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YEAR 2.
Thursday, January 1. 1807.
No. 10
Foreign.
Extract
from the Prussian Manifesto.
Cleves had been allotted to Prince Murat—scarcely become a sovereign, he wished likewise to be a conqueror. His troops took possession of the Abbeys of Essen, Werden and Esten, under the pretext that they appertained to the Dutchy of Cleves, though they were entirely territories newly acquired, and there was not the shadow of a connexion between them and the ceded province. Great labor was employed in vain, to give even a color to this outrage.
Wesel was to belong to the new duke, not to the emperor Napoleon. The king had never resolved, to give up the last fortress on the Rhine into the power of France. Without a word by way of explanation, Wesel was annexed to a French department.
The existing state of the Austrian monarchy, and of the Porte, had been mutually guaranteed. The emperor Napoleon certainly wished that Prussia should be bound by this guarantee; for in his hands it was an instrument which he might employ as suited his politics, a pretext for demanding sacrifice, in a contest which his ambition might occasion. He himself, however, did observe it longer than it contributed to his interest. Ragusa, though under the protection of the Porte, was taken possession of by his troops. Gradiska and Aquileia were wrested from Austria, under nearly the same pretences which had been employed when the French seized the Three Abbeys.
In all political proceedings it was naturally taken for granted, that the new states formed by France, were States in the proper sense of the term, and not French provinces. But it cost the cabinet of St. Cloud only a word to deprive them of their independence. The appellation The Great Empire , was invented, and that empire was immediately surrounded with vassals.
Thus there was no trace of the treaty left, and Prussia proceeded to shut her ports against England, and still considered herself as having obligations to fulfil.
The emperor, at length, informed his majesty that it was his pleasure to dissolve the German empire, and form a confederation of the Rhine, and he recommended to the king to establish a similar confederation in the North of Germany. This was according to his customary policy; a policy which had been crowned with success; at the moment of the birth-day of any new project to throw out a lure to those courts which might occasion difficulties in the execution of such project. The king adopted the idea of such a confederation, not that the advice he received made the least impression on him, but because, in fact, it was rendered necessary by circumstances; and because, after the succession of the princes who had acceded to the confederation of the Rhine, a close union between those of the North became more than ever the condition of their safety. The king took measures to establish his league, but on other principles from those of the model presented to him. He made it his pride to collect the last of the Germans under his banners, but the rights of each he left unimpaired, and honor alone was the bond of the league.
But could France advise the king to any measure which should
be productive of advantage to Prussia? We shall soon see what is to be expected when France makes professions of favor.
In the first place, care had been taken to introduce into the fundamental statute of the confederation of the Rhine, an article which contained the germ of all future innovations. It provided, that other princes should be received into this confederation, should they desire it. In this manner, all relations in Germany were left indeterminate, and as the means were still reserved to detach and annex to this league the weaker states, either by promise or threats, it was but too probable that in time this confederation would be extended into the heart of the Prussian monarchy.
And that this might no longer remain doubtful but be manifest to every one, the first attempt was immediately made. Fortunately, it was made on a prince who knows not fear, and who considers independence as the highest object of his ambition. The French minister at Cassel invited the elector to throw himself into the arms of his master. Prussia, it was alleged, did nothing for allies! It is true, Napoleon knows how to manage his better; and every one sees that Spain and Holland, and the king of Wirttemberg and Bavaria, have to thank their alliance with him for peace, independence, and honor!—Prussia did nothing for her allies.—Napoleon, on the contrary, would reward the accession of the elector by an enlargement of his territory.
And this treachery was exercised towards an ally; and at the very moment when the king was advised to form his alliance, of which Hesse was to be the first bulwark, endeavors were made to detach from him a power whom family connections, alliances, and relations of every kind united in the closest manner to his majesty's person.
But even these hostile steps were not sufficient. Does any one wish to know what was the lure by which it was hoped to gain the elector of Hesse, and what was the augmentation of territory with the expectation of which he was flattered? It was the prince of Orange, the brother-in-law of the king—that prince who had been twice deceived in the most shameful manner—who was now to be robbed the third time! He still possessed the territory of Fulda: this was promised to the elector, and it would have been given, and the elector consented to accept it, had not Prussia taken up arms.
His majesty saw the system of usurpation advance every day; he saw a circle continually becoming narrower, drawn round him, and even the right of moving within it beginning to be disputed with him; for a sweeping resolution forbade a passage to any foreign troops, armed or not armed, through the states of the confederation. This was to cut off, contrary to the rights of nations, the connexion between the detached Hessian provinces; this was to prepare pretexts on which to act; this was the first threat of punishment aimed at a magnanimous prince, who had preferred a defender to a master.
But even after this, his majesty cannot reflect on it without admiration; the king considered whether a combination might not be found, which should render this state of things compatible with the maintenance of peace.
The emperor Napoleon appeared to be solicitous to remove this doubt. Two negotiations were then carrying on at Paris, one with Russia, the other with the English ministry. In both these negotiations, the intentions of France
against Prussia were evidently manifested.
By the treaty which the Emperor of Russia has refused to testify France offered, in conjunction with Russia, to prevent Prussia from depriving the king of Sweden of his German territories. Yet, for many months, the cabinet of St. Cloud had continually pressed the king to seize those states, with the threefold view—first, to revenge himself on the king of Sweden; secondly, to embroil Prussia with all other powers; and thirdly, to purchase her silence with respect to the subversion of southern Prussia. But the king had long been aware that such were the views of France; and his unfortunate dispute with Sweden was painful to him. He had, therefore, been careful to provide against every suspicion of self-interested motives, and he confined his explanations to the Emperor Alexander. The scene now again changed; and Napoleon, who had so long been the enemy of the king of Sweden, was suddenly transformed into his protector.
It is superfluous to remark, that this insidious treaty of the French emperor, in order to satisfy the honorable interest which the court of St. Petersburg took in the maintenance of the rights of the king of Naples, he promised the latter an indemnification; engaging to prevail on the king of Spain to cede to him the Balearic Islands. He will act in the same manner with respect to the augmentation of territory he pretends to bestow on his allies.
These were all preludes to the steps he took against Prussia; we now approach the moment which determined his majesty.
Prussia had hitherto derived nothing from her treaties with France but humiliation and loss; one single advantage remained. The fate of Hanover was in her power; and it must remain, unless the last pledge of the security of the North were annihilated. Napoleon had solemnly guaranteed this state of things, yet he negotiated with England on the basis of the restoration of the Electorate. The king is in the possession of the proofs.
War was now, in fact, declared—declared by every measure taken by France. Every month produced a new notification of the return of her army; but, on one frivolous pretext or another, it was still continued in Germany; and for what purposes?—Gracious Heaven! to eradicate the last trace of sovereignty among the Germans—to treat kings as governors appointed by himself—to drag before military tribunals citizens only responsible to their own governments; to declare others outlaws who lived peaceably in foreign states, under foreign sovereigns, and even in the capital of a German Emperor, because they had published writings in which the French government or at least its despotism, was attacked; and this at the time when the same government daily permitted hired libellers to attack, under its protection the honor of all crowned heads, and the most sacred feelings of nations.
The French troops were in no manner diminished, but continually reinforced and augmented, and continually advanced nearer to the frontiers of Prussia or her allies, till they at length took a position which could only menace Prussia and were even assembled in force in Westphalia, which certainly was not the roads to the mouths of the Catarr.
It was no longer doubtful that Napoleon had determined to overwhelm Prussia with war, or to render her forever incapable of war, since he was leading her
from humiliation to humiliation, till she should be reduced to such a state of political degradation and feebleness, that, deprived of every defence, she could have no other than that of her formidable neighbor.
