Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1809-02-23 00:00:00

MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, February 6.
A committee was appointed to examine and revise the election laws.
Committees were appointed to consider what relief can be given to poor prisoners for debt:—on the expediency of public instruction to cavalry officers; and when the court can have a recess.
Memorials praying for relief under the pressure of the embargo laws, were received from Northampton, Warren, and Camden, a democratic town.
Tuesday, Feb. 7.
A great number of local subjects were attended to.
The answer of the house to the speech of the lieutenant governor, was taken up; and accepted, without debate:—
Yeas 182—Nays 115—Majority 67.
THE ANSWER:
May it please your honour,
The house of representatives view, with deep and serious regret, the very peculiar circumstances under which they have assembled, and with fearful anxiety direct their thoughts to that Being, without whose aid the portentous aspect of our public affairs cannot be changed. In a season of political calamity, when the hand of the general government presses with peculiar rigour upon the people of Massachusetts, the known patriotism of her sons, become a sure pledge for the display of those virtues which the times require. At such a moment the house of representatives will investigate with patience and circumspection the causes which have led to the existing and threatened evils, and will endeavour to apply such remedies as the powers confided to that branch of the state legislature will constitutionally warrant.
The affliction dispensation of Divine Providence which has deprived this commonwealth of its late commander in chief, cannot be more sincerely deplored by your honour than it is sensibly felt by the house of representatives. Elevated to the chair of state, in opposition to the political sentiments of a majority of the legislature, we are happy to declare that the late governor Sullivan, in the discharge of his high and important trust, appeared rather desirous to be the governor of Massachusetts, than the leader of a party, or the vindictive champion of its cause.
We receive with respectful attention the assurance of your honour's "solicitude, assiduity and best endeavours to promote what shall appear most conducive to the good of the whole;" and pursuing the fair and obvious construction of the national and state constitutions as a rule of action, we apprehend that it is impossible your honour should furnish any occasion for the exertion of censure or indulgence on our part.
We are now unwilling to believe that any division of sentiment can exist among the New England states or their inhabitants as to the obvious intriment of rights, secured to them by the constitution of the United States;—and still more so, that any man can be weak or wicked enough to construe a disposition to support that constitution and preserve the union, by a temperate and firm opposition to acts which are repugnant to the first principles and purposes of both, into a wish to secede from the other states. If a secession has been conceived by the states or people referred to in your honour's communication, it is unknown to the house of representatives, who absolutely disclaim any participation therein, or having afforded the least colour for such a charge. If ever such suspicions existed, they can have arisen only in the minds of those who must be sensible that they had adopted and were persisting in, measures which had driven the people to desperation, by infringing rights which the citizens of Massachusetts conceive to be undeniable and which they fondly hoped had been inviolably secured to them by the federal compact.
The legislature and people of Massachusetts ever have been and now are firmly and sincerely attached to the union of the states, and there is no sacrifice they have not been, and are not now, willing to submit to in order to preserve the same, according to its original purpose.—Of this truth your honour must be convinced. We do not appeal to the unvarying conduct of our citizens during the glorious administration of Washington and Adams, when the patriotic endeavors of our statesmen under the most perplexing embarrassments, pursued and secured the interests and the honour of the nation:—But we can appeal to the patience with which our fellow citizens have borne the administration of those, whose boast it has been, to proscribe all the measures of their predecessors and most of the men whose talents and virtues had assisted in securing to the United States the blessings of a free government. The people in this section of the country had undoubtedly flattered themselves, that the liberal confidence which they had afforded to the professions of their rulers would induce a regard to their interests, and when experience had shown the incompetency of their measures to the honour or safety of their country, they would have had the magnanimity to correct their errors. It ought not to be a matter of surprize that men who either on the floor of congress or elsewhere, have adopted measures hostile to the union, and subversive of its principles, should endeavour to brand with the calumny you mention the efforts of those who sincerely aim at preserving the constitution, by demonstrating the tendency of their acts and who studiously exert themselves to prevent a dissolution of the federal compact by stating the dangers of such an event. An event which this house cannot fail to deprecate as the greatest of evils, and to prevent which they will leave no constitutional means unassayed. But it would be greatly to be deplored, if any thing in your honour's address could be construed into a sanction, by the chief magistrate of this commonwealth, of a charge so unfounded and a slander so unmerited.
It is with much pleasure the house of representatives receive your honour's declaration, that no personal gratification shall stand in the way of any arrangement, which shall concentrate the general will, and direct its strength for our country's safety."
In this declaration, so honourable to yourself, sir, the house of representatives most promptly and cordially concur, and so far as constitutionally they may, sacredly pledge themselves to your honour in defence of all those rights which have been violated abroad, or usurped at home.
The house of representatives agree in sentiment with your honour, that "it cannot be necessary to review in detail the continued and aggravated insults and injuries which have been heaped upon us by the warring powers of Europe," yet it may not be improper to remark, that when a government in the first instance, from an overweening partiality to one power, an undue prejudice against another, or a timid and pusillanimous policy towards all nations, surrenders essential rights without a struggle, the nation over which it rules becomes the victim of aggression from without and of imposition from within. The partial development of public documents is but too conclusive on this point.
That the regulation of our commercial intercourse and our national defence, are most wisely confided to the general government, is a truth so plain and palpable, that we should hold it unnecessary to be repeated here, were it not for the purpose of concurring with your honour in the justice of the sentiment; but the liberty of discussing the measures of our general government with freedom and firmness, though with fairness and moderation, is a right the house of representatives never will relinquish.
We cannot agree with your honour, that in a free country there is any stage at which the constitutionality of an act may no longer be open to discussion and debate; at least it is only upon the high road to despotism that such stages can be found.
At such a point the government undertaking to extend its powers beyond the limits of the constitution, degenerates into tyranny. The people, if temperate and firm, will, we confidently rely, eventually triumph over such usurpations.
Were it true, that the measures of government once passed into an act, the constitutionality of that act is stamped with the seal of infallibility and is no longer a subject for the deliberation or remonstrance of the citizen, to what monstrous lengths might not an arbitrary and tyrannical administration carry its power. It has only to pass through rapid readings and midnight session, without allowing time for reflection and debate to the final enactment of a bill, and before the people are even informed of the intentions of their rulers, their chains are rivetted, and the right of complaint denied them.—Were such a doctrine sound, what species of oppression might not be inflicted on the prostrate liberties of our country. If such a doctrine were true, our constitution would be nothing but a name—nay worse, a fatal instrument to sanctify oppression, and legalise the tyranny which inflicts it.
Nothing but madness or imbecility could put at hazard the existence of a "balanced government, capable of operating and providing for the publick good," unless the administration of that government, by its arbitrary impositions had endangered or destroyed the very objects for the protection of which it had been instituted.
Should such a case ever occur, on the administration who could usurp powers and violate such sacred obligations, must rest the odium of having hazarded a government "so safe, so reasonable, and so beyond every thing else essential to the liberty and happiness of our fellow-citizens."
Altho' the history of the first twelve years of our federal government abundantly proves that no administration, however wise and happy, can be satisfactory to all our citizens, yet, have the people, at all times, and under all administrations, an undoubted right to insist that neither the letter nor spirit of the constitution shall be violated, and most certainly the policy and capacity of that administration may be questioned, which in a few years has reduced this great, active and enterprising nation, from an unexampled height of commercial prosperity, to comparative poverty and idleness.—Assuredly that administration which meets aggression only with retirement and non-intercourse laws, never can acquire the confidence of a commercial people, and never will afford any security against violence, injustice and depredation. To the present administration is the country indebted for a system of measures as novel as it is imbecile, as weak against foreign nations as it is oppressive and ruinous to our own.
The house of representatives certainly have no disposition to assume the direction of those affairs, the management of which has been so properly confided to the general government; yet upon this occasion it may not be deemed improper to observe, that, from the scanty information which has been suffered to escape, they cannot discern in the situation of our foreign relations, any difficulties or embarrassments which have not heretofore been successfully encountered by former administrations of our government. During the administrations of Washington and Adams, circumstances of much greater political embarrassment were met with a steady eye, and firm and vigorous purpose. Negotiations with both the great contending powers of Europe were commenced, and by a steady adherence to the just rights of our nation, with an active preparation to use force, when negotiation failed, the patriots of that day successfully repelled every unjust pretension, while they preserved the honour, as well as the resources and property of their fellow-citizens. The House of Representatives, therefore,
cannot doubt, that the same measures resorted to with the same spirit and good faith, would effect now what they did then, the protection instead of the annihilation of our commerce—the preservation instead of the abandonment of the nation's honour.
It cannot be denied, that jealousy and distrust have arisen among the people of Massachusetts, and much is it to be regretted, that they have been so well founded. A system of policy ruinous to their interests, and unconcealable to their enterprising spirit—a system, for which the administration has yet, in our opinion, assigned no adequate reason, has borne most heavily and unequally on the northern and commercial states. For relief from this oppression the people fondly looked to the meeting of congress;—but alas! how fatally have their hopes been blasted: Their humble prayers have been answered by an act so arbitrary and oppressive, that it violates the first principles of civil liberty, and the fundamental provisions of the constitution.—At such a moment, and under such a pressure, when every thing which freemen hold dear, is at stake, it cannot be expected, and it ought not to be wished, that they should suffer in silence. The house of representatives cannot admit that laws which operate unequally are unavoidable.—The government, in their opinion, has no right to sacrifice the interests of one section of the union to the prejudices, partialities, or convenience of another.
