The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg, Va.), 1771-03-28 00:00:00

VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
Open to ALL PARTIES,
but influenced by NONE.
TREASURY-OFFICE, March 18, 1771.
I HAVE hitherto been willing to suppose that the great Delays in collecting and accounting for the different Duties and Taxes imposed for the various Purposes of Government have, in some Sort, amongst other Causes, been owing to Inattention and the Want of due Consideration in those indebted or otherwise concerned, and should therefore hope that proper Reflections would convince them of the absolute Necessity there is for observing the utmost Punctuality, otherwise it is impossible that the Treasury should be able to answer the just Demands of public Creditors; hence must arise many disagreeable Disappointments, and, what is of still greater Consequence, the Credit of the Country must be injured. They whose Inclinations naturally dispose them to do Justice will be influenced by Reflections of this Kind, and others of different Dispositions must be convinced, by this Time, that withholding the Public Money, having already laid the Foundations of Ruin to many Families, will more than probably produce the same dreadful Consequences in future. Recommending therefore these Suggestions to the serious Attention of all whom they may concern, I have farther to inform them that, besides continuing to exert every legal Means, in order to do the Country Justice, I shall think myself warranted in publishing a List of those who continue in Arrear, after the ensuing April General Court, which I am in Hopes will rouse a Sense of Shame in some Men's Breasts, as the Public will be enabled to mark the Delinquents. A Step of this Sort will be exceedingly disagreeable to me, but it cannot be any reasonable Ground of Offence after such previous and timely Notice; be this as it may, my Resolution is to postpone every other Consideration to the Duties of my Office.
I am sorry to observe that, of the great Number of Executions I have been obliged to issue, some are not yet returned to Mr. Secretary's Office; and on many others the Returns are that the Effects remain in the Sheriff's Hands for Want of Buyers; with Respect to the former, the Officers have apparently been remiss in their Duty, so that I must now proceed against them; and, when I consider it as notorious that Slaves and every Kind of the Country's Produce, have for many Years past sold at as high Prices, as have generally been known, I cannot help suspecting, in the latter Instances also, some Degrees of Negligence in managing at least some of these Executions.
RO. C. NICHOLAS, TREASURER.
LONDON, December 15.
From the GENERAL EVENING POST.
Mr. EDMUND BURKE's SPEECH in the Robinhood Society, on the 27th ultimo.
THE objects now under our consideration seem to me to be of great importance, and to deserve something more than a silent vote. I will therefore, with the leave of the Room, endeavour to throw some light on the subject.
Several Gentlemen have dwelt with a kind of secret complacency and satisfaction on the high antiquity of the Attorney General's power of filing official informations. They have set before our eyes, in every engaging light, the respect and reverence which it has derived from the savoury mouldiness and venerable rust of ages. The monarchy has subsisted and flourished most during the existence of this power. Why then quarrel with it at this critical juncture, when it is likely to prove most beneficial? I will not say that there is no weight in this reasoning, because I will not say that there is any question without its difficulties. Most questions have, like Janus, two faces; and if you view only one of them, you may, with a little management, make your favourite side assume a pretty fair and comely appearance. Something of this legerdemain is observable on the present occasion. While the opposers of the motion celebrate the flourishing state of the monarchy during the existence of this power, they forget to prove to us that it owed that happiness to the Attorney General. It is the fate of narrow minds, and confused heads, to mistake one cause for another, and to make nature as great a chaos as their own brain. Were it necessary, we might easily trace the flourishing state of the monarchy up to other causes, and demonstrate by facts that this institution retarded, rather than accelerated its growth. But there is no occasion for fetching such a tedious compass. Arguments enough have been already advanced to prove it unconstitutional, and incompatible with liberty. What can be a clearer evidence of its having never benefited the kingdom? The same arguments which prove it now prejudicial, prove it prejudicial ever since its commencement. But what if it should be shown not to have the sanction of antiquity? I have enquired, among others, into this point; but fortune has not been favourable to my diligence. I have not been able to trace it into the darkness and obscurity of remote ages. Nay, I have found it to be modern, and as it were of yesterday. Far from fixing it as high up as Edward the Third, I have been obliged to come much farther down for the source. The words matter of record , which have been quoted, did not mean official informations. Bracton, which is allowed by all to be a good authority, mentions actions popular , which I apprehend, were founded on these expressions. But actions popular were not the same as
official informations; and, in short, I have upon the minutest enquiry, been forced to allow them but a modern date.
Thus then it appears, that the opposers of the motion cannot take refuge under the wings of antiquity. They are beat out of the entrenchments of Gothic rubbish, under which they hoped to remain impregnable. Whither now will they fly for shelter? To a majority of voices. In these alone, not in argument, will they prove victorious. If we have any discretion, any shame left, we must agree to this motion, and either totally abolish, or modify the Attorney General's power of filing official informations. Were there no other argument for this measure, but that single one advanced by the opposer, That the office is odious and suspected, it would, in the opinion of any sober man, be sufficient. For as all government was originally instituted for the ease and benefit of the people, no establishment, which gives them nothing but uneasiness, can be approved by a wise legislature. Let it then be cut off from the constitution as a rotten limb, which escaped the notice of our forefathers in the hurry and precipitation of the revolution. But we are not pressed by necessity. There is no complaint of any late abuse of this power. This I flatly deny. The power has been egregiously abused in the case of Almon. Why was he singled out, and prosecuted before the rest of his brethren? He, whose guilt, if any, was only nominal! Why was not the original publisher and others, who had no excuse to alledge, first brought to justice? Here I believe every man discovers malice. Almon had been active in promoting certain measures not very agreeable to the cabal. He had published certain journals, which contained anecdotes, that some people, high in office and power, could wish to have buried in eternal oblivion. It was resolved to punish him for these acts of temerity. Hold was therefore laid on this slender twig. But what ensued? The Courts dare not make use of the strange verdict procured against him. The only cause, which the Attorney General has been able to carry against libellers, he cannot turn to any account. From him we learn, that the office is so odious and detestable to the public, that it does not answer any of the purposes for which it was intended. Has he not here laid enough to induce us to abolish or modify it? Yes certainly, if we do not suppose, with some speculative politicians, who will justify the Court at all points, that the people are corrupt, and that the Courts of Justice and the Administration are blameless. For I must aver, that one of these three propositions must be true, else such atrocious libels as we have lately seen, could never have passed unpunished. Now I can see no reason for supposing that the people have sunk to the very dregs of corruption, that they naturally delight in slander and detraction, and love to protect libellers and defamers. It is not long since they would bring in a libeller guilty even at the suit of the Attorney General. In the reign of George the Second, no such mortifying repulses were received from juries, even when a dangerous rebellion raged in the very heart of the realm. Government was sufficiently respected to maintain its authority. Shebbear was without any difficulty punished with imprisonment and pillory; and many other delinquents were chastised by the lash of the law. Even so late as the beginning of his present Majesty's reign, when the minds of men trusted to his own benign and auspicious disposition, and were not soured by the interposition of undue influence, the laws had not lost their salutary terrors. Do you ask a proof? The forty-fifth number of the North-Briton is an undeniable evidence of my assertion. The Jury without any difficulty found the publisher guilty; what then has wrought so sudden a change in the temper and disposition of the people, that they now countenance the most audacious and wicked libels? In so short a time they cannot have become absolutely corrupt.
