Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1803-07-29 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 18 of Volume V.]
FRIDAY, July 29, 1803.
[Whole No. 226.]
MEMORIAL
ON THIS QUESTION, WHETHER IT BE ADVANTAGEOUS FOR FRANCE TO TAKE POSSESSION OF LOUISIANA?
Presented to the French Government by Mr. Livingston, the American Minister at Paris.
[Translated for the N. England Palladium, by Mr. Nancrède of Boston.]
THIS question presents itself in two points of view: First, in the relation of commerce and manufactures:— Secondly, in those of the positive or relative force of France.
Colonies do not excite interest for their own sakes, but only as respects the influence they may have on a nation; and as one man alone is more useful by remaining at home, than two by removing at a distance, a wise nation does not seek to colonize, until she has a superabundance of population, which she cannot usefully employ in any other way.
Though very considerable, the population of France is very far from having reached the term which renders colonies necessary: Her soil, climate, and local situation give her, as a commercial, and especially as a manufacturing nation, great advantages over all the nations of Europe. The spirit of invention, the taste and industry of its inhabitants, place her in the first rank. But those advantages are wonderfully abridged by the want of capitals sufficient to make use of them. A rival nation, greatly inferior in every one of these particulars, by increasing the national fortune, furnish it with the means of maintaining that very superiority.
Capitals increase the number of manufactures, by the introduction of machines, by the regular payment of workmen, by the reduction of the interests of money, and especially by the possession of new markets.
None but rich individuals can undertake those slow and expensive speculations, which often give the superiority to a manufacture. A poor merchant cannot undertake long voyages, returns from which are slow; they are reserved for the wealthy, who can give credits long enough to tempt foreign nations to give his articles the preference over those of other nations, which expect a quick return for theirs. The want of capitals in France, is such, that no manufacturer has at his command a quantity of articles sufficient to answer the demands; and consequently no foreigner can be sure to obtain from his French correspondent wherewith to make his return without retarding his vessel in port, or, at least, without being obliged to take a considerable quantity of articles of inferior quality, picked up in a number of different manufactures; so that if he commits any fraud, no one can be charged with it.—This renders a manufacture of very little importance in the eyes of a French workman.
Hence when a foreign vessel, especially if owned at a great distance, sells her cargo in France, she is ordered to take nothing but wines or brandies, because they are the only articles which the owner is sure to procure in sufficient quantities, in the fixed time.
In England, on the contrary, he will find all sort of goods in one hour, from one manufacture, the reputation of which would suffer, if the whole supply were not of the same quality with the sample. This consideration will ever induce a foreigner to apply to an English, in preference to a French merchant, for a purchase of goods of the same kind. Hence cargoes are sold in France, and the proceeds carried to England, there to be sold for articles which France might supply, if her manufactures were rich enough to answer every demand, in a short time, without compelling the purchaser to have recourse to a great number of manufactures.
This inconvenience can only be removed by increasing the capitals of manufacturers. It would be too great a deviation from my subject, to point out the means of obtaining those capitals; but it is evident, that they must be considerably lessened by forming of a Navy at the expense of manufactures, or by using the capitals of the nation in distant countries. It is beyond doubt, that capitals open new channels; for nothing is more com-
mon for merchants whose capital is small, than to content themselves with acting the part of Brokers or Commission Merchants, to those who can supply them with goods on credit; for this very reason, England lost nothing by the independence of America. Her immense capitals have created a monied dependence, which, in a commercial relation, replaced the supremacy she had lost in the government. The increase of capital in America, frees it in some degree from that dependency, and by furnishing her with the means of extending her commerce, and even to offer capitals to other nations, which know how to calculate the value of the market which she offers to manufactures and to the luxury of Europe.
It will be readily granted, that Colonies beyond the seas add nothing to the force of a nation, these are, on the contrary, weak points, which are guarded at very great expence, both in men and money; especially if they be in hot and unhealthy climates.
The question, therefore, is reduced to this. Has France a superfluity of men and money great enough to justify the settling of a new colony?
Those which France already possesses in the West Indies and at Cayenne, are more than sufficient for her wants, and even the wants of all Europe, if they were cultivated so as to produce all they are capable of. But how are they to be cultivated? Experience has proved that the inhabitants of hot climates never work from want: Force alone can supply the two great spur to labor in Northern climates, hunger and cold, which nature has placed in those severe climates—Hence slavery can alone fertilize those colonies, and slaves cannot be procured but at great expence.
The Spanish part of Hispaniola was almost uncultivated for want of slaves. It is now possessed by France; and, to render it of advantage, it will be necessary to lay out immense capitals in slaves, in buildings, and in improvements of uncultivated lands. Others will be necessary to make up for the losses of the French part of that, not to mention the other islands. Where are all those capitals to be found? Men who travel into distant and unhealthy climates are seldom wealthy. Those riches must therefore be found in France, or in some country that has a superfluity of capital. If they are found in France, it can only be, to a certain degree, at the expence of internal manufactures. It may, however, appear advantageous, in a national point of view, to encourage the use of the riches of France for that object; considering the extreme fertility of the French West Indies, and their present situation of culture, those funds will soon yield a profit. But as long as money will command so high an interest; so long as the interior of the Republic shall offer monied men a source of speculations, and property shall lie in so few hands, it will be difficult to induce the majority of them to dispossess themselves of this capital to send it at a distance, and run the risk of the integrity of their agents, and all those whom recent examples have taught them to dread.
Foreign coin was formerly introduced into France through the United Provinces; but the present state of the Batavian Colonies, and the losses they have sustained by the war, leave but little hope, that much may be used in the restoring of French Colonies.
