Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-02-08 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER  INT HEC ETIAM SUA PRÆMIA LADIS
VOL. IV.]
MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 8, 1808.
[NO. 88.
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS SIX DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYA- BLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION.
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOYD, N. & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Boeden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
St. Ubes SALT. The CARGO of the Barque Bremen , consisting of about 6000 bushels excellent St. Ubes Salt, will be sold for cash or good paper. Apply to Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. February 2.
For Sale on moderate terms by the cask or a smaller quantity. 12 tierces Hibbert's Brown STOUT, 13 pints Four proof Cognac Brandy, 1 do. old London particular Madeira Wine, 40 hds. Antigua, Jamaica, and W. I. Rum, 7 do. Molasses; old Peach Brandy in barrels, Green St. Domingo Coffee in barrels; wrought Nails, Sheathing Nails and Spikes; Axes; Bar Iron; Fig Blue, Stone Jug; a quantity of Bran; 9 pieces fine Flannel, Bed Tick of the best quality. John Macgowan. January 28.
FOR CASH ONLY. GERMAN LINENS, &c. 16 bales coarse Linen, 450 pieces Paper Hangings 4 do. Kuffa Sheeting, 80 boxes Window Glass, 3 boxes German Bolts, 100 do. Short Pipes, 2 do. Roman Sheeting, 120 do. Spanish Segars, 1 do. fine Flanders do. From 8 to 20 dollars per box, 5 do. Patillas, 500 doz. empty Bottles, 1 do. fine Dowlas, 200 wt. nealed bottling Wire, 2 do. Table Cloth, 800 do. Glue, 1 do. common Shirt Linen, 11,000 best Coffee Bags, 1 do. extra fine do. 4,500 cheap Gunny Bags, 1 do. Bed Tick 2 yards wide, 5 boxes Tumblers, Decanters, &c. Also, 6 elegant Terrestrial Globes, A large invoice of Lace, 3 pair large Looking Glasses, Jewellery and Dice, in gilt frames, of the first elegance, Elegant Chessmen, Elegant marble Statues, Flagpoles and Climbers, Urn and Vases, Violins, Bows, and Flutes, Liquor Casks, Oil Cloth, Flutes with four and six keys, Wafer and Waffle Irons, Ladies' Dressing Boxes, Coffee Mills and Toasters, Toilet Looking Glasses, Velvet Ribbons, Shaving Casks, Fine Thread Stockings, Elegant Writing Desks, Elegant Cutlery, Scarlet Cloth for Saddles, An invoice of Watches, Seine and Sewing Twine. Watch Crystals and Beads, For sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 4.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Opposite the Market, (westward) offers for Sale, Warranted New-York SHOES, and will return the money when Shoes are bought upon his particular recommendation, if they should not wear well. He thinks he has excited himself as much to get the best and handsomest Shoes and Boots of the manufacture of the United States as any man in them, and has the assurance of the manufacturers in New-York, Philadelphia, Newark, and Baltimore, where the Shoes and Boots are made purposely for this market , that they shall be in all cases customers' work; and the report of a great number of those who have purchased Shoes, confirms their being so. He has now on hand, A general assortment of fresh New-York SHOES. For Ladies there are a variety of new Kid Patterns; Velvet Slippers, different colours, neat workmanship; of Silk & Tabby Velvet; Morocco Boots, Bootees, and Walking Shoes, to tie and not to tie, with cork soles and without, &c. For gentlemen, Boile's well known stout and light fine seal leather Shoes and Morocco Pumps, with several other kinds; For Misses, a variety of Morocco and Leather. For Boys, very fine for dancing, common, strong, lined and bound, and coarse. For Children, Morocco Bootees, different colours, sized from 3 to 1, leather Pumps, Shoes and Bootees; and for Servants, such as appear to be of very superior quality. There is attached to the Store a very comfortable back room, where Ladies may retire for the purpose of trying on Shoes or Boots. He has a great variety of English Kid Shoes, some of which having been long on hand, will be sold at 7. 6d.; and a quantity of the most fashionable Embellishments, quite fresh at reduced prices. He has on hand, SHOES made by a very faithful workman in this vicinity, of the best wax-leather, in a shape to suit old gentlemen, with which he will be regularly supplied. Vernon's elegant Baltimore BOOTS, kept in such quantity as to give a probability of fitting any person; sold at the prices in Baltimore. New-York Pilots' BOOTS, an improvement upon the plan of Fishermens' Boots. A considerable quantity of Boston SHOES and BOOTS, kept for the purpose of supplying those who must have what they think cheap, not appearing to know, that the best things, are generally, the cheapest; these will be sold low. He is in expectation of a quantity of the most elegant Philadelphia KID SLIPPERS, by the first vessel. With due encouragement, he is perfectly confident he can supply handsomer and better Shoes and Boots, than has been furnished by any person in this place heretofore; and if better, ultimately cheaper—but without it, it is impossible to keep a good assortment. He has also, A quantity of India COTTONS; a few tons of BAR IRON; and Pennsylvania BUTTER in small kegs, nicely pickled, at 20 cents. Just received by Ferguson's Packet from Baltimore, a fresh supply of Vernon's Winter BOOTS.
SENATE OF VIRGINIA.  TUESDAY, January 19.
The Senate went into committee of the whole, to take into consideration the resolutions of the house of delegates to procure amendments to the federal constitution; for authorising congress, by a vote of a majority of both houses, to remove the federal judges, and for empowering the state legislatures to recall their senators in congress at pleasure. The first proposition being under consideration, Mr. Doddridge commenced the debate with the following speech: Mr. Chairman,
This is a subject of vital importance.—I deem it the duty of every member to impart to the committee all the light he possesses, in order to induce a correct decision. This duty, I will proceed to discharge in the best manner my poor abilities will enable me. And I will endeavour to confine myself to such important topics, as have escaped the attention of other gentlemen, during the long and able discussions of another body.
The administration of criminal justice is by our constitution and laws, confided to courts and juries; to courts to expound the laws; and to juries to enquire into the facts. A complete judicial independence, if it exist at all, must exist in both these bodies; and it is by embracing them both in our views, that we can, alone, arrive at a proper conclusion. Instead, therefore, of confining myself to the tenure, by which the judges hold their commissions as most gentlemen have done, I will consider it, in connexion with the tenure of the sheriffs office. And first, in order of time, I will examine the latter.
Sheriffs in England, were first elected by the people, annually, and commissioned by the king. They continued to be so elected until the reign of Edward II. when on pretext that popular elections had grown turbulent and tumultuous, they were abolished, and sheriffs were assigned by the chancellor, treasurer and the judges. During the time of the Tudors, the power of appointment was vested in the chancellor, president of the king's council, chief justices and chief baron. This council of appointment was constituted of the king's creatures; all of them holding their own offices at his will. By influencing the judges directly and the summoning of juries indirectly, the king was capable of sacrificing every subject, marked out by his ministers for destruction. Not content however, with this indirect influence, this arbitrary line of princes, particularly Henry VI. and after him, Elizabeth, usurped the power of appointing sheriffs without any previous nomination, and of commissioning them durante bene placito . The exercise of this power, together with the king's non obstante , and suspending and dispening powers, among other things, brought Charles I. to the block, and was one of the causes of the final expulsion of the Stewart family. The cruel and inhuman use of these powers under the celebrated Jeffries, must be known to every gentleman in this committee.
On tendering the crown to William III. and Mary II. the lords and commons, framed the Bill of Rights, which the king sanctioned. It repealed the suspending and dispensing powers: it abolished the court of High Commission: it prohibited the raising money from the people without consent of parliament; the maintaining of standing armies in time of peace, inflicting cruel and unusual punishments, and demanding excessive bail. It provided for the liberty of the press, and of speech: And it, moreover, secured the due impanelling of jurors, and declared that in cases of high treason these should be free-holders.