What then is the cause of this strange phenomenon? Are the Courts of Justice depraved and impure, and do they out of spite and malice contradict and oppose them? I hope not; I hope they are unimpeachable. I believe, nay I know, the scandalous reports, which are circulated, to be ill founded. Where then shall we look for the origin of this relaxation of the laws, and of all government? How comes this Junius to have broke thro' the cobwebs of the law, and to range uncontrouled, unpunished, thro' the land? The myrmidons of the Court have been long, and are still, pursuing him in vain. They will not spend their time upon me; or you, or you. No; they disdain such vermin, when the mighty boar of the forest, that has broke thro' all their toils, is before them. But what will all their efforts avail? No sooner has he wounded one than he lays down another dead at his feet. For my part, when I saw his attack upon the King, I own my blood run cold. I thought he had ventured too far, and that there was an end of his triumphs. Not that he had not asserted many truths. Yes, Sir, there are in that composition many bold truths, by which a wise Prince might profit. It was the rancour and venom, with which I was struck. In these respects the North Briton is as much inferior to him, as in strength, wit and judgment. But, while I expected from this daring flight his final ruin and fall, behold him rising still higher, and coming down soue upon both Rooms of this society. Yes, he did make you his quarry, and you still bleed from the wounds of his talons. You crouched, and still crouch, beneath his rage. Nor has
he dreaded the terrors of your brow; Sir, he has attacked even you; he has, and I believe you have no reason to triumph in the encounter. In short, after carrying away our Royal Eagle in his pounces, and dashing him against a rock, he has laid you prostrate. King, Lords, and Commons, are but the sport of his fury. Were he a Member of this Club, what might not be expected from his knowledge, his firmness and integrity? He would be easily known by his contempt of all danger, by his penetration, by his vigour. Nothing would escape his vigilance and activity. Bad Ministers could conceal nothing from his sagacity; nor could promises, nor threats, induce him to conceal any thing from the public.
But why do I dwell upon Junius alone? There are numberless other libellers, whom you cannot reach. Secure in the protection of the people, they laugh the terrors of information to scorn. All your messengers of the press, all your tribes of informers, are as much despised as they are detested. What is the cause of this general aversion to law, this universal conspiracy against government? We have seen that it arises neither from the natural depravity of the people, nor from the accidental behaviour of our Courts of law. What is the conclusion? The whole is chargeable upon Administration. The Ministers are the grand criminals. It is their malversation and unconstitutional encroachment, that have roused up in the nation this spirit of opposition, which tramples under foot all law, order and decorum. Till they are removed and punished, the land will be nothing but a scene of anarchy and confusion. It is not that I do not approve of the proposed enquiry into the conduct of our Judges. Though I believe the report to be false and groundless, yet as a friend to the Judges, as a friend to the people, whose suspicions will thus be removed by approbation, reprehension or punishment, I cannot help giving it my hearty concurrence. There is a letter directed to one of the Judges, which charges him with high crimes. Will you allow that paper to walk abroad without any notice? You have tried every expedient for quieting the people, but that of removing the offence. Were it only for the sake of experiment, it would be worth your while to try what effect this measure would have upon the public.
The REPLY of Mr. DEGREY, the Attorney General.
WHEN I hear facts misrepresented, in which I had a personal concern, and cases stated, which never had any existence but in the author's brain, I think myself authorised by justice, and bound in honour to contradict. The last Gentleman who spoke, has given the Room a brief narrative of two facts, which I know to be without foundation; and I must tell him, that to speak in gentle terms, he treats a man injuriously, when he assigns to his actions motives which are only the suggestions of his own fancy. He informs you, that malice and oppression appear palpably on the face of Almon's prosecution, because, forsooth, he happened to be first brought to his trial, and because his guilt was only nominal. But is his opinion more respectable than the opinion of the jury, by whom he was tried? They found him guilty. His trial preceded that of the original publisher, and the other delinquents, merely through accident. As many informations as could be conveniently got ready, were at the same time filed against the transgressors. The Judges, after this process was finished, happened, in the course of business, to sit to hear causes at Westminster, before they sat in the city. This is the true state of the case; this is all the malice, all the oppression, which have been exerted on this occasion. If there had been any preconceived scheme of rancour or revenge, a different course would have been taken. The Attorney General would have first brought to his trial the original publisher, that culprit, whose superior guilt seemed most likely to procure a verdict favourable to government; a verdict, which might serve as a precedent or sanction to the condemnation of the other defendants. Such would have been the true way of shewing malice. The very reverse of what is condemned, would have been the only rational plan for obtaining this end.
But, after procuring a verdict in this malicious manner, we dare not make use of it! We dare not pass sentence, or punish the guilty book-seller! He shall be called up to receive sentence to-morrow. It is true that Almon has already been summoned for that purpose; and yet, after attending, was told that he would not be wanted on that day. The Judges being either not agreed in their sentence, or being prevented by some other cause from concluding that business, I did not make Almon appear before them, left, by the rule of Court, they should be obliged to keep him in custody till sentence was passed. I was afraid that such a step might prove injurious to his trade and character. So that what was an act of lenity and mercy, is here charged upon the Attorney General as an act of cowardice and fear. No, Sir, that officer has done nothing of which he needs be afraid or ashamed. He misrepresents the actions of no man; he traduces the character of no man. Neither his words, nor his deeds, need ever call a blush in his cheek.