The United States possess considerable capitals in money, and productions necessary to the restoration of the Islands. No great credit, in money will probably be given to the planters; but with suitable encouragements, there is no doubt they will be able to obtain those productions which must, were it not for that circumstance, be paid for in cash, and the commercial speculations of the United States will extend to the French Islands, when the public and private credit of France shall have been restored, and when experience shall have convinced the people how unwise it is to establish a revenue upon foreign trade, while it is in fact collected from their own citizens.—At Hispaniola, a duty of 20 per cent is paid upon articles introduced by strangers. This duty is in fact paid by strangers, and it happens that fraud, and the bad administration of custom houses, is
as usual, a source of vexation to foreign merchants. But it is the planter who furnishes the money, for this tax is always added to the price, and even an interest is advanced upon it as a compensation for the vexations which the captains experience in their commerce. What then is the effect of that operation, if not to take from the planter one fourth part of the money which he had so much difficulty to get from France? Or otherwise to stop, by that means, partly the re-establishment of the capitals which alone can render the islands finally productive? I say finally, for it is folly to believe that they will yield to France a compensation for her actual outsets, unless it be after a great many years. I will even say, that unless the ports of Hispaniola are open to every vessel loaded with articles of necessity, until the inhabitants have the right of buying cheap and selling dear, by encouraging the rivalry between the sellers and purchasers, until every sort of vexation is removed, and strangers receive every possible security for their capitals in the Islands, ages will pass away before Hispaniola will cease draining France of its riches and strength without offering her any equivalent return.
It is, therefore, evident, that had France no other possession beyond the seas, except her islands, it might easily place all the capital of which she now can, and probably hereafter will be able to dispose in a long series of years.
But if to all this, we add the immense possessions in Guyanna, her productions, and the capitals necessary to carry the whole of it to its full value; if we add the settlements necessary to be made in India, if the design to bring into the ports of France that variety of articles which invite exchanges, and give commerce its due activity, we shall find that one century at least will pass away before France may want possessions of that kind.
But as France has, like other countries, but a confined capital, the only question is, where shall this capital be placed? shall it be here? or in the West Indies? at Cayenne? In India? or at Louisiana? For it is obvious that what will be placed in one of those settlements will be at the expence of another; it is equally so, that the national expenditures will increase with her colonies; and that, in case of war, the points of attack and defence, will be multiplied in the same ratio.
Able statesmen have questioned whether colonies were useful to a country situated like France; but my design is not to examine this theory. France has colonies;—she has invited her citizens to go and carry their riches to them; honor requires that she keep and protect them; but she is under no obligation to create new ones; to multiply points of defence; to squander away the capitals she wants at home and abroad. How could the possession of Louisiana be useful to her? In the first place, its cultivation is to be carried on, as in all warm countries, by slaves; the capitals spent in buying them, or the slaves themselves, would have been carried to the Islands, if this new channel had not opened. This rivalry will rise the price of slaves for the planters, and may thus much retard the settlement.
On their arrival at Louisiana, the slaves will be employed in the barren occupations of felling the large forests with which this immense country is covered, a labor but little suited to slaves, for it requires being long accustomed to the axe; and force and activity are seldom found in slaves. They must be clothed, fed and maintained during whole years before any profit can be deriv'd from them. What I am about to relate may serve to determine that period. In the Northern and Middle States of America, the usual term of quit-rent lease in the lands is ten years free from rent, and after this the lessee pays 12 bushels of wheat for every hundred acres forever. It is, therefore, obvious, that the first ten years are considered a time of expence, during which time the owner requires no payment.—But in the Southern States, new lands cannot be given out on those terms, because the white planter sets a higher value on his labour, and the clearing of forests requires too great outsets for any one but the owner of the land.
Who then will cultivate Louisiana with slaves? Who is the citizen willing to be-
stow large capitals upon so precarious a property with the prospect of a distant return.
It may be asked, why does it not happen in the Southern States? It is answered, first, because none are southerly enough to be wholly free from colds of winter, which renders savage life very difficult to men, born in hot climates; and secondly, because the Southern States, are mostly surrounded by the sea, and by mountains, the whole population of which is white, and which cut off the communication between the slaves and the vast forests of the interior parts.
But let us suppose all these difficulties overcome, what commercial advantage can France derive from the settlement of this colony? The productions of Louisiana being the same with those of the West Indies, no advantage is to be reaped, for the islands, being well cultivated, will suffice for the wants of France, and even all Europe. The introduction of those from Louisiana, would only lessen the price without adding any thing to the value, and France would be obliged to prevent the ruin of those who had employed their funds in the colonies, to imitate the Dutch, who destroy their spices and teas, when the quantity of these commodities in Europe is large enough to cause a depreciation of their value. The productions of Louisiana, which do not grow in the West Indies, are only lumber, and perhaps rice; but it is certain that those productions, considering the difficulty of procuring them in a hot and unsalubrious climate, will not cover the outsets, or, at least, will not yield the same profits, as would be procured by raising them in the islands, procuring the same or other and more valuable articles.
The proof of this is found in the United States. It is not from Georgia nor South Carolina, that the West-Indies are supplied with lumber, but chiefly from the Northern States where forests are more scarce and more valuable than in the south. The cause of this is, that the supplying of lumber, the mills necessary to prepare them for sale, all these are the work of free hands, which are satisfied with a moderate price.
I shall presume further to lay down, however paradoxical it may seem, that it is not advantageous for France to supply herself with lumber, even if she could procure it from Louisiana. I have two reasons to offer. What lumber the northern states supply her colonies with is paid for in molasses and some rum. The first article costs the planter nothing for, were it not for that, this would be an useless production of his sugar, and the second is but very moderate expense for distillation. If it were consumed in America molasses would be thrown away as useless, and this was the case when America was a British colony, because French commerce does not offer any other market for that commodity.
It may, therefore, be said that the colonies have from the United States, lumber for nothing. Should, on the contrary, a settlement be formed in Louisiana for the supplying of that article, every expense and outset of this establishment, all the labour necessary to cut, saw, and transport it to the place where it is to be sold, would be a real loss for the nation, even admitting that the cutters and other men employed, should take as payment, molasses and rum; because their labor would produce nothing to the nation.
But it is certain that Louisiana could not furnish a market for molasses or rum. It is only in New-England (Northern States,) that those articles are consumed. The inhabitants of the South prefer ardent spirits, distilled from grain, apples, and peaches, to those distilled from molasses.
On the supposition, therefore, that the planters supply themselves with lumber in a French colony, exclusively at Louisiana, they would be forced to pay for it in money or objects of real value. If the right of supply is not exclusive, it is dull, because the laborer of a southern climate cannot work as cheap as the robust son of the North.
It might be thought that molasses would still find a market in New-England, though it were no longer the price of lumber. It would be an error. They have no other reason to take it, than its being

offered to them in exchange for an article for which they have few other markets. Let the colonies refuse lumber, from the North, spirits from grain, apples &c. will immediately be substituted to those for sugar, because the price of rum would immediately be higher. Then it will be that every sort of commerce between them and the colonies will cease, unless it be for provisions, which they will necessarily require to be paid for in money, or in what will pass in foreign markets, for money.
