Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-05-20 00:00:00

GENERAL WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. The great political and moral truths, which are contained in the following address, cannot be too extensively diffused, or too frequently and attentively perused. The wisdom and foresight of general Washington is now acknowledged by all, for even those who formerly arraigned them, are not only awed into silence, but take every occasion that presents, to recommend themselves to public esteem and confidence, by acknowledging the wisdom and virtue of this great man.
An attentive perusal of this last publick act of the political father of his country, will be more interesting at this season of national distress. The principles by which his policy was guided during his administration, are strongly delineated and earnestly recommended in this masterly production. Those are principles which cannot be too strongly impressed on the mind of every American, in order to direct his judgment in confiding his political concerns to a representative. It is with this view, and others connected with it, that we have selected for our paper this interesting document.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. Friends and Fellow Citizens.
The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the publick voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference to what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives it was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the numerous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.
I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my publick life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgement of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast conduct with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious—vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging—in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism; the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected.—Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to the grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence—that your union and brotherly affection
may be perpetual—that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained—that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue—that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanence of your felicity as a people.—These will be offered to you with more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so: for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union, to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and unmoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement to sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you in your natural capacity, must always exult the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles.—You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.
The North in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home.—The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort—and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation.—Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security, from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations;—and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries,
not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attainments and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty; in this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop to your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endure to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotick desire.—Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere?—Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of the country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its hands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—Northern and Southern—Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof, how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deal to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and alter their constitutions of government—But the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government, pre-supposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force—to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the publick administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous projects of faction rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them up to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discounte-
nance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions—that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country—that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change from the endless hypothesis and opinions; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you, the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissention, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual: and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of publick liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the publick councils and enfeeble the publick administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, fomenting occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself thro' the channel of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in a free country are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favour on the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of publick opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched; it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country, should inspire caution, in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominated in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the publick weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes.
To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution designates.—But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed.—The precedent must always greatly over-balance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to

support these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens—The more politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and publick felicity—Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligations desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to publick opinion, it is essential that publick opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish publick credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that publick opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue, that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the publick exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! it is rendered impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride and ambition and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.
So likewise a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favourite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld: and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favourite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation a commendable deference for publick opinion, or a laudable zeal for publick good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in the innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead publick opinion, to influence or awe the publick councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it.
Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on the one side, and serve to veil and even to second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent powers, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of such a peculiar situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalry, interest, humour or caprice?
'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to publick than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will controul the usual current of the passions; or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations, but if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompence for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated.
How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the publick records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have, at least, believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d April 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of congress; the spirit of that measure continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound, in duty and interest, to take a neutral position—Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail—I will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error; I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government—the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers.
G. WASHINGTON.
United States, 17th Sept. 1796.
The irregularity of the mail did not permit us before to present the conclusion of Mr. Pickering's letter. When his calumniators (exoticks and indigenes) have filled so many publick offices, some of them lucrative, have retired with as "clean hands," they may talk of their patriotism.
LETTER FROM COLONEL PICKERING TO GOVERNOUR SULLIVAN.
(Concluded from the Ledger of May 16.)
The last topic in your letter which I shall notice, is in the following passage:
"We are wrong if we quarrel with our own political existence. We are a nation; and though there were not a few who were fed daily on the publick rations, that from timidity or some other cause, doubted the propriety of the declaration of Independence, yet we shall now be wretched beyond description or example, if we divide ourselves among the European nations."
Your excellency's meaning here is obvious. You intended to have it understood that I, from timidity, or some other cause—meaning, probably, attachment to the British—"doubted the propriety of the declaration of independence;" a charge utterly unfounded, and known to be so, by every man in Massachusetts acquainted with my life.
I have hitherto treated the various calumnies invented and diligently published against me, with silent contempt. In one instance, indeed, some of my friends solicited my consent to a publick prosecution. I yielded to their request. In my absence, the libeller was indicted, convicted and punished.—And what can your excellency imagine to have been one ground taken by his counsel, in defence, or to mitigate the punishment of the libeller?—Wantonly and cruelly assailed as I have been in newspapers devoted to the vilest slanders—slanders at this time renewed with increased virulence—shall I be charged with vanity if I mention it? It was to this effect, as stated to me soon after, by one of the counsel for the prosecution; that the counsel for the libeller urged before the court that the fairness of my character was so well known, and my reputation so firmly established, the libel could have done me no injury. But, sir, that trial was local; and perhaps the knowledge of the proceeding has reached but a few persons, while I have been slandered before the nation. Perhaps I have too long despised the slanders and their authors. But at the present time a Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts has lent himself to their aid.
I am now, sir, far advanced in life—I have children and grand-children who, when I am gone, may hear these slanders repeated, and not have the means of repelling them. I have, too, some invaluable friends in most of the states, and many in that which gave me birth; men who are the ornaments of society and of their country. All these, if not my country itself, interested as it is in the publick concerns on which I first addressed you—have claims which I ought not to leave unsatisfied. Thus called upon to vindicate my character, I am constrained to give a concise narrative of my publick life.