Finding by fatal experience, that laws were insufficient for the happiness of the people, unless faithfully dispensed by the judges: And that judges appointed by the king, removable at his pleasure, and paid with his own bounty, out of his civil list revenues, had in all arbitrary reigns, been the mere instruments of the king's vengeance; the parliament in 1692 passed a bill for "securing the freedom of trial, the unbiased administration of justice, and the liberty of the subject; by depriving the Sovereign of the power to remove the judges except for official misdemeanor." This bill, as it ought, received the protest of the infamous Jeffries; and was negatived by the king. The parliament made several other fruitless attempts to rescue their courts from the king's domination; but were unsuccessful, until the thirteenth year of his reign, when they bestowed the succession of the crown on the princess Sophia of Hanover, at the king's desire, in consideration of which he granted that the judges should hold their commissions during good behaviour; but they might be removed at the desire of both houses. The judges were still dependant on every success or to the crown until the first of George III. who recommended it to the parliament to secure them against the king's demise, for which
he received the unanimous thanks of the lords, commons and people.
While the people elected the sheriffs, it was a considerable security to the subject, that if the king sought his ruin unjustly, the people were for that very reason, his friends; and their officer selected a jury for his trial. The corrupt slave of a despot might preside at his trial, but an impartial jury had the power of passing between him and his king. This security was effectually removed by abolishing popular elections, and placing the sheriffs office under the patronage of the judges and great officers of the kingdom. But when the judges were rendered independent, the sheriffs office followed the same fate—The judges constituted a majority of the council of appointment, and being themselves independent of the crown, the crown could no longer influence the sheriffs. Thus, by accident, and a fortunate course of events, that every instrument which despotism had contrived for the subjects destruction, became a shield for his protection. And the world saw, for the first time, a judiciary, in all respects independent of corrupt influence, under whose authority the innocent object of kingly or popular fury, could, with equal security, laugh to scorn a monarch and a mob.
When the judiciary became emancipated from slavery, the bill of rights began to operate: a sense of justice returned to the nation. The parliament began to try the victims of its former corruption and malice. It proceeded to reverse attainders which had disgraced the late reigns, and to restore to their descendants the fortunes, and as far as they could, the honors, of honest men, long since in their graves. They forfeited the estate of Jeffries, and from that period to the present day, they have been examining the guilt or innocence of the patriots condemned and executed, without trial. Among others, they have since their executions, acquitted Johnston, lord Russell, Algernon Sidney and alderman Cornish. And as far as my memory serves me, no attainder has taken place, which it has afterwards been found necessary to reverse, from the year 1701 to the present time.
I will now, Mr. Chairman, examine the judicial system of this commonwealth, and compare its independence with that of the judiciary of Great Britain.
By the 5th article of our bill of rights, the people of this state, have declared that the "legislative, executive, and judiciary powers ought to be separate and distinct; and that the members of the two first be restrained from oppression," they proceed to declare, that at stated periods, they ought to return to the body of the people. And the 13th article of our constitution provides, that the judges, secretary, attorney general, and all the clerks of courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour; and that the judges and attorney general shall have adequate and fixed salaries. Hence, it may seem, that the judges of Virginia are more independent than the judges of Great Britain; but I will presently show that they are but equally so. They are equally liable to impeachment, and for the same offences: not they cannot be removed at the desire of the legislature, which I consider as being a nominal responsibility in G. Britain, but would be a fatal one in this country.
How have we secured the sheriffs? nearly as they are secured in England: but we have made them yet more independent. Our county courts, are ever living aristocratick bodies, with the mutual power of supplying their own vacancies. They are to nominate to the executive, at least two persons: as the English judges nominate three; and in like manner the executive are bound to commission one. But this nomination, in Virginia, is confined to the members of the body nominating! Thus, it appears, that the illustrious framers of our state constitution, have adopted, for the people of this state, as far as the different frame of government would permit, copied a complete and effectual system of judicial independence: the effects of which had been tried for seventy-five years by their ancestors, and which was found to bring home to all men a full security for property and personal liberty.
But did they stop here? They did not.—Like the people of England they had provided "for the freedom of trials. The impartial administration of justice and the liberty of the" citizen; by depriving legislative and executive departments of the power to remove the judges, "except for official misbehaviour." But they adopted the same means for securing the people from vexatious prosecutions. They secured for this purpose an independent tenure for the office of attorney general that he might be also removed from legislative and executive influence. They did the same for the clerks of courts, who are intrusted with those records which are the perpetual evidence of property, of honour, and of infamy, so that whatever concerns, or in the smallest degree intermeddles in the administration of justice is placed beyond the reach
of legislative or executive controul. And yet this universal scheme of judicial independence, met the reprobation of some of our most enlightened citizens—not because of its strength; but because of its weakness, since under pretext of making the salaries adequate, the assembly could starve their judges out of their places. It was contended that the freedom of trial could never be sacred, unless the legislature were deprived of the power of lessening the salaries of judges during their continuance in office. This defect furnishes Mr. Jefferson's fourth objection to our state constitution. I will quote him in his own words: because they convey my own opinion, in language, better than I am master of "All the powers of government, legislative, executive and judiciary, result to the legislative body. The concentrating these in the same hands is precisely the definition of despotic government. It will be no alleviation that these powers will be exercised by a plurality of hands, and not by a single one—173 despots would surely be oppressive as one. Let those who doubt it, turn their eyes on the republic of Venice. As little will it avail us that they are chosen by ourselves. An elective despotism was not the government we fought for; but one which should not only be founded on pure principles, but one in which the powers of government should be so divided and balanced among several bodies of magistracy, as that no one could transcend their legal limits, without being effectually checked and restrained by the others.—For these reasons, that convention which passed the ordinance of government, laid its foundation on this basis, that the legislative, judiciary, and executive departments should be separate and distinct so that no person should exercise the powers of more than one of them at the same time. But no barrier was placed between these several powers—The judiciary and executive members were left dependent on the legislature for their subsistence in office, and some of them for their continuance in it. If, therefore, the legislature assumes executive and judiciary powers no opposition is likely to be made: nor if made, can it be effectual."
Mr. Jefferson, in his own frame of government, drawn up with a view to submit it to the state convention expected to be convened in 1784, proposes to provide effectually against the power to lessen the judges salaries during their continuance in office.
I will next examine the judicial tenure as secured by the constitution of the United States, which it is now proposed to alter and impair. And that tenure is precisely the tenure of the Virginia judges, except that the salaries of federal judges cannot be diminished during their continuance in office. The constitution of the United States, as to this subject is precisely what Mr. Jefferson supposes the constitution of Virginia and of every free state ought to be. The only defect which he has discovered in the judicial tenure in his native state, is effectually provided against by the federal constitution. And there was a time when this opinion was unanimously entertained, and cherished in a convention, containing the highest constellation of talents and patriots, that this commonwealth ever produced. That convention which adopted the federal constitution. From an examination of the debates of that body as published, it will appear that human invention and integrity were put to the torture to conjecture up objections to the scheme of government then under their consideration. Some of these were calculated to excite our wonder and surprize and others our contempt. Yet in this heat of opposition; this determination to find fault, not one solitary voice was heard against the independence of the judges.—The power to make treaties; to raise taxes; to build navies; each department of the government, as they separately came under consideration, met with rigid scrutiny. The necessity of a federal judiciary was disputed; but this being resolved on, there was one unanimous opinion that that judiciary should be a separate, distinct and independent branch of the proposed government; and the judges should hold their offices during good behaviour and be only removable by impeachment. There were some members, and among them the immortal Henry, who contended that the tenure proposed was not sufficiently independent!—And there were others who considered the excellence of this branch as sufficient to redeem the constitution from the other errors which they attributed to it.
In pursuing the comparison between the federal judiciary and those of Virginia and Great Britain, I feel myself bound to admit that the first is very defective; for the office of marshal is in the absolute power and controul of the president and holden at his pleasure. I cannot say that every man, on this account, lies at the president's mercy, but I will say that a fair trial can hardly be expected when the president becomes the prosecutor, as he is frequently bound to do, of what avail is it to the citizen, that his judge is in-

Accounts from Washington relative to the negotiation of Mr. Rose, are so contradictory, that it is not possible to form any opinion. One account affirms that the negotiations are at an end, and another that they are proceeding in the most amicable train.
