Gazette of the United States and daily evening advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1795-04-06 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States  AND  DAILY EVENING ADVERTISER.
[No. 81 of Vol. VII.]
MONDAY, APRIL 6, 1795.
[Whole No. 804]
NOW LANDING,  For sale by the Subscribers, from the ship Theresa, from St. Marks, 15 hhds. & 3 tierces SUGAR And 1200 lbs. St. Domingo Indigo,  From the Brigantine Sally, from Jamaica, 200 Bags PIMENTO, They have also on hand, 150 gr. casks of rich Mountain Wine, Port Wine in pipes and hogsheads, Brimstone in roll and cake, An invoice of Saddles and Harness, New Castle Crown Glass & by 10 Liquorice Ball in boxes of 2 cwt. each, One 12 inch new Cable, 150 crates of Que ns Ware assorted And 251 pieces of Mahogany.  Philip Nicklin & Co. March 16 d
JUST LANDING, Out of the Schooner Commerce, Capt. Symons, from the Havana, 232 BOXES White & Brown SUGARS, 12 pipes Brandy, 1000 Spanish Hides,  For Sale by  Joseph Anthony & Son. March 30 drw
110,000 weight of  Green Coffee, In 87 hhds. 40 barrels, and 200 bags, entitled to the drawback, stored on Messrs. Willing & Francis's wharf. 1st ad & 4th Proof  Bourdeaux Brandy, 30 pipes of London particular Tenentiff, and London particular Madeira WINES, in hds. pipes, and quarter casks, Malaga Do. in quarter casks, Arrigou and other RUM in hds. St. Croix SUGAR of the first quality, St. Marks MOLASSES, Hyson TEA, Jamaica SPIRITS, Holland GIN, in pipes, LOAF SUGAR, in hds. PEPPER, &c. &c.  FOR SALE BY  Levinus Clarkson, No. 216, South Water Street. D. c. 4 d
Just Published, And to be sold by Mr. Ormrod, No. 41, Chestnut street, Mr. Dobson, 41, Second street, Mr. Davies, 68, High street, and by the Editor, 119, Chestnut street, An ALPHABETICAL LIST OF THE  DUTIES Payable by Law, on all Goods, Wares & Merchandise, imported into the United States after the last day of March, 1795.—Price 1-8th of a Dollar. March 19 d
FOR SALE, F. Coppinger, No. 221, South Front near Pine street, A Quantity of CLARET. In hds. and cases. East India and Cayenne COTTON, Black PEPPER. March 19 d
Samuel Coates, At No. 82, South Front street, bath for sale, 300 BARRELS  New England Beef. 6 barrels of Pork, 5000 yards Tow Linen, New England (men and women's) Shoes, Ditto Felt Hats, 3 kegs of Lard, A quantity of Allspice, Brimstone, &c. &c. April 3 *6t
Jamaica Rum. A CHOICE PARCEL, Will be landed to-morrow morning, at Jesse and Robert Waln's wharf. Also at South street Wharf, THE CARGO of Schooner INDUSTRY, Captain Flinn, from JAMAICA  COFFEE, In Hogsheads & Barrels, Pimento in Bags,  FOR SALE BY  Peter Blight. March 26 d
Wanted Immediately. 2 Smiths, a good fireman and White Smith, good encouragement will be given. Apply No 162 or 74 Market street. Philad. Feb. 28, 1795, N. B. Boarding and Lodging free. d.
FOR HAMBURGH,  Warranted to go North about. The New Ship  AMITY, Captain Campbell, The greater part of the Amity's cargo is on board, she is intended to sail the 20th instant; about fifty tons of goods will be taken on freight, if speedy application is made—apply to  PETER BLIGHT. April 4 dtso
For Savannah (in Georgia) The Schooner  COMMERCE, Hill Simons, master, A staunch good vessel, will sail in a few days. For freight or passage apply to the Captain on board at Chestnut street wharf, or to  Joseph Anthony & Son. April 1 drw
For LONDON, The Brig  DIANA, THOMAS MASON, Jun. Master; Burthen about 2000 barrels, the greatest part of her cargo being engaged, will sail on or before the 24th of March. She is a stout vessel, well found, Philadelphia built, sails well, and has good accommodations for passengers. For freight or passage enquire of MATHIAS KEELY, South Water-street, GAZZAM & TAYLOR, Front-street or RALPH MATHER, Race-street, No. 71. February 23. d.
The Subscriber Intending to enter into partnership with several gentlemen, on, or about the 15th day of May next, requests all persons having demand against him to send in their accounts, and persons indebted to pay until the subscriber is ready to make known the New Firm which he intends to trade under; he continues as customary the Commission Business, as such he now offers
FOR SALE, THE NEW SCHOONER  ACTIVE, Of 60 tons Burthen; which if not sold on Saturday, will begin to load on Monday next, the 30th inst. for Hispaniola, and sail on the Saturday following. A few passengers may be comfortably accommodated. A few pipes GIN, lately consigned from Amsterdam; a few logs MAHOGANY, and several other articles. Also good authority to draw on France for about 250,000 livres, on good terms.  LOUIS OSMONT. March 28. dtf
For Hamburg, THE SHIP  STAR, JOHN VANNEMAN, Master. NOW lying at Walnut street wharf, and will sail early in next month, having part of her cargo already engaged. For freight or passage, apply to the Captain on board, or to  Thomas & John Ketland, Who have for Sale, received per the above vessel, Duck, Russia, Ravens and Hollands, Lead, English and German in bars, Anchors, from 8 to 14 cwt. Tin, in boxes, Bagging, No's. 5, 6, 8, 11, &c. Sheeting, white and brown, Hollands, Patilloes Royales, Diaper, Steel, Frying Pans, Mill Saws, Cables, Junk, Window Glass 10 by 12, & 9 by 11 ALSO ON HAND, A few pipes best Holland Gin, Do. London particular Madeira Wine, Claret in cases, of superior quality, Sheathing Paper, and an assortment of Glass Ware, consisting of Tumblers, Decanters, Glasses, &c. &c. plain, flowered and cut. Chees, double Gloucester, in whole and half hampers. March 19 d
Boston Glass. THE Proprietors of the Boston Glass Manufactory, after great trouble and expence, have got this Useful Manufacture established so as to be able to supply any quantity of Window Glass that may be wanted, and of any sizes, from 6 by 8 to 19 by 13, of a quality superior to any ever imported into America. Therefore hope they shall meet the Encouragement of their Fellow Citizens in this and the other States, by having their Orders for Glass, which will be executed with care and dispatch by Samuel Gridley, Superintendent at the Manufacture, or by sending their orders to Mr. William Codman, merchant, New York, or to  Joseph Anthony & Son, Merchants, Philadelphia. March 27 d3w
LONDON, January 27.  HOUSE OF COMMONS. MONDAY, JAN. 26.  MR. GREY'S MOTION FOR A NEGOCIATION FOR PEACE.
Mr. GREY said, he rose in consequence of a notice which he had given on a subject of the greatest importance on which that House had ever exercised its deliberations; it was not a motion in opposition to this or that set of men, or description of persons, it was one on which the very existence of this country depended; they were to decide on no matter of political animosity; but as the faithful and genuine representatives of the people, to exercise the functions of jurymen upon the lives of thousands of their countrymen and fellow-citizens; two years of war had elapsed, and though it had been conducted with many successes, and numerous disasters, both equally contributed to spill the blood and exhaust the treasure of Great Britain; the genius and industry of the country were cramped; near forty thousand of its lives lost, and an increase of national debt (before monstrous and alarming) of nearly 70 millions, certainly much more than 50 millions sterling. On a subject of such magnitude, of so hazardous and uncertain issue, too long notice could not have been given to the House. When first he gave notice that he would bring that motion before the House, a Right Hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt) declared his opinion "that the Government which we could treat with on the best terms of security, would be a Monarchy established in France, upon something like the old monarchical government of that country; but that circumstances might make it expedient to treat even with a Republican Government; but that we were not in such want of resources, and absence of all hope, as to make it then necessary to treat with the present governors." He thought such an opinion alarming from a Minister, who had the chief direction of the affairs of Government, but as he did not believe that the House had yet given sanction to that opinion in its full extent, it would be determined by the division of that night, whether they adopted and confirmed his sentiments. The point then before the House was clear, simple, and intelligible; and the Right Hon. gentleman was pledged to a vote on the question. He considered that House must feel the necessity of avoiding all ambiguity, and declare to the people, freely and frankly, to obtain what objects, and upon what grounds they were to vote away their money, and sacrifice so many lives; and he considered it not only necessary to be explicit with the people of England, but also with the people of France, that they may know whether the objects of the British nation were those of ambition and aggression, or of justice and self defence; or whether it was intended to be carried to the extent of a war of extermination. He said, that in his opinion, it was the duty of the British nation to negotiate with France; yet had he only proposed, and so far only was the tendency of the present motion to put France and England in a negotiable state; to show that negotiation under the present existing circumstances was not inadvisable, and that the present form of the French Government was considered by this country as no bar thereto. In former wars we were acquainted with the specific objects to be attained—why undertaken—and why continued. In the process of former wars we had considered the effect of past endeavours, and looked to a just probability of success in future; but in this war nothing was known; all was involved in uncertainty; it was this uncertainty he wished to remove by the motion of that night. He hoped the House would make no reference to their former decisions, which would shut up and foreclose the subject. Mr. Grey here observed, that in December 1792, that House had presented their thanks to his Majesty for not interfering with the internal government of France, and for preserving a strict neutrality; and that when a Republic was afterwards established, the House was not of opinion, that it was impossible to keep in friendship with them; and he declared he knew of nothing which had happened since to alter the opinion of the nation, unless we have adopted a war of extermination, as was the opinion of an hon. gentleman before he was in office. We had, in a haughty and peremptory manner, sent away one Minister and refused to receive another, and when in consequence, they declared war against us, we took up arms without having stated any terms on which it might be avoided. He contended that the existence of the present government of France was not destructive to the English government, and that we ought to consider whether a continuation of the war is more likely to be attended with the destruction of their government or with our own ruin. He did not think it necessary then to enter into the principle of our right to interfere in their government; he would not say that cases may not happen where one government may interfere with another; but he would maintain, that as a general proposition it must be allowed, that peremptorily to dictate to any State, what form of government it shall adopt, is a violation of the independence to which all nations have a right. He would not, nor did he wish to bring before the House the melancholy series of events, which prove nothing as to the original justice of the war; they were too recent and too deep in the minds of every body for him to mention them; but it would be of service that they should be considered, in order that a clearer view may be taken of the probability of success in future. The hopes of success, as entertained by an honorable gentleman, were founded on the weakness of the French, and the strength and resources of Great Britain; and also on the prospect of a counter revolution. He was astonished to hear