The second reason why France ought not to get her lumber from Louisiana, even tho' she might do it, is, that, in case of war, supposing England should preserve her naval superiority, no sure calculations could be made upon receiving provisions; and they could not be supplied from the United States, for that commerce, having been abandoned since the peace, those whom it then employed have sought other objects of industry;—and saw mills, erected to prepare that lumber, are out of use, and will not easily be set up again, at the renewal of hostilities, so that the misfortunes which are the consequence of it would be doubly distressing to the colonies.
It is, therefore, very evident the colonizing of Louisiana would, in a commercial point of view, be very injurious to France, because it would employ capitals which would be more usefully employed in other colonies; because those capitals would lie dormant for several years, and because admitting they should become productive for individuals, they would add nothing to the national mass, and would have no other effect than to lower the price of colonial produce, and lessen the price of their labor.
It might however be thought, that the possession of Louisiana would afford one more market to French manufactures, and thus compensate the expense of the nation for its settlement. This question deserves a particular examination, and the provisioning of the consumption of French manufactures may relate either to the free or bond population.
If it be the free class that is to be mustered by emigrants from France, it will be composed of that portion of the people, which not only could support themselves in France, but, besides, increase the national riches by their industry. For France is not overburthened by her population, and consequently every emigration will form a vacuum some where, or abandon some useful branch which will no longer be carried on. The emigrant carries away with him a portion of the general good, in the mass of the productive labour of the mother country; he also carries away with him a portion of the capital, for he never goes with empty hands; and, as I have already observed, ten years must pass away before his settlement produces beyond his first necessities. He must, at the same time, live with the strictest economy, for having nothing to offer in exchange, he receives scarcely any thing from the mother country, and the nature of the southerly climates requires very few of the articles necessary in Europe.
It is, therefore, beyond all doubt, that, as to the present emigrant, the few articles furnished him by French manufactures will not cover the loss which the nation will sustain of his own labor; besides he will consume much less in America than he would in France, and, besides his labor, the manufacturer, who supplied his wants in both countries, will be a loser by his emigration.
Black population will still less contribute to the support of French manufactures, because their consumption in articles of dress is very small; and even in South Carolina it does not amount to more than fifty livres a year for each negro. At Louisiana, where the winter is still less severe, it will be reduced in proportion; it will consist in cotton, principally worked in the country, and still more smuggled from the United States. But if the whole were brought from France, after deducting the raw materials which must be purchased the whole profit of the French manufacturer will not amount to more than 30 livres for each negro, every year. Now as each slave will cost the nation 1000 livres, and as this capital would have produced, in France, at least 10 pr. cent. in every other commerce or manufacture, the difference between 100 livres French produce, and 30 livres, produce of the Louisiana clothing, gives the real loss to be sustained by France in the first ten years, during which, they can only, as I have said before, supply their first wants, if so much; and as a certain number must die by the change of climate, and a number will run away, the real loss of France on every slave imported and employed in Louisiana must be 100 livres every year.
But we add to this, the profit which this very slave could have furnished, if transported to the islands, (and it is certain that every slave carried to Louisiana is so many hands taken from the islands,) we shall find that the actual loss of the nation in the interruption of labor, will amount to 600 livres per annum, in the introduction of 1000 slaves to Louisiana, will be 900,000 livres. It is true, that if peace continue, and if, in opposition to expectation, the colony should prosper, the rich planters will make a great consumption of French goods, but that of the negroes will ever be very small, or their labor without profit, because as I have already observed, being employed to cultivate articles which the islands can more easily supply for every demand and the sale of which is confined, by increasing the quantity, they will only lessen the prices of those commodities which it is essential for France to keep high, because she possesses the most fertile islands.
I know there is an opinion entertained by many, viz. That French goods, in their way to the Mississippi, will find a market in the western part of the United States. The most complete ignorance of the navigation of that river could alone have given rise to such an opinion, which is likewise grounded on the ignorance of the wants of the inhabitants. It is certain that the wines of France are not fit for climates hot as those they must cross before they arrive in the Western States; that they are still less suited to the taste and means of the inhabitants, who are more accustomed to their own liquors, such as cider, beer, whisky, and peach-brandy, the latter, with time, becomes superior to the best French brandy; so that instead of receiving those articles through Louisiana, they might themselves supply the colony with them. As to the articles of glass and earthen ware, they are made in every part of the Western States, where the raw materials are every where found. The demands for China-ware are small, but if they were large, French ware is too dear to hurt the sale of China.
Large iron works are also wrought on the spot, and English hard-ware has so well-known a superiority over the French, that the latter would certainly remain unsold, if both were exposed at market.—The only article which might, perhaps, be introduced into the country, would be silks, cambricks, and a few other articles of luxury. But even all these can never pass through the river Mississippi. The dangerous navigation of the gulph, the long and expensive distance to go against the current, the large capitals of the English and American merchants at Philadelphia, and the great improvements which are made every day in the roads and inland navigation, will cause land carriage to be preferred as far as the Ohio and other rivers, whence they are carried to the settlements easily and cheaply. It is a well known fact, that dry goods have been carried from Philadelphia to N. Orleans by land, by that route, in preference to sea carriage. It is therefore visionary to believe that goods be carried from France that way; whilst the enterprising English, who have the right of navigating that river, and the prejudices of the Americans in favor of their manufactures, never attempted to introduce their goods that way, because they well know that they are more easily brought by Philadelphia and Baltimore. But should France be desirous of introducing that way more bulky articles into the Western States, and accustom the inhabitants to their wines and manufactures, it could only be by putting New-Orleans into their hands, with the reserve that it shall ever be a free port for French vessels and goods, without being subjected to any other duties than those paid by the Americans. By this means the American merchants settled at New-Orleans may be interested in their commerce, if instead of going to England, their capitals would go to France; for England, which has not the same means, and which pays higher duties, could not supply those goods at so low a rate.
But should France on the other hand resolve to keep the island, a great proportion of the capitals of the commerce of New-Orleans, which are especially in the hands of the English and Americans, will naturally take the course which the United States shall fix, and that must be a rival place of commerce with New-Orleans, which being rid of the vexatious consequent, at a distance from the sovereign, will draw, in spite of all the disadvantages of its situation, the whole commerce of which the other is at this day the centre.
