Moore, and Rebecca his wife, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
NOTICE IS hereby given, that the partnership of Evans & Jamieson, late of Shepherd's Town, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All persons indebted to said firm are requested to make payment to John Baker, Esq. of Shepherd's Town, Attorney for Walter Jenkins, assignee of the debts due to said firm. Given under our hands, this 3rd day of February 1803.
THOMAS B. EVANS, JOHN JAMIESON. Shepherd's Town, February 10, 1803.
NOTICE IS hereby given, to those who are indebted to the late firm of Evans & Jamieson, of Shepherd's Town, that the bonds, notes and accounts, of that firm have been transferred to me, for the purpose of discharging their debts in Baltimore, which bonds, notes and accounts have been by me deposited in the hands of John Baker, Esq. of Shepherd's Town, for collection, with instructions to bring suits on the same indiscriminately, unless they are discharged within three weeks from this date. If however, those who are indebted by open account, will within the time aforesaid, give their notes with interest to said Baker, for the several sums they owe, they shall receive a credit of six months from this date.
WALTER JENKINS. Baltimore, Feb. 5, 1803.
PRINTING, In all its variety, executed at this Office, with correctness and expedition.
To the Inhabitants of Berkeley County. FELLOW-CITIZENS,
BEING frequently solicited by a number of respectable Gentlemen to come forward as a Candidate to represent you in the General Assembly of this Commonwealth, this is therefore to inform you that I have at last got my own consent, not only to enlarge the field of your choice, but if elected, to serve you faithfully, according to my best judgment and ability. I will add, fellow-citizens, that I have lived amongst you nearly thirteen years, and in the course of that time, I have been endeavoring to learn the political situation of our common country, and have established for myself a place of residence in Berkeley County, where it is probable I may pass the balance of my days; it is therefore natural to suppose that my own interest, will lead me upon all occasions, to promote your welfare in general, as a body politic, of which body myself and family forms a part. I will further add, that there may be a number of persons who vote for measures and not for men, that may wish to know my political sentiments; in order to give them that information, I do declare myself to be a real republican, a true friend to the constitution of the United States, and an approver of the present administration of the general government.
With sentiments of esteem, I leave you to judge, and chuse for yourselves. JOEL WARD. Mill-Creek, December 26, 1802.
LANDS FOR SALE:
WILL be sold, to the highest bidder, on the respective Tracts, by the executors of the late General George Washington, the annexed parcels of LAND, at the following periods:
Tract in Charles county, Maryland, near the Fish Trap, } First Monday in March next.
Tract in Montgomery County, Maryland near Frederick Town, } Second Monday in ditto.
Tract in Jefferson County Virginia, called Evanses, 2 1-2 miles west of Charles Town, } 18th day of March,
Tract in Hampshire County, Virginia, known by the name of Horse Shoe Tract, to be sold the 18th day of March, on Evanses, } 18th day of ditto.
In Jefferson County, Virginia, the Tract on the noted run Bull-Skin, } 19th day of ditto.
In Jefferson County, Virginia, the Tract on Wormley's live, occupied by capt. Gabriel Greenfield, } 21st day of ditto.
In Frederick County, Virginia, a Tract 1 1-2 mile South of Battle Town, } 23rd day of ditto.
In Fauquier County, Virginia, Ashley's bent and Chastin's run Tracts, near Hickses tavern. } 25th—to be sold at Hickses Tavern.
One fourth of the amount of the purchase to be paid down, the balance in three equal annual installments, secured by mortgage of the premises, and to draw legal interest from the day of purchase, until paid.
THE EXECUTORS. January 28, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. October Court, 1802.
John Myles, Tunis Newkirk, George Newkirk, Henry Newkirk, John Newkirk and Joseph Newkirk, which said Henry, John and Joseph, are infants under the age of 21 years, by George Newkirk, their Guardian—Comp'ts. AGAINST
David Watkins, Jane Logan, (widow) Executrix and Devisee of James Logan, dec'd, Brian Bruin and James Wilson, Def'ts. In CHANCERY.
THE Defendants, David Watkins and Bryan Bruin, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainants, by their Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the Complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
TO THE CITIZENS OF JEFFERSON COUNTY.
WE, the undersigned, at the request of our Friends, offer as Candidates at the ensuing Election, to represent you in the next General Assembly of this State.
We are, Gentlemen, with due respect, your obedient servants, ABRAHAM MORGAN. GEORGE TATE. January 13, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. October Court, 1802.
Ann Hunter, Guardian of Ann Evelina Hunter, Moses Hunter and David Hunter, children and Heirs of Moses Hunter, deceased—Complainants. AGAINST
John Davis, Sarah Keemer, Thomas May and James Keemer, Executors of James Keemer, dec'd, Elizabeth Davis, an infant under the age of 21 years, James K. Davis, William Magowan, and Mary his wife, late Mary Davis, which said Elizabeth, James K. and Mary, are children of said John Davis, and Legatees of said James Keemer, dec'd. Defendants. In CHANCERY.