The REPLY of EDMUND BURKE.
I DID not mean to fix a stigma on the character of any particular man. All I wanted to shew was, that there was malice somewhere, and, from what I have

now heard, I find little reason to retract. A pretty satisfactory account, indeed, has been given for Almon's being first tried, and for his not having the other day received sentence. But has any reason been given for his being tried at all? Has the presumption of malice, that appears upon the face of that transaction, been wiped away by the Gentleman's rhetoric? No, we have heard much of the legality, equity and reasonableness, of prima facie evidence. If ever applicable, I am sure it is applicable to this case. The prima facie evidence fixes guilt on the prosecutors, and I am satisfied they have not produced contrary evidence to destroy its force. What is the consequence? They must, according to their own law or logic, be condemned. The share that Almon had in the publication of Junius's letter, was so small, that no man of common sense can suppose, that he was on that account marked out as an object of punishment. No, Sir, there were other latent causes, neither so specious, nor so ostensible.— Eternam servat sub pectore vulnus—manet alta mente repostum Judicium Paridis—Et genus invisum et rapti Ganymedes honores. I appeal to the honour and conscience of the House, whether I do not speak truth. If I do not, I expect to be contradicted. Does any one chuse to rise? No, none has the front; and I have the pleasure to see that we have still some grace left among us. This is a point that is obvious to the most simple and untutored. Had I been disposed to refine, and to play the metaphysician, my ingenuity, small as it is, would have enabled me to assign no very honourable motives to the quirk, which brought the least culpable first to their trial. Had the original publisher been first tried and acquitted, it was foreseen that common decency would not suffer the other prosecutions to go any farther; a circumstance, by which the culprits would have saved a deal of expence, and certain officers would have lost the harvest of their trade. This, and some other points of the like nature, I might urge, were I actuated by any malice, or personal pique. But I disclaim such unworthy motives. My public conduct shall always be directed by public considerations. Having said this, I have nothing further to add, but that I see no reason to retract or alter my opinions. I return therefore to the three grounds, on which I set out, and repeat that all our present misfortunes are owing to the corruption of the people, to the misconduct of our judges, or to the malversation of our Ministry. The absurdity of the first supposition I have explained I hope to your satisfaction. The whole blame must consequently fall on the two last, but chiefly on the Ministry. The necessary conclusion is, that the Ministry ought to be removed, and that the proposed enquiry into the conduct of our judges ought to be adopted.
Col. BARRE's SPEECH in the Robinhood Society.
THOUGH fully convinced, by experience, of the little weight I have in this Assembly, yet I cannot, on this alarming occasion, help begging its indulgence, while I contribute my mite towards the general utility, and join the feeble efforts of my voice to those of my friends. The situation of this country is too critical to allow any man of spirit and honour to sit an idle spectator, with his arms folded, and his heart contracted into a stoical apathy. The times call for the exertion of every virtue, and every talent, which the nation can boast. Far be it from me to arrogate a superior share of any perfection, I only lay claim to sincerity and upright intentions. To these qualities I owe that, on former occasions, you frequently lent me a patient ear. To these qualities I shall now be indebted for the same favour, for I cannot doubt that you will in the most important crisis shew me that partiality, which you always discovered in the most trifling conjuncture.
Allow me then to declare, that I entirely agree with my honourable friend in thinking, that the people cannot heartily concur with the Ministry in the prosecution of a war. For, not to repeat any of the arguments so forcibly and convincingly urged by him, is it not evident that a new war will, by the increase of taxes, places, and pensions, extend the power of the crown, and consequently render it more and more difficult every day to stem the torrent of corruption, and the progress of despotism? With this melancholy prospect before its eyes, can the nation cheerfully support men, whose encroachments on liberty have always kept pace with their power, whose perverse obstinacy, and milkten politics, will not allow them to make the least compensation to the public, or the least sacrifice to the general security? Human nature forbids us to harbour such a thought. The heart of man revolts at the idea of strengthening the hands of those, in whom it places no confidence. In such a situation, the people and their rulers can no more incorporate than vinegar and oil. Like non-electrics, they will repel each other, and preserve an eternal antipathy. Who then can, without sorrow, behold his Sovereign going to war, with only half his people at his back? Who can forbear to wish, that there may be reserved in Heaven some chosen bolt, red with uncommon fire, to blast the wretches, who could reduce him to such an unfortunate situation? Had George II. engaged in the late war with such fearful odds against him, could we have expected such wonderful success? The great Minister, to whose wisdom, spirit, and magnanimity, we primarily owed the smiles of fortune, was fully sensible of this truth. As the ground-work, therefore, of vigour abroad, he restored unanimity at home, and then shook the power of France and Spain to the foundation. Ought not we at this juncture to follow the same course? Nothing can be more evident. The national grievances ought to be immediately redressed. His Majesty ought at any price to buy the affections of his subjects; for in the day of trial this is the family compact, the brazen wall, on which he must depend. It is not easy to foresee what effect the imposition of new taxes, or a misfortune in war, may have on the people, while their minds are soured by unredressed grievances, and odious Ministers. No prudent Senator can advise his Sovereign to make the experiment. If this conciliation scheme is adopted, then, and not till then, may we expect to carry on a successful war. Then will our military officers act with spirit, and zeal, and emulation. Nor should I refuse my share of the danger.
CUMBERLAND, February 11, 1771. THE subscriber takes this method of informing his creditors, that he intends, March ensuing court, to make use of the insolvent act. HARTWELL MACON, to 40s. WILLIAM THOMPSON, JAMES GOODRUM.