We perfectly agree with your honour in the general principle that, in a free government, the majority must determine and decide upon all existing or projected measures. But it will be recollected, that the decision of that majority, to be binding, must be constitutional and just. Government is formed for the security of the citizen, and the protection of his rights. Whenever his liberty is infringed, his rights violated or unprotected, if not absolved from his allegiance, he may demand redress, and take all lawful measures to obtain it.
It is impossible for the house of representatives to follow the very wide and extended range of political remark through which it has pleased your honour to expatiate.—The limits which time and duty prescribe, necessarily confine our observations to a few of the most prominent features of your honour's elaborate address. Those individual indiscretions, and that rashness of sentiment and action, which have so justly incurred your honour's censure, as opposing a vital movement of the body politic—appear to indicate with precision that period of our federal history, in which an insurrection, fomented by those who assumed to themselves exclusively the denomination of Republicans, and aided by the machinations of French intrigue, had nearly prostrated the national government. Thanks to the friends of the constitution, with the beloved Washington at their head, they protected by their valour in the field, what their wisdom in the cabinet had created. We trust, Sir, that there is now no danger of a repetition of those scenes of licentious riot and rebellion. We perfectly accord in sentiment with your honour, "that to suggest such things of New-England is not less a libel on the morals and understanding of its inhabitants, than on their patriotism;" their character is not marked with propensities to disorder, outrage and blood." If such characters exist any where in the United States, they are not to be found among the peaceful and industrious citizens of New-England.
The early habits and constant practice of our fathers and ourselves have led us on every great emergency, and on the pressure of political calamities, to resort to town-meetings wherein the general sense of the people might be collected. This practice, so wholesome and salutary was one of the most influential means employed in bringing about that glorious revolution which established our independence. It was against these meetings, therefore, that the strong arm of royal power was elevated, in the year seventeen hundred and seventy-four, and they were prohibited under severe penalties. Had the British ministry of that day attended to the voice of the people so expressed, they would have avoided the evils, which they had afterwards so much reason to deplore. The expression of the publick sentiment has become necessary to counteract the errors and misrepresentations of those who have falsely inculcated upon the administration of the general government, a belief that the measures they were pursuing were satisfactory to the people. From the suppression of these meetings would liberty have more to apprehend than from any other cause whatever. From such a cause should we most dread "the overturning, the splendid edifice erected by the wisdom and valour of our fathers." A privilege so widely secured by our constitution, we cannot hesitate to declare the citizens of Massachusetts will never resign.
We are perfectly aware that "misrepresentations, groundless suspicions, violent and indiscriminate abuse," are the rank weeds of a free government and an unrestricted press. Perhaps no country has afforded more fatal examples of such misrepresentations, than our own. It is by the use of such means that factions and designing men always rise to power.—The instructive page of history is studded with examples.—In some countries we have seen political partisans clandestinely supporting these vehicles of slander and infamy;—by their agency blackening the reputation of a meritorious and successful rival, for whom in the face of the world they professed the greatest personal consideration and respect. The object once gained, however, it has always been the practice of low ambition to disavow the means by which it mounted.—In our country we congratulate your honour that every citizen has a temple of refuge in the laws.—To these and an independent jury he may safely flee for protection from the poisonous breath of political slander and detraction.
In the description which your honour has drawn
of the situation of our country previous to the adoption of the federal constitution, we cannot but observe the very strong resemblance which it bears to the picture of the present times. "Our government humbled and inefficient, our union a thread, our commerce unprotected, our revenue nothing, individuals embarrassed, grievances complained of, our rulers censured, town and county resolutions published, combinations formed, non-compliance with the laws announced, property sold for one third its value, the insolvent imprisoned, and the courts of justice stopped;" that this description applies to the present state of parts if not the whole of our country, we believe will not be denied.—Whence comes it that from a state of the most flourishing prosperity a few moons should have produced a change so truly astonishing!—It is not in the restless and uneasy habits of a people, still lately contented and happy, that we must seek for the causes of these frightful calamities:—it is in the pernicious and dreadful consequences of this shallow system of embargo and non-intercourse, that we shall find the fruitful source of our country's ruin. We do most sincerely hope that neither Virginia nor any other state may ever succeed in "dictating measures to congress and by a convulsed state of things force their adoption." However, such an usurpation might from various causes endure for a time, the returning good sense of the people would eventually restore the equilibrium and effectually prevent those tempestuous scenes which your honour has so eloquently described. The importance and the interesting and perilous nature of the crisis have excited the most alarming reflections in our minds; and we doubt not that every member of the legislature will devote himself to the arduous yet necessary duty of "devising some reconciling expedient to quiet the agitated minds of our citizens," and relieve them from the weight of those unconstitutional restrictions.
The house of representatives derive peculiar satisfaction from contemplating the patriotism, order and discipline of our militia, and look with confidence to this establishment for a sure defence of their country and its rights—such a bulwark will always render "standing armies in times of peace" unnecessary for protection; and inadequate for usurpation or subjection at any time. So long as the militia system shall be deemed susceptible of improvement, so long will it be the favourite object of legislative aid and shall meet the early and persevering attention of the house of representatives.—So far as it lies in our power we will take care that it shall be capable of moving and being moved without mortifying delays and dangerous collisions." Nothing will more subserve this desirable end than the preservation of that discipline upon which depends the regularity and precision of all military movements. A vigilant regard also to those military judgments, (upon which depend the pride and honour of a soldier) will tend greatly to inspire confidence in our officers, to procure obedience in their men, and restore to the system that harmony which constitutes its perfection.
The house of representatives have remarked, with much anxiety, an evil of growing magnitude in the accumulation of depreciated and counterfeited bank-bills;—the alarming height to which this evil has arisen, loudly calls for some remedy; and although "the want of a foreign market for the produce of our farms," and the total suspension of our commerce, afford fewer opportunities for witnessing impositions, yet no doubt the number of persons who resort to dishonest practices, with our paper currency, is much increased by the peculiar situation of the country. That ingenuity which is driven from the pursuits of honest industry and labour, frequently seeks a refuge from poverty in the paths of vice.
It always has been the practice of the legislature of Massachusetts, to extend the fostering hand of encouragement to all manufactures, undertaken within the commonwealth, with any prospect of success, or publick utility. The house of representatives will be happy upon every fair occasion, to continue this laudable custom, and will seize the earliest moment, which is free from other occupation, to deliberate upon this important subject, and to devise such plans as will best promote the object in view.
Good publick roads certainly afford very great facilities to husbandry, commerce and manufactures; and Massachusetts in this respect, is not behind any portion of the United States. It is matter of much satisfaction to the house of representatives that these advantages have been obtained by the voluntary exertions and enterprise of our fellow-citizens, without resorting to the general government for any aid from that superfluous wealth, with which we are officially informed, the national treasury overflows. In a period of general prosperity, encouragement to the ornamental planting of our publick roads would certainly be entitled to some attention from the legislature, but at this awful crisis, when our very existence as a nation is almost in question, it is respectfully submitted to your honour, whether the occupation of much time on this subject might not be considered by our constituents as trifling, with the publick expectations.
To cherish the interests of literature, at all times, and all circumstances, the house of representatives will consider among the first and most pleasing of their duties.—Upon this subject we shall always be ready most cheerfully to co-operate with your honour.
The house of representatives accept with gratitude, and reciprocate with perfect sincerity, the wish which forms the conclusion of your honour's address, and prays your honour to be convinced that nothing, on their part, shall be wanting to bring the session to a termination consistent with the wish so devoutly expressed.

CONGRESS.
SENATE.
MONDAY, February 13.
Mr. Giles occupied the greater part of the day in support of his resolutions relative to the embargo, &c.
TUESDAY, February 14.
Mr. Hillhouse—Mr. President—I hold in my hand a resolution, which I intend to submit to the consideration of the senate, after having made a few remarks to show the ground on which it rests, and explained my reasons for bringing it forward at this time.
In the discharge of my official duty as one of a committee to enquire after facts in relation to a nomination which has recently been under the consideration of the senate, I was led to inspect sundry accounts and documents in the publick offices, from which I derived the knowledge of what I am about to state, and concerning which there can be no mistake, as the several items are taken from those accounts and documents.
Having formerly had some acquaintance with the manner of conducting business in the publick offices in relation to our money concerns, I did suppose there existed a complete check upon all improper expenditures of publick money, and a perfect security against its being drawn out of the treasury in a manner not warranted by law. One important and principal ground of security, I had understood to consist in the control which the head of each department had over the business confided to his department, and his responsibility for a due and reasonable exercise of his discretion and judgment. But having discovered, by an opinion of the senate lately expressed, an opinion which I am bound to respect, that the secretary of war is not responsible for what I consider an improper expenditure of publick money in that department, I am of opinion that some further and more effectual provision ought to be made.