The king delayed no longer. He assembled his army. General Knobelsdorff was sent to Paris with the final declaration of his majesty. Only one measure remained which could give security to the king, which was the return of the French troops over the Rhine. General Knobelsdorff had orders to insist on this demand; it was not the whole of the king's just demands, but it was necessary, that it should be the first, since it was the condition of his future existence. The acceptance or refusal must shew the real sentiment of the French Emperor.
Unmeaning professions—arguments, the real virtue of which were known by long experience—were the only answer the king received. Far from the French army being recalled, it was announced that it would be reinforced; but, with a haughtiness still more remarkable than this refusal, an offer was made, that the troops which had advanced into Westphalia should return home, if Prussia would desist from her preparations. This was not all: it was insolently notified to the king's ministers, that the cities of Hamburg, Bremen, and Lubeck, would not be suffered to join the Northern Confederation, but that France would take them under her protection; in the same manner as in the other confederation, she had given away cities, and promulgated laws, without permitting any other power to make the least pretension. The king was required to suffer a foreign interest to introduce into the heart of his monarchy.
Another contrast of conduct incensed the king to the utmost. He received from the emperor a letter full of those assurances of esteem, which certainly, when they do not accord with facts, ought to be considered as nothing, but which the dignity of sovereigns renders a duty to themselves, even when on the eve of war. Yet a few days afterwards, at a moment when the sword was not yet drawn—when the minister of the emperor endeavored to mislead those of the king, by assurances on assurances of the friendly intentions of France—the Publiciste of the 16th of September appeared, with a diatribe against the king and the Prussian state, in a style worthy of the most disgraceful periods of the revolution, insulting to the nation, and what, in other times than ours, would have been considered as amounting to a declaration of war.
The king can treat slanderers that are merely abusive, with contempt; but when these slanderers contribute to explain the real state of things, it would be unwise to treat them so.
The last doubt that now disappeared; troops marched from the interior of France towards the Rhine. The intent to attach Prussia was clear and certain. The king ordered a note to be transmitted by general Knobelsdorff, containing the conditions on which he was ready to come to an accommodation. These conditions were.
 1. That the French troops should immediately evacuate Germany.  2. That France should oppose no obstacle to the formation of the Northern Confederacy; and that this confederation might embrace all the larger and smaller states not included in the fundamental act of the confederation of the Rhine.  3. That a negotiation should immediately be commenced for the 
adjustment of all differences still in dispute; a preliminary article of which should be the restoration of the three Abbeys, and the separation of the town of Wesel from the French empire.
These conditions speak for themselves: they show how moderate the king, even at this moment, has been in his demands, and how much the maintenance of peace, if France wishes peace, depends upon France herself.
The term peremptorily fixed by the king for the decision of peace or war has elapsed. His majesty has not received the answer of the cabinet of St. Cloud; or rather the preparations made around him daily, give that answer. The king can henceforth confide the safety and honor of his crown only to arms. He takes them up with pain, because the chief object of his wishes was not a glory purchased by the tears of his people, but by their tranquility; for his cause is just. Never has a sovereign made greater sacrifices to peace. He pushed his condescension to the last limit that honor would allow. Every thing that was directed against him personally he passed over in silence. The opinions of the ignorant, and the reflections of the slanderous, he despised, animated with the constant hope, that he would be able to conduct his people, without injury, to that period which must sooner or later arrive, when unjust greatness shall find its bounds; and ambition, which obstinately refused to acknowledge any limits, shall at length o'erleap itself.
The motives which induced his majesty to take up arms are not to satisfy his resentments, to increase his power, or to render a nation uneasy which he shall always esteem, as long as it confines itself to its just and natural interests; but to avert from his kingdom the fate which was preparing for it; to preserve to the people of Frederick, their independence and their glory; to rescue unfortunate Germany from the yoke by which it is oppressed, and to bring about a safe and honorable peace; the day on which he shall effect this, will be the proudest of his life. The events of the war which is now beginning, are in the disposal of Supreme Wisdom. His majesty leaves it to others to indulge in premature exultations and gratuitous insult, as he has for a long time allowed them the miserable satisfaction arising from unjust invectives. He leads to an honorable combat an army worthy of its former glory. He reigns over a people of whom he may be proud; and while he is ready to shed his blood for them, he knows what he may expect from their energy and affection. Princes, the honor of the German name, who can confide in his gratitude and honor, and who, fighting by his side, are not dubious of victory, have joined their banners with his; and a sovereign who adorns with his virtues one of the first thrones in the world, is penetrated with the justice of his cause. Every where his arms are blessed by the voice of the people, and even where they are silent from fear, their impatience is the greater. With so many motives to be mindful of her strength, Prussia will not be permitted continually to produce in her high destiny.
Head-quarters,
Erfurt, Oct. 15.
BATTLE OF
Jena, Oct. 15—50'
The battle of Jena, fought yesterday, is one of the most memorable in history.
The Prussians are...

number of 150,000; they lost 200 pieces of cannon, and 30 stand of colors, besides 28,000 prisoners of war. The Duke of Brunswick and General Ruchel are killed. Prince Henry of Prussia is badly wounded. A great number of Generals, besides many officers of rank are wounded. The loss of the French army is, comparatively, infinitely less; yet we have in the hospitals of Jena, 1200 wounded, and in those of Naumburg 1500. There is no other General killed on our part, but General of Brigade Billy, a brave man. The French army has acquired great glory.
Marshal Davoust, who was stationed in the narrow passage of Koesen, and before Naumburg, left the enemy no time to tarry; he fought the whole day, and threw more than 60,000 men into confusion, which were commanded by Mollendorf, Kalkreuth and the King in person.
The Queen of Prussia was pursued by a troop of horse. She was obliged to take shelter in Weimer, and three hours before our advanced posts arrived there, she took a road which was full of our troops, and it is therefore very likely that she has been overtaken.
Our troops reached Weimer in evening, pursuing the rear-guard of the enemy on the left flank; on the left Marshal Davoust pursued them as far as Nienstadt. His head-quarters were at Elckardsberg this morning. It is supposed that the enemy is endeavoring to collect his forces on the side of Frankenhauen, in order to reach Magdeburg. The enemy must have suffered a terrible loss, which will not be ascertained until late. Six of their generals are prisoners of war, besides a great number of colonels.
Jena, Oct. 15. —The battle of Jena has erased the shame acquired by the battle of Rosbach; and thus in seven days terminated a campaign which has quenched the dreadful thirst for war which tormented the Court of Prussia.
The position of the army on the 15th inst. was as follows:
The Duke of Berg and Marshal Davoust stood with their corps at Naumburg, having divisions of their troops at Leipzig and Halle.
The corps of the Prince Ponte-Corvo was on its march for Naumburg; and that of Marshal Lannes was posted at Jena; while the corps of Augereau was stationed at Kahla, and that under Ney at Roda.
The head-quarters were at Gera—The French Emperor was on his march for Jena.
The corps of Marshal Soult was on its march from Gera, to take a nearer position where the roads from Jena and from Naumburg meet.
The enemy's army was posted as follows:
The king of Prussia commenced his operations on the 9th October, by advancing his right wing for Frankfort, his centre for Wartzburg, and his left wing for Bamberg. All the divisions of his army were prepared for the execution of this plan; but the French Army, turning his left wing, was in a few days posted at Loeenstein, Schleitz, Gera and Naumburg. The Prussian army being turned, fixed on the days of the 9th, 10th, 11th and 12th, to concentrate her divisions; and on the 13th the whole army presented itself in order of battle, Cappelendorf and Anerstadt, to the amount of nearly 150,000 men.