The boundaries established between Spain and the United States, and very lately between the English and Spanish
possessions, have deprived the inhabitants of Louisiana of their share of the fur trade, which it must be confessed was not, nor could ever be very important, as the peltry of the south are of but little value, the few skins are of no importance to commerce, as may be seen in the tables of importation of New-Orleans.—Goods are ever to be transported from the Mississippi into the United States, that way.
In these considerations, I have kept no account of the pains, expenses and loss of men, which are inseparable from new settlements in a marshy country, and a burning climate; the invasion of Indians; the insurrection of slaves; the subordination of troops; the abuses committed by officers, remote from the sovereign's vigilant eye. All these inconveniences united, or only a few of them, are enough to stop an undertaking, and ruin a settlement. A very important observation is, however, to be made, and that is of some weight. Many of those who carry their families to Louisiana, observing that the lands are as cheap on the American side, will prefer settling there, even in time of peace; some, because they will prefer the government of that country, others through spite, or to rid themselves from a military government, such as that of Louisiana must necessarily be. That wish must be general in case of a war between France and England, for admitting that the latter maintains her naval superiority (as I have already proved) another place she must, unless France changes her commercial system in order to establish it upon more liberal principles) the mouth of the Mississippi will be blocked up, and the planters in the French colonies will be reduced to the greatest distress, while those of the United States will derive from the war the greatest benefit.
Then it will be, that a great part of the capitals brought from France to Louisiana, will pass into the United States, where are found farms, already cleared, for one half of what it would cost a French planter to clear his: because an American, familiarized from his infancy to the use of the axe, has acquired a dexterity and a muscular strength, which are never obtained by a man used to other business.
The experience of the past is wholly in favor of these observations. Tho' settled for one century, Louisiana has never prospered under the French or the Spanish government. And one half of the commerce of New-Orleans is now carried on with American capitals, under the guarantee of their treaty with Spain. As soon as the French will plant a rival colony, that commerce will be carried on in any other place in the U. States, which the policy of their government may judge proper to encourage.
If the settlement of Louisiana is not advantageous to France, in a commercial view, because it diverts capitals from a much more important channel, it is contrary to her interests in a political point of view. America is of the utmost importance to France, whether considered as a commercial or maritime power. I have explained my opinion fully in this first relation, on another occasion; as to the other, there is no question that an agricultural nation, which, by her industry and her raw materials, is able to procure all the superfluous luxuries of Europe, and whose habits and occupations prevent them from manufacturing for themselves, there can be no question that such a nation must afford a very important market to the inhabitants of the old world.
In this view the commerce of the U. States has been considered as very profitable to England; but when French manufactures shall have obtained all the improvement of which they are capable; when commerce shall be established upon a suitable basis, it will present a much greater variety of articles upon which to support itself than the commerce of England. Woollen articles and hardware are the only articles which America receives from England; but France shall furnish not only these, but her agriculture will gain by the sale of her wines, her brandies and her oils. These advantages, added to the relative situation of France and the United States, which removes every suspicion of rivalry between them, both by sea and land, have exhibited France as the natural ally of the United States, to the eyes of those who have considered, in the extent of her power, a new pledge of the security of their commerce and their future tranquility.—They have done homage to the wisdom of those statesmen who, at the conclusion of an advantageous war, have thought that France would gain more by securing the solid friendship of the United States, than by acquiring territory which would
be for them an object of jealousy, and might again force them under the domination of a people whose yoke they had just assisted them to shake off.
I am not ignorant how delicate it is to foretel political misfortunes, which might result to France and the U. States from the possession of Louisiana and the Floridas by the former. I must either conceal that which truth would have me say, or on the other hand, frighten certain querulous minds, who may fancy they see a threat in my frankness. Nevertheless, a citizen of one of the two nations, and strongly attached to the other, I hope that those to whom this memorial may be delivered, will be able to set a just value on the motives of my conduct, and will see in it nothing but my exertions to remove every subject of dispute between two people formed to assist one another; and although I am too well acquainted with the resources of my own country to dread the power of any of the European nations, it will easily be seen, that I am incapable of conceiving the ridiculous idea of threatening a government which has seen all Europe bend the knee before its power.
I have observed, that France and the United States are in a respective situation, so fortunate as to have no point of collision. They may assist, without being tempted to hurt one another in any manner. This commerce is useful to both nations; this union of sentiments and interests rests upon principles which ought to form the maritime code, and deliver the universe from the tyranny founded by Great Britain which she maintains, and which never will be combatant with success, until the other powers, by uniting, will abridge her means, by transferring to nations more moderate a part of her commerce; and as there is no nation on the globe whose consumptions offers to foreign manufactures resources as vast as those offered by the United States, if we consider with what rapidity this consumption increases, the means which America has of creating a navy when her political situation shall render it necessary, we shall be obliged to own that France must have very strong motives and very powerful, to induce her to abandon these advantages, and change a natural ally, from a warm friend, into a suspicious and jealous neighbor, and perhaps hereafter into a declared enemy.
Experience has proved, that two nations could not be neighbors without being rivals; and if this be true, of two neighboring nations, it may be said and with still more truth of a colony formed by a great and powerful nation, removed from the metropolis, and of a people bordering on the territory of the other. The reason of this is plausible; where two nations are neighbors, every thing passes under the inspection of the sovereign; the quarrels are as soon extinguished as kindled; but when the governor of a colony, calculating upon the protection of the metropolis, is guilty of an act of hostility, the wound gets gangrened, before the physician can be called. The offended sovereign, who also thinks that the offender will be so much the more strongly supported, as his nation is more powerful, tries every means, in order to anticipate on the hostilities which he dreads, uses reprisals, and both nations are at war before any explanation can take place.
[To be continued.]
NEW-YORK, July 18.
Capt. Irvin, of the sloop Sally, in 16 days from Antigua, has furnished us with the following information—On the 20th June, the British brig Busy, mounting 16 guns, captured a French ship from the Coast of Guinea, with 337 slaves, 120 boxes of Gold dust, and four hundred and sixty elephants teeth, and carried her into Antigua. On the 22d of the same month, a French sloop laden with coffee in bulk, and bound for a port in the United States was captured by the same brig, and carried into Antigua. On the 28th the Capt. of the Busy sent his boat well manned, into St. Pierre's (Martinique) and cut out a large French ship, coppered to the bends, and carried her safe into Antigua. On the 29th five sail of the line, 3 frigates, 2 sloops of war, 3 transports, with 7000 troops on board, proceeded from Antigua on an expedition against Martinique, with the intention of reducing that island.—When the intelligence of war reached Antigua three or four French vessels that were lying there, put to sea on the following night, having considerable property on shore.
