Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1809-03-15 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER.  SINT HIC ETIAM SUA PRÆMIA LAUR.
[VOL. V.]
WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 15, 1809.
NO. 97.]
For Freight or Charter,  The Sch'r Two Brothers, W. H. Nichols, master, burthen about 900 barrels, now ready to receive a cargo. For terms apply to the master on board at Campbel's wharf, or to  Edward S. Waddey. March 10.
THE SHIP  WILLIAM P. JOHNSON, Peter Le Breton, master, burthen 400 hogheads tobacco, is offered for Charter, will be ready to receive a cargo in three days. Apply on board, or to  Christopher Fry. March 6.
FOR SALE,  A fine new Pilot-Boat  SCHOONER, of 100 tons burthen, will finish rigging in a few days. ALSO,  The HULL and SPARS, of one about the same size, of similar construction. ALSO,  A full built SCHOONER, of 125 tons, or 1100 barrels; the above vessels now lying at Gorham's wharf. ALSO,  A New Pilot Boat  SCHOONER, of 120 tons burthen, now on the stocks, will be launched in a week. ALSO,  A VESSEL, of 240 tons, of very superior materials and construction, building in Mathews, and can be launched in three weeks. For terms apply to  Wilson & Cunningham. March 6.
FOR CHARTER,  The Ship CLEOPATRA, John Johnson, master, burthen 376 tons, and will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. This Ship is almost new and remarkably well built—Apply to the master on board, or the subscriber,  William Pennock. Who has still unengaged,  The Ships Jane, Industry, and  Courtney. And offers for Sale,  10,000 cubick feet of Pitch PINE Savannah TIMBER, 25 to 35 feet long, and 12 to 15 inches square, 50,000 Rough Hoghead STAVES, 17,000 Drawn Pipe do 10 Casks HOOKS and THIMBLES, 16 Hogheads very fine OLD TOBACCO, and 93 Boxes Castile SOAP. March 2.
FOR NEW-ORLEANS,  The Brig Louisiana Packet, O. Wheelock, master, will sail in 10 or 15 days—For freight or passage (having excellent accommodations,) apply to  JENNINGS & RODDEY. February 27.
For Sale, or Freight to New-York, The fine new Pilot-built Brig  PATRIOT, Richard Pitt, Master, burthen about 180 tons, now ready to receive a cargo. For terms apply to  Wilson & Cunningham. February 23.
FOR SALE,  The Schooner LYDIA, Burthen about 1000 barrels, AND  The Brig NANCY, Burthen from 1300 to 1400 barrels. Both of these vessels are well found; the former now ready to receive a cargo, and the latter will be so in all this week.  JAMES YOUNG. February 23.
PATENT ILLUMINATORS, OR  Sky-Lights for Shipping, &c. Giving a more general Light than the common Sky-Light, with one half the expense; and are equally applicable to the state-room, steerage and forecastle, as in the cabin—they are neither liable to break or be damaged by the common traffic of the deck. Apply to  E. Sturtevant, Agent. March 10.
Two Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber on the 1st instant, an apprentice boy named WILLIAM RUTLAND , about 16 years old, light complexion, light hair, and blue eyes, and was born in or near London. I forward all masters and others from harbouring, employing, or carrying said apprentice away, as the law will be strictly enforced against all such offenders.  B. Bayton. Portsmouth, March 10.
THE SUBSCRIBER Wishes to Sell, and will Sell or Rent on moderate terms,  That very excellent Wharf and Lot, in the town of Gosport, at present occupied by William Smith; the Wharf, Ware-Houses, and Dwelling-House are all in good repair.  Thirteen Lots in the Town of Suffolk; And the following Property in Norfolk,  Two good Fire-Proof Warehouses on the Eastern side of Commerce-Street, Nos 4 and 6  Two Dwelling-Houses and Lots on Boush-street, in good repair, and very pleasantly situated Apply to  John Granbery. September 14.
TAKE NOTICE, That we have applied to the President and Directors for the renewal of SIX NOTES of the Bank of the United States, at Norfolk, the one moiety whereof is lost, viz. B. No. 4082, dated Philadelphia, 2d June, 1800—dollars 50 C. 8820, dated Philadelphia, 2d June, 1800 50 E. 727, dated Philadelphia, 6th Jan. 1804 50 F. 819, dated Philadelphia, 6th Jan. 1804 50 F. 922, dated Philadelphia, 6th Jan. 1804 50 F. 1688, dated Philadelphia, 6th Jan. 1804 50 payable to Robert Taylor, or bearer, at the Office of Discount and Deposit, at Norfolk. A HANDSOME REWARD will be given to any person who may have found the counterparts of the above Notes, and will deliver them to us.  MACKINDER & WHITE. March 10.
REMOVAL. The Subscriber informs his friends and the publick that he has removed his  Saddle and Harness Manufactory, from No. 22, to No. 11, Church-street, where he continues to make all kinds of SADDLES, COACH and GIG HARNESS, CAPS and HOLSTERS, and generally all other articles belonging to his profession. He returns his thanks to his friends for the encouragement he has received, and hopes from the superiority of his work, to merit a continuance of their custom, and from the publick he expects that additional encouragement (only) which superior workmanship deserves; and he warrants the workmanship of all articles made in his shop to be far superior to any done in Norfolk, and at least equal to any in the United States. As the times have become difficult, it will be necessary for the future, that the cash should come when the work goes out in all cases; the total impossibility of collecting outstanding debts renders this regulation indispensable, it will therefore be strictly adhered to.  JOHN SIMPSON. March 10.
FLOUR.  FOR SALE,  BY JOHN GRANBERY, AT HIS WARE-HOUSE ON COMMERCE-STREET, A small quantity of very excellent  New Flour, in barrels and half-barrels, now on hand, fit for family use, and a regular supply expected from the Columbian Mills—Richmond inspection CASH given for good new flour barrels and half-barrels. Nov. 9.
Phenix Fire Office No. 13, MARKET-SQUARE, NORFOLK.
INSURANCE UPON SHIPS. NOTICE is hereby given that the following premiums only, will henceforward be charged by this company for insurance from fire upon Ships, Vessels, and all Water Crafts, and also upon Cargo on board, in the seaports and rivers of Virginia and North-Carolina. One month 12 1/2 cents per $100 Two do. 20 do. Three do. 25 do. Four do. 30 do. Five do. 35 do. Six do. 40 do. Seven do. 45 do. Eight do. 50 do. Nine do. 55 do. Ten do. 60 do. Eleven do. 65 do. Twelve do. 70 do. The above premiums will be charged for any sum not exceeding 40,000 dollars in one risk; but a separate sum must in all cases be specified on the ship and another on the cargo.  Richard Taylor, Agent. Dec. 19.
SPANISH HIDES. One Thousand SPANISH HIDES.—For Sale, by  Wm. Plume, & Co. January 23.
A RENDEZVOUS Is opened in Norfolk for the United States Schooner Enterprize. February 23.
German Linen for Exportation.  NIEMEYER & VON KAPFF, OFFER FOR SALE At their Warehouse in Water-Street, at the corner Maxwell's wharf, for cash, or approved paper only. 54 packages of German Linen, consisting of 140 pieces Osnabrigs. 60 pieces Tickenbungs. 500 pieces White Rolls. 900 Heddens. 80 pieces Hessians, 1 case Plaitillas, 1 case Shirt Linen, 1 case Sheetings, 1 case Table Cloths, 1 case Bed-Ticking. ALSO, 40 pieces best Russia Canvass, 65 do. Tongaland Duck, 8000 Coffee Bags, 3,500 Gunny Bags, 90 boxes best Spanish Segrats, 50 boxes English Pipes, 700 Straws 1-8 pt. Tumblers, 30 do. do. Decanters, 850 pieces excellent Oil Cloth, 350 pieces Paper Hanging, 3 cases Port-Wine. And at their Store in Main-Street, a great variety of  Cutlery and Fancy Articles. Apply as above. Nov. 9.
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.
Mr. BAYARD'S SPEECH, Upon his motion to amend the resolution offered by Mr. Giles, by striking out that part which is in italics; delivered in the Senate of the United States, Tuesday, February 14, 1809.
Mr. GILES'S MOTION. Resolved, That the several laws laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, be repealed on the 4th day of March next, except as to Great Britain and France and their dependencies; and that provision be made by law for prohibiting all commercial intercourse with those nations and their dependencies, and the importation of any article into the United States, the growth, produce or manufacture of either of the said nations, or of the dominions of either of them."
I do not mean to contend that the president was bound to lay this treaty before the senate, but in exercising the power to reject it without their advice, he took upon himself a great responsibility, and is answerable for all the consequences of an act exclusively his own. To this act, in my opinion, may be attributed the present embarrassments of your country. Had the treaty been accepted, our trade would have flourished as heretofore, and with it our agriculture, manufactures, and the fisheries. But it pleased our chief magistrate to reject it, and every day has since added to the gloom which has spread over our country.
In this condition was the state of our affairs, when an unexpected event occurred, calculated to inflame to the highest pitch, the animosity of our citizens against the British government. I allude to the attack of the Leopard upon the Chesapeake, in June, 1807. In relation to this outrage, the people of America felt but one sentiment. A more wanton, flagitious, and perfidious act, was never perpetrated. It is an act which America never will nor ought to forgive, till it is expiated by adequate satisfaction. But still, sir, we must restrain our indignation, while we enquire whose act it was, and who is answerable for it. The material inquiry is, was it, or has it become the act of the British government?
The British minister, as soon as the news of the occurrence reached him, voluntarily and unasked, declared that it was unauthorised by the British government. He disavowed it in parliament, and the king himself confirmed the disavowal.