These are only the conjectures of quidnunes, who cannot allow that they do not know something, of what they really know nothing. The fact is, that nothing has yet transpired on which a correct judgment of the result can be formed.
A few weeks since there were a number of seamen in our town, and now there are scarcely any. The embargo has detained the shipping, but the seamen have disappeared.
If one did not know that our administration is not partial, he would conclude that this embargo was partly designed to facilitate the successful operation of the British proclamation, recalling the mariners of that country. Certain it is, that the embargo has compelled a number of English seamen to obey the proclamation, which is one advantage (and the only one) derived from it.
MR. GREY, a Democratic Member of Congress from Virginia, sent the following letter to Mr. Bradley in reply to his circular letter, calling a Caucus.— United States Gazette.
"SIR—Your proclamation dated the 19th inst. and addressed to me I have just received, and I take the earliest moment to declare my abhorrence of the usurpation of power declared to be vested in you—of your mandatory style, and the object contemplated. I deny that you possess any right to call upon the republican members of congress or other persons at this time and place to attend a caucus for the presidential election. You must permit me to remind you that it was a far different purpose for which my constituents reposed their confidence in me. I cannot consent either in an individual or representative capacity to countenance by my presence the midnight intrigues of any set of men who may arrogate to themselves the right (which belongs only to the people) of selecting proper persons to fill the important offices of president and vice-president, nor do I suppose that the honest people of these United States can much longer suffer in silence so direct and palpable an invasion upon the most important and sacred right belonging exclusively to them."
Capt. Brann, who arrived at Boston from Leghorn, which he left on the 14th of October, informs, that the Americans there had addressed a memorial to gen. Armstrong, complaining of their being detained, under Buonaparte's decree, as having cargoes of British manufacture or growth; praying that he would use his influence that they might be liberated, or their fate in some way decided. Phil. Gaz.
From the Boston Centinel.
NEW REMEDIES FOR OBSTINATE DISEASES. Are your sailors occasionally impressed, and does about one in 600 suffer inconvenience from the misconduct of foreign officers?
Remedy.—Why, starve the whole fifty thousand sailors—it will be a radical cure.
Does France threaten to blockade Great Britain, and declare that she will capture all your ships bound thence, and will she in fact take about two or three in one hundred?
Remedy.—Why, Embargo all your commerce, both to England, France, and all the world.
Are you afraid that the foreign nations will cut off your resources?
Remedy.—Why, keep at home fish and flour until it rots, and your hogs and oxen until they eat off their heads.
Do your merchants overtrade, and expose their creditors to losses from failure?
Remedy.—Why lay an embargo, oblige them to stop payment, and then settle their accounts with the sheriffs. This is an excellent remedy both for debtor and creditor.
Does France pass a most unjust blockading decree in violation of the law of Nations?
Remedy.—Why lay an embargo in order to punish not her but Great Britain—If this will not answer go to war with England in order to punish France.
Are you in danger of French usurpation and domination and is the navy of England the only check to it?
Remedy.—Why try to destroy this Navy which protects you from French invasion, and fight to despatch these involuntary defenders.
Do you wish to encourage your own Sailors? And do they now suffer inconveniences?
Remedy.—Why encourage as many foreign sailors as possible—and throw all your own out of employ.
Is it a real evil that New-England in its fisheries, its commerce and agriculture is acquiring wealth too rapidly, and attaining too great weight to your Union?
Remedy.—Continue your Embargo system which will effectually destroy New England, and reduce her to infinite distress.
GLORIOUS EFFECTS OF THE EMBARGO.
GENERAL ASSEMBLY. Begun and held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, on Monday the 7th day of December, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and seven, and of the Commonwealth the thirty-second. An ACT, concerning the sale of Property, under Executions and Incumbrances.
[PASSED FEBRUARY 1ST, 1808.]
Be it enacted by the General Assembly, That so much of the act, passed on the tenth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three, entitled "An act for further continuing and amending the act, entitled, an act for reducing into one, the several acts, concerning executions, and or the relief of insolvent debtors," as directs, that when goods or other estate, taken in execution,
intelligent and impartial, if influence and corruption have conspired in selecting his jury? if facts are found against him by partial men on incredible testimony, and he suffers death or infamy unmeritedly, it is the same thing to him whether the error be in the judge or the marshal: whether it flow from a dependent judiciary or a dependent officer of the president.
Mr. Chairman. I will now proceed to shew that to be impeachable and removable at the desire of both houses of Parliament, is practically the same thing as to be impeachable only—in other words, that prejudice and party spirit cannot produce a vote for removal. The kings, lords and commons, are three different estates; having different interests and privileges to preserve. And these different interests operate as continual checks on each other. To suppose an act of a judge not unlawful and therefore not impeachable, it must have some character or other; it is offensive to the king, the lords or the commons; it is next to impossible to offend them all by one and the same act, and unless this be done all will not unite in the removal. Strength and weakness are relative terms. Lessen the kingly power and by relation the strength of the nobles is increased. Weaken the legal prerogative and the freedom of the subject is by so much promoted. Has a judge rendered an opinion destructive of prerogative which would dispose the sovereign to his removal? He is for that very reason the favorite of the people and the commons, their representatives will not concur. Has he trenched upon the liberty of the subject, and have the commons turned against him? He is in the latter case equally secure of royal support. And the same thing must happen between the king and the nobles; and between the nobles and commons. This opinion may now be tested by experience—one hundred and seven years have elapsed since the judges were subject to this mode of removal, and no address for that purpose has ever passed, which proves either that this mode of removal is not practicable; or that since the judges have been independent, they have been above suspicion: which the world knows they never were before.
But when we consider our own institution, we can be at no loss to know how the power of removal in this country would operate, if vested in both houses of congress. As we have never seen, so shall we never see, a president without his majorities in the legislature. This may be expected for two reasons: First, the president and congress are elected by the same people: the same majority who elect a president because of certain political opinions, will elect a majority of representatives who approve the same opinions, and the same people electing the members of their state governments, will indirectly, though, as certainly, secure the appointment of senators. From this view it appears to me to be madness to look for a president with a disobedient congress. It has, heretofore, been fashionable to attribute the subserviency of congress, to the patronage of the executive. Let this be granted to have its influence; and it may be considered as a second cause; combining with popular opinion to produce a continual agreement between the president and congress. The moment it is conceded that this last cause operates at all, it must also be conceded, that in all succeeding times its operation must increase with the increasing wealth and population, and extending territory of our country: because this increase and extension, necessarily increases the number of appointments, with their attendant honour and emoluments, in the gift of the president—what we have already seen, we must expect, therefore to see hereafter in a greater degree. And what follows? Certain destruction to every citizen whom the president wills to destroy. The process of this evil is extremely simple if this amendment be adopted—precisely as simple as the most despotick of the Tudors, could have desired. It will be only for the president, previous to a meeting of congress, to engage a few presses in the holy work of covering an upright judge with obloquy; and by sending an executive message to the two houses, he is removed, before he hears of an accusation. The judge being out of the way, and the president having the power of appointment be can place in his stead an instrument of his own purpose; and thus he can secure the judgment seat; while the marshal's office is already his own. The president may therefore select both judge and jury for any wicked purpose his ambition may suggest.
It has been said to be inconsistent with the principles of a republican government, to grant to any officer a power, which he may hold in such manner, as not to be responsible to the people. The answer to this objection is, that the judge is responsible to the people, by being responsible to their laws, and if a more immediate responsibility has been shewn to be dangerous to liberty and the security of property; then the independence of the judges cannot be inconsistent with the principles of republicanism, except in so far as these principles are themselves inconsistent with liberty and the security of property. But this alteration affects to render the judges accountable to congress and not to the people, it secures a subordination in one department of the government; a subordination forbidden by our bill of rights. Let this subordination be effected, and we shall never hear a court of justice pronounce an act of the government unconstitutional and therefore void: No, not even if congress were by a law to declare themselves in office ten years instead of two. Nor will we ever see the injured citizen remunerated in damages, who has suffered under the operation of unconstitutional executive orders. The case of the warrant issued by the secretary of state contrary to law, may often occur in our country, but we shall never see the arm of the law arresting the force of executive power.