Accounts of the capture of Tobago had been received at Antigua.
A fleet of 7 sail of the line and 4 transports had arrived off Barbadoes and had

captured 10 French transports on their passage.
The Emerald, Centaur, and Blenheim, of 74 guns each, and the Venus frigate, had cut out of St. Pierre's and port Royal 32 sail of French merchant vessels.
American flour at Antigua 10 dollars per barrel, pork 16, beef 13, lumber 55 dollars per thousand.
July 22.
Letters received yesterday per schr. Nancy, inform, that the merchants at Havanna having remonstrated to the Spanish Court on the conduct of the Intendant, as being injurious to the interests of commerce, an order had been issued for his recall, with instructions to remain in office until the arrival of his successor. Irritated at this mark of disgrace, the intendant seized upon most of the American vessels in port, (many of which vessels were under Spanish colours) condemned them and their cargoes, and threw several of the captains into prison. He was expected to take his departure for Spain in about two weeks.
PHILADELPHIA, JULY 22.
Our papers by the Commerce, arrived yesterday, consist of regular files of the London Sun, from the 12th of May down to the first of June. Their contents are not very important. The naval list constitutes the most prominent article in the latest papers. By these it appears, that England has commenced the war with great spirit and equal success. Prizes many of them immensely valuable, are daily pouring into the British ports. The zeal and activity of the British commanders, in every direction, are a certain presage of future brilliant operations.
In the Sun of the 28th of May, we find a voluminous report of a debate which occurred in the House of Commons the day preceding, relative to the proposed mediation of Russia. In this debate Messrs. Pitt and Fox took conspicuous parts. It appears, that the idea of such a mediation is not entirely hopeless. Some members speak sanguinely of its success.
Some additional papers relative to the late negotiation have been laid before parliament. Among these the following is the only document which we find interesting to the American reader:
Copy of a Letter
From Mr. R. King to Lord Hawkesbury.
LONDON, MAY 15, 1803.
MY LORD,
In the present critical posture of affairs, I lose no time in communicating to your Lordship, for his Majesty's information, that a treaty was signed at Paris on the thirtieth day of April past by the Plenipotentiaries of America and France: by which the complete sovereignty of the town and territory of New Orleans, as well as all Louisiana, as the same was heretofore possessed by Spain, has been acquired by the United States of America. In drawing up this treaty care has been taken so to frame the same as not to infringe any right of Great Britain in the navigation of the river Mississippi.
I flatter myself that this communication will be received with satisfaction, and regard as a new proof of the disposition of the United States, to observe towards his majesty a spirit of amity and confidence, important at all times, and more especially so in present circumstances, to the harmony and mutual prosperity of the two countries.
I avail myself of this occasion, to renew to your lordship the assurance of distinguished consideration, with which I have the honor to be, &c.
RUFUS KING.
Rt. Hon. Lord Hawkesbury.
NORFOLK, July 16.
By three French gentlemen who arrived in town from Martinique, and who have brought dispatches for Mr. Pichon, the French Minister, we are favored with the following particulars:
That a short time previous to their sailing from Martinique (which was on the 4th inst.) a French transport ship of 14 guns arrived there after a very short passage, and brought accounts that the French troops in Holland, under the command of general Massena, had been ordered by the French government to take possession of the City of Hamburg, which was effected, the shipping and other British property was seized and confiscated. It was also understood that an army had been ordered to march into Portugal.
There had been several captures of English vessels made by the French, which have been sent into Martinique and Guadalupe, particularly a government schooner of 16 guns, captured off
Martinique by the Curieux corvette, of 18 guns, and sent into St. Pierre's. Martinique is blockaded by two ships of the line, two frigates, and a sloop of war. Admiral Joyeuse, governor of Martinique had issued 22 letters of marque previous to their leaving the island. They mention the capture of St. Lucia, and state that the English had 130 killed and wounded, and the French 125; the garrison of St. Lucia consisted of 400, and the English forces employed of 4000 men, immediately after the capture, the squadron divided into separate divisions, and left the island.
The following Proclamation has been received through the same source.
In the name of the French Republic. PROCLAMATION.
Augustus Ernouf, General of Division, Inspector General of the French Infantry, Captain General of Guadalupe and its dependencies.
To the inhabitants of Guadalupe, and to the Army.
CITIZENS,
The English Government will have war!
In vain the father of Frenchmen, the immortal BONAPARTE, has exhausted before it every proceeding, every means which could ensure to France the enjoyment of that tranquility, of which she has hardly tasted the first fruits. Every sacrifice has been made to obtain that end; but that implacable enemy of Frenchmen, has not been satisfied with the incalculable advantages which it has obtained by a peace, which it alone ought not to have enjoyed. It is not against France alone that it directs its attacks, but against the whole world; Its ambition embraces all from the Indian shores to the mouths of the Orenoque, from the Nile to the Tagus, it pretends to exercise its tyranny: In the extravagance of its ideas, it believes that on it the empire of the seas is devolved. Among the powers which have supported the destructive war which has rent the continent, which of them has been enriched by the spoils of the other? Is it not England?
Inhabitants of Guadalupe, who have already so victoriously fought her soldiers—You brave warriors who have seen the phalanxes fly before you in the fields of Hondscoote, on the coasts of Flanders and Holland; prepare yourselves to encounter the enemy who, forgetful of honor and the rights of nations, cowardly takes your defenceless ships sailing under the faith of treaties. You are now at war with the subjects of that perfidious government! Remember Quiberon, the Camp of St. John and the horrible attempt of the 3d of Nivose.
Soon will the Hero of France re-establish the liberty of the seas; soon will he prescribe just limits to the inordinate ambition of that government, alike the perturbator of his country and of the world.
The colony of Guadalupe and its dependencies are placed in a state of siege.
Done at Bassaterre, Guadalupe, the 5th of Messidor, 11th year of the French Republic.
(Signed)
ERNOUF.
ALEXANDRIA, July 23.