The disputes between Great Britain and her American colonies, (which now form the United States) commencing with a Stamp Act, in 1765, and revived in 1767, by the act of Parliament for raising a revenue in the colonies—gave rise to two parties which at length were distinguished by the names of whig and tory; the latter acquiescing in British claims of taxation; the former resisting them. In 1767, the assembly of Massachusetts, sent a circular letter to the speakers of the other Assemblies, for the purpose of promoting the adoption of uniform measures (by petitions and remonstrances) to obtain a redress of grievances. Most of those assemblies concurred with that of Massachusetts. In 1768, a letter from lord Hillsborough required the assembly of Massachusetts to rescind the vote of their predecessors for sending that circular letter. This was peremptorily refused, by a majority of 92 to 17. The representatives of Salem, my native town, were among the 17. At the next election they were neglected, and whigs chosen in their stead. This was the crisis of the political revolution in that town. I was then four-and-twenty years old. My elder and only brother, was chosen one of the representatives; and from that time I was myself actively engaged in all the whig measures which were preliminary to the final revolution and independence of the colonies. Always a member of the committees of inspection and correspondence, the burthen of writing rested upon me.—Those writings, in their nature temporary, perished with the occasion. The memory of one of them, however, is preserved by Dr. Ramsay, in his elegant "History of the American Revolution."
When in 1774, the British parliament by an act usually called the Boston Port Bill, shut up the capital of Massachusetts from the sea, thereby prostrating its active and extensive commerce—as it is now prostrated by the acts of our own government, imposing the Embargo—the seat of the provincial government was removed from Boston to Salem.—Sympathizing with the sufferers of Boston, the inhabitants of Salem (I think in a full town meeting) voted an address to the new governor, gen. Gage; the great object of which was, so far as
an expression of their sentiments would go, to procure relief for their brethren in Boston. That address was written by me. Its conclusion Dr. Ramsay has thought worth transcribing on the page of history. It here follows, with his introductory observation.
"The inhabitants of Salem, in an address to governor Gage, concluded with these remarkable words—"By shutting up the port of Boston, some imagine that the course of trade might be turned hither, and to our benefit: But nature, in the formation of our harbour, forbid our becoming rivals in commerce with that convenient mart; and were it otherwise, we must be dead to every idea of justice, lost to all feelings of humanity, could we indulge one thought to seize on wealth, and raise our fortunes on the ruins of our suffering neighbours."
Another incident it may not be improper to mention. While the seat of government remained at Salem, I received a note from the secretary of the province, informing me that the governor wished to see me at the secretary's house. I went, and was introduced to gen. Gage. Taking me into another room, he entered into conversation on the then state of things, the solemn league and covenant, and the non-importation agreements. In the conclusion the General said—"Well, there are merchants who, notwithstanding all your agreements, will import British goods." I answered—"They may import them, but the people will use their liberty to buy or let them alone."
These incidents are mentioned, not for any intrinsic importance attached to them; but as evidences of the confidence I had acquired among my fellow-citizens, from an early period of our political disputes with Great Britain.
On the 19th of April, 1775, was the battle of Lexington. This is the era to which Slander seldom fails to recur, when, for party purposes, my character is held up to reproach. I will state the facts, with all the accuracy in my power, after a lapse of three and thirty years.
About nine o'clock, in the morning, being in my office (the registry of deeds for the county of Essex) a captain of militia from the adjacent town of Danvers, came in and informed me, that a man had ridden into that town, and reported that the British troops had marched from Boston to Lexington, and attacked the militia. This officer, whose company belonged to my regiment, asked for orders, and I gave him a verbal answer, that the Danvers companies should march without waiting for those of Salem.
Immediately I went to the centre of the town, and met a few of the principal inhabitants. A short consultation ensued. Those who knew the distance of Lexington from Salem, and its relative situation to Boston (of which I had no personal knowledge, and but an indistinct idea) observed that the British troops would certainly have returned to Boston long before the Salem militia could reach the scene of the reported action; and that our marching would therefore be useless.
Nevertheless, we concluded to assemble the militia, and commence our march; and for this sole reason—That it would be an evidence to our brethren in the country, of our disposition to co-operate in every measure which the common safety required. This idea, however, of the fruitlessness of our march, was so predominant, that we halted a short time, when about two miles from the town, expecting every moment intelligence that the British troops had returned. But receiving none, we resumed our march, and proceeded to Medford, which was about five miles from Boston. Here to the best of my recollection, I first received certain information that the British troops were still on their march, and on a route which rendered it impossible to meet them. I hastened the march of the militia on the direct road to Charlestown and Boston; until on an elevated part of the road, I saw the smoke from the fire of a small number of militia muskets, discharged at a distance, at the British troops. I halted the companies, and ordered them to load, in full expectation of coming to an engagement. At that moment a messenger arrived from general Heath, who informed me that the British troops had their artillery in their rear, and could not be approached by musketry; and that the general desired to see me. Leaving the companies in that position, I went across the fields and met general Heath. We there soon after saw the British troops ascend the high ground called Bunker's Hill. It was about sun-set. The next day they entered Boston. I last summer saw general Heath: he did not remember this interview. He had even forgotten my person; although we were acquainted with each other both before and during the American war—I returned to join the Salem militia, who marched back to Medford, where we staid that night, and the next day returned to Salem.
