Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-03-28 00:00:00

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, March 14.
Mr. Quincy. It is my intention to offer a resolution to be considered and adopted by this house. Its object is information concerning important publick relations. And when it is recollected, that three times during the present session, motions, having a similar object, have been refused even consideration by the house, I shall not need an apology, if, availing myself of the common privilege, I make a preliminary elucidation of the principles which ought to induce the adoption of such a resolution.
At a period like the present, when the least experienced eye can discern the clouds in our horizon, and when every individual feels in his own embarrassments, and sees in those of others, ruin spreading over the country;—if any principle be clear;—if there be any, to which every man, of whatever party, must be compelled to assent, it is, that the official information, existing within the country, touching any of our legislative duties, should be in the possession of this house. We ought to be content with the concealment of nothing, which can throw light on our path, and aid us under the burden of a great legislative responsibility. This is no time for the refinements of constitutional delicacy. If we have reason to think, that we are suffered to remain in ignorance of important facts, there ought to be no further delay in asking for the communication of them. This is the twentieth week of our session. If it be ever to have a close, its period cannot be far distant, certainly it will not be considered untimely to ask ourselves these questions—what is the state of our information concerning our foreign relations, derived from official sources? In what respect is it complete; and in what is it deficient? In replying to these questions, I shall elucidate the principles of the resolution, I mean to offer.
When we take a view of those two great nations, both of which so deeply interfere with our interests, and so cruelly affect our rights, it is impossible not to perceive a remarkable difference in the state of our relations with each. Respecting Great Britain almost every thing, respecting France almost nothing, has been officially divulged. As to the former, there is scarcely any information we can ask, which we do not already possess. As to the latter, there is scarcely any, of which we are not in want. So far as it respects this house, (for on the degree of knowledge, which it is permitted the nation on this subject to obtain, I say nothing,) all the great points of controversy with Great Britain, except what relates to the rejected treaty, have been communicated. Portions of the instructions of our government to the American ministers; their development of the negotiations and their view of the motives and principles of conduct of the British ministers; even the official replies of these ministers as to the affair of the Chesapeake, to the remonstrances of ours, have not been withheld. But altogether different is the state of things, in relation to France. Here all our information is the most scanty and meagre. We have only very unsatisfactory and partial explanations of her policy or her decrees. And we have not had communicated to us any of the correspondence of our minister at Paris, with the American government, touching either the one or the other, or illustrative of any of his sentiments, concerning the projects of France. In stating this distinction between the state of our official knowledge, respecting nations, I would not be understood, as at this time uttering a complaint, or as impeaching the motives of the executive in developing on the one side, and withholding on the other. Grant that the ignorance, in which we have been kept, as to our French relations, has, thus far, been wise, ought we to be content to remain in it any longer? If it can be made probable, much more if it can be made certain, that information is, in the possession of our government, which, from its nature, must have a material influence on our duty, if we fail, in a constitutional way, to make an exertion to obtain it?
With Great Britain we have now a specific negotiation depending, and there may be reasons of state, at such a moment, for refraining to give immediate publicity to our relations with her. But, with France, no such negotiation exists. The decrees of the French government are publick acts. Official explanations of those decrees ought to have been demanded, and doubtless have been given. Mr. Armstrong's views of the dispositions and intentions of that government must have been transmitted to ours. It is impossible that there should be, in the nature of things, any good reason, why this information should be concealed from this house; even supposing that it might be wise to withhold it from the publick.
I fear the house do not realise the utter deficiency of our official knowledge, in this direction, we are in the habit of collecting facts and statements from letters and newspapers, and other general sources. We confound the result of these with that which flows to us through official channels; from which alone we ought to draw the great certainties, on which should rest our publick conduct.
To enable the house to possess a general view of our official knowledge, on this side, I shall recur to the first session of the ninth congress, and notice the executive communications from that period. Our foreign relations began about that time materially to alter, from a peace to a war aspect. At the opening of that session, in December 1805, the president of the United States by annual message told us, that private armed ships, like pirates, were plundering our property, and committing on our citizens, acts of atrocious barbarity; that publick armed ships were hovering upon our coasts and an-
noying our commerce; that new principles had been interpolated into the law of nations; that Spain refusing compensation for past, and guilty of new injuries to us, obstructed the Mobile, threatened the Mississippi, and with her regular troops, invaded the old territories of the United States; carrying away our citizens and their property. In all this annual official development of our publick relations, I observe but one omission. There is no mention of France. Yet then, as now, she was the chief arbiter among the nations of Europe; the open ally of Spain, and in various particulars, both her conduct and her claims materially affected her rights. I should not notice this omission were it not characteristic. The same occurs, in every other annual message of the president, from that time to the present. In none of them is there any direct allusion, much less statement of our relations with France. Yet Tunis, and Tripoli, the Barbary powers, and our Indian neighbors, occupy a wide space, and make a distinguished figure in all these communications.
I would not be thought to notice this omission for the purpose of asserting it was wise or the contrary; nor yet to excite my suspicion of improper motives; but, I state it merely as a fact materially evincing our want of official light on the subject, to which the resolution I offer, refers. Happy would it be, if the subsequent discoveries of the same season, allowed us to believe, that France even then was wholly inattentive to our national course, and neither interfered with our interests, nor attempted to exert any influence over them. But we are not permitted to indulge such a delusion. In the succeeding month by a call from the senate for documents, concerning the complaints of France, against the trade of St. Domingo, it was discovered that, previous to that message, difficulties did exist, between that government and ours, relative to the exercise of our commercial rights. The character of the French minister's language to our government, communicated, in the message of the 10th of January, 1806, I shall not pretend to describe, but, I will cite some passages from his letters to our secretary of state contained in that message. Concerning our trade with St. Domingo, Mr. Turreau says, "The only way open for the redress of these complaints, is to put an end to the tolerance, which produces them." And again, "Your silence towards me, and that of your government towards congress, imposes upon me the duty of recalling to your recollection the said official note, and of renewing to you my complaints, upon an abuse, as shocking, as contrary to the law of nations." It is very remarkable, that Mr. Turreau, himself, makes "the silence of our government to congress," on the relations of his nation a subject of official complaint. Even the French minister is not satisfied, that his great nation should make no figure in this annual message.
He proceeds—"France ought to expect from the amity of the United States, and his majesty charges me, sir, to request in his name that they interdict every private adventurer, which, under any pretext whatsoever, may be destined to St. Domingo." And last of all, Mr. Turreau, that the firm determination of his master's mind might not be mistaken by our secretary of state, tells him plainly, "This system of impunity and intolerance can no longer continue, and his majesty is convinced that your government will think it due from its frankness, promptly to put an end to it." These letters are evidence incontrovertible, that, notwithstanding the total silence of the executive, relative to France, there may exist important particulars of information, which, although he may not choose voluntarily to publish, yet, which, if called for, he will not hesitate to disclose. I make no comment on the mandatory style of these letters. In all languages the mode of supplication and the mode of command, have a general resemblance. Sometimes they are precisely similar. When such forms of expression are addressed to an equal, whether the intention be to express the former, or to intimate the latter, is to be collected from the general temper, character, and relative situation of those who utter, and of those to whom they are addressed. Although I am far from suggesting that this house was influenced to the prohibition of the trade with St. Domingo, by the language of these letters, yet I can never cease to regret that the measure then adopted was preceded by a publication of that correspondence. I could have wished that a majority of congress had previous to the issuing of that summons, awakened to that moral sense of the atrocious nature of this commerce, which afterwards was manifested by them. The only remaining information derived from official sources during the session, under consideration, was obtained in consequence, also of a request from the senate for an illustration of those "new principles, which had been interpolated into the law of nations." The executive message of the 27th of January, 1806, states, among the new principles interpolated, the following, by the French—That privateers, two thirds of whose crews were not native subjects of England should be considered as pirates, that foreigners found on board vessels of the enemy should be considered as prisoners of war, and not entitled to the protection of the agents of their country. Yet we have no information then, nor have we since, whether any explanation had been demanded or given of those decrees. If a silent acquiescence in them was not adopted on the part of our government, it is unknown to this house.