By Captain Harrington who arrived at New-York on Sunday, from St. Pierres Martinique, we are informed that Martinique was blockaded by two British 74's, four frigates and two sloops of war. There were 5000 French troops at Fort-Copal, determined to oppose the British to the last extremity. The inhabitants are favourable to the British.
Flour 18 dollars, Beef 24, and Pork 26 per barrel.
From a St. John's (N. B.) paper of June 22:
Monday last returned from a cruise, the Union Cutter, Lieutenant Oliver, and brought in the American sloop Sally, of Portland, for adjudication, for having sold a cargo of American and East-India manufactures, and having laden with plaster of Paris at Petite River, in Cobiquid Bay, contrary to law.
Extract of a letter from London, dated May 18.
"As we now consider ourselves at war again with France, flour will probably rise; at present it is about 33 or 34s per barrel of 196 lbs. Tobacco keeps up, and will do well, if of good quality.—Our stock is very low, say not quite 10,000 hogsheads, of all kinds, in the ports in London."
The latest advices from Paris, stated, that Buonaparte had sequestrated all English property, and had ordered all British subjects to Fontainbleau as prisoners of war. He averred that he took this measure in consequence of several re-
prisals made by the British even before the declaration of war.
The British fleets were distributed after the following manner:—Admiral Cornwallis was off Brest; Lord Nelson had gone to the Mediterranean—his flag was hoisted on board the Victory.—Several captures were made by the British Cruisers—These consisted for the better part of Merchantmen; one frigate however was among the number and was seen going into Portsmouth.
(Amer. Dai. Adv.)
MARTINSBURG, July 29.
The memorial of Chancellor Livingston, which we publish in part this day, may be considered as the chief instrument towards the cession of Louisiana.
As the negotiation is not complete until it has been approved and ratified by the Senate, the President has issued his proclamation, directing the members of both houses to convene at the City of Washington on the 17th of October for that purpose.
The sum of money for which this purchase has been made, is very great, but peace and good understanding, with a long prospect of enjoying each, appears to be of more consequence than a few millions of dollars, especially when the democratic leaders have abolished so many sources of revenue, which were not oppressive, pretending that the treasury abounded with surplus millions. How this really is, will be seen when the payments are made.
We cannot help expressing our astonishment, that the democrates are so unwilling to allow to Mr. Livingston the merit of having accomplished this important duty. As first they ascribed it to Col. Monroe; but it appears too clearly that he had little or nothing to do with it. Being obliged to abandon that ground, they now say that the memorial was written by Mr. Jefferson, and sent to Mr. Livingston; so that his friends, Gallatin and Madison, are entitled to the credit. Poor fellows!—they forget that if this was the case, there was not the least necessity for sending an ambassador extra, unless it was to shew that Mr. Livingston was not fit to be trusted.
Proceedings on Croswell's indictment.
Last week the indictment against Harry Croswell for publishing the annexed paragraph was tried at the Circuit Court held at Claverack. On Monday, the question whether the truth could be given in evidence as a justification, was decided in the negative by Chief Justice Lewis. On Tuesday the cause was advocated by Mr. Attorney-General Spencer and Foot—and was very ably defended by Mr. Van Vechten of Albany, and Mr. Van Ness of this City. Judge Lewis, in his charge, confined the jury to very narrow limits. He stated, that the only enquiry for them to make, was, whether Croswell was the publisher of the paragraph, and whether the inuendoes were truly set forth. The jury retired about seven o'clock on Tuesday evening, and returned a verdict of guilty, at eight the next morning. As the whole transaction is to come before the Supreme Court in August next, we deem it improper to enlarge on the subject at present. A fair and correct statement will be laid before the public in due season.
The following is the paragraph which gave rise to the indictment:
"Holt says, the burden of the Federal song is, that Mr. Jefferson paid Callender for writing against the late administration. This is wholly false. The charge is explicitly this:—Jefferson paid Callender for calling Washington a traitor, a robber, and a perjured—for calling Adams a hoary headed incendiary; and for most grossly slandering the private characters of men, who he well knew were virtuous. These charges, not a democratic editor has yet dared, or ever will dare, to meet in an open and manly discussion."
The other indictment is to be tried at the next circuit.
Balance.
The following neat paragraph is found in the same number of the Balance containing an account of Croswell's conviction:
DIED—In this county, about six o'clock on Wednesday morning last, much lamented by every true friend of his country. THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. The wound which caused this lamentable event, was inflicted in January last, with an uncouth and rusty old instrument, forged some centuries ago in England, and now welded by a high official character and twenty-four of his associates. Among the phy-
sicians who were consulted in the case, opposite opinions existed, and the only condition of cure was, that the victim should never again utter a word of truth, on which a distant voice was heard to exclaim the remedy was worse than the disease, and the Liberty of the Press expired with many struggles, but without a groan.
(Balance.)
Late from Cape Francois.
By the brig Rockland, capt. King, in eight days from Cape Francois, we learn that the news of war reached that place some days before he sailed, which had occasioned an embargo on all vessels but was taken off the day he sailed. The account of a renewal of hostilities gave apparent uneasiness to the commander of the French troops, who may now give themselves up for lost, the blacks having possession of all the heights above the Cape. An English squadron was every moment anticipated before the Cape to cut off supplies.
We also learn by capt. King, that accounts had been received that Martinique was blockaded by the British, and that a little time before he sailed, a French frigate fell in with a British 74 off Cape-Nicholas-Mole, who gave her a harsh salute, and killed 17 and wounded 22 on board the French frigate, which had put into the Mole. There were two 74's and 3 frigates at the Cape. Markets were high for American produce; flour 15 to 17 dollars, and other articles in proportion, payable in bills on France.
From the Richmond Recorder.
MR. JAMES T. CALLENDER.
WE are sorry to inform our subscribers, that on Sunday forenoon, the 17th inst. Mr. JAMES T. CALLENDER, late editor of this paper, was accidentally drowned when bathing in James River, in a depth of water not exceeding three feet.
EPIGRAM,
ON A LADY WHO BEAT HER HUSBAND.
Come hither, Sir John, my picture is here, What think you, my love, don't it strike you? I can't say it does, just at present, my dear; But I think it soon will, it's so like you.
Fresh Fancy-Goods.