According to Dr. Ramsay, the British forces who marched to Lexington, were 800 grenadiers and light infantry; and they were re-inforced by a detachment of 900 men under lord Percy. Of this number nearly three hundred were killed, wounded and taken prisoners; leaving a regular force of 1400 men; for not destroying whom, or making them prisoners, with four companies of militia, I have been reproached.
I think that before the close of the year 1775, that in organizing the provisional government of Massachusetts, I was appointed one of the judges of the court of common pleas for Essex, my native county, and sole judge of the maritime court (which had cognizance of all the prize causes) for the middle district, comprehending Boston with Salem and the other ports in Essex; offices which I held until I accepted an appointment in the army.
In the fall of 1776, the army under General Washington's command being greatly reduced in numbers, a large reinforcement of militia was called for; I think 5000 from Massachusetts. I took the command of the regiment of 700 men furnished from Essex. The quota of Salem was composed of volunteers. The aspect of our affairs was gloomy. I addressed the Salem militia, urging a cheerful tender of their services. One sentiment I expressed on that occasion is fresh in my memory: That it was at such a time the real patriot would show his zeal and devotion to his country.
This tour of militia duty was performed in the winter of 1776-7; terminating at Boundbrook in New Jersey; gen'l Washington's head quarters being at Morristown.
Soon after my return home, I received an invitation, to take the office of adjutant general. This I accepted and joined the army under his command at Middlebrook in New Jersey.

Death of Gen. Howe, Capt. Greenman, March 21, 1808
General Howe having embarked his army at New York, to proceed as it was understood, either to Delaware or Chesapeake bay, general Washington's army marched from New Jersey to the state of Delaware; and thence into the adjacent part of Pennsylvania, to oppose the British army then marching from the head of Elk for Philadelphia. On the 11th of September, the battle of Brandywine took place. After carrying general Washington's orders to a general officer at Chadsford, I repaired to the right, where the battle commenced; and remained by the general's side to its termination at the close of the day. Orders were given for the troops to rendezvous at Chester, whence they marched the next day to the neighbourhood of Philadelphia. When refreshed, and supplied with ammunition, the army again crossed the Schuylkill river, and advanced to meet general Howe. On the 16th of September, in the morning, information was received of the approach of the enemy. Some detachments were made to reinforce the advanced guards, and keep the enemy in check, until the American army should be arrayed for action. General Washington ordered me to the right wing, to aid in forming the order of battle. On my return to the centre, I found the line not formed. Seeing the commander in chief with a number of officers about him, as in consultation, I pressed my horse up to learn the object. It was a question whether we should receive the British on the ground then occupied by our troops, or retire beyond a valley in their rear, in which the ground was said to be wet, and impassable with artillery, which, in case of a defeat, would of course be lost; excepting that with the left wing commanded by general Greene, through which there was a firm road. By this time, the fire of the troops engaged appeared to be drawing near. At this moment, the consultation yet continued, I addressed general Washington. "Sir, (said I) the advancing of the British is manifest by the reports of the musketry. The order of battle is not completed. If we are to fight the enemy on this ground, the troops ought to be immediately arranged. If we are to take the high grounds on the other side of the valley, we ought to march immediately, or the enemy may fall upon us in the midst of our movement." "Let us move" was the General's answer. The movement took place. It had begun to rain. The British army halted. Ours formed on the high ground beyond the valley, and there remained during a very rainy day. We then marched to a place called the Yellow Springs. The cartridge boxes were bad, and nearly all the ammunition in them was spoiled. Hence it became necessary to keep aloof from the enemy till fresh ammunition could be made up and distributed.
On the 4th of October, general Washington attacked the British troops at Germantown. After the right wing commanded by general Sullivan, had for some time been briskly engaged, general Washington sent me forward with an order to that officer. Having delivered it, I returned to join the commander in chief. It had been found that a party of the British troops had taken post in a large and strong stone house, since known by the name of Chew's house, on which our light field artillery could make no impression. This house stood back a few rods from the road. I first discovered the enemy to be there, by their firing at me from the windows, on my return from gen. Sullivan.
On rejoining general Washington, I found a question was agitated in his presence, whether the whole of the troops then behind should pass on, regardless of the enemy in Chew's house, or summon them to surrender. A brave and distinguished officer (now no more) urged a summons. He said it would be "unmilitary to leave a castle in our rear." I answered—"doubtless, that is a correct general maxim; but it does not apply in this case. We know the extent of this castle (Chew's house;) and to guard against the danger from the enemy's sallying out and falling on the rear of our troops, a small regiment may be posted here to watch them; and if they sally out, such a regiment will take care of them. But (I added) to summon them to surrender will be useless. We are now in the midst of the battle; and its issue is unknown. In this state of uncertainty, and so well secured as the enemy find themselves, they will not regard your summons: they will fire at your flag." However a subaltern officer, with a white flag and drum, was sent with a summons. He had not reached the gate at the road, when a shot from a window gave him a wound of which he died.
