Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1804-10-09 00:00:00

FOR LONDON, THE SHIP CHARLES CARTER, JOHN TOMKINS, Master. A considerable part of her cargo being engaged, she will sail in all this month. For freight or passage apply to Donaldson, Thorburn & Co.
WHO ARE LANDING FROM THE SAID SHIP, A QUANTITY OF Holland Gin, Gin Cases, Linseed Oil in casks and jugs, Writing and Sheathing Paper, and Cologne Mill Stones, as sorted, from 3 feet 8 to 4 feet 4 inches: which will be sold on liberal credit. October 6. 2w 165
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The fine Ship THOMAS, Nathaniel Boush, Master. Burthen about 4500 barrels, is in complete order and will be ready to receive a cargo immediately. Apply to Robertson & Brown.
For Sale, 300 hhds. Sugars landing from said Ship from Guadalupe—apply as above. September 29. tf 139
FOR CHARTER, To a port in the South of Europe or the West-Indies, The fast-sailing Brig EDWARD & CHARLES, Edward Pettingill, jr. Master. Burthen 150 Tons.—For terms apply to the Master on board, or to Phinehas Dana. Sept. 25. tf 155
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The American Ship NANCY, Captain TURNER, Burthen 240 Tons. C. & F. Whittle. Sept. 29. tf 158
FOR BOURDEAUX, The fast sailing Ship SHEFFIELD, JOSIAH COWPER, Master: Will sail in three weeks, one half of her cargo being engaged. For freight apply to the master, or Thomas Willock. Sept. 27. tf 156
FOR LIVERPOOL, The fine Ship MOUNT-VERNON, John Boynton, Master:— Burthen 416 tons, having considerable part of her cargo ready to go on board, and will commence her lading the 5th October.—For freight, apply to Messrs. Moore & Bowden, Peterburg, M. W. Hancock & Co. Richmond, the master on board, or to Phinehas Dana. Sept. 25. tf 154
FOR THE ISLE OF RE, (IN FRANCE.) The new fast sailing Brig AURORA, James Mork, Master:— Will sail in ten or twelve days—for passage only, (having excellent accommodations) apply to the master on board at Messrs. C. & F. Whittle's wharf, or to A. Maclure. Sept. 4. tf 117
FOR CHARTER, The good fast sailing Ship MERCURY, Abel Crozbie, master:— Burthen 2200 barrels flour.—For terms apply to Moses Myers.
WHO OFFERS FOR SALE, Said Ship's CARGO of St. Ubes SALT. ALSO, 100 dozen of choice Bourdeaux CLARET, in cases of 2 1-2 dozen. Sept. 8. tf 127
FOR SALE OR CHARTER, The American Ship ELIZA, John Evans, Master. Burthen 450 hogheads of tobacco, now ready to receive a cargo. CASH GIVEN FOR White and Red Oak, drawn Hhd. Staves. C. & F. Whittle. August 16. tf 76
FOR CHARTER, THE SHIP COURTNEY, William Bryant, Master. Burthen 270 Hhds. of tobacco, and now ready to receive a cargo. Apply to the Master on board, or to William Pennock. Who is now landing from on board said ship, and offers for sale, 10 Pipes Particular, and 10 Pipes Common, } TENERIFFE WINE. August 11. tf 70
FOR CHARTER, The Ship BRUTUS, JOHN BUNCE, Master:— 236 tons burthen—a stout well built vessel; three years old, and completely found in every respect. She will be ready to receive a cargo in the course of a few days. For terms apply to N. Heron. Sept. 18. tf 142
FOR CHARTER, The fast sailing ship WASHINGTON, John Curtis, Master:— Burthen 250 hhds. tobacco or 2000 barrels flour—will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. Apply to the master on board, or to WILLIAM PENNOCK.
WHO OFFERS FOR SALE, 100 Tons Plaister of Paris, on board said ship. Sept. 6. tf 123
FOR LIVERPOOL, The fast sailing Brig FLORA, Henry Dickson, master: This vessel has three-fourths of her cargo engaged and ready to go on board.—It is expected the will sail in ten days from this date. For freight of the remainder, or passage, apply to the captain on board or to Alexander Leckie. Portsmouth, Sept. 20. tf 146
SALT. Just arrived in the Dunrobin Castle, a Cargo of excellent Liverpool Stoved Salt. To be sold cheap, taken from along side. Apply to Robertson & Brown.
A FREIGHT For the above ship is wanted, to a port in Britain or any of the British West-India Islands. The Dunrobin Castle is well armed and manned, and has a Letter of Marque. Apply as above. Sept. 22. tf 149
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, The American Ship PETER, Captain Sayward. Burthen 230 hhds. tobacco, or 2000 bbls.—For terms apply to Phinehas Dana. Sept. 15. tf 140
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER, To a port in Europe, or the West Indies, THE SHIP VIRGINIA, Capt. James Petrie. Burthen about 600 tons—built of Teck Wood, and coppered to the bends. She can be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. For terms apply to John Newell, jun. 1500 BUILDING STONES, received by the said ship from Bourdeaux. August 21. tf 94
FOR CHARTER, The good American Ship SARAH, Abel Rawson, master: Burthen 313 tons; will carry about 450 hhds. tobacco—now in complete order for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to Richard Blow.
WHO HAS FOR SALE, 39 Hhds. Richmond TOBACCO. 18 do. Peterburg do. 200 Bbls. excellent PORK. 80 do. FLOUR. 10 Puncheons Antigua RUM. 20 do. Grenada do. 20 Pipes Holland GIN. A quantity of well cured BACON. Do. HOGS LARD. Do. COARSE SALT. Sept. 11. tf 129
FOR CHARTER, The excellent fast sailing ship TICONIC, Parsons, master: Burthen 270 tons, and now ready to receive a cargo.—For terms apply to Moses Myers. Sept. 13. tf 131
FOR CHARTER, The excellent new ship ARCTURUS, Samuel Winsor, master: Burthen 300 tons.—She will be ready in three days to receive a cargo. For terms apply to the master on board, or to Moses Myers.
Who offers for Sale, on board said ship, 55 SPARS. 10,000 Feet 3 inch PLANK. 28 Barrels Continental RUM. Sept. 8. tf 125
LANDING From the Brig ANN MARIA, from MADEIRA, AND FOR SALE, 5 Pipes, 6 Hhds. and 8 Qr. Casks, } Fine old London P. M. Wine. Apply to Robert Maitland & Co.
WHO WANT TO CHARTER, A vessel of about 1500 barrels, to load for a port in Great Britain. Sept. 1. tf 109
WE WANT A vessel of 150 Hogsheads, for a Port in France—immediate dispatch will be given. C. & F. Whittle. July 31. tf 49
A few barrels Superfine Flour, of old Wheat, a-float.
FOR CHARTER, THE SHIP ANACREON, Jabez Fletcher, Master. Has only made one passage—will carry about 400 Hhds. of tobacco, and is esteemed by judges, one of the completest ships in the harbour. Apply to the master on board, or to William Pennock.
WHO OFFERS FOR SALE, 20,000 feet of Boards, on board said ship. July 28. tf 47
For Freight or Charter, The Ship TAMERLANE, Melzer Joy, Master, burthen 175 tons. For terms apply to PHINEHAS DANA. September 20. tf 147
MARSHALL'S LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
The above work, it will be recollected, is published nearly about the same time in the United States and England. In our last paper we gave, from the Political Register, some remarks upon the second volume. We now copy (from the U.S. Gazette) a critique on the first volume which has lately appeared in England. It was not to be expected that the critics in that country, would suffer an American work, and in particular a work on such a subject, to pass uncensored, and we cannot but observe that, in the following article, we see more of the disposition to discover faults, than of the power to distinguish them. We find every reason to complain of the total want of candour exhibited in the attempt to censure a whole work, merely from what appears to have been no more than a superficial reading of the preface. It is right that every literary production should be reviewed according to its merits; but it is not altogether right that those merits should be anticipated. We merely republish these remarks that our readers may have an opportunity of contrasting them with the work. It is no condemnation of Judge Marshall to say that he has not done every thing that was possible. But it is a just praise, to say that he has done so much as his book has exhibited: and in the manner in which that portion is executed, we find sufficient cause to consider him a national benefactor. [Ed: Ledger.]
FROM THE LONDON LITERARY JOURNAL OF JULY 1.
REVIEW OF THE LIFE OF George Washington, &c. &c.
Compiled under the inspection of the honourable Bushrod Washington, from original papers bequeathed to him by his deceased relative. To which is prefixed an introduction, containing a compendious view of the colonies planted by the English on the continent of North America, from their settlement till the commencement of that war which terminated in their independence. By John Marshall Chief Justice of the United States, &c. &c. vol. 1. 4to. 11. 11s. 6d. R. Phillips.
A BOOK with this title naturally excites curiosity. The fortune of the United States of America, and the character of General Washington have long been in the eyes of mankind among the greatest objects on this globe. The degree of splendour to which the United States have risen among nations; the recent date of their origin; and the singularity of the events by which their history has been distinguished, are strongly calculated to attract attention. The man with whose name the greater number of the most recent of these events, and the most distinguished to the publick eye, are chiefly associated, cannot fail to be an object of great curiosity. To know the particulars of the conduct and character of the individuals they have known or heard of is a propensity of the bulk of mankind so strong as frequently to give currency to the lives of very insignificant persons, even where the execution of the work is hardly above the subject. A book, in which anecdotes of one or more illustrious persons are contained, is always greatly sought after. So great is the name of Washington, that an account of his life even though imperfect, will be expected to be interesting; and when it is said to be drawn from documents so ample, and so authentic as the whole collection of papers left by himself in the possession of his family, it seems as if our expectations could hardly be raised too high.