THE subscriber has just received from the City of Philadelphia, and is now opening, a large and general assortment of Fresh Fancy
GOODS,
amongst which are Irish Linens, French and India Lute strings, Muslins, Dimities, Leghorn and Chip Bonnets of the latest fashions, Chintzes and Calicoes, Morocco Slippers, and a quantity of country-made LINEN and twilled BAGS of the first quality, &c. &c. all of which having been purchased on the lowest terms for cash, he is now enabled to inform his friends and the public generally that he has BARGAINS to dispose of, and solicits their early communications.
WALTER B. SELBY.
Shepherd's-Town, July 29, 1803.
BERKELEY, ss.
November Court, 1802.
William Hill, Complainant.
AGAINST
John Thornton, Augustine Washington and Samuel Washington, heirs of Thornton Washington, dec'd, John Batte and James Smally Batte, Def'ts.
In CHANCERY.
THE Defendants, John Thornton, Augustine Washington and Samuel Washington, heirs of Thornton Washington, deceased, John Batte and James Smally Batte, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the complainant by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in October next, to answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of the said County.
A Copy,
Teste,
H. BEDINGER, C.B.C.

A FARM FOR SALE.
I AM authorised to sell a Valuable FARM, lying about a mile and a half from the town of Martinsburg, containing about 226 acres of excellent limestone land, well improved and in good farming condition. There are on the premises a good House, Barn, Orchard, Garden, &c. The terms will on application be made known by me; they are highly worthy the attention of those disposed to purchase land.
If this property should not be sold by private sale before the first day of next August Court for Berkeley, being the 22nd day of that month, it will then be set up to the highest bidder, at the Court house in Martinsburg.
PHIL: C: PENDLETON. Martinsburg, Virginia, } July 22, 1803. }
THE subscriber respectfully informs the ladies and gentlemen in this town and its vicinity, that he will open a SCHOOL on the first Monday in August next, for the purpose of instructing them in the rules of DANCING and other graceful deportments, which are ornamental in society; all those who honor him with their patronage will, he flatters himself, find it an illustration worthy of their attention, whereby he trusts his claim to general approbation. Terms for tuition are eight dollars, three dollars entrance, no admittance for any but those who are instructed in said School.
DAVID HARTSHORN. Martinsburg, July 22, 1803.
At a Court held for Brooke County, and continued on Friday the 3rd day of June, 1803.
N.L. John Holcraft, John Spivy, John Ashby and Peggy his wife, Joseph Pentecost, John Robb and Catherine his wife, Dorsey Pentecost, Sarah Pentecost, James Ashbrooke and Lucey his wife, George Pentecost and Rebecca Pentecost, heirs at law and legal representatives of Dorsey Pentecost, deceased.
William Johnston, Gabriel J. Johnston, John Harrison and Elizabeth his wife, Benjamin Johnston, jur. Ann Johnston, General W. Johnston, Robert Johnston, Davis Floyd and Susannah his wife, heirs at law of Benjamin Johnston, deceased, and Peter Peterson. In CHANCERY.
THIS day came the Complainants, by their Counsel, and it appearing to the Court that the Defendants, William Johnston, Gabriel J. Johnston, John Harrison and Elizabeth his wife, Benjamin Johnston, jur. Ann Johnston, General W. Johnston, Robert Johnston, Davis Floyd and Susannah his wife, heirs at law of Benjamin Johnston, deceased, are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth. It is ordered that the said Defendants do appear here on the second day of the next August term, to answer the Complainants bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published for two months successively in the nearest Virginia Gazette, and also to be posted up for two months successively at the door of the Court-House of this County. A Copy. Teste, JOHN CONNELL, c. s. c.
At a Court held for Brooke County, and continued on Thursday the 2d day of June, 1803.
A. C. John Murphey. vs. Mary Murphey and Elizabeth Murphey, heirs at law of Cornelius Murphey, deceased. In CHANCERY.
THIS day came the Complainant, by his Counsel, and it appearing to this Court, that the said Defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth. It is ordered that the Defendants do appear here on the second day in the next August term, to answer the Complainants bill, and that a copy of this order be published in the nearest Virginia Gazette for two months successively, and also be posted up for two months successively at the door of the Court House of this county. A Copy. Teste, JOHN CONNELL, c. s. c.
WANTED IMMEDIATELY
An Apprentice to the HATTING BUSINESS, an active well disposed Boy, between 14 and 16 years of Age.
CHARLES D. STEWART. Martinsburg, July 1, 1803.
RAN away from the subscriber on the 19th of June last, an apprentice boy named William Calahan, about 5 feet 3 or 4 inches high, and is 16 years of age. Had on when he went away a pair of striped cotton trowsers, a yellow casimere waistcoat, a home-made linen shirt and a half-worn wool hat. Six, cents reward will be paid, but no thanks given for returning the said runaway. JOSEPH MENNER. Berkeley County, July 15, 1803.
FOR SALE, A VALUABLE Tract of LAND, situate at the bridge on Opeckon Creek, about two miles from Martinsburg, Berkeley County, containing 375 acres, more than 200 acres of which are cleared, is good arable land, and the rest in timber, about 70 acres of good bottom land, all of which can easily be converted into meadow. As it is presumed no person will purchase without first viewing the property, it is not tho' necessary to descend to particulars. The premises will be shown to any person inclining to purchase by Mr. Philip Conine, who at present occupies them, and the terms made known on application to the subscriber. DANIEL VANMETRE. July 15, 1803.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. STRAYED from the subscriber living in Jefferson County, near Bull-skin, on the 15th ult. two horses, one of them a sorrel and the other a dark bay; the sorrel is about fourteen hands three inches high, has a white spot about the bigness of a dollar on the near side of his neck—The bay is about fourteen hands high, is well formed, trots and paces, shod all round with old shoes, those on his fore feet are not fellows. Any person securing said horses and giving me information so that I get them again, shall have the above reward and all reasonable charges. SAMUEL HIBBINS. July 15, 1803.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the inhabitants of Shepherd's-Town and its vicinity, that he has commenced the WEAVING BUSINESS, in all its various branches in that place, nearly opposite Mr. Philip Shutt's Tavern, where all kinds of Weaving, such as Coverlids, Carpeting and Diaper, and all kinds of plain work, will be executed in the neatest and most durable manner, and hopes from the goodness of his work, to merit the encouragement of the public. JACOB WISEHART. May 13, 1803.