To show on what I ground my opinion, that there has been an improper disbursement of publick money, I will read part of two sections of the law fixing the military peace establishment of the United States, passed March 16th, 1802; and exhibit a brief statement of facts. The 4th section fixes the monthly compensation of the brigadier general as follows:—“to the brigadier general two hundred and twenty-five dollars, which shall be his full and entire compensation, without a right to demand or receive any rations, forage, travelling expences, or other perquisite or emolument whatsoever, except such stationary as may be requisite for the use of his department.”
The 5th section fixes the number of rations to which each officer and soldier shall be entitled, by which no officer above the rank of colonel is entitled to any rations at all. That section further provides, that there shall be allowed, “to the commanding officer of each separate post, such additional number of rations as the president of the United States shall from time to time direct, having respect to the special circumstances of each post.” Under the provisions of that law there have been allowed, at Natchitoches, to col. Cushing double rations from September 1st, to 23d of October, 1806, and from the 8th to the 20th November, 1806. At New Orleans, to lieut. colonel Freeman, triple rations from July 1st to 11th December, 1806; and to col. Cushing in the like manner from the 17th December, 1806, to 20th of May, 1807; and in January, 1809, brigadier general Wilkinson’s account for extra rations as commanding officer at those same posts was allowed as follows, viz.
At Natchitoches, 36 rations per day, from the 15th to the 30th September, 1806, 18 days at 17 1/2 cents, $113 40
Some place, 36 rations from October 1, to November 11, 1806, 2016 rations at 18 cents, 272 16
At New Orleans, 36 rations per day, from November 12, 1806, to 24th May, 1807, 194 days, 9312 rations at 15 cents, $385 56
Quarters, stabling, &c. from 25th November, 1806, to 24th May, 1807, 6 months, 1047 60
$2033 16
Notwithstanding the express provisions of the law, and the allowance of extra rations to other officers at the same posts, the above account was admitted by the secretary of war, and sanctioned by his signature; but was disallowed by the account of the war department as being against the law of March 16th, 1802. Whereupon the final decision was referred to the comptroller of the treasury who decided that the account might be passed to the credit of gen. Wilkinson, because it had been admitted by the secretary of war with the approbation of the president of the United States, and sanctioned by the opinion of the attorney general. By which it appears that the approbation of the president of the United States, supported by the opinion of the attorney general is considered as a sufficient authority for the allowance of accounts and the payment of money, in direct opposition to a positive law of the United States; an error which ought to be corrected.
By the act establishing the department of war, Indian affairs are placed under the direction and control of the secretary of war; and in that department there have been allowed and paid, as compensation to indian commissioners to hold treaties for the table expenses of the commissioners, supplying the Indians, and other expenses, the following sums, viz.
To Gen. Wilkinson, as compensation for holding a treaty with the Cherokees at South West Point, from July 12th to September 10th, 1801, at 8 dollars per day, $188
To Chickasaw, at Wolf River, from September 11th to October 28th, 1801, at 8 dollars per day, 334
The Choctaws, at Fort Adams, from October 29th to December 31st, 1801, at 8 dollars per day, 512
At Fort Adams, treating with Choctaw commissioners for carrying the last mentioned treaty into execution, from January 1st to March 22d, 1802, at 8 dollars per day, 648
The Creek at Fort Wilkinson, from March 23d to July 16th, 1802, at 8 dollars per day, 944
$2,976
For the expense of the commissioner's table, $5,026 20
For supplies for the Indians, including a part of the expense of the commissioner's table which cannot be separated, 9,968 41
For the amount of articles purchased by the quarter master general for the use of the commissioners, 3,121 49
18,116 10
As compensation to Benjamin Hawkins, from July 23d, 1801, to June 21st, 1802, 247 days, $1,976
Do. to Andrew Pickens, 61 days, and including 18 dollars for travelling expenses, 500—2,482
$23,574 10
There has also been paid to gen. Wilkinson, as compensation for treating as sole commissioner with the Choctaws at Fort Confederation, from July 19th to October 20th, 1802, 94 days, at 8 dollars per day, $752
Marking boundary lines, from October 21st to 31st December 1802, 72 days, at 6 dollars per day, 432
Do. do. continuation, from January 1st to 28th February, 1803, 50 days, do. 354
Do. do. Choctaw, West of Mobile, &c. and Creeks East of the Alabama, &c. from March 1st to 3d December, 1803, 278 days, at do. 104
Returning from Mobile to New Orleans on his way to Philadelphia, from December 4th to 16th December 1803, 13 days, at 8 dollars per day, 106
Returning from New Orleans to Philadelphia as Indian commissioner, from April 25th to June 1st, 1804, 37 days, at 8 dollars per day, 296
$3,606
For the personal expenses of gen. Wilkinson, for 1802 and 1803, as settled at the war office, 2,715 29
For expenses other than personal, 3,152 10
$9,473 39
Officers of the United States receiving salaries or monthly pay, have been occasionally employed on other business for a short time, and, on account of extraordinary trouble and expense, attending such employment, have received, in addition to their ordinary compensation, the per diem allowance, fixed by law or usage for such service. The present case is I believe the first instance in which such an officer has been employed, every day in the year, for two or three years in succession, and has been permitted to receive, in addition to his entire salary or monthly pay, a per diem allowance exceeding his salary or monthly pay, and the whole of his expenses. The salary of Judge Esworth, while employed on a foreign mission, had been received during his absence, by his attorney, but was refunded, and he received only his compensation as a foreign minister—and in the case of Mr. Jay, his expenses only were paid. There can be no propriety in such allowance, and a remedy ought to be provided.
There has also been allowed and paid in the war department an account amounting to 6,619 dollars 72 cents for the table expenses of gen. Wilkinson and gov. Claiborne, from Dec. 7th, 1803, to April 24th, 1804, four months and seven days; the time they were employed as commissioners to take possession of New Orleans, and for a private secretary 548 dollars, and for stationary 27 dollars 50 cents, amounting in the whole to 7,266 dollars 62 cents. The allowance of this account is under the hand of the secretary of war, who states that it was done by direction of the president of the United States. As this account has no relation either to the military service or to indian affairs, I am unable to say why it was carried for settlement to the war department, and not to the accounting officers of the treasury.
It appears by authentic documents which I have examined, that there has been paid to general Wilkinson, this favourite of the administration, (for I think none other than a favourite could have obtained from the treasury of the United States money to such an amount) the following sums, viz.
For his pay as brigadier general from March 16th, 1802, the date of the law, to Feb. 1. 1809, at 225 dollars per month 18,562 50
For extra rations, quarters, &c. as per amount before stated, 2033 16
For his compensation as indian commissioner, from July 12, 1801 to July 18, 1802, 2976
For his compensation as indian commissioner, and running lines, from July 18, 1802, to 1st June, 1804, 3606
For his personal expenses for 1802 and 1803, 2715 29
For his salary as governor of Upper Louisiana, from July 4, 1805 to March 2, 1807, 3326 3
For amount of monies and supplies furnished him by public agents with which he is charged on the public books, and for which he has not accounted, 7891 3
For monies charged by John Wilkins, late quarter master general, as advanced to gen. Wilkinson, and for which he has not accounted, 3879 71
For secret service money, received Jan. 10, 1809, on the certificate of the president of the United States for that sum “disbursed for objects in relation to the contingent expenses of intercourse between the U. States and foreign nations, the specification of which disbursement at this time is deemed expedient, 1196
For his compensation as a witness on the trial of A. Burr, at Richmond, circuit court, U. S. May term, 1807, 284 50
$46,471 22
To which, if there be added the table expenses of gen. Wilkinson and the other commissioners holding treaties in 1801 and 1802, exclusive of the expense of furnishing the Indians, 5026 20
And the table expense of gen. Wilkinson and gov. Claiborne at New Orleans, from Dec. 7th, 1803 to April 24, 1804, 6610 72
Makes the enormous sum of $58,108 14
More than 50,000 dollars of which may fairly be placed to the account of general Wilkinson. It may also be proper by some legislative provision, to regulate the business of advance pay to the officers of the army. There may be circumstances when it would be proper, as when ordered on distant service; but unless regulated, it is liable to great abuse, as is obvious from an inspection of gen. Wilkinson’s account, by which it appears that he has received, since March 1st, 1803, his pay in manner following, to wit:
Per warrant No. 1114, signed by himself as the commander in chief, for his pay from March 1st, to June 30th, 1808, as per receipt, February 18th, 1808, 900
Per warrant No. 1212, signed by himself, as the commander in chief, for his pay in advance, for July and Au-
gust, 1808, as per receipt, June 28th, 1808, 450
Per warrant No. 10, signed by the secretary of war, for his pay in advance, from Sept. 1, 1808, to 28th Feb. 1809, per receipt July 14th, 1808, 1350
Per warrant No. 161, signed by the secretary of war, for his pay in advance, March, April and May, 1809, three months, per receipt Nov. 28, 1808, 675
Per warrant No. 249, dated 16th Jan. 1809, signed by the secretary of war, for his pay in advance, from May 1, to Dec. 1, 1809, 6 months, 1350
There is only one other statement from the accounts of the department, which I will mention—it is that of Henry A. S. Dearborn, employed by the secretary of war as an engineer to construct a fort at Portland, from April 8th, to Nov. 29th, 1808—204 days, at 3 dollars per day, 612
And an allowance of 2 per cent commission, on the money expended, being 39,796 dollars, and 97 cents, 768 33
1380 33
Which account has been paid. The compensation allowed was at the rate of more than 200 dollars per month, when the pay of a brigadier general, exclusive of rations and forage, is only 104 dollars per month. The person employed had no claim to experience. While we have artillery officers, and a corps of engineers in public pay, it would seem as though some of them should have been employed in such service.