On the 13th, at two o'clock, P. M. the Emperor arrived at Jena, and from a small hill, occupied by our advanced posts, viewed the positions of the enemy, who seemed to manoeuvre for the purpose of forcing, on the next day, the narrow passage of the Saal. The enemy made a most obstinate resistance on the road leading to Jena and Weimer. Davoust was ordered to turn him in flank, while the Prince Ponte-Corvo was despatched to attack him in the rear.
The Emperor collected the whole force of Marshal Lannes on the above hill in order of battle.
The troops of Generals Ney and Soult marched the whole night in a thick fog obscured the following day; and the Emperor
guarded the infantry against the formidable attacks of the Prussian cavalry. The riflemen commenced the action and the fire of Musketry was brisk. Good as the position of the enemy was they were dislodged from it—and the French army formed in order of battle in the valleys.
The enemy only waited for the fog to disperse to commence a general action. A division of 50,000 men intended to take the defiles of Koesen, to cover Naumburg, but was prevented by Marshal Davoust. The two other divisions 80,000 men in number, together, drew up in order of battle in front of the French line.
The fog covered both armies for the space of two hours; but when it cleared up, the two armies had a view of each other at the distance of a cannon shot.
The enemy's army was numerous, and exhibited a handsome body of cavalry; his manoeuvres were executed with exactness and swiftness. Having made an advance on our left wing, Marshal Augereau was charged to throw him back again; and in less than an hour the attack was general—From 250,000 to 300,000 men, with 7 or 800 pieces of cannon, spread death every where before them, and exhibited a very rare spectacle. The Emperor always kept a strong body of reserve with him besides his Imperial guard.
At this interesting crisis, a division of French cavalry arrived also, and formed a line of battle in reserve, in conjunction with the above. The whole body now advanced, and together with the main army soon threw the enemy into confusion: they took post again—but were completely routed, by a fresh attack from the Duke of Berg, with his heavy horse and dragoons.
The result of the battle was the taking of 30 or 40,000 prisoners, 25 or 30 stand of colours, and 300 pieces of cannon, besides magazines and stores.
The enemy is supposed to have lost 25 or 30,000 killed and wounded. General Mollendorf, and Prince Henry of Prussia, are wounded. The Duke of Brunswick and General Ruchel are killed.
Our loss is estimated at 1000 or 1100 dead, and 3000 wounded.
The Duke of Berg has at this moment enclosed Erfurth, which is garrisoned by a corps of the enemy, commanded by Mollendorf and the Prince of Orange.
Proclamation
of Bonaparte addressed to the SAXONS!
The Prussians have seized upon your territory—I step forward for its deliverance. They have forcibly broke the ties which united your troops, and attached them to your army. You have to shed your blood for interests which are not only alien but hostile to you. My armies were on the point of leaving Germany, when your territory was violated; they shall return to France as soon as Prussia acknowledges your independence, and renounces the designs which she has formed against you.
Saxons! Your Prince had, until this moment, declined to form alliances which are so repugnant to his duties; if he has since consented to them, it has only been forcibly occasioned by the invasion of the Prussians.
I was deaf to the repeated provocations which Prussia gave to my people; I was deaf to them as long as she confined her armaments within her own boundaries; and my minister did not leave Berlin until she had violated your land.
Saxons! Your fate is in your own hands—Would you hesitate between those who subdued you, and those who are willing to protect you! My victories will insure the existence and independence of your Prince. The victories of Prussia will lay everlasting fetters on you. To-morrow they will demand the Lausitz and the next day the banks of the Elbe. But what do I say? have
they not already demanded everything? have they not for a long time past, endeavoured to force your Prince to acknowledge a sovereignty, which, if submitted to, would erase you from the rank of nations.
Your independence, your constitution, and your liberty, would then only consist in remembrance; and the shadows of your ancestors, of the brave Saxons, would be disgraced, by your being, without resistance, cast into slavery, which has been so long premeditated, and by your country being degraded so low, as to constitute a Prussian province.
Given in our Head-Quarters at Ebersdorf, Oct. 11, 1806. [Signed.] NAPOLEON.
MANIFESTO OF GREAT BRITAIN.
On the failure of the negotiations with France.
It is a neat and spirited production, and will excite no ordinary degree of attention.
DECLARATION.
The negotiations in which his majesty has been engaged with France having terminated unsuccessfully, his majesty thinks proper to make this public Declaration to his subjects and to Europe, of the circumstances which have led to an issue which his majesty deeply regrets. He has no object nearer to his heart than the conclusion of a secure and permanent peace. He laments the continuance of a war affecting the happiness of so many nations, and which, even amidst all the successes that attend his arms, is so hurtful to his faithful and affectionate people. But he is confident that there can arise on this occasion no other sentiment, either in his own dominions, or in any part of Europe, than that of an increased conviction, that the restoration of general tranquility is retarded only by the injustice and ambition of the enemy.
The French government, unassisted with its immense acquisitions on the Continent, still openly perseveres in a system destructive of the independence of every other power. War is pursued, not for security, but for conquest; and negotiations for peace appear to be entered into for no other object, than that of deluding the neighboring powers into a state of false security, while France is busily preparing, arranging and executing her unrelenting projects of encroachment and aggression.
Her conduct in the recent discussions has afforded but too many proofs of this disposition.
The negotiation originated in an offer made by the French government of treating for peace on the basis of actual possession, which was stated to admit of mutual compensation, and a distinct assurance was added, that his majesty's German Dominions, which had been attacked without even the pretence of any cause of hostility, should be restored.
Such a proposal appeared to his majesty to afford a just foundation for negotiating; it was therefore accepted with this reserve, that the negotiation should be conducted by his majesty in concert with his Allies.
During their proceedings, a minister, sent by the Emperor of Russia to treat for the same important object, in concert with his majesty's government, was induced by the artifices of the enemy, to sign a separate treaty, on terms equally repugnant to the honor and interests of his imperial majesty.
No sooner had this basis been mutually admitted, than it was departed from by the enemy, and that too in point of its great importance as to call for an immediate declaration on the part of his majesty, that unless the principle proposed by France herself were adhered to, the communication which had been opened between the two Governments must at once be closed.
This produced new professions of the disposition of France to make considerable sacrifices for the attainment of peace, if the discussions were suffered to proceed; at the same time that a difficulty was started on account of the want of full powers in the person instructed by his majesty with this communication. Steps were thereupon taken by his majesty for opening a regular negotiation by ministers duly authorized, in order to ascertain, in a manner the most satisfactory and authentic, whether peace could be obtained on terms honorable to the King and his Allies, and consistent with the general security of Europe.
Unmoved by this unexpected event, the King continued to negotiate precisely on the same principles as before. He relied, with a confidence which experience has amply justified, on the good faith and steadiness of an Ally, in concert with whom he had begun to treat, and whose interest he had maintained throughout with the same firmness as his own.
The French Government, on the contrary elated by this advantage, of which it boasts as equal in importance to the most decisive victory, departed in every conference more and more widely from its own terms and engagements. Not only did it take upon itself to change at its own will the basis of the negotiation with Great Britain, but it viewed, in points still more important, every principle of good faith with Russia. The chief inducement offered to that power at the price of all the sacrifices extorted from her
Minister, had been the preservation of Germany. Yet, before the decision of Russia on this treaty could be known, France had already annihilated the whole of the constitution of the German Empire; had reduced under her own yoke a large proportion of the states and provinces of Germany; and not content with this open contempt of obligations to recently contracted, had at the same time instigated the Porte to measures directly subversive of her binding engagements with Russia.
While such conduct was pursued towards his Majesty, towards the Allies, and towards all independent Powers, there appeared no little hope of any favorable issue to the Negotiation, that his Majesty's Plenipotentiaries demanded their passports to return to England.