With one half of the history of the United States, that half in which the transactions, if not the most important, are at least the most striking, the history of General Washington is so incorporated that the author of the work presented to us, considers both as being the same thing: this latter part of the history of that country he regards not as complete without the former; since the causes of the events which occurred in the one period are frequently to be found in the events of the other. A history of the United States therefore, from the first feeble settlements of the English on the American continent to the commencement of the disputes which terminated in the establishment of their independence, he regards as a necessary introduction to the life of Washington; and by prefixing this detail, he purposes to exhibit in that work a complete history of this new and singular empire.
To this plan we have some objections. The history of an individual and the history of a nation are two very different things, in whatever degree the transactions of the nation may have been influenced by those of the individual. There are many actions of the individual which have not such a connexion with the transactions of the nation as to deserve to be mentioned in its history. And many events and circumstances in the nation deserve to be minutely recorded in its history, which cannot have a good title to a place in the life of any man however much concerned in conducting its affairs. To jumble together these two classes of actions and circumstances must obviously tend to introduce confusion and obscurity. We do not deny that it may be possible to write an interesting and instructive book, in which these discordant things may be combined. But we are sure that the life would be better were it written strictly as a life, and the history written strictly as a history, than either can be when they are mixed up together and formed into one work. The history must be injured when it is interrupted to detail the particulars of the life; and the narrative of the life must be injured when it is interrupted to detail many particulars of the history. From the complicated nature of modern policy the various particulars which intimately belong to history are found so numerous and diversified as scarcely to admit of being woven into one connected narrative. It has accordingly been proposed to make a classification of these objects; and to form the history of any country into a number of distinct narratives;—as the history of its military affairs; that of its political regulations; that of its manners; and of its arts and sciences; and so on. This it has been conceived, would contribute greatly to distinctness and simplicity. But if the objects of historical narrative are already too numerous, it must be particularly judicious still further to load it with the particulars of biography. No; the province of biography, and that of history are not the same: nor ought the one to be allowed to encroach upon the other. The rules to direct the composition of the one are different from those which belong to the other. And it is contrary to good taste to compose a history in the
style of a life, or a life in the style of a history. This distinction is carefully preserved by all the best historians and biographers. Plutarch wrote the lives of great warriors and statesmen; yet his life of Pericles, for example, on whom the fate of Athens as completely depended during forty years, as that of America on Washington, is far from being a complete history of Athens for that period, and contains many particulars of the private life of that great man, which the judicious Plutarch would not have inserted in that history. Again, Robertson's History of Charles the fifth, is not the history of the emperor, but of his reign. It wants therefore many things which would have appeared in a life of that prince, and contains things which there, would have been very much out of place. It is the business of biography to descend to minute particulars, and in the most private and ordinary transactions, the great traits of character are often the most visibly seen. To describe great, and general actions, and to trace their causes and consequences is the business of history. To mix with this, inquiries into minute and private actions is only to destroy all distinctness, and to introduce confusion and perplexity. We are therefore much inclined to suspect that, in the present work, we shall neither have a good life of Washington, nor a good history of America.
It is the intention of the authors or editors of this work, it seems, to publish it volume by volume; and it is expected to be finished in four or five volumes, similar to the present. The first only is as yet presented to us; and that does not enter upon the life of Washington. It is altogether preliminary; and is intended to reduce the history of the United States from their origin to the termination of the war which displaced the French power in Canada. It was only after this time that the great disputes began between the Colonies and England, when the talents and services of Washington became conspicuous. He is indeed twice mentioned in the present volume; first on the occasion of the mission which he executed to re-monstrate with the French government on certain encroachments near the Ohio; and secondly, serving, with the rank of Colonel, under general Braddock, in the expedition against fort Du Quesne; when neglect of his advice was followed with such disastrous consequences.
This volume therefore is to be regarded purely as a history; and in that light its merits and defects are to be estimated. It is undoubtedly a history very much wanted. However important it may be to have the steps distinctly pointed out by which a people from the smallest beginnings has risen with such inconceivable rapidity to great power and splendour, no account of the progress of the North American States of any considerable merit has yet been presented to the publick; and the important lessons which it yields are thus too little diffused.—The illustrious historian who has so perfectly described the origin and progress of the Spanish colonies in the new world, designed to communicate a similar account of the British establishments in that part of the globe; and had he done so, we should have no doubt received as ample satisfaction with regard to this branch of the subject, as he has afforded with regard to the other. However great too the obligation which he has conferred upon the world by his history of the Spanish settlements in America, he would have conferred a much greater by a history of the British, a subject far richer in every kind of instruction, and a subject which throws much light upon many important branches of modern policy. In the preface to his history of Spanish America, he has mentioned that he had made considerable progress toward the accomplishment even of this last object; but unfortunately was deterred from proceeding by the disturbances which broke out between the colonies and the mother-country while he was engaged in the work. Since his death a part of what he designed to execute, has been given to the world by his son; which bears evident marks of the skilful hand which delineated the proceedings of the Spaniards in America. The plan which Robertson had formed to himself in the prosecution of this part of his subject is laid down in the fragment to which we allude, and is peculiarly judicious. After giving a short account of the trifling voyages of discovery which had been made under the auspices of the crown of England to the coast of America, and of the few feeble and abortive attempts which had been made to establish colonies there, previous to the reign of James the first, he comes to the more effectual endeavours of that prince, in whose reign two companies were established, one in London, to whom the southern portion of North America was granted, and one at Plymouth, who received a similar grant of the northern portion. The regions granted to these two colonies were Virginia and New England. "The first attempts," says Robertson, "to occupy Virginia and New England, were made by very feeble bodies of emigrants. As these settled under great disadvantages, among tribes of savages, and in an uncultivated desert; as they attained gradually, after long struggles and many disasters, to that maturity of strength and order of policy, which entitles them to be considered as respectable states, the history of their persevering efforts merits particular attention. It will exhibit a spectacle no less striking than instructive, and presents, an opportunity which rarely occurs, of contemplating a society in the first moment of its political existence, and of observing how its spirit forms in its infant state, how its principles begin to unfold as it advances, and how those characteristic qualities, which distinguish it in maturity, are successively acquired. The account of the establishment of the other English colonies, undertaken at periods when the importance of such undertakings was better understood, and effected by more direct and vigorous exertions of the parent state, is less interesting. I shall therefore relate the history of the two original colonies in detail. With respect to the subsequent settlements, some more general observations concerning the time, the motives, and circumstances of their establishment, will be sufficient."
He begins with the history of Virginia, the most ancient and the most important of the British establishments in North America; and carries it down to the revolution in 1688. His history of New England is not continued farther than the time of Cromwell. Here the labours of Robertson terminate, and beyond this limit the history of North America is little more than waste ground.
(To be Continued.)
80 Barrels BEEF, of a superior quality, for sale by James Wallace. October 6. 3 167
Notice is hereby given that a petition will be presented to the Legislature of Virginia, at its next session, praying that the articles of Flour, Bread, Beef, Pork, Fish, and Lumber, shall be inspected at the place of exportation. Sept. 29.

MEMOIR, IN JUSTIFICATION OF GENERAL MOREAU. Translated from the French by G. L. GRAY.
(FOURTH CHARGE—CONTINUED FROM OUR LAST.)
General Moreau has acknowledged that he saw Pichegru at his house. But whether he did or did not consent to meet him on the Boulevard-de-la-Madeleine; whether he did or did not promise to meet him at Chaillot, to which place it appears he did not go; whether he did or did not assign a rendezvous in the Elysian-Fields, which he did not keep; whether the first visit to his own house was by appointment at the instance of Lajolais, or altogether unexpected by him; whether he had granted or refused to grant the request of Roland for a second meeting; whether he sent his secretary to conduct Pichegru to his house, or to learn his wishes and forbid his coming; appear, at this moment, matters of the most perfect indifference one way or the other.
There could certainly be no crime in promising to meet Pichegru at Chaillot or in the Elysian-Fields when no performance followed. There could be no crime in seeing Pichegru once on the Boulevard-de-la-Madeleine, whom he had twice seen him at his own house. There could be no crime in yielding to see him at the request of Lajolais or Roland. Nor could there be a crime in sending his secretary to conduct Pichegru, or to enquire his business.
Further, if Moreau, instead of wishing the truth only to appear, had consulted his own interests, far from divesting the testimony of these spurious allegations, he would have assiduously collected them: for had they all remained in the process, such as they were given by their authors, without contradiction, who does not perceive that they would have been eminently justifying.
Then we should have been obliged to believe Lajolais who says that when, on tuesday, he solicited a meeting on the Boulevard-de-la-Madeleine, Moreau postponed it until friday, on account of a hunting party which he expected to take place in the interim. Is this probable? Moreau sends a messenger to Pichegru, in England, inviting him to Paris to co-operate in forming a conspiracy. Pichegru, obedient to the call, arrives; burning with desire to meet his accomplice; and it is but reasonable to suppose an equal anxiety on the part of Moreau to unbosom himself to Pichegru. Lajolais, who had been the envoy to England, urges that meeting to effect which he had been at so much trouble; and Moreau puts it off from tuesday until friday! He postpones it four days because there might be a hunt! A hunt which however did not take place! Truly a most worthy cause for deferring an affair of such importance! And the general has shewn himself a most comical kind of a conspirator, who leaves his complotters in a suspense of four days, and for what? for a hunt! Not so: because, forsooth, he expected to be one of a hunting party!!! Fye! fye! Can any one be so weak as to suppose that such a circumstance could have power to interrupt a plan of conspiracy!