such grounds of hope advanced. Let the enormity of the French system be what it may, and nobody was more ready than himself to reprobate the tyranny of their former governors, all hopes of a counter revolution were vain and delusive; the French people, amidst all their changes, were firmly attached to their Republican one and indivisible. Gentlemen had fancied, that the body of the French people were so attached to their ancient Monarchy, that nothing but seduction could have brought them out of it; but he asserted, that it was the disposition of the old government, that roused the people to resistance. Where is there an instance (said Mr. Grey) in the history of nations, that the people have rebelled against a mild and equitable government, that afforded them due protection—No, it was the abuses and tyranny of the old government, and not the speculative opinions of "accomplished and calculators," which caused the Revolution, but when the people make a government for themselves, experience teaches us that they are not easily contented to relinquish it, this must be obvious to all who have seen the American revolution and present government, together with the rise and progress of the French Revolution. If any one contended that the people of France were not attached to the Republican form of government—when three very important conquests had been made, were they not still united? When an impression was made on the side of Alsace, did danger make the people manifest any other than Republican principles? When in the South of France we gained Toulon, did a single man come in from the surrounding provinces? May not the event of the insurrection in Lyons and La Vendée have instructed Ministers that the people were attached to their government? And if they even were inclined to the existing system, the violent attempt to force a government on them would unite them to a man. He was also decidedly of opinion, that they were now more than ever attached to their system, in consequence of their extraordinary and unparalleled successes, and the principle of Moderation established by their present rulers, all which considerations convinced his mind, that a counter-revolution was a matter impossible to be attained. Mr. Grey contended further, that the hope arising from the exhausted state of French finances, was equally groundless and visionary. He said, Ministers had amased the nation with calculations drawn from the miserable state of their finances, year after year repeated; and last year, that house was told, that the French had obtained temporary success by extraordinary means, which rapidly exhausted the regular resources of the country; but, contrary to the calculations and deductions of Ministers, their means have increased, and their successes have been more rapid than any hitherto known in the history of the world. In the year 1777, when the American contest was scarce begun, the ministers of the day had the like resort to calculations, when a Noble Earl (Chatham) to whom he supposed a Right Hon. Gentleman would pay some deference, said, "that if any man had the forehead to defend the measures of the then existing administration, he should be glad to see his face." He was then also answered by calculations. It was then stated, that the war would cost the Americans 36 millions, and that the value of every sort of property in the United States, was stated to amount to only 33 millions sterling; yet, notwithstanding their calculations and predictions of its necessary failure, the Americans baffled all their efforts and belied all their computations.  It had been stated by a Right Hon. gentleman, that the war cost the French 480,000,000, which calculation was in his mind, at least 120,000,000 above the real sum, and yet it appeared, that at that day, they possessed the immense sum of 600,000,000 sterling, arising from the sale of lands confiscated to the state, besides that they are adding daily the additional resources of whole empires; the bank of Amsterdam, which had been stated to be in credit incorporated with the bank of England, and identically the same, was then in their possession. He contended also, that when a people are united and contending for their liberties, their efforts and resources must not be computed upon the narrow scale of former policy. Every man in France is now ready to stake his last shilling in the support of his government. The population of France, he observed, was one sixth of that of all Europe, take away from the remaining five sixths the subjects of all neutral powers; consider then the divided, distracted, impoverished and exhausted state of our German allies, acting on the narrow line of one boundary against a foe successfully contending on all the extended limits of its dominions, and draw the conclusion that they can never be conquered, though their Commerce may be destroyed, and their superfluities retrenched; yet, while the earth yields fruit from its surface, and can minister to their necessities, any attempts to subdue their spirit must be vain and ineffectual. The resources of Great Britain, he was proud to consider as equal to all our just wants, but inadequate to the contest. You cannot extort the same energies from a people to pursue a war of aggression, as upon a principle of just resistance. Shall we then expect that the Emperor is capable of furnishing the means of conquering France? In a memorial to the Circle of the Upper Rhine, he declares, that his troops are destitute of provisions, and that by the favorable as well as adverse contests with the enemy, he finds himself drained of men and money, and that his troops ought to make every exertion to return to their own country. Can we look to the efforts of the King of Sardinia as the means of success? Have we any well founded hopes from Spain? or any prospect of gaining our end by the exertions of the maritime power of Naples?  What expectation can we form from the disgraceful alliance with the tyrant of Russia, who never felt a man into the field? Or are our objects to be accomplished by our good confidence given 1,200,000 l. sterling money of Great Britain, without equivalent or return of any kind, who, when it was remonstrated by the Emperor, that his good ally of Great Britain should have obliged him to march 62,000 men to the Low Countries, declared that there was a forced contribution put upon the subsidy, the spirit and intention of which had been to afford that number as a defence to Germany in whatever part thereof his Majesty of Prussia should think most expedient.  Mr. Grey contended, from all these considerations, that our means were incompetent, and our objects unattainable. He applauded the opinion that an Hon. Gentleman had declared, on a former night, when he advised us to contract our army, and extend our navy, and shew the world, that we were able to maintain a seven years war, on principles of justice and defence; but the propitious view of destroying the French Government, was equally replete with folly as injustice, and could be attended with no good consequence. It had been alleged, that a principle of national honor was the cause of the war, and that it was necessary to repel an unjust attack, that none should be attempted in future;—and thus, having once begun on a point of honor, we were never to stop, whilst the means can be afforded to stop, whilst the means can be afforded to continue it; for his part, he thought true national honor consisted in justice; and, as we had given the first provocation, it would be perfectly honorable to conclude all animosity by a reasonable negotiation. It had been thought by ministers, that it was disgraceful in this country to sue for peace; the present question did not go to that, and though, in the full extent of his opinion, he thought G. Britain ought to begin, he then only attempted to put both countries in a state of negotiation, and knew no obstacle arose from the present Governors of France. He said that the French had repealed the decree of the 19th of November; by which they declared it not to be their intent to interfere with the Governments of other nations; and also, that they would not permit other nations to dictate to them; he thought that in honor as well as justice, Great Britain was bound to follow the example, and to declare in an unequivocal and explicit manner, that they declined any interference with the internal Government of France, and that such Government would be no bar to a negotiation. Did Ministers imagine, that at the end of another campaign they should come to negotiate with new advantages; or if the present negotiation should be attended with disagreeable conditions, Ministers should recollect that it had not been the fault of his side of the house—they should recollect that his hon. Friends advised, before blood or treasure had been exhausted, that the Republic of France should be acknowledged, but a right hon. gent. had then higher views of policy. They also proposed negotiation when successes had given Great Britain a great advantage; still did ministers refuse. Again at the end of last Session, when we had some valuable acquisitions, though we had also some reverses, did his Friends propose a rational negotiation; ministers were decidedly against it: And now the question of this night will evince the opinion of that House whether they will negotiate or wait, according to the opinion of a right hon. gentleman, either till we destroy, the French Government, or be reduced to a degree of such extreme misery as to be obliged to negotiate on any terms, and he entirely at the mercy of the French. For his part he would now vote for negotiation, because he would not wait to be reduced to such a lamentable condition, and commence a treaty for peace, under such disadvantages, when power, means, and resources were gone. He asked, whether that House would wait to treat with the French until they had conquered as great a part of Germany on the other side of the Rhine, as they had already done on this? Until the fertile plains of Lombardy were added to their possessions; or Spain, with her immense riches, should fall into her hands, or wait till they extended their dominions from Gibraltar to the Baltic? He would now call upon the Right Hon. Gentleman to answer him with candour, whether he did not feel at this moment, that the people were against him? The conviction of his (Mr. Grey's) mind was decidedly that the majority of the people were for negotiation; he therefore submitted his present motion, in order that the French may see that we have no views of ambition or conquest; and in order, that if a just and reasonable offer of negotiation be refused, the people may become unanimous and energetic. For his part, he would in such a case give his hearty concurrence to the vigorous prosecution of the war, tho' he would be happy to have the conduct of it in abler hands; as he considered the present ministry (distinguished as they were by talents and disgraces) incapable of conducting the affairs of a great nation in War. In a just cause he would stand in the front of the war, and fair in the service of his country.  Mr. Grey said, that since he had given no

time that he would bring forward the present motion, an important matter had happened, which made him wish that it had been regular to alter it—he meant the decision of the Diet of the Empire. They all except the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, and a few petty princes, with the Elector of Hanover at their head, were of opinion that it was becoming, in the present system of affairs, whilst preparations were making for war, to negotiate for an equitable and decent peace. The Diet of Ratisbon, with the approbation of the King of Prussia and the Emperor, thought it honorable to negotiate; and there must be something particularly nice in the feelings of our ministers, if they thought it disgraceful to them to enter into any negotiation; nice feelings, which were repugnant to humanity, and may involve the lives of many thousands of his countrymen; feelings which forced the unfortunate Dutch into a war, and into their destruction; and which if they had not dried the source of negotiation, would have saved that country from incurable ruin. Mr. Grey again insisted, that the House were that night to exercise the functions of Jurymen, to save the lives of Britons, or to make the orphan and the desolate widow shed tears of blood—he concluded by moving, "That it is the opinion of this House, that the existence of the present Government of France, ought not to be considered as precluding at this time a negotiation for Peace."