This demand was at first eluded by an unusual and unexplained delay; and the French government afterwards, by some material concessions, accompanied with intimations that others of still greater consequence might be the result of further discussion, procured a renewal of the conferences, which were protracted from day to day, till at length it was announced at Paris that the Emperor of Russia had indignantly rejected the unauthorized and separate treaty signed by his minister.
In consequence of this important event, the strongest assurances were given to his majesty's minister, that France was now prepared to make sacrifices to a great extent, in order, by securing peace with Great Britain, to re-establish the tranquility of the world.
The object of these assurances appeared, however, to be, that of engaging his majesty in a separate negotiation, to the exclusion of his allies; a proposal which his majesty has rejected in the outset, and which he could not well afford at a time when the conduct of Russia had imposed on him an increased obligation not to separate his interests from those of so faithful an ally. To these insidious overtures, his Majesty readily refused to listen; but he took the most effectual method to avoid all appearance of delay, and to accelerate, if possible, the favorable issue of the negotiation. The confidential intercourse which he had constantly maintained with Russia, enabled his Majesty to specify the terms on which peace with that power might be obtained; and his minister was accordingly instructed to state to France, in addition to his own demands, those of his ally, to reduce them into distinct articles, and even to conclude on these grounds a provisional treaty, to take effect whenever Russia should signify her assent.
This form of negotiation was, after some objection, acceded to by France. Terms were now offered by his majesty more nearly approaching than before to the original basis of negotiation; but these were still far short of what his majesty had uniformly insisted on, and was now more than ever entitled to expect; and the decisive rejection of the just demands of Russia, as well as of the conditions proposed by his majesty in behalf of his other allies, left no doubt that the only course that remained for his majesty to terminate the discussion and return to England.
The foregoing short and simple exposition of facts stands in need of no comment. The first overtures which led to negotiation were made by the enemy, and they were accepted by his majesty in the sincere spirit of peace. Every opening which seemed to afford the most distant prospect of accommodation has been anxiously embraced, nor was the negotiation finally broken off while any hope of a favourable issue could be entertained. His majesty's demands were uniformly just and reasonable; directed to no object of personal aggrandizement, but to such only as were indispensably required by the honor of his crown, his engagements to his allies, and a due consideration of the general interests of Europe.
It is with heartfelt concern that his majesty contemplates the continuance of those evils always inseparable from a state of war; but it is with his enemies that this awful responsibility rests; and for the issue of the contest his majesty trusts, with confidence, to the justice of his cause; to the resources and bravery of his people; to the fidelity of his allies; and, above all, to the protection and support of Divine Providence.
In contributing to the great efforts which such a contest must unavoidably require, his faithful and affectionate subjects will not forget that all their dearest interests are at stake; that no sacrifices they can be called upon to make, are to be compared with the certain disgrace and ruin of yielding to the injurious pretensions of the enemy; that with the inviolable maintenance of the good faith and public honor of their country, its prosperity, its strength, and its independence, are essentially connected; and that, in asserting the rights and upholding the dignity of the British Empire, they defend the most peaceful bulwark of the liberties of mankind.
The following is the conclusion of a series of reflections by the Editor of the Aurora, on the causes and consequences of the late defeat of the Prussians by Bonaparte, to which the attention of the reader is invited.
The consequences of these battles are now the most important of all considerations—it is easy now to discover the truth of what we have in this paper so often predicted —that on the continent of Europe, Bonaparte will be sole dictator and disposer of power and authority—he can make and unmake kings—and he
can admit or shut out from every river, road, stead, gut or inlet, from the Gulph of Finland to the Dardanelles, the commerce of every nation that is his enemy.
Let not folly, or prejudice, or corruption, conclude that we exult in this state of things—we only narrate what we have for years anticipated as the inevitable and irresistible effect of the imbecility and madness of the cabinets of England and Germany. It is the necessary result of the treaty of Pilnitz , of the mad and prostituted ravings of the infamous traitor of liberty, Edmund Burke, of the bloody, exterminating and assassinating policy of Pitt; it is a retribution of Heaven upon the perfidy, and faithlessness of kings. In judging between whom, we see no difference between the hereditary usurper of the rights of mankind—and the conqueror of yesterday—the fate of the houses of Bourbon, and Hapsburg, and Brandenburg, are of no other consideration in the eyes of common sense nor of christian truth, than that of the house of humble cottager; it is less, because that innocence and virtue which inhabits the cottage is not to be found in the palaces, or surrounding the throne of kings—the misery which they create is the natural offspring of their unacquaintance with humanity, and their ignorance and indifference to the afflictions which they produce to others, without partaking of them in their own persons, unless when in the course of an age, some Charlemagne or Jenghis Khan—some Alexander or some Bonaparte, starts from obscurity to send them and their race into the shade, as an example and warning to mankind to avoid kings.
The conquest and partition of Europe are, then but the necessary effects of the attempt to conquer and partition France.
And every successive effort, every new coalition, has only humbled or destroyed the blind victims of hereditary ignorance and craft.
The inconsiderate may murmur, but what avails resorting to ejaculations, when the delusions of prejudice are tend only to aggravate sensibility, when the event becomes more grievous by its greatness on comparison with what prejudice may vainly covet.
The ports of Europe will be shut against the enemies of France—and the vessels of any nation which countenances hostility to France will be excluded— Merchants , who know no religion, but profit— no bible , but their ledger—will look to it.
And those who are emissaries of foreign governments in the United States, who affect to fear the vengeance of the European conqueror, will now show that they wished their fears to be realized.
The Baltic and the Black sea will be closed.
The dynasty of Prussia will be changed.
Poland will be restored.
And if Saxony has joined in the league, that dynasty will be extinguished.
Every man from the borders of Holstein to the borders of Holland, from Bohemia to the North Sea, from the Oder to the Rhine, subjected to or allied with Prussia, is in fact, a prisoner of war; the finest countries for industry, and wealth, and men, and arts and sciences in all Germany, are to be found within the scope of this ten day's conquest, their resources, their wealth, their animal force is at the command of the conqueror; for in countries of despotism, he who triumphs is the divinity of the hour—the superstition of conquest is fear, and wherever fear is the impulse of mind, the object of adoration will be adored—God or Devil.
To this condition the subjects of all the despots of Europe have been reduced, and they have been so long accustomed to a regimen of government so much resembling that of the familiar ideas of Hell, that every man who changes or promises to change their condition is looked upon as a redeemer, because no change can be considered as for the worse.

The Star.
Lynchburg.
Thursday, January 1.
Tobacco yields a fine price here at present—from 26 to 36 shillings—There is not more than the sixth of the quantity now at market, that was at this time last year.—The quality of the present crop is considered excellent.
A straggling scoundrel (astranger) had the address last week, to make himself familiar, in a store here. Unobserved, about dusk, he got his hand into the merchant's money drawer and carried off $160 in Bank Notes. On the money's being missing, suspicion could rest on this man only. He was taken into custody, and after some time and a little good management, he confessed his villainy and the cash depositary: for he guessed it would be unsafe, for a time, to have it in possession. The merchant got his money, and this rapacious and fraudulent villain, doubtless more attractively daring and vicious than before he committed this crime, with whole bones, and a whole skin is let loose on a credulous unsuspecting community.—Lynch's Law was, to be sure, a summary procedure, but it was attended with salutary consequences. Now had the offender under consideration, before his exit, received 39 lashes, inflicted with vigor, and made legible on his rear, from heel to head, it is very reasonable to presume, that such memorandums would keep his recollection bright, and hands clean, for a month or two at least. As the matter now stands, impunity will but imbolden him, and his next and future attempts will probably be conducted with more dexterity and more success.