Then we should be obliged to believe the hearsays collected by Bouvet, who tells us he heard that, in this conference, Moreau gave reason to apprehend the formal refusal to intermeddle in the affairs of the royalists, which, according to him, was afterwards given; and by Victor Couchery who says, that on the appearance of an unknown person, which by report must have been Georges, Moreau retired, and that the interview with Pichegru was succinct and cold. If the appearance of Georges put Moreau to flight, Moreau, then, could not have been a conspirator with Georges! If the interview with Pichegru was cold and brief, Moreau did not at that time distinguish himself by an alacrity and ardour in the cause of the proscribed! And if from this concise conversation the royalists could foresee that Moreau would not unite with them, as the reports in London had taught them to hope, then it is evident that Moreau was not one of their party, and that he had not authorized those reports!
And we must also believe that if Moreau did promise to go to Chaillot and to the Elysian-Fields, he was not there, for this is accorded by the act of accusation. But at the same time we must admit, that so far from recalling Pichegru from England, so far from entering into a conspiracy with him, so far from having any interest in common with him, he evidently demonstrated, by all these appointments made and disregarded, by these pretexts of hunting parties, by this coldness at their conferences, the strongest repugnance to any relation with Pichegru; and, if unwilling to confer with him, consequently that he had no share in any of his projects, whatever those might be.
If, therefore, the general denies all these assertions, it is not because the interest of his defence requires him to do so, for that interest, we have seen, would be better promoted by suffering them to be believed, but it is from his love of truth; it is because it does not depend on him that things are not as represented; it is because he cannot, by his silence, be thought to admit that he had promised to go to the Boulevard-de-la-Madeleine, to Chaillot, nor to the Elysian-Fields, when he had made no such promises; it is because he cannot assent to the assertion that the visits of Pichegru were by appointment, when they were not merely unexpected but forbidden.
He denies having been, as alleged, at the Boulevard-de-la-Madeleine, and no one has deposed to having seen him there. Georges did not see him. Bouvet did not see him, Villeneuve did not see him. Couchery and Bouvet spoke of this interview on report, and concluded that it came from Lajolais. In
his written examination Lajolais seemed to say that Moreau had been there. On the trial he complained that they had incorrectly stated his replies; he prevaricated, excused, and explained. It was evident that he did what he could to withdraw his first declarations. He said he thought he had there seen Moreau, but that he could not be positive; that he could not be quite certain that he had appointed such a meeting; nor could he decidedly assert that Pichegru and Moreau were there at the same time. We shall soon see why Lajolais first reported this rendezvous, and afterwards testified to it on his examination.
He denies having been at Chaillot. The porters of the house where Pichegru lodged in this faubourg, have declared that they never saw him there. Of this fact there is not the least proof.
He denies having been at the Elysian-Fields; he denies having promised to be there; and no one, neither witness nor accused, had attested such promise. It was reserved for the act of accusation to say that somebody was expected there; and as somebody was expected, it could be none other than Moreau; and that as he was expected he must have been promised. Can any one look for a refutation of such reasoning! In civil matters it would be despised; to attempt to introduce it where the life is involved is in the extreme unjust and cruel.
Yet these meetings have existed in report, and Lajolais, who appears to be their author, has said that that at La Madeleine took place. How shall we explain those assertions of Lajolais, concerning these different assignations at La Madeleine, Chaillot, and the Elysian-Fields; for we must attribute them to him? They explain themselves very simply.
We have already been forced to adopt a conjecture, which, however painful, we must recall to mind. Lajolais appears to have given hopes to the royalists respecting Moreau; and his apparent usefulness in the progress of their designs may have procured him a few guineas. This might succeed very well while they remained in England.
But they came to France. Lajolais either followed or met them there. There he doubtless was forcibly urged to effect a conference between Moreau and the royalists, and to procure a confirmation of his pretended engagements. His embarrassment may be well imagined, when required to bring to issue a mission he had never received, to confirm promises that had never been made. But it would not have suited his purposes to have made a bland confession that he had deceived the royalists merely to procure money, but without any design of being their colleague. He set to work anew. He contrived to approach Moreau, and endeavoured to draw him into some imprudent measures. Not being able to effect his purpose this way, he appears to have invented a promised rendezvous; but to calm the impatience of Pichegru he told him, as the proceedings attest, that it was postponed on account of a hunting party. He then promised a meeting on the Boulevard-de-la-Madeleine, where he says Moreau was; none other however saw him; and to one he tells that the appearance of Georges made Moreau withdraw, to others that he spoke but one word which clearly evinced his apathy. His next promised meeting was in the Elysian-Fields, thither they repaired but met no one. He then took the only part left him, and conducted Pichegru to the house of Moreau, declaring it to have been by appointment of the latter.
Thus we see how Lajolais has been drawn, perhaps in spite of himself, and without any real design of injuring general Moreau, into these falsehoods, merely to avoid dangerously committing himself with those to whom, in London, he had sold his fables for a subsistence. Here also we see the explanation of his conduct at the trial, where, in the presence of that illustrious man who had been brought into jeopardy by his inventions, conscience asserted her terrible influence over him. He was evidently divided between personal interest and pride, which forbade him to acknowledge himself an impostor; and personal honour and probity, which commanded him not to bear false witness against Moreau; and compelled him to re-examine his former declarations, to affirm that they had not been correctly stated, or to avow that, not being a Frenchman, he was not aware of the full latitude of his own expressions; to explain away those which might imply guilt; to confess that he might have been mistaken, that Moreau had not promised a rendezvous at the Boulevard-de-la-Madeleine, that he was not there, and that, in one word, he had never been employed by Moreau as an emissary to London, nor as a mean of communication with the royalists. This tardy sacrifice to truth, if not sufficient to repair all the injury done to Moreau by Lajolais, yet entitles the latter to some degree of indulgence.
We continue to state the denials of General Moreau.
He denies having assented to receive the first visit of Pichegru at his house; and independent of the tergiversations of Lajolais, probability alone will satisfy any one that it was not with his consent. Lajolais even from his first interrogation has declared that this visit was at a time when general Moreau was surrounded by his friends. According to the custom for some late years prevalent in the principal houses in the capital, the general had appointed one day in each week to entertain a kind of periodical society. On this day Pichegru made his first visit. Surely had Moreau appointed the time for a meeting, we will not say with Pichegru the conspirator, but Pichegru the proscribed, to whose safety every degree of precaution was necessary, he never would have named this day in particular, and designated the very hour, when, by the laws of fashion, his doors must have been crowded by the influx of company. It is at least a consolation for general Moreau, that, almost in every instance, the act of accusation, as it concerns him, is at open war with common sense.
It is this common sense that again gives the contradiction to Roland, when he assures that Moreau
had assented to the second interview with Pichegru, and had sent his secretary to conduct him. Moreau on the contrary asserts that he refused to grant this interview, and that to free himself from the solicitations of Roland, he sent his secretary to enquire what was the will of Pichegru in requesting it. Which of these opposite assertions will be credited? That which does not offend against probability; that of Moreau.
What was the business of Roland with Moreau? to ask a rendezvous for Pichegru? it is granted. Is any thing more simple than the conclusion that follows. Roland asks Moreau to permit the visit of Pichegru; Moreau assents; Roland goes away contented; Pichegru comes at the appointed time, either alone, for he already knew the way, or with Roland from whom he had no concealment: Where then the necessity of employing M. Fesnieres? Why should he bear to Pichegru a message which would have been more safely entrusted to Roland? It was necessary that Pichegru should be known by as few persons as possible. If then the intermediacy of a fourth person was resorted to, it must have been because it was rendered indispensable by some purpose for which Roland was unfit; it was because general Moreau not wishing the visit of Pichegru, who, according to Roland, had something serious to communicate, and desiring to be at once rid of all importunities, sent his secretary to receive his communication. Every conclusion of reason and logic on this point, is in favour of the assertion of Moreau, and against Roland. It is then Roland who is untrue.
He is untrue on a point still more important. We must now speak of that monstrous charge of which he is the author, and the bare allusion to which makes the soul recoil with horror.
We must remember that according to the declaration of all the accused, not excepting either Lajolais or Roland, the royalists in calculating on Moreau found themselves deceived. Of this they were convinced from the very first attempts to discover his sentiments. From the reception of the insinuations of Pichegru, they had rejected every idea that should unhappily lose our pilot and the storm again return, they could derive any aid from him. We are informed that Pichegru, perceiving this invincible resolution, in his political conversation with Moreau, and not being able to account for it on any other principle than that of personal ambition, exclaimed in a moment of extreme discontent— I see that that b..... has sufficient ambition. Roland bore a confirmation of this sentiment from his conference the next day.
Let us here pause for a moment.
Since, as it appears, Moreau neither wished the success of the Bourbons nor of the Royalists, it is thence evident—
That he could not have been their accomplice: That he made no proposals to them in London: That he never promised them his support: That he did not invite them to France: That his plotting with Pichegru is imaginary: That the mission of Lajolais must be a fable: That his concerting with Georges is a calumny. That, in a word, whatever may be the offences of Moreau towards the government, there is a real, palpable, and monstrous absurdity, in bringing him to judgment as a conspirator with the royalists.