It rested then as the act of admiral Berkeley. The nation, however, were bound to make us satisfaction for the injury done us by their publick servant. If they refuse adequate satisfaction, they adopt the act. The government were sensible of this obligation and they took steps to comply with it. They sent a special minister for the sole purpose of making reparation for the injury we had suffered. This minister we received, and agreed to consider the outrage which had been committed, as the act of Berkeley. Considered as the act of the government, it would have been an act of open war. You commence a negotiation as to the terms of reparation; but here the same spirit which rejected the treaty, baffles every effort to accommodate this new cause of offence.
When informed of the attack upon one of our publick vessels by a British man of war under the orders of an admiral, our government had reason to apprehend that no individual, however high in rank, would have hazarded so daring an outrage, without the authority of his government.
With this view, and to preserve peace and tranquility in our harbours, we may consider the president as justified in issuing his proclamation, interdicting the entrance of British armed ships into the waters of the United States. But, sir, the moment it was ascertained, that the act of Berkeley was unauthorised—so soon as the government had solemnly disavowed it and offered reparation, the proclamation ought to have been withdrawn. Are you permitted to punish a nation for the acts of its subjects, in which it does not participate? The law and the practise of civilized nations on this point are explicit and uniform. When the subject of one power offends against the sovereignty of another, this will not justify a retaliation upon other subjects of the same power, with the one who offended. It has uniformly been our own doctrine, and it is the common interest of mankind to maintain it, that in such case you must apply to the sovereign of the party offending, and abstain from any act of hostility till he refuses you reparation. This course our government did not pursue—for the act of an individual, they retaliated against his nation.
Upon the grounds which have been stated, you may excuse the issuing of the proclamation; but what excuse is there for its continuance, when we acknowledge ourselves, in treating for reparation, that the act complained of is the act of an individual, and not of his government?
ed was deemed insufficient, you would have had no difficulty in renewing it. It is a task to our president only for a point of etiquette, a thing important per se, in a monarchy, but very little respected among us republicans. Give me leave to say, that in this instance, I soon became persuaded that the difference in question, was not to be settled by itself, but was to stand open in the general account. If there had been a sincere desire to settle it, the paltry measure of the proclamation would not have formed an obstacle for a moment.
I have here a new and great proof that the executive is not sincerely desirous of a full and friendly settlement of all differences with England. It may be difficult to trace the motive which governs—but I can plainly discover the same spirit now, which agitated the nation in 1795—a spirit then subdued by the mighty influence of Washington, but which has since risen with increased strength, and now dominates.
I consider, sir, that the measures of the administration have been not only insecure, but extremely feeble; they will not settle their differences with England, and yet have not courage openly to quarrel with her; they pass a non-importation act to punish the impression of seamen and the aggression upon our carrying trade; they exclude, by proclamation, British armed ships from our waters to avenge the outrage on the Chesapeake; and what benefit to ourselves, or detriment to our adversary have these measures produced? they are calculated to increase the animosity between the nations, but I know of no other effect they can produce. So far indeed have they been from constraining Britain to accede to our terms, that they have renewed her more regardless of our rights and interests. She has since given us new and more feeling causes of complaint, by her orders in council of the 7th January, and the 11th November, 1807. These orders take from us the trade of nearly all Europe. They are the counterpart of the French decrees. God forbid that I should justify them! I will never admit that France or England have a right to make laws for the ocean: nor still I hesitate, when they insist upon the execution of such laws, to declare myself for war. I am as free as any gentleman in this senate to protest against submission to the decrees of France, or the orders of England; but is not submission to the decrees, as disgraceful a submission as to the orders? The gentleman from Virginia said nothing of the decrees—nothing of a war with France—his resentment was confined to Britain.
We have, Sir, to choose our enemy between these two nations. We are hardly equal to a contention against both at the same time.
How does the case stand in relation to them?—The emperor first issues his Berlin decree, interdicting our trade to England and her colonies. England then gave us notice, if you allow France to prevent your trading with us, we will not suffer you to trade with France. If you are tame enough to submit to a French decree, you will surely not be too proud to yield to a British order. Assure us that you will resist the execution of the decree, and we will not retort its principles upon you. This our government declined doing, and left England to pursue her own course. Her government then issues the order of the 11th of November, retaliating the Berlin decree. I do not defend this order; but if the administration had resisted, as they ought to have done, the Berlin decree, we should not have seen the order. What now is to be done? England insists on her orders, as a measure of retaliation against France. Prevail on France to repeal her decrees; or agree to resist the execution of them; and if England then executes her orders, I will be as free as any man to go to war with her.
No such course has been taken; but what have we done? Laid an embargo. And for what purpose did we lay the embargo? This is a subject of conjecture to some: but our government tells us, it was to preserve our ships, our sailors, and our mercantile capital. Some have said to preserve them from the operation of the orders in council. When the embargo was laid the orders in council were not known in this country.
Of this fact, I want no stronger proof, no stronger can exist, than that the President in his message to congress, in which he recommends the embargo, says not a word of these orders in council. No, the embargo was not produced by the orders in council, nor any thing which we heard from England, but by news which had then been recently received from France.
We are told the embargo was to save our ships, our sailors, and mercantile capital. I do not believe that such was its object, but if such were its purpose, we have been miserably disappointed. The embargo for a short period might have been a prudent measure. As a step of precaution to collect our seamen and mercantile capital, I should never have complained of it. But it is insulting to common sense, to propose it as a scheme of permanent security, as it must daily consume, and finally annihilate the objects of its preservation. Your ships once in, and the danger known, you should have left our merchants to their own discretion. They would have calculated the profits and the perils, and been determined by the balance of the account. No class of society is more capable of taking care of itself.
It is said we have preserved our seamen. The President has as gravely repeated this remark in his message, as he recommended to us to devise means to dispose of our surplus revenue, at a moment when it was evident that the situation of the country would drain the treasury of its last dollar. Where are your sailors? They are not to be seen in your ports. One half that were employed by you have passed into foreign service, and many that remain, are to be found begging in your roads and at your doors.
As to our ships and mercantile capital, the one tenth part of the loss from decay and waste and want of employment, would have paid for an insurance against every danger to which they would have been exposed. It is not my intention, Mr. President, to detain you with any details on this subject, as I should be compelled to repeat the same things which have been stated by other gentlemen on a former occasion. But there are some general views of the subject not undeserving of notice, which yet remain to be taken.
If the embargo were ever a measure of precaution, on it has long lost that character. As a measure of coercion it was hopeless unless completely executed. If the party to be coerced was partially supplied, the object was defeated.

We have inserted the remarks of the National Intelligencer upon the suppressed documents, republished in our last, from the Boston Centinel, Gazette and Palladium. The National Intelligencer does not deny the authenticity of these documents, but wishes to direct the publick indignation towards those who have caused them to be published, while we hope the publick indignation will light on those who endeavoured to suppress them.
When we commenced Mr. Bayard's eloquent speech in our first page, we did not know we should have the conclusion for this day's paper. It is concluded, and we would not recommend it to our readers, as it will recommend itself.
We insert from the Boston Centinel the following extracts of letters alleged to be suppressed, without hazarding any opinion as to their genuineness. It is most certain that the source from which they emanate is entitled to no credit. If they are not errant forgeries, the means by which they have come to light are most base and corrupt.
Should, however, these papers be considered to be genuine, (of which we say nothing) it will be still seen by every judicious reader that they involve considerations of a personal and highly confidential nature, which never are openly disclosed by one government in reference to the agents of another; and that this is particularly the case with regard to Mr. Armstrong's letter of the 22d of February.
The Boston Centinel pronounces these letters to have been suppressed; but omits saying whether they were communicated confidentially to congress. We have no hesitation in asserting that, if they are genuine, they were so communicated by the president; not from any special knowledge we have on the point, but from the message of the president which accompanied the communication of the foreign correspondence, which is as follows:
"The documents communicated with my publick message of this day, contain such portions of the correspondence therein referred to, of the ministers of the United States at Paris and London, as relate to the present state of affairs between those governments and the United States, and as may be made public. I now communicate confidentially such supplementary portions of the same correspondence as I deem improper for publication yet necessary to convey to congress full information on the subject of their deliberations, so interesting to our country."
TH: JEFFERSON.
November 8, 1808. Here is an explicit declaration of the president, that he communicated in confidence such portions of the foreign correspondence as he deemed "improper for publication, yet necessary to convey to congress full information;" &c.
We boldly then repeat the assertion, that, if the letters now published are genuine, they were communicated to congress, and are a part, if not the whole of those referred to by the president as being improper for publication.
If then these extracts be genuine, and they were communicated to congress, the president did all that it was his duty to do. Had he communicated them without confidence, he would have violated his duty, he would have done what would have insured him the reprobation of the whole civilized world.
If the Boston Centinel has any regard to character, it behoves it manfully to come forward, and protect itself from the charge of giving currency to a forgery, by exposing the source from which these extracts are derived, that the publick may decide whether they are genuine, and appreciate the means by which they have come to light. Nan. Intel.
GEORGETOWN, (Col.) March 11.
Mr. Gibbon, the messenger from England and France, arrived at the department of state yesterday forenoon, after travelling all night. We hear he was taken from on board the Union some distance off the coast, and landed at Newcastle.
Since writing the above we have received a handbill from Baltimore containing the news by the Union, which follows:
BALTIMORE, March 9.
Our concerns are said to have undergone no change with respect to France. England has, however, repealed her export duty on neutral productions, carried thither through the operation of her orders in council.
We learn that owing to a renewed indisposition in the king of England, a regency was contemplated, to consist of the prince of Wales, the queen, and the duke of Portland. This circumstance was not publicly known at London.