Whatever talents I possess are ever at the service of my country. Not that I solicit employment at the hands of our Ministers: No, let them not think it. While they steer the helm, I am sensible that no commander can expect any thing but disgrace. I cannot, therefore, with to heap red hot coals upon my own head, or to be with them accessory to the ruin of my country. Had I even some opinion of their talents for the management of a war, yet would their politics be an unsurmountable barrier between us. For, however low opposition may be reduced, on its present ground, it will always be honourable. Should we dwindle to ten, we will always go out of this House, ten respectable figures, still reminding the nation of what its representatives should be. But here I may be perhaps thought too severe. Let us then examine their conduct. About the latter end of May, or the beginning of June, they were acquainted with the fate of Falkland island. At that time they learned that the Governor of Buenos Ayres had sent a frigate or two to warn our troops to quit the island; that our commanding officer had threatened to blow them off, if they would not depart; that the Spaniards, in consequence, declared their resolution of employing force, since fair words had failed, and that there was no doubt but they would put the same in execution. Where their interest, or pride, is concerned, the Spaniards are pretty tenacious of their words, and it could not be supposed that the Governor of Buenos Ayres would, in this case, belie the character of his nation. But, ask my honourable friend, who is this Governor of Buenos Ayres, this mighty Potentate, against whom the King of Great-Britain is going to draw his sword? I will tell him. When at Gibraltar, in an inferior station, I confess, I happened in an excursion to meet this Governor; this Don Francisco, whom our Ministers consider as so great and formidable. For a Spaniard, he was not a bad companion; he could circulate the glass pretty freely; in a word, he was a very good sort of a Gentleman: But I do not believe that he had, at that time, the most distant hope of ever entering into a competition with the King of Great-Britain. But our Ministers were made for rendering absurdity fashionable. As they have, for this two years, degraded their Royal Master by a quarrel with a wretched libeller, so now they commit his dignity in a contest with a little Spanish officer. The terrible foes that rouse his vengeance are John Wilkes, and my old friend Don Francisco. What is this but breaking a fly upon the wheel, or making Jupiter hurl his bolts against a pigmy! These are the buzzards, these are the owls, on which they exhaust the lightning of our Royal Eagle! How much more honourable would it have been to have at once considered the King of Spain as the aggressor, as the delinquent! It is evident, from the coolness and deliberation with which Don Francisco acted, that he acted under the authority, and by the express command, of the Bourbons. If he had not, he would have, ere now, forfeited his head. Why then did not our Ministers, upon the first intelligence, deem this act of hostility the most explicit and effectual declaration of war? Why did they not immediately arm the nation, and prepare for striking as decisive a blow as that which secured us the superiority last war? This step would have brought into our ports their Newfoundland ships and sailors, and effectually ruined their marine. Of this truth no person of common sense can entertain the least doubt; and, in fact, it is allowed on all hands. The most obstinate stickler for the Ministry has here nothing to say in their defence.
But instead of embracing this prudent, this vigorous measure, they let the affair sleep for three or four months, as if time had no wings, as if they could always seize opportunity by the forelock. And, when at last waked out of their lethargy, what have they done? What harbours have they improved? What forts have they repaired? What cities have they fortified? Have they strengthened the lines at Quebec? Have they secured that spot, which, if taken by the enemy, will ruin our fishery; if it is not already ruined by their idleness, timidity, or ignorance? Have you taken any measures for defending those sugar islands, which, from their situation, are exposed to the insults of the enemy? What precautions have you taken for the safety of Minorca? I know that, when the troops from Ireland arrive, the garrison will consist of nine battalions. But whoever told you that this number would be sufficient, knows nothing of the service. I am confident that every officer of judgment and experience will coincide with me in opinion. You see then where you are vulnerable. More instances might be pointed out; but that were impiety. I should hold myself inexcusable for what I have already said, were I not sensible that our enemies know them as well as we do. Such then is the situation of this country, to which our Minister, in the course of last session, promised a ten years peace. I stood up in my place, and ventured to call his prophecy in question. I gave my reasons; but they were called the suggestions of fashion. The Minister, truffling to his own sagacity and foresight, paid no regard to the forebodings of the gallant Admiral, who now sits at the head of the marine department. That illustrious seaman, than whom I know not a better Officer, nor a more excellent citizen, declared, that whoever occupied next year the place then held by him, would be forced to call for an augmentation of 6000 sailors. These words shew that I was not singular in my opinion, and that other respectable persons felt the approach of war. I know not what the opinion of the Minister may be; but I still continue of the same. I smell war; a calamity which might have been easily prevented, had our negotiators acted with spirit and resolution in the affair of Corsica. I happened then to be at Paris, and I can, with the greatest truth, affirm, that the French would have deemed your interposition the part of a friend. Tired and exhausted with such an effusion of blood and treasure, they would have thanked you for any honourable pretence to withdraw from that scene of so many disasters. But you acted then like poltroons, and poltroons always bring upon themselves a succession of insults. And now that, like bullies, you hector and bluster, and run swaggering about, what will you do? Quid feret hic tanto dignum promissor hiatus? Where is there a man among you that
can make the proper arrangements for war? Whom will you appoint Commander in Chief? He was! who could fill that office with dignity and ability, is no more; and no friend of Britain will refuse his memory a tear. For when shall we see his like again? Regardless of money, and studious only of true glory, he sought the applause and affection of his country, and he acquired them. His honesty and integrity were unquestioned; his courage, which was of the most ardent and decisive kind, had covered him with laurels, so much the more honourable that he did not employ the weight and authority thence derived for his own private emolument, but for the public good. Such virtue, rare at any time, was to be doubly prized in such an age as this. Such talents might have given life and vigour to our military counsels. But, snatched away when we most needed his heart, and his hand, he is, alas! no more.
It is, however, some consolation, under this distress, that we have such an able secretary at war. His superior talents will make us amends for the loss of so great a character. That clearness for which his dispatches are remarkable, is a sufficient earnest of his future achievements. In the last war, some of his letters to the Governor of Gibraltar were, if I remember well, unintelligible, some were contradictory, and all confused and perplexed. Hence the loss of Minorca. If his head produced such effects, when he acted only an under part, what may we not expect from it, where he is the supreme director? It is not that the Honourable Lord cannot write with sufficient perspicuity, where the question is to destroy his Majesty's subjects. There he confesses the power of his eloquence. There he is quite intelligible. There he can inspire the soldiers with alacrity. I wish the Ministry joy of such a superintendent of the military department; but I am sorry that I cannot pay my country the same compliment.