Perhaps the accounts of indian agents ought to be examined, to see if some provision be not necessary to prevent the improper expenditure of public money; for in that business there is great latitude of discretion, which opens a door to favouritism, which in a government like ours ought to be carefully guarded against. There may be, and often is, not only the appearance, but the exercise of the most rigid economy, nay parsimony, as regards a poor soldier, or person having little influence, while there is a lavish expenditure of public money on favourites.
Mr. Hillhouse then offered the following resolution, which was ordered to lie on the table.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to examine and report whether any and what further regulations or provisions are necessary to check the allowance or payment of extravagant claims or unreasonable accounts, and to prevent an improper expenditure of public monies, and that said committee be authorized to call on the several departments for such information and papers as may be necessary to aid them in their enquiry, and to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Gregg reported a bill authorizing an augmentation of the marine corps. (This bill passed to a third reading on the 16th. It authorizes the president to augment the present corps by one major, two captains, two first lieutenants, 180 corporals, and 548 privates.)
The senate resumed the consideration of Mr. Giles’s resolution, which is as follows:
Resolved, That the several laws laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States be repealed on the fourth day of March next, except as to Great Britain and France, and their dependencies; and that provision be made by law for prohibiting all commercial intercourse with those nations and their dependencies, and the importation of any article into the United States, the growth, produce or manufacture of the said nations, or of the dominion of either of them.
Mr. Bayard moved to strike out the words in italic.
On this motion Mr. Bayard spoke at great length, when the question was taken by yeas and nays, as follows:
Yeas—Messrs. Bayard, Gorman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Lloyd, Picking, Parker, White—8.
Nays—Messrs. Anderson, Condit, Crawford, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Howland, Kitchell, Leib, Matthews, Milner, Mitchell, Moore, Pope, Reid, Smith, of Md. Smith, of N. Y. Smith, of Ten. Sumner, Thurston, Tiffin, Turner—23.
Mr. Hillhouse moved to postpone the further consideration of the resolution—Lost.
On agreeing to the original resolution the Senate divided—Yeas 22—Nays 9. All the members voting in the affirmative, who voted in the negative on Mr. Bayard’s amendment, and vice versa; except Mr. Turner, who on the resolution voted in the negative.
Ordered That Messrs. Giles, Smith of Md. and Crawford, be a committee to bring in a bill.
FEBRUARY 15.
On motion of Mr. Smith (of Md.) Resolved, That a committee be appointed to join such committee as may be appointed on the part of the house of representatives, to consider whether any, and if any, what measures ought to be adopted for the further accommodation of the president of the United States; for the term commencing the 4th of March next. Committee Messrs. Smith (of Md.) White and Sumner.
FEBRUARY 15.
Mr. Giles reported a bill to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, February 15.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
On motion of Mr. Nicholas, the house resolved into a committee of the whole, Mr. Basset in the chair, on the bill for interdicting commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and for other purposes.
Mr. Milner moved to strike out the first section of the bill, with a view to try the principle of the non-intercourse system. In support of this motion, he alleged the impossibility of carrying the system into effect; for he conceived that the embargo had been in effect from the impossibility of carrying it into complete effect, and the proposed system would be at least as difficult to enforce. He thought that it would be impossible to carry a non-intercourse system into effect, as long as vessels were permitted to go to sea. He had many other objections to this bill, amongst which were these: that although it raised the embargo in part only, the permission to vessels to go out, would render the provision for a partial embargo nugatory; that if the bill were to pass in its present shape, it was to be doubted whether any revenue officer of the United States would understand the duty enjoined on him by it; that a time only two days previous to the meeting of the next congress was fixed upon as the day on which the non-importation should go into operation, and thus the bill appeared to manifest a mistrust of that congress, who certainly would be more competent than the present congress to decide on its propriety at that time; that a non intercourse between these countries would compel our citizens to pay a double freight to and from the entrepot, without producing any other effect than injuring our own citizens; that goods from these countries, although their importation were interdicted by law, would be introduced nevertheless; that the extent of the territory and sea-coast of the United States was so great, that all efforts to interdict the importation of goods must be ineffectual, for they would be introduced contrary to law, thus depriving the United States of the revenue which would be derived from them if their importation were permitted by law. Rather than accept this system, Mr. M. thought it would be better that this country should remain yet longer under the pressure of the embargo; which he had no doubt must be repealed early in the next session.
Mr. Quincy entered at considerable length into an examination of the system of coercion on foreign nations by means of commercial restrictions. The idea of the efficacy of this system he traced to a deeper root than any administration under this government. It was an error of the American people, originating in a period antecedent to the revolution; it grew out of our colonial regulations. It began to be a favourite belief with the people, antecedent to the year 1760, and was then fostered by the patriots of that day, the idea being also encouraged by the patriots of England. Mr. Quincy entered into a comparative statement of the exports from and imports to Great Britain from America at two different periods, viz. the nine years preceding the year 1775, and the nine years succeeding it, with a view to show that the average imports into Great Britain from all the world, during the nine years peace with this country, amounted to but one thirteenth more than the average imports during the same period of war; and the exports diminished, nearly in the same proportion. From his statements on this head and a comparison of the present relative situation of the two countries, Mr. Quincy drew the inference that this supposed means of coercing the European powers did not exist. He deemed it peculiarly unfortunate that a confidence in this power of coercion had so long existed, as it had prevented the United States from making preparations which they otherwise might have made. He hoped the idea would now cease. In relation to our present situation, he recommended a plain remedy; comprised in two words—“Follow nature.” What did she first dictate for remedying any complaint? The removal of all obstructions on her operations. Mr. Quincy therefore recommended the removal of the embargo, the repeal of the non-importation act and the abandonment of the non-intercourse system. He wished “peace if possible; if war, union in that war;” for this reason he wished a negotiation to be opened unshackled with those impediments to it which now existed. As long as they remained, the people in the portion of the country whence he came, would not deem an unsuccessful attempt at negotiation to be cause for war; if they were removed, and an earnest attempt at negotiation was made unimpeded with these restrictions, and should not meet with success, they would join heartily in a war. They would not however go to war to contest the rights of Great Britain to search American vessels for British seamen; for it was a general opinion with them, that if American seamen were encouraged, there would be no occasion for the employment of foreign seamen. A removal of the embargo without adopting any other measure until the event of negotiation had been tried, Mr. Quincy said would, first, prevent any collision with the belligerents which might tend to embarrass negotiation; and secondly, would give an opportunity to the country to ascertain what would be the practical operation of these orders and decrees on our commerce; and give an opportunity to the next congress to shape its measures according to their actual effect. If commerce did not suffer, the knowledge of this fact would supersede the necessity of any other measures, and peace would follow of course; if on the contrary, a general sweep was made of all the property afloat, it would unite all parties in a war. Mr. Quincy concluded a speech of two hours in length, by lamenting the state of the country, and invoking the spirit which “rides upon the whirlwind and directs the storm” to guide the nation to a happy result.
Mr. Nicholas replied to the observations of Mr. Quincy on the subject of the legal opposition to the embargo laws in Massachusetts. He said if the laws of the nation were to be resisted in the manner in which he lamented to say that he saw it contemplated in one part of the community, it became the duty of this legislature to meet it; it was, not compatible with their duty to shrink from it. He could not consent that thirteen or fourteen states should submit to one. As men vested with certain powers by the constitution, congress could not transfer the powers to any state legislature or to any town. In relation to negotiating with the measures of coercion in existence, Mr. Nicholas asked when did the violations of our rights commence? So long ago that the precise time could not be fixed. When did our coercive measures commence? In 1806. Mr. N. noticed the negotiations during whose ministry abroad these injuries had commenced and continued. Mr. King, Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney, all honourable men, had successively represented the United States in Great Britain. And could any thing be gathered from any thing they had ever written or said, to induce a belief that this government had not acted with sincerity?—There was the most conclusive evidence to the contrary. Mr. N. said he would ask nothing of Great Britain or France that would tend to sacrifice their honour; and he wished when gentlemen dwelt, so much on the regard of foreign nations for their national character, that they would respect a little the character of our own country.