The next period of executive development of the state of our foreign relations, commences with the last session. In his annual message, in December, 1806, the president hopes a favourable issue of our difficulties with Great Britain, and tells us those of Spain are not settled, but the same characteristic omission I have noticed in the former exists alone
in this. There is no France in the exhibition. Yet the Mediterranean powers and our Indian neighbors have a prominent station in this great history-piece of our foreign relation. I mean not to say that it was not wise and masterly thus to leave that great nation, wholly out of the annual representation. I judge not the executive; but merely state the fact as an additional reason for my resolution.
At the end of this session, however, light was thrown on the long continued darkness of this quarter of our horizon. On the 19th of February 1807, we have, at last, some official development of our relations with France. It is a great era in our information; and as my resolution will have reference to it, and as there is to be drawn from the facts it contains, a strong argument for this measure, the house must indulge me in some remarks on the information then communicated. The extraordinary decree of the French government the 21st of November, 1806, was, as we all know, of a most dubious character. Its language admitted very different constructions. It might be a mere municipal regulation. It might be a general rule for the conduct of French cruisers; in which case it deeply affected our neutral rights, and directly infringed our treaty with France. The uncertainty, concerning its construction, filled this country with apprehension, and our minister at Paris, with sufficient promptitude demanded an explanation from Decres, the French minister of marine, of the official interpretation, intended to be given to it. Decres, in his reply to the American minister of the 24th December 1806, after having stated what "he considered," and what "he thinks" the imperial decree means, adds this pointed and remarkable caution: "It will be proper that your excellency should communicate with the minister of exterior relations as to what concerns the correspondence of the United States of America with France." And to the end that gen. Armstrong might not mistake, as to the nature and necessity of his recurrence to another department, for the satisfaction he sought, the minister of marine subjoins this most impressive postscript:
"It will not escape gen. Armstrong that my answers cannot have the development which they would receive from the minister of exterior relations, and that it is naturally to him to whom he ought to address himself, for those explanations which I am very happy to give him, because he wishes them, but upon which I have much less positive information than the prince of Benevento."
To this part of Decres' letter I shall recur hereafter. At present, I proceed to bring into one view all the remaining knowledge concerning our French relations, which has been permitted to come through official sources.
The next period of legislative intelligence on this subject is that which commenced with the present session. In his official message, at its opening, the executive tells us of a treaty with Great Britain rejected—of the outrage on the Chesapeake—of our unsettled differences with Spain. But as to France, whether we have any relations with her at all, or whether, as to us, whether there be any such nation on the globe, for any thing in this message, neither the house nor the nation are the wiser. It is true, that there is a general, sweeping sentence, which includes every thing—"With the other nations of Europe our harmony has been uninterrupted, and friendly intercourse have been maintained on their usual footing." But whether this be a development of our relations with France, such as this people ought to be satisfied with; whether the aspects of this, and almost every other country for three years past have been such as perfectly to authorise the executive of the U. States during all that time, to maintain, in each of his annual official messages, a total silence on our connexions with her, I leave this house to consider. To my mind it is an ominous silence, full of meaning.
All the residue of our official information, relative to France, has been of a confidential nature. Yet, with the exception of a part of the communications at the time of laying the embargo, it all has been so entrusted to us, that we have a right to speak openly, and to say what it was; and with respect to that portion, on which our lips are closed, I have a right to state generally, what it was not.
First then, as to what we possess. In the order of time is the letter of Mr. Champagny of the 21st of August last, in reply to a letter of Mr. Armstrong, of the 8th of August. This letter of Armstrong has not been communicated. It appears, however, from Champagny's answer, that it was not any claim of exposition of the decree of 21st of November, 1806, nor of the general views of the French government towards us, or our commerce, but merely had relation to a particular complaint, concerning American vessels carried into Spanish ports. Such it is expressly stated by Champagny, to be in his reply. The next information is the letter of Regnier, the grand judge, which accompanied the recommendation of the embargo.—This letter was dated the 18th September, 1807—by this it is discovered that it is the intention of the decree of the 21st of November, 1806, to subject English merchandise and manufactures on board neutral vessels, to capture. But why, or how, this exposition of the decree was at this late hour obtained, whether it was accidental, or whether it was the consequence of the application of our minister, we are ignorant; for the letters of Mr. Armstrong to our government, which accompanied Regnier's letter, have never been communicated to us.
Our next information, of which we may speak, is that contained in the late confidential communication of the executive, being a letter to the French minister of exterior relations, dated the 12th of
November last. This letter also was not any official demand of explanation, relative to the decree of the 21st of November, 1806, but merely a remonstrance against a decision of the council of prizes, which had condemned the cargo of an American vessel, wrecked on the French coast, solely for being English manufactures, and his exposition of the cruelty and unprincipled nature of that sentence. But what the answer of the French minister of exterior relations was, or what were the communications of Mr. Armstrong to our government, which accompanied his transmittal of his letter of the 12th of November, we know not. They have never been submitted to our inspection.
There is, however, one fact discovered in the letter of the 12th of November, which ought not to be passed over without notice. Mr. Armstrong in this refers to a letter of Mr. Champagny to him of the 7th October preceding, in which says Mr. Armstrong, "You," (Champagny) "thought that the decree of the 21st of November might be reconciled to the treaty between the United States and France." From this unlucky quotation it is manifest, that on the 7th of October last, Mr. Champagny did address a letter to Mr. Armstrong, relative to the decree of the 21st of November, 1806. What was that letter? Was it an answer to any letter addressed by Mr. Armstrong to him? If so, what was Mr. Armstrong's letter? Can there be a good reason why the import of these letters, relative to the official construction intended to be given to the operation of a most dubiously expressed decree, deeply affecting most important rights, should, for one hour, be concealed from the public?
I have now recapitulated all the information on the relations, of which it is permitted us freely to speak. As to that which may be deemed confidential I abstain from saying what we have. I have a right, however, to say what we have not. We have not any of the correspondence between Mr. Armstrong and our government, since his letter of the 24th December, 1806, communicated in the president's publick message of the 19th of February, 1807.
The question recurs, have we any reason to believe, that any such information, not communicated, is in the possession of our government? The evidence that such information does exist, and that the executive has it, is to my mind more than probable, it amounts in degree, next to absolute certainty. In the first place, as to a demand made by Mr. Armstrong, of the French minister of exterior relations, for an explanation of that decree, is it possible for any man to doubt, for a moment, that he did make such a demand, and that the knowledge of that demand, and probably the answer, with Mr. Armstrong's explanation of his own conduct, must be in the hands of the executive? Observe the facts. On the 10th of December, 1806, scarcely twenty days after the issuing of the November decree, Mr. Armstrong, with an honorable promptitude, demands of the French minister of marine, an explanation of its construction. The minister replies substantially, "This is my opinion upon that subject, but mine is not the proper department for construction of this kind; go to the minister of exterior relations. He knows the emperor's will—he can give you every satisfaction." Mr. Armstrong transmitted this information, with a letter, to our government, of the 24th of December, 1806.
Now, what was the obvious duty of the American minister? Was it not to turn round at once to the minister of exterior relations, and request the explanations so much desired, from the source to which he was thus not merely officially referred, but absolutely urged to resort, by the minister of marine? If he did, would he fail to communicate the result of that application to our government, accompanied by his own observations? But suppose he has neglected any such application, and has omitted to apprise this government of his proceedings, is this a reason for refusing to adopt the resolution, which I propose? On the contrary, is it not a strong reason for the measure? If Mr. Armstrong has been guilty of such a culpable neglect, at such a crisis as this, relative to so all important a subject, ought not this house to know it? Ought we not to impeach him before the senate of high crimes and misdemeanors; and ought he not at once to be recalled to answer to the just complaints of his country? Precisely the same is it, if it be true, as seems to be circulated, in whispers, that Mr. Armstrong has transmitted no letters to our government, which have not been communicated to us. Shall confidence be continued in a minister resident at the court of a power, whose arms and whose policy affect the interests of the globe, if he has omitted, for one whole year, to keep our government informed of his observations and opinions? Take which conclusion you will, a resolution similar to the one I propose, ought to be adopted. Either Mr. Armstrong has done his duty, & the information is in the country, and it ought to be communicated, or Mr. Armstrong has failed in his duty, and it becomes ours at once, to call him, in a constitutional way, to answer for his fault.