In December, the army marched to Valley Forge, and took up their winter quarters in log huts which they erected at that place. Before this, the congress, then sitting at Yorktown in Pennsylvania, had elected me a member of the Continental Board of War. General Gates and general Mifflin were elected members of the same board; and before the expiration of the winter, we repaired to Yorktown, where the board sat. In this station I remained until general Greene resigned the office of quarter master general. On the 30th August, 1780, congress elected me his successor; and I continued in the office of quarter master general during the remainder of the war.
The project of besieging the city of New York, in 1781, having been relinquished, and the siege of York-Town, in Virginia, resolved on, I received general Washington's orders to prepare immediately for a march of part of the army to that place, and for the transportation of artillery, and of all the stores requisite for the siege. This was done. The event is known to every body. Lord Cornwallis and his army were made prisoners. This decided the fate of the war. In the succeeding winter, the British government despairing of conquest, abandoned all offensive operations in America; and in November, 1782, articles of peace were agreed on.
From the year 1790 to 1794, I was charged by general Washington (then president of the United States) with several negotiations with the Indian nations on our frontiers; in 1793, in a joint commission with general Lincoln and Beverly Randolph, Esq. of Virginia, to treat of peace with the western Indians; and in 1794, I was appointed sole agent to adjust all our disputes with the Six Nations; which were terminated by a satisfactory treaty.
In the year 1791, general Washington appointed me post-master general. In this office I continued until the close of the year 1794; when, on the resignation of general Knox, I was appointed secretary of war. In August, 1794, Mr. Edmund Randolph having resigned the office of secretary of state, general Washington gave me the temporary charge of that department also. Some time before the meeting of congress, which was in December following, he tendered to me the office of secretary of state. At the same time he frankly told me the names of several gentlemen whom he had invited to accept, but who had declined the office. They were men of the first abilities and distinction, and for whom I entertain the highest respect. General Washington knew me well, and that I had not enough of vanity or ambition to be wounded or humbled by his preference of those men. I only regretted that they all declined the office. For myself, I objected that the duties of the department of state were foreign to my former pursuits in life;
and I thought myself unequal to the proper discharge of them. He desired me to take the matter into consideration. When he again spoke to me on the subject, I observed, that although the gentlemen he had named to me declined the office, yet, by a little delay, he might find some other candidate to fill it. By inquiry among the members, he might obtain information of a fit character not then occurring to him; and I requested him to postpone the matter till the meeting of congress. The president acquiesced. But as soon as congress assembled without speaking to me again, he nominated me to the senate to be secretary of state; and the senate approved the nomination. I remained in this office until May 1800; when I was removed by the late president Adams. On this act I should still have continued silent, had it not given occasion to add one more reproach to the former malicious slander on my character—I am reproached for having been removed from the office of secretary of state (as I have just mentioned) on the supposition that this would not have been done but for some sufficient cause, honourable to the president, and dishonourable to me. On this I must remark, that I had held this office about a year and a half under general Washington, and three years and two months under president Adams, and until ten months only remained of his own term of office. For what did he remove me?—He never told me. Was it for any dishonest or dishonourable act?—He will not say it. Was it for my incapacity?—If that were the cause, and it is well-founded, a statesman of his experience and discernment ought sooner to have made the discovery. But without troubling myself about my dismissal, which even at the time excited a scarcely sensible resentment, and after that little had ceased for years; I should not now have mentioned the subject, had not the herd of libellers, and your excellency's own insinuations, constrained me to exhibit this narrative of the principal incidents of my life. To my friends I am sure it will not be uninteresting; and I fondly hope that others of my fellow citizens who may read it, will not think the time lost which shall be occupied in the perusal. I hope also, that to oppose a series of incontrovertible facts to general reproach, may not be deemed an improper mode of vindication.
At the close of the year 1801, I returned to live in Massachusetts. In 1803, the legislature appointed me a senator to represent the state in Congress, for the residue of the term of Dwight Foster, Esq. who had resigned. In 1805, the legislature again elected me a senator, and for the term of six years.
Such sir, is the publick life of the man whom you have wantonly defamed, and whose character your shameless advocates have attempted to defy.
Being in debt for new lands purchased some years before, and by the appreciation of which I had hoped to have made an eventual provision for my eight surviving children; and having no other resources;—as soon as I was removed from office, in 1800, I carried my family from Philadelphia into the country; and with one of my sons went into the back woods of Pennsylvania, where, with the aid of some labourers, we cleared a few acres of my land, sowed wheat, and built a log hut, into which I meant the next year to remove my family—From this condition we were drawn by the kindness of my friends into Massachusetts. By the spontaneous liberality of those friends (of whom some were then to me unknown) in taking a transfer of new lands (for my sake, not their own) in exchange for money, I was enabled to pay my debts, to return to my native state, and finally to purchase a small farm in Essex, on which I live, which I cultivate with my own hands, and literally with the sweat of my brow. In this retreat, engaged in what with peculiar pleasure I had always contemplated, rural occupations, I have found contentment.
This long letter, Sir, I shall send to the printer; it being the mode of communication which your excellency has been pleased to propose.
I am, Sir, your humble servant, TIMOTHY PICKERING. His Excellency JAMES SULLIVAN, Esq. Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER. FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 20, 1808.