Mr. D. R. Williams said he had been decidedly in favour of issuing letters of marque and reprisal at once; he believed it would have cut off all that fungous matter now deteriorating the body politic; for the people of New-England were as patriotic as any, and when the choice was between their own and a foreign country they would cling to their own. It was the hot-bed politicians who stirred them up; and it was necessary to do something promptly to put an end to their intrigues. Mr. W. disliked the non-intercourse system throughout. If he could not get war or a continuance of the embargo, he wished inasmuch as Great Britain and France had each interdicted us from going to the other, to declare that neither their armed or unarmed ships should contaminate our waters. This was a system which required no exertion of patriotism to carry into effect, which could excite no animosities between the North and South. In relation to the non-intercourse, he believed that it could not be enforced, and used a variety of arguments to show that it could not. If it could be enforced, he believed it would be prodigiously partial. If the embargo was to be taken off and war not be substituted, if the nation was to submit, he wished to do it profitably. If the embargo were raised as to a single spot, it was raised entirely to all effectual purposes. Then let your vessels go, (said he) without let or hindrance; let them go and be burnt; your merchants will then feel that the embargo was a shield spread over them, and will come back to your protection like the prodigal son, and unite like brethren in the common cause. Mr. Williams said his plan was to interdict the entrance of our ports to belligerent vessels armed or unarmed and lay a tax of 50

per cent. on their manufactures. Great Britain must then either go to war or treat with us. If she was inclined to go to war in preference to revoking her orders in council, let her do so. But he was inclined to believe that she would treat. If she seized our vessels, however, the effect would be inevitable. Division amongst us would be done away—all would unite heart and hand in war. Mr. W. Quincy—particularly in relation to his position that all obstructions ought to be removed with a view to negotiation.
He asked what security had the United States if they did all this, if they submitted to such abject humiliation, that Great Britain would treat? Was it to be expected that she would treat more liberally with us when we solicited as slaves, than she would whilst we magnanimously contended for our rights? The gentleman from Massachusetts, (said he) when repeating his creed, had forgotten a part, viz.—“Unfurl the banners of the republic against the imperial standard!”—This would complete a project he had lately seen proposed from the East; and, as to its application, coinciding with the wishes over the water, would be just such a project as Mr. Canning might dictate. Revoke your proclamation, remove the embargo and “unfurl the republican banners against the imperial standard.” Mr. Williams concluded a speech of an hour and a half in length with giving notice that he should move to amend the bill, when the present motion was decided, by striking out all that part of it relating to non-intercourse, and inserting a provision interdicting the entrance of our harbours to any vessel of Great Britain and France, and imposing an additional duty on all goods imported from those countries.
When Mr. Williams concluded, the committee rose and obtained leave to sit again.
THURSDAY, February 16. In conference with a message from the senate, it was resolved that a committee should be appointed to meet that of the senate to devise means for the further accommodation of the president of the United States from the fourth day of March next. A committee of five was appointed, with leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Morrow from the committee on the publick lands, reported a bill respecting the completion of a road from Cumberland to the Ohio. Referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
The house then resolved itself into committee of the whole on the bill to lay an additional duty of fifty per cent. on all goods, wares, and merchandise, imported into the United States.
Mr. Taylor withdrew the amendment proposed some days since to this bill by Mr. D. R. Williams, at the request of that gentleman, who was not then present. This amendment went to confine the additional duty to goods, &c. the growth, produce, or manufacture of Great Britain, France, and their dependencies.
Mr. Cook renewed this amendment; and spoke some time in support of the bill of amendment, in preference to a non-intercourse system motion.
The motion of Mr. D. R. Williams was lost; no member voting in support of it.
After a few observations from Mr. Lyon, the committee rose and reported the bill with amendments.
It was then ordered to a third reading this day; and after some time, read a third time and passed—ayes 67—nones 26.
The house resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill interdicting commercial intercourse with Great Britain, France and their dependencies. The motion of Mr. Minor to strike out the first section under consideration.
Mr. Nicholas entered into a lengthy defence of the bill. The question was then taken on striking out and lost.
Mr. Dana spoke a short time against the bill.
Mr. Nicholas moved to fill the first blank in the bill with the “first of June,” as the period when the act is to be considered in force.
The “20th of May” was also named.
The “first of June” was lost, and the blank filled with the “20th of May.”
Mr. D. R. Williams moved to strike out the fourth section of the bill, for the purpose of introducing a new section, in the following words:
And be it further enacted, That an additional duty of per centum, on the permanent duties now imposed by law, on goods, wares and merchandise, the produce or manufacture of Great Britain or France, or the colonies of either, imported into the United States from foreign ports or places, shall be laid, levied and collected upon all such goods, wares and merchandise, which shall, after the 20th day of May, 1809, be imported into the United States from any foreign port or place; and the duties imposed by this act shall be levied and collected in the same manner, and under the same regulations and allowances as to drawback, mode of security and time of payment, respectively, as are already prescribed by law, in relation to the duties now in force, on the importation of articles imported from any foreign port or place.
Mr. W. made a few remarks in support of his motion.
On motion of Mr. Taylor, the committee rose, reported progress, and had leave to sit again.
Mr. T. made this motion in order to have the amendment of his colleague printed, that it might be fully understood by the house. Adjourned.
FEBRUARY 17. Mr. Newton, from the committee of commerce and manufactures, reported a bill supplementary to the act establishing certain trading houses with the Indians. Referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
The Speaker laid before the house a communication from the secretary of war, on the subject of clerk's salaries in his department during the year 1808. Referred to the committee of ways and means.
The house then went into committee of the whole on the bill to interdict commercial intercourse with Great Britain and France. Mr. D. R. Williams' amendment still under consideration.
Mr. Love called for a division of the question. He thought it might be important, should the house agree to strike out the section, to go much farther than the new section proposed.
After considerable discussion, the question was taken on striking out, and lost, 47 ayes to 35 noes.
Mr. J. Montgomery, moved to amend the bill by adding a new section, to prevent French or English subjects from obtaining admission for their vessels and goods into the United States, by becoming citizens or subjects of neutral powers; and thus defeating the spirit of the laws.
The amendment was rejected—and the committee rose, reported progress, and had leave to sit again. Adjourned.
BY virtue of a deed in trust from Bartholemew Yates, to satisfy a debt due to James Henderson, WILL BE SOLD before the door of the Raleigh Tavern in this City (Williamsburg) on Thursday the 2d of March next, for ready money,
A Likely Mulatto MAN , who has been accustomed to work in a Carriage Maker's Shop, and also other property.
Robert Saunders, Trustee. Feb. 13.
Two Dollars Reward.
STOLEN out of the Dock at the rear of the wharf lately occupied by Mr. A. Maclure.
A CARVEL BUILT BOAT, 18 feet long, can row five oars, has a new set of thwarts, painted fresh colour, and has a ring bolt in stem and stern; she was seen on Friday last at Hutchings' wharf. Whoever will give such information to the Printer, so that she is recovered, shall receive the above reward. February 20.
NOTES OF HAND,
according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER
THURSDAY EVENING FEB. 23, 1809.
Yesterday being the anniversary of the Father, and Saviour of his country, it was hailed with more than usual emotions of gratitude and affection. The recollection of the prosperity and happiness which our country experienced under his wise and virtuous administration, contrasted with the present calamitous state of the nation, excited the strongest feelings of mournful regret. “It was not so, said the Merchant, the Mariner, and the Mechanick, in the days of WASHINGTON.”
During the day, the shipping in our harbour, were decorated with a splendour, that reminded us of former prosperity.
It is with peculiar pleasure, that we noticed that not to his old friends, and the admirers of his political measures, were demonstrations of respect and gratitude confined. The virtue of his character, and the wisdom of his measures, are now acknowledged and felt by ALL. No adage is more true, than that we never know the full value of a friend, until we have lost him.
The volunteer companies of cavalry, infantry, and artillery, were paraded to honour the day, and the evening closed with a splendid ball at the Exchange Coffee-House.
It appears that the House of Representatives have passed a bill, augmenting the present rate of duties one half. This measure is intended to make up for the deficiency of revenue, which will be occasioned by the non-intercourse law. That there is a necessity of adopting some new plan of revenue, is certain, and as non-intercourse will reduce the revenue rather more than one half. The revenue derived from articles imported from Great Britain and all her dependencies, has amounted to something more than six millions of dollars; that derived from France and her dependencies we estimate (for we have no official document to ascertain the exact amount) at one and a half million of dollars. The net revenue from imposts has been about fourteen millions.
It is believed that the measure will not attain the object. The advance in articles of import, will tend to lessen their consumption, especially when other measures are in severe operation upon the commerce and agriculture of the nation. The advance in duties will increase the temptation to smuggle, and in that way the revenue will be diminished.
This measure like all the recent prominent measures, will injure this country, more than any other.
The reader cannot bestow more attention, than it merits, upon the statement made by Mr. Hillhouse, respecting the sums of money paid to the commander in chief. So far as General Wilkinson is concerned, we mean to make no remark; that he should take as much as he could get, is not a subject of surprise, or animadversion, but that our frugal administration, should be so profuse of the publick money, is indeed matter of astonishment.
Our readers will observe that the pay of the commander in chief amounted, as fixed by law from March 1802, to February 1809, to $18,502 58, but by doubling, and trebling his employments, grants from the sum appropriated for intercourse with foreign nations, and by allowances not authorized by law, General Wilkinson has received for something less than eight years' services, upwards of 50,000 dollars! Besides all this, he has received his pay as Brigadier General, in advance up to December next.