At Plymouth, whence the Union sailed, information was received from London, after the 29th Dec. that a great action was fought in Spain, in which the French were defeated with immense loss.
The greatest exertions were making, according to verbal accounts from Paris, for pouring in bodies of troops, to sweep the devoted country of Spain, and by terror, desolation and murder, to over awe and reduce it.
From papers brought by the Union, arrived in the Delaware.
LONDON, Dec. 28.
At length intelligence has arrived from Spain, and we rejoice to say, that it is of a favourable nature. The Orestes is arrived at Falmouth in 11 days from Corunna.
The dispatches received by government from Corunna are to the 14th December—and from sir John Moore of the 8th. It was known at Corunna, that the French were in possession of the Escurial, but it was believed in Galicia and Asturias, that they had been repulsed from Madrid with great slaughter.
Sir John Moore has pushed a corps to Zamora, and sir David Baird was on his march to join him. The united force of the British army would then be 40,000 men—The marquis de Romana's army, at Leon, exceeds 20,000, and is daily increasing. The Spaniards, so far from being distressed, are full of spirits, and as determined as ever to persevere in their just and glorious cause.
The dispatches from sir John Moore stated that the latest intelligence he had received was that Madrid held out. What the date of that intelligence is, we have not heard.
Sir David Baird, he adds, was advancing towards a junction with him.
We know not how to reconcile the above intelligence with the statement in the last Paris papers received on the 14th inst.
Sir John Moore's account that the city still held out, would show that the French were besieging it. Yet according to the French papers it made no resistance—and capitulated as the enemy appeared before it. Salamanca is not more than 160 miles from
Now I ask you, sir, if your government ought not to have been acquainted with its own powers, its own people, and its own situation well enough to have known that it was impossible for it to confine the whole produce of the country within its limits for any length of time? Ought they not to have foreseen the vast temptations which have arisen and presented themselves, as well to our own citizens as to foreigners to combine in order to break or elude your laws? Ought they not to have known that with our extent of coast and frontiers, with our numerous waters, that a wretched gun boat navy, aided even by ten thousand regulars, were not capable of covering our borders and shutting up the numberless outlets of the country? Could they expect that patriotism was to feed and clothe the people of the north; or that thousands would submit to starve in order to contribute to the success of an experiment?
We all know that the opposition to the embargo in the eastern states is not the opposition of a political party, or of a few discontented men, but the resistance of the people to a measure which they feel as oppressive and regard as ruinous. The people of this country are not to be governed by force, but by affection and confidence. It is for them we legislate, and if they do not like our laws, it is our duty to repeal them.
It is madness to talk of forcing submission when there is general satisfaction. Your government is in the hands of the people—it has no force but what it derives from them; and your enforcing laws are dead letters when they have once been driven to resist your measures.
It would, sir, be some consolation, amidst the sufferings which this miserable system has caused, if in looking abroad, we could discover that the nations who have offended and injured us felt its oppression only equally with ourselves. But when we find that we have been scourging ourselves for their benefit and amusement, when they can tell us with indifference and contempt, that they feel for us, but that we must correct our own folly; instead of meeting with the poor comfort which we expected, we are overwhelmed with accumulated mortification.
Was this a measure against France? No—the emperor commands the magnanimous sacrifice which you have made of your commerce, rather than submit to British tyranny on the ocean.
His imperial majesty never approves what he does not like—and he never likes what does not comport with his own designs.
I consider it as admitted that the embargo was intended to coerce England; and the gentleman from Virginia now contends that if it had been strictly executed, it would have had that effect. Nothing has happened that common foresight might not have foreseen. The gentleman has read to you extracts from an English pamphlet, published before the embargo was laid, which predicts the very evasions of the law, the discontent it would produce, and the opposition it would meet with, which we have all had the melancholy opportunity of witnessing. I know the pamphlet was referred to for another purpose—to show that British gold or influence had corrupted or seduced the Vermonter before the embargo was imposed. The gentleman may believe the fact to be so if he pleases; but I say, sir, that your government here, with all its means of information, ought to have known as much about the condition of Vermont as a pamphleteer on the other side of the Atlantic.
It seems now to be admitted, and the fact is too evident to be denied, that the embargo has failed in its coercive effect upon Britain. The want of bread, cotton, or lumber, has neither starved her subjects, nor excited them to insurrection. Some gentlemen have had the shrewdness to discover the effect in an English price current, which might to be sure have been owing to the embargo, or might have been produced by the operation on the market of some private speculations. But it has enriched Canada, and has taught the islands their policy and ability to live without us.
I would to God, Mr. President, that the embargo had done as little evil to ourselves as it has done to foreign nations!
It is ourselves who are the victims of the miserable expedient. Your treasury will lose at least fifteen million of dollars, and your country in addition not less than forty. This tax has not been so much felt, though it has not been in fact less paid, because the embargo has not taken the money out of our pockets, but only prevented it from going into them. This measure has been not only ruinous to our interests, but it is hostile to the genius of our government. It calls for an increase of your regular army, and a vast augmentation of your military force. Ten thousand bayonets were not sufficient to enforce it, but fifty thousand volunteers (as I have seen by a bill on the table) were to be invited to assist in its execution.
The measure of an administration which arms citizen against citizen or requires the soldier to act against the citizen, is baneful to liberty. If persevered in, there would soon be an end of free government.
The effect is also to be deprecated, upon the spirit of your military. They are called upon to execute laws they are unable to construe, and in obeying their orders are exposed to the commission to murder.
Your naval forces are sent out to cruise, not for enemies, but for defenceless fellow citizens, and they return to boast not of a gallant battle, but of a miserable seizure which may bring poverty on some wretched family in their own country.
It has been often said in defence of the embargo that the nation had nothing left but that measure, submission or war. Can you distinguish between the embargo and submission? Can you pretend to say that it is a voluntary self restriction imposed as a matter of choice? Can it be denied that it has been forced upon us by the conduct of both or one of the belligerents? and with a full knowledge of the fact, can you describe it as any thing but vile abject submission? France tells you, you shall not trade to Britain; you obey her—Britain then tells you, you shall not trade to France; you submit. You have not resisted the decrees or orders, but have complied with the object of both. We have borne the burthen of the embargo till it has almost broke our backs and even when we are sinking under it, we pretend to say, it was no task to bear it. In this case it is then said, there only remained submission or war—Submission I put out of the case. I trust in God it never entered into the head of one American! But I deny that war is necessarily the alternative; and I never will admit it till I see sincere efforts made to accommodate our differences with England. The president in his message at the opening of congress, would give us the impression that Britain had refused the last and fairest offer it was in the power of government to make, in order to preserve peace. It will be important for us to understand the nature and extent of that offer. The proposition no doubt was made by Mr. Pinkney, in conformity to his instructions. To avoid error, I will take the liberty of reading to the senate the words of Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Canning on the subject, in his letter of the 23d of August last:
"I had the honour to state to you, sir, that it was the intention of the president, in case Great Britain repealed her orders, as regarded the United States, to exercise the power vested in him by the act of the last session of congress, entitled "An act to authorise the president of the United States under certain conditions, to suspend the operation of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and
harbours of the United States, and the several supplementary acts thereto," by suspending the embargo law and its supplements as regards Great Britain. I am authorised to give you this assurance in the most formal manner."
Now, sir, what is the amount of this boasted offer? Nothing more than the assurance of our minister of an intention of the president to remove the embargo in case the orders in council were actually repealed. Great Britain was to repeal her orders, allow the president to make the most of that act, with her enemy, and trust to his executing his good intention when it should suit his good pleasure. The offer to England related only to the embargo, when this experimental measure, so far from being injurious to her, was adding to her wealth and strength. It leaves her navigation without a rival on the ocean, and has restored to her more seamen, than she could have impressed in ten years. Well may Mr. Canning say, there is no assignable relation, between the removal of the embargo, and the repeal of the orders in council.
The president had instructed his minister to assure the British government, that the embargo was designed only as a municipal regulation, and not as an act in any degree hostile to them.
The orders in council were a measure of hostility against France; and we offer to revoke a municipal regulation operating in favour of Britain, if she will relieve us from the pressure of a measure adopted against her enemy. But let me ask was there any offer made to rescind the proclamation or to repeal the non-importation law? Two measures much more offensive and hostile to Great Britain than the embargo. With these laws in force, it was a mere mockery to offer the removal of the embargo.—What more proof do we want, than this transaction affords, that the executive has not been sincere in his endeavours to restore a good understanding between this country and England. And therefore it is, that I contend that war is not unavoidable with that nation. I confess, sir, I should think a war with England, one of the greatest evils which could befall this country, not only from the sufferings which it would inflict upon it; but also from the fatal connexion with France to which it would give birth.
We have seen what has been the course of the government in relation to Britain; and I will beg a few moments to examine what has been its conduct in regard to France? The last proposition made to Britain is well known—the documents fully disclose it; but what at the same time was proposed to the French government? This we know little of. We have not been furnished with the correspondence with that government, on the subject. The transaction is covered with a dark and impenetrable veil.—The president tells us in his message that the same proposals were not made to the two belligerents, and it would seem from what he hints, that the offer to France in case she repealed her decrees, was to join her in the war against England. It cannot be denied, that we have lost more by the spoliations, and have been more harassed under the arbitrary edicts of France, than of England. By the treaty of 1800, we gave up more than twenty millions of dollars which had been seized, and against all right, confiscated in France. Since that time we are officially informed, that an amount nearly equal has been seized, and confiscated or sequestered. She has wantonly burnt our ships on the ocean and made no compensation. Her Berlin decree of the 21st of November, 1806, commenced the present system of outrage upon neutral rights. In effect, it interdicts all trade with England and her colonies. This is followed by the Milan decree of the 17th December, 1807. Under this edict an American vessel which has been searched, or visited against her will, by a British cruiser or is proceeding to, or returning from England is liable to be captured as good prize, and finally to complete this monstrous system, comes the Bayonne decree, the 17th April 1808, which declares every American vessel found upon the ocean, liable to seizure and confiscation. Opposed to those accumulated violations of our neutral rights, what steps has our government taken against France? Have they passed a non-importation act, issued a proclamation, or imposed an embargo? The last measure is general in its terms, but is avowedly against England alone. No, they have contented themselves with memorializing, remonstrating, and protesting. Against England we took every step short of war, against France we have employed nothing but gentle words. Has your government then shown an equal resentment against the wrongs suffered from these two powers?