The Chamber of Commerce of Philadelphia, lately applied to Mr. Jefferson for permission to export Lumber and Provisions to relieve the distresses of the inhabitants of the capital of the island of Trinidad, lately destroyed by fire. The application was refused in the most positive terms, nor could it have (consistently with the spirit and meaning of the embargo laws, having principally for their object the starving of the inhabitants of the West India islands, particularly those of Great Britain) been granted. Nothing was more fortunate to insure success to our experiment, as applied to the island of Trinidad, which from its fertility could not be starved for want of provisions, though the want of a shelter from the inclemency of the weather may do much. These philanthropists of Philadelphia, in the simplicity of their hearts, wished to defeat a favourite object with our government.
If the English should call our humanity in question for refusing bread to the starving women and children, or a few boards to shelter them from the weather, we can tell them to be silent, and "to look at home." Do they not at this moment refuse the harmless soldiers of Buonaparte a little Peruvian Bark to cure them of malignant fevers? These soldiers that would not put every man, woman, and child in England to the sword, because— they can't get at them.
A few moments before our paper went to press, we were favoured with a Glasgow paper of the 4th of April, containing the following account of the reported victory of Sir Richard Strachan:
GLASGOW, April 4. From our Correspondent at Lloyd's. "London, April 1. "We have at length received some account of the reported engagement in the Mediterranean, which is entitled to considerable credit, although it is not official. Mr. Hancock, merchant in the city, has received a letter from his brother, late captain of the Lavinia frigate; who, as it is represented to us, from good authority, was, on this occasion, appointed to a ship of the line, which could not get into the action we are about to relate. "Captain Hancock's letter states, that the squadron under Sir Richard Strachan, consisting of eight sail of the line, pursued that from Carthagena, consisting of twelve, into Palmas Bay—the line was formed; and a most desperate engagement took place. The enemy is represented to have lost six ships taken, three escaped, and three were sunk. The British lost two ships of the line (sunk), an admiral, two captains, and about fifteen hundred men. This is the substance of the letter, which was this day put into the possession of ministers, upon the contents of which they place the strongest reliance; and which was read to the Portuguese minister this afternoon, in Doctor's Commons.—When I quitted the city at five o'clock, the merchants and other people there, (among whom the news had created the most lively impression) were of opinion, that no doubt could be longer entertained of the fact.—From the strength of the enemy, it would seem, that the Rochefort squadron had joined that of Carthagena.—We have not yet had time to enquire how this letter came to hand, or its date.
This paper contains an interesting debate in the house of Lords, on the orders in council.—In reply to the observations of the minority, apprehending a war with the United States the ministers asserted there was no apprehension of a war. Lord Mulgrave intimated that we had taken our ground by our non-importation and embargo laws, which he insisted would ruin the United States.
A convention had been made between France and Denmark for as many Danish seamen as would man 20 sail of the line of French ships, which had occasioned a mutiny among the seamen.
Great distress and discontent are said to prevail in Normandy and the western parts of France.—The British have commenced the capture of all fishing boats on the coast of France.
We understand that the president of the United States in his letter of May 6, addressed to the Governors of Orleans, Georgia, South Carolina, Massachusetts and New Hampshire, (referred to in Mr. Gallatin's letter of instructions) observes, That the evasions of the preceding embargo laws went so far towards defeating their object, and chiefly by vessels clearing out coastwise, that congress, by their act of April 25, authorised the absolute detention of all vessels bound coastwise with cargoes, exciting suspicions of an intention to evade those laws; that there being few towns on our sea coast which cannot be supplied with flour from the interior country, shipments of flour become generally suspicious and proper subjects of detention: that it is one of the few places on the sea-board, which need supplies of flour by sea, for its own consumption; and that in order it may not suffer by the cautious we are obliged to use, the president requests of his excellency, whenever he deems it necessary, that his present or any future stock should be enlarged, to take the trouble of giving his certificate in favour of any merchant in whom he has confidence, directed to the collector of any port, usually exporting flour from which he may choose to bring it, for any quantity which the governor may deem necessary for consumption, beyond his interior supplies, inclosing to the secretary of the treasury at the same time, a duplicate of the certificate, as a check of the falsification of the governor's certificate; and that in this way a supply of the real wants of our citizens may be supplied, and at the same time those wants may be prevented from being used as a cover for the violations of the laws by unprincipled adventurers. (Enquirer.)
THE EMBARGO-RESCRIPT.—Mr. Jefferson, in letters addressed to the governors of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, South Carolina, Georgia and Orleans (copies of which have been lodged at the custom houses, and are already acted on—vessels that were laden with provisions for the above states were
ing compelled to refund their cargo, has endeavoured to declare that, as there are persons who for the sake of gain, would violate the embargo laws, the general intercourse between those states and the rest of the union must be suspended. But if the executives of these states will certify what supplies are wanted, and will recommend particular merchants, in whom they have confidence to transmit the business, special licenses will be granted to those merchants to make the importations. Hence it appears that the Chinese policy of granting licenses to Hong Merchants is already adopted in the United States. How the inhabitants of the proscribed states will relish a system of monopoly, which must either starve them or compel them to pay whatever price the favoured merchants may choose to place on their provisions, remains to be seen. The step, from such an assumption of executive authority to the exercise of imperial power, is but a short one. Phil. Register.