Mr. William Smith rose and seconded the motion. He paid a compliment to the Hon. Mover's ability, and said he scarce left any any thing for him to add, except to enlarge on one topic which that Hon. Gentleman had touched upon; and tho' the arguments drawn from analogy, of cases, were not conclusive; yet it was wise to consult history, and profit by experience. He then drew a long parallel between the present war with France, and the late war between this country and America; he said that there was an attempt in both to excite internal disorders, and enlist Corps of Loyalists; in both had ministers made fallacious calculations of the enemy's resources. He compared the increased strength which America received by the acquisition of France, Spain, and Holland as Allies, to the defection or loss of the present Allies to Great Britain, the conduct of Dumourier to that of General Arnold; he described the objects of each war to be perpetually varying, and perpetually undefined, and every day becoming more unlikely to be attained; and having insisted that there was a striking resemblance in many circumstances attending both wars, and after reading various extracts, he drew a comparison between the present ministry & that most ludicrously described by Mr. Burke, to have been put together by the late Lord Chatham.
Mr. Pitt said, he wished to take the opportunity of thus early addressing the house that he might be able to deliver fully and distinctly his sentiments on the present momentous question. Before, however, he stated at large the general grounds of his objections to the proposition as moved by the Hon. Gentleman, and before he stated the amendment he proposed to substitute in the room of that proposition, he should take the liberty of proposing to the House, as he was desirous they might be put in full possession of the real state of the question, in so far as it depended on the public declarations of his Majesty, made to that House, as to France that his Majesty's Speech of the 21st of January 1794, should be read, together with the address; as also his declaration dated October 20th, 1793; and likewise another declaration, published by order of his Majesty at Toulon, dated November 20th, 1793. These being read by Mr. Hatsell, Mr. Pitt observed, that he should take the liberty, in the course of what he had to offer to the House, to contend, that there was nothing at present in the situation of the country, or of Europe, which ought to induce the House to depart from the sentiments recorded in those declarations; from the sentiments expressed from the Throne, and from those sentiments which had received the approbation of Parliament. He should contend that the motion that had been made was directly inconsistent with those principles, and he should farther contend, that, whatever there was now in the situation of the country, it called on the House, instead of acceding to the Hon. Gentleman's motion, to shew to our enemies and to the world, that we did not shrink from those sober and rational principles which they had uniformly maintained. With that view he thought it right in the outset to mention the precise nature of the amendment he meant to propose, which was a total change of the whole motion except the first word. It was to this effect. "That, under the present circumstances, the House felt itself called upon to declare a determination firmly and zealously to support his Majesty in the vigorous prosecution of the present just and necessary war; and at the same time, whenever a reasonable expectation of obtaining peace presented itself, they relied with the utmost confidence on his Majesty that he would apply the resources of the country for the attainment of so valuable an object, on just and honorable grounds, with any Government in France, under whatever form, if it should appear capable of maintaining the accustomed relations of peace and amity with other countries."
He begged to refer the House to the authentic declarations of Parliament and of the Crown on this subject, from which it undoubtedly appeared from passages of his Majesty's declarations, that his Majesty from the Throne had declared sentiments which they themselves had also declared in speeches in that House, and which he believed to a greater or less extent had been
adopted by every man in the House and in the country, namely, that it would be a desirable issue of the present state of things the re-establishment of some Monarchical Government in France. His Majesty had declared his desire to co-operate with those who were willing to effect that re-establishment. That nothing was more justifiable, and under the present circumstances, would be more political, than to direct the efforts of this country to avail itself of any opening in that country if any there was to facilitate the re-establishment of some Monarchical Government; but on the other hand it was equally clear that his Majesty's sentiments and the language of Parliament, were not to be tried by doubtful constructions or plausible misrepresentations, but by the solemn written documents, which had been uniform, plain and explicit. That the restoration of Monarchy had never been stated by his Majesty, by Government, or by Parliament as a sine qua non , as preparatory to peace. Not only so, but that it had never been stated that any one specific and particular form of Government was necessary as preparatory to peace. It had been stated that his Majesty had no desire to interfere in the internal affairs of France; and as long as that country had abstained from interfering with the Government of other nations; till a direct and absolute aggression had been made on this country; and till hostilities had been actually commenced, his Majesty was true to that declaration, and attempted no such interference; and when that interference took place, which was agreeable to every experience and practice of the world, and justifiable on every plain principle of the law of nations, his Majesty still restrained himself to that degree of interference which was necessary for his own security, and that of Europe; and the only description he gave of the government which he was desirous of seeing established was not that which he thought most eligible; it was not that which he thought most conformable, as between one form of Government and another, but any Government which was sufficient for the purposes of other nations. When his Majesty was under the necessity of looking at the Government of France, he looked at it certainly not without a wish, which must naturally arise in every generous heart, that it might be adapted for the prosperity and happiness of that nation. But with a view to negotiation and to peace, his Majesty did not look at it with that view, or for that purpose. He could only look at it for English purposes, and English views, to see whether it held out the solid grounds of treating with any degree of reasonable security, for the performance of engagements that usually subsisted among the different powers of Europe, without that state of anarchy and confusion that had for years existed in France. Now that having been the true measure and extent of the declarations made by his Majesty and by Parliament, he conceived that no man in that House on looking back at them would wish he had not made those declarations; that no man would feel they were not made on just principles, or that they did not arise from a fair view of the circumstances of the case. He had endeavored to state his amendment almost in the very form of his Majesty's declarations. The honest on the other side of the house were of opinion, that in no case the form of Government ought to be considered as having any influence on the security of a treaty, but that we ought only to look to the terms of the treaty, without looking at the power, at the authority, at the character, at the nature and circumstances of the Government that made it, or at the state of that Government. To that doctrine, however, he could never agree. He must contend that they ought not to ask for Peace from a Government that could not give security. He was not ready therefore to treat with the present Government of France, nor with any government, under any circumstances, or at any time, but with such a government as should appear capable of maintaining the accustomed forms of Peace and amity with other nations. Now the situation of France since the commencement of the present war, had been such that there did not exist a Government capable of maintaining with other countries the accustomed relations he had stated; that it was in a situation in which no security that could be given to a Peace, made it preferable to the continuing of a difficult and hazardous War, was a proposition which it was necessary for him to maintain. It was a proposition that had been maintained again and again by that House, and by some of the Gentlemen who now seemed to think that a Treaty ought to be attempted. He conceived, as it appeared on the face of the argument of that day, the Hon. mover and others could not expect any considerable part of the House to agree with them either in their principles or their conclusions. They set out with observing, that we had not that proof of the hostile intentions of France towards this country, which would demonstrate that the war was just and necessary in its origin. On that day it had been denied that the war commenced by an aggression on the part of France; but that in fact it had originated with this country. To that neither he, nor those who had acted with him, could accede, without sacrificing every principle upon which they had hitherto received the zeal and generous support of the country. But that was not all. The hon. mover and those who supported him must contend that throughout the whole of the French Revolution—that from the very commencement of it—that during the reign of the two tyrants, Brissot and Robespierre, as well as under the present system of Moderantism—that there was no one period of anarchy and confusion,
even when Government was supported by terror, and declared to be supported by enthusiasm, at the moment when the system of terror was working its own destruction; there was no one period in which the Government of France did not possess sufficient stability or authority on a permanent basis, in which it did not possess a sufficient community of interest with the people, a sufficient guard for its own engagements, sufficient power, sufficient moderation, and they must have had dispositions to put in practice moderate principles towards other nations, and most of all towards England. From the beginning of the war to that moment, supposing the terms of peace could be settled, we were not, according to the Hon. Mover, and those who agreed with him, to consider our security, as affected by the internal situation of France. The House had not said so, The House had said directly the reverse, and he hoped the House would say the same thing again. Every man in the House and in the country, must be satisfied that in every war the great object was SECURITY. Reparation was only an auxiliary, was only a subordinate object. Would any man tell him that a nation like France put into a situation perfectly new, into a situation directly the reverse of all the public Governments on earth, destroying the foundations of all Governments, and the bonds of all political society; breaking down the distinction of all ranks, and destroying the security of property; a Government pretending to put a whole nation into a situation of pretended equality; not the equality of laws, but an actual equality. Would any man tell him, that we ought to make peace with a government which had attempted, by every means in its power, to molest its neighbors, to impoverish and distress itself; to hold out the means of seducing other nations; and that followed them up by open and direct acts of aggression, by a positive violation of treaties, and lastly, by an open declaration of war. This country, scrupulously and religiously observed a neutrality, while it hoped that the mischiefs of the French Revolution would be confined within their own territories. We remained indifferent spectators to the conduct of France, until the very moment that we against our will were forced into the contest. And would any man say that it was rational, under any circumstances, to attempt to negotiate a peace without taking into consideration the idea of security, the attainment of which, as already observed, was the great and primary object in every war? The whole question was narrowed to a plain point—war being at all times one of the greatest of human evils, and never to be solicited on any other grounds than that the present evils were less painful upon the whole, than the dangers attending an insecure and dishonorable peace. The whole question from time to time since the commencement of hostilities, resolved itself into a comparison of these two evils. They must not imagine they could explore the secrets of Providence, and define the precise point to which the fortune of War might compel them; that would be to arrogate more than belongs to human wisdom; and like other presumptuous, must terminate in weakness and impossibility, They must proceed on general principles which he could fairly describe.