I have heard it contended, of late, that for honest but impolitic opinions, a judge ought to be removed, if such opinions be disapproved by the government or people. In support of this position I have heard two cases supposed, they were these: that if a judge, during the protectorate of Oliver Cromwell, had decided that to levy war against his government, was not to commit treason; because his government was an unlawful one. Or if a judge, while there lived a pretender to the British throne, had declared that this pretender had more right to the crown than the Hanoverian house of princes; yet innocent and conscientious as these opinions might be, the judge ought to be removed, for the safety of the government and the good of the people. Now the declarations of the opinions supposed are both cases of high treason, and for treason the judges were always removable by impeachment. This
argument I merely notice, for the purpose of shewing into what ridiculous dilemmas the enemies of judicial independence are obliged to bring themselves.
The last and most singular argument I have heard, is nothing but the common cant, about antient and corrupt establishments. It is said, that this judicial independence is an antient monarchical contrivance, calculated to raise the creature above its creator; that our convention found it interwoven with our institutions when they made our present constitution, and adopted it in a manner sub silentio ; and that it is now high time to put forth the pruning hook of modern reformation and lop it off—If this argument were intended to prove that those who urge it were ignorant of the past and entirely incapable of judging of the future, it would be fully sufficient for its purpose. Our patriots who framed the constitution, deserved not this censure. They considered this subject in all its bearings. They foresaw that presidents might abuse power as well as kings. They knew that this abuse was incident to man, and believing that men now are, what they have been, they very wisely supposed they will hereafter be what they now are; weak and imperfect beings. But if there were any thing in this argument how does it apply? Certainly against the proposed change. Judicial independence is but a modern improvement, and those who attack it are following the lofty example of the parliament in the time of Richard the second, who abolished popular elections for sheriffs and placed that office virtually in the gift of the king. Indeed the advocates of this change surpass that example. Whatever concerned the happiness of the English people, was by that parliament prostrated at the foot of the throne.—They gave their all; and this resolution proposes the same. But we have more blessings to give, and therefore our sacrifice will be greater. Liberty, the English people had not; but life and property they had. These they gave away—we have life and property also, and we have liberty, and all these, we are asked to place at the mercy of every future president.
Mr. Chairman. Before I sit down I must ask the committee to consider some circumstances that are gathering around us, and to reflect whether this be the proper time to weaken the judiciary. Do we not see in one state the most evident and alarming symptoms of hostility, not only to the federal judiciary, but to the system of legal trial by courts and juries? In one great state there is now in force an act of assembly, for authorising the governor to call out the militia, in order to resist the marshal of the United States, in the execution of a decree, pronounced by a federal district court, in a case where the supreme court of errors and appeals of that state, refused to hold cognizance of the cause, on the ground that its cognizance belonged to the federal courts—and the supreme court of the United States decided that the federal district court has jurisdiction—in the same state a dispute has subsisted a great length of time between certain companies and settlers under them upon their lands. The state has sold to the companies and received the purchase money; it has now in form taken sides with the settlers, and lately by a special act ordered a particular court to be holden, and feigned issues to be made up, by which the law was, as matter of fact, to be tried by a jury, and their determination to be a precedent in the like cases. If the settlers prevail, the consequence will be, that the state will again receive the purchase money from them. The supreme court of the United States, decided against the settlers, and last winter the legislature of that state resolved, that they had no interest, and therefore the federal courts had no cognizance of the causes. This resolution they ordered to be certified to all the federal judges and marshals—we may observe by the publick prints that a resolution is now laying on the table of one house of the legislature of one of the states, for vesting in traverse jurors, in civil cases, the right to decide on the competency of all witnesses brought before them: and I doubt not that the author of the resolution knew that it did not embrace the relevancy of testimony, he would include it also.—There is another state in which a late law has provided, that lands advertised for sale for non-payment of taxes, shall be advertised to be sold in the township where they are situated:—Provided nevertheless, that if a sale should happen to be made in a different township, such sale shall be good. This act must have been passed for the base purpose of speculating on the lands of people not residing in the state. Great speculations have been made. The federal courts could not sanction such nefarious proceedings, and yet the state judges would be obliged to do it or resign.
How stand the judiciaries of these states; that of one is appointed for seven years at a time; and that of the other is removable on an address from the legislature if the governor concurs. And if the amendment under consideration obtains, he must be ignorant of human nature, who can believe that these states will not compel their representatives to vote for the removal of every judge whose opinions thwart their views, nor do I believe the legislature of Kentucky would act differently. Our own citizens own much real property in that state, and this assembly has, heretofore given unequivocal proof of its desire to preserve this property a subject of federal cognizance. Here then, independently of the operation of party passions and popular prejudices, are three great states whose interests impel them to hostility to an independent federal judiciary.
Let me now enquire of gentlemen wherefore they desire this change? This question they are unable to answer. I discover that no two members agree in opinion whether any, and what evils exists, and the manner or mode of effecting a remedy. There is a fatal agreement that a change is necessary, but as to what that change shall be, there is no agreement. The gentlemen desire to make the federal judges dependent on the state legislatures: another on three fourths of the state legislatures; another on the people; another on a majority of each house of congress and the president; another on these majorities without the president; another on two thirds of each house; and another on a majority of one house and two thirds of the other. Thus the enemies of judicial independence are united by no common object or motive. They are only identified by one accident. That diabolus mutandi by which they are infected. While they act on the probability of corruption in one department of the government; they will not admit the possibility of the same thing in another, even as a ground of argument against them. They forget that the departments are ideal things: and the men who fill them the real-
ties. This is not a warfare against departments, but against human nature, and even in this they are inconsistent; to day they will confide nothing to a judge, who has no power to abuse; but they can rely with confidence in the purity and patriotism of those who hold the sword and the purse, and preside over questions of peace and war. To-morrow they will attack the senate of the United States, and the next day the President.
Mr. Chairman. If no danger is to be apprehended from the departments of government; these departments have much to fear from one common evil with which all our institutions are threatened; the ambition and folly of young gentlemen who begin to fill our legislative houses—The love of distinction, is a ruling passion. It operates alike in every department and pursuit in life. That thirst for glory by which the young subaltern is impelled to court danger, and to rush into the heat and fury of battle, is nothing more than the love of distinction—by the same motive is the youthful hero of political strife actuated. When first he is elected by the people, he is resolved to distinguish himself in their service. Until he takes his seat, his dreams are those of honour and renown; at length he enters the legislative hall, his pocket filled with propositions on paper, and his head swimming with visions. He commences the career that is to lead him to glory, by a bold and vigorous attack on the constitutions of his country. He besieges the ramparts by which the liberty of the nation is secured, and while he supposes he is widening and strengthening their base, he is scattering their broken fragments before the tempest of his passions. If you talk to these young heroes about experience, your words are thrown away—refer them no farther back than to the times and opinions of their grandfathers, and their vision is so intercepted and perverted by the mist of time, that you will be told of the "deeds of error and superstition, done and committed in the dark and benighted ages of antiquity." They fancy their own time to be the blessed era of human perfection, and themselves the fortunate instruments of its influence. Against such heroes I would caution this committee; and invite them to seek for a more honourable and less perishable glory, by using the weight of their talents and official stations, in awakening the people to a sense of their true interests, and restoring their wandering affections to the laws and institutions of their country.
There is ever danger in acting on the frenzy of the moment, and considering it as the judgment of the nation. If we were to receive as indications of the publick judgment, violent but temporary impressions, the result of casual and fleeting circumstances, we should be ever at sea—what should we say of the publick judgment at this time? That it has most strangely veered about.