Gazette Marine Memoranda. ARRIVED. British sch'r Commerce, Collins, 17 days from Turk's Island, S.W. C. & F. Whittle.—The brig Experiment, Dickson, of and from this port, bound to Jamaica, passed Salt Key the 29th of April.—Flour at Turk's Island 10, and Pork 18 dollars per barrel. Ship Woodrop Sims, Haynes, 6 days from Charleston, Rice, Shanks & Binford.
Dr. Tissot's celebrated Gout and Rheumatick Drops. The Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, and the various disorders of the same nature, are so exquisitely painful, and so difficult to be cured, that they have justly excited the utmost stretch of medical investigation. Some professional gentlemen have excelled in one department of the science; others in another. Dr. Tissot particularly has long been renowned for the superiority of his prescriptions in chronic diseases, and the length of time which elapsed during his sole attention to the nature and effects and cure of these afflictions, render the medicines which he recommended of invaluable importance. The beneficial effects of these drops, have been often experienced, and their extraordinary efficacy has been attested by witnesses for numbers and so unimpeachably credible, that incredulity itself cannot doubt the virtues of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops. Large quantities have already been vendued, and the sale is now become so general, and their certainty in curing the disorders of a chronic nature is so complete, ascertained, that certificates of their unbounded utility are now unnecessary. Testimonies of their value, and a volume of selected cases performed by them, may be seen upon application at T. W. Dyott's genuine Drug and Patent Medicine Warehouse, No. 57, South Second-street, Philadelphia.
The price of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, is only two dollars per bottle, with copious directions. Generous allowances made to those who buy by retail again. Of the many respectable testimonies of the effects of the above Drops, which have been received by the proprietor, we beg leave to annex the following:
Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton. I certify that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply to Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the directions, they effected a perfect cure. Another time my wrist was affected with rheumatism to such a degree, as to render my hand for the time useless, when on application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder in the course of twenty-four hours was entirely removed. It is, therefore, from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it a benificent act to recommend it in similar cases to others. (Signed) C. RIDGELY, of Hampton.
Certificate of John Gibson, Esq. one of the Directors of the Farmers' Bank of Maryland. I certify that about a year since, my foot received an injury by a fall; in a few hours after it was affected with a most excruciating pain, so that I was unable to walk, with cramp-like spasms. I was apprehensive that this accident would induce a severe fit of the gout, with which I had been frequently attacked. In this situation one of my friends highly recommended and earnestly advised me to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops; I immediately procured them and made the application; in less than three hours the pain entirely abated, which had been so severe, as to deprive me of sleep for several nights. By a few further applications, a perfect cure succeeded. I have frequently since in other cases, both used them myself, and recommended them to others with invariable success. (Signed) JOHN GIBSON.
Certificate of Mrs. Mary Taylor. I, Mary Taylor, No. 135, Plum Street, Philadelphia, aged upwards of seventy years, having been affected with very violent rheumatick pains for more than eight years, being recommended to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, on only using half a bottle every rheumatick affection was completely removed, and I have continued free from all pain ever since; as witness my hand. MARY TAYLOR.
The above drops are sold wholesale and retail only by BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co. N. 5th st. ALSO, DR. ROBERTSON'S Patent Stomachick Wine Bitters. Celebrated and well known for their superior qualities in restoring weak constitutions, destroying Worms, cleansing and strengthening, giving a proper tone to the stomach, and increasing the appetite—a frequent use of them is a certain preventative against those complaints so common in the spring and fall. Such as intermitting fevers, agues, autumnal fevers, dysenteries, &c. &c. They are particularly serviceable to those who make long sea voyages, and are exposed to unhealthy climates, as a powerful preservative against contagious disorders.
PRO BONO PUBLICO. Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Blacking, prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beautifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but by experience; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recommended to sportsmen and gentlemen who are much exposed to the wet.—Also for cleaning Harness, as it will effectually prevent the water from penetrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the very last, giving it also a beautiful jet black gloss, a proof of which may be seen at the warehouse. The above Blacking is prepared and sold only by T. W. DYOTT, at his Medical Warehouse, No. 57, South Second Street, Philadelphia; sold also by their appointment, at BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co's. Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMIR-VELL & CONRAD'S, Petersburg.
Where also may be had, The IMPERIAL WASH, And new invented LIQUID, For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots. May 20. Tawly
LABOURERS WANTING. The President and Directors of the Diemel Swamp Canal Company want to hire for the ensuing season, a number of Hands to work on the Canal; they will be provided with good wholesome food, and the usual quantity of whiskey per diem—liberal wages will be given, and their wages paid at the end of every month. Apply to Richard Blow, William Cannack, or Samuel Proctor, Overseer. May 6.