It will be remembered, when Mr. Jay first, and Mr. Ellsworth afterwards, were appointed to foreign missions, the democrats among other objections, exclaimed loudly against the waste of publick money, in paying them as chief justices, (each filling that office at the time of their respective appointments) as foreign ministers. The honourable conduct of those gentlemen is noticed by Mr. Hillhouse, and forms a pleasing contrast of federal extravagance, and democratic economy. It ought not to escape notice, that for these extravagant allowances the president has made himself responsible by ordering them to be paid: It is to little purpose indeed, that laws are passed for the government of the different departments, in expending the publick money, if the president's order and the attorney general's opinion, can set aside the law. We have no intention to impute to Mr. Dearborn any thing dishonourable in this case, but he understands the interest of his family, by providing for his son at the publick expense. Whether Mr. Dearborn's obedience to executive mandates, or his talents recommended him for the collector of Boston, we know not, but we should think those Senators, who confirmed the nomination, cannot boast much of their own discernment and independence.
Our information from Washington, leaves us still uncertain as to the fate of the bill for raising the embargo, (as it is termed) and non-intercourse. If we are to judge from the votes given in both houses, taken as we believe to try the strength of both, we should incline to think the bill will pass, and nearly in its present form.
The Answer of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, contained in our first page, is a document of high interest.
The following extra, was published yesterday at the Herald Office, and whatever may be our wishes upon the subject, we are sorry to say, that we cannot give the intelligence it contains, full credit. We would observe, however, that by comparing dates, this intelligence is not to be wholly discredited.]
Herald Office, Feb. 22, 1809. By the Spanish brig General Palafox, just arrived here from the Havanna, in 11 days, we have received papers of that place up to the 10th inst. The following account, being very important, we hasten to lay before our patrons, just as we received it.
Translated for the Herald, from an extra Gazette, published at the Office of the Havanna Aurora of the 8th of February.
HAVANNA, February 8. The day before yesterday, at half past 4 o'clock, the brig Hope entered this port, consigned to Don Santiago Drake, merchant, which sailed from Jamaica the 28th ult. Besides the news which a passenger gives, the said Drake has received a letter from his correspondent, as a corroboration, in which it is said, that on the 20th of January, the packet from England had arrived at Jamaica, which sailed from Falmouth the 21st of December, bringing the most agreeable news, that just before she sailed, a vessel had arrived from Coruña, by which it was reported, that the generals Castanos and Romana, and a part of the English army, had given battle to Marshal Ney, who had an army of 65,000 men; that it had been a most bloody action, in which the victory was decided for the Spaniards, the French having lost 40,000 men, between killed, wounded, and prisoners, and of course were completely defeated.
We publish this news with the more satisfaction, because it is a confirmation of what we have before published, grounded upon vague reports, whereas this appears to rest upon better authority, to satisfy the curiosity of our readers.
IMPORTANT CIRCULAR.
Treasury Department, Jan. 14, 1809.
SIR, I now proceed to give such explanations and instructions as the act to enforce the embargo acts of the 9th instant seems to require.
By the 1st section, specie or merchandise (either foreign or domestic) put into any carriage with intent either to export the same, or to put the same on board any foreign vessel, or to evade any of the embargo acts, is, together with such vessel, water craft or carriage forfeited—and therefore liable to seizure.
By the 9th section, specie or domestic articles found on board any vessel or water craft, or in any carriage, and there is reason to believe that the same is intended for exportation, or when the same is apparently on its way, either towards foreign territories or their vicinity, or towards a place when the same is intended to be exported—is liable to detention by the collector of the district. This section is intended for such cases where there is reason to believe that the intention is illegally to export, but where the proof of such intention is not sufficient to produce the forfeiture contemplated by the first section. I have already stated, that the powers vested in the collectors of districts adjacent to foreign territories, by the 12th section of the act of 25th April last, were neither repealed or impaired by this section.
The 2d, 3d, 5th, 6th and 7th sections, however important do not seem to require any explanation. I will observe, that the bond required by the 2d section should be expressed in the identical words used in the act, inserting the name of the port of destination, instead of the words “in such other port of the United States as shall be designated in the clearance.” You will perceive that not only the amount of the bond is increased, but, that among other alterations, the reloading must be at the port of destination, as designated in the bond and clearance, instead of being permitted as heretofore at any port in the United States.
The 4th section relates to vessels uniformly employed in the navigation of bays, rivers, sounds and lakes, within the jurisdiction of the United States, so as not to oblige them to give a special bond for each trip or voyage; but in conformity with former provisions to require only a general bond. The form however of that bond is altered, so as to embrace a performance of all the obligations imposed on those vessels, and particularly those prescribed by the first section of the act of 25th April last.
The difference in the amount of the bond between licensed vessels (as per 2d section of the act of 9th January 1808,) and vessels not licensed (as per 1st section of the 12th of March last) is also done away; the amount of the bond being for both descriptions of vessels, 300 dollars per ton. From the generality of the expressions used, in this section, I am of opinion that, the exception made in favour of boats not masted, or not decked (by the 2d section of the act of 12th March, last) is also repealed; and that such boats should, by a strict construction either give the bond of 300 dollars a ton, or obtain a permit for every trip. So far as it can be practicable to obtain the general bond, it should be taken; but when that shall have been omitted, I would not think it advisable to institute proceedings against such boat, under the 5th section of the act, unless they are found actually engaged in attempts to evade the embargo.
The bond required, by the 8th section, from registered or sea-letter (in ballast) in the same now required from licensed vessels, by the 1st section, of the act of 9th of January 1808. It follows that all vessels, ballast, must give bond to twice the amount of the vessel—that, when sailing with a cargo, the bond must be 6 times the amount of the vessel and cargo. There is now, no longer difference, in that respect, whether the vessels sail in ballast, or with cargoes; between any description of vessels, owned by the citizens of the United States.
The president gives the following instructions, in conformity with the tenth section of the act—
1. Unusual shipments, either as to the species or quantity of articles shipped, or to the place of destination are forbidden; particularly as relates to cotton, provisions, naval stores, lumber, flax-seed or pot-ash.
2. Reshipments of any of the said articles after they have been originally imported from another port of the United States not in the same state, are forbidden; unless it be to another port in the same state, or to a port accessible by bay, river, or sound
navigation, without going into the open sea. And reshipments even in the cases above mentioned, are not to be permitted, if they be unusual, in the manner prescribed under the first rule.
You will in that respect particularly attend to cotton, as an absolutely, in present any unusual shipment or transportation.
3. Shipments of articles not actually masted for the consumption of the inhabitants, to islands, out of doors open to the sea, or to places where it has not been usual to store or deposit such, and whence it is apparent that it can only be intended to export the same, are expressly forbidden.
And articles on their way thither, or towards the vicinity of foreign territories, either by land or water, must be detained under the ninth section, when they cannot be libelled under the first.
All other restrictions on the coasting trade, founded on the recommendations of the president, given under the eleventh section of the act of the 25th of April last, and particularly those contained in the circulars of sixth and twentieth May last, may be considered as superseded, by the preceding regulations. No particular instruction can be given respecting other cases not enumerated, in which from your own knowledge of the suggestions of others, you may be of opinion that there is an intention to evade the embargo, and in which it will of course always be your duty strictly to investigate all the circumstances before the shipment is permitted, or the vessel be suffered to depart.
You are authorised by the president, if it shall become necessary, to apply for assistance, in conformity with the eleventh section of the act, and for the purposes therein mentioned, to any of the land or naval force as may be in your district or its vicinity, or to such militia as may be designated by the governor of the state, in which your district lies. The president has caused a letter to be written to the governor, with a request that he will issue orders to that effect, to such officers of the militia as he may think proper, and to whom you shall on such emergency accordingly apply. You will at the same time recollect that physical force is to be used only in case of a similar force being arrayed in opposition to the laws of the land, that even then it ought to be employed only when there are no other practicable means of enforcing the laws, and always with great discretion and the utmost possible lenity. It is confidently hoped that no occasion will occur in your district for the exercise of the authority thus given. But a forcible opposition to law cannot be tolerated; and if no other means are left, it will become your duty to suppress such opposition in the manner authorised by the legislature.
I am respectfully, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN. The Collector of George-Town, S.C.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Brig Louisiana Packet, Wheelock, 15 days from New Orleans, Sugar, Jennings & Roddey. Spanish brig General Palafox, Bassabe, 11 days from Havanna, bound to Baltimore.
AUCTION.
TO-MORROW, (Friday) 24th of February, at 12 o'clock on Newton's wharf, 54 hds 34 bbs 140 pgs LEAD. 1st quality New-Orleans Sugar, 2 tons LOGWOOD—The Cargo of the Brig Louisiana Packet. February 23.
For Sale, or Freight to New-York, The fine new Pilot built Brig PATRIOT, Richard Pitt, Master, burthen about 180 tons, now ready to receive a cargo. For terms apply to Wilson & Cunningham. February 23.
FOR SALE, The Schooner LYDIA, Burthen about 1000 barrels, AND The Brig NANCY, Burthen from 1300 to 1400 barrels. Both of these vessels are well found; the former now ready to receive a cargo, and the latter will be so in all this week. JAMES YOUNG. February 23.
NOTICE.
As I am obliged, by the low state of my health, to decline carrying on business, I will sell my STOCK on hand, consisting of SALEABLE GROCERIES, which will be an object worthy the attention of any person wishing to commence the Grocery Business, as I am inclined to sell the whole on reasonable terms. The purchaser may also obtain the Store now occupied by me, on a reasonable rent from Mr. John McPhail, which is Store and Dwelling-House, and inferior to no stand in the place. I earnestly request those indebted to me to settle their accounts as soon as possible, as to enable me to discharge my debts. ANGUS MARTIN. February 23.