In 1794 the federal judges were accused of introducing arbitrary constructive treason. During a shameful rebellion, the officers of government had been driven out of the country. Their persons assaulted, their offices plundered and burnt, and their functions suspended. A brigade had assembled in arms under its officers and other leaders, and the publick mail was taken. The judges decided that if men conspire to oppose by force, the execution of a general statute, and if in pursuance of such conspiracy, they assemble in force and proceed to apply that force to any unlawful purpose connected with their main design, this is treason. By the party calling themselves republican, this decision was denounced every where, from Georgia to Maine. It was declared to be constructive treason; and that levying war, could only exist in meeting and opposing the regular or militia forces of the government. A federal judge has lately decided that if in pursuance of a treasonable conspiracy to overturn the government, men assembled in force and in a condition to act, they are guilty of treason by levying of war, without any application of that to force to an unlawful purpose. What is now the republican judgment? Why, that this latter opinion most shamefully limits the ground, so that traitors may escape—A conspiracy to commit treason, is treason, by levying war, if we rely on temporary impressions made on the publick mind. Have we not seen a powerful party contending that the jury in Callender's case had a right to pronounce the law under which he was indicted unconstitutional? And do we not now hear the same party denouncing this power in a judge, and are they not labouring to confide it solely to the legislature who pass a law, to judge of its constitutionality? It is not only in the populace we behold these whimsical conceits. Chase was accused and impeached for awarding a capias on an indictment returnable in term time, and ruling the party to trial for a misdemeanour unless he could shew cause of continuance. In a work now in the hands of every gentleman, this resolution of judge Chase is condemned as being at variance with the usual practice of this state by a judge who has followed the same practice.
These ordinary fluctuations in publick opinion, I only mention to shew to what extremes men are sometimes carried by party spirit, and that there are times when a reasonable man is bound to distrust his own judgment and forbear to act, unless acting be an immediate duty. Such is the present time, and I hope this body will resist its untoward tendencies, and cherish the institutions of our country.
TUESDAY, JAN. 20.
Major Sheffy made a long and luminous argument against the resolution. After the close of Mr. Sheffy's speech, Mr. Nelson moved an amendment which went to provide, that judges should be removable on impeachment and conviction of treason, for any high crime or misdemeanour, bribery or incapacity, and that a majority of the senate should be sufficient to convict.
This amendment went to defeat the proposed power of removal by a vote of both houses.
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 21.
Mr. Nelson's amendment was, at his own desire, so amended as to require the present constitutional majority. Mr. Nelson supported his proposition by a very able argument. It was opposed by Messrs. Daniel, Sheffy and Dodd ridge, and rejected 14 to 5. When the question recurring on the original resolution, it was rejected 13 to 6.
The ayes and noes being called, were—Ayes—Thomas Maclin, Houlder Hudgins, John Pegram, Robert G. Robb, William B. Hare, John P. Hungerford, 6.
Noes—William Daniel, Miles Selden, Daniel Smith, Nicholas Sebell, Isaac H. Coles, Lewis Wolfe, Daniel Sheffy, John C. Hunter, Philip Doridge, Richard Brooke, John Dabney, Robert Nelson and Thomas M. Bailey, 13.

cannot be sold for three-fourths of their value, the debtor or debtors, may give bond and security to pay the debt within twelve months, or that the said goods, or other estates, may be sold on twelve months credit, and every part of the said recited act, as concerns such executions, either in the appointment of commissioners to carry the same into effect, or for the direction of the sheriff or other officer, or the clerk of any court in suing out execution on any such bond, or of any other person whomsoever, and of every matter or thing therein contained, shall be, and the same is hereby declared to be in full force: And all courts, sheriffs and other officers, as well as the parties concerned, are to govern themselves accordingly, any thing in any law to the contrary notwithstanding.
Be it further enacted , That before any commissioners appointed by the decree of any court of chancery, to sell any real or personal estate, or any trustee under any deed of trust, hereafter executed, shall proceed to sell the estate decreed to be sold, or conveyed in trust, the commissioners directed to be appointed by this act, or any three of them, shall value the estate intended to be sold, on the request of the creditor, and if three-fourths at least of the estimated value, shall not be offered by the highest bidder, the estate shall not be then sold, nor shall it be at any time thereafter sold during the continuance of this act, for less than three-fourths of such estimated value: The valuation shall be made and entered in writing, signed by the commissioners or any three of them, and delivered to the commissioners appointed by the courts of chancery, and to the trustees respectively.
The commissioners who may act by virtue of this section, shall be entitled to the sum of one dollar for each day they shall be employed, to be paid by the creditor, to be taxed in the bill of costs.
The provisions of this act, shall not extend to executions, which may issue against any sheriff or other public officer, for delinquencies, or failing to pay money received on executions, nor to executions which may issue against any attorney at law, for money received in behalf of his client or clients. All valuations of property made or to be made by commissioners, shall be according to the ordinary value of property, before the first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
The provisions of this act, shall not be construed to extend to any execution issued upon any judgment obtained by any bank established by law. The provisions of this act, shall extend to executions issued by any justice of the peace, mayor, or alderman, for all sums exceeding ten dollars, exclusive of costs; and the constable or other officer, taking any bond, by virtue of this act, shall return the same within thirty days, to the clerk's office of the county, in which such execution shall have issued, to be proceeded on as other replevy bonds. And all executions which shall be awarded on forthcoming bonds executed before the commencement of this act, shall be proceeded in as other executions: but the proceedings on all forthcoming bonds executed thereafter, shall be as heretofore.
So much of this act as authorizes the appointment of commissioners, shall be in force from and after the passing thereof: and the several county and corporation courts, shall appoint such commissioners at their next February terms, or as soon thereafter as practicable; and the residue of this act, shall commence and be in force, from and after the first day of March next, and continue in force, until the expiration of thirty days after the discontinuance of the embargo, laid by the congress of the United States during the present session. But so much of this, and the above recited act, as authorizes and directs the manner of proceeding on replevy bonds, taken by virtue of this act, shall be, and the same is hereby made perpetual.
RICHMOND, Feb. 5.
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress, received by last night's mail, dated 2d inst.
The following resolution was this day laid before the house of representatives. The yeas and nays were called on its being received, and carried, ayes 67, noes 45. A very animated discussion ensued. Adjourned without a decision.
Resolved , That it is expedient, and the public good requires that the seat of Government be removed to the City of Philadelphia for years; and that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for that purpose.
WASHINGTON CITY, February 1.
The Military Court of Enquiry in the case of General Wilkinson have had two meetings during the past week, without any evidence having been adduced. They meet again this day.
We have received by the last mail from Chillicothe the "Fredonian" of the 12th ult. on the margin of which it is said "Burr and Blennerhassett arrived here last evening."
CHARLESTON, January 28.
It was reported at Havana, when the Sally sailed, the 18th inst. that the British had landed a force at St. Jago de Cuba. Capt. Lark informs that vessels were daily arriving at Havana from different parts of the United States, in distress!
January 29.
Reports of the Embargo had reached Kingston before the 16th inst.; but from the great number of arrivals from the United States, provisions, &c. continued low.
LATE FROM GIBRALTAR.
BOSTON, January 22.
Captain Brann, who arrived yesterday, left Gibraltar on the 27th of November. There was no news from the Russian fleet which was up the Mediterranean. A Russian man of war sailed from Gibraltar into the Atlantic about the 20th. The Toulon fleet had not recently ventured out of harbour. The Barbary cruisers were not molesting the trade of any nation. There were reports at Gibraltar that the Spaniards intended to bombard that place—but the apparent situation of the Spanish lines did not indicate that such a design was to be executed very speedily. The Spaniards continue to capture American vessels. Off Madeira saw a fleet of six ships of war, steering S. E. supposed to be British.
GIBRALTAR, Nov. 21.
The army from Egypt arrived at Messina on 18th of October. The Turks gave up all prisoners.
Yesterday arrived his majesty's ship Thetis
from the Dardanelles, fast against Algiers, with sir A. Paget on board. [Sir A. P. was an envoy extraordinary to the Turkish government; by his return it appears that he has wholly failed in his mission.]
"After the king of Spain's proclamation respecting the late conspiracy was published, the French ambassador immediately demanded cognizance of the cause and proceedings against the prince of Asturias, the king's son, and the other accomplices.—Great consternation prevailed at Madrid, and every thing announced a grand catastrophe; but it was not apprehended the results would be prejudicial or greatly injurious to those under confinement. On the 2d of Nov. two days after the proclamation, the prince of Asturias was released, in consequence of the clamours of the people."