York County Court, April 18, 1808. Ordered, That Thomas Griffin, Gaw-in L. Corbin, and Peyton Southall, gentlemen, be appointed Commissioners to the lowest bidder at the expense of this County, the building of a CLERK'S OFFICE as soon as possible, for the use of the said County, on the publick square in the town of York, on the plan and of the dimensions following, viz:—The House to be of brick and covered with slate or tile; 20 by 12 feet in the clear, 10 feet pitch in the clear, a chimney, a brick floor, and a passage at the entry; two and an half bricks thick to the water table, and two bricks thick above the wood-work thereof to be neatly painted; bond with approved security for the due and faithful performance of this work of the undertaker is to be taken, and returned by the said commissioners to this Court. Copy, Attest, S. Shields, Jun. C. Y. C.
The Commissioners above named are anxious to proceed in the execution of the above order, as early as possible, and will regard to receive proposals for the erection of the building mentioned in the preceding order immediately. Thomas Griffin, Gawin L. Corbin, Peyton Southall, Com'rs. York Town, 9th May, 1808.
RICHARD & JOHN TAYLOR, Have received by the Ship Rolla, Captain Garey, from London, A few Packages of GOODS, suitable for the season. They have also on Hand, Cambricks; common and furniture
Cambricks; plain and striped Dimities, White and coloured Jeans; Irish Linens, Sheetings and Cotton Shirts; London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 4 4 and 6 4 Cambricks; Ginghams, Silks and Cotton Chambrays, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Gloves and Hosiery, of all kinds, Sacking, Oznaburgs, and Brown Rolls, Pipes by the box, and Copperas by the barrel, And an assortment of
HARDWARE, NAILS, &c. all of which they will sell low for Cash, or undoubted Paper at Sixty Days—Also for Sale, 150 barrels NEW PORK, 50 kegs Lard; Old Jamaica Rum and Sugar. May 6. 1m
A STRAY COW. Came to my place near Fort Norfolk, about 12 months ago, a large RED COW; she has lately had a Calf, and may now be of some use to the owner, who is required to prove his property, pay expenses, and take her away. Francis S. Taylor. May 6. 3w
TIMBER. The following Timber is wanted for the Navy Yard at Gosport—Persons disposed to furnish it will be pleased to make immediate application to Theo. Armistead, N. A.
Table with 3 columns: Item, Feet, Quantity. Rows include: 6 Gurdur Beams, 40 Joists, 40 do., 7 Gurdurs, 7 do., 7 do., 7 do., 20 do., 20 do., 30 do., 35 do., 76 Principal Rafter, 38 Collar Beams, 46 Peasants, 40 do., 186 Jack Rafter, 186 do., 186 do., 16 do. KP, 35 Plats. Note: The above Timber must be of Heart Pine or Poplar.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz:— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2 lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d Sheathing, 7 1-2d 6d. Sprigs, 4s. 6d per M. 6d. do. 2s. 9d 2d. and 3d. do. 2s. 3d He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hhds. and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cogniac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 boxes Striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffils; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 36 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Heffians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24. tf
BANK STOCK LOST. LOST, Certificates for Ten Shares of VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, standing in the name of Ann and Rebecca Begg. Any person who has, or may find the said certificates, will please to deliver them to the subscriber. Wm. G. Camp. April 13. 1aw6w
Phoenix Fire-Office. The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals hereto annexed. N.B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agents, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8. 157
A NEGRO WOMAN for Sale. She is an excellent Cook and House Servant—Price 300 dollars, Cash. Apply at the Ledger Office. May 13. tf Just landed from on board the schooner Ploughboy, Capt. Hall, from Charleston, 50 tierces fresh RICE, 15 Bales Upland COTTON—For Sale by GEORGE RAINCOCK. May 11. 1m
WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received from Baltimore and Philadelphia, a handsome assortment of SPRING GOODS, which with their goods on hand, comprise a large and general assortment, and they will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash only. May 9. tf
WHITE JEANS, &c. Just Received A few pieces very fine White JEANS, Real Patent NANKINEENS, Best NAVY CLOTHS, and fashionable BUTTONS. For Sale by WOOD & HASTINGS. May 9. tf
NORFOLK RACES. Over the New Bridge Course, will commence on MONDAY the 6th of June, free for any Horse, Mare, or Gelding, except those owned by Burwell Wilkes, of Brunswick County, Virginia, or in which he may be interested in the running of; agreeable to the weights of the New-Market Course, and the rules of the course. FIRST DAY. A Post Sweepstakes for 3 and 4 year Colts—weight for age—one mile heats—50 Dollars entrance. SECOND DAY. A Purse of 400 Dollars—four mile heats—30 Dollars entrance—weight for age. THIRD DAY. A Purse of 100 Dollars—one mile heats—the best three in five, with each weights—10 dollars entrance. FOURTH DAY. A Purse of 200 Dollars—two mile heats—20 Dollars entrance—weight for age. A SADDLE and BRIDLE will be run for every afternoon during the Races. Proof of the Horses ages will be required—Entrance made with Col. Kemp, at the Exchange, by 8 o'Clock, P. M. each day. The Course is well enclosed with a high fence, and so ditched as to secure its being in good order. R. H. COCKE, & CO. May 9. tf
FOR RENT, The STORE-HOUSE on Main-Street, lately occupied by Hunter & Gatewood, immediate possession may be had. Apply to John Nivison. May 6. 6
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17. tf
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2. tf
FOR SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4. tf
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8. tf
FOR RENT, That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also, That convenient House, where Mr. Cornelius Calvert formerly lived; they have very fine gardens and all convenient out-houses—possession may be had on the first day of May next, on application to James Tucker. April 13. tf
STOLEN from a House in this Borough, about the 15th or 16th instant, TWO TABLE SPOONS, both marked T. M. G. in a cypher. Any person that will inform the Editor of this paper where the Spoons can be obtained, shall be well rewarded. N. B. Silversmiths and others are requested to stop them if offered for sale. April 25. tf