It may be from the habit of enduring; but we do not feel an aggression from France with the same quickness and sensibility that we do from England. Let us see, sir, the same conduct observed with regard to both the belligerents—let us see the impediments to a friendly settlement with Britain removed; let us witness a sincere effort made, to regulate the intercourse of the two nations by a treaty formed on principles of mutual concession, and equal interest, and I will answer for it, if Great Britain persists in her orders, that you will find no division in this country on the question whether we shall submit to them or resist their execution.
Permit me, Mr. President, to detain you a few moments longer. I am sensible that I have already trespassed upon the indulgence of the senate, and I shall hasten to conclude the remarks which I thought it of importance to make upon the resolution which has been submitted.
The objects of the resolution are embargo, non-intercourse and non-importation as to England and France, and their colonies. The embargo is to be repealed only in part—half of the channel of your rivers is opened, the other is to be embargoed; and vessels may proceed to sea, but they must not pass through the embargoed waters. I can well conceive of one port in the United States being embargoed and others opened; but of an embargo which gives the right to every vessel in a harbour to leave it, I confess I have no comprehension. I should have supposed that the honourable gentleman might have ventured to repeal the embargo generally, and trusted to the provisions on the subject of non-intercourse to accomplish what seems to be the object in view, in partially retaining it. Sir, it is a strange infatuation that the name of this odious measure should be preserved, when the thing itself is abandoned.
And what, sir, are we to gain by a non-intercourse? It can never benefit the nation—it is nothing more than a part of that miserable musketo system which is to sting and irritate England into acts of hostility. I have no doubt she sees the object, and she will take care not to give us the advantage which would be derived from war being commenced on her part. But I ask what will be the effect of non-intercourse? I see no other than that it will require two voyages instead of one to transport our produce to the market of interdicted countries. You carry your merchandise to Lisbon, and there deposit it—and from thence it is carried in foreign ships to England and France. Who will pay the expense of this circuitry of transportation? The United States. It will be deducted from the price of your produce. Can the gentleman contrive no system which will operate with less severity upon ourselves than upon those whom we deem our enemies? If the resolution has no design, but what is apparent on the face of it, it is evident that the sole operation is against ourselves. Its inevitable effect will be to reduce the profit of what we have to sell, and to increase the expense of what we have to purchase. I can perceive also, sir, that it will be a mea-
sure of unequal pressure upon different sections of the country; and that its weight will fall heaviest upon that part of the union already too much galled to suffer any addition to its burthen. The lumber, the live stock, the fish, and the articles of common exportation to the eastward will not bear the expense of double freights. Will they thank you for repealing the embargo, and adopting a substitute which continues to shut the ports of the north while it opens those of the south? Will they thank you for a measure which deprives them even of the miserable consolation of having fellow sufferers in their distress? If this resolution is adopted you do nothing to heal the wounds which you inflicted. If New England loses her trade she will derive no comfort from its being under a non-intercourse, and not an embargo law.
It is a part of the resolution, that we are to import no produce or merchandise from England or France, or their colonies. Do you expect, sir, that a law to this effect could ever be executed in time of peace? As to the manufactures of England, she can make them the manufactures of any country in Europe; she will give you the exact marks and stamps, and packages of any place to which your trade is open, and she will defy you to distinguish her fabrics from those they attempt to imitate. But, sir, the consequence chiefly to be dreaded from such a measure, would be the practice of smuggling, to which it would certainly give birth. Can you expect in one moment to change the habits of a whole country? We know, sir, the power of habit; it is a second nature. Can an act of congress instantly change your nature? No, sir—they who can afford it, will have what they have been accustomed to. They will pay any price for articles, without which perhaps they can scarcely exist. Smuggling must follow—and will follow with forgery and perjury in its train. It is the honour and character of your trading people which now protect you from smuggling. Break down this sentiment, habituate them to perjury, destroy the disgrace attached to this violation of your law, and you lose half the security and means you have in the collection of your revenue.
The complaint has been made, that while we find fault with the measure proposed, we refuse to point out the course we would have the administration to pursue. I have Sir, no hesitation on my part to bestow the humble assistance of my advice on the subject. In a few words I will tell you what I would do:—Place England and France upon the same footing, by repealing the non-importation act, rescinding the proclamation, and repealing the embargo. Then ask for, and insist upon adequate reparation for the affair of the Chesapeake. Make a treaty with G. Britain, if as good terms could be obtained as those in either of the treaties which have been refused. Agree to resist the execution of the Berlin decree, and if she afterwards persists in her orders in council, declare war against her. Such would be my course. War would be the last resort; and I believe, in my conscience, we should never be driven to it, if the course were pursued with a sincere disposition to preserve peace.
Permit me, sir, to notice one remark of the honorable gentleman from Virginia, which had escaped me, and I am done. The gentleman told us, that the removal of the embargo was designed as a concession to our eastern brethren. I rejoiced to hear this sentiment of forbearance. Such sentiments give hopes that the union may still be preserved. We have been led to the brink of a tremendous precipice—another false step, and we shall be lost in the abyss. Our safety is in treading back our steps. We have lost our way. Some ignis fatuus has beguiled us. There is a path of safety and honour—the path the nation once trod. Let us endeavour to regain it, and invoke the spirit of Washington to lead us once more into it!
WASHINGTON CITY, March 10.
Appointments made by the [present] President of the United States, by and with the advice of the Senate.
Francis Xavier Martin, of North-Carolina, to fill the vacancy produced by the resignation of Peter Bryan Brum, a Judge of the Mississippi territory.
Obadiah Jones, of Georgia, Jesse B. Thomas, of Illinois territory, and Alexander Stuart, of Virginia, to be Judges of the Illinois territory.
Thomas Nelson, collector and inspector of York, in Virginia, to be commissioner of loans for the state of Virginia.
NAVY AGENTS.
Samuel Storer, Portland, Maine. Henry S. Langdon, Portsmouth, New-Hampshire. Francis Johnston, Boston, Massachusetts. Joseph Hull, Middletown, Connecticut. John Bullus, New-York. George Harrison, Philadelphia. John Stricker, Baltimore. Theodorick Armistead, Norfolk. Nathaniel Ingraham and son, Charleston, S. C. James Morrison, Lexington, Kentucky. Keith Spence, New-Orleans. Archibald S. Bullock, Savannah, Georgia. Daniel Carmack, now a Captain of Marines, to be a Major of Marines.
James Thompson, Edward Hall, and Michael Reynolds, now first Lieutenants of Marines, to be captains of Marines.
Samuel C. Miller, now a second Lieutenant of Marines, to be first Lieutenant of Marines.
Jasper Hand, of Pennsylvania, to be a Surgeon in the Navy of the United States.
Samuel Blair, and Samuel Horsley, of Virginia, to be Surgeons Mates in the Navy of the United States.
MILITARY APPOINTMENTS.
Made previous to the 4th of March last.
Brigadier Generals.—Wade Hampton, Peter Gansevoort.
Regiment of Light Artillery.—Lieutenant Colonel, Vacant. Major, John Saunders.
Light Dragoons.—Colonel, Wade Hampton (promoted as above.) Lieutenant Colonel, Leonard Covington. Major, Electus Backus.
Riflemen.—Colonel, Alexander Smyth. Lieutenant Colonel, William Duane. Major, John Fuller.
Third Regiment of Infantry.—Colonel, Edward Pasteur. Lt. Colonel, John Smith. Major, Homer V. Milton.
Fourth Regiment of Infantry.—Colonel, John P. Boyd. Lt. Colonel, John Whiting. Major, James Miller.
Fifth Regiment of Infantry.—Colonel, Alexander Parker. Lt. Colonel, William D. Beall. Major, Tully Robinson.
Sixth Regiment of Infantry.—Colonel, Jonas Simonds. Lt. Colonel, Joseph Constant. Major, Zebulon M. Pike.
Seventh Regiment of Infantry.—Colonel, William Russell. Lt. Colonel, Robert Purdy. Major, Elijah Strong.
(Subordinate appointments hereafter.)
Nat. Intelligencer.
For Sale, a float, 705 barrels Superfine FLOUR, 345 do. Fine 644 bushels BRAN, SALT loose and in sacks, by A. Maclure.
March 3. DEAGLE'S Packet will sail for Baltimore on SATURDAY. March 16.

Madrid, and later intelligence than the 4th might have reached Salamanca, on the 8th. The account does not mention that Madrid was in a state of siege—but that the enemy had been repulsed from it, and had marched from the Escurial, in order to place themselves between Madrid and our army, which might be advancing by that road to the assistance of the capital.
PRETENDED TRIBUTE REPEALED. ORDERS IN COUNCIL. The Gazette of last night contains the following order of council relative to two acts connected with the orders of November, 1807.