Lord NORTH's SPEECH in the Robinhood Society.
MUCH breath has been expended on this occasion, but to little purpose; for I do not find that any of our orators have proposed any amendment of the address, which is the subject now before the House. I must therefore conclude, that it has no material imperfection, and that it may, in its present form, be preferred to his Majesty, as the sense of this Assembly. But though no solid objection can be made to the address, occasion has been taken from the words of the address and the speech, to arraign the general conduct of the Ministry. It is insinuated, that their measures have raised such discontentments, and incurable jealousies among the people, that the King must go to war with only half his people at his back. I with Gentlemen had been a little more cautious and moderate in their expressions. Is it credible that, on account of any political squabbles among ourselves, the people will abandon their lawful Sovereign, and risk the danger of a foreign yoke? Such a thought is absurd and extravagant, and can only proceed from a distempered imagination. The nation will be unanimous in chastising the Bourbon confederacy, and the King will find, that they will all form a wall of brass behind. The common danger being removed, it will be time enough to think of adjusting our domestic quarrels. But, say you, who can second the operations of those who have degraded their Sovereign by a pitiful contest with the Governor of Buenos Ayres? In answer to this, you will allow me to observe, that the intrinsic value of Falkland Island could not be deemed a sufficient cause of war, and that it was therefore a proper object of negotiation. This, which cannot be denied, being granted, what could be more prudent, than to leave an opening for accommodation, by allowing the King of Spain to avow or disavow, as he thought proper, the act of the Governor of Buenos Ayres? Indeed, if Britain had thrown herself into the arms of France, as a mediator, there would have been some ground for cavil. But where has the Gentleman picked up this intelligence? He says that more knowledge of the actual state of affairs may be gathered from a common news-paper, than from the King's Speech. We all know the Gentleman's partiality for these vehicles of politics. May I then presume to assert, that he must have owed this anecdote to these oracles of truth? I think I may, without much vanity, pretend to as much knowledge of the matter as the Honourable Gentleman, and yet, I protest, the affair is an entire secret to me. Great-Britain has not employed France as a mediator. If she had need of a mediator, she would have need of a protector; a case which can never exist, while she is the first and the greatest power in Europe; or, if these words be too strong, one of the first and greatest powers in Europe. But we have not secured all the British possessions from danger, and provided against every sudden blow from the enemy. It may be so: For what wisdom can with so few troops render us every where invulnerable? The Honourable Minister, who started this objection, could not, I believe, with all his sagacity, and military talents, succeed in such an arduous task. Here, therefore, he is as unfortunate as in his attack upon the imaginary prophecy concerning the duration of peace, which he attributes to me. I made no such prophecy. I only said that such and such advantages would accrue to Britain, if the peace lasted ten years. I ventured on the strength of calculation, to specify the quantity of the national debt, which would, in that time, be paid off. Indeed, I thought at that juncture, that war was at a great distance; but I was far from prophesying. But, had the Ministry acted with spirit in the affair of Corsica, war might have been prevented. The Gentleman's intelligence may be very good, yet the point is not very clear to me. And had a rupture actually ensued in consequence of our interference, who would not have blamed the Ministry for not allowing the enemy to waste their blood and treasure upon an object, which they may find a thorn in their side.
Col. BARRE's REPLY to Lord NORTH's SPEECH in the Robinhood Society.
SIR, THE Minister has thought proper to disclaim the prophecy of a ten years peace, with which he was charged. I am not surprised at it; for nothing can be more natural for an unfortunate wight than to deny a

bastard child, for whom he is likely to be brought to shame. I will not be so ungenerous as to add to the catalogue of his transgressions by a false charge. The real sins, for which he has to answer, are so many, that, were I an enemy, I could not with the least exaggeration. All my spleen and malice would be fully gratified, by displaying the naked truth. For this reason, and for the honour of my own character, he may be assured that I will never quote his oracular sayings, his gospel, except where I am very sure of the text. Will he then believe me, when I tell him, that I took down his words? Here they are, without any marks of forgery, and with all the visible characters of authenticity, with the sacred rust, and precious varnish of antiquity. Martini Scriblerus would be forced to confess them genuine. Have we here no Antiquarian to be consulted? Shall I then send for my ink-merchant to determine the point by the colour of his own manufacture? Or will the noble Lord trust to my honour? I hope he is a man of honour. He ought to remember, that what he utters in this Assembly, is not exactly like the Sybbelline verses, Folius non Garmina mandat .
Sir WILLIAM MEREDITH'S SPEECH.
THERE is something pleasant in the language, as well as in the train of reasoning adopted by our Ministers. They persuade themselves that their measures will be cordially supported by the people, while the people are at variance with them and their measures. They expect that there will be no contest but that of displaying a superiority of zeal in support of the common cause, forgetting that the nation can never make a common cause with those, whom it has found to be common enemies. It seems they are resolved to be consistent, and not to deviate on this occasion from the same prudent maxims which have hitherto directed their conduct, and rendered their plan of politics so successful and satisfactory—The hearty concurrence of the kingdom they deem a just reward for having violated its most essential rights. Nor is this surprizing in men of their principles and talents. Their past administration being only a transcript of the measures pursued by Charles the First, why should we wonder that they should preserve the same character to the last, and complete the tragedy— Servetur ad imum qualis ab incepto processerit, et sibi constet . Charles, while openly invading the franchises of his people, had the temerity to engage in a war. What was the consequence? The injured people would not fight, and thus brought disgrace and ruin upon the head of the deluded and devoted Monarch. Men will never discover spirit or valour, when they have no confidence in their leaders. Much more will this be the case, when they dread greater calamities from their leaders, than from the very enemies whom they oppose. Domestic slavery is no less terrible, than a foreign yoke, even where that yoke is certain. What then will it be, where a foreign yoke is but barely possible? The danger with which we are threatened by France and Spain, is distant and uncertain; but the blow aimed by our Ministers at the vitals of liberty, the most precious of all possessions, is imminent and undoubted. Can it then be expected that Britons can sally forth, like Quixottes, in quest of distant enemies, while foes more formidable, because insidious friends, remain behind in possession of the city, of the citadel, and every palladium of the constitution? Never believe it. They cannot exert their native gallantry in defence of that liberty, which no longer exists. Being deprived of the character of citizens, they will not expose their lives for a master. Accustomed to fight for themselves, they will beware of encroaching the power of a despot, and forging their own chains.