But whence the necessity of a train of reasoning to prove that a man did not plot the ruin of his own fame? If the name of Moreau is celebrated in Europe, it has become so by the disasters of the house of Bourbon: by victories acquired over its allies and protectors: by its present disgrace, which makes it every way improbable, that it should ever again be restored to power! Yet do not those tremble at the baseness of the charge, who suppose that Moreau wished its return to France! What honour, what recompense could he thence derive? Then indeed might he expect to be reproached and arraigned as a traitor. Then would he himself be obliged to bury all his trophies, and never again to recall any of his glorious military achievements; which, from the moment of its re-establishment, would be declared rebellion, and must mark him out as the most distinguished of rebels!
Yet of what else is general Moreau accused? He casts his eyes around him, on those crowded and fatal benches; Whom does he there perceive? Far be it from his intention to insult their misfortunes; through the struggles in which we have been involved, the lot of preserving a pure character has fallen to very few; yet he cannot refrain from observing, that there he does not perceive one Republican, not one soldier, with whom he ever held a communion of conduct or sentiment. He beholds only determined royalists, who have with a fanatic and unbroken faith, continued their attachment to their party. He looks for his accomplices and meets only adversaries and enemies. He is the only republican who there occupies a seat; nor dare one of those on either side claim him as their associate. All that any of them has ventured to say, is that he wished them to enter into his personal resentments, and to abandon their own cause to promote his.
And who even thus far accuses him?
Roland.
Where are the proofs to support the charge?
In the word of Roland.
How did Moreau discover his conspiracy?
In a conversation.
What accomplices, what partisans, did he name?
None.
Have none of those with whom he plotted been discovered?
None.
All his domesticks, and many of his friends have been arrested, have none of those suffered the secret to escape them?
None.
All his papers have been seized; has none of them betrayed the features of this plot?
None.
Indeed! What is then the nature of this wonderful conspiracy, without associates, without witnesses,
without evidence, without support, and above all without conspirators?
Learn from Roland.
Roland says that Pichegru, who intrigued for the Royalists, not having been permitted to explain himself to Moreau, at their last interview, and seeing all his insinuations disregarded or repulsed, sent Roland to make the famous overture (we use his own words). It had not then been made; and consequently at this time Moreau had not been associated in any of their plans, as their confidence had not then been given to him. Roland adds that he made his proposition, and that Moreau absolutely refused to take part in any movement in behalf of the Bourbons. Moreau, therefore, is not guilty of any conspiracy whose object was their restoration. Roland goes on to say, that at the same time Moreau proposed that Pichegru should change his plan, that he should first remove the consul and the governor of Paris, and then Moreau would avail himself of a party in the senate to obtain the dictatorship, and would act according as opinion should direct.
Roland at the trial, when pressed by his conscience, though he let one part of his former testimony remain, rescinded others. He there said that he did not understand the words the consuls and the governor of Paris must disappear , as signifying a desire that they should be murdered; that Moreau speaking to him, on his pretensions to power or authority, had said, that before he could receive it, the consuls and all those possessed of publick dignity must be no more.—Judge now what credit should be given to a witness who is capable of varying his testimony on a point of such importance: and on what tenure do our best citizens hold their lives and honour, if they depend upon the construction which every wretch shall please to affix to a real or imagined conversation.
A conversation! The very idea that a conversation, however seditious it may be, could constitute the crime of high-treason, is repugnant to every principle of justice. Moreau is not reproached with having performed one single treasonable act. His conduct is at least pure, whatever his heart may be. He has taken no steps, seduced none to be his accomplices, in this supposed plot. But, as we are assured by Roland, he spoke seditiously; and we are to believe that Roland neither heard indistinctly, misapprehended, nor forgot any part of what Moreau may have said. Is the memory of any man so rigorously tenacious as to be positive, after such a lapse of time, that such and such words were used in a conversation; that they were used in the same order in which they are repeated; that no modification, no inflexion, no accompanying lenitive, by escaping from recollection has distorted the meaning of the speaker. And, admitting them to have been spoken, shall the utterance of mere fugitive words send a man to the scaffold? No! the government under which we live, delighting only in justice, never can permit such a wide departure from it. No! never, under this government, shall we hear of a citizen being condemned for the crime of words, on the unsupported word of a delator. But when this delator, besides being proved by the accused to be a liar, is, according to every rule of judgment, a vile calumniator, the object of his calumny is much less exposed. We shall now out of his own mouth prove the falsehoods of Roland.
If we believe this Roland, he was the agent of a party of Royalists. If from him Moreau received the confidence of Pichegru, he must have known that Pichegru acted in concert with Georges and his friends; that is to say, in concert with the most resolved and faithful adherents of the house of Bourbon. And we are told that Moreau, in answer to the overtures made to him, whether by Roland or Pichegru, gave this reply—“I never will serve the princes of Bourbon. But let the royalists immediately proceed to execute their design. I will not mix in the broil. I will wait its success. Let them kill the Consul and the Governor of Paris. And then, when the danger shall have passed by, when every obstacle shall have been surmounted, when the struggle shall have been crowned with success, when the royalists are masters of the state, then, instead of proclaiming the king for whose sake they devoted themselves, they shall renounce the immediate object for which they incurred so great a risk, and they shall call upon me: I will then come forward to reap the harvest of their toils and perils; I will go to the Senate, and declare myself dictator!!!” Before this day, did ever an idea so full of folly enter the brain of a lunatic, as that of supposing that all these pure royalists should, at once, in the hour of success, abandon the cause of their king to become the soldiers of the Dictator Moreau!!!
Roland offends still more against the laws of common sense than against those of truth, and cannot be believed in any of his declarations: In the shock of the two voices, that of the accused ought to prevail, in as much as the testimony of Roland has varied at different times.
Another of his impositions is the declaration that Moreau boasted of a strong party in the Senate. Without noticing the injury here done to the first constitutional body in the state, we would demand, if this were so, why do we not at this moment behold any of those unfaithful senators at the bar of this tribunal.
But, we are asked, what interest could induce Roland to give false testimony?
The interest of Roland may be two-fold. In the first place it may be none other than that of a vile informer, who has denounced a fictitious crime to merit a substantial recompense. This supposition will not appear unfounded when we consider the species of complaisance which has been peculiarly shewn to him. All the other prisoners have been thrown into the cells of the Temple. He only, the systematic agent for corrupting Moreau and by consequence doubly offending, was lodged in the abbey: He only was allowed his counsel, and a free communication with his friends, both personally and by letters; while neither the voice of a friend nor the sigh of a relative

tive was permitted to penetrate the secret dungeons which almost excluded the others from the light of heaven.
But if this supposition is erroneous, if he is really a conspirator, his interest may be of a different nature, but not less powerful; that of appeasing the violated majesty, and disarming the awful severity, of the law by becoming a general informer. In one of the interrogatories on his first examination an idea of clemency was held out to him, and a distinction taken, which would greatly soften his fate— If you declare nothing, say the ministers of justice to him, you will be looked upon as an ACCOMPLICE, if you divulge the whole, you will be considered merely as a CONSIDANT. —What more was necessary to inspire a base and cowardly spirit with the hopes of saving himself at the expense of others; to testify falsehoods where he knew the truth would not attain his purposes.
Roland is not only under accusation as an accomplice in the same crime, but he is fairly suspected of interested and sinister motives; his evidence therefore ought not to be believed.
He ought not to be believed, because his assertions are unsupported by any other authority or circumstance.
He ought not to be believed, because probability and common-sense, in every instance, contradict his testimony.
He ought not to be believed, because fugitive words are too susceptible of variation, for any one to be able to declare, with certainty, that they have been delivered in the order reported, or with the arbitrary meaning attached to them.
Consequently, all the proof of the conspiracy which Moreau is charged with having contrived or approved, being found in the solitary declaration of one in the predicament of Roland, Moreau ought to be absolved.
(To be continued.)
UNITED STATES AND SPAIN.
As there is no subject which ought to convey more interest to the minds of Americans than the contention in which we may soon be engaged with Spain, we hope that topic may be allowed to assume an important place in our paper. It has received the following discussion from an editor who is accustomed to search below the surface of things, who is capable of giving a peculiar interest to every subject upon which he touches.
FROM THE NEW-YORK EVENING POST.
OUR RELATIONS WITH SPAIN.—On a question of so high importance as that which has arisen between a foreign nation and our own, and in which all classes of people begin to take a deep interest, it becomes us not to be silent. Obedying the injunctions of duty, therefore, we now propose to enter upon a brief, and we hope not useless, discussion of the topics which agitate the community. If an apology were necessary for anticipating the administration in giving a direction to the publick mind, it may be found in the appeal to the people which has been made, on behalf of Spain, by her accredited minister, as is believed; and which, though formerly justified by our good Democrats, is now very properly condemned by them. This gentleman, in a series of papers under the signature of Graviora Manent , has attempted to bear out his nation in refusing to ratify our last convention with her, till the following conditions have been complied with on the part of our government:
 “First.. That time be allowed to give notice to their subjects of the convention, which has not yet been done, as they considered it totally abandoned by the American government.  “Secondly. That the article relating to prizes carried into Spanish ports by French cruisers, be totally expunged, and all claims upon the Spanish government on that account be forever relinquished.  “Thirdly. That the act of the United States authorising the president to establish one or more ports on the river Mobile, be immediately repealed.” 
As to the first of these propositions, it cannot, as the writer observes, be considered a very important one; but as he takes notice of the very great delay of nearly two years on the part of the American administration to ratify the convention, it may not be amiss that the publick should be made acquainted with the cause of it; especially too, since we find the ministerial prints attempting to account for it in a way not altogether correct and candid.