For the application arising from the circumstances, he must refer to the wisdom of Parliament. The general principle he had stated, was, that they ought not to regard the particular form of the government but to look on the whole, on all the circumstances; whether it was or was not a government that could give them a reasonable degree of security. He said, the immediate question between the Honorable mover and him was, whether the present circumstances of the internal state and government of France did or did not give any security for a peace, so as to make it wise on the part of this country to negotiate it. That was a question of infinite importance. It was, whether the government of France was such, at that moment, as to hold out that degree of reasonable security from any treaty of peace which might be concluded, as to make it, under all the present circumstances, preferable to the vigorous prosecution of the war? What did they naturally look to in the state of any country, but to the manner in which they performed their engagements? They looked to their stability—to their apparent authority—and to the reliance they could place in their pacific dispositions. He should not dwell on these circumstances. Look at what had been generated under that system, and those principles that were now prevalent in France. They had seen them producing hitherto, not a government, but a succession and series of revolutions, for that was the proper situation in which France had stood since the commencement of the present war. The terror of this revolution had been suspended a little more than six months. They had seen the reign and fall of Brissot; they had seen the reign and fall of Robespierre; and they now saw the prevalence of a system that was called Moderantism. They had to recollect that Gentlemen on the other side of the House held on to them the same sort of arguments for entering into a treaty with France almost on the extinction of these two tyrants. Arguments were then produced of the stability of the government; and they now saw what was the ground of security, and how much they ought to depend on such arguments. But he did not wish to rest the question solely on the ground of so many successive changes; but whether the manner in which they had cried up the sovereignty of the people, whether the manner in which the pride and passions of the populace had been erected into the criterion and rule of go-
vernment afforded any rational ground of security to any peace that could possibly be made. If that was not so, what were the particular grounds of permanence now existing in France, that ought to give us dependence on its stability more than formerly? The mere question of moderantism would not be sufficient for that purpose. Though there was some relaxation of the severity and terror of former times, that would not be sufficient. It was a moderation which arose only from comparison. The system of revolutionary tribunals was not varied. That great leading article on which the happiness of the people so materially depended was not essentially varied; whatever it might be in mode or degree. He said he should not tire the House on that subject, but examine what were the leading points to which they would look. Some of them had been enumerated long ago by a noble friend of his, (Lord Mornington) which from the manner they were then stated, had made an impression which had not yet been obliterated. He said he mentioned this for the purpose of shewing, that when the power of Robespierre was at its height, it was understood by the other side of the House as a powerful argument of the great stability of the government. That tyrant possessed the greatest degree of power and terror that ever existed; whereas the present rulers of France being disarmed of that force had only the chance of being supported by the opinion of the people. Look at the manner in which the revenue was at present collected in France. Did the present government recommend itself by the greater moderation of the means it used? Within a little more than a year and a half, the confiscations that took place in that devoted country, and which were the resources of the present government, exceeded Three Hundred Millions, Sterling . That was the amount of the confiscations from May, 1793, to the month of May last. And these confiscations were founded—on what?—upon that which would be looked upon by a British House of Commons, and by this country in general, with horror. That immense sum did not arise from seizing the fortunes of emigrants, but from confiscations made long after. They had seized as forfeitures the property of all persons who remained in the country but who were disaffected to the revolution. After having, exiled the whole nobility and great landed proprietors in the course of a year and an half, after that, they collected that great sum. In one view it furnished the strongest proof of oppression in consequence of the system of terror, and if it was considered in another view, it was an incontrovertible proof of the division of the sentiments of the people of France, which contradicted the observations of the Hon. Mover, who talked in such strong terms of that united people, and yet three hundred millions sterling were taken from those persons who did not agree to the principles of the revolution. Taken in the other view, it might be considered as the fruits of the bloody massacres that took place under the dominion of Robespierre. Attend now to the moderation of the new system; those who exercise that system, were now directing the application of the contributions that arose from the cruelties of that system, by their professed detection of which they built their power, and by the destruction of which alone they attempted to support it by the confidence, affection, and good will of the country.
Mr. Pitt next directed the attention of the house to the state of the agriculture and commerce of France. He said he wished to describe the present state of the agriculture and commerce of that country, not from any reports which the Hon. Mover might suppose had come to his hands from those who were friendly to him; his reporters were certainly not persons immediately dependent on him, or those who had any good will towards him. They were the National Convention of France. According to the reports of their committees, their agriculture was extinguished ; their commerce annihilated . That was the situation in which France stood. They had declared they were willing to animate commerce; but that was the present actual situation of the country. See whether in fact, they had afforded any relief to commerce, and to the agriculture of the country, and whether they had any just title to the love and affection of the bulk of the people.
He next adverted to the state of justice in the country. All the sanguinary cruelties had been committed through the medium of revolutionary tribunals, and though they were less cruel under the present government, they were only so by comparison with the former system of terror.
He desired the house to look at the state of religion in France, and asked them if they would treat with a nation of Atheists. He did not wish to consider them in that point of view. God forbid that we should look on Frances as Atheists, whatever might be the case with some individuals. It was not possible that a whole nation in so short a time should have renounced the religion of their fathers, and to the large proportion of the mass, there could not be an heavier burden than to be deprived of the exercise of that religion, and to be deprived of it in a country that called itself a land of liberty, and which set out on the principles of toleration; in a country which supposed itself to enjoy more than human liberty; and yet, under the present moderate government, he believed a proposal had been made, to solemnize in France the christian religion; and the Convention had proposed the order of the day, propelling to establish a plan of Decadal Festivals, and accompanied by a declaration, that all the Priests should be detained in prison till that new religion was established. Altho' the present Convention of France profess to have renounced
the crimes and cruelties of their predecessors, yet, since they had been in a state of pure innocence, has there been more apparent unanimity among those in whom the present government subsisted? On the contrary, there never had been such instances of opposition, distraction and confusion. They were continually recriminating on each other the guilt of those very cruelties he had been stating. Did he say then that the present system of France must fall? He said no such thing. Did he then say that the present rulers of France might extricate themselves in some degree from that abuse, and follow a more just and prudent line; and that they might gradually draw a veil over former severities, by which if they could not gain the good opinion of others, they might gain their acquiescence? They certainly might. Had that time arrived? He said it had not. But if such an order of things should arrive, through whatever road and by whatever means, if they gave to their government that stability and that authority, which might afford grounds, not of certainty but of moral probability, by which human affairs must be conducted, then take new measures. So much on that part of the subject.
But supposing he did not look to the supposition of a change, the next thing was, what dependence had we on the pacific disposition of the present National Convention of France. We had reasons founded on probability, to infer, that they entertained a spirit of hostility to all regular governments, and most of all to the government of this country. If they had any reason to believe that the Convention of France were disposed to peace, must he not infer that they were probably disposed to it, because they thought it would most probably tend to their advantage, and to our ruin. Till there was satisfactory evidence that their spirit of hostility to other nations was destroyed, he saw probable ground, in the very nature of their system, that they must have that hostility in view, till they ceased to act upon it. They looked upon their own government as the only lawful government in the world, & regard the governments of all other nations as usurpation. That was the system they professed, and they had also acted upon it, which was one of the main causes of the origin of the present war. Did France make any professions of peace, or did she shew any dispositions for peace but as she felt herself wearied of the war, and as she found herself involved in difficulties. The National Convention had said plainly they desired a partial peace, because to extensive a war they found themselves unable to prosecute. They had professed they desired peace with some of the powers, in order to ruin more securely those against whom they wish to carry on the war. And he might add afterwards to ruin those with whom they now professed to be willing to treat for peace. They would make a distinction in making peace. Their moderation was reserved for Holland, their vengeful principles for Great-Britain. He therefore considered any disposition in France to make peace, as the only means of carrying on the war with greater advantage or with more security. In that view he thought no such dispositions for peace existed in our enemy which could give any reasonable security that such a peace could be of long continuance. They had been told the decree of the 19th of November had been repealed, and that therefore they no longer aspired at interfering with the internal government of other countries. In April, 1793, they had enacted something on the subject of peace. They enacted the penalty of death to be inflicted on any person to propose peace with any country unless that country acknowledged the French republic, one and indivisible, founded on the principles of liberty and equality. And he wished to know if these principles were once recognized as the legitimate foundation of government, whether they would not be universal in their application. Could these principles be excluded from other nations? and if they could not, would they not establish the usurpation and injustice of every government. If they were to treat for peace with France, they knew one of the things that must be preparatory to that, and that was, that they would acknowledge that which they had hitherto denied. They must acknowledge those principles which condemned the usurpation of all the other governments, and denied the very power they were exercising. What next would happen if peace was obtained, (leaving out the terms of it)? Did they look at the situation in which they would lay open this country to all the emigrations of France? In proportion to the success of France, those principles would grow more bold in this, and in every other country. They had increased in activity and means of resistance—Were they to give up those safeguards which had been lately thrown round the constitution; and were they to follow the advice of the other side of the House by having recourse to the universal loyalty of the people of England? Did gentlemen think that we ran no risk of serious internal dangers by reviving the embers of that faction in this country, which the other side of the House had supposed were now totally extinguished. Peace obtained under such circumstances, could not be stated with confidence, and therefore, if it were to be obtained, we must remain in a state of vigilant jealousy & suspicion. In that state, what sort of peace could we enjoy? Could such a state possibly be preferable to war? Would they not then give up those advantages they enjoyed, and after they had been wasting their efforts under the appearance of peace, the enemy might seize the opportunity, and plunge us into a fresh war when it might be impossible to raise our forces to the point at which they were at that moment.

Take it in another point of view, and suppose it to be a state of jealousy, of suspicion, of insecurity and weakness, and you and your enemies watching each other, you could not in such a case, enjoy peace, but only a short truce. There was no security in that state of peace, there was no solid, real, and permanent security, in order to induce them to prefer peace to the exertions of war. The only alternative was not the option between peace and war, but it was the option between war under considerable difficulties, but with greater means and resources, or peace without security.