Recollect the fate of King John, abandoned by his English subjects, because they spurned at oppression, he lost his transmarine dominions, and laid the foundation of all his future misfortunes. Call to mind the catastrophe of Edward the Second. In his war with the Scotch, fortune did not turn her back upon him, till he had first provoked his subjects to desertion. A people of a generous and free spirit discover in such circumstances less valour than confirmed slaves. Their souls distracted between hope and fear are unmanned by the anxiety of suspense. The Romans, oppressed by their Decemvirs, refused not only to fight, but to conquer. They fled before those foreign enemies, who durst not face them, when they had once quelled their domestic foes. Such were the effects produced by the dread of losing liberty!
Of these truths all our great Princes were so fully convinced, that, before they embarked on the perilous ocean of war, they saw all the storms of civil commotion laid, and internal peace and union restored to all their dominions. Thus supported by the love and united strength of his subjects, Edward the first conquered Scotland. Thus supported, Edward the third victoriously traversed France, and annexed Calais to the Crown of England. Thus supported, Henry the Fifth quartered the lilly with the rose, and left the fair possession to his son.
But why should I expatiate farther on a point so manifest in itself, that it hardly needs the testimony of history, which is so explicit in its behalf? Nothing but the perverse obstinacy and unenlightened politics of our present rulers could stand in need of any admonition on this head. Had they not avowed it both in the speech, and in the address, no sober man could have suspected that they would count upon the concurrence of the nation, till our decision of the Middlesex election was reversed. The grievance is so enormous and intolerable, that none, who deserve not a cell in Bedlam, can reasonably hope for such an event. Of this truth I have so strong a conviction, that, though I know what little weight I have with the Ministers, I cannot help conjuring them to take away this evil thing, this stumbling block, from among the people. If they will be deaf to the voice of reason, to the call of justice and the request of the nation, yet let them make this sacrifice to their own security, and to the stability of the throne. Tho' you should have no compassion on the present age, nor shew any regard to posterity, at least consult the safety of your own heads; and once in your lives do an act, which may prove your attachment to that master, and that family, of whose interests you pretend to be so tender.
PHILADELPHIA, March 11.
On Thursday night last, between six and seven o'clock, Mr. George Cooper, Skinner, near Christ Church, in Second-street, was robbed of the sum of 10501. in gold, dollars, and paper money. The thief finding the street door open, went up the stairs, broke open the room door, and the desk in the room, and a little door of a drawer in the desk, out of which he took the money, and went off unobserved. The next morning, fifty pounds reward was offered, by advertisement, for apprehending the thief, and in a few hours, one Jacob Crothouse, who had formerly been employed as a journeyman by Mr. Cooper, was taken up on suspicion, when, being greatly frightened, he soon confessed the fact, and delivered up all the cash, except about five pounds, which he had expended. After being examined by a Magistrate, he was committed to gaol.
WILLIAMSBURG, March 28.
We hear from Isle of Wight county, that a large sailing boat belonging to Mr. Thomas Day, of Day's Point, in that county, was overset in a gale of wind, on Saturday the second instant, in James river, by which accident one John Bedgood and John Gray, of that place, with two very valuable negro slaves, belonging to Mr. Day, perished. As the bodies have not yet been heard of, it will be esteemed a favour by the friends and relations of the unfortunate Bedgood and Gray, if the person that should discover their bodies, would immediately give notice to Mr. Day, that, if possible, they may be removed to that place; if not, it is requested they may be decently interred, and the expence will be willingly paid.
Mr. Bedgood was aged about thirty, and cloathed in a double breasted homespun jacket bound with green, spotted stockings, leather breeches, check shirt, and a duffil great coat, almost new. He has left a widow, and three small children, in unhappy circumstances.
Mr. Gray was about forty years of age, and cloathed in a blue coat and jacket, oznabrig trowsers, country made shoes, new, and a duffil great coat, much worn. It is supposed he had some cash in silver with him, which may probably be found with the body.
On Friday the 18th of January, the dwelling-house of Mr. Edward Kerr, merchant in Accomack county, accidentally caught fire, and was entirely consumed, but the most valuable part of the furniture was saved.
The Liberty, Walker, and the Justitia, Somerville, from London, are arrived in Rappahannock river. The True Briton, Atkinson, from Liverpool, and the Bell, Porterfield, from Glasgow, in James river; but they have all had long passages.
I DELIVERED up the whole of my estate last October to the trustees, agreeable to the deed of the 13th of Dec. 1767, to be sold for the benefit of the creditors who acceded thereto, and in consequence obtained a discharge: I have now signed another, relinquishing a claim I had against my father's executors, to such as had not availed themselves of the former, and may be willing to receive a dividend in like proportion with those who did; the balance, if any, to be equally distributed, as well amongst those who have given me a discharge, as those from whom I now ask it, judging it as improper, that the clemency of the former should operate to their disadvantage, as that the inattention of the latter to the deed in 1767, should deprive them of the benefit now offered, but that every creditor should be equally provided for, according to the real intent of that deed, and that I should be at liberty to endeavour after a support for my family. From so great a majority having already signified their approbation of these measures, I have a flattering prospect that no one will prefer the option of imprisoning my person, since there is not even a possibility of its being attended with advantage, but a painful twenty days to an innocent woman, and distressed children; to which, however disagreeable, I am fully determined to submit, if there should be any process against my person; and I give this public notice, to prevent an attachment against effects in which I have no longer a property, lest some one creditor should be troublesome to the rest, which perhaps might be attempted, though without the least appearance of success. WILLIAM KENNON
By order of the GENERAL COURT, to raise my sisters fortunes, will be exposed for sale, in Culpeper county, at the court-house, to the highest bidder,
A LARGE quantity of LAND, laid off in LOTS of 150 and 200 acres. The sale to begin on Monday the 27th of May next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, and continue till all is sold: Two thirds of the money to be paid on the 10th day of October, and the other third on the 10th day of April following, the purchasers giving bond and approved security to ALEXANDER SPOTSWOOD.