But is it to be credited that no other communications than the meagre ones we possess, have been sent by Mr. Armstrong, in all the ships, publick and private, which, for this year past, have afforded him opportunities for that purpose? If more information on these relations be not in the country, the fact ought to be known. If it be in the country, why ought we not to ask for it? Must not it be important to enable us, intelligently, to perform our duty? We are called upon to raise an army; but against whom it is to operate, seems to be a question, which none of us can solve. Is it against France, or Spain, or Great-Britain? Against either, or all of them? Must not a material differ-

once be made in the numbers, the appointment and the nature of the levies, whether an invasion by France be apprehended, or a desolation of our sea coast by Great-Britain, or of our frontiers by Spain?
Let not gentlemen say the adoption of such a resolution will throw a censure upon the executive. The information in his possession may be of that critical nature, that he may hesitate to make it public on his single responsibility. It has been frequently urged, on similar occasions, that we ought to have a confidence, that the executive has done his duty. But the argument proves too much. It supposes that the chief magistrate cannot err in judgment. And if it be conclusive, it forever deprives this house of the exercise of its constitutional privilege of asking for information.
The present is no period for motives of extreme delicacy to have influence in this house. Let us have a perfect knowledge of all our foreign relations, that we may neither entertain any attachments, nor antipathies, respecting other nations, except such as the real conduct and views of each will justify.
The reports in circulation, which have found their way into our newspapers, in the form of letters from France, that the French emperor has said "there shall no longer be any neutrals," and the confiscation of several hundred thousand dollars of American property, in territories, under the control of France, are circumstances, which loudly call for the adoption of the resolution, I have now the honour to offer, which has for its object, to obtain a full development of all the known intentions of that government relative to neutral commerce. The resolution is in these words:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to this house, the dispatches, addressed to this government, by the American minister at Paris, touching the proceedings of the French government, in relation to neutral commerce, which have been received, since the dispatches of that minister, communicated to congress, by message, on the 19th of Feb. 1807.
Mr. Quincy having required the Yeas and Nays on the consideration of this resolution, and the question having been put "will the house now consider the resolution?" It was negatived. Yeas 44—Nays 66.
Late Foreign Intelligence,
From papers received by Captain Deagle's Packet in 30 hours from Baltimore.
NEW-YORK, March 21.
Late from England.
Yesterday the ship Caledonia, capt. Henderson, arrived at this port in 28 days from Liverpool; also the ship Robert Burns, capt. Waite, from the same place in 28 days passage. The editors of the New-York Gazette have received London papers to the 17th of Feb. inclusive—7 days later than yet received.
The Rochefort squadron had been seen at sea, and a ship on fire amongst them, supposed to be one they had captured and destroyed, to prevent information.
LONDON, February 15.
AMERICAN TRADE.
The following is a copy of the memorial, rejected in the committee of British merchants trading to America, on the 7th January last, by a small majority, on the stale ground of the present not being the proper time for such a measure:— To the right honourable the lords of his majesty's most honourable privy council.
MEMORIAL
Of the chairman and committee of British merchants trading to the United States of America. Humbly sheweth,
That the trade to the United States has risen to such a degree of importance in the scale of the general commerce of this country, as makes it an object of great moment to maintain and cultivate it, and more particularly so at the present crisis, when the merchants and manufacturers are suffering under such great and general privations of trade, in consequence of the intercourse with the continent of Europe being so effectually cut off.
That the amount of the British manufactures exported annually to the United States is estimated to exceed ten millions sterling, and the demand has been for some time past rapidly increasing, to the great advantage of our manufacturers.
This increasing demand, your memorialists humbly conceive, proceeds from the following causes:
The growing population of the wealth of the United States, creating a greatly increased consumption, which necessarily requires an adequate supply: and from the commercial enterprise of the people of that country, constantly discovering new and remote markets for our manufactures, imported by them for re-exportation, and which thus find their way into distant channels for consumption, where they were before unknown, and also into the colonies of the enemy, to which this country as a belligerent, has not access.
That it is estimated that a sum exceeding twelve millions sterling is now owing from individuals in the United States, to the merchants and the manufacturers of the united kingdom; which property, there is too much reason to apprehend, would for an indefinite time at least, be diverted from its regular channels by the obstructions which a state of hostility will naturally and inevitably present to its just appropriation, in the event of a hostile determination on the part of the American government. Such a result your memorialists fear would be productive of more extensive and general distress in this country than it is in their power to describe, and greatly augment that already felt in the manufacturing districts in the north, owing to a suspension of the demand for the American market following so closely the privation of the trade with the European trade.
That whilst your memorialists disclaim any intention of interference in the policy of the measures of government, they feel desirous of advertising, (amongst the many important consequences of a rupture with the United States) to the disadvantage which would accrue to the commercial interests at large, from being deprived of trading through the neutral medium now left them, and the general inconvenience and partial distress which must be experienced by his majesty's subjects in the West-India islands in case of such a war taking place; and on the other hand to the advantage of preserving the American market open to our access for timber
and naval stores; and also to the benefit which this country might in the present state of Europe derive from America as a granary, should a period of scarcity recur, and a good understanding be preserved.
That your memorialists consider it an indispensable duty which they owe to his majesty's government, to their constituents and to themselves, to offer their opinion, that the late orders in council acted upon as they now stand without any modification (as they refer to articles the growth of the U.S.) It will tend to produce in the minds of the people and government of the United States a feeling of determined hostility against this country; in as much as obliging American vessels, laden wholly with the produce of their soil, to enter into our ports and to take out a clearance from thence, will be received as a novel and vexatious interference in the innocent commerce of an independent and neutral nation; and in the event of the American government not being induced at once to resort to acts of direct hostility, (which is most to be apprehended) your memorialists fear it will immediately adopt restrictive commercial regulations in retaliation, which will, in effect, be productive of a complete suspension of all mutual intercourse between the two countries, and operate as an inconvenience little short of a state of actual warfare.
Your memorialists, therefore, with the greatest deference, submit to his majesty's government the propriety and expediency of so far revising and modifying the above mentioned orders in council, as to take off the restrictions to which articles the produce of the soil of the United States are thereby subjected, and to allow American built vessels laden entirely with such produce (not being contraband of war) to proceed without molestation to their destined ports, such ports not being in a state of actual blockade.
With each modification, your memorialists would entertain sanguine hopes that the relations of peace and commercial intercourse with America, might be preserved; without it, they would apprehend the most serious evils.
The expedition under the command of lieut. gen. Sir George Prevost, sailed from Portsmouth on Saturday for Halifax. The 7th, 8th, 13th and 23d regiments of foot, accompanied him. This force would be further augmented by the 98th regiment, from Bermuda, and the 68th, 101st and 10th Royal Veteran Battalion, at Halifax, where the staff of the army already is. The expedition under gen. Spencer remained at Falmouth on Friday last, expecting to be joined by the troops collected at Portsmouth. The two corps united would amount to nearly ten thousand men. From the magnitude of this force, it would seem as if government had come to a determination to defend our possessions in North America to the last extremity, in case of a war with America.
Sir Sidney Smith, we understand, has proceeded to the Brazils, to take the command there. The squadron which is to blockade the Tagus is under the command of sir C. Cotton and rear admiral Conway.
LIVERPOOL, February 17.
The debates in both houses of Parliament, during the last week, will be found very interesting—ministers and their friends have received a considerable shock from the detail of circumstances by Lord Hutchinson. His lordship asserted, in the most unreserved manner, that "the attack on Copenhagen, had alone alienated the emperor of Russia from us, and induced him to declare war against England—that he would insist till the hour of his death, that our conduct at Copenhagen was the sole cause of the war with Russia." His lordship also declared, that "the terms on which the emperor of France was willing to make peace with England, were not only equitable terms, but in his opinion, perfectly honourable for this country." The ministers may refuse to grant the information called for by the house, they may hug themselves in their supposed security, and speak peace to their own bosoms; the fire they have put to their neighbor's house, has not yet reached their own—but the time is coming when they must fall from their situations, and their artifices be no longer of use to them. A few more statements like those of Lord Hutchinson's must surely, unless they have departed farther from the old morality than can be expected for the time, make them tremble for the injury and insult they have offered to their own country—to Denmark—and to the world. The atrocity of the attack on Denmark, and the impolicy of the late orders of council, will stand on the annals of this country, from which our posterity may learn how far it is possible for the human character to sink in depravity; and unless the present generation abjure the crime, will blush to find themselves the descendants of modern Britons.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 11.
AMERICA.
Lord Hawkesbury presented a number of papers that had been moved for, respecting the relative situation of this country and America; among others, the message of the president to the house of congress, and copies of the correspondence that took place between the American and British plenipotentiaries, since the signing of the treaty concluded in Dec. 1806. His lordship moved that these papers be printed, which was ordered.