A RENDEZVOUS
is opened in Norfolk for the United States Schooner Enterprise. February 23.
A Meeting of the PEW-HOLDERS and MEMBERS of CHRIST CHURCH, is requested on FRIDAY next, at twelve o'clock, for the purpose of electing a Minister. THE TRUSTEES. February 23.
THE TRUSTEES.
NANSEMOND, February 21, 1809. The subscriber being desirous of closing his Affairs as Executor of Josiah Godwin, Esq. requests all persons having claims against the estate of the said Josiah Godwin, Col. Breder Godwin, and Giles Daniel, deceased, all of the County of Isle of Wight, to bring them forward that provision may be made for their discharge; and those indebted are earnestly desired to make immediate payment, otherwise their bonds and accounts will be put into the hands of an attorney. MILLS GODWIN, Executor. 3 o
TURKS ISLAND SALT.
3000 bushels Turks Island Salt now on board the brig Alert, captain Hatchard, from Turks Island, for sale by William Pennock. Dec. 21.

For Sale or Charter, The Schooner JOHN BROWN , Richard Held, Master, burthen 300 tons, of 400 hogsheads Tobacco, now in complete order, and may commence loading if required. Apply to Donaldson, Thurber, & Co. February 20.
FOR CHARTER, The good Ship PLANTER , Richard Held, Master, burthen 300 tons, of 400 hogsheads Tobacco, now in complete order, and may commence loading if required. Apply to Donaldson, Thurber, & Co. February 20.
FOR CHARTER, The Ship ANNAWAN , Edward M. Donaldson, Master, burthen 300 tons, manned and ready for the reception of a cargo. Apply to MOSES MYERS. Who has for Sale, 9000 bushels INDIAN CORN . February 20.
We will dispose of the CARGO of the American Ship Jane , consisting of Prime Tobacco; Tobacco Stems; and Upland Cotton. And Charter the said SHIP on liberal terms. C. & F. WHITTLE. Who offer for Sale, 1000 bhs. Richmond and Petersburg TOBACCO, of superior quality, carefully selected, 27, 00 feet MAHOGANY, 6000 bushels coarse SALT, suitable for the fisheries.
The Ship ELIZA , in which 420 hogsheads Tobacco, is offered for Charter. February 13.
For NEW-ORLEANS, The American Ship ELIZABETH , 300 tons burthen, Timothy Tufts, Master, in complete order, will be ready to depart the Hamptons. For freight or passage apply to the captain on board, or to C. & F. Whittle, Who are landing per Gould's packet, a parcel of Choice Baltimore WHISKEY. NEGROES will be taken in the above vessel, at a moderate freight. February 24.
At a Meeting of the Proprietors of the Dismal Swamp Company , held at Williamsburg on the 29th ultimo, a Dividend of TWO HUNDRED DOLLARS on each quarter share was declared; which sum will be paid by a draught from the Managers upon their agent at Suffolk, after the first of March next; proper vouchers of the right of the claimants being produced, and subject to any discount the Company may have against the claimants. A Meeting of the Company is to be held annually at Suffolk on the first Tuesday in May, and it is requested the proprietors will be punctual in their attendance, either personally or by their attorneys. William Nelson, John Bracken, Corbin Griffin, Jas. Henderson, Managers. February 24.
FOR SALE, The CARGO of the British ship Highlander , from Liverpool, 450 Ton Stowed SALT, 30 Crates WARE. Robert Dickson. February 15.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, For which Cash will be given, AND FOR SALE, A few cases LINEN. Apply to the Printer. February 13.
For Sale, by the Subscriber, 50,000 weight of Navy BREAD, 30,000 Superior Pilot, do. 2,000 Ship, do. 250 quarter barrels CRACKERS At a, 400,000 well burnt BRICKS, 2,000 bushels STONE LIME. Stephen Harris. PILOT BREAD of superior quality for family use. Feb. 18.
Norfolk Borough, At a quarterly session held the 28th day of November, 1808. The Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, Plaintiffs, Against Felix Corran, Michael Corran, Noble and Arbuthnot, & Co. and Theodore Atkinson, Defendants. THE defendant Felix Corran not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this county, it is ordered that the said defendant Felix Corran do appear here on the fourth Monday in February next and answer the bill of the Plaintiffs, and that copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendants Michael Corran, Noble and Arbuthnot, & Co. and Theodore Atkinson, who have an interest in the said Felix Corran in their hands do not pay, convey or any way dispose of the same, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy. (Teste,) Wm. Sharp, c. c. Dec. 9.
FOR SALE, The CARGO of the Schooner Cervo , D. Mourante, Master, from St. Jago de Cuba, COFFEE, in bales and bags, of the first quality, SEGARS, in boxes. Now Landing at Comm. & Street Wharf. John Granbery. January 23.
REMOVAL. THE SUBSCRIBERS have removed to the end of Newicks Wharf, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Myers. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 11.
Eagle Fire Company of New-York. Office of the Company, No. 59, Wall-Street. PROPOSALS For Insuring Houses, Buildings, Stores, Ships in Harbour, Goods, Wares, and Merchandise, FROM LOSS OR DAMAGE BY FIRE. The Legislature of the state of New-York, having incorporated the Eagle Fire Company of New-York, with a capital of five hundred thousand dollars, (with the liberty of increasing the same,) the business of the company should require it, to one million of dollars, for the sole purpose of insuring buildings, and every kind of personal property from loss or damage by FIRE; and the capital of five hundred thousand dollars having all been paid, or secured to be paid, according to law: the directors feel a particular satisfaction in offering to their fellow-citizens, throughout the United States, the means of security against that kind of loss which frequently, in an UNEXPECTED MOMENT, involves in destruction the earnings of a life of industry and frugality, and reduces the independent and affluent, together with their families, in poverty and distress. To provide an additional guard against calamities of this nature, has been the primary motive of this INSTITUTION; and the directors engage to conduct its concerns, with a fairness, candour and liberality, which will justly entitle it to the confidence and patronage of the publick.
Classes of Hazards, and Rates of Annual Premiums for Insurance against Fire. No. I. HAZARDS OF THE FIRST CLASS. Brick or Stone buildings, covered with slate, tiles, or metal. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 62 1-2 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk. No. II. HAZARDS OF THE SECOND CLASS. Brick or Stone buildings, covered with wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 93 3-4 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk. No. III. HAZARDS OF THE THIRD CLASS. Buildings, the sides of which are part of brick or stone, and part of wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 135 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk. No. IV. HAZARDS OF THE FOURTH CLASS. Buildings, the sides of which are entirely of wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 187 1-2 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk. Ships in Port, or their Cargoes, Ships Repairing or Building, may be insured against Fire.
This manner of classing hazards will give a general idea of the rates of insurance; but there will necessarily be an increase of premium in all cases where the local situation, and other circumstances, increase the risk: such as joining, or being contiguous to wooden buildings, or buildings occupied in carrying on hazardous business—distance from water—no engines, or firemen in the town or place; &c. &c. The premiums may also, in some cases, be reduced on wooden buildings in the country, when standing single or detached, or attended with circumstances of peculiar security:—But in all cases, if the sum to be insured on or in the same building exceeds 10,000 dollars, an additional premium will be required. Soap Boilers, Tallow Chandlers, Brewers, Malsters, Bakers, Rope Makers, Sugar Refiners, Distillers, Chemists, Varnish Makers, Stable Keepers, Tavern Keepers, China, Glass, Earthenware Sellers, Oil and Colourmen, Turpentines, Works, Paper Mills, Printing Houses, Cooperages, Carpenters, Cabin & Makers, Coach Makers, Boat Builders, Ship Chandlers, Apothecaries, Theatres, Mills and Machinery, and all Manufacturers that use Fire Heat, are deemed extra-hazardous, and must be particularly described in the policy; and for all such risks an additional premium will be required. Conditions of Insurance. I. All applications for Insurance must be made at the office of the Company, in writing; and the subject offered for Insurance accurately described. II. If the property offered for insurance is within the district of a surveyor of this company, he will examine and report thereon; but if not within any such district, then the applicant must furnish an accurate and just description thereof, of what materials such building is constructed; whether occupied as private dwellings, or how otherwise; where situated; the name of the present occupiers; how situated with respect to other buildings. And in the insurance of goods, wares and merchandise, the place where the same are deposited, is to be described; also, whether such goods are of the kind, denominated hazardous, and whether any manufacturing is carried on in the premises, all which is to be certified and attested in such manner as the nature of the case may admit. And if any person or persons shall insure, in or their buildings or goods, and shall cause them to be described in the policy otherwise than they really are, so as the same be charged at a lower premium than is herein proposed; or if such description be false or fraudulent, such insurance will be void and of no effect. III. Goods held in trust, or on commission, are to be declared as such; otherwise the policy will not extend to cover such property. IV. Every Policy of Insurance, made by this Company, shall be sealed with its seal, and signed by the President and Secretary; and the person for whose interest the insurance is made, must be declared and named therein; nor can any Policy, or interest therein, be assigned but by consent of the Company, expressed by endorsement made thereon. V. No Insurance will be considered as made or binding, until the Premium is paid. VI. Persons insuring Property with this Company, and who have already made other Insurance on the same property, shall give notice thereof in writing, at the Company's Office, before, or at the time of the execution of the Policy; and persons who, after insuring Property with this Company, have Insurance made on the same property elsewhere, shall, with all reasonable diligence, notify the same in writing at the Office of the Company, and have the same endorsed on the policy, or otherwise acknowledged in writing; in default whereof, the Policy shall cease, and be of no effect: and in case of loss, each party insuring shall be liable to the payment of a ratable proportion of the loss or damage which may be sustained. VII. No loss or damage by fire will be paid, that may happen or take place in consequence of any invasion, civil commotion, riot, or military or usurped power whatever. VIII. Brokers of Accounts, Written Securities, Notes, Bills, Bonds, Deeds, Ready Money, or Bullion, cannot be insured. IX. Jewels, Plate, Medals, or other Commodities, Paintings and Sculptures, are not included in any insurance, unless such particular are specified in the policy. X. All persons insured by this Company, sustaining any loss or damage by fire, are forthwith to give notice to the Company, and as soon as possible, to deliver to it as particular an account of their loss or damage, signed with their own hands, as the nature of the case will admit of, and make proof of the same by their oath or affirmation, and by their books of accounts, and other proper vouchers, as shall be reasonably required; and shall make oath, whether any and what other Insurance is made on the same property; and shall produce a certificate, under the hand of a magistrate, notary public, or clergyman, most contiguous to the spot where the fire happened, and not concerned in such loss, (if that they are acquainted with the character and circumstances of the person or persons insured;) and do know, or very likely believe, that he, she, or they, really, and by misfortune, and without fraud or evil practice, have sustained by such fire, loss and damage to the amount therein mentioned; and, until such affidavits and certificates are produced, the loss shall not be payable.—Also, if there appears any fraud, or false swearing, the claimant shall forfeit his claim to restitution or payment, by virtue of his policy.