He said he should be ashamed to go over the means of our resources, but as that object had been touched on by the Honorable Gentleman who had introduced this question, he must say a few words on the relative situation of the two countries. The foundation of the argument of the Hon. Mover was, that the resources of France were of so extraordinary a nature, that they were such as the other nations of Europe could not bear, but France having borne them so many years could do that which other nations could not do—and that therefore they were bound to suppose that the resources of France were superior to those of this country, which had expended so many millions without having had any effect on the revenue, commerce and manufactures of the country, without means that were equal to the pressure sustained in other wars where this country had carried them on successfully. The Hon. Mover had said, if we were to make peace at that moment the expense would be 70 millions sterling, and the extra expenses would be calculated moderately at 30 millions sterling. How much the Honorable Gentleman allowed for winding up expenses he knew not, but they were certainly large. Without taking in the expenses of the present year, of 220,000 men, including the regular army and militia, and the vote of 100,000 seamen, to the best of his recollection, taking the expenses of the year 1793 and of 1794, up to the end of last December, the sum was about 25 millions sterling, and there was a capital to be created of somewhat more than 30 millions. This point was not very closely connected with the question but he had corrected the statement of the Hon. Gentleman, who wished to show we were no longer able to carry on the war, though he could not prove the least defalcation in the revenue of the country, or a diminution of the public credit. To what was that sum to be opposed on the part of France? To 260 millions sterling, which that country had expended during the last two years. Now would any man say that France could afford to spend 260 millions sterling, of which the inhabitants had been plundered, better than Great-Britain? That immense sum had been collected in France, by force and terror, and had been attended by effects admitted by themselves to produce the destruction of the resources of the country, to the discouragement of all the forces of industry, and annihilating every branch of commerce, besides the collateral circumstance of the system of assignats which he had mentioned on a former day. He said on a former day he had made the expenses of the French republic amount to 480 millions sterling, which the Hon. Gentleman who had made the motion said was exaggerated by 120 millions. But the Hon. Gentleman had begun his calculations two years later than he, which was the reason of that difference. The assignats which were formerly near par, were now about 85 per cent. below it. That the House might not mistake him, they were not worth 83 1/3 per cent. below 15 1/2 per cent. And therefore he asserted, what he had done before, that there was a rapid and a progressive decay in the internal resources of France. It had been stated that he had year after year represented the resources of France to be in a rapid state of decline. The first year of the war cost France 150 millions, which produced a rapid and progressive decay in the state of their finances; and was there any thing ridiculous in supposing those resources to be still in a progressive state of decay, after they had expended, during the last campaign, another 150 millions sterling.
The other Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Smith) who seconded the motion in the longest form he had ever heard, observed, that the resources of America were declining for three years together. But would any man say, that the features of that war bore any resemblance to those of the present, which marked the calamities of France? It had been observed, that the French were making great exertions, and that therefore it was unjust to say their resources were at all decayed. But the question was whether these great exertions ought not to be considered as a proof of the decay of the resources of the country. Would any man tell him that the internal state of the country would not be affected by a supply of the nerves and sinews of the war? The Hon. Gentleman who made the motion had stated, that the French had extended their conquests from Gibraltar to the Baltic. But against the most brilliant victories, and most extensive territorial acquisitions were to be set the resources of this country, setting aside our acquisitions out of Europe. That circumstance which was in our favor, was as important to the fate of empires and the lot of kingdoms as a new conquest. And the balance there was as much in our favor as the circumstance of territory was against other countries and in favour of France; and if there was no safety to be obtained by making peace, he was not urging an argument unbecoming the house of commons.
There were many other points which he should not trouble the House with. One or two observations he said he could not help taking notice of. It had been
asked, what had we to oppose to the forces of France. He answered that we had to oppose, a large number of the English forces which had formerly been employed, and the Convention said that their forces must be contracted. Their efforts must therefore be exhausted; besides the increased means by sea and land which had been made by this country, he submitted the propriety of enabling the Emperor to bring such a military force into the field, which would render an extent of exertion necessary on the part of France, of which they had declared themselves incapable. But it was said, do you expect to conquer France? Do you expect to march to Paris? If such was our success in France, that the Convention were put in imminent fear, it was not very extraordinary that his friend at London should be subject to the impression of hope. The Gentlemen of the other side of the House made a fabrication of their own, and then made a very successful attack upon it, and called it a complete victory over the Ministerial side of the House. Another idea was, that the pressure of war might itself have such an effect as to cause the French to make such alterations in their Government as to render it tolerable and to make it eligible for this country to treat with them. Would any man tell him that nothing had been done to make that impression. He contended that the present Government of France had not those marks of stability which afforded a solid ground of reliance. He admitted, however, that the situation was less distant from that in which we could treat; though not yet arrived at it. What had produced it? Whether it was the effect of terror, or whether it arose from the increased pressure brought on the Government by our exertions, was difficult to distinguish. Would any man tell him, that the efforts of this country had not contributed to the downfall of all the Rulers of France. And if that Government was not less remote from a state in which it could be treated with, and if, in the sanguine opinion of some, it had already come to that state, were they to be told that nothing could be effected by the vigorous prosecution of the war, namely, in the view when, on safe and honorable terms, on solid grounds of reasonable and probable security, they might treat for peace.
Some Gentlemen had supposed there were such habits in the people of France, that they preferred the Republican Government to that of any other. He ridiculed that idea, and showed there was not the smallest foundation for it. If that had been so, it would have been impossible for Robespierre to have exercised all those cruelties on the Royalists and Federalists, because the one would submit to no Republic, and because the other would not submit to a Republic one and indivisible. He said he had thus shortly recalled the leading points of the Hon. Member's speech, to which he had stated his general grounds of objection. That looking at that moment to France, under all the present circumstances, in the view of our situation, to continue the evils of a difficult and hazardous war, was preferable to an insecure peace. That a peace, whenever it can be obtained, ought not to be obstructed by any particular form of Government, but that the Government and internal state of the enemy ought to influence the security of peace. That was his opinion, and had ever been so. It was consistent with reason, was dictated by necessity, and afforded real hopes of preserving the essential Interests, and maintaining the honour, reputation, and independence of this country.
The Hon. Gentleman said, if his motion was agreed to by the House, and peace did not then take place, he would support the war, and stand in the front of the battle. It would be recollected that the Hon. Gentleman had contended, that the war was unjust from the beginning. Now Mr. Pitt wished to know, what were the principles, the rejection of which on the part of France, could make it the duty of the Hon. Gentleman to support a war, which he in his conscience believed to be unjust on the part of England, from the beginning?
Mr. Pitt concluded with observing, that, at the present moment, and under the present existing circumstances, the only likely way of procuring a safe and honourable peace, was by a vigorous prosecution of the present just and necessary war.
Sir W. Young seconded the amendment.
Mr. Cope rose and said, at this time he thought peace was so essentially necessary to the well-being of the country, that he was an advocate for it in any shape, except it should be on terms contrary to the honour and interest of the nation. They were told, that if peace was now made it would not be permanent, and must be insecure, but it was not merely asserting so that proved the fact, and he could not give his assent to such light authority. He wanted authority to prove that point, and declared he should never assent to it until it was proved in a manner satisfactory to him. The country, he believed, had been deluded with the war, and the Minister himself he conceived had been deluded by false appearances; but he might have learned, would he but have attended, from an Honourable Friend of his, what was likely to be the consequences of his measures. His Hon. Friend (Mr. Fox) had energetically and truly pointed out the various accidents which were likely to ensue, and which the event had verified. Had he attended to that quarter he might have learned much, and avoided those measures which in their consequences had proved so unfortunate. He sincerely wished to see peace re-established; and when he uttered that sentiment, he believed they were not merely his own private senti-
ments, but he thought, and was persuaded he spoke the wishes of the majority of the County of Norfolk. The experiment might be surely tried, and he wished it should; if they found peace could not be obtained on rational terms, they were Englishmen, and they would then fight it out; and he believed every man would strain to the utmost bent in the attempt to subdue our enemies. This, he conceived, would be the effect, if an overture of peace should be haughtily rejected; and his Hon. Friend above alluded to had given his opinion to be the same. Every thing that fell from that Hon. Gentleman must be attended to with the utmost respect, as the weight of his talents, the integrity of his manners, the vast fund of his political abilities, and his severe attention to the interest of the country, rendered every opinion of his valuable. He paid Mr. Fox the most handsome compliments, and professed that he expected to find the country looking towards him as the man who at last must relieve them from their unfortunate situation, and again restore them to that dignity, influence, and importance which was now diminished.
Mr. York said, he should not content himself that night with giving merely a silent vote, but should for a short time trespass upon the patience of the House, while he delivered his sentiments upon the question. The point for decision was, supposing they came to a resolution to make peace, whether that peace would be secure and permanent? Viewing all the circumstances of the case as they had eloquently been detailed by his Hon. Friend, the result was, in his mind, that we could not suppose it would be so. The war, he contended, was in its origin most just and necessary, and the object of it was to bring our enemies to reason. Notwithstanding all that had been said respecting the French force, he thought it attainable and desirable. The French force was great—true, it was so; but how was that force collected? by forced requisitions, and under the terror of the guillotine. This was a system that carried with it the seeds of its own destruction, and must eventually end in ruin. But, says the Gentleman, this Revolutionary Government will end in a Republic; who could tell that? we had nothing to guide our reasonings, and if we might judge from what we had seen in that country, we could come to no certain conclusions of what their various resolutions would terminate in. The Hon. Gentleman commented upon the affairs of America, and concluded by giving his sentiments in favour of the war.
Mr. Powys said, it was not only the duty of the Representatives of the people to think under the pressure of affairs, but still to act with vigour and resolution, by which they might repel all those accidents which at present had fallen upon the country. The Hon. Mover of the question had certainly acted with great degree of candour and fairness; he had not only given the substance of the motion for several days, but he had also furnished them with the very words of it. Yet it did so happen, that although he had read it several times with great attention, perhaps it was from the dullness of his apprehension, that he could neither well understand its import, nor could he foresee the consequences which were expected from it. What was the government of France? It was not at all altered. The present system was no ways different from those which had preceded it; and those who had thought the late factions who ruled that unhappy country were unfit subjects to treat with, must still retain the same opinion of the present ruling party; for in fact they were not altered in principle from their predecessors. The amendment of the first day he thought far less exceptional than the motion of to night; those gentlemen who had originally supported the war, had no reason to change their opinions. He would ask them why, having originally given it their support, they should now recede? It was unworthy the dignity of the country, and if we started back, it must be a mean and mercenary spirit of infatuation that could induce us to it.