Lord Grenville then rose, pursuant to notice, to move for papers, which would tend to throw some light on the nature of the relations as they now existed between this country and America, and on the terms and tendency of the treaty, which, in December, 1806, was concluded between the two nations. It had fallen to his lot to be engaged more than once in discussions with the ministers of the United States, and had bestowed on what regarded the connections and mutual interests of the two states, all the attention, labour, and diligence, of which he was master, and which the high importance of that matter so seriously imposed on him.
Indeed the cultivating and maintaining of a good understanding with America, an understanding that included and promoted the reciprocal interests of the two countries, was, in his mind, the most material and important consideration that could possibly engage the attention of the British government and parliament, next to the care of conciliating and uniting, in one bond of union, all descriptions of his majesty's subjects in these kingdoms. He had of late taken occasion, more than once, to express this opinion, and he now wished to repeat it in the
most serious and solemn manner. This disposition powerfully animated his views and his conduct, whenever any thing occurred that threatened to embarrass or interrupt the friendly intercourse and connection of the two countries. In the year 1794, a consequence of events to which the war that broke out in the preceding year gave rise, he had to discuss and adjust some differences which then occurred with the United States. It was his good fortune to have to deal in that transaction with a man (Mr. Jay) whose talents and disposition eminently qualified him for the office he had undertaken. Never in the course of his publick life had he met with a person on whose probity, candour, and sincerity, he felt he could so confidently rely. Mr. Jay felt the value and the necessity of a close and amicable connection between the two nations, and he laboured most impartially duly to weigh and ascertain the real interests of both. These unquestionably are qualifications indispensably necessary to a negotiator; and no negotiation can be fairly carried, except in a mutual spirit of justice and impartiality. He trusted that such was the spirit which actuated the negotiation at that time, and which brought it to successful termination; sure he was, that Mr. Jay acted on these principles; yet when he returned to his own country, he was accused, very unjustly indeed, of having sacrificed her interests, or yielded too far in favour of those of England. Mr. Jay has long since retired from publick life; but I feel happy in having this opportunity of paying a due tribute of praise to his character. Ever since he retired, the same sentiments respecting the propriety of continuing to maintain the best understanding with the United States, and of impressing on the mind of both countries, how essential it was to the independence and welfare of both, to cultivate the most cordial and close connection.—Under the influence of this disposition were the late discussions with America carried on, and brought to what was expected to be, a happy termination, when circumstances arose, that may put to hazard the final issue of that negotiation. He had much to complain of the false light in which ignorance or malice had endeavoured to represent it. His noble friends who conducted that negotiation, with talents of which he could not now speak as he ought, because they were present, had been reproached as having made unwarrantable and dangerous concessions to America—Concessions which have been causelessly and mischievously held out to the publick as the bane of the interests of Great Britain; yet while these reproaches were vented against the administration at home, no sooner had the treaty reached America, than the government of the United States was accused of having yielded too much to the British plenipotentiaries. Even the speech by which the session was opened, contained assertions respecting this treaty, which were not correct. It said the treaty had not taken effect by the refusal of the president to ratify it. Now the president had not refused to ratify as the ratification depended upon him, because the treaty contained certain articles, which, though they were agreed upon between the respective plenipotentiaries, were not however signed by them, because some further explanation upon the points they contained, was to be previously had with the American government.
As to the concessions that were said to be made to America in essential points, and which were reproached as the bane of the interests of England, no assertion could be more unfounded. It was no doubt difficult to say, what were or were not the points which might be conceded, in balancing the interest of the two countries. Since America was declared an independent state in 1782, many points had arisen in discussions, which had not before been brought into agitation. Most of them might have been adjusted by taking for rule the mutual advantages resulting from an amicable convention between the two countries: but in points that could be considered as essential, never had he, nor those with whom he was connected, consented to make any concession. He considered as essential what was connected with the preservation of the naval power and pre-eminence of this country, and sooner would he see England perish in a contest for the assertion of her maritime rights, than that she should yield a title of them; for these rights once given up, what contest would she afterwards be able to carry on? They were connected not only with her power, but with her very existence as an independent nation; and therefore no man could ever think of sacrificing them. This was his firm resolution and nothing could bring him to depart from it. No dangerous concessions had therefore been made to America in the late treaty, and when the two governments came coolly to consider its nature and tendency, they would discover that it equally consulted the interest of both countries, and that he would repeat, was the only basis upon which any treaty could be solidly and permanently built. The noble lord then entered into a minute examination of the difficulties that result to both countries from the practice of searching merchantmen.—From a thousand circumstances it must be obvious that it was attended with more difficulties between American and British officers, than between the officers of any other nation; but a spirit of candour, moderation and mutual regard, which he could not too forcibly inculcate, would tend to compose every difference upon that head. As to the right of searching national ships of war, it never had been assumed, and should not be practised. The noble lord implored the house seriously to appreciate the value of an uninterrupted amity and intercourse with America, and expressed his anxious expectation that the minds of the Americans would become cooler and more considerate, and that this country would meet them with corresponding sentiments. His lordship concluded with moving "for copies of such communications, or answers, as had been received from the American plenipotentiaries since the conclusion of the treaty."
Lord Hawkesbury most perfectly coincided in opinion with the noble baron, that an impartial regard to the interests of the two countries was an essential basis of this, or any other negotiations, and under that impression he trusted that he and his colleagues were disposed to act. No man could be more impressed than he was with the necessity of cultivating a good understanding with America, and making her feel how indispensable was such a connection to the reciprocal interests of the two countries. After having acquainted the noble baron that he did not intend to oppose his motion, he did not expect he would have gone so largely into the question; but he should not imitate his example, as he would now, and as he had on former occasions, abstain from agitating any question re-
pecting America, as our relations with the United States must soon come, in all their bearings, under the consideration of the house.
The question was then put upon lord Grenville's motion and agreed to.
February 15.
While the orders in council were under consideration,
Lord Auckland concluded his speech in the following terms—"It is true that the French decree professed at first to operate as widely and as severely as any of the British orders; but it was well known, that on the remonstrance of the American minister at Paris, the French government gave a new interpretation to the decree, and consented to relax considerably of its severity in favour of the Americans. Now how must we stand with regard to America in the eyes of justice, or of policy, if we determine to act against her trade with all the rigour of French decree, and retaliate against her all the injury which France institutes and would inflict upon this country. Do noble lords recollect the nature and extent of the connection of this country with America? Have they well weighed the immediate advantages we derive from that intercourse? Do they bear in their minds the amount of the imports by America from this kingdom? Have they seriously considered what the consequences of a rupture with America must be to so many descriptions of persons in this country? Have they examined why the last year has brought such an accession to our exports, such an increase to our general commerce; and have they not discovered that the main source from which that increase of commerce has sprung, was the condition in which America stood between the two belligerents, and the facilities which is afforded to enrich us by enriching America. If noble lords have seriously turned all these considerations in their minds, and feel not the impolicy of these orders in council, their minds must be very differently organised from his—Their operation with respect to America, was the chief point to consider; he must entreat their lordships more narrowly to examine that point and the various consequences to which it gave rise; and he doubted not they would begin to think with him. It was not yet too late to prevent the mischief.—The noble lord next proceeded to enquire into the nature of the retaliation into which we entered against France, and asked what could be the object of it. Did ministers mean to starve France and the countries depending on her, by the operation of these orders; or did they wish to teach those countries to forego the use of the commodities they derived from this country, or to set their ingenuity at work to contrive substitutes for these commodities? He was at a loss to know what useful or rational purpose they were at all likely to answer. No noble lord, he observed, would also please to take into their consideration the endless embarrassments in which neutrals, but particularly Americans, must be involved, by the crossing provisions and enactments of these orders. They varied according to the nature of the cargoes and the places to which they were destined. Whatever may be the nature of their cargoes, or the course of their destination, they must all come first to England, and be subject to a duty in this country, before they proceed to any other destination. The certificates of origin were also liable to the most serious objections; in short, the orders of council appeared to him to be contrary to every law; to be as irreconcilable with policy as with justice; and to be pregnant with mischiefs for which we should find little consolation, in reflecting upon the character of measures that must bring them on the country. The noble lord then adverted to that part of the speech of the king, which recommended the early consideration of these measures to the house; and concluded with moving, that in obedience to that recommendation the house do resolve itself into a committee, to consider the nature and tendency of the late orders in council."