It is admitted on all hands that the convention was signed at Madrid the 11th August, 1802, and sent over for ratification. It has been stated in some of the papers that the President, instead of laying it before the Senate the first opportunity, kept it in his pocket an improper length of time. Whether this was so or not we will not undertake to determine, if it was, circumstances presently to be related, will render the motive apparent. In the following session of 1802—3, he submitted the convention to the constitutional body, the Senate, for ratification. It was accordingly brought into debate and after debate, negatived; not however by the addition of a single Democratic vote to the federal votes, as stated in the Citizen, nor was it owing to the “factious animosity of those called federal men in the Senate” as asserted by Duane, but, if not unanimously, at least very nearly so; it is believed the Journals of the Senate, if referred to, will show the rejection was unanimous. That the publick may understand what sort of a thing this convention was, which the Democratic prints now claim the merit of having approved of the first moment they saw it, we here republish it at length.
[Here follows the Convention with Spain, for which see the Ledger of 4th inst.]
Such is the famous Treaty of which the contents were first communicated to the publick last February, more than eighteen months after it had been received by the President, and more than twelve months after it had been constitutionally rejected by the Senate. However, by a species of leger-de-main, of which more by and bye, it was again brought before the Senate and ratified. We all remember how President Washington was branded as a traitor to his country, and how the federal Senate were execrated as a nest of infernal aristocrats, because they proceeded to ratify the British treaty before publishing it in all the newspapers and giving the people an opportunity to express their sentiments of it before the constitutional authorities meddled with it. But we'll let that pass: since that time we have seen stranger things than this. Without, therefore, taking up the time of the reader with trifles, or at least useless observations of this sort, let us bestow a few moments attention on the instrument itself. “The principles of this convention, (says Duane) are simple,” &c. “and as liberal on the part of the United States as Spain could have expected from the most sincere dispositions to promote a durable concord and friendship.” Truly, I think so too.
The professed object of the treaty as the reader perceives from the preamble, is for “indemnification of those who have sustained losses, damages or injuries, in consequence of individuals of either nation, during the late war, contrary to existing treaty, or the laws of nations.”
It is unnecessary to state to our commercial men what the nature of these “excesses” were. For a long period of time during the late war, the harbours of Spain became an asylum for a nest of French and Spanish pirates, by whom “excesses” were committed on the property of the American merchants to the amount of several millions. A redress for these grievances was the ostensible object of the above convention; but if the reader will take the trouble to look at the sixth article, he will be perhaps, not a little surprised to find, that after expressly admitting the fact that “excesses” had been committed, by “foreign cruisers,” “Consuls” and “Tribunals” in the dominion of Spain, and although to indemnify against these was the direct object of the convention, yet all these cases are, without exception, expressly reserved out of the power of the Commissioners.
Another objection is one taken by the Philadelphia Merchants, at a late meeting held at the City Coffee-House, on the subject of Spanish wrongs: namely, that the treaty invests the Commissioners with the power of deciding upon the justice of all claims, without in the first place settling in the treaty itself the principles on which such claims may be founded. There are other objections, but it is humbly conceived that the above are sufficient to afford ample justification to those who voted to reject the treaty; whether federalists or democrats. But here another question presents; and one that, if we had not become callous to all constitutional violations, would be thought by some persons a very serious one.
It is admitted on all hands, that when the question was first taken in 1803 on the ratification, it received a negative. This we venture to contend was a definitive exercise of power, and being once fairly exercised, was, in contemplation and language of law, executed and gone. The words of the constitution are “He (the President) shall have powers by and with the advice and consent of the senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the senator, present concur.”
On this important fact we here take issue, and assert that, in the present case, “two thirds of the Senators present” did not “concur.” Yet has a treaty been made. And how has it been made, you ask? Has the President, against the very letter and spirit of the Constitution, proceeded to make a treaty himself, without consulting the Senate, or rather in defiance of their negative? Have a little patience, reader, and I’ll tell you how Mr. Jefferson manages these matters.
Being very apt to faint at the sight of the “effusion of human blood,” he was determined to patch up any sort of treaty with Spain so as to bind her over to keep the peace ; and miserable as was the one fabricated by his ingenious diplomatic friend, Pinckney, yet as it seemed to have the quality of a justice of the peace’s recognizance, he concluded at once to ratify it. Unexpectedly it was rejected both by friends and foes in the senate, and it was found, in caucus, that on a reconsideration enough of votes, by one or two, could not be obtained so as to give him the two thirds required by the constitution, and which, though formerly an admirable contrivance to control odious executive power, was now a most troublesome provision. What then was to be done? A majority he had, staunch enough for any purpose, and the only thing was to turn this ordinary majority into a constitutional one, suited to the case before him. A motion was therefore made to reconsider the treaty, and carried in the affirmative; this was succeeded by a second motion to let it lie over, and carried in the affirmative. Another year elapses and behold by the election of a few of the right sect in place of some factious federalists, a majority of two-thirds, all good democrats, appear on the floor and the treaty which had been legally rejected and become a “dead letter” is revived, brought before the Senate, and passes with closed doors. Such we believe to be a correct history of this transaction, which is perhaps the most ingenious evasion of an important provision of the constitution, that has been exhibited for the last two years.
The Marquis d’Yrujo will now understand how the delay he complains of, may be accounted for. (To be continued.)
Died, on Friday last, at his seat near this Borough, WILLIAM AITCHESON, Esq.
HURRICANE IN THE WEST-INDIES.
NEW-YORK, September 28. By capt. Connell, from St. Thomas, we have received distressing accounts of the effects of a hurricane at that island, Martinique, &c.
Capt. Connell informs, that the schr Goliah, of New-York, was lost at St. Thomas both vessel and cargo. Also, the ship Commerce, Congdon, off driven on shore, some likelihood of getting her off. Another schr of New-York, not likely to be got off. Schr Lark, Driggs, of Middletown, vessel and cargo totally lost. Schr Betsey, of New-York, driven on shore, and bilged, not likely to be got off. Brig Neptune, Patterson, of Philadelphia, on shore, cargo saved, vessel sold for the benefit of the concerned. — Brig Lark, Brown, of Philadelphia, totally lost. Brig Hope, of Boston, drove on shore, vessel and cargo, and all hands lost. Brig Perseverance, of Providence, vessel, cargo and crew, totally lost. Two brigs lost on the S. W. point, round the small fort, supposed to be coming in, and to be Americans, from the appearance of the wreck and point, all hands perished. Several Danish and English ships went on shore also, to the number of forty two sail, exclusive of boats and small crafts.
Capt. Connell further informs us, that on the 13th Sept. by an arrival that day from Martinique, all the vessels in the Roads of St. Pierres, (Mart.) went on shore in the above gale, and totally lost, except five. There was also information received at St. Thomas, by respectable houses, that most of all the vessels in St. Bartholomews, St. Kitts, Nevis, and St. Eustatia, drove on shore. Correct accounts were also received of the British Packet, bound for Tortola, being lost, and with the mail. The gale lasted for three days and nights, and it is said that the loss is much greater than in the year 1793.
The brig Agenor, spoke, Sept. 16, the schr Eliza, 17 days from Philadelphia for St. Kitts. Was informed that the ship Caroline, of Philadelphia, saw a wreck, bearing N. W. of us, deserted; and that he had been three days sailing through pieces of wood, and also passed a ship’s quarter deck, which we discovered before night. At the same time a brig bearing N E of us, under jury masts, standing to the Southward.
Capt. Fowler informs, that a severe gale was felt at St. Croix, from the 3d to the 5th, inst. no material damage done.
October 1.
Turks-Island, Bahama, Sept. 1804. On the 28th ult. the Catharine, Daniel Griswold, master, ran a shore, vessel lost, crew saved. September 5, experienced the most severe hurricane ever known by the inhabitants; all the vessels, except 2 which put to sea, parted their cables, and went ashore at the riding place. The schooner Martin, James Cannon, master, belonging to Washington, North-Carolina, from Jamaica loaded with salt, was driven ashore on the beach, and totally lost: after getting her money and clothes safe on shore, was
robbed of the whole by the negroes, except what they had on their backs at the time. The commander of the place took all power out of capt. Cannon’s hands, which obliged him to abandon the whole property. The schooner Mary, capt. Morrison, of Somerset, Rhode-Island, was also driven ashore on the beach, but it was expected she would be got off. The brig Phoebe, James Perkins, master, of Kennebunk, went ashore and was totally lost. The brig Conclusion, Andrew Phillips, master, of Castine, went ashore and was totally lost. Captain Barton, in an hermaphrodite brig from Rhode-Island, ran on the salt key and was totally lost, but the crew saved. The schooner Little Edward, Crowell, of Sagg-Harbor, Long-Island, is supposed to be lost, as he put to sea with a black pilot on board. Captain Richard Starr, of the brig Eliza and Mary, sailed from St. Thomas on the 1st of September in company with an hermaphrodite brig belonging to Portsmouth, John Riley, master, and lost sight of her the night before the gale. Captain Starr arrived at Turk’s-Island the 12th September, and informs us, that on the day after the gale, he saw a wreck, and a number of broken pieces floating, amongst which a table, which he is sure he saw in Captain Riley’s cabin.
FROM LONDON via BARBADOS.
August 14.—The king has been pleased to cause it to be signified by the right honourable lord Harrowby, his majesty’s principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, to the ministers of neutral powers residing at this court, that the necessary measures have been taken by his majesty’s command, for the blockade of the entrance of the ports of Fecamp, St. Vallery en Caux, Dieppe, Treport, the Somme, Etaples, Boulogne, Calais, Gravelines, Dunkirk, Newport, and Ostend; and that from this time all the measures authorized by the law of nations, and the respective treaties between his majesty and the different neutral powers, will be adopted and executed with respect to all vessels which may attempt to violate the said blockade.