To be SOLD at seven years credit, or longer if required,
ABOUT eleven hundred acres of fine level LAND, great part of which are valuable low grounds, lying in Augusta county, in a fork of Shenandoah river, and is in the neighbourhood of Mr. Gabriel Jones, Mr. Thomas Lewis, and Mrs. Peachey Gilmer. There is on the premises a large dwelling-house, with all convenient out-houses, and a fine thriving apple orchard. I think it unnecessary to describe it more fully. Those that choose to purchase, may know the terms by applying to Mr. Gabriel Jones, or to JOHN MADISON.
Just imported, and to be SOLD by the subscribers,
A QUANTITY of very fine Jamaica coffee, pimento, ginger, Muscovado and refined sugars, Liverpool salt, crates of earthen ware, &c. &c. BOLDEN, LAWRENCE, and Co.
To be SOLD at Port Royal, on Monday the 8th of April next, to the highest bidder,
Between thirty and forty very likely Virginia born
S L A V E S, for ready money, or merchants notes, payable on or before the 25th of April next ensuing, at the General Court. A good and indisputable title will be made the purchasers, by complying with the above terms of payment.
MATTOX BRIDGE, March 15, 1771.
THE trade carried on at this place, for Messrs. Andrew Thomson and company, of Glasgow, being discontinued, all who are indebted to the store are requested to come and settle their accounts, and make speedy payment. Those whose debts have been long due, are desired to regard this as the last gentle intimation; and unless they are discharged this summer, must blame themselves for the consequence. The goods on hand, consisting of a neat assortment, most of them lately imported, will be sold in wholesale, on reasonable terms. ARCHIBALD BRYCE.
Just arrived at Leeds town, The ship JUSTITIA, with about ONE HUNDRED healthy SERVANTS, MEN, WOMEN, and BOYS.
AMONG which are many tradesmen, viz. blacksmiths, shoemakers, tailors, house carpenters and joiners, weavers, a cooper, a bricklayer and plasterer, a painter, a watchmaker, a glazier, several silversmiths, a jeweller, and many others.
The sale will commence on Tuesday the 24th of April, 1771, at Leeds town, on Rappahannock river. A reasonable credit will be allowed, giving bond, with approved security, to THOMAS HODGE.
I have an assorted CARGO of GOODS from London, suitable for the season, about 20001. sterling worth, which I will lump off on reasonable terms at a credit, with good security. T H
FREDERICKSBURG, March 2, 1771.
THE badness of the weather obliged me to postpone the sale of the LOTS belonging to the estate of Doctor Sutherland, in Frederickburg, agreeable to my former advertisement: I shall sell them on the 8th of April, on the terms formerly mentioned.
WILL be exposed for sale, at the May fair, 800 acres of LAND, belonging to the estate of Doctor Sutherland. It is situate and lies on the south side of Rappahannock river, about 4 or 5 miles from Frederickburg. It is remarkably well timbered and watered, with a neat box of an house on one part of it, and on another an excellent plantation, with every convenience for the planter, or farmer. It will be parcelled, or sold together, as may suit the purchasers. Credit will be given for one half the money till Sept. fair, and the other half till May following. An indisputable title will be made to the purchasers, on giving bond, with approved security. ROBERT BRENT.
RECOVERY FURNACE, January 23, 1771.
W A N T E D,
A VESSEL that will carry between eighty and one hundred and twenty tons (24 nett hundreds to the ton) to transport ore from Patapsco to Rappahannock, and carry out pig iron. The terms are six shillings per ton, with liberty of sending out pig iron gratis to any part of Rappahannock, corn or any thing we may have to send to Patapsco; or five shillings per ton for the ore, and the customary freights of what we may send out; four hands will be found to assist to load and unload; sixty tons of ore, at least, may be put in of a day; a trip may be made in twenty-four days, on an average, with ease, as many trips have been made in sixteen. Employment for such a vessel may be depended on the whole season.
MR. John Graham, of the county of Prince William, having made over to us, in trust, for the benefit of his creditors, three slaves, some stock and household furniture, as also two hundred acres of land, contiguous to the town of Dumfries, whereon is a gift and saw mill, but subject to the dower of Mrs. Elizabeth Graham, his wife, and to a mortgage to the estate of Mrs. Anne Dent, late of Maryland, deceased, the particulars of which deed of trust may be seen, by applying to us, or Mr. John Graham.
Notice is hereby given, that only such of his creditors as shall sign a letter of licence to him, on or before the first day of April next ensuing, are to be intitled to any dividend arising from the sales of the above land and effects. CUMBERLAND WILSON, THOMAS MONTGOMERIE.
A MEETING of the creditors of Mr. David Galloway, at the Raleigh tavern, in Williamsburg, on May the 7th, is requested by THE TRUSTEES.
WILLIAMSBURG, February 28, 1771.
THE subscriber (who hath been a practitioner in the courts of law and equity in England for upwards of thirty years) having obtained a licence to act as an Attorney in this colony, takes this method of informing the public, that he intends to practice in the several courts following, viz. James City, the Court of Hustings in Williamsburg, York, and Surrey; and at the same time to assure all those who shall apply to him for advice, that they may depend on every assistance in his power; and that whatever is committed to his care, shall have all the dispatch that the nature of the case will admit; being determined not to take any cause in hand but what shall be for the benefit of his client, and his own reputation. SUSSEX DARE.
N. B. Articles of copartnership, deeds, leases, and all kinds of conveyances, powers of attorney, &c. drawn on the most reasonable terms. The subscriber will be glad to engage with any Gentlemen in the country to conduct their business in the General Court. Whoever this will suit, and will favour the subscriber with a line, the same shall be punctually observed. S. D.