Earl Bathurst in reply, observed, "No man could be more sensible than he was of the value of our connexion and intercourse with America, and no one would be more sorry to see it interrupted. But valuable as that connexion most undoubtedly was, there were other considerations of an higher order, and which more vitally concerned the interests of the country. The latter could not be sacrificed in order to preserve the former. He could not agree with the noble lord, that the order of the 7th of January was less a violation of the law of nations, or less severe in its mode or measure of retaliation than those that have since been adopted. They were both founded on the rule of war laid down in the year 1756, and both had the same object in view. A reference to the laws of nations, as laid down by the most esteemed writers, and to our navigation laws, would best explain their coincidence and similarity of intention; and if the latter orders in council tended to a wider and stricter operation, that operation still continued in the spirit and nature of the order of January the 7th, and only applied themselves to the more extended and more urgent necessity of the case. The noble lords must also recollect, that when the order in council of the 7th January came under consideration, it was represented by the late administration, only as an experiment, which it was their intention to carry further, should circumstances arise to call for an extension of it. Such circumstances he believed, have since occurred, and in adopting any further extension of those measures, ministers have only adopted the suggestions, and carried into execution the intentions of their predecessors. As to the explanation which was said to have been given to the American minister at Paris, and the mitigation that followed of the French decree in favour of America, he had reason to believe that no such explanation had ever been officially made, at least by those who could be supposed to have the power of carrying it into effect. That explanation was not given, either by the minister of the interior, or by the minister for foreign affairs; it was merely an accidental conversation between the French minister of marine and the minister of the United States and carried with it none of the forms or sanctions of an official transaction. It had therefore nothing binding in it, and might be counteracted the next moment—and he believed it had, in reality, been often disregarded, since the time it was said to have taken place. Was this then an example to regulate the conduct of the British government?—He should be glad to hear the noble lords who disapproved of those measures, propose others that would equally defeat the object of the enemy, without being liable to the same inconveniences and objections. The enemy seemed de-

terminated to exclude us from every port on the continent, and as far as in him lay to extinguish our manufactures and every branch of our trade. We had it in our power to deprive him of the commodities which he had formerly derived from his colonies through the medium of neutrals; and if he was now to obtain of them, and any of the other articles which he was accustomed to have from these kingdoms, he should only have them through us or by the permission of this country. The pressure which he already felt from these various privations was already great, it must grow greater every day, and must speedily operate to a degree, not perhaps to be tamely endured. Most likely therefore the enemy would have soon to repent of having wantonly and rashly adopted a conduct, which the government of this country has so reluctantly been compelled to retaliate.
Lord Erskine observed, that he was amazed to hear noble lords talk of the necessity or policy of the measures under discussion—Did they take shelter under the principle of retaliation? if so the house had long since been apprized that this measure of the government outstripped that of the enemy—it could not be defended on the principle of policy. The French decree, he said, as far as it affected America, had, he maintained, been satisfactorily cleared up to the minister then in France, and was deemed so even by the president of the U. States—hence he concluded, that America was no party in the Decree of the French emperor. This he said, was evident also from her subsequent conduct; when aware even of our orders in council here she ordered a general embargo. Much had been said of the right of retaliation, on which these orders were founded; no body denied the right to resort to such a system, when the conduct of the belligerents justified its necessity—but even that law has its limitations, it should not overstep the nature of the evil which it went to redress; yet, in these orders all limitation was lost sight of, and convenience alone regulated; the extent—It would seem that if the French emperor declared the Moon in a state of blockade, Great Britain would have a meeting of the board of Longitude, and our most celebrated astronomers, to retaliate by a prohibition on the satellites of Jupiter; when he commanded a cessation of the Lunar motion of her conjunctions and opposites, they would react by a declaration that the whole planetary system, should stop still—a (loud laugh from the ministerial bench)—he really conceived, notwithstanding the manner in which the comparison was received, that the cases were in a decree similar; in as much as he believed Buonaparte had as much efficacy over the moon as he had in his declaration of placing the British Isles in a state of blockade.
BERMUDA, March 10. This day arrived his majesty's schooner Mullet. Lieut. Bowen, from Barbados. The Mullet fell in, on Sunday last with the Rochfort squadron, consisting of six sail of the line, only forty leagues to the eastward, in the latitude of this island.—They were standing north west, and supposed to be bound to the Chesapeake; where it is thought Sir John Duckworth, with five sail of the line, will be, about the time of their arrival. Luckily the Demarara sloop, capt. Crofton, which had sailed on Thursday, was recalled to convey the intelligence, brought by the Mullet, to the West Indies.
On Friday morning sailed his majesty's ships Swiftsure, captain Conn, Milan, capt. Sir Robert Laurie, Horatio, captain Scott, and Aolus, captain Lord William Fitzroy, supposed for the Chesapeake.
MR. DUCOING,
Begs leave to inform the Ladies and Gentlemen of Norfolk, that his FRATISING BALL will be To-Morrow Evening the 29th instant, at the Long Room, when he hopes to be honoured with their company. March 28. 1*
By virtue of a Decree of the Worshipful Court of Princess Anne County, setting as a Court of Chancery, for the County aforesaid, in the suit of JOHN READE, Complainant, vs. WM. L. KEELING, and Mary his wife, and ELIZABETH HAYNES, Defendants.
WILL BE SOLD at Publick Sale, to the highest bidder, on THURSDAY the 28th day of April next, on the premises, in the Town of Kempsville, in the county aforesaid,
The Lot or Lots of LAND,
with the Houses and appurtenances belonging thereto, having been the former residence of Mr. Wm. White, deceased. This Property is eligibly situated, and the Dwelling-House is large, excellent and commodious, with good out-buildings, a fine garden and pasture.
The terms of Sale will be Cash, to be paid on the ratification thereof by the Court
William Bishop, William Dale Woodhouse, Thomas Cornick, Arthur S. Woodhouse, Charles Sawyer. Com'rs.
March 23. 1m
By virtue of a Deed in Trust from William Hartshorne to Margaret Eyre, for the purposes therein mentioned, will be Sold for Cash, without reserve, on MONDAY the 28th March, at 12 o'Clock on the premises,
A Lot of GROUND,
on Bermuda-street, with the improvements thereon.
R. B. TAYLOR, Trustee.
March 23. 2
By virtue of a Deed in Trust from Thomas H. Parker to Lattimore Hatstead, will be Sold on the premises at Publick Auction, for ready money, on Saturday the 2d day of April next,
All that Tract of LAND and appurtenances, in the County of Norfolk, near the Borough, which David Pierce sold and conveyed to the said Thomas H. Parker, containing seventy-five acres more or less, and which is now in the occupancy of Thomas Williamson and L. Simon.
THE TRUSTEE.
March 7. tds
NOTICE.
On Wednesday the 6th of April, at 12 o'Clock, will be Sold at Publick Auction, on the premises for ready money,
A HOUSE and LOT,
pleasantly situated on Botetourt and Thomas Streets, Smith's Point, by virtue of a Deed in Trust executed by James Ab-bott, to secure the payment of four hundred dollars due William Plume & Co. with interest from the 30th March, 1803
THE TRUSTEES.
March 16. tds
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 28, 1808.
In this season of general distress and calamity, the EDITOR of this paper neither expects, or claims an exemption. He has felt and continues to feel his full proportion of the difficulties incident to the state into which the country is placed, for while the expenses of his establishment are not diminished, the revenues derived from it, have sustained a diminution, that excites apprehensions of the most serious nature. It is well understood by all persons who have any knowledge of the establishment of a newspaper, that subscriptions, however extensive cannot support a paper; the advertising custom and other contingencies form the substantial emoluments of a newspaper. If subscriptions were alone sufficient, the Editor would have no cause for apprehension. In that way he has been gratified beyond his most sanguine expectations, the circulation of his paper having increased since July, 1805, nearly four hundred subscribers.
It must be obvious that no establishment, which calls for ready money, in all the departments necessary to carry it on, can long exist, without the punctual payment of the sums due to it. In better times, the delinquency of a few would not be productive of any serious inconvenience, but is now felt very seriously. The Editor of this paper has greatly more due to him than would support it for a year. The sums due to him are in many hands, to each of them the amount is small, and not worth a consideration, but to the Editor the aggregate amount would be considerable, and would enable him to perform his engagements to the publick, and to all the individuals with whom he necessarily is connected.