"His majesty, in virtue of the powers reserved to him by two certain acts, passed in the 48th year of his majesty's reign, the one entitled "an act for granting to his majesty until the end of the next session of parliament, duties of customs on the goods, wares and merchandise therein enumerated, in furtherance of the provisions of certain orders in council;" and the other entitled "an act for granting to his majesty, until the end of the next session of parliament, certain duties on the exportation from Ireland, goods, wares and merchandise therein enumerated;" is pleased, by and with the advice of the privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that until further order shall be made herein, the operation of the aforesaid acts be suspended as to any duties on exportation granted by the said act, so far as relates to articles being the growth, produce or manufacture of any country for the time being, in amity with his majesty, and from the ports of which the British flag is not excluded, which articles have been or shall be imported direct from such country into any port or place of the United Kingdom, either in British ships or ships of the country of which such articles are the growth, produce or manufacture.
"And his majesty is further pleased, with the advice aforesaid, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that the operation of the aforesaid acts be in like manner suspended as to any duties on the exportation of goods, wares or merchandise, which have been or may be condemned as prize."
FALMOUTH, December 23. "The Orestes is arrived in 11 days from Cunnna, with despatches. From the person who landed them, I gained the following intelligence:—That the British armies had effected a junction; that the Spaniards were again in high spirits; and the French had not entered Madrid, at the time of the news."
On Friday 17th March, at eleven o'Clock on Whittle's wharf, for the benefit of the underwriters,
A quantity of COFFEE in Hhds. damaged on board the British schooner Commerce—and A quantity of brown Havana Sugars in boxes, damaged on board the British schooner Hannah.—Terms, Cash.
To be Sold to the highest bidder on SATURDAY the 18th inst. at 12 o'Clock on the premises, in Broad Water-Street, belonging to the estate of Phinehas Dana, deceased. The terms will be made known on the day of sale.
James Young, Adm'r.
FOR SALE, 40 pun. choice old Demarara RUM, 200 hogsheads MOLASSES, 150,000 wt. Muscovado SUGAR, 200 boxes Havana brown SUGAR, 80 do. do. white do., 6000 bushels Exuma and Cadiz SALT, 150 sacks Liverpool do., 30 cases GLASSWARE, consisting of Tumblers, Decanters, and Wine Glasses, 15 crates QUEENSWARE, consisting principally of Plates and Dishes, 480 pieces CHECKS and LISTADOES, 40 box's CASTLE SOAP; 14 bales CORKS, GIN in cases, and Gosport RUM. James Young.
For Sale, on our wharf, 15000 bushels blown SALT, principally afloat. 6000 ditto Coarse ditto, 300 sacks ditto. Liverpool, filled. 136 bags St. Domingo COFFEE, 7 hds. do. SUGAR, 44 bbls. do. white do., 63 hds. St. Kitt's SUGAR, 87 bbls. do. do., 56 hds. do. MOLASSES, 52 hds. Jamaica COFFEE, 24 do. do. SUGAR, 121 bags PIMENTO, 380 boxes brown Havana SUGARS, 23 bags do. COFFEE, 27000 feet MAHOGANY, 5 ton LOGWOOD, 3 do. BRAZELETT, 100 half crates QUEEN'S-WARE, well assorted, 10 hds. Havana MOLASSES, 10 pipes L. P. MADEIRA, 20 cases superior CLARET, 5 puncheons old Jamaica RUM. Domestic. 1000 hogsheads TOBACCO, 100 barrels PORK, 100 do. TAR, 100 do. PITCH, 200 do. Superfine FLOUR, 50 do. WHISKEY, UPLAND COTTON. C. & F. Whittle, Who offer for Charter, The Ship ELIZA, bu-then 420 hogsheads Tobacco. March 16.
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK. WANTED TO PURCHASE. VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, For which Cash will be given. Application to be made to the SECRETARY of the MARINE INSURANCE COMPANY. JOHN GRANBERY, President. Office of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, Dec. 14.
FOR RENT. A Convenient Dwelling House on the Main-Street, near the Bridge, next door to Mrs. Arther. Also, That commodious House on Catharine-street, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes, adjoining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses. Also, A very convenient Dwelling-House, just finished, on Commerce-street. For terms apply to James Tucker. August 15.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER. THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 16, 1809.
The arrival of the government dispatch vessel, the Union, brings later intelligence from Europe, than has been before received, and if the intelligence by this vessel does not furnish any thing very favourable to the Spanish cause, it is sufficient to discredit the intelligence by the way of L'Orient, Guadaloupe, and Baltimore.
Having received very few papers by the mail of Tuesday evening, and expecting to receive by last evening's mail details of intelligence by the Union, the publication of the Ledger was postponed until this morning.
MARRIED —On Tuesday Evening, Mr. GEORGE KELLY, merchant, to Miss MARGARET ALMISTEAD.
From the National Intelligencer Extra—March 10.
Lieut. Gibbon this day arrived, from on board the United States ship Union, which he left in the Delaware at New Castle.
The Union left Plymouth on the 2d of January, and ever since leaving port has been exposed to the most furious storm.
By her dispatches are received, which, we understand, do not otherwise change the subsisting relations between the United States and Great Britain, than as they may be affected by the following order of council [extracted from the London Gazette of December 27th] the operation of which, so far as relates to this country, would seem to be nugatory, the late act of congress interdicting intercourse with Great Britain and France excluding the British flag from our ports.
[See the order in another part of this paper.] Mr. Purviance, the bearer of dispatches from France, has not yet arrived, but is yet expected to night. By the Union, we have received London papers to the 29th of December, inclusive. They abound with speculations on American affairs, and particularly on the message of the president, and the early measures of congress.
The only important news they furnish is gleaned principally from the 14th, 15th, and 16th bulletins of the army of Spain; from which we learn, that Madrid surrendered to the French, very trifling previous resistance having been made, on the 5th of December, Buonaparte commanding in person; that tranquillity was soon restored, after little disturbance or injury to the inhabitants; that gen. Ruffin had passed the Tagus at Aranjuez; and that the whole of the country to the confines of La Mancha was open to French cavalry, which were advancing upon Portugal; and that the English were flying in every direction.
Further Suppressed Documents.
The following document from Mr. Madison to Mr. Armstrong, proves that our government were resolved to give up all claims for the unjust decrees of France, so far as they operated on land; that Mr. Madison chose to overlook the captures in the West Indies, stated in his own letter of May 22d, 1807: that though Buonaparte had expressly allowed nine months before, that his original plan was to extend the decree of Berlin to American commerce, Mr. Madison chose to consider the original plan confined to seizures in port; and that all we wished was, that France should so modify her decrees, as to cut us off from all trade with the Continent, provided they would permit us to navigate the ocean. This hint is said at last to have reached the Imperial ear, and that he has consented to modify, not his Berlin decree, but the decree of Milan, which rendered a forcible boarding by a British cruiser cause of condemnation—Generous prince! Thy bounty is equal to thy moderation! No doubt Mr. Madison will thank the emperor for this favour, and as before, defend the Berlin decree as a just and lawful decree. For the emperor's understanding of his Berlin decree, and its original plan, see Armstrong's letter published in the documents, page 20, in which he says, "that the application of that decree to us was the result of the general expressions of the article," and that the emperor's decision, that it should apply to us, was the declaration of an anterior and positive disposition.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Madison to Mr. Armstrong. May 2d, 1802.
[The following paragraph ending with the word, "will be immediately taken."] "The repeal of her decrees is the more to be expected, above all, if Great Britain should repeal, or be likely to repeal hers, as the plan of the original decree at Berlin did not extend to a violation of the freedom of the seas, and was restricted to a municipal operation for nearly an entire year, notwithstanding the illegal British order of Jan. 1807, and as a return of France, to that restricted scope of her plan, would so immaterially diminish its operation against the British commerce; that operation being so completely in the power of France on land, and so little on the high seas. But although we cannot of right demand of France more than a repeal of so much of her decrees as violate the freedom of the seas, and a great point will be gained by a repeal of that part of them, yet as it may not have the effect of inducing a repeal of the whole illegal system of the British government, which may seek pretexts, to plead a necessity for counteracting the unprecedented and formidable mode of warfare practiced against her; it will be desirable, that as little room as possible should be left, for this remaining danger to the tranquil enjoyment of our commercial rights."
The following frank and open letter from Armstrong to Pinkney proves that all hopes of operating on France, either through her justice or wisdom, were wholly vain, and worse than vain, mischievous. He adds, that France has become convinced, that "Words, and words only are the weapons we can employ."
This is too severe from a friend—"And you Brutus—then die Cæsar." Have the Federalists been unjust in ascribing this pompous boasting character to the government, when its own officers dare tell it so? Yet this officer still holds his place.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Armstrong to Mr. Pinkney. Paris, 26th June, 1808.
"The St. Michael arrived at L'Orient on the 1st inst. and the government messenger at Paris on the 8th; a passport for the vessel to Falmouth, thence to L'Orient again, was immediately requested but one in the from could not be granted but by order of the emperor, and this was not given till the 18th; these circumstances will account for the long detention of your dispatches. We have reason to regret that the views of our government, founded on the justice and wisdom of the belligerent powers, are so little likely to succeed. Attempts of this character
made here (and they have not been unfrequent) have hitherto done no good. Nay the repetition of these may be fairly presumed to have done mischief, inasmuch as it has tended to establish a creed, that words in some form or other, are the ONLY MEANS we have to employ. The French Council of Prizes, which is (I am told) as like the English court of admiralty, as one egg is like another, has lately began a career of condemnation. Between the 1st and 15th inst. five cases have been decided, and I am assured that orders have been received from Bayonne for condemning all American cases en bloc. [In masse.] What has suspended the axe, since the 15th, we can but conjecture. It may be presumed that the reflections of the Spanish Junta, on the political and other relations, subsisting between Spain and the United States, through the medium of the colonies, may have produced the pause. That it is not owing to any conquest which good principles may have obtained over bad ones, is certain. Are things any better your side the channel."