A paper of this morning contains the following article, which we insert, without vouching, in any degree for its contents: “By an American gentleman, just arrived from the continent, we have received positive and authentick information that the Boulogne flotilla is in a complete state of equipment, and ready to embrace the first opportunity of putting to sea.—Whether that opportunity will ever be permitted to the enemy, by our blockading squadrons, remains to be seen. The troops stationed on the uplands above Boulogne, and its vicinity, amount to upwards of 160,000 men. The first division, however, that will be embarked, will not greatly exceed 100,000. It is understood that they will come under the command of Prince Joseph, (who a few years ago, was a common soldier in Pichegru’s army) assisted by Soult, Junot, and some other experienced officers, as the Emperor will not venture himself with the first division. It is supposed that it is in consequence of information received concerning the maturity of the enemy’s plans that our government have issued the proclamation for declaring the French ports in the mouth of the channel in a state of blockade. From the station which the enemy has taken, from which to annoy us, it is generally supposed that the landing will be attempted on the coast of Sussex. On that coast alone, we have the satisfaction of knowing that we have at least 70 000 regular troops ready to receive them, and these can, in a few hours, be reinforced by at least 70 000 more, partly regulars and partly volunteers. No fears can, therefore, be justly entertained as to the issue of the contest.”
August 16.
Dispatches were yesterday received at the Admiralty from Sir James Saumarez, at Jersey, which state, that an expectation was daily entertained of an attack from the enemy, several movements having of late been observed to have taken place. Dispatches were also received from Admiral Thornborough, dated off the Texel the 11th inst. The enemy remained nearly in the same position as they did when the previous accounts were transmitted.
The Hamburg mail of the 31 inst. Paris papers to the 5th, and Dutch papers to the 8th, arrived since our last. Though their contents are, of course, arranged under separate heads, we may notice them here collectively:—
Louis XVIII for whose safety at Warsaw apprehensions were not unreasonably entertained, left that place on the 25th ult for the Russian frontiers, accompanied by his nephew and heir, the Duke D’Angouleme. It does not appear that they endeavoured to make their journey a secret, yet they had probably some expectation of violence, and of a necessity of defending themselves. both their consorts having been left at Warsaw. We shall be glad to hear of the safe arrival of themselves and families in Russia, after which the Emperor Alexander will doubtless satisfy the curiosity of Europe, by declaring in what light he views the pretended Emperour and the lawful KING of France. The Emperor of Germany’s acknowledgment of Buonaparte is still postponed, and a necessity for certain ceremonies is alleged, by which opportunity will be gained for waiting the decision of his brother Alexander. In the mean time, the influence of the firm aspect assumed by the latter monarch is visible in the conduct of the King of Sweden, whose vote in the Diet of Ratisbon corresponds exactly with that of his Britannick Majesty, in requiring the emperor to demand of the French government some assurances against a future violation of the German territory.
It is still supposed that some of the enemy’s ships have effected their escape from Brest. A letter from Torbay, dated August 13, says, “On the 24th ult. as Capt. Hornby, of the ship Active, late of Liverpool, was returning from Lisbon, in a vessel belonging to Lubeck, he saw in lat. 41, long. 91-2 a fleet, consisting of nine sail of the line and 5 frigates, which he firmly believes to have been French. They showed no colours, although one of the frigates came very near to him. They were steering a southern course, at the rate of nine knots an hour, with the wind at N. W. Capt. H. declared himself ready to verify this report upon oath. The Cork paper of Friday last stops the press to mention the escape of twelve sail of the line from Brest, but this we consider as the mere re-action of the report before prevalent in London. Every ship of war on that station had, however, been ordered to prepare for sailing.
The City of Bremen, for having refused the loan demanded by France, upon the security of the Hanoverian revenues, had been placed under so strict a blockade, that no person, not even those with mails from Prussia or Hamburg, can enter the town. A similar demand has been made upon Lubeck, and refused. The opposition of both cities, especially that of Bremen, has excited a strong sensation in Germany. These circumstances are not yet stated in the Hamburg papers, but they are fully known from private letters.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Ship Samuel Jackson, Guyther, of Edenton, out seven days for Cadiz—on Sunday sprung a leak, and put in to refit.
British brig Eliza, Milzad, 47 days from Jersey, Gin, Brandy, and Wine, H. Brunett.
British brig Queen, Outerbridge, Bermuda, Balast, R. Gibson.
British brig George, Aulboy, 18 days from Barbados, Sugar, Robertson & Brown.—By this vessel
we have received the Barbados Mercury of the 18th ult.—It contains London news as late as the 16th August, from which we have extracted.—It mentions the severity of the hurricane, but does not designate any American vessels in particular. By a private letter we understand that only one American vessel was lost. At Martinique every vessel was driven on shore.
CUSTOM-HOUSE—ENTERED.
Ship Charles Carter, Tompkins, Rotterdam. Samuel Jackson, Guyther, Edenton.
CLEARED.
Ship Julia, Vickery, Cadiz. Brig Susan & Polly, Shaw, London. Flora, Benthall, Liverpool.
A PAMPHLET.
It is the intention of the Editors of the Ledger, at the request of a considerable number of friends, to publish in a pamphlet the
JUSTIFICATION OF GENERAL MOREAU.
And, in a few days those who wish to be possessed of that document, may be supplied with it at their office.
SALE AT AUCTION.
For the benefit of the Underwriters, THIS DAY, the 9th inst. on Gibson’s Wharf, 28 Hogsheads SUGAR, damaged on board the schooner Agnes, John Euson, Master, from Philadelphia.
WILLIAM B. LAMB.
Oct. 6. 168
NORFOLK RACES.
Will commence on the 2d Monday in November.
1st day—for 3 years old Colts, that never won a Purse or Sweepstake of more than 200 dollars, with 86lbs. on each, one mile heats, 40 dollars entrance, play or pay; the subscription to be kept open until the 25th instant. The colts intended to run, must be particularly described to the subscriber, as no exchange of nags will be allowed.
2d day—the Ladies Purse of 100 dollars, one mile heats, with catches, entrance 10 dollars. The horse that wins the first three heats, will be entitled to that purse. Ninety yards will distance. 20 minutes allowed to rest.
3d day—a purse of 100 dollars, four mile heats, entrance 25 dollars, weight for age, 130lbs. on the aged Horse.
4th day—a Give-and-take Sweepstake, two mile heats, entrance 50 dollars.
5th day—a purse of 200 dollars, two mile heats, entrance 15 dollars, weight for age.
6th day—a Handy-Cap Purse of 150 dollars, will be proposed. The rules and regulations will be established on the 2d day’s running.
** No boy will be allowed to ride unless dressed with a jockey cap, silk jacket and half-boots—stables and litter found for race horses gratis—forage of all descriptions will be found at cost. Gentlemen who will run for the four mile heats at these races, and let the subscriber know of their coming 8 or 10 days before, their groom and boys shall have their board gratis.
R. H. Cocke.
October 9. 169
NORFOLK HOTEL.
THE Subscriber informs his friends and the publick, that he has opened an HOTEL in that convenient inn formerly the NAVY TAVERN No. 124 Main-Street, where he hopes by his attention, to give satisfaction to those who may favour him with their company.
He will always keep the best liquors: and Private Parties will be furnished with Dinners, Suppers, or Relishes, at the shortest notice.
BOARDERS accommodated by the week, month, or year.
Henry Benbridge.
October 9. 170
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from Mr. Caleb Williamson, living in Princess-Anne County, a Negro Man named JOE; a five feet nine or ten inches high; had on when he went away, a short blue jacket, and F. arriought trowsers: he has lost one of his eyes by the discharge of a gun, but which one is not recollected. I expect he is lurking about Norfolk or Princess-Anne, as I hear he intends going to the Northward. I will give the above reward to any person who will bring him to me; or Eight Dollars if secured in any jail, so that I get him again.
All masters of vessels, and others, are forewarned harbouring or employing said negro.
Hillary Parsons.
Portsmouth, Oct. 9. 171
FISK AND STEARNS,
Have just received by the Schooner MARIA, from Boston,
IMPERIAL, HYSON, } TEAS YOUNG HYSON, } of the last importation. HYSON SKIN,
 200 Boxes MOULD CANDLES.  40 do. DIPT do.  20 do. SPERMACETI do.  200 do. BROWN SOAP.  50 do. FRESH CHOCOLATE.  20 do. COTTON and WOOL CARDS.  15 do. HALF PINT TUMBLERS.  50 Barrels and 6 Hogsheads N.E. RUM.  50 Bags ALLSPICE.  200 Reams WRAPPING PAPER.  60 Sides Red SOAL LEATHER.  40 lbs. NUTMEGS.  20 Half Barrels NEATS TONGUES.  100 GRIND-STONES. 
ALSO ON HAND,
A general assortment of GROCERIES. October 6. 166
FALL GOODS.
RICHARD TAYLOR,
HAS received, by the brig Commerce, from London, an extensive assortment of FALL GOODS, which he offers for sale on moderate terms, for cash, or good paper—and he is in daily expectation of receiving a large assortment of WOLLENS, IRISH LINENS, and HARDWARE, by the ship Brutus, from Liverpool. August 21. 91
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER,
The Copper bottomed Brig MARY LOUISA, Captain George Farrer:—Burthen 1200 barrels—now ready to receive a cargo.—Apply to the master on board, or Thomas Willock. Sept. 4. 118
NORFOLK BOROUGH, In Common Hall, Sept. 14, 1804.