Mr. Wilberforce said, before he came to the general question, there were two points upon which he wished to speak, as bearing a relation to the general one in view—first, as to the propriety of general declarations of government; and, secondly, what arose from a general view of the circumstances in which we stood. As to the first of these points, he thought the declaration proposed would be better, if couched in more general terms; and he had framed an abstract proposition, which he wished he could introduce to the house. It was, "That the existence of a Republican government in France did not preclude the possibility of a peace." One point, at least, was agreed upon, that the Republican form was not an insuperable objection. The other point of examination was, the actual situation of things at this moment. He had admitted, that he was unwilling, originally, to treat with a Republican Government in France, and that he thought a Monarchy was to be preferred, as the government under which the general peace and happiness of Europe was likely to be least affected. The Old Government of France was, as he conceived, preferable to a Republic; and a peace with the former more likely to prove permanent and secure. The circumstances then to be taken into consideration would have been a comparison between peace and the evils of a war; but now we had to consider the situation in which we at present might treat; and the possibility of being reduced to treat under worse circumstances. The former declarations of the house did not now preclude them from adopting any such measure. We had stated in our declaration of October 1793, "That we concurred in our views with our allies," and the declarations of our allies were totally dissimilar from our own. By their declarations, they had unequivocally shown it to be their intention to destroy all the new order of things established in France, and it became a question, whether the English House of Commons would not now do away any prejudice the people of France might have imputed from these declarations. He stated the proclamation of General Wurmser, and commenced any general resolutions
which would counteract the effect which that proclamation might have had upon the people of France. He wished for some plain unambiguous declaration, and should have been better pleased if the amendment had gone further than what it had been put by his Hon. Friend. He wished it should not only state, that a Republican form of government was no bar to a treaty of pacification, but that even the present existing government was none. He had agreed with his Hon. Friend, in wishing a counter-revolution to the government of France. He did not wish, nor did he believe his Hon. Friend wished to carry back the old despotism; but he wished to see them in possession of the blessings of peace, religion, and morality. He had wished this, because he had thought that they were oppressed by a faction, and if this country interfered, and gave their assistance towards a Counter-revolution, he thought the majority of the people of France would have risen to have seconded their efforts. But he had seen all this tried, and it had failed; and therefore, experience had shown that the contrary of his suppositions was the true state of things. It became therefore not inconsistent in him to retract; on the contrary, he maintained, it was perfect consistency in him to retract opinions, which experience had shown him were drawn from conclusions, which were the result of mistaken premises; and when his opinion was altered, it became fair and manly to avow it. Since he had proposed his last amendment, circumstances had happened which rendered it more urgent, though at that time they had no share in producing it; and, perhaps, if it had been adopted, those circumstances might have never happened. His Hon. Friend had all along lost sight of his principle of argument; he had not argued that it was desirable to treat with the government of France, but all we had now left was a choice of evil. He contended it would be prudent now to negotiate, while we had great resources and powerful means to command attention, perhaps if it were neglected, we should find ourselves hereafter in a worse situation, and be obliged to treat without those advantages which we now possessed. Unless it could be shown to him, that a Counter-Revolution was likely to ensue, he believed all our evils would come in fuller measures. He had ever believed, and still believed we were able to defend ourselves because he thought the people of this country were not disaffected to the Constitution; but it might hereafter happen that the people would be more disaffected. It was easy to persuade them their evils were imputable to any cause which faction might chuse to assign. If that should turn out to be the case, under what disadvantages would the war be then carried on, when the people of this country might be subject to the machinations of our enemies. If a Counter-Revolution was to be hoped for in France, he conceived it would be much more probable in time of peace than during the war. While that continued, all their attention was turned against their enemies, and by whatever cause their armies were recruited, it did so happen that immediately the men arrived at them, one sympathetic spirit pervaded, and united the whole mass. But admitting they had peace, and they could not so operate; while they were unemployed some one of the factions would gain over the military power, or they might severally employ it against each other; this was more probable to happen when they were unengaged at home than while their frontier was pressed upon, and insurrections rose up at home. The motives which now impelled them to the field, were such as acted with the utmost force in the human breast; the Allied powers could never stimulate to action their forces with an equal energy. A Pamphlet lately published, upon whose statement he could rely, told us that their motives were a detestation of the combined powers, a dislike to this country, and a hatred to the Convention. If by a peace the former motives were taken away, the last would be left to act with more force, and probably would be more effectual. He had listened to his Hon. Friend's arguments respecting the state of the French finances, and they had had due weight upon his mind, yet not enough to weigh down the consideration of the other evils. It did not follow, that because they had only a certain quantity of property, that they would issue assignats merely to that amount; on the contrary, it was not clear but they would issue assignats upon assignats, to an extent far beyond what they might have had property to cover; and if the people had great quantities of them, it would blend their interests with that of the government, and preclude them from wishing a Counter-Revolution, which must destroy their property, and totally take away the value of their paper. It had been objected, that it was inconsistent not to pursue the war; but he maintained it was perfectly consistent upon a change of circumstances to change our opinion. Circumstances were now altered; we had co-operation from within, and powerful alliances from without—now our alliances had failed, and co-operation could be no longer expected. When he had stated that a peace was desirable, he had not proposed that we should send an Ambassador to sue for it; he understood there were other means by which a Nation might indicate its willingness to treat; and as a preliminary step, he wished to see some public declaration, stating the present government to be no hindrance to a pacific treaty. Suppose for a moment, we had received co-operation from within, we should then have been bound to pursue the War to the utmost, and not to have relinquished our arms until we had obtained terms for our friends, which might have embroiled this country for a long time. Happier had it been for us, if we had less concern in the affairs of the Continent. That found politician, Mr. Hume, had observed, that in all our wars against France, we carried them to too great lengths, and instanced that we might have obtained in 1692, what we were glad afterwards to receive in 1697, at the peace of Ryswick; and at the Peace of Aix la Chapelle, 1748, we accepted worse terms than we might have had five years previous, in 1743; and that our allies, counting upon the treasure of Britain as upon their own, always refused reasonable terms of peace. The latter part of the charge was not exactly parallel, for our allies had now negotiated for peace, though they equally depended upon us for money. The Hon. Gentleman again declared, he did not think the Amendment sufficiently explicit,
and was of opinion, that the war should not be pursued further, if terms could be obtained. He therefore moved that the following Amendment be substituted in the room of his Hon. Friend's.
[To be Concluded to-morrow.]
PHILADELPHIA, April 6.
Dispatches from General Wayne, dated the 12th of February, and which arrived last Saturday, inform that the famous Shawanese chief called Blue Jacket, with a number of chiefs and warriors belonging to the Shawanese and Delawares, arrived at Head-Quarters, the 7th of that month, bearing a flag, and suing for peace. They are like those of the other hostile nations, who presented themselves in the preceding month, manifested their strong desire to put an end to the war, and signed an article agreeing to assemble, with all the other chiefs of their nations at Greenville (General Wayne's quarters) in June next, to conclude a general peace; and in the mean time to cease from all acts of hostility. The request of an old Delaware chief indicated the distress of his nation, while it manifested the sincerity of his professions, at the close of his speech to Gen. Wayne he said—
"I have now only to request of you to point out a place upon which you will permit us to plant this ensuing spring I will immediately remove my warriors, my women and children to it, and place them under your protection."
NEW THEATRE.
THIS EVENING, APRIL 6, Will be Presented,
A new Comedy never performed in America written by Richard Cumberland, author of the Jew, West-Indian, &c. &c. called
The Box-Lobby Challenge.
George Waterland, Mr. Cleveland. Captain Waterland, Mr. Marshall. Sir Toby Grampus, Mr. Whitlock. Squire Robert, Mr. Francis. Old Crotchet, Mr. Green. Jack Crotchet, Mr. Chalmer. Fulsome, Mr. Harwood. Jones, Mr. Warrell. Joe, Mr. Blisset. Waiter, Master Warrell. Hair Dresser, Mr. Darley jun. Servant, Mr. T. Warrell. Lady Jane Danvers, Mrs. Morris. Diana Grampus, Mrs. Shaw. Letitia Rayner, Mrs. Marshall. Theodosia, Mrs. Rowson. Lindamira, Mrs. Francis.
End of the Play a new Dance composed by Mr. Francis, called
Rural Revels
Or
The Easter Holiday.
To which will be added,
Never performed in America, a Celebrated Burletta, called
POOR VULCAN,
Or,
The Descent of the Deities.
Vulcan, Crump, Mr. Wignell. Jupiter, Stud, Mr. Marshall. Apollo, Wushman, Mr. Mitchell. Mars, Pile, Mr. Darley. Bacchus, Gage, Mr. Darley, jun. Adonis, Joe, Miss Broadhurst. Mercury, Drab, Mr. Solomon. Venus, Maudlin, Mrs. Marshall. Grace, Miss Williams.
With new scenery, machinery and decorations. Books of the Burletta to be had at the THEATRE.
The Public are respectfully informed that the Doors of the Theatre will open at a quarter after five, and the curtain rise precisely at a quarter after 6 o'clock.
Vivat Republica!
For Sale of Charter, The BRIG INDUSTRY James Olds, Master.
Lyings at the second wharf below Walnut street, is a staunch vessel, in complete order, 120 tons burthen and sails remarkably fast—apply to the master on board or to
JOHN WELSH, No. 81, South Water Street, Who has just received for Sale, 3000 Lbs. of
Cape of Good Hope Aloes 13 Hogsheads Do. Wine, A few boxes of Fine and Coarse Shoes. April 6 6t
TO BE SOLD,
A Lot, containing about
17 acres, on the Wilmington road, 4 miles from the city, and directly opposite to the house of Mr. Isaac Wharton. A Lot, containing 10 acres, in Ilington Lane, on said road, near the estate of Jasper Moylan, Esq. A Lot, containing 10 acres in Turner's Lane, on said road, and directly opposite to the estate of Mr. Tarrant. Enquire of Joseph Redman, Woodstock, corner of Turner's Lane. April 6 8d8f

A VENDRE, Une Terre Superbe située dans l'Etat de la Nouvelle York.
LA BELLE Habitation connue par le nom de SCOTIA, située sur le bord du nord de la Rivière de Mohawk et vis à vis la florissante ville de Schenectady qui est à l'extrémité de la communication par eau entre la Caneda et autres parties occidentales avec la ville d'Albany dont elle est éloignée de seize miles Anglois ou cinq lieues un tiers de France.