Important Insurance Case.
Court of King's Bench, Guildhall.
Tuesday, December 1.
WEDDERBURN v. BELL.
This was an action to recover the amount of a policy of insurance on the ship Minorca, from Jamaica to London. In the progress of the voyage it appeared the vessel had been totally lost, and the present action had been instituted against the underwriters. The fact of the vessel being lost was fully proved.
For the defendant it was made out, that the vessel had sailed destitute of her complement of hands; also that the cargo had shifted, and that it had broke through the ship's bottom. There had also been neglect in the management of the rigging, and to these causes, for which the defendants were not responsible, was the loss of the Minorca to be ascribed. The jury returned a verdict for the defendants.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE.
On the Resolution for requesting the President to cause an enquiry to be made into the conduct of General Wilkinson.
Monday, January 11.
Mr. Randolph said, if the gentleman just sate down, had not given his hasty impressions, but left his good understanding free to operate, his objections to the resolution would have vanished. The great mistake made by every gentleman who opposed this measure on constitutional grounds was this: that they looked upon an enquiry made by this house through the organ of one of its committees as leading to the punishment of the individual implicated, and that where this house was not competent to inflict punishment, it was incompetent to make enquiry—this was the great stumbling-block which had impeded their apprehension. But he would ask the gentleman from Massachusetts whether this house was not competent to make an enquiry for its own legislative guidance? Was it not competent, as well in its capacity of supervisor of the publick peace, as to obtain a guide for its own actions, to enquire into this matter? Was not the house clothed with the power of disbanding the army? Now suppose a committee of the house upon enquiry were to report, perhaps that not only the commander in chief, but the whole mass of the army were tainted with foreign corruption, or were abettors of domestic treason—could any man assign to himself a stronger reason than this for breaking an army on the spot? Did not the gentleman know or rather did he not feel that this house had the right of refusing the supplies necessary for the army—and could a stronger reason be given for a refusal to pass the military appropriation bill, than that they were nourishing an institution which threatened our existence as a free and happy people?—Let me, said Mr. R. if it is order, ask the gentleman from Massachusetts to turn his attention to the proceeding of which we have official notice in another branch of the legislature—an enquiry into the conduct of one of its own members. Did they not all know that that man's offence was punishable by a civil tribunal? But the enquiry was not there made with a view to a trial, not to usurp the power of the judiciary, but to direct that body in the exercise of its acknowledged legislative functions. Inasmuch as they possessed the power to expel one of their own members, (to amputate the diseased limb), they possessed the power and exercised it to make an enquiry. Now the gentleman from Kentucky had just as much right to institute an enquiry which might lead to the exercise of the legislative powers of this house which might cause the disbanding of the present army, the erection of another or the refusal of supplies—as to institute an enquiry into the conduct of a member with a view to his expulsion, or of an executive officer with a view to impeach him before the senate.
Mr. R. therefore presumed that any enquiry which this house might chuse to make in the conduct of any officer, civil or military, was not an interference with the powers of any of the co-ordinate branches of government; they were left free to move in their own orbits. If a crime had been committed against the statute law of the United States by such officer, the judiciary were as free to punish it, as it was free to punish a member of this house into whose conduct, upon suspicion of treason or misdemeanor, enquiry has been made with a view to his expulsion. The executive likewise was left free to exercise his discretion: he was left free to dismiss this officer, to enquire into his conduct himself, either with his own eyes or ears, or by a military court—to applaud or censure.
Did they take possession of the body of this officer by an enquiry into his conduct? Did they interfere with the court of enquiry now on foot, but totally incompetent to the object? Gentlemen indeed had said that if that court did not possess the power of compelling the attendance of witnesses, we might clothe it with that power. In expressing this opinion the gentleman from Massachusetts had not been more considerate than in expressing his first opinion. Could any one conceive a more dreadful or terrible instrument of persecution than a military court clothed with the power to coerce the evidence and the production of papers of private citizens? Clothe them with this power, said Mr. R. and there is not a man in the United States who may not be compelled to go at whatsoever season to the remote garrison on whatever trifling occasion at the will of a court martial, or a court of enquiry leading to the establishment of a court martial.
In the course of the present year Mr. R. said it had been his lot to receive, from no dubious or sus-
pectious source, information touching—not to be sure the immediate subject on which an enquiry had been moved by the gentleman from Kentucky but one intimately and closely connected with it. He meant the project, thro' the instrumentality of the army of the U. States to dismember the union; and he had no hesitation in saying, and it had been the opinion of a large majority, if not every one of those of whom he had been a colleague, that the army of the United States was tainted with that disease; and that, so far from the army of the United States having the credit of suppressing that project, the moment it was found that the courage of that army had failed, the project was abandoned by those who had undertaken it—because the agency of the army was the whole pivot on which that plot had turned! This was in evidence before the grand jury who had the subject in cognizance last spring. He said t. these conspirators were caressed at the different posts of the United States in their way down the river, and by officers of no small rank—that they received arms from them, and the principal part of the arms these men had with them, was taken from the publick stores; and under a knowledge of these circumstances was he not justified in the belief that the whole army of the United States was connected in the project? He did not mean every individual, for there were some men who could not be trusted, and some who were at posts too far distant to be reached. That those who were confidants of the commander in chief were interested in the conspiracy, no man who knew any thing of the circumstance could doubt. He therefore thought that the resolution moved by the gentleman from Kentucky was every way reasonable: indeed he did not know whether the resolution should not be so varied as to embrace not only a charge of that nature, but all whatsoever.
Before he sat down he should have it in his power to give to the house something certainly very much resembling evidence in support of the justice of his suspicions on this subject. On the 26th of January last the house would perceive by the journals a message was received from the president of the United States, "transmitting further information touching an illegal combination," &c. printed by order of the house, and which he now held in his hand. In this message is contained the following affidavit:
"I James Wilkinson, brigadier general and commander in chief of the army of the United States, to warrant the arrest of Samuel Swartwout, James Alexander, esq. and Peter V. Ogden, on a charge of treason, misprision of treason, or such other offence against the government and laws of the United States as the following facts may legally charge them with, on the honour of a soldier, and on the holy Evangelist of Almighty God—do declare and swear, that in the beginning of the month of October last, when in command at Natchitoches, a stranger was introduced to me by col. Cushing, by the name of Swartwout, who a few minutes after the Colonel retired from the room slipped into my hand a letter of formal introduction from col. Burr, of which the following is a correct copy:
"Philadelphia, 25th July, 1806.
"DEAR SIR,
"Mr. Swartwout, the brother of col. S. of New-York, being on his way down the Mississippi, and presuming that he may pass you at some post on the river, has requested of me a letter of introduction, which I give with pleasure, as he is a most amiable young man, and highly respectable from his character and connections. I pray you to afford him any friendly offices which his situation may require, and beg you to pardon the trouble which this may give you.
"With entire respect,
"Your friend and obedient servant,
"A. BURR.
"His Excellency Gen. Wilkinson."
"Together with a packet which he informed me he was charged by the same person to deliver me in private. This packet contained a letter in cypher from col. Burr, of which the following is substantially as fair an interpretation as I have heretofore been able to make, the original of which I hold in my possession."
Mr. Randolph said he should certainly have abstained from noticing the circumstance he was about to mention, and which he believed to be of general notoriety, had it not been, within a very few days past, a gentleman (with whom Mr. R. was in habits of intimacy, and whose means of information were as good as those of any member of the house) to his utter surprise informed Mr. R. that he was utterly ignorant of the fact.