The Editor hopes that after this frank exposition of his situation that those who are in arrears to the Ledger, will find it convenient to make a speedy payment—it is the duty of the Editor to be candid, and in being so he declares, that without the aid of the greater part of what is due to him, he must be either under the necessity of making a partial reduction in the expenses and extent of his establishment, or of relinquishing it for the present. Either of these alternatives would be at this moment extremely distressing to the Editor; he has not the vanity to suppose that his paper is useful, but he has the pride and ambition to make it so, and an object is more than half accomplished, when we are determined to use our best exertions.
Ledger Office, March 23, 1808.
As our readers will perceive by the National Intelligencer , the negotiation with Mr. Rose has terminated, upon grounds which we have reason to believe are correctly stated in the Intelligencer.
The whole correspondence, not only between Mr. Rose and our government, but that between the two governments upon general subjects are before congress, and will shortly come before the publick. The information which we have received, states that the conduct of our government in relation to the affair of the Chesapeake, has been highly conciliatory, but that the instructions of Mr. Rose were too limited to enable him to meet the views of this government. The proposition relative to the period of the revocation of the President's proclamation, was certainly as fair as could be required, and judging from the information we have, and from that only, we are surprised that more could have been desired.
It is to be deeply regretted that the powers of Mr. Rose were so limited, as we are assured that our government was ready to go into negotiations relative to the great cause of misunderstanding between the two nations.
It was signified to Mr. Rose that on the part of our government, arrangements should be made for excluding British seamen from both the American ships of war, and merchantmen, and that deserters on both sides should be given up, the British government causing the search for seamen to be discontinued. With these propositions we understand Mr. Rose expressed himself well pleased, and doubted not that they would be met by a similar disposition on the part of his government, but these were objects to which his powers did not extend.
We understand that a war is not apprehended, and that negotiations will be entered upon hereafter, embracing every object of difference between the two nations.
If we were to express our own opinion, founded upon such general view of the subject as we are enabled to take, we do not flatter ourselves that we shall remain in peace. It is however proper to suspend any opinion upon this subject, until the information which we calculate upon receiving, shortly, is before us.
A war between America and England, would at any time, be productive of great loss to this country and to that, but the present situation of the world would render a war more destructive in its consequences, than at any former period.
It will appear strange that when the persons who conduct the governments of both nations are amicable in their sentiments, and moderate in their demands, that all differences cannot be healed. In a late discussion in the British house of commons, upon the orders of council, Mr. Percival the chancellor of the exchequer thus expressed himself:
"With regard to the effect which these orders might have on our relations with America; that was a most important subject. Some persons apprehended that they might induce America to war with us. He trusted not; he believed not; no one would regret such an event more than himself. He was far from entertaining the mistaken idea, that we might redeem our own losses by the sufferings of America. Loss to America was loss to Great Britain. He wished to prevent war with America; or although the mischiefs which America would suffer by war, must first be felt by her, they would eventually be felt by us. The prosperity of America was the prosperity of Great Britain, and he was as anxious to preserve peace with America, consistently with the rights and interests of this country, as any man. As he hoped that peace might be preserved, he believed that it would be preserved; for if any enlightened view existed in America of the principle of the measures which he had adopted, it was impossible that they could be the cause of war. It was impossible that the Americans could look at the orders of council, without perceiving in them many instances of caution not to injure America. There were various exceptions, in diminution of the military effect of those orders, which showed that we were desirous of doing as little injury to America as possible. The British government had been actuated by no spirit of jealousy or hostility against America. They had merely done that which it was their duty to do, in consequence of the measures that had been adopted by the enemy for the destruction of this country."
We had understood that all the documents relative to our affairs with France had been submitted to congress, but from the quotation of the president's message, re-published from the Baltimore Evening Post, it appears that only Mr. Armstrong's letter to M. Champagny has been submitted for publication. Mr. Quincy's eloquent speech in this paper is an honourable testimony of that gentleman's talents and independence.
The STATIRA, with Mr. Rose, sailed from Hampton Roads yesterday, and anchored last night in Lynhaven Bay.
DIED —Lately at Bermuda, the HON. HENRY TUCKER, President and Treasurer of that Colony.
Extract of a letter to the editors of the Baltimore Evening Post, dated Washington, March 23, 1808.
"The house is still in session with closed doors, on the president's message, but the greater part has been made publick, and put into the hands of the printers. I have read the whole correspondence between Messrs. Madison and Rose. It consists of three letters, viz. one from Mr. Rose, bearing date the 26th January, stating his inability, under his instructions to make atonement for the outrage on the Chesapeake, until the president's proclamation, in consequence of that affair, should be recalled. The second letter is from Mr. Madison to Mr. Rose, portraying at large various insults and injuries offered to our national honour and jurisdiction, and stating that the proclamation alluded to was not bottomed exclusively on the affair of the Leopard and Chesapeake, but had been rendered necessary by a variety of outrages and aggressions by British commanders on the American station—The whole of this letter, which is tolerably long, is a masterly performance, and places Madison's talents in a most brilliant position. The third letter is from Mr. Rose to Mr. Madison, being the ultimatum of the British envoy. He endeavours in it to justify the ground he had assumed, and exhibits in some particulars considerable ingenuity. This letter is dated about the middle of this month."
"The president's letter, communicating the documents, is of too great length for me to transcribe for you. The following is the concluding paragraph:
"When, on the 26th February, I communicated to both houses the letter of gen. Armstrong to M. Champagny, I desired that it might not be published, because of the tendency of that practice to restrain injuriously the freedom of our foreign correspondence. But perceiving that this caution, proceeding purely from a regard to the publick good, has furnished occasion for disseminating unfounded suspicions and insinuations, I am induced to believe that the good which will now result from its publication, by confirming the confidence and union of our fellow-citizens, will more than countervail the ordinary objections on such publications. It is my wish, therefore, that it may now be published."
Governor Sullivan's reply to Timothy Pickering's letter, published in the Ledger of the 23d.
BOSTON, 3d of March, 1808.
SIR—I yesterday received your letter consisting of six sheets, dated the 7th ult. My pressing calls in publick concerns would not allow me to attempt to read it until late last evening—before I had gone through the first page, I was surprised at your novel and extraordinary claim upon me, as governor of the commonwealth, expressed in these words—"I now address it (meaning your letter) to you Sir, as the proper organ of communication." Had this been a request to have communicated your letter to the legislature of this commonwealth as a favour to you, I should have continued to read it, until from its contents I became satisfied that I ought or ought not to grant it; but on finding it to be a new and unexpected claim on my official duty, I folded the letter instantly, in order to reflect upon (its) principles—I have not unfolded it since and return it to you by the mail.
You will recollect that the senate and house of representatives of this commonwealth are visible, organic bodies; that the former has a president, and the latter a speaker; that both have clerks.—You will also recollect that there is a secretary chosen by the houses; that whatever is proper to be communicated to them, may be communicated through one or the other of these; but that the governor of this commonwealth is obliged, ex officio, to communicate as governor, to the legislature, whatever a member of congress shall please to address to him, for that purpose, cannot be submitted to by me, until I find it made my duty by the constitution of the commonwealth.—You seem to found your claim on your being a senator of this state. I can discern no distinction in this respect between members of the senate and members of the house;
all are representatives of the state, and all must have equal claims.
I am, Sir, your very humble servant, JAMES SULLIVAN. Hon. Timothy Pickering, Esq. a Senator from Massachusetts, in the Congress of the United States.
BALTIMORE, March 23. CONGRESS.
As soon as the journal was read, a message was received from the president of the United States which the speaker declared to be of a CONFIDENTIAL NATURE , when the galleries were cleared and the doors closed, and remained so until the house adjourned, 4 o'clock. Fed. Gaz.
(CIRCULAR.)
Treasury Department, March 21, 1808.
SIR, You will be pleased on receipt of this letter to give general notice, that the citizens of the United States, who wish to obtain permissions, that vessels be dispatched in ballast, in conformity with the provisions of the 7th section of the supplementary embargo act passed on the 12th instant, must make immediate application to you, stating the value and species of property, intended to be imported, in what port and in whose hands it is, and exhibiting the proofs in their possession of the value of such property, and that it arises from property actually without the jurisdiction of the United States, on the 22d day of December last.