THE Defendants Thomas May, and James Keemer, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly, and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainants, by their Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the Complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. November Court, 1802.
John O'Ferrall, Complainant. against
Patrick M'Caffry, surviving partner of Tabb & M'Caffry, Samuel Craig, Anthony Kennedy and Patrick Campbell, trustees of Tabb & M'Caffry, and Michael M'Kewan and James Faulkner, Defendants.
In CHANCERY.
THE Defendants Patrick M'Caffry, Anthony Kennedy & Patrick Campbell, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in February next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County. And it is further ordered, that the said Defendants, M'Kewan, Faulkner and Craig, do not pay, convey away, or secrete any debts by them owing to, or effects in their hands belonging to the Defendants M'Caffry & Tabb, until the further order of this Court.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
At a Court continued and held for Ohio County, on Wednesday the third day of November, 1802.
PHILIP DODDRIDGE and ALEXANDER CALDWELL, vs. ELIHU SMITH, and the heirs of GEORGE BULOK, deceased.
THIS day came the Complainants by their Council, and it appearing to the Court that the order for proclamations in this cause hath not yet been executed, upon motion of the Complainants by their Council, it is ordered that the Defendants do appear here on the second day of the next March term, to answer the Complainants bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published for two months successively in the Berkeley & Jefferson Intelligencer, and that another copy of this order be set up on the door of the Court House of this County for two months successively.
A Copy. Teste, MOSES CHAPLINE, c. b. c.
THE YOUNG MILL-WRIGHT AND MILLER'S GUIDE, for sale at this Office.
PURSUANT to the last will of Joseph Berry, dec'd, of Hampshire County, the Executors offer, at private sale, the following Tracts of Land, situate in the County of Frederick and state of Virginia, on the head waters of Sleepy Creek, viz.
One Tract containing 230 acres, more or less, whereon John Berry formerly lived, the improvements are 70 acres of cleared land, 25 of which are good Timothy Meadow, and much more may be made, with the advantage of watering the whole at a small expense; a good Dwelling House, Kitchen, double Barn, and other out Houses, two good Orchards, consisting of a great variety of Fruit; the place abounds with water and timber sufficient.—This place would be a good stand for a public house, being situate on the State road from the Western Country to the City of Washington.
One other Tract adjoining the aforesaid, on the same road, containing 120 acres of good Farming Land—the improvements are a Dwelling House, some Fruit Trees, about 20 acres cleared, part of which is good Meadow, and more may be made, water and timber plenty.
One other Tract on Timber Ridge, near the aforesaid Land, said to contain 160 acres, part of which is cleared. Good titles will be made for the above Lands.—The terms will be made easy to the purchaser after the first payment. For terms apply to Jacob or John Jenkins, in the edge of Hampshire County, who will shew the Lands, or to William Wilson of Berkeley.
JACOB JENKINS, sen. JOHN JENKINS, WILLIAM WILSON, Executors. November 4, 1802.
TO RENT
THE whole or a part of the House wherein the subscriber now lives, in Queen-Street, Martinsburg, with every necessary building; it is completely fixed for a Store or any kind of public business: there are two large dry cellars under the house. For terms apply to MICHAEL M'KEWAN. February 25, 1803.
Also TO RENT, a FARM on the west side of Back Creek, adjoining lands of Mr. Grantham and Michael M'Kewan's Mills, whereon Mr. Jacob Kizer now lives; there are on the place a good two story Log Dwelling House, with a Kitchen under the House, and other buildings, a good Garden, about 90 acres of bottom land, which is chiefly enclosed, about 15 acres in grass and more meadow may be easily made—good water—a sulphur or spaw spring near the house, a few Apple trees; only about four acres sowed down on the place. Possession may be had the 15th of March next. For terms apply to James Quin, or Michael M'Kewan.
Martinsburg, February 25, 1803.
A FEW 3 and 5 Acre out Lots adjoining the South side of Martinsburg, for sale, for cash, enquire of John O'Ferrall or MICHAEL M'KEWAN
ONE CENT REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber's employ on the 15th inst. an indented servant girl, named MARGARET LAMAR, bound to me by her parents. She took with her a variety of clothing not at present recollected. The above reward, but no thanks will be given to any person who will apprehend and return her to the subscriber, living in Berkeley County.
SAMUEL CUNNINGHAM. February 23, 1803.
BLANK DEEDS
For sale at this Office.
Terms of the Intelligencer.
THE price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week; Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their advertisements.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia. Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.