ON motion resolved, That Mr. James Tucker, Mr. Anthony Metcalf, and Mr. Edwin Starke, be a Committee of Accounts for three months, whose duty it shall be, to examine all accounts against the Corporation, and report them to the succeeding Hall. A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C. H.
Persons having claims against the Borough, will please to furnish their accounts to either of the above gentlemen. 150
HIBBERT’S BROWN STOUT,

FALL AND WINTER GOODS.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has received by the Brig COMMENCE , from London, and Ship Brutus , from Liverpool, A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF FALL AND WINTER GOODS, which he offers for sale, by Wholesale or Retail , on moderate terms. Richard Taylor. ALSO—A FEW BALES BEST TWILLED SACKING. Sept. 22. tf 150
FALL GOODS. WE are now landing from the brig Commerce , from London, an extensive assortment of FALL GOODS , among which, are assorted packages, calculated for the West India market, entitled to drawback ; which will be sold at low advance, by Gilliat & Mackinder. August 21. tf 92
WE HAVE FOR SALE, 100 hhds. Richmond and Petersburg Tobacco. 500 barrels superfine Flour, fresh. 20 puncheons Jamaica and Windward Island Rum. 500 barrels Pork, in shipping order. 200 pieces Nankreens, first quality. 50 barrels and half barrels Alexandria Crackers. A few cases of Noyean, and two new Cables. C. & F. Whittle. July 17, 1804. tf 16
THIS DAY Will commence landing, on Newton's Wharf , the Cargo of the Swedish Brig NICANOR , E. LEVENSKY , Master, from Gottemburg, Consisting of a CHOICE ASSORTMENT OF SWEDISH IRON. NAIL RODS. RUSSIA & RAVENS DUCK. LINENS assorted, and A few Hogheads CLARET. For sale by Moses Myers. Sept. 15. tf 138
This day landing on Newton's wharf , from on board Schooner Susan , N. S. Snow , master, from Jamaica, 79 Puncheons Jamaica RUM, 1 Hhd. MOLASSES, 33 Bbls. LIMES, for sale by MOSES MYERS. Sept. 13. tf 135
Mathematical Instruments, &c. Received by the Ship Suffolk , Capt. Moore , from London, and for sale by LEVIN DORSEY; At the corner of Fayette and Wide-Water Streets.
ADAM'S Patent Globes, 12 inches diameter, with compasses in the bottom, very complete. Quadrants, black and red ebony, with single and double observation. Ditto—with tangent screws, 12 inches. Achromatic Telescopes, for night and day, on the latest and most improved construction, in a portable size, with sliding sunshade. Telescopes, of the common kind, for night and day observation, or for day only, of every description. Circumferents, of the best qualities. Mariner's Compasses, in brass and wood. Pocket Compasses, in brass, of different sizes. Time Glasses—hour, half hour, 28, and 14 seconds. Gunter's Scales; Brass Dividers; &c. &c. Likewise the following Articles, FOR THE USE OF NAVIGATORS. Hamilton Moore's Epitome and Assistant. General Charts of the Coast of America, from Boston to Philadelphia. Ditto—Continued, with directions. Ditto—West-Indies, and Demerary, with directions. Ditto—Windward Islands, with do. Ditto—Gulph of Florida, with do. Ditto—Windward Passage, with do. West-India Pilots, with directions.
ALSO, A few tons of Baltimore Bar-Iron, afforded, by the ton or less quantity—Composition Bolts and Spikes—Bouches—Carriage-wheel boxes, of all sizes—all which he will warrant good. N. B. All kinds of MATHEMATICAL INSTRUMENTS repaired, at the shortest notice. Orders for every species of Brass-Castings received and immediately executed at his foundry, and the work delivered as above. August 7. tf 58
LANDING On Town Point, out of the Brig MARY LOUISA , from St. Thomas, A Parcel of Choice SUGAR. In hogheads, tierces and barrels, for sale—also, From on board the MARIA , Capt. HATTON , from BOURDEAUX. 30 Cases, } CLARET, of superior quality. 48 Casks, } 100 Pines high proof BRANDY, which will be sold on liberal terms, by Robertson & Brown. Sept. 1. tf 114
FOR SALE, 12 Puncheons ANTIGUA RUM. 15 do. GRENADA do. 5 Pipes HOLLAND GIN. 20 do. COUNTRY do. 12 do. FRENCH BRANDY. 8 do. ALICANT do. 22 Qr. Casks SHERRY WINE. 10 do. MALAGA do. PORT and CLARET WINE, in casks & bottles. 6 Barrels PORK—and about 1000 Dozen PORTER, of my last winters stock, equal to any imported. Joseph Hayes. August 24. tf 96
WANTED IMMEDIATELY, A QUANTITY OF Red and White Oak Drawn Staves, for which cash will be given. ALSO, White and Pitch Pine Merchable Boards. ROBERT MAITLAND & Co. Sept. 27. tf 157
FOR SALE, On board the Ship SHEPHERD , at Willock's Wharf , 1400 BUILDING STONES, hard and of a superior quality. Apply to Josiah Cowper. Sept. 22. tf 151
FOR SALE, A choice parcel of Grenada RUM, now landing from on board the Brig Regulator . For terms apply to John Brown, Rothery's Wharf. August 9. tf 65
BILLS ON PHILADELPHIA. Apply to C. & F. Whittle. July 24. 38
New Grocery Store. THE SUBSCRIBERS, HAVE to inform the publick, that they have opened a GROCERY STORE, in Wolf Street, leading from Catherine Street, to the New-Bank—where every article in that line, of the best quality, will be sold on very reasonable terms. Some excellent CLARET, at $4 1/2 per dozen. G. Domezio & Co. N. B. Families may be supplied in any quantity, with the best Bourbon Coffee, fresh ROASTED, every morning. The mode of roasting preserves the essence of the Coffee, and, in consequence, it will be found to drink greatly superior to that roasted in the manner generally adopted in this place. August 25. tf 103
COLOGNE MILL-STONES. THE SUBSCRIBERS HAVE COLOGNE MILL-STONES, of all dimensions, from Hand-Mill-Stones of 22 inches, to those of 4 feet 8 inches, of the best quality.—Also, BAR and ROD IRON, and STEEL, of all kinds. Jesse Hollingsworth & Son. Baltimore, Aug. 15. tf 77
FOR SALE—A BARGAIN. THE SUBSCRIBER, WISHING TO DECLINE THE RETAIL BUSINESS, OFFERS FOR SALE, HIS WHOLE STOCK IN TRADE, AMOUNTING TO ABOUT $20,000. Consisting of DRY GOODS, Cutlery, Hardware, Castings, Nails of all sizes, and a number of other articles.—The whole will be sold on very low terms, and a liberal credit will be allowed, on bond with approved security.—Also, the balance of the lease of his Store, equal to any stand in Norfolk, if required. Property in the Borough of Norfolk, or Lands in the neighbouring counties, Publick Securities, &c. will be taken in exchange. For further particulars, apply to James Tucker. Who has for sale, on very low terms, A VALUABLE TRACT OF LAND, on the South Branch of the Potomack. August 23. tf 97
OILS, PAINTS & WINDOW GLASS, Of all kinds, colours, and sizes. For sale by N. Gregory, opposite the Market.
An ASSISTANT wanted—also, an active YOUTH to be employed in the store.—Liberal wages will be given to Two ABLE HANDS, to turn a Paint Mill. July 8. tf 3
Wanted to hire by the year, An active Negro or Mulatto Man, who has a good character for sobriety, docility, and attention. Enquire at the office of the Ledger.
TO RENT, And immediate possession given, That commodious BRICK DWELLING-HOUSE, at present occupied by Mrs. Hume, and formerly known under the name of the Navy Tavern . The premises are very commodious, and well adapted for a Tavern or extensive Boarding-House, being very eligibly situated on Mainstreet, in the centre of business. The terms to a good tenant on lease, will be made extremely favourable, or it will be rented by the year on equitable terms. Apply to William Dick. July 17. tf 11
FOR SALE, 500 Barrels first quality Navy Bread. 200 do. Pilot. do. 200 do. Ship. do. 500 Quarter Barrels Crackers, fresh and of a superior quality. All of which will be sold on liberal terms. Stephen Harris. July 17. tf. 8
FOR SALE, A COMMODOIOUS Three Story Warehouse, on Marsden's Wharf. A reasonable credit will be given to the purchaser if required. For terms apply to James Callis. August 11. tf 67
SLATE. I HAVE NOW ON HAND AND FOR SALE, A LARGE quantity of SLATE, (which is said by good judges to be equal to any,) and will contract for any quantity, to be delivered in a short time. William Hartshorne, jun. August 18. tf 79
Office of Discount and Deposit, Norfolk, July 24, 1804. WANTED TO PURCHASE, A few thousand Pounds Sterling, in approved endorsed Bills on London, at sixty days, or bills drawn on any other place, and made payable there. Robert Oliphant, Cashier. July 24. 36
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the estate of JOHN C. BARRET , late of Norfolk, deceased, will be pleased to present them, legally authenticated, to Mr. William Hartshorne, junior, of that place; and those indebted, will be good enough to make payment forthwith, to the same person, who is fully authorised by D. M. Randolph. Agent for C. Barret, Heir at Law of the dec'd. Richmond, July 23, 1804. tf 41
NOW LANDING ON NEWTON'S WHARF, From on board the Ship DART , Captain PECK , from CADIZ, 300 Qr. Casks SHERRY WINE, of superior quality, and 2000 Butts SALT. For sale by Richard Bowden & Co. August 9. tf 60
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the estate of LOUIS L'ORIENT , deceased, are desired to bring them in properly attested to William Vaughan, Adm'or. August 21. tf 90
NOW LANDING From on board the Brig Maria , Robert Hutton , master, from Bourdeaux, 30 Pipes Old COGNAC BRANDY, fit for immediate use. 211 Hhds. CLARET, fit for the West India Market. 100 Cases, do. do. 50 do. Vin de Grave. 500 DEMIJOHNS. 2 Trunks of Silk Stockings, Silk and Kid Gloves and Fans. For sale by William Pennock. Sept. 1. tf 115
General Alexander Hamilton. R. FOLWELL, INFORMS the friends and admirers of the late Alexander Hamilton, that he has made arrangements to publish an elegant engraving of that gentleman, from an improved likeness. That he has employed one of the best artists, who has already given to the public many specimens, acknowledged to be equal in execution to the works of the best English engravers, and are faithful to the original. The price to those gentlemen who wish to subscribe will be four dollars per sheet, eight dollars elegantly framed and glazed. The first thirty plates will be considered as proof plates, and sold at six dollars in sheets, or ten dollars framed. The size will be 16 by 12 inches clear of the frame. The engravings will be given from the press in rotation according to the priority of subscription. Subscriptions received at the Office of the PUBLICK LEDGER . Philadelphia, July 23. tf 72
JUST RECEIVED, By the ship Roba & Betsey , Capt. Richardson , from London, and for sale by the Subscribers, A LARGE SUPPLY OF DRUGS AND MEDICINES, of all kinds. Patent Medicines, Perfumery, &c. &c. Also received by the ship Almina , Capt. Stover , A LARGE ASSORTMENT OF SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS, Consisting of Amputating, Trepanning, Cupping, Midwifery, Tooth of different sorts, Crown and Common Lancets, and Surgical Pocket Instruments, &c. &c.