On Hand, A few qr. casks of choice Teneriffe WINE, And a few kegs fresh Dutch HERRINGS—For sale by the Subscriber. Moses Myers. April 25. tf
STOLEN, A SILVER CANDLESTICK, Stamped on the base J. Lownes. The negro woman who it suspected took it about a fortnight since, may have offered it for sale or pawn for rum, of which she is very fond—FIVE DOLLARS will be given to the person who may bring it to the Office of the Ledger. April 22. tf
Military LANDS for Sale. 1100 acres of LAND lying in the State of Ohio, on the waters of the Little Miami, in two different surveys—The subscriber having seen the Land, can affirm that there is no Land in that State superior to it in point of fertility, situation or climate. Any person wishing to purchase the above Land will know the terms by applying to CHARLES SNEAD, living in Northampton, Eastern-Shore, Virginia. May 2. tf
ENGLISH GOODS. Appleton & Co. By the John Adams, St. Johns, from Liverpool, No. 16, Calvert-Street, Baltimore, have received their regular supply of GOODS, calculated for the present and approaching season, Cambricks and Common Callicoes, Plain and striped Dimities; Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans; Furniture Chintz; do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths; do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres; patent Nankeens, Cords; Grandurells; Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambricks, Japan, Haricord, and Check do. plain and figured Mull do. Leno, Victory, and Riddle Muslin; coloured do. do. 4 4 plain Book do.; Ginghams; Silk do. Sartius, Persians, and Sarsnets; Bonnet Silks; Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs; Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, do. Brace, do. Laces and Footings, do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves, Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks; Buttons; Birmingham Ware In Store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted paper at 60 days. April 15. 10
FOR SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7. tf For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Matras Tickling, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26. tf
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has established A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those will be well served who choose to promote an institution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to their encouragement given to it. April 23. tf
New SHOES from New-York, as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will be heard reduction. VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt the most elegant made in the United States. Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very gentlemen who cannot be fitted. A few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cottons; Brown Sugar, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. April 23. tf
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-Street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt-Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lances, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. tf
COW-POCK. The Subscriber informs those who wish to be vaccinated, that a parcel of fresh matter lately received from Philadelphia, has succeeded, and is now fit to inoculate late from. George Balfour. April 20. 1m
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18. tf
Mackinder & White, Have just received from on board the schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ticklenburgs, superfine Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 15. tf
For SALE, An elegant and fine toned HARP, made in Paris, and lately imported, with spare strings, and a large collection of MUSIC; the price 250 dollars. Apply at the Ledger Office. May 6. tf
ADVERTISEMENT. A good Price will be given for the First Vol. of the History of France, BY GIFFORD. This Book was sent to the late Mr. Mirick to be bound, and sold at Auction with the rest. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 29. tf
1500 sacks SALT, Liverpool filled, 6000 bushels do. loose, and 30 crates Earthenware—For Sale on board the Ship Sachem, by A. Maclure. May 6. tf
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808. Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiff. Against Mary Selater, widow and devisee for life of John Selater, deceased, Richard and William S. Selater, sons and devisees of the said John Selater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Selater, deceased, and as executor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Selater, deceased, Defendants. On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
For SALE, On board the ship Dammasco, Robert Duckendorff, master, at Commerce-Street Wharf, Coarse Liverpool SALT, St. Vincent's RUM and MOLASSES. Moses Myers. April 15. tf
FOR RENT. The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Bianchard. April 7. tf
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church Street. March 30. tf
CASH for Warwick STAVES. Moses Myers. April 20. tf 6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Maclure. March 2. tf
AT PRIVATE SALE, BY S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hhds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hhds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackarel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26. tf
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18. tf
NORFOLK, April 25, 1808. MR. GEORGE REID, SIR—Take notice that I shall make the deposition of Matthew Hubbard, senior, at the office of Robert B. Taylor, attorney at law, in Norfolk, between the hours of ten in the morning and four in the afternoon of Friday the 27th day of May next, to be used in a suit depending in the Borough Court of Norfolk, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendant. This notice is given in this mode, as you do not reside within the State of Virginia, and have no known agent or attorney within the state to whom notice can be given. I am, your obedient servant, TILDSLEY GRAHAM. 1m
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc. Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25. tf
The following prices will be given in Cash for 500 or 600 cords of BARK, deliverable at my Tan Yard, Spanish Oak, $ 6 per cord, Willow or Water do. 5 Red do. 4 Young White do. 3 50 Beach Bark, 3 50 With a view to prevent disappointment to those who procure this article, arising from the uncertainty of the quantity which may be brought to market, I will receive all which may be delivered at my landing before the first day of June, provided it be well cured and in good order. Theoderick Armistead. April 4. 2m
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.