Doctor SAMUEL J. CRAMER, HAS settled in Shepherd's-Town, directly opposite Mr. Lane's store, and commenced the Practice of PHYSIC and SURGERY. He will not boast of what he has done, or can do, but having had nearly as good opportunities, as Europe or America could afford, he will endeavor to recommend himself by his practice. May 13, 1803.
Valuable PROPERTY for sale.
TO be sold or rented, the Plantation whereon I now live, containing 267 acres, a part of which is sown down with wheat and rye. There are several springs in convenient situations, two of which are strongly impregnated with sulphur. On this place are a good Apple Orchard, and about 12 acres of Timothy Meadow, and more can be made. Two convenient dwelling houses, one of them two stories high, the other one and an half. Also a new Merchant Mill, and Saw Mill, working under a 19-feet fall on Sleepy Creek, with two overshot water wheels; the Grist Mill has one pair of French Burrs, and one pair of Alleghany stones, 4 1-2 feet diameter. The stream on which the Mill stands is navigable. Timber is floated down to the Mill, from the upper country, and plank, &c. can be rafted from the Mill down to the river Potomak. This property is situate 6 miles from the Potomak river, and 4 miles from Bath, Berkeley County, Virginia. The terms, &c. may be known by applying to the subscriber. FREDERICK SNYDER. April 29, 1803.
A FRESH SUPPLY of LEE and CO's highly approved and valuable PATENT MEDICINE, is just received and may be had at the office of the Intelligencer.
More New Goods From the Cities of New-York, Philadelphia and Baltimore. THE subscribers beg leave to acquaint their friends and the public generally, that they are now opening a very Handsome and General supply of Fresh Goods OF EVERY DESCRIPTION. They deem it unnecessary to particularise each article that composes their assortment, suffice it to say, it consists of almost every article that this neighbourhood or country requires. We return our sincere thanks to our friends and the public, for their generous encouragement since our commencement in business, and hope we shall be able to merit a continuance. As usual we now have for sale LEATHER, CASTINGS, BAR-IRON and STEEL, and a complete assortment of PAINTS, Paints and other MEDECINES, together with a large quantity of OLD RYE WHISKY—and we again solicit the early communications of our friends, either personally or otherwise. JAMES S. LANE, & Co. Shepherd's-Town, July 1, 1803.
NEW STORE. THE subscribers take leave to inform their friends, and the public generally, that they have removed their Store across the Street, into the corner Brick House, near the Market, where in addition to their former stock, they have opened a Large and General Assortment of SPRING GOODS. The same being purchased for Cash, from the latest arrivals in Philadelphia, Baltimore and Alexandria, by one of the firm, they are confident that they will now be able to sell Goods cheaper by 12 1-2 per cent, than any sold in this place before: and to convince our friends and the public, we only solicit them, as they pass along, to give us a call, for GREAT BARGAINS Are now to be had of us, for CASH or COUNTRY PRODUCE. N. B. Cash will be given for MERCHANTABLE WHEAT, delivered at our Mill. P. NADENBOUSCH, & Co. Martinsburg, May 13, 1803.
NEW STORE. Memenger & Cooper HAVE opened adjoining the GLOBE INN, a large and general assortment of Dry Goods, groceries & Ironmongery. Also, a number of articles in the Paint, Dye-stuff & Drug line, Which they offer for sale at moderate profits for Cash or Country Produce, and beg leave to solicit a share in the custom of the place and neighbourhood. Martinsburg, June 3, 1803.
NEW STORE. The subscriber has just received, and is now opening A VERY HANDSOME ASSORTMENT OF Dry goods & Groceries, Suitable for the present season, all which he will sell on very moderate terms, for Cash or Country Produce. HE returns unfeigned thanks to his friends and customers, and flatters himself that the Assortment which he constantly keeps, the moderate prices at which he sells, his assiduity and endeavors to please, will ensure him a continuance of their custom. JEREMIAH EVANS. Martinsburg, July 1, 1803.
PRINTING, In all its variety, executed at this Office with correctness and expedition.
CHEAP SPRING and SUMMER GOODS. THE subscriber has just received, and is now opening at his Store in Martinsburg, a Large and General Assortment of Fresh Goods, bought in the City of Philadelphia, which have been selected from the latest importations from Europe and the East-Indies. Also, a complete Assortment of Stationary, Consisting of Histories, Travels, Novels, School-Books, &c. A General Assortment of Groceries, Hard-Ware and Cutlery, Weaver's Reeds, Crumcreek and Dutch Sithe Stones, Bar-Iron, Both from Hughes' & Speers' iron-works. As the greater part of these Goods have been purchased with Cash, he flatters himself he will be able to sell them on very reasonable terms for Cash or Country Produce. He returns sincere thanks to his friends for the encouragement he has received in his line of business for more than ten years past, and hopes to merit a continuation. WILLIAM RIDDLE. June 3, 1803.
A TAVERN TO RENT. I WILL rent my Tavern at Orange Court-House, Virginia, about forty miles west of Fredericksburg. This place has as many advantages as any other tavern in Virginia, being in the centre of four public roads and the only house of public entertainment kept at Orange Court House. The house is large and commodious, being eighty feet long with ten rooms in it, and a cellar under the whole house, with a good Kitchen, Meat House, Ice House, and stabling sufficient for 100 Horses, a Spring of excellent Water, which is conveyed to the bar, and other parts of the house, and is exceeded by no place for marketing. The situation is remarkably healthy, and the neighboring society friendly and agreeable. I will give possession this fall. For particulars apply to the subscriber, living on the premises. PAUL VERDIER. July 1, 1803.
FOR SALE, AT the Subscribers Black Smith Shop, opposite Capt. John Robinson's Tavern, a LARGE and GENERAL ASSORTMENT of IRON, OF the best quality, which he will sell low for CASH. JOSEPH CHAMBERS. Martinsburg, May 6, 1803. }
HENRY GIRD, AUCTIONEER, RETURNS his respectful thanks to those who have employed him in that line, particularly the Executors of the late Gen. George Washington. The approbation of a number of characters of such respectability, is to him highly flattering. He trusts that from his knowledge in that business, his readiness to attend at any distance, and his moderate charges, will entitle him to a share of public patronage. He continues his STARCH and HAIR POWDER manufactory, and has on hand at present, a quantity of both, of the first quality. Orders left with Mr. John Alburtis will be attended to. July 8, 1803.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.
TERMS OF THE INTELLIGENCER. The price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week; Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their advertisements.