In all cases where application shall be made within ten days, and where sufficient and complete proof drawn from accounts current, or letters signed by the parties abroad in whose hands the property remains, and supported by the oath of the applicant, shall be exhibited to you, and no circumstances within your knowledge or belief shall excite doubts of this testimony, you are authorised to grant the permissions, for vessels of a tonnage proportionate to the amount and species of the property intended to be imported, but not exceeding in any case the rate of one ton for each hundred dollars of the value of such property. In all cases, however, where application is not made with an intention of evading the embargo laws, such application must be referred to this department, in order that it may be submitted to the president.
You will be pleased to transmit to this office ten days after the receipt of this letter, a general statement of all the other applications founded either only on the statement of the applicant, or on such other proof as you may not deem perfectly satisfactory, or which are made for a greater tonnage than at the rate of one ton for each hundred dollars of the value of the property. That general statement must be made according to the form herewith transmitted, and be accompanied with such other observations as you may think necessary for the information of the president.
All applications whatever, made after the expiration of ten days, must be transmitted to this department.
In all cases where you may grant permission, you will take a bond with security perfectly sufficient in a sum double the value of the vessel, and of the property intended to be imported, for the performance of the conditions expressed in the first proviso of the 7th section aforesaid.
The reasonable time to be allowed for performing the voyage must necessarily be left to your discretion, according to the distance of the port. The bonds must remain in your office till cancelled, and from time to time, on the return of the vessels, transmit the proofs which may be exhibited, that the conditions have been performed.
Your particular attention is requested, that no species of merchandise or specie be exported in such vessels; and whenever a vessel shall sail under permission from an interior district, it will be proper that an inspector should accompany the vessel, and be landed at the out port, or its vicinity. Thus an inspector put on board of a vessel sailing from Baltimore might be landed at Hampton, or when in that vicinity be put from the vessel on board the revenue cutter or any other vessel.
I am, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, A. GALLATIN. The Collector of Baltimore.
ARRIVED. Ship Destiny, Rogers, 6 days from Bermuda, Belfast, Robert Maitland.—Left there ship Bourdeaux, Gifford, of New-York from Marseilles; Swedish ship Sophia Magdalena, Johnson, from Boston bound to Cape Francois, both detained by H. B. M's frigate Horatio—ship Fame, Avorill, of Hartford, from St. Croix bound to New York, detained by H. B. M's schooner Mullet. Brig Prudence, Frederick, 12 days from Havana, Molasses and Hides, Campbell and Wheeler. Sch'r Helen, Pearson, 10 days from Philadelphia, and 40 hours from Reedy Island.
NOTICE.
Collector's Office, Norfolk, 28th March, 1808.
CITIZENS of the United States who wish to obtain permissions, that vessels be dispatched in ballast, in conformity with the provisions of the seventh section of the supplementary embargo act, passed on the 12th instant, must make immediate application to this office, stating the value and species of property, intended to be imported, in what port and in whose hands it is, and exhibiting the proofs in their possession of the value of such property, and that it arises from property actually without the jurisdiction of the United States on the 22d of December last. Application must be made within ten days from the date hereof, otherwise transmitted to the treasury department.
William Thompson, D. C. in the absence of Larkin Smith, Collector.
On Thursday the 31st instant, at 10 o'Clock, will be Sold at Mr. Smith's wharf, Gosport, the CARGO of the brig George, last from the Bay of Honduras, consisting of
21 puncheons Jamaica RUM, 20,000 feet Mahogany, and 10 tons Logwood—50 and 90 days credit for notes with approved endorser for all sums over 300 dollars, all under cash.
Two very fine TURTLE of 130 lbs. John Cox, V. M.
March 26. 2
LUNAR OBSERVATIONS, and the inferior branches of NAVIGATION, taught by an old practitioner. For particulars apply at Mr. ALMAND'S Store. March 26. T

FOR PHILADELPHIA, The fine new Sch'r AGENORIA , Edmund Richardson, master. For freight or passage apply to the master on board, or to D. R. Waddey, & Co. Who have just received, A few barrels fresh sup. FLOUR, And 100 BACON HAMS , which they will sell low for cash. March 25.
FOR CHARLESTON, The Schooner PLOUGHBOY , Capt. Hall, will sail in ten days. For passage only, ap- ply to Daniel R. Waddey, & Co. March 16.
THE BRIG CAROLINE, will sail in a few days for RICHMOND —a few passengers may be accommodated by ap- plication at this office, or to Shadrack Hill, Master. March 21.
FOR SALE, 30,000 acres valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana—Particulars with regard to local advanta- ges, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to pur- chasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS TUNNO , in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER , in Savan- nah. Feb. 8.
New SHOES from New-York. SAMUEL COLEMAN, Offers for Sale such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s and 8s 6d for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s for 13s 6d except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same rate for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction. VERNON'S BOOTS, which are well known to command higher prices in Balti- more than Boots made by any other person there—reduced to 11 dollars for fair tops, and 9 dollars for Hessian Boots, such as he himself sells in retail for 12 and 10 dollars. BUTTER at 17 cents in nice order; a few tons of Iron; a few hundred bushels of ground Alum Salt; India Cottons; Brown Sugar, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. Feb. 17.
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter, and Nabby, from Liverpool, their Fall and Winter GOODS. The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mix- ed Cloths, Cassimeres, Patent Cloths, Swandown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; La- dies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Children's beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epaulletes; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin for dresses; Calicoes, Chambrays, and Ginghams; blue and striped Blankets; Kendal Cotton; strong white Plains; mix- ed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cloths; blue and drab Plains; Dimities and Marseilles; 4 1/4 Irish Linens; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheetings; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c. The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper.
The Subscribers have removed to the Brick Ware- House on Merchant's Wharf, and have on hand for Sale, 100,000 W. O. hhd. drawn STAVES, 100,000 red do. do. do. 40,000 rough do. do. do. 50,000 do. barrel do. 10,000 pipe do. do. do. 500,000 sale Shingles; 100,000 building do. 10,000 three feet do.; 5,000 Garden Pales, 5,000 Chinquapin and Cedar Posts. And also for Rent, A commodious WAREHOUSE. Proby, Harmanson, & Co. January 11.
Now landing from the Schooner Prudence Mary , from New-York, 17 hhds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hhds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No 1, Commerce-street to William Hull, Jun. October 16.
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18.
For SALE, by the Subscriber, 34 hogsheads WHISKEY, 50 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do. 65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 16 gross Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castile Soap, 1 hogshead and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 10 hhds. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York Ri- ver Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton; 38 whole and 9 half tierces Rice. A. Maclure. November 13.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY last October from the Subscribers, living in Monroe County, two Mulatto Men, ISAAC CON- NER and WILLIAM CONNER , (brothers) both very bright mulattoes. Isaac is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, stout and well made, is marked on the under lip with a small red- dish spot, and a scar on his forehead occasioned by the stroke of a whip; on one of his feet there is also a scar made by an axe; he is 22 years of age. Bill is 20 years of age, about 5 feet 10 inches high, also stout and active, and wore his hair in a cue of 6 or 8 inches in length. It is supposed they will attempt to get to Norfolk, as they have some acquaintances there, and were heard of in the neighbourhood of Williamsburg in company with some free mulattoes, who lives on Queen's Creek. Who- ever confines them in jail so that we get them again, shall be entitled to the above reward. John Handley, Martin Franklin. N. B. Being very fair, they will no doubt attempt to pass for free men. Feb. 10.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store. Apply to Niemeyer & Von Kapff. December 28.
JAMAICA RUM. For Sale by the Subscribers, 40 pipes and 30 puncheons high proof and fine flavoured Jamaica RUM, on liberal credit for approved paper, and a few puncheons for cash. Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. March 21.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hhds. and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffles; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Hefians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs October 24.