The following letter from gen. Armstrong proves his sense of the folly and inutility, the incompetency and fruitlessness of our embargo. He recommends vigorous measures against France. The reasons he assigns, his conviction, that we can do much against France, and the belief entertained by France, that we dare not do any thing against her, while they prove, that France knew our rulers, and had pledges from them, of which he was ignorant, prove also a private good understanding with France thro' some other channel than that of our accredited minister.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Armstrong to Mr. Madison. 30th August, 1808.
"We have somewhat overrated our means of coercion of the two great belligerents to a course of justice. The embargo is a measure calculated above any other, to keep us whole, and keep us in peace, but beyond this you must not count upon it. Hero it is not felt, and in England (in the midst of the more recent and interesting events of the day) it is forgotten. I hope that unless France shall do us justice, we shall raise the embargo, and make in its stead the experiment of an armed commerce. Should she adhere to her wicked and foolish measures, we ought not to content ourselves with doing this. There is much, very much besides that we can do, and we ought not to omit doing all we can, because it is believed here, that we cannot do much, and even that we will not do what we have the power of doing."
The letter from Mr. Pinkney which we now present to our readers, fully establishes a truth which we have all of us well known, that Great Britain is earnestly desirous of a good understanding with us—that for the attainment of this object, she will sacrifice every thing but her honour and her essential rights.
That as to the business of tribute, which our government and members of congress have shamefully made a subject of complaint, it arose solely from our own minister. He declares that revenue was no object with the British ministry, that they offered to place the affair on the footing of the French decrees, that is, an absolute prohibition; and that the course of imposing a duty was adopted as being more agreeable to us—that they have offered to take it off, if more agreeable to our government, and that our government and minister preferred to keep it on as a source of popular complaint.
Mr. Pinkney declares, that the motives of the British government would be acceptable to the president.
Letter from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison—February 2, 1808.
"SIR, "I had an interview this morning with Mr. Canning, at his own request. One object of the interview related to the message of the president, of 27th of October last, of which a newspaper copy had been received from Mr. Erskine. A call for a copy of this message was expected in parliament, and Mr. C. wished to be in a situation to produce it. I could not assist him, and I suppose the newspaper copy will be considered sufficient."
As soon as this subject was disposed of, Mr. C. observed, that he had requested to see me principally for the purpose of conversing with me privately and extra officially upon the duty proposed to be laid in consequence of their late blockading orders, upon cotton intended for re-exportation to enemy ports upon the continent. The very few occasional remarks which I had made upon this subject at our last interview, (already mentioned in my letter of the ult.) had led him to suppose that it was only to this mode of excluding our cotton from France, that the United States would be likely to object. And if their object could be accomplished in another way, the measure would cease to be offensive. Having admitted (what indeed was sufficiently obvious before) that they looked to the intended duty upon cotton, as a complete prohibition; he said that if it would be more acceptable to the United States, that the form of the proceeding should be changed, so as to leave the exclusion of cotton from the continent to the mere effect of the blockade, their desire to consult the feelings and wishes, in whatever did not entirely counteract the great end of the measure, would dispose them to adopt such a modification of their plan. In the course of his explanations upon this point, he introduced professions of good will towards our country, of regret that France had imposed upon them the necessity of resorting to a step which might be supposed to press with severity upon our interests, and of an anxious desire that a return to a system of equity and moderation on the part of her enemies, would speedily enable Great Britain to abandon (as she would in that case certainly do) the whole of the recent orders in council.
"He stated that it was peculiarly important to us the first effect of the orders, (of which it was the object to compel France to relieve the commerce of the world from the oppression of her late decrees), that considerable supplies of cotton should not be introduced into the continent—that it had been hoped and believed, that the United States would not receive harsh or unfriendly, a constrained attempt by Great Britain to prevent such supplies from being received by the parties to the war, especially as it was certain that Great Britain could herself consume the whole of the cotton which we were in the habit of sending abroad, and that they had preferred the imposition of a duty upon cotton to a direct prohibition of the operation of the blockade, because it was consistent with those various and extensive modifications of the blockade to which they had been led, not merely by views of advantage to themselves, but by respect for the convenience and feelings of other nations, and particularly of America. In fine, he wished to know my private opinion, before the subject came before the Parliament, whether an alteration in this respect from a prohibitory duty to an absolute interdict, would be likely to be acceptable to us. I replied in as conciliatory a manner as I could, that as soon as I had understood that a duty was to be proposed on re-exported cotton, I had been disposed to take for granted that the object was not revenue but prohibition."
"That whether the object were the one or the other, it was, as he knew, my opinion, that the United States would hold that object as well as the means and the whole system connected with them, to be utterly inadmissible, and that I did not feel myself authorised to say, to which of the causes he had suggested, my government would give the preference, or that it would feel a preference for either. Mr. C. at length asked me, if I should think it worth while to consult my government on this subject, observing at the same time, that he would not wish it to be done, if there was the least danger of giving offence; and assuring me, that what he had said, proceeded from motives the most amicable and respectful towards us. He added, that upon reflection, this would be the most convenient mode as it would now give them a good deal of trouble to accommodate their plan, as prepared for Parliament, to a change of so much importance in season, to be acted upon."
"I answered, in substance, as I saw it was his wish, that I should mention what had passed to you. And that I did not doubt, that the motives of his proposal, whatever might be thought of the proposal itself, would be acceptable to the president. He requested me to say to you, that although the necessary bills would be proposed, and would pass in Parliament, according to their first project of a duty, yet that the alteration above suggested, would be adopted whenever it should be known, that it would be agreeable to us."
"I must not trouble you with any reflections upon this conversation, but it is my duty to say, that Mr. C.'s manner was extremely conciliatory, not a word escaped him to encourage a hope, that the orders in council would be in any degree abandoned, or that I should gain anything by urging a reconsideration of them. I threw out some intimations with that tendency, but soon perceived that it could not be useful to follow them up. I have the honour to be, &c."
(To be continued.)
GOTTENBURG, Dec. 16. The first ship of the new East India company, called the Hope, and commanded by capt. Andrew Flodberg, set sail on the 12th inst. under English convoy, bound for Bengal.
BERLIN, Dec. 8. This morning at 10 o'clock, the French garrison left this city. At nine the commandant-general, St. Hilaire, proceeded to the residence of Prince Ferdinand. The keys of the town gates were then delivered up to his highness, being presented to him on a cushion. Having thanked the officers of the burgher guard for the service they had performed, the general returned and reviewed his troops. The French marched out at the Postdamer Gate, escorted by a company of the Burger Guard. The French post office was removed on Wednesday, and our court is expected to return here by the end of this month.
The Regular Packet RISING STATES, Capt. GILBERT, will sail for New-York on Saturday next, wind and weather permitting. March 16.
To Masters, Mates, and Mariners. INFORMATION WANTED.
THE SCHOONER EXPERIMENT, ROBERT LAWRENCE, Master, Sailed from Norfolk, in Virginia, some time in the month of February, 1806, bound on a voyage to Rio Janario, and River of Plate, in South America. Information has been lately received that the said schooner was at the Island of Goree on the Coast of Africa, some time in April of the same year, from which she departed the day after her arrival there, and has not been heard of since, by information that can be relied on. Various reports have been received, that the said schooner did arrive at the River of Plate, and was there trading. It is presumed that if the vessel went from Goree to Rio Janario, and from thence to River of Plate, that there are many persons in the United States, who have seen the said schooner, or master, at one or both of those places. The Schooner was on her first voyage, Virginia built, of about 95 tons, coppered to light water mark, and had the appearance of a remarkable fast sailing vessel. Robert Lawrence is an Englishman by birth, born in the Isle of Thanet in the County of Kent, about 47 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, a stout man, inclined to be fat, of a ruddy complexion, and talks much. Any person who can give information respecting the above vessel and master, or either, will do a singular service in communicating it to THOMAS FITZSIMMONS, Esq. President of the Delaware Insurance Company, of Philadelphia; JOHN COFFIN JONES, Esq. of Boston, or to the Subscriber. JOHN GRANBERY, President of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk. Norfolk, November 28, 1808. Gw
FOR SALE In our Ware-House, where the largest vessels can come alongside, 15,000 bushels of CORN, 2000 do. do. white, 30 bales Cotton. Also, 4000 bushels coarse SALT, 150 sacks Ground Alum do., 45 hogsheads old Antigua Rum, do. Jamaica do., 40 hogsheads Sugar, 80 barrels do. A few casks excellent Port Wine, Coffee in hogsheads, Madeira Wine, 45 crates Earthenware, Tobacco from several inspections. GEO. MURRAY, & Co. September 9.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Patre, Hardham's Snuff, No 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lancents, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual.
WANTED TO PURCHASE. VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, For which Cash will be given. AND FOR SALE, A few cases LINEN. Apply to the Printer, February 13.

Eagle Fire Company of New-York.
Office of the Company, No. 59, Wall-Street.
PROPOSALS
For Insuring Houses, Buildings, Stores, Ships in Harbour, Goods, Wares, and Merchandise, FROM LOSS OR DAMAGE BY FIRE.