Mr. R. said he held in his hand an actual interpretation of this cyphered letter which was made in the grand jury room at Richmond, by three members of that body, for their use and in their presence—and it was necessary here to state that so extremely delicate was gen. W. that he refused to leave the papers in possession of the grand jury: whenever the jury met, they were put into their hands, and whenever they rose, the witness was called up and received them back again. Here was a copy rather a different one from that which "on the honour of a soldier and on the Holy Evangelist of Almighty God" was as fair an interpretation as gen. W. was able to make. A comparison of the two would throw a little light on the subject. In the printed copy of last session might be read "1 (Aaron Burr) have actually commenced the enterprize—Detachments from different points," &c. In the original the words had been scratched out with a knife so as to cut the paper—"I have actually commenced"—not the enterprize, but "the Eastern detachments." Now mark; by changing the word Eastern into enterprize , and moving the full stop so as to separate Eastern from its substantive detachments , the important fact was lost, that, as there were Eastern detachments under col. Burr, there must have been western detachments under somebody else! Now, with a dictionary in his hand, could any man change " Eastern " into " enterprize ," and move the full stop under an exertion of the best of his ability? Again: the printed copy says "every thing internal and external favours views;" the original has it "favours our views." The word " our " perhaps could not be found in any English dictionary! The printed version says again "The project [this is the best interpretation upon his oath which a party who had never suffered the papers to go out of his hand could make] is brought to the point so long desired." The real interpretation is "The project my dear friend , is brought to the point so long desired."
Mr. R. said, exclusive of other and direct evidence, tending to shew the dependence which these
conspirators put on the army of the United States, and that it was eventually their whole hope and support, and that the moment they found they were to be deprived of it, they changed their purpose—exclusive of this, and that the conspirators were received at Massac and the other forts below, and of their there getting arms and stores, there was something in this suppression of words in the letter that spoke to his mind more forcibly than volumes of evidence, the implication of a man, who, had he been innocent, would have given all the evidence in any letter he professes to interpret. This suppression did certainly convey to the mind of Mr. R. an impression, which he had never attempted to conceal, of the guilt not only of the principal but of the inferior officers of the army. But guilt is always short-sighted and infatuated. Not content with that dubious sort of faith which it might sometimes acquire when not brought to trial, it had attempted not only to occupy the middle ground of doubt and suspicion, but to clothe itself with the reputation of the fairest characters in the country, and in so doing, had torn the last shred of concealment from its own deformity. It stood now exposed to the whole people of the United States; and he left the house to say, whether they would shut their eyes and ears, as they had been almost invited to do, against conviction.
Mr. Smilie wished to know of the gentleman from Virginia whether there was not a motion before the grand jury to find a bill against gen. Wilkinson?
Mr. Randolph said he had introduced this subject in order to suggest to the gentleman from Kentucky the propriety of modifying or amending his resolution. He would now give the information required by the gentleman from Pennsylvania and hoped he should not be considered as intruding on the time of the house in so doing.
There was before the grand jury a motion to present general Wilkinson for misprision of treason.—This motion was overruled upon this ground: that the treasonable (overt) act having been alleged to be committed in the state of Ohio, and gen. Wilkinson's letter to the President of the United States having been dated, although but a short time, prior to that act, this person had the benefit of what lawyers would call a legal exception, or a fraud. But said Mr. R. I will inform the gentleman, that I did not hear a single member of the grand jury express any other opinion than that which I myself expressed of the moral (not of the legal ) guilt of the party.
By virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed by Thomas Gibbons and Ann his wife, bearing date the 14th day of September, 1805, to John Patterson and Thomas Smith, to secure the payment of one thousand two hundred and two dollars and ninety four cents, with interest from the date of said deed, due Richard Billings, together with all legal costs and charges necessarily incurred by carrying the said deed into effect, WILL BE SOLD at Matthews Court-House, on the second Monday in March next, being Court Day, at Publick Auction, for ready money,
The Tract of LAND, conveyed to us in trust by the deed aforesaid, containing two hundred and twenty acres, more or less, situate, lying, and being in the county of Mathews aforesaid, on North River, whereon the said Thomas Gibbons lately resided, and was formerly the property of Doctor Frederick W. Hearn, deceased, and by him purchased of John Hayes.
By the Trustees.
February 4.
tds
BOOTS.
Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS, Just received and for Sale by
Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market Square.
Just received and for Sale, 40 kegs first quality BUTTER, Alexandria superfine Flour and Crackers.
IN STORE, Holland Gin, Antigua Rum, Philadelphia Porters and Ale, Potowmack Herrings.
James M'Clenachan.
February 8.
3
NOTICE.
A meeting of the Members and Pew-Holders of the Presbyterian Church, will be held on Friday morning next, at 11 o'clock in the Church; it is wished to have a full meeting, as matters of importance will be laid before them. February 8.
FOR SALE.
30,000 acres valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana—Particulars with regard to local advantages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to purchasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS TUNNO, in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER, in Savannah. Feb. 8. lawtf
A NEW SCHOOL
Will be opened by the Subscriber, on Monday the 8th inst. at a house he has rented on Freemason-Street of Richard E. Lee, Esq.—His course of instruction will embrace the Latin Language, the English Language grammatically, Geography, History, Writing and Arithmetick; the French language will be taught when sufficient encouragement is given to employ an assistant for this branch of education. The Subscriber's price for tuition will be 32 dollars per annum, paid quarterly. Any gentleman wishing to know the Subscriber's character, may be gratified by applying to Richard E. Lee, Conway Whittle, William Knox, and Jesse Ewell, Esquires, who have my letters of recommendation from gentlemen of the highest respectability. February 6. Bevery Crump. 3*
6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat. IN STORE,
35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 100 hogsheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 30 tierces London Brown Stout, 20 hogsheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, fit for use, 600 ready made Check Shirts; 20 hds. Petersburg Tobacco, 50 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Hermitage. For Sale on liberal terms by
C. & F. Whittle.
February 6.
tf
FOR SALE.
Just received by Deagle's Packet from Baltimore, 150 bags of good Green COFFEE, Wilson, Cunningham. & Co. February 6. 3w
DEAGLE'S Packet will sail for Baltimore on Wednesday next, wind and weather permitting. Feb. 8.

NOW IS YOUR TIME!  10,000 Dollars may be gained for One  Dollar and Fifty Cents in the  PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY.  Highest Prize 10,000 Dollars.  Authorised by an Act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
   CASH PRIZES.     1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars 10,000   2 do. of 5,000 10,000   5 do. of 1,000 5,000   10 do. of 500 5,000   10 do. of 200 2,000   40 do. of 100 4,000   100 do. of 50 5,000   200 do. of 20 4,000   500 do. of 10 5,000   1,000 do. To consist of machines for opening off-cast worsted and open wrought woollen clothing into wool, valued at one hundred dollars each, (patent right included) 100,000   1,000 do. To consist of rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings for dwelling-houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each, 50,000  
Dollars 200,000 Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 Dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows:      DOLS.      First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each  200    First drawn number on the succeeding ten days', each  500    First drawn number on the succeeding five days', each  1,000    First drawn number on the succeeding two days', each  5,000    First drawn number on the last day's drawing,  10,000     This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James O'Callaghan, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, and the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time.  Tickets in the above Lottery at $1 50, for Sale by A. C. JORDAN, & Co. No. 3, Market-Square.  The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses.  Note.—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes.  January 18. tf
Doctors Brown and Moseley,  Respectfully inform their friends and the public, that they have entered into partnership, and practice  PHYSICK AND SURGERY.  They may be consulted at their Shop, No. 47, Main-street, adjoining Messrs. Southgate's store.  January 13. 1m
All persons to whom the Subscriber is indebted, are requested to make known the amount of their claims immediately.  Wm. Hartshorne, Jun. January 13. tf
For SALE, At reduced prices for Cash,  250 bags, 30 barrels COFFEE, 70 hhs. 40 tierces, 60 barrels Sugar, 20 chests Young Hyson Tea, 4 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, 2 tierces Loaf Sugar.  William B. Lamb. January 26. 6
Fifty Dollars Reward.  RAN AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th December last, a Mulatto Man named TONEY, a Blacksmith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on when he went away a dark cloth suit coat and pantaloons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th ult. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North-Carolina.  JOHN WALKER. January 8. 12*
For SALE,  45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. Kitts RUM.  MOSES MYERS. January 8. tf
NOTICE.  The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co.  JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
For RENT.  The STORE, No. 86, Main-Street, with or without the house.  Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter , and Nabby, from Liverpool, their  Fall and Winter GOODS.  The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths, Cashmere, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; Ladies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Childrens' beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Italian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epaulettes; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin for dresses; Callicoes, Chambrays, and Ginghams; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cottons; strong white Plains; mixed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plains; Dimities and Marseilles; 4-4 Irish Linens; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheetings; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats; Nails, Window Glass, &c.  The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper.