Cette terre est bornée par la dite Rivière environ deux tiers de lieue—les grands Chemins des parties de l'Ouest et du nord se joignent en cet endroit avec plusieurs autres et conduisent à l'endroit par où l'on traverse la Rivière vis à vis la dite ville—cette habitation contient plus de mille acres, une grande partie de la quelle est en plaine de la première qualité et propres pour des prairies ou du grain dont elle produit une grand abondance.
On pourroit la diviser en plusieurs habitations donnant à chacune des situations très commodes à placer des maisons—elle contient présentement deux maisons grandes et bien commodes avec des Granges, Ecuries, Magazins, des Remises pour les Voitures et plusieurs autres bâtiments qui sont très convenables le tout situé sur une élévation au bord de la dite Rivière d'où l'on a une vue bien agréable sur la dite ville, des prairies dans ses environs et de la Rivière aussi bien que d'un Réservoir d'environ trente acres, qui est bien fourni de poisson et de gibier.
Il y a aussi sur la dite terre un Moulin à eau sur un courant qui ne manque Jamais, avec une maison pour le meunier; on y pourroit ajouter d'autres moulins, &c.—sur cette terre est aussi un bon Verger des meilleurs fruits de ce pais d'environ mille arbres, entés, les Jardins abondent de routes sortes de fruit propre pour ce climat—Dépendent aussi de cette terre plusieurs tenements avec des lots de terre dont les baux sont d'une courte durée.
Il n'y a point de terre dans ces parties que soit plus seconde pour toutes sortes de grain d'hiver soit il en a été semé l'automne passé presque deux cents boisseaux ce sera que deux compris dans la Vente aussi bien que deux petites îles dans la Rivière vis à vis la maison.
On pense que la vue de ces terres en donnera une plus haute idée qu'aucune description qu'on pourroit en donner.
Pour les conditions de Ventes il faut se rendre chez le soussigné demeurant sur les lieux ou à messieurs Oliver Wendell et Harrison G. Otis, à Boston—messieurs Cornelius Ray et De Witt Clinton à New-York—messieurs James Gordon et Henry Glen, membres du Congrès, à présent à Philadelphie, ou à messieurs Stephen Bayard dans la ville de Schenectady, qui feront connoître le prix et conditions de la Vente.
JOHN SANDERS.
Valuable Property For Sale, IN THE STATE of NEW-YORK.
THAT valuable and well known Estate, called SCOTIA, situate on the north bank of the Mohawk river, directly opposite the populous and flourishing town of Schenectady, at the foot of the water-communication from the Western Country, and Upper Canada; sixteen miles from the city of Albany; extending about two miles on the bank of the river above and below the said town; this river is the only water communication in the United States with the great western Lakes. The roads from the western and northern parts of the state of New York, together with a number of other public roads here meet, and lead to the noted ferry kept opposite the said town.
It contains upwards of one thousand acres, a great proportion of which is intervalle or low land, calculated both for grass or grain, producing great burthens annually; it may be laid into a number of valuable farms, affording convenient and handsome building grounds; there is now on the premises two very large and commodious dwelling houses with large Dutch barns, barracks, hovels, stables, cart and waggon house, carriage house, flour house, summer house, and other out-houses, on a commanding eminence near the bank of the river, affording a beautiful and extensive prospect of the river for several miles, the lowland, the town, and a fine lake of water, covering about thirty acres, well stored with all kinds of river fish, fowl, &c. There is a good grist mill on a never failing stream of water, a good frame house, &c. for the miller, also convenience above the mill for erecting more water works; there is a bearing orchard with nearly one thousand apple trees, set out, grafted of the best fruit, the gardens are stocked with all the various fruits the climate will admit; also several tenements with portions of land on short leases.
The land in point of fertility of soil, is excelled by none in the state; there is now in the ground near two hundred bushels winter grain, which will be included in the above sale.
Also two small islands in the river, opposite the mansion house.
A view of the premises, it is presumed, will fully equal any description that can be given thereof.
For terms of sale apply to the Subscriber, residing on the premises, Messrs. Oliver Wendell or Harrison G. Otis, Esquires, in the town of Boston, Cornelius Ray, or De Witt Clinton, Esquires, at the city of New York: James Gordon or Henry Glen, Esquires, two of the members of Congress, at the city of Philadelphia; Stephen N. Bayard, in the town of Schenectady, by whom the price & terms of sale will be communicated.
JOHN SANDERS.
Schen. Jan. 28, 1795.
N. B. The remaining stock unfold, and all the farming utensils, the purchaser or purchasers may be accommodated with.
Philad. Feb. 7. 22w3m
American Landscapes. PROPOSALS FOR PUBLISHING IN AQUATINTA TWENTY-FOUR VIEWS.
Selected from the most striking and interesting Prospects in the United States; each of which VIEWS will be accompanied with a descriptive account of its Local, Historical, and other Incidental Peculiarities.
By G. I. PARKYNS, Author of the "Monastic Remains and Ancient Castles in Great Britain."
CONDITIONS.
1. That the work shall be published by Subscription; and that each Subscriber shall engage to take the whole set of Views, and shall pay for each engraving, if black or brown, 2 Dollars; and if coloured 5 Dollars.
2. That the dimensions of each engraving shall be 24 by 17 inches, executed in aquatinta, and published upon paper of a superior quality. The publication to commence immediately; and one engraving to be delivered to the Subscribers, on the first Monday of each succeeding month, until the proposed series shall be finally completed.
3. That with the last View of the series, shall be delivered an engraved title-page; an elegant characteristic vignette; a map of the route, connected with the prospects exhibited in the the course of the Work; and an Alphabetical list of the Subscribers.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THIS Work is offered to the public at a crisis peculiarly interesting to the Arts: Amidst the ravages of war, and the convulsions of a revolutionary age, they must inevitably languish and expire, unless the same happy country, which affords an asylum to the persons of the persecuted and distressed, shall foster and patronize the labour and ability of men of genius and talents. Advancing, indeed, rapidly to the zenith of power, reputation and opulence, America, even in a state of universal tranquility, must soon have become the rival of Europe in learning and taste, as well as her superior in morality and government. Under the present circumstances of the world, however, the opportunity occurs to anticipate the destined period of pre-eminence; and to render America at this eventful hour, the guardian and protectress of every science that can enlighten, and of every art that can adorn the human mind.
On this principle, more than the claim of merit, the Author presumes he shall not fail to attract the public attention; but still, he hopes, that he will not be found altogether undeserving or defective, either in the choice or execution of his subject. No country possesses scenes better calculated to inspire ideas of the beautiful and sublime; to excite the soul of the philosopher, to enliven the song of the poet, or animate the pencil of the painter, than those which lie profusely scattered over the American continent: But unfortunately there is no country, whose native charms have been so superficially explored, or so imperfectly delineated. Hitherto, indeed the toil of converting a wilderness into a state of luxuriant vegetation; of providing the necessaries and comforts of life; and of adapting civil institutions to the genius of a new nation, seems to have been sufficient to engage all the strength, and all the talents of the inhabitants of America. The people of Europe, on the other hand, corrupted by wealth, and deluded by pride, have rarely, comparatively speaking, overlapped the boundaries of their continent in pure search of information or pleasure. The ruins of art, which encumber their domestic scenery, have been preferred to the novelties of nature which arise in other regions; and the time has been, that a View from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi would have been less valued, than the section of a palace, or a mutilated fragment of antiquity. But in respect to both, a revolution in situation and sentiment has been accomplished. The American finds leisure, with a retrospective and joyful sensibility of heart, to admire the graces, as well as to reap the abundance which providence has bestowed on this country; and the European is compelled, with an anxious and expectant eye, to look abroad for that peace & prosperity, which he can no longer enjoy at home.
The attention of mankind being thus directed towards this country, every thing that relates to its physical, as well as to its political interest, will, it is presumed, receive a liberal encouragement. The Author of the present work, therefore, confidently makes the experiment on a new subject, and in a new style of execution. The art of engraving in Aquatinta, has indeed, for some time been held in high estimation throughout Europe; its close imitation of finished drawings, and the free but forcible manner in which it depicts the light and graceful touches of nature, are properties, that seem peculiarly adapted to the American scenery, some of the tints and colors of which are certainly no where else to be found.
Exclusive of these advantages, it is likewise in contemplation to render the work a repository of descriptive topographical and historical facts respecting the circumjacent country from which the views were taken: but to give full effect to this part of his undertaking, the author must solicit the assistance of every citizen, who is possessed of authentic information, whether relating to the Natural history, or to the memorable events, connected with the respective engravings. The map of the tour will exhibit the relative situation of the views, as well with respect to each other as to the principal Cities and Towns of the several States, commencing at the city of Washington.
As an additional recommendation to the favor of a patriotic public, it may not be improper to observe that the paper and every other article employed in executing the work will be of American manufacture, and of the best quality.
Twelve drawings are ready, and the utmost dispatch will be used in preparing and delivering the engravings. Amongst the number alluded to, the following may be mentioned:
1. A view of Mount Vernon, the seat of the President of the United States. 2. Philadelphia. 3. City of Washington. 4. New-York.
It is the design of the Author to finish those objects first, which are most important and interrelated; and if the Public patronage shall prove adequate to the expence, he proposes to extend his undertaking to 24 Views, more than the number contained in the present Proposals. In that case, however, the first set of Views will be so arranged, as to form either an independent work for those, who may not wish to renew their subscriptions, or a series connected with the second set for those, who may wish to continue their patronage till the whole is completed.
Letters or other communications for the encouragement, elucidation, or improvement of the work, the Author requests may be addressed to him at New-York.
Subscriptions are received by Mr. Harrison, at his Print-shop, Maiden-lane, New-York by Mr. Carey, Book-seller, No. 118, Market street, Philadelphia, and by all the principal Book-sellers in the United States.
February 28. d.
SALT.
Best Cadiz Salt,
Just landing from on board the Brig Trial, for sale at Messrs. Willing and Francis's wharf by
Levinus Clarkson.
March 11. d.
City of Washington.
SCHEME OF THE LOTTERY, No. II. FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE FEDERAL CITY.