THE Legislature of the state of New-York, having incorporated the Eagle Fire Company of New-York, with a capital of five hundred thousand dollars, (with the liberty of increasing the same, if the business of the company should require it, to one million of dollars,) for the sole purpose of insuring buildings, and every kind of personal property from loss or damage by FIRE; and the capital of five hundred thousand dollars having all been paid, or secured to be paid, according to law: the directors feel a particular satisfaction in offering to their fellow-citizens, throughout the United States, the means of security against that kind of loss which frequently, in an UNEXPECTED MOMENT, involves in destruction the earnings of a life of industry and frugality, and reduces the independent and affluent, together with their families, to poverty and distress. To provide an additional guard against calamities of this nature, has been the primary motive of this INSTITUTION: and the directors engage to conduct its concerns, with a fairness, candour and liberality, which will justly entitle it to the confidence and patronage of the public.
No insured person will be liable to make good the losses of others; but in case of fire, the sufferer will be fully indemnified. The Company also make good losses on property burnt by lightning.
Classes of Hazards, and Rates of Annual Premiums for Insurance against Fire.
 HAZARDS OF THE FIRST CLASS. Brick or Stone buildings, covered with slate, tiles, or metal. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 62 1-2 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.  HAZARDS OF THE SECOND CLASS. Brick or Stone buildings, covered with wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 83 3-4 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.  HAZARDS OF THE THIRD CLASS. Buildings, the sides of which are part of brick or stone, and part of wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 125 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.  HAZARDS OF THE FOURTH CLASS. Buildings, the sides of which are entirely of wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 127 1-2 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.  Ships in Port, or their Cargoes, Ships Repairing or Building, may be insured against Fire. This manner of classing hazards will give a general idea of the rates of insurance, but there will necessarily be an increase of premium in all cases where the local situation, and other circumstances, increase the risk: such as joining, or being contiguous to wooden buildings, or buildings occupied in carrying on hazardous business—distance from water—no engines or firemen in the town or place, &c. &c. The premiums may also, in some cases, be reduced on wooden buildings in the country, when standing single or detached, or attended with circumstances of peculiar security:—But in all cases, if the sum to be insured on or in the same building exceeds 10,000 dollars, an additional premium will be required. Soap Boilers, Tallow Chandlers, Brewers, Maltsters, Bakers, Rope Makers, Sugar Refiners, Distillers, Chemists, Varnish Makers, Stable Keepers, Tavern Keepers, China, Glass, or Earthenware Sellers, Oil and Colourmen, Turpentine Works, Paper Mills, Printing Houses, Cooperage, Carpenters, Cabinet Makers, Coach Makers, Boat Builders, Ship Chandlers, Apothecaries, Theatres, Mills and Machinery, and all Manufactures that use Fire Heat, are deemed extra hazardous, and must be particularly described in the policy; and for all such risks an additional premium will be required.
Conditions of Insurance.
 I. All applications for Insurance must be made at the office of the company, in writing; and the subject offered for Insurance accurately described.  II. If the property offered for insurance is within the district of a surveyor of this company, he will examine and report thereon; but if not within any such district, then the applicant must himself furnish an accurate and just description thereof, viz. of what materials each building is constructed; whether occupied as private dwellings, or how otherwise; where situated; the name of the present occupiers; how situated with respect to other buildings. And in the insurance of goods, wares and merchandise, the place where the same are deposited, is to be described; also, whether such goods are of the kind denominated hazardous, and whether any manufacturing is carried on the premises, all which is to be certified and attested in such manner as the nature of the case may admit. And if any person or persons shall insure his or their buildings or goods, and shall cause them to be described in the policy otherwise than they really are, so as the same be charged at a lower premium than is herein proposed; or if such description be false or fraudulent, such insurance will be void and of no effect.  III. Goods held in trust, or on commission, are to be declared as such; otherwise the policy will not extend to cover such property.  IV. Every Policy of Insurance, made by this Company, shall be sealed with its seal, and signed by the President and Secretary; and the person for whose interest the insurance is made, must be declared and named therein; nor can any Policy, or interest therein, be assigned but by consent of the Company, expressed by endorsement made thereon.  V. No Insurance will be considered as made or binding, until the Premium is paid.  VI. Persons insuring Property with this Company, and who have already made other Insurance on the same property, shall give notice thereof in writing, at the Company's Office, before, or at the time of the execution of the Policy; and persons who, after insuring Property with this Company, have Insurance made on the same property elsewhere, shall, with all reasonable diligence, notify the same in writing at the Office of the Company, and have the same endorsed on the policy, or otherwise acknowledged in writing; in default whereof, the Policy shall cease, and be of no effect: and in case of loss, each party insuring shall be liable to the payment of a ratable proportion of the loss or damage which may be sustained.  VII. No loss or damage by fire will be paid, that may happen or take place in consequence of any invasion, civil commotion, riot, or military or usurped power whatever.  VIII. Books of Accounts, Written Securities, Notes, Bills, Bonds, Deeds, Ready Money, or Bullion, cannot be insured.  IX. Jewels, Plate, Medals, or other Curiosities, Paintings and Sculptures, are not included in any insurance, unless such articles are specified in the policy.  X. All persons insured by this Company, sustaining any loss or damage by fire, are forthwith to give notice to the Company, and as soon after as possible, to deliver in as particular an account of their loss or damage, signed with their own hands, as the nature of the case will admit of, and make proof of the same by their oath or affirmation, and by their books of accounts, and other proper evidence, as shall be reasonably required; and shall make out, whether any and what other insurance is made on the said property; and shall procure a certificate, under the hand of a magistrate, notary public, or clergyman, most convenient to the spot where the fire happened, and not concerned in such loss, that they are acquainted with the character and circumstances of the person or persons insured; and do know, or very likely believe, that he, she, or they, really, and by misfortune, and without fraud or evil practice, have sustained by such fire, loss and damage to the amount therein mentioned; and until such affidavits and certificates are produced, the loss shall not be payable:—Also, if there appears any fraud, or false swearing, the claimant shall forfeit his claim to restitution or payment, by virtue of his policy.  XI. In case any difference shall arise, touching any loss or damage, it may be submitted to the judgment of Arbitrators, indifferently chosen, whose award in writing shall be binding on the parties. And when any loss or damage shall happen, the company shall pay after the same in sixty days after the loss shall have been ascertained and proved, without allowance of discount, fees, or any deduction whatever.  XII. Insurance may be made for seven years, by paying the premium for six years, and for a less number of years than seven, a reasonable discount will be allowed. 
the claimant shall forfeit his claim to restitution or payment, by virtue of his policy.
XI. In case any difference shall arise, touching any loss or damage, it may be submitted to the judgment of Arbitrators, indifferently chosen, whose award in writing shall be binding on the parties. And when any loss or damage shall happen, the company shall pay after the same in sixty days after the loss shall have been ascertained and proved, without allowance of discount, fees, or any deduction whatever.
XII. Insurance may be made for seven years, by paying the premium for six years, and for a less number of years than seven, a reasonable discount will be allowed.
The Subscriber being appointed Surveyor for the Eagle Fire Company, upon application, will survey, and value, such buildings, (or property contained therein) upon which Insurance may be required.
Francis Foster, Church-Street, Norfolk. Feb 13
Dr. Tissot's celebrated Gout and Rheumatic Drops.
The Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, and the various disorders of the same nature, are so exquisitely painful, and so difficult to be cured, that they have justly excited the utmost stretch of medical investigation. Some professional gentlemen have excelled in one department of the sciences; others in another. Dr. Tissot particularly has long been renowned for the superiority of his prescription in chronic diseases, and the length of time which elapsed during his sole attention to the nature and effects and cure of these afflictions, render the medicines which he recommended of invaluable importance. The beneficial effects of these drops, have been so often experienced, and their extraordinary efficacy has been attested by witnesses so numerous and unimpeachably credible, that incredulity itself cannot doubt the virtue of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops. Large quantities have already been vended, and the sale is now become so general, and their certainty in curing the disorders of a chronic nature is so completely ascertained, that certificates of their unbounded utility are now unnecessary. Testimonies of their value, and a volume of attested cases performed by them, may be seen upon application at T. W. Dyott's genuine Drug and Patent Medicine Warehouse, No. 11, South Second-Street, Philadelphia.
The price of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, is only two dollars per bottle, with copious directions. Generous allowances made to those who buy to sell again. Of the many respectable testimonies of the effects of the above Drops, which have been received by the proprietor, we beg leave to annex the following:
Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton. I certify that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply to Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the directions, they effected a perfect cure. Another time my wrist was affected with rheumatism to such a degree, as to render my hand for the time useless, when on application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder in the course of twenty-four hours was entirely removed.
I therefore, from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it a beneficent act to recommend it in similar cases to others.
(Signed) C. RIDGELY, of Hampton.
Certificate of John Gibson, Esq. one of the Directors of the Farmers' Bank of Maryland.
I certify that about a year since, my foot received an injury by a fall; in a few hours after it was affected with a most excruciating pain, so that I was unable to walk, without crutches. I was apprehensive that this accident would induce a severe fit of the gout, with which I had been frequently attacked. In this situation one of my friends highly recommended and earnestly advised me to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops; I immediately procured them and made the application; in less than three hours the pain entirely abated, which had been so severe, as to deprive me of sleep for several nights. By a few further applications, a perfect cure succeeded. I have frequently since in other cases, both used them myself, and recommended them to others with invariable success.
(Signed) JOHN GIBSON.
Certificate of Mrs. Mary Taylor.
I, Mary Taylor, No. 135, Plum-Street, Philadelphia, aged upwards of seventy years, having been afflicted with very violent rheumatic pains for more than eight years, being recommended to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, on only using half a bottle every rheumatic affection was completely removed, and I have continued free from all pain ever since; as witness my hand.
MARY TAYLOR.
The above drops are sold wholesale and retail only by BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co. Norfolk.