The Washington Federalist under date 19th December states that Col. Burr has descended the Ohio with his squadron, (object and destination unknown.)
A report prevailed here last week, and the account was said to be received from an express on his way from Washington to Natchitoches, that Col. Burr was in close confinement in Kentucky and that an insurrection had taken place in Louisiana by his adherents.
We have received no papers by the last western mail. This privation is at this time particularly the more to be regretted from the nature & magnitude of the events which may naturally be expected to arise in that quarter.
The United States Consul at Gibraltar, John Gavino, in a letter of the 4th October to the Secretary of State, states, that the restraints on Tobacco from the U. S. continues still at that Port, and has overset several voyages, by which American merchants will be considerable losers.
12 ships of the line, in Cadiz, are said to be watching an opportunity to slip out. Their object is supposed to be the recovery of Buenos Ayres.
Gen. Wilkinson is said to have been defeated by the Spaniards.
The Kentucky legislature, now in session, have appointed a committee to enquire into the conduct of Judge Sebastian, relative to his Spanish pension. The Judge has resigned (ominous). The enquiry nevertheless progresses, and the committee are determined that the investigation shall be rigorously prosecuted.
On the 16th at Norfolk, the Frigate Cible was dressed, and fired a grand salute, on account of the brilliant victory obtained by the French over Prussia.
The Calabrian "Band of Vengeance" is headed by a female,
the widow of Rodia, an Insurgent Chief, who was shot by the French.
Oliver Selfridge who shot Charles Austin on the 9th of August last, in Boston, was admitted to Bail on the 4th December under the penalty of $3000 to abide his trial.
The Cambrian, Melampus, Triumph, Cæsar, Bellona, Squirrel, (British vessels of War) are within, or near the Capes of Virginia.
Letters of a late date from Cork states that American produce of every kind took a rapid rise in consequence of Lord Lauderdale's return without effecting the object of his mission.
For the following selection we are indebted to the CAROLINA WEEKLY MESSENGER.
MEDICAL. A Physician of experience, who has been upon several parts of the Coast of Africa, has obligingly furnished us with his journal, that we may extract therefrom such information as we think may be useful to our country readers:—
THE diseases of New-Negroes are few in number, but are violent in their kind; hence the utmost care and attention should be bestowed upon them whenever they complain. A day or two's neglect may be the occasion of their death: Nor should they be treated by unskilful hands. They require more nursing, more tenderness, and more indulgence, than country born negroes, until they become accustomed to the change of climate and the difference in their mode of living.
On the coast of Africa, and on board the slave ships, there are three diseases to which they are most liable, viz. Small Pox, Itch, and Dysentery. From the first we have nothing to fear since the introduction of the Cow Pock among us. The second is more troublesome and disagreeable than dangerous, as it is highly infectious and oftentimes disfigures them with permanent scars. The latter is the most dreadful and fatal scourge with which they are afflicted.
The purulent itch to which they are subject, is called upon the coast of Africa Cro-Craws ; it is contagious, and appears in small vesicles, which, upon being opened, discharge a semipurulent lymph. Every part of the body, except the axilla and hams, is affected by it; particularly between the fingers, wrists, inner parts of the thighs and knees, fore-arms and breast. It, usually, first discovers itself upon the lower part of the spinal bone, and even rudely assaults the seat of honor. It itches most intolerably, and as the negroes never fail to enjoy the exquisite pleasure which arises from scratching where it itches, every vesicle is, in a few days, in a state of ulceration. Oftentimes, from scratching, there are large imposthumes formed, which on being opened, discharge profusely, leaving a very ugly deep seated ulcer that is difficult to heal. The white people sometimes catch it, and it is said, they generally have it worse than the negroes.
The Portuguese, and some other nations, never attempt to cure their slaves of the itch, as they believe it to be the means of preserving them from worse complaints. I have seen the fallacy of this observation; I have seen them die of the Dysentery when they were covered with this eruption.
The usual mode of treatment, particularly that adopted on board of the English Guinea ships, is, to puncture each vesicle as soon as they appear, and with a bovis knife, or something of a similar form, to curry them all over daily, as you would a horse, until the skin is taken off from the vesicles, and the blood follows the operation.—They afterwards rub unto the affected parts, a composition of equal parts of rum and lime juice thickened with gunpowder, which, if used at the commencement of the disease, usually effects a complete cure in ten or twelve days.
As this was a very painful as well as unpleasant operation, I advised the trial of other remedies; accordingly, several were treated with a solution of the Muriate of Mercury in Alcool ; some with Sulphur internally and externally; some with a solution of the Carbonate of Potash; some with Mercurial ointment, white precipitate, &c. but without deriving any permanent effect. The gunpowder mixture was then had recourse to, and it never failed.
Cruel Deed.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to us by Archibald Compston of the county of Pittsylvania, to secure the payment of sundry debts, due Grady & Pansell, We shall on Tuesday the thirteenth day of January next proceed to sell by way of public auction, at the store house of Philip L. Grady, for ready money, the following negroes, to wit:—Bitter, Jim, Cress, Cromwell, and Milley, as expressed in said Deed of Trust.
Joshua Stone } Trustees. Wm. G. Parham } Pittsylvania, 23d Dec. 1806
For Rent or Sale,
MY House and Lot opposite Mr. Seth Ward's Tavern, and at present occupied by Mr. J. Paxton. For terms apply to Mr. John Robinson.
WADDY TATE.
Cat Trap.
TAKEN up by Jeff. Richardson of Amherst County, near the Blue Ridge, on the 29th April 1806, one
DAY HORSE,
upwards of fifteen hands high, adjudged to be five years old this spring, has some marks on gears with a small white spot on his right hind foot, branded, as well as we can make out with the letters I. D. on his left shoulder, appraised to £24 6s. 8d current money of Virginia, by the subscribers.
Richard S. Ellis. Jno. Richardson. Moses Barker.
Amherst, sc. The above subscribers made oath before a Justice of the peace for the county aforesaid to the above appraisal.
Joshua Ellis.
April 29, 1806.
A copy from the original deposited in my Office.
Totte
Wm. S. Crawford, C.A.C.
3w
PETER E. BOOKER
Cabinet Maker
TAKES this method of informing his friends and the public in general, that he has commenced the above business, in the Old Printing Office, formerly occupied by M. W. Weaver & Brothers, where he has laid in a sufficient stock for carrying it on with neatness and dispatch.
He wants two Apprentices (not to exceed 16 years of age) to the above business.
Country produce will be taken at the market price.
Lynchburg, Dec. 19th, 1806.
3w
NOTICE.
THOSE who failed to comply with my request of the 8th inst. (past) are again earnestly entreated to meet at Mr. Charles Hoyle's Tavern in Lynchburg, on Saturday 17th January next, in order to pay off their respective boods, given to me, as administrator of Philip Burton, dec'd.—And for the accommodation of such as cannot pay cash, I will take the acceptance of such merchants in Lynchburg, and elsewhere, as I can confide in, payable on the first day of June next, retaining the back interest, and as no farther indulgence can be given, those who fail to comply with the above request, may expect to have their Bonds put into the hands of an Attorney without delay.
NELSON C. DAWSON.
29th Dec. 1806. 3w
THE Planter's and Farmer's ALMANACK For the year
1807,
IS now published and for sale, by Retail or otherwise, at the Star-Office.
Warts for Sale BY CATLIN & MAYO.
THE above FIRM takes this method of informing the citizens of Lynchburg, and the public in general, that they use a large quantity of RORUM HATS, which they will sell at wholesale or retail, for cash very low, at their Manufactory, in the tenement formerly occupied by Mr. Samuel Schoellfield, as a Shoe Maker's Shop, directly opposite Mr. Higginbotham's Store. They flatter themselves that the quality of their hats, and their punctilious attendance to those who may become customers, will oblige them general patrons.