REMOVAL.  The Subscriber has removed to the large Fire-Proof Ware-House at the head of Maxwell's wharf, in Wide Water-Street, where he offers for SALE,  7 pipes Country GIN, 20 barrels Whiskey 30 do. N. E. Rum, 15 hhs. do. do. 30 do. Mackerel, 20 do. Shad, 150 kegs Salmon, 150 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 50 boxes Soap, 60 boxes Mould Candles, 50 do. Spermaceti do. 25 do. Ch. colate, 28 do. assorted Cotton Cards, 4 chests Hyson Tea, 150 reams Writing Paper, 1 case Diapers, 150 sacks Liverpool Salt, 7 tons assorted Swedish Iron, 50 bundles Nail Rods, A quantity of coarse Woollen Goods—low for Cash.  Edward Clark. Who transacts business on Commission, as usual. Jan. 1. tf
Just received and for SALE by the Subscriber,  10 hhs. excellent retailing Molasses, 10 quarter casks Sherry Wine, 50 boxes superior bleached Mould Candles, 50 do. Soap, Philadelphia manufacture, 2000 wt. St. Domingo Coffee; 1000 do. best Jamaica do. 3 pipes French Brandy, fourth proof, 1 ton patent Shot; 20 bolts Russia Duck, 20 bolts Ravens Duck; a few boxes best Havana Segars, 4 pipes New-York Anchor Gin.  DAVID MILHADO. January 6. tf
The Subscribers have removed to the Brick Ware-House on Merchant's Wharf, and have on hand for Sale,  100,000 W. O. hhd. drawn STAVES, 100,000 red do. do. do. 40,000 rough do. do. do. 50,000 do. barrel do. 10,000 pipe do. do. 500,000 sale Shingles; 100,000 building do. 10,000 three feet do.; 5,000 Garden Pales, 5,000 Chinquapin and Cedar Posts.  And also for Rent,  A commodious WAREHOUSE. Proby, Harmanson, & Co. January 11. tf
For SALE,  75 tierces prime green Jam. Coffee, And a few puncheons 5 and 6 years old Antigua Rum; Loaf and Brown Sugar in hogsheads and barrels: a few sets Table China; fine and superfine Flour, &c.  Harrison Allmand. January 4. tf
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York,  17 hhs. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hhs. double refined Sugar, 6 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-street to  William Hull, Jun. October 16. tf
Just got to Hand.  22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash.  George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf
For SALE, by the Subscriber,  $4 hogsheads WHISKEY, 50 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do. 65 boxes 8 by 10, 27 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 16 groce Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castle Soap, 1 hogshead and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 10 hhs. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York River Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton, 38 whole and 9 half tierces Rice.  A. Maclure. November 13. tf
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn,  120 hogsheads Bordolaise CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castle Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hhs. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats.  For Sale by William Pennock. October 12. tf
For SALE,  2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. do. do. do. 1 remarkable grey bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc. Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger.  Sept. 25. tf
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-Street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of  Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are  14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hhs. and 6 bbls Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souichong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes.  Also just received,  20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls. Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour.  John D. Haldane. July 31. tf
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of  Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Navy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambric Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woollens.  They have also on hand a general and extensive assortment of  WOOLLEN GOODS.
Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c.  On consignment, just received,  Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; Ladies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats.  The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail.  December 11. tf
The Subscriber offers for Sale at his Store in Market-Square,  20 hogsheads W. I. RUM, 10 pipes Cognac Brandy; 5 do. Country Gin, Sugar—Brown and Loaf, by the barrel or hogshead, Teas—Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson—Also,  A parcel of DRY GOODS, Consisting of Woollens, Callicoes, Hats, and Hardware. In addition to the above, he intends keeping a constant supply of  PORK and BEEF.  Bread—Pilot, Navy, and Ship, of the first quality—Families may be supplied with small quantities of Pilot Bread, of a superior quality. Cordage of any size or description for negotiable notes or West-India produce. Any orders for the above articles, will be complied with at the shortest notice.  Cary Selden. Nov. 23. tf
For SALE,  73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork.  George Wilson. November 4. tf
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune, captain Norton, from Teneriffe,  100 pipes and 90 hhs. L. P. Tene- riffe WINE, of superior quality. Apply to  Phinehas Dana. September 28. tf
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to  William Pennock. Who has on hand,  Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16. tf
NOTICE.  I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceased, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given.  Jane Collins, Admr'x. December 9. tf
WANTED for the Ship Sheffield,  A CARPENTER; also, two young LADS, from 14 to 15 years of age, as apprentices, not to go in the cabin or to cook. Apply to  Josiah Cowper. December 9. tf
For SALE,  4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE.  George Murray, & Co. December 7. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar.  The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only.  Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
Just received and for sale by the subscriber, from New-York,  4 half pipes 8 qr. casks old London particular Madeira WINE; 20 dozen Old Port do. 20 kegs Beef Tongues; 50 kegs Salmon; 50 do. Mackerel, 30 do. Tongues and Sounds; 20 do. Lard, 20 bbls. Whiskey; 10 hhs. N. E. Rum; 100 boxes Candles. Also—100 barrels Flour afloat.  CARY SELDEN. December 2. tf
At Private Sale,  By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street,  10 hhs. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hhs. and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 6 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffils; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 34 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Hefians, 1 trunk Matras Handkerchiefs.  October 24. tf
One Thousand Acres of LAND  FOR SALE, or would be bartered for property in Norfolk. It adjoins the tract on which Grenville Court-House stands, in North-Carolina, and is commonly known by the name of Newby's Folly. For particulars inquire at the Ledger Office.  January 26. 6
Just received for Sale,  25 qr. casks Gordon's old Sherry Wine, 20 boxes Hyson Tea, 30 do. superior quality Young Hyson, 12 pipes Holland Gin, 20 do. Country do.  Mackinder & White. Nov. 18. tf
For SALE at my Brew-House,  Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen.  And in Store,  Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail.  Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13. tf
For RENT,  THE DWELLING-HOUSE on Gran- by-street, belonging to captain Vickery, next door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of January next. For terms apply to  Alexander Wilson. December 18. tf
First quality Jamaica COFFEE.  Just received and for Sale,  77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 28. tf
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale,  His Great-Bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones.—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never-failing stream; although she works at present only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abundant supply for ten pair—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's Mills) about two miles farther, now in complete order, running one pair of stones and two laws—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a force, the situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not superior to any in that part of the country—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently believes, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia. Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any number of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter.  October 5. tf
Received per schooner Traveller, from Boston, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK,  10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods.  Nov. 18. tf
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 bags Coffee, 5 tierces do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks old Sherry Wine, 2 hhs. old L. P. Madeira do. 3 hhs. Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hhs. and pipes—For Sale by  Phinehas Dana. June 8. tf
For RENT,  A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November.  P. Barraud. October 5. tf
For RENT,  The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Messrs. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to  Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of  Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz:      8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2d lb.      6d. Nails,  9 1-2d    4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d     3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d     Sheathing, do.  7 1-2d    6d. Sprigs, 4s. 6d per M.     6d. do. 2s. 9d     2d. and 3d. do. 2s. 3d      He offers also for cash only—  HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store. Apply to  Niemeyer & Von Kapff. December 28. tf
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.
NOTES for the Virginia Bank; Checks; Bills of Lading, and of Exchange, printed on paper of superior quality; and Shipping Articles on large paper, and approved form.  LEDGER OFFICE.
Phoenix Fire-Office.  The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the public, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals heretofore submitted.  N B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured.  Richard Taylor. September 8. 157
NORFOLK:  PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK,  BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.