XI. In case any difference shall arise touching any loss or damage, it may be submitted to the judgment of Arbitrators, indifferently chosen, whose award in writing shall be binding on the parties. And when any loss or damage shall happen, the company shall pay for the same in sixty days after the loss shall have been ascertained and proved, without allowance of discount, fees, or any deduction whatever. XII. Insurance may be made for seven years, by paying the premium for six years, and for a less number of years than seven, a reasonable discount will be allowed.
The Subscriber being appointed Surveyor for the Eagle Fire Company, upon application, will survey, and value, such buildings, (or property contained therein) upon which Insurance may be required. Francis Foster, Church-Street, Norfolk. Feb. 13.
DR. ROBERTSON'S Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health. Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the Stomach: also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, severe Gripings, and all other diseases of the bowels, a dose never fails to remove a cold if taken soon after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, removing habitual costiveness, sickness at the Stomach, severe head aches, &c. &c. The following certificates are selected from the many respectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession. Certificate of Mr. William Julion, carpenter and builder, No. 69, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will lay my case before the publick, as an incontrovertible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robertson's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health. I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me so much that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained. I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by taking Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business. I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance from the country, where assistance cannot be immediately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world, I have since recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person with you be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure explain it to them by applying to me. I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM. JULION. Mr. Dyott, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807.
Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water Street, Philadelphia. SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, of the most essential service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my stomach, and continual head aches, attended with a sickness at the Stomach, which brought on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before. As I consider your medicines to have been the means of saving my life, I solicit you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by abiding by the directions given with your invaluable medicines, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES. Mr. Dyott, Philadelphia, August 1, 1807. ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES. Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pains in my breath and side, and a sickness at my Stomach, having lost all appetite, I became to very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs also ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and shall certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint. I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON. Mr. T. W. Dyott. August 22. Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia. DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I wish you to publish the following: About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which settled on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption would soon have followed, had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is impossible to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most efficacious remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint. I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE. Mr. Dyott. November 11. The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the proprietor, T. W. DYOTT, No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; and by appointment at BONSAL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVELL & CONRAD'S, ever hour. May 23. LOST, Certificates for Stock in the Bank of Virginia, as follows: 4 SHARES in the name of William Pennock, 2 do. in the name of Sarah C. Pennock, 2 do. in the name of Courtney Pennock, 2 do. in the name of William H. Pennock. TEN SHARES; for which ten shares' application will be made for renewals, according to law. William Pennock. January 9.
FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, The CARGO of the Ship Lowden from Liverpool, viz 7,000 bushels STOVED SALT , 7,000 do. COARSE do. 1,000 Sacks FINE do. A. MACLURE. January 25.
FOR SALE In our Ware-House, where the largest vessels can come along side, 15,000 bushels of CORN , 2000 do. do. white, 30 bales Cotton. Also, 4000 bushels coarse SALT , 130 sacks Ground Allum do. 45 hogsheads old Antigua Rum, do. Jamaica do. 40 hogsheads Sugar, 80 barrels do. A few casks excellent Port Wine, Coffee in hogsheads, Madeira Wine, 45 crates Earthenware, Tobacco from several inspections GEO. MURRAY, & Co. September 9.
COWPER & GRAY HAVE A LARGE TRACT OF PRIME JUNIPER SWAMP, Adjoining the Lake—which they wish to lease for the term of five years. Terms will be made known on application to G. Gray in Suffolk, or W. Cowper, in Gates. Suffolk, Jan. 9.
Phenix Fire Office No. 13, MARKET-SQUARE, NORFOLK. INSURANCE UPON SHIPS. NOTICE is hereby given that the following premiums only, will henceforward be charged by this company for insurance from fire upon Ships, Vessels, and all Water Crafts, and also upon Cargo on board, in the seaports and rivers of Virginia and North-Carolina. One month 12 1/2 cents per $100 Two do. 20 do. Three do. 23 do. Four do. 30 do. Five do. 35 do. Six do. 40 do. Seven do. 45 do. Eight do. 50 do. Nine do. 55 do. Ten do. 60 do. Eleven do. 65 do. Twelve do. 70 do. The above premiums will be charged for any sum not exceeding 40,000 dollars in one risk; but a separate sum must in all cases be specified on the ship and another on the cargo. Richard Taylor, Agent. Dec. 19.
FOR SALE, 3000 bushels Turk's-Island SALT , Now on board the Sloop Juliana , Capt. Stowe. Also, 21,000 feet MAHOGANY , A few puncheons Old Antigua Rum, New do. Molasses, Sugars, Indian Meal in barrels. John Granbery. September 21.
A BARGAIN OFFERED, In a fine and Valuable FARM, in the County of Princess Anne. THE Subscriber is disposed to sell his Plantation called LEVEL GREEN , situated in the county of Princess Anne. It contains about 500 acres; and, as it may be advantageously divided into two or three Farms, the subscriber will accommodate a purchaser, in selling either the whole or a part. He will also give a long credit. This tract of Land is certainly the most desirable in the county, lying on the Eastern branch of Elizabeth River, and distant from Norfolk Market only five or six miles by water, and 8 or 9 by land.—The soil is excellent, about one half of the tract being cleared land, and fit for immediate culture; the other heavily timbered with Oak, Pine, Ash, and Hickory.—It has also the advantage of several good landings.—Any one disposed to view the land, and to purchase, may apply, in the absence of the subscriber, to JAMES ROBINSON, or JOHN READ, who reside in the neighbourhood. Tully Robinson. Dec. 7.
THE SUBSCRIBER Wishes to Sell, and will Sell or Rent on moderate terms, That very excellent Wharf and Lot, in the town of Gosport, at present occupied by William Smith; the Wharf, Ware-Houses, and Dwelling-House are all in good repair. Thirteen Lots in the Town of Suffolk; And the following Property in Norfolk, Two good Fire-Proof Warehouses on the Eastern side of Commerce-Street, Nos. 4 and 6. Two Dwelling-Houses and Lots on Boush-street, in good repair, and very pleasantly situated. Apply to John Granbery. September 14.
NOTICE. THE Partnership of T. & W. A. ARMISTEAD is this day dissolved by consent of parties. The settlement of its concerns devolve on W. A. ARMISTEAD, who is authorised to grant discharges, and on whom all persons having claims against the Firm, are requested to call. January 3.
W. A. Armistead and George Kelly, have entered into Co-partnership. Their business will be conducted under the Firm of ARMISTEAD & KELLY. January 16.
THE Subscriber having taken Mr. A. MARK into partnership, in his Nursery & Kitchen Garden business, who has been regularly bred in the different branches of the Nursery, Floral and Botany line.—The business will in future be carried on to the greatest extent that the situation will support—they have on hand at their Nursery near Norfolk, an assortment of 20,000 Trees, among which are thirty six different kinds of Apples. Likewise, Ornamental Trees, Fancy Shrubs, Myrtles, &c. &c. all of which will be sold on moderate terms for cash or country produce. Adam Lindsay. Hermitage, 13th February. N. B. Those who intend planting Orchards, ought to prepare the ground, as the season in five weeks from this is as late as fruit trees can with safety be removed in this climate. Jan 3w
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.