1 A magnificent } 20,000 Dollars, and dwelling house, } cash 30,000 are
 1 ditto 15,000 & cash 25,000 50,000  1 ditto 15,000 & cash 15,000 40,000  1 ditto 10,000 & cash 10,000 30,000  1 ditto 5,000 & cash 5,000 20,000  1 ditto 5,000 & cash 5,000 10,000  1 ditto 5,000 & cash 5,000 10,000  1 ditto 5,000 each, are 10,000  10 ditto 1,000 10,000  20 ditto 500 10,000  100 ditto 100 10,000  200 ditto 50 10,000  400 ditto 25 10,000  1,000 ditto 10 10,000  15,000 ditto 10 150,000 
15,739 Prizes 33,261 Blanks 50,000 Tickets at 8 dollars 400,000
This Lottery will afford an elegant specimen of the private buildings to be erected in the City of Washington—Two beautiful designs are already selected for the entire fronts on two of the public squares; from these drawings, it is proposed to erect two centre and four corner buildings, as soon as possible after this Lottery is sold, and to convey them when complete, to the fortunate adventurers, in the manner described in the scheme for the Hotel Lottery. A net deduction of five per cent will be made to defray the necessary expenses of printing, &c. and the surplus will be made a part of the fund intended for the National University, to be erected within the City of Washington.
The drawing will commence as soon as the Tickets are sold off. The money prizes will be payable in thirty days after it is finished, and any prizes for which fortunate numbers are not produced within twelve months after the drawing is closed are to be considered as given towards the fund for the University, it being determined to settle the whole business in a year from the ending of the drawing and to take up the bonds given as security.
The real securities given for the payment of the Prizes, are held by the President and two Directors of the Bank of Columbia, and are valued at more than half the amount of the Lottery.
The twenty four gentlemen who by appointment of the late Commissioners assisted in the management of the Hotel Lottery are requested to undertake this arduous task a second time on behalf of the public; a sufficient number of these having kindly accepted, it is hoped that the friends to a National University and the other federal objects may continue to favor the design. The synopsis of one of the Colleges, to form a branch of the National Institution, is already in the press, and will be speedily published, together with its constitution.
A complete Plan of the whole of this important Institution, compiled from a selection of the best materials, ancient and modern, will be submitted to the public whenever the same may have gone through such revisions as may be necessary to establish the perfect confidence and general approbation, so essential to its present rise and future existence for the general good of America.
By accounts received from the different parts of the Continent as well as from Europe, where the tickets have been sent for sale, the public are assured that the drawing will speedily commence, and that the care and caution unavoidably necessary to insure a safe disposal of the tickets, has rendered the short suspension indispensable.
February 24, 1795.
SAMUEL BLODGET. ** Tickets may be had at the Bank of Columbia; of James West & Co. Baltimore; of Gideon Devitson, Savannah; of Peter Gilman, Boston; of John Hopkins, Richmond; and of Richard Wells, Cooper's Ferry.
Aug 30 end of
To be Sold, And Possession given immediately, An elegantly situated FARM,
WITHIN one mile and a half of Princeton in New Jersey, containing two hundred and thirteen acres, of which thirty are in meadow, and more may easily be made, 47 in woodland, the rest in arable land: all but the woodland under good fence. There is water in every field and a constant stream running through the meadow, and as the upland is well adapted to grass, it might soon be made a valuable and profitable grazing Farm. There are on the premises, a handsome well finished two story Stone House, 2 rooms on the first floor, with a nine feet entry through to a pleasant piazza, three rooms on the second floor besides the grets and a dry cellar, with a two story Stone kitchen adjoining, a plentiful well of excellent water before the door, a good kitchen garden with raspberries, strawberries and peaches, a great variety of cherry trees, and a young bearing orchard of two hundred trees. Also, a barn and stables with cow houses, ninety feet long and two stories high. The house is high and very healthy, always enjoying a sweet and refreshing breeze, which with its vicinity to Princeton, renders it a desirable country seat.
Also to be Sold, a Two story brick Dwelling House, In Arch street near Front street, No. 23, sixteen and an half feet front, and the lot is 102 feet deep. Enquire of
Isaac Snowden, South Second Street. March 30 ddt—codtf
Just Published, And to be sold by Thomas Dobson, No. 41, Second street, Benjamin Davis, 68, High street, John Ormerod, 41, Chesnut street, and by the Editor of this Gazette, Proceedings of the Executive of the United States, RESPECTING THE INSURGENTS, 1794.
MARCELLUS—as published in the Virginia Gazette, in November and December 1794. HISTORY of the REVOLUTION in GENEVA. REPORT of the late Secretary of the Treasury, on the PUBLIC DEBT, March 6
FOR SALE BY Jehu Hollingsworth & Co. Below Pine Street, wharf,
EIGHTY Bales of Cayenne COTTON and a few tierces
Rokou, or Annatto Dye, Also landing this day from on board the ship American, a
Few puncheons Rum, and about 5000 bushels Turks Island Salt.
For Sale or Charter, the said ship American Apply as Above. April 2 d
THE SUBSCRIBER,
Has just received a CONSIGNMENT in the ship Betty, George Lowther, master from St. Marks, FOR SALE, Consisting of about
180,000 lbs. Coffee,
SOME Prime Sugar, Cotton & Cocoa, Which will begin to land to-morrow the 3d inst. and is offered by the subscriber on account of the concerned.
Louis Osmont. April 2. d
John Miller jun.
No. 8, Chesnut Street, Has for sale by the package, or piece,
RUSSIA SHEETINGS, TICKLENBURGS, OSNABURGS, IRISH SHEETINGS, DO. SILESIAS, (MUSLINS, PERSIANS, and NANKENS.) March 16 mw&f3w
Newcastle Pier Lottery.
Fifteen Day's drawing over, and what is surprising, all the Capital Prizes are in the wheel, except one of 1000 dollars. N. B. Information may be had for Tickets warranted undrawn, by enquiring at the Bat, Cross Keys Inn, or exchanged for Low Prizes, and Cash will be given for High Prizes.
William Aul. Friday, March 27. d
Columbianum.
Notice is hereby given,
That the Committee of Examination of Talents and Proficiency, belonging to the Columbianum or National College of Painting, Sculpture, Architecture, and Engraving continue to receive recommendations from those Artists, who mean to become Members of that Institution, inclosed to Mr. Groombridge at his house adjoining the Bank of Pennsylvania, and addressed to the chairman.
Signed by order of the Committee of Examination, &c. J. J. BARRALET, THOS. ROBSON, Ass't. Sec Feb. 27 d
UNITED STATES. PENNSYLVANIA DISTRICT.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the trials of Criminal Causes in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Pennsylvania District, will commence on Monday, the 4th day of May next, at the City Hall in Philadelphia: when and where all persons bound by recognizance or otherwise to appear, are required to attend.
By order of the Honorable William Paterson, Esq. one of the associate justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, and the Honorable Richard Peters, Esq. district judge of the United States for the Pennsylvania district.
D. LENOX, Marshal. Marshal's Office, } March 11, 1795. }
The printers of news-papers to the westward and northward of Philadelphia, are requested to insert the above. March 12 mw&f4M
WANTED IMMEDIATELY, A Counting House and Store,
On the Wharf, and a Small Genteel Dwelling House, In any part of the City.
APPLY AT No. 117, north SECOND STREET. March 28 d
This Day is published,
And for sale by William Young, No. 52, south Second street, J. Ormerod, at the old Franklin's Head, No. 41, Chesnut street, and the Editor of this Gazette,
[Price 18 Cents.]
A SERMON,
Delivered in the Second Presbyterian Church, in the City of Philadelphia, on the 19th of February, 1795, being the day of General Thanksgiving throughout the United States.
By ASHBEL GREEN, D. D. One of the Pastors of the aforesaid Church. March 18 d
This Day is Published,
And for sale by Thomas Dobson, at the Stone House, No. 41, south Second street,
Historical & Moral View OF THE ORIGIN & PROGRESS OF THE
French Revolution;
And the Effect it has produced in Europe. By MARY WOLSTONECRAFT, Handfomly Bound.—Price One Dollar.
THE magnitude of the French Revolution, the Spirit of Political Inquiry which has excited and continues to excite, and the unexampled rapidity with which the most astonishing events have succeeded one another, form altogether an object of such importance as cannot fail to arrest the attention and interest the heart of every friend to mankind; and the volume now offered to the public is not a bare recital of facts; but exhibits a view of the effects it has produced and is likely to produce, involving in its influence the fate of many millions of the Human Race. March 20 22w4w
FOR SALE, At the STORES of
Jesse & Robert Waln,
PORT WINE in pipe, hds. and quarter casks LISBON do. in pipes and quarter casks Souchong and Congo TEAS, in quarter casks
A quantity of Lisbon and Cadiz SALT Soft shelled ALMONDS in bales Velvet CORKS, in do. Russia MATTS. June 9 d
PROPOSALS
For printing by subscription, a new publication, to be entitled
The American Remembrancer & Universal Tablet of Memory.
1st. This publication will be printed on good paper, and on a good type and will contain at least 300 pages duodecimo. 2d. The price to Subscribers will be 75 cent to non-subscribers, one dollar. 3d. The Work, it is expected, will be ready for delivery, by the middle of March 4th. Those who shall obtain Subscribers, will be entitled to one copy for their trouble; to Printers and Booksellers the usual allowance will be given.
To the PUBLIC.
THE principal design of this publication is to rescue from oblivion the many important events and transactions, which, under divine providence, have been chiefly conducive to the settlement of this country, and to the establishment of our present happy form of government; as also to transmit to posterity the names and achievements of those statesmen and heroes, to whom America is most indebted for her liberty and independence.
Should any patriotic Printer think proper to patronize this undertaking by occasionally inserting the above in his paper, and procuring Subscribers, the favour will be thankfully acknowledged by the Editor.
James Hardie,
N. B. It is requested that such persons as are entrusted with subscription papers, will be so obliging as to return them by the first of March, in order that their names may be inserted as patrons of the work. Jan. 24 22wtf