ALSO, DR. ROBERTSON'S Patent Stomachick Wine Bitters.
Celebrated and well known for their superior qualities in restoring weak constitutions, destroying Worms, cleansing and strengthening, giving a proper tone to the stomach, and increasing the appetite—a frequent use of them is a certain preventative against those complaints so common in the spring and fall. Such as intermitting fevers, agues, autumnal fevers, dysenteries, &c. &c. They are particularly serviceable to those who make long sea-voyages, and are exposed to unhealthy climates, as a powerful preventative against contagious disorders.
PRO BONO PUBLICO. Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Blacking.
prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beautifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but by experience; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recommended to sportsmen and gentlemen who are exposed much to the wet—Also for cleaning Harness, as it will effectually prevent the water from penetrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the very last, giving it also a beautiful jet black gloss, a proof of which may be seen at the warehouse.
The above Blacking is prepared and sold only by T. W. DYOTT, at his Medical Warehouse, No. 11, North Second Street, Philadelphia; sold also by his appointment, at BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co's Book-Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVILLE & CONRAD'S, Petersburg.
Where also may be had, THE IMPERIAL WASH, And new invented LIQUID, For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots. May 20. lawly
Boot and Shoe Manufactory. SAMUEL COLEMAN, Opposite the Market, (westward) has received by captain Hand, from Philadelphia, a quantity of the Highest Priced Boot Legs, Vamps, Fops, and other Materials, for his Factory—He has also Seal Leather, which has been in tan seven years; with these, the best workmen he can get, and the greatest care and punctiliousness, he believes the people of this place and its vicinity, may be as well served as by any factory in the union. His Stock at present, is as good as this country can furnish, and he intends to use no other kind, the price of course must be higher, and when the Boots go the money must come, having found in a number of instances that a few days means six or twelve months, and an application even then for the money is ample cause of enmity. He has on hand a large assortment of BOOTS and SHOES. SALT, LONDON PORTER, &c. &c. Fresh SHOES from New-York for Ladies, of red, green, and black Morocco, with 1, 2, and 3 Sticks. JOURNEYMEN WANTED. The best Boot and Shoe Makers, not only such as can, but such as will do the best work in all cases, may meet with as much encouragement in my factory, as in any in this state, for any state in the union north of this. October 3.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hastings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809.
Richard Gernon, Complainant, against William and Anthony M. Buckley, and Shank and Binford, Defs.
THE defendants William and Anthony M. Buckley, not having entered their appearance, and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of the commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants William and Anthony M. Buckley, do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendants Shank and Binford, who have effects of the said William and Anthony M. Buckley in their hands, do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, —Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c. March 3.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hastings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809.
Thomas Holliday, Compt. against William Smelly, Littleton W. Tazewell and Peter Daley, Defs.
THE defendant William Smelly not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of the commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant William Smelly, do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendants Littleton W. Tazewell and Peter Daley, who have effects of the said William Smelly in their hands, do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, —Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c. March 3.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hastings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809.
Theodorick Armistead, Compt. against Nicholas Peterson and Christopher Fry, Defs.
THE defendant Nicholas Peterson, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of the commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant Nicholas Peterson do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendant Christopher Fry, who hath effects of the said Nicholas Peterson in his hands, do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain the same until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, —Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c. March 3.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hastings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809.
John Wallace, Compt. against James Brown, & Co. of Philadelphia, and Alexander Maclure, Defs.
THE defendants James Brown, & Co. not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of the commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants James Brown, & Co. do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendant Alexander Maclure, who hath effects of the said James Brown, & Co. in his hands, do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, —Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c. March 3.
Norfolk Borough: At a Hastings Court held the 27th day of February, 1809.
Stephen G. Wills, Compt. against Jonathan Laycocks and Peterson Brown, administrators, &c. of John D. White, deceased, & Warren Ashley, Defs.
THE defendants Jonathan Laycocks and Peterson Brown, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of the commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants Jonathan Laycocks and Peterson Brown, do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendant Warren Ashley, who hath effects of the said Jonathan Laycocks and Peterson Brown, administrators as aforesaid, in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, —Teste, Wm. Sharp, c. c. March 3.
For Sale, by the Subscriber, 50,000 weight of Navy BREAD, 20,000 Superfine Pilot, do. 3,000 Ship, do. 250 quarter barrels CRACKERS. Also, 400,000 well burnt BRICKS, 2,000 bushels STONE LIME, Stephen Harris. PILOT BREAD of superior quality for family use. Feb. 18.
FOR SALE, The CARGO of the British ship Highlander, from Liverpool, 450 Ton Stoved SALT, 30 Crates WARE. Robert Dickson. February 13.
STOP THE SWINDLERS.
1000 Dollars Reward
WILL be paid for the apprehending and delivery of John Thomas and Honore Monpoey, who absconded from this city on Tuesday on Wednesday last, having swindled several persons to a considerable amount.
JOHN THOMAS is a small thick set well made man, about 5 feet 4 inches high, 34 or 35 years of age, dark complexion, short black hair, and a very black beard, speaks fast and usually with a smile on his countenance, has a remarkable scar on one side of his face, much inclined to dress, pretends to have some knowledge of horses, and frequently rides on a good one. Said Thomas resided for many years in Union-Street, where he kept a boarding house and grocery-store.
HONORE MONPOEY, is about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, a Creole of St. Domingo, speaks broken English, of slender make, is lame in one foot, has a dark swarthy complexion, with short coarse curly hair, so much so, that many would not take him for a white man, but from his residence in this city for many years past, he has generally been considered as such, pitted with the small pox, speaks fast, though he stammers while he speaks, usually very slovenly in his dress, pretends to have a knowledge of horses, having latterly been in the habit of trafficking in the above species of property, as well as letting publick chairs. Monpoey resided at the corner of Wentworth and King-Street, where he kept a grocery store—From their connexions, it is highly probable they have travelled the same road, and may make for St. Mary's, Georgia, or New-Orleans.
Five Hundred Dollars reward, will be paid for apprehending and delivering either, or One Thousand Dollars for both.
Washington Potter, Wm. Porter, Daniel Latham, Philip Cohen, Joshua Brown, Committee in behalf of the creditors. Charleston, February 20.
BANK NOTES LOST.
R. No. 803, U. S. Office Discount and Deposit, Norfolk, payable to Robert Taylor, President, or bearer, and dated 7th October, 1808, for dollars. 100 S. 842, ditto 7th October, 1808, for 100 G. 901, ditto 6th January, 1804, for 50 Dollars 250
I do certify that the Notes mentioned in the foregoing list, were on the 6th instant enclosed by Mr. Warner L. Wormeley, under cover, sealed with the initials W. L. W. on red wax, and directed to "Doctor Elisha Hall, Fredericksburg," that the letter was put into the package for Fredericksburg, which was made up the night before; but the mail not arriving, the bundle (at Mr. Wormeley's request) remained until this morning, when the package was tied and put into the postman's pouch, which was, in the presence of Mr. Wormeley, locked and delivered to the carrier. John Chew, P. M. Urbanna, 26th February, 1809. Middlesex, ss.
John Chew, this day made oath before me, a magistrate for said county, to the truth of the above certificate, in due form. Given under my hand the 3d March, 1809. Henry Heiferman.
Any person to whom the above Notes, or any of them may be offered, is requested to stop them, and give information to Mr. Warner L. Wormeley, of Urbanna; Dr. Elisha Hall, of Fredericksburg, or Warren Ashley.
March 6. Wm. Sharp, c. c.
NOTICE.
As I am obliged, by the low state of my health, to decline carrying on business, I will sell my STOCK on hand, consisting of SALEABLE GROCERIES, which will be an object worthy the attention of any person wishing to commence the Grocery Business, as I am inclined to sell the whole on reasonable terms.
The purchaser may also obtain the Store now occupied by me, on a reasonable rent from Mr. John Welch, which is well calculated for extensive business, being fitted for a Store and Dwelling-House, and inferior to no stand in the place.
I earnestly request those indebted to me to settle their accounts as soon as possible, so as to enable me to discharge my debts. ANGUS MARTIN. February 29.
A BARGAIN OFFERED, In a fine and Valuable FARM, in the County of Princess Anne.
THE Subscriber is disposed to sell his Plantation called LEVEL GREEN, situated in the county of Princess Anne. It contains about 500 acres; and, as it may be advantageously divided into two or three Farms, the subscriber will accommodate a purchaser, in selling either the whole or a part. He will also give a long credit. This tract of Land is certainly the most desirable in the county, lying on the Eastern branch of Elizabeth River, and distant from Norfolk Market only five or six miles by water, and 8 or 9 by land.—The soil is excellent, about one half of the tract being cleared land, and fit for immediate culture; the other heavily timbered with Oak, Pine, Ash, and Hickory.—It has also the advantage of several good landings—Any one disposed to view the land, and to purchase, may apply, in the absence of the subscriber, to James Robinson, or John Read, who reside in the neighbourhood. Tully Robinson. Dec 7.
NOTICE.
THE Partnership of T. & W. A. ARMISTEAD is this day dissolved by consent of parties. The settlement of its concerns devolve on W. A. ARMISTEAD, who is authorised to grant discharges, and on whom all persons having claims against the Firm, are requested to call. January 5.
W. A. Armistead and George Kelly, have entered into Co partnership. Their business will be conducted under the Firm of ARMISTEAD & KELLY. January 16.
FOR SALE, The CARGO of the Schooner Cervo, D. Mourande, Master, from St. Jago de Cuba, COFFEE, in barrels and bags, of the first quality. SEGARS, in boxes— Now Landing at Commerce-Street Wharf. John Granbery. January 23.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.