Lynchburg, Dec. 22, 1806. 1f
TAVERN.
THE FIRM takes the liberty of informing its friends and the public, that Mr. John Robinson has removed into the tenement formerly occupied by Mr. Thomas Lawton, in New London, where he will be ready to receive his friends and the public. For terms apply to Mr. John Robinson.
THOMAS LAWTON.
New London, 3w
NOTICE.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the citizens of Lynchburg and its vicinity, that he has just commenced the BAKING BUSINESS in the above place, and proposes to furnish all those who may choose to patronize him, with 19 3/4 of Bread to a barrel of Flour.
He will bake pilot-bread, ship bread, crackers, butter-biscuits, rusk, pine cakes, &c. &c.
JAMES ALBERT.
Lynchburg, 27th Nov. 1806. 1f
AMHERST May Court, 1806.
Thomas Johnson Plff. vs. John Lynch, jr. As Heir Lynch, John Lynch Jr. Charles L. Terrell, and Sarah his wife, Samuel Mitchell, Jr. Samuel Mitchell, Jr. Charles Mitchell, and Edward Mitchell, and Charles Lynch, Jr. Defs. In Chancery
THIS day came the Plaintiff by his Attorney, and the Defs. Samuel Mitchell Jr. Samuel Mitchell Jr. Charles Mitchell and Edward Mitchell still failing to file their answers, it is considered by the Court that the bill of the complainant as to them be taken as confessed and the matter and equity thereof decreed accordingly, unless the said Defs file their answers at or before August Court next.
A Copy—Teste,
Wm. S. Crawford C.A.C.
8w
FOR SALE
at the Star-Office
Sketches
of the
History of France
FROM THE EARLIEST HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS To the present time.....1806: With some remarks concerning the Life and Achievements of the celebrated NAPOLEON BO-NAPARTE, now Emperor of France. [By an American.]
NOTICE.
I HEREBY forward all persons from hunting or otherwise trespassing on any land, being determined to prosecute the offenders.
WM. TURPIN.
Bedford, Dec. 25, 1806. 2w
Literary.
"Diversions of Purley"—This work forms a new era in philosophy. It is the production of the celebrated John Horne Tooke, and is stamped with all the marks of his strong and active mind. He points out, in the course of it, and corrects the errors of men, whose eruditions had sanctioned those errors, and whose character for dry research had made them in some measure the arbiters of language. He traces those errors to their source, and by arguments simple but irresistible, he extorts the most perfect and implicit assent to his own doctrines. It is a work, which should be read and studied by every one, who aspires to a pure and perspicuous style, and who wishes to be thoroughly acquainted with the meaning and nature of those hitherto puzzling but necessary parts of our language which grammarians have been content to name without explaining.
The first American edition of this work will be comprised in two volumes, large octavo, the first of these has just been published, and the second will be ready for delivery in a month.
Subscriptions will be received until the second volume shall be ready for publication, and no longer—Two dollars and fifty cents each volume, in boards, payable on delivery.
Book which may contain any number of the Vols. bound or unbound, on the usual terms, on application to the publisher, M. DUANE, 60 Market Street, Philadelphia.
NEGROES & LAND For Sale,
ON the first day of January next, will be expected to sale Eighteen or Twenty five Virginia born Slaves, consisting of Men, Women and Children—And Ten or Twelve valuable Slaves hired for the next year—At the same time will be sold several Horses, an almost new set of Blacksmith's tools and sundry articles of Household Furniture—Also one tract of Land in the county of Bedford, on Big Otter River, now in the occupancy of Mrs. Vanderford, containing three hundred and twenty acres.—Also a House and Lot in the town of New London, in the tenancy of John Teaze.
The sale will take place at my Smith's Shop near my dwelling house—The terms of sale will be, for some of the Negroes, one third Cash, one third at six months, and one third at twelve months—The Land and New London Tenement must be paid for in three equal annual installments—And for the balance of the Negroes sold and hired, and the other articles, a credit of twelve months will be given—and the servants returned well clothed at the end of the year.—And in all cases of credit, bond and approved security will be required, to carry interest from the date if not punctually discharged.
CHRISTOPHER CLARK,
Executor of
ANDREW DONALD, dec'd
Nov. 24th, 1806. 1ds.
HYMNS.
Just published and for sale at the Star Office, (Price, Twenty-Five Cents,) A choice selection of Hymns
This first part, contains the newest and most admired Spiritual Songs, practiced with such beneficial effect, during the late Camp, and other Meetings, in the counties of Amherst, and Bedford, and in the vicinity of Lynchburg.
G
ALSO for
FOR SALE
ONE NEGRO
TWO CHILDREN
quite at the St

Miscellany.
Education.
Montesque supposes virtue, wisdom, and honor to be the principles, relative-ly, of democracy, aristocracy, and monarchy. Admitting the correctness of founding governments upon metaphysical principles, he seems to have grossly mistreated them. Experience testifies, that the principles of these forms of government, are folly, knavery, and force. That knavery and force are the genuine principles of aristocracy and monarchy, is always admitted by democracy; and that folly is the principle of democracy, is never denied by aristocracy and monarchy. Each sees distinctly the mote in the eye of another.
Democracy, however, thinks it less marvellous, that she should be accused of folly, than that aristocracy and monarchy should be acquitted of knavery and violence. Therefore, my good madam, the pre-eminence you yourself claim over your rivals (and it is considerable) arises from their being more knaves than fools, and you more fool than knave. The evidence of your folly, is indeed nearly as strong as that of their knavery.
In all ages, you have been cheated of your estate; and though of gigantic size you have generally suffered yourself to be kicked and cuffed by mere dwarfs.
You are eternally reduced to trust your foes with your offices and your confidence. Sometimes you grin and caper like a balletmaster, when these foes pass, stroke & flatter you.
And at length you have arrived to the acme of stupidity, of knowing your ignorance; or knowing that it will destroy you; or knowing a remedy; and of being able to apply it.
Be not, I pray you, madam democracy, offended; it is an allusion which calls me to tell you a few plain truths.
You agree that your understanding is not shallow, and that this is the reason why you have been plundered, kicked, and hooted out of society from time immemorial; but you will not resort to any mode of improving it. You are forever howling, that knowledge is the food by which alone you can live; and yet, like the Englishman who starved himself with a fortune of half a million, you will not expend a penny to purchase subsistence.
The meridian of Virginia is so general to your nature, as to have been called your "hot bed" in which you have been floundering for thirty years, exclaiming "I am a fool, I am a fool, I want knowledge, I am perishing through ignorance" and nothing to save you life, with the power of doing every thing.
Instead of following, you immolate regularly the advice of your best counselors, upon the altars of metaphysics, fun, or pleasantries, as I heard you the other day dispose of the contemporary recommendations of your own husband and a favourite child. Envy, said you, "if my husband though me a silly woman, he would not now and then pop into my family spruce and artful fellows, disposed to debauch me; especially as he knows, that whatever may be my talents, I am capable of being worked up into humors which expose me to "trailty."
"Madam democracy" whispered one of these debauchers to another "though much of a whore, is more of a miser. She will not stay subsistence for herself, but she will often submit to be pilfered by her servants for the sake of bribes out of her own money or wink-ling upon their practices against her own rights. As miserly or merciless-ous, she must perish or be seduced."
But I am of a different opinion. Your head, madam, is not like other heads. It is formed of a multitude of distinct in-ferioriums, collecting and conveying in-telligence to distinct minds. It is impos-sible to inform equally this immense co-geries of inferioriums and minds; but by informing and distributing a considerable number throughout the mass, they will enlighten the whole as a number of suns enlighten a multitude of planets.