HARDHAM'S SNUFF, No. 9. Also, by the ship Olive Branch , Capt. Le Breton , from Bristol, A LARGE & EXTENSIVE ASSORTMENT OF GLASS & FURNITURE, For Apothecary's and Practitioner's Shops. Those who favor us with their orders will be supplied on the most reasonable terms, and the articles of the best and freshest quality, as our importations are regularly twice a year, and laid in with cash, from the most respectable Druggists in London.
MEDICINE CHESTS made up as usual. Also, a few elegant Mahogany Chests of the newest construction, with furniture complete. PERRY'S ANTI-BILLIOUS PILLS. Frederick Heermann & Son. July 17. 2aw 12m. 1
INSURANCE AGAINST FIRE. Phenix Fire Office, London, May 1, 1804. THE numerous and destructive Fires which have happened within the period of the two last years, in different parts of Europe and America, (more particularly in the towns of Liverpool in England, Gothenburg in Sweden, and Norfolk in Virginia,) render it proper to remind all persons who possess property in the United States of America, of the utility of insurance. The Phoenix Office of London, is an institution sufficiently known by the very large and important losses it has paid, in consequence of the extensive conflagrations in the cities and towns of America to such sufferers as have had the prudence to protect their property, by insurance.—The Phoenix Company deeply regret that, owing to the experience of serious and continued losses, upon the buildings and stores in the timber towns, no alteration nor remission on such risks can be made at present—but the Directors hope, from the increase of brick and stone buildings, and other improvements of security, that the period is not far distant, when they will be able generally, to mitigate the rates of insurance in North America; and they confidently presume that the promptitude and honour with which they have uniformly fulfilled their extensive engagements, have unequivocally established the solidity, credit and good faith, of the Company. The Phoenix Company grant insurances upon buildings, goods, and ships, whilst in dock or in harbour, from loss or damage by fire, upon the most moderate and equitable terms; and persons desirous of securing their property by policies from this company, are requested to transmit their orders to their correspondents in Great Britain. July 31. 48
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RUNAWAY from the Subscriber in the City of London, some time in the month of May, 1799, a mulatto slave, named HENRY , at that time aged about 18 years, and was about five feet ten inches high; he is probably now upwards of 6 feet. Henry was a remarkable handsome mulatto, and had a fine countenance; his hair rather of the wool kind, but tied in a short queue—He called himself Henry Brent , which name he had put on one of his arms with Indian Ink, either Henry Brent or H. Brent , I do not recollect which; he had also on the same arm an anchor and cable, and some other figures, done by a sailor on a voyage to the East Indies in the year 1797.—It is very probable attempts have been made to erase the name and figures above described, but it could not have been done without leaving some traces and scars. I have just received information that Henry was seen in Norfolk on the 16th of last month, where I am inclined to think he has been lurking for some time—I will give the above reward to any person who will deliver said slave to me, at Col. John Cooke's, Stafford county, near Aquia, or fifty dollars if secured in any jail so that I get him again—Information given in a letter per post, directed to me at Col. John Cooke's, near Aquia, will be immediately attended to. John W. Bronaugh. N. B. I am told the above slave is known in Norfolk at this time by the name of Puddy or Purdy . July 17. tf 15
LANDING THIS DAY ON WARREN'S WHARF, 113 Tierces RICE. 10 Hogheads SUGAR. 10 do. MOLASSES. For Sale by Warren Ashley. August 2. tf 53
FOR SALE, New-York BEEF and PORK. ALSO, 200 barrels Smithfield PORK. Robert Gibson. July 17, 1804. tf 17
FRESH TEAS. Just received and for sale by the Subscribers, IMPERIAL, } TEAS, HYSON, } YOUNG HYSON, } Of a very late importation, and of a superior quality. ALSO—IN STORE, 15 Hhds. Prime Sugars. 16 Pipes French Brandy. 100 Casks Nails—all sizes. 10 Hhds. Prime Green Coffee. 10 ditto Molasses. 50 Barrels Whiskey. 200 Bags Shot, No. 1 to 8, B. & B. 50 Casks best English Gunpowder. 50 Boxes 8 by 10 best Crown Glass. 50 Kegs White Lead, ground in Oil 30 Boxes Pipes. 20 Casks Copperas. 5 ditto Refined Salt Petre. 10 Boxes Wool Cards. 10 ditto Spermaceti Candles. 50 Bundles Printing Paper. 100 Ream Writing ditto. 20 Bags Black Pepper. 30 Boxes Dixon's best Mustard. 500 lbs. Race Ginger. 50 Barrels Beef & Pork—Boston Inspection. A few Tons Iron Ware—assorted. ALSO, A small consignment of HARDWARE—assorted. Which will be sold at Cost and Charges. Fisk & Stearns. July 8. tf 2
FOR SALE, 1350 Barrels Superfine and Fine Flour. 900 do. Pork, in shipping order. 60 do. Beef, No. 1 & 2. 50 Puncheons Grenada Rum. 6 Pipes London particular Madeira Wine. 26 Hhds. Richmond Tobacco. 44 do. Petersburg do. Tar and Turpentine. Pilot and Ship Bread. A few Trunks Irish Linens. A Trunk Gingham. Apply to Donaldson, Thorburn & Co. July 17. tf 7
Will be landed this day on Newton's Wharf , from on board the Schooner ANN ELIZA , Capt. SMALL , from Aux-Cayes, 75,000 wt. GREEN COFFEE. For sale by Wilson, Cunningham & Co. August 21. tf 86
FOR SALE, 50 Bags—5000 wt. PEPPER, entitled to drawback. 31 Barrels SHIP BREAD. 20 do. No. 1 BEEF, Boston inspection. 21 do. Virginia do. Phinehas Dana. August 25. tf 102
FOR SALE, 35 Hhds. Sugar. 20 do. Demerary Rum. 7 do. Antigua do. 20,000 Green Coffee. 150 Barrels Alexandria Superfine Flour. 50 do. Pork, superior quality. 4,000 lbs. Lard. A quantity of Bacon Hams—and A few Tons Bar Iron. John Macgowan, Marsden's Wharf. July 21. 30.
FOR SALE, 70 Hhds. Petersburg Tobacco. 10 Puncheons old Jamaica Rum. 50 Hhds. } Muscovada Sugar. 40 Tierces. } 20 Barrels. } 5 Hhds. Loaf Sugar. 15 Tierces Hibbert's Brown Stout. 17 Boxes, } Philadelphia Ale in Bot's. 11 Barrels. } Glassware, Window Glass & Empty Bottles. 2 Boxes Hats. 8d. 10d. 12d. & 20d. Nails, Sheathing Nails & Spikes. 50 Bags Juniper Berries. A. Maclure. July 28. tf 45
We are this day landing on our wharf, from on board the British Schooner Sprightly , from Kingston, 12 Hogheads, } PRIME SUGARS; 4 Barrels, } 23 Tierces, } FIRST QUALITY COFFEE. 38 Barrels, } 13 Barrels CASTOR OIL. 59 Bags GINGER. 2 Tons EBONY WOOD. 10 Barrels of LIMES. All of which we will dispose of on liberal terms. C. & F. Whittle. July 31. 50
Old particular Madeira WINES, in Pipes, Hhds. and Quarter Casks.—ALSO, a few barrels of WALNUTS, from on board the brig Ann Elizabeth , from Madeira—which will be sold on low terms if applied for in a few days. John Brown, Rothery's Wharf. August 14. tf 74
SUBSCRIPTIONS Will be received at the Office of the Ledger, FOR THE MONTHLY REGISTER AND REVIEW OF THE UNITED STATES, to be published at Charleston, S. C. By S. CULLEN CARPENTER. Price Six Dollars per annum, payable half yearly in advance. August 14.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED, Tuesdays, Thursdays, & Saturdays, BY JOHN COWPER & GEORGE L. GRAY. OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE-HOUSE. Price Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.