FOR CASH ONLY. GERMAN LINENS, &c. 16 bales coarse Linen, 450 pieces Paper Hangings 4 do. Ruffia Sheetings, 80 boxes Window Glass, 3 boxes German Rolls, 100 do. Sh. rt. Pipes, 2 do. Rouans Sheetings, 120 do. Spanish Segars, 1 do. fine Flanders do. from 8 to 20 dollars per box, 3 do. Platiilas, 300 doz. empty Bottles, 1 do. fine Dowlas, 200 wt. reeled bottling Wire, 2 do. Table Cloth, 800 do. Glue, 1 do. common Shirt Li- 11,000 best Coffee bags, nen, 4,500 cheap Gunny Bags, 1 do. extra fine do. 5 boxes Tumblers, Decan- 1 do. Bed Tick & yards ters, &c. wide, Also, 6 elegant Terrestrial Globes, A large invoice of Lace, 3 pair large Looking Glasses, Jewellery and Dice, in gilt frames, of the first Elegance Chessmen, elegant marble Statues, Flareols and Clarinets, Urns and Vases, Violins, Bows, and Fifes, Liquor Casks, Oil Cloth, Flutes with four and five keys, Wafer and Waffle Irons, do. patent lined, Coffee Mills and Toasters, Ladies' Dressing Boxes, Fine Ribbons, Toilet Looking Glasses, Velvet Ribbons, Shaving Casks, Fine Thread Stockings, Elegant Writing Desks, Elegant Cutlery, Scarlet Plush for Saddles, An invoice of Watches, Seine and Sewing Twine. Watch Crystals and Beads, For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 4.
WHARFAGE at half price during the Embargo. WILLIAM CAMMACK. March 21.
60,000 wt. prime Jamaica COFFEE, landing this day on our wharf from on board the British schooner Commerce, from Kingston, and for Sale by C. & F. WHITTLE. March 21.
LADIES' KID SLIPPERS, E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main-Street, Has received per the Schooner Polly and Eliza, and is now opening a variety of Ladies' Kid and other SLIPPERS. March 21.
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Maclure. March 2.
The Subscriber offers for Sale, 78 puncheons well flavoured RUM, A few pipes Old Bordeaux Brandy, and 22 hogsheads choice retailing Molasses. Phinehas Dana. March 2.
THE COTTAGE, A small Farm handsomely improved in the neigh- bourhood of Portsmouth, commanding a beautiful view of Norfolk harbour is offered for Rent—and the HOUSE lately occupied by Doctor Leigh, pleasantly situated near the Fer- ry Wharf, in Portsmouth. Apply to Mr. William Pritchard, or JAMES YOUNG. March 2.
AT PRIVATE SALE, By S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2.
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the Estate of DANIEL COOK , deceased, of Nansemond Coun- ty, are requested to bring them in on or before the first day of May next; those indebted to the estate, are requested to make immediate payment, wishing to settle the estate as soon as possible. Mary Cook, Admr'x.
N. B. Whereas Bartholomew Redmon, of Norfolk Bo- rough, having a bond in his possession, which was given by Daniel Cook and Edward Frith, jointly, for the sum of 3000 dollars or thereabouts; Edward Frith being exonerated, and the said Redmon refusing to give me up the bond, although there is not one shilling due on account of it, I caution all persons from receiving the said bond in any way whatever, as this notice will be plead in bar against it. Western Branch, Nansemond County, February 17, 1808.
The sum mentioned in the above should be as follows:—two Bonds dated 11th day of July, 1804 the one payable the 11th day of January, and the other on the 11th day of July, 1805—each in the penal sum of two thou- sand dollars, conditioned for the payment of one thousand dollars each, both given jointly as above specified; which bonds or either of them, I again caution all persons from re- ceiving in any way whatever, as this notice will be plead in bar against the payment thereof. Mary Cook. March 2.
Council Chamber, February 25, 1808. THE EXECUTIVE will receive on the 25th of March next, Proposals for constructing sufficient and proper Carriages for mounting all the pieces of Artillery belonging to this Commonwealth, at which time drafts of the most ap- proved models, in conformity to which, the said carriages are to be constructed, will be submitted to the inspection of all persons disposed to contract for the same. The Executive will probably furnish all the necessary timber, and will have the iron work done at the Penitentiary—Subjoined is a list of the pieces intended to be mounted. Daniel L. Hylton, Clerk of the Council.
6 Brass Cannon 32 pounders, 9 Iron do. 24 do. 1 do. do. 18 do. 1 do. do. 12 do. 1 do. do. 6 do. 4 do. do. 4 do. 2 do. do. 3 do. 10 or 15 others of different sizes.
Just received for Sale, 25 qr. casks Gordon's old Sherry Wine, 20 boxes Hyson Tea, 30 do. superior quality Young Hyson, 18 pipes Holland Gin, 20 do. Country do. Mackinder & White. February 26.
Received per Schooner Traveller, from Bos- ton, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18.
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly si- tuated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5.
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90 Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine- silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Na- vy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambric Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gillia Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woolens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assort- ment of WOOLLEN GOODS. Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Custodian and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c. On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; La- dies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for CASH, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11.
Now landing from on board the Schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castile Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hhds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12.
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse— For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc. Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Of- fice of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25.
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4.
NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS , deceas- ed, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admr'x. December 9.
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7.
For SALE, 75 tierces prime green Jam. Coffee, And a few puncheons 5 and 6 years old Antigua Rum; Loaf and Brown Sugar in hogsheads and barrels: a few sets Ta- ble China; fine and superfine Flour, &c. Harrison Allmand. January 4.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just re- ceived from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound cannisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evans's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiv- ing from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, fuitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5.
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation.—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hhds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hhds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackarel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26.
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg , of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all per- sons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Raven Duck; 1 do. Matras Ticking, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26.
THE SUBSCRIBERS Offer for Sale at their Store on Campbell's wharf, the following Articles, low for cash or approved Notes at 60 and 90 days, 10 hhds. choice old Antigua RUM, 40 do. 3d. proof Rum; 4 pipes old Port Wine, 2 pipes old Cognac Brandy; 2 do. choice Hollands Gin, 4 do. New-York Anchor Gin; 5 qr. casks Sherry Wine, 10 barrels Apple Brandy; 10 hh. s. second quality Sugar, 3 hogsheads Loaf Sugar; 10 barrels Pennington's do. 10,000 lbs. prime Green Coffee, 20 hhds. choice retailing Molasses; 4 ton assorted Bar Iron, 20 kegs F and FF Gun Powder; 2 ton Shot assorted, 100 boxes choice mould Candles, 30 do. Philadelphia made Soap; 10 do. English Mustard, 25 do. choice Figs; 4 do. half pint Tumblers, 20 barrels Whiskey; Alexandria and Richmond fine and superfine Flour—and a general assortment of Ship Chandlery, Cordage, &c. Bowden & Milad. March 4.
7500 bushels coarse Liverpool SALT, a-float, being the cargo of the ship Susan, from Liverpool. For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. IN STORE, 100 barrels RYE WHISKEY. March 14.
COCKE & SANFORD, Have received eighteen hogsheads and eighteen barrels Loaf and Lump SUGAR, which they offer for Sale on very moderate terms. On hand of their last importation, 2 bales flaxen OZNABURGS, 2000 wt. Seine Twine; 1 bale assorted Blue Cloths, 1 bale superfine Navy Blue Cloth, 2 boxes well assorted Irish Line, &c. Irish and Dutch Sheetings and Dowlas, 2 Trunks Cotton Hosiery; 1 case D. mitties, 2 do. assorted Nukemeets and Grand ells, 3 do. Calicoes; 2 do. Cotton Cambricks, 1 box French Cambricks and Handkerchiefs, 2 cases Mens' and 1 do. Children's fashionable Beaver Hats. Feb. 21.
BOOTS. Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS, Just received and for Sale by Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market Square. Feb. 8.
6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat. IN STORE, 35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 100 hogsheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 30 tierces London Brown Stout, 20 hogsheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, fit for use 600 ready made Check Shirts. 20 hhds. Petersburg Tobacco, 50 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Hermage For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. February 6.
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
Cognac Brandy, Hollands Gin, Coun- try do. in pipes, Rice in tierces and half tierces—For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. February 24.
All persons to whom the Subscriber is indebted, are requested to make known the amount of their claims immediately. Wm. Hartshorne, Jun. January 13.
For Sale at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th Decem- ber last, a Mulatto Man named TONEY , a black- smith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on when he went away a dark cloth suit out- coat and pantalones—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th ult. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North Carolina. JOHN WALKER. January 8.
For SALE. 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags 94 puncheons old St. Kitt's RUM MOSES MYERS. January 8.
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No 6, on Newton's whar, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
For RENT, The DWELLING-HOUSE on Gran- by-street, belonging to captain Vickery, is at door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of Ja- nuary next. For terms apply to Alexander Wilson. December 18.
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 28.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.