Being one of these inferioriums myself, and believing that the world called man, cannot be turned entirely into suns; and that some are better than a world all of moons; it is my duty and right to contribute to the general reality, a project, for preventing the mischiefs to be appre-hended, from the fortuitous movements of multitude of opaque bodies. All your inferioriums agree, that these are a-larming and imminent.
The gibe is so ready and conven-ient a fund for erecting a college, in which the necessary luminaries for your zodiack may be created, as to resemble Mahomet's tree of Paradise, out of which would burst upon a touch, the thing you wanted; & your insatiable awe, for putting your hand in your pocket, demonstrates that you have a fund to strip through ignorance will increase the long. For your comfort it will be long.
Conceive an objection to the gibe money. If it could apply it in one another. As flippens thought no longer se-creted to the sovereign, but became subject to its disposition, of the colony of Vir-ginia from the love of gibe, having been derived so long as vacant in all cases, a re-ignity, and the na-parish claim are un-venant lands failed by a parish tax, according to the gibe. Those who paid the
tax have all died. Removals have even extinguished their blood in all or most parishes. No new comer in any instance paid more or less for land in any parish, according to the value of the gibe. Neither by inheritance (for he is not of the blood of the payer of the tax) nor by purchase (for he paid nothing for it) has he any property in the gibe. But he has a claim founded on fiction . Oh de-mocracy, thou art ever the victim of fic-tion!
If this fiction, as the guarantee of your ignorance, should produce a revolution, and a palace should be needed for a king; and if the penitentiary building, super-ceded and rendered useless by gibbers, should be proposed for the royal residence; would the appropriation be wrong, be-cause the counties had unequal contrib-uted for its erection; and ought the house to be sold, for the purpose of re-turning to each county its original con-tribution? Where is the difference be-tween taxing for public services, by sec-tions called counties, or by sections called parishes! Ah, madam democracy, you are as slavish to kings, as niggardly to yourself. You would in parliamentary shape, without hesitation, apply this very gibe money to the erection of a palace for one of these blockheads, although you would deny it to a seminary, for breeding found tenements for your own science.
If you will open a coming house, and take your fare upon a ledger, for squar-ing balances between parishes, in dollars, dimes, and cents; at which the peo-ple care not a farthing; at least, my good madam, use plain arithmetic. It will enable you to understand the law, direct-ing the overflows of the poor to apply the gibe money, "either to the poor of such parish, or as a majority of the free-holders and house-keepers therein, shall direct," in your own way; by count-ing money items. If the law can be so construed, as to make gibe money direct-ly or indirectly applicable to a county la-w, and an application to county use be-ing equivalent to an application to state use; the objection as to a violation of property is out of the question, as equally applying; and of course you ought to weigh the rival items in the scale of soci-al value. They are these:—Item—value of gibe money applied to county use—so many dollars, expended in one year without leaving a trace behind. Item—value of do. applied to a great seminary of learning—the same number of dollars invested in land or stock perpetually used and never wasted; and also parish, coun-ty and state liberty worth—tell me ye men of figures, how much?
If the overflows cannot directly or cir-cumlocutively apply gibe money to county use, and may apply it to parish levies, the aristocracy of the parish, or the own-ers of the most titheable slaves will receive it. To add to the wealth of aristocracy, or to the flock of your own understand-ings, would then be the rival items. If you determine the first to be most valua-ble, your exclamation, democracy, that you want learning, will never be thereaf-ter denied.
If this money could, and the law pre-tends to intend, be applied to the use of the poor and not of the rich, by increas-ing for a short time the contributions of the rich to the poor, it would only ag-gravate their subsequent condition. The transitory benefit, would not be worth the regrets on its discontinuance. Against this only just construction of the law, stands the value which both poor and rich will derive, from sparkling society so thickly with talents, that enough out of office may exit a watch and control those in. They are the best representa-tives of a nation. Election alone never makes a genuine representative; similar-ity of interest ever does so. To com-pare these items, value a temporary inju-ry to the poor, against a permanent ben-efit to the nation, and a truth results, so solid, that you may feel it, if the weak visual powers of which you perpetually complain, should be dazzled by its lustre.
But the law, fairly construed, is inca-pable of execution by the overflows—"Poor" is a technical word, and "par-ish poor" a technical phrase. There are no parish poor. There can be no parish levy. The money is inapplicable to county poor, or county use, directly or in-directly. It is probable that the people of no parish, have hitherto directed its application. As they have not applied it, and as the overflows cannot, the leg-islature are invited by a palpable defect in the law, and by the public apathy as to the destination of the money, to revive the subject, and to provide for the ex-istence of democracy, by applying the fund to the improvement of her understand-ing. Do you, democracy, distrust the strength of your own popularity, even to make yourself more amiable?
The chimera of educating a whole na-tion has at length vanished. A moral world composed of a gala of moral suns, will forever remain a dream. If you are still dazzled by an illusion, instead of see-ing a practicable object, like all your predecessors, you will exhibit an instance towards defining your principle. If knavery furnishes by fostering tenements of learning, will they not and honesty? The puppets of monarchists drawn from Oxford and Cambridge in England dis-close an infallible mode of procuring sup-plies of republicans.
Farewell, you old ignoramus, as you frequently call yourself. Go to school, or some of your caustical sponsors will cheat you even of your name, which you are already almost afraid to own. May God preserve you in his holy keeping!
Read me; if popular govern-ment is worth half an hour. Enquirer.
GOUTY.
Lately imported by Brown & Rives
W ILL stand the ensuing season at my stable in Amherst County, five miles from New-Glas-gow—the terms, his pedigree, and performances will be made known in due time—suffice it for the present to say, that he is as high a bred horse as ever was imported from Great Bri-tain or any other country, and that his size form and figure are greatly recom-mendatory.
ROBERT RIVERS.
Dec. 20, 1806. 4w.
Advertisement.
B y virtue of a Deed of Trust ex-ecuted to me by Thomas Thorn, to secure the payment of a certain sum of money therein menti-oned will be sold to the highest bid-der for cash at Otter Mills, in Bed-ford County, on Tuesday the 6th day of January next, a Negro Woman named Gracey, in satisfy the balance due in the said Deed, together with the interest and all charges, &c.
SAMUEL READ, Trustee.
Dec. 20th 1806.
A School.
O N the 6th Monday in January next (1807) the Subscriber will open a School, in that airy and retired house, opposite Brown's newly enclosed Lot, on Lynchburg Hill—where will be taught Reading, Wri-ting, Arithmetic, English Grammar, &c. &c. The utmost attention will be paid to the morals, as well as to the education of his pupils.—The fi-nancial is high and healthy, and there is good water convenient—considera-tions of the utmost importance for the successful management of an institution of this nature.
The School on the present establish-ment will be continued eleven months, at fifteen dollars the scholar, to be paid quarterly.—The first quar-ter's quota to be paid in advance.
Two or three boarders will be re-ceived, on reasonable terms, to whose education special regard shall be paid.
THOMAS L. CLAYTON.
21st Dec. 1806. 4w.
To be Rented or Leased.
F OR one or three years, and im-mediate possession given, that commodious TAVERN at Campbell Court house, occupied at present by the subscriber—its Vicinity to the Court House, being situate on the di-rect opposite side of the Street—The numerous apartments in the building for the reception of company—its ex-ten-sive stables, having stalls for forty horses—The Well of excellent water in the yard—a good kitchen and large garden attached thereto, are such con-veniences as supercede the necessity of any other description—Several beds, and a variety of house hold and kitch-en furniture, may be purchased of the subscriber. For terms apply to
Anne Elizabeth Ramsey.
24th Dec. 1806. f.
Negroes for Sale.
W ILL be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Saturday the third day of January next, at the plantation of the late Charles D. Jones, TWELVE VA-LUABLE NEGROES, consisting of men, women, and children—among which are two experienced Workmen, and a valuable house or body servant, who has been raised to that business. Such as have claims against the estate will be pleased to bring them forward legally authenticated.
Jesse Anderson, Adm.
For
Charles D. Jones, dec.
Bedford, Dec. 20, 1806.
Advertisement.
B y Virtue of two Deeds of Trust executed to us by Jo-seph Blankenship of Bedford county, one bearing date the 10th and the o-ther the 11th of September, 1805, to secure the payment of two sums of money due to Thomas Watt, one by open account, amounting to Twenty-Eight Pounds nine shillings, with le-gal interest thereon from the 10th day of May, 1805—and one other sum of Fifty-Two Pounds nineteen shillings and nine pence, with legal interest thereon from the 31st of August, 1805—Also one other sum of money due to Taliaferro Stewart & Co. of Thir-ty-Five Pounds six shillings and two pence, with interest thereon from the 23th day of February, 1805—all of which sums by reference to said deeds will more fully appear.—Will be sold on the premises, for Ready Money, on Monday, the 9th of February next, viz. A tract of LAND, containing by estimation, one hundred and fifty A-cres, lying in the county of Bedford, whereon the said Blankenship resides and being part of a larger tract sup-posed to contain two hundred acres—a-bout fifty acres whereof has been pre-viously aliened to a certain Thomas Wilson as by reference to said deed will more fully appear.
Also the following personal prop-erty, viz. Three Sows and Piggs, and Seven head of Sheep, conveyed by said Blankenship to us in said deeds for the purposes aforesaid, as by said deeds will more fully appear, and to which reference is hereto made—or so much of the said property as will be sufficient to discharge the afore-said debts with all the costs attending the same.
JOHN H. TRENT. } Trustees
JAMES BULLOCK. } December 23, 1806. 6w.
Lunenburg county, Nov. 10.
THE subscriber thinks proper to give notice, he has resumed the practice of the Law, and purpo-ses regular attendance in the Court of Appeals, the Federal Court, and the High Court of Chancery holden in the city of Richmond, (to which place he is now prepar-ing to remove his residence.) Due attention will be paid to such business as may be committed to his care.
WILLIAM COWAN. 8w.
T O satisfy a decree of the Federal District Court, Hogden & Tate vs. the estate of Edward Carter, dec'd. also a judgement of Backhouse vs. the same, and two decrees of the Court of Chancery, Francis Brooke and Polly his wife, and Ann Williams Carter, vs. the same—I shall offer for sale at Milton in Albermarle on the first day of January 1807, One hun-dred and fifty
NEGROES;
among those Negroes there are ten carpenters and a black smith, the re-sidue consists of likely fellows with their families.—A certain proportion of the above Negroes, will be offered for cash, and a part of them on a rea-sonable credit—those Negroes will be sold subject to the life Estate of Mrs. Sally Carter.
CHARLES CARTER, Ex'r.
December 10th—1806.
P. S. Mrs. Carter's agent will at-tend at the time and place aforesaid for the purpose of hiring out the said Slaves for the ensuing year.
C. C.
VIRGINIA, to wit. At a Court held for Franklin Coun-ty, November 3d, 1806.
Samuel Irvine, Compl. } AGAINST } IN George Rives, Burwell } Chancery. Rives, and William A. } Defis. Burwell, }
T HE defendant George Rives not having entered his ap-pearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the first Monday in March next, and answer the complainant's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in this state for eight weeks successively, and posted up at the front door of the Court house of this county.
A Copy—Teste, CALES TATE, D. C. FOR JAMES CALLAWAY, C. F. C 8w.
LAND FOR SALE.
500 Acres in Kentucky, On Hudson's fork of Licking, in Bour-bon county, 15. m. from Lexington eleven, from Paris nine, and from Winchester ten m. all flourishing towns, and each at a Court House; the whole of this Land is of the first quality, and has about Fifty or Sixty Acres Cleared, with considerable im-provements, ORCHARDS, &c. Also a fine CAVE, which will answer every purpose of a Dry Well, for saving fresh Meats, &c. in summer; situated quite convenient to a beautiful eminence for to build on; and the Title undis-puted—At the reduced price of Six DOLLARS Cash, per Acre, if paid by January 1807.
1200 Acres on both sides Of the Rolling Fork of Salt River, in Washington County. One Third Low Ground, the remainder Second and Third rate high Land, with Three PLANTATIONS on it, and some good improvements; is excellent for Stock of all kinds, being contiguous to the knobs, which afford an extensive and a lasting range; and it includes that part of the Jump Lick on which good Salt has been made, and which serves for Stock instead of giving them Salt, and will be sold very low for Cash as above.
400 Acres on Grealy Creek, in Montgomery County, Vir-ginia; a considerable part of which is good Flat Land, affording plenty of fine MEADOW GROUND, a good MILL SEAT, and an excellent Range for Stock of all kinds—Very low for Cash, as above.
138 Acres in Patrick County, on Widgeon Creek, settled by M'Bride and improved by him, where he has lived many years.—Price not exceeding THREE DOLLARS.
300 Acres in Bedford County, adjoining Randolph's old Order line on Stanton River, near Mr. Mark Anthony's—At TWENTY SHILLINGS per Acre.
1400 Acres in Campbell County, on Outer River, and on both sides of Flat Creek, including the Seat whereon the subscriber now lives, (which is a beautiful one, situated in the fork, and commanding a delight-ful prospect of both streams, and of one hundred acres of Low Grounds, there- being upwards of two on the tract.) There are several PLANTATIONS on this Tract, sufficient to work Twenty Hands to advantage; Dwelling Houses Orchards of Apple, Peach, &c. A MILL SEAT viewed by order of Court, and free privilege or build-ing; is a good neighbourhood, and plenty of water for merchant's work, &c. &c. and this land affords plenty of fine Meadow Ground and Lime Stone—is distant from Lynchburg eighteen, from New-London eight, and from Campbell Court-house ten miles, and is generally acknowledg-ed, on account of soil, situation and convenience, to be equal to any in this part of the country; and will here dividing into Four good Seats, with a good Plantation on each; on each is proper land for ORCHARDS, of the right height to avoid killing Frosts; and on which is an ORCHARD of Apple and Peach Trees that has not failed of Fruit for upwards of thirty years last past—This Tract al-together may be bought at TWELVE DOLLARS per Acre, to be paid in Four equal half yearly payments, com-mencing on the first day of January, 1807, &c. at which time possession will be given, and a sufficient Title will be made, on giving Bonds with satisfactory Security, bearing Interest from the date if not punctually paid.
502 Acres, (part of the Above) called Arthur's old Tract, a large PLANTATION, Dwelling House Overseer's House, some Fruit Trees, and the soil is well known to be equal to any in this part of the country for Tobacco, Cotton, and all sorts of Grain; is well watered, some good Meadow ground, and a plenty of Lime Stone on it—At SEVEN DOL-LARS per Acre, payable on the first of January 1807.
About 20,000 Acres lying In Franklin, Patrick and Botetourt Counties, including several Surveys; one of which (being large) may be di-vided into Large or Small tracts, so as to accommodate the purchasers—The price will be from ONE SHIL-LING to FOUR DOLLARS per Acre, according to the Quality and Quantity aken.
Cash, Tobacco at the market price or principal Merchant's Acceptances either at Lynchburg, Richmond, or Manchester, will be received in pay-ment for the above.
JOHN CALLAWAY.
October 27th, 1806. T.F.