RUN away from the plantations of Mr. Brett Randolph, deceased, in Cumberland county, the 1st of January last, two Negro men. CHARLES and CLAIBORNE: CHARLES is about 24 years old, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, of a lively countenance, quick and upright, of a yellowish complexion, has lost one of his upper fore teeth, and has had a small piece cut out of one of his ears. Had on when he went away, a jacket made of cotton, with a cape and cuffs; his other cloaths such as usual for negroes. CLAIBORNE is about 18 years old, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, well made, has remarkable thick lips, and very black; he is an African, but speaks plain; had on such cloaths as Negroes usually wear. Whoever brings the said slaves to Charles Rice, in Cumberland county, at the aforesaid plantations, or to the subscriber, in Chesterfield county, shall have FORTY SHILLINGS for each, besides what the law allows; if taken out of this colony, FIVE POUNDS for each. BERNARD MARKHAM.
TAKEN up on the head of Falling River, a red and white bull, about a years old, has a crop in each ear, and two bits in the right. WILLIAM THOMPSON. BROUGHT to Blandford warehouse, in November, 1769, two hogheads of tobacco. The owner may have them by proving his property, and paying the requisite charges attending them. WILLIAM BROWN.
THE Negro fellow named JEFFERY, whom I advertised in this paper of the 18th of October last, continues still unclaimed; and lately I have discovered that he is branded on the right breast CHE in a piece. WILLIAM BELL.
WHEREAS my wife Elizabeth hath, for some time past, behaved to me in a manner highly undutiful and disaffectionate, and much to the prejudice of my peace and interest, I hereby give notice that I will not, for the future, be answerable for any debts that may contract. SAMUEL COMER.

AS there is the most pressing call for the money that is due for the sales of Col. Thomas Moore's estate, I give this notice that I shall attend at the April General Court, at Amelia court in May, and at the Oyer court in June, in order to receive the said money; and shall immediately after being suits for all that shall then remain unpaid. I shall at the same time bring suits for all the debts due to me for the sales of Negroes. JOHN HAWKINS.
To be SOLD to the highest bidder, on the premises, pursuant to an act of Assembly, on Wednesday the 15th of May next,
TWO thousand eight hundred acres of land, being the upper part of a tract belonging to Armistead Lightfoot, Esq; in Brunswick county. It will be laid off into lots, to make it convenient to the purchasers. Any person inclined to buy, may be shewn it, by applying to Thomas Gholson, who lives on it. Credit will be given till the first of November next, upon giving bond and security to
LEWIS BURWELL, JAMES BURWELL, THOMAS M. RANDOLPH, JOHN WOODSON. } Trustees.
MARCH 20, 1771.
THE next meeting of the Treasurer, Trustees, and subscribers to the fund for the relief of the widows and orphans of clergymen, is to be held at the College, on Saturday the 4th of May. Trustees for the present year, the Rev. Messrs. Henry Skyring, James Maury Fontaine, Arthur Hamilton, William Willie, Thomas Wilkinson, and Alexander White. Preachers, the Rev. Messrs. Jehiah Johnson, in the morning, and Samuel Henley, in the afternoon. Treasurer, John Cumm. By order. JACOB BRUCE, Clerk.
WILLIAMSBURG, March 21, 1771.
A JOURNEYMAN BARBER, who understands his business well, will meet with good encouragement, by applying to
WALTER LENOX.
STOLEN from the subscriber, on the 21st or 22d of last June, in York or Williamsburg, two MOURNING RINGS, each of them has a large single diamond, and each of them for one of the family of the Honourable John Grymes, in Middlesex. Also a pair of STUDS, stone set in gold, with the letters J. G. under each stone. If any person will deliver them, or either of them, to Doctor Griffin in York town, or the subscriber in Lancaster, shall receive fifty shillings for each of the rings, and ten shillings for the studs, and no enquiry made, but the favour greatly acknowledged by
THOMAS B. GRIFFIN.
BLANDFORD, February 24, 1771.
MANY applications having been made to me by patients at a distance, and others, notwithstanding my declared intention of declining the practice of phylic; to prevent for the future any unnecessary trouble, to such as might otherwise send for me, I think it incumbent on me to make my determination public, viz. that my ill state of health has rendered it impracticable for me to continue the practice of phylic any longer, as far as visiting may be necessary. I have, however, at the request of my friends, and many of my former patients, determined to continue to give my advice, and prescribe for any case that shall be properly stated and sent me for that purpose, accompanied with my fee, which is a pistole for prescribing, and a guinea for a consultation; and as I shall keep no medical accounts, applications without the fee, will not be attended to. The indigent and necessitous need not be deterred by this advertisement from applying as usual, for, to such, advice will be given gratis.
My houses and lots in Blandford are to be disposed of, on terms which may be known by applying to the subscriber. THEODORICK BLAND.
For BARBADOS
THE new brigantine Molly, will be ready to take in her cargo by the first of April next. Any person inclined to freight or charter, may know the terms by applying to THOMAS PRICE. N. B. She has good accommodations for passengers.
FREDERICKSBURG, Feb. 18, 1771.
Five Pounds Reward.
RUN away from the sloop Tryall, in Rappahannock river, on the 2d day of December last, a bright Mulatto man slave, named SAM, the property of Mr. Charles Yates, of Fredericksburg, who bought him last May of Col. Warner Lewis, of Gloucester county, since which time he has been constantly with me, till he run off; he is about 25 years of age, six feet two inches high, strong limbed, well made, and a very likely fellow, has a scar on his forehead over one of his eyes, I think it is the left, has some colour in his cheeks when warm, and has a large flock of long wool on his head, which he often shears about the crown; he was bred up partly to the plantation and farming business, and sometimes, as he inform'd me, employed as an ax man and sawyer about ship building. His dress was such as sailors wear, and imported ready made, the under jacket of spotted Iwan skin, or cotton, and too short for him in the arms; he had also a milled double yarn cap of two colours, and took with him his bedding, a new spotted rug, which he had stolen, and several yards of mixed coloured broad cloth out from a whole piece that he had also stolen, remainder of which he had distributed amongst the crew, to bribe them to secrecy. His thefts were certainly the cause of his flight, to avoid the gallows; for he was never punished whilst with me, nor ever complained, or had any cause to be dissatisfied at his treatment, and it is probable his apprehensions will make him endeavour to escape out of the colony, under the character of a sailor. I have heard that he was at Norfolk on Christmas day, and there pretended to have belonged to a vessel lately wrecked on the sea coast; with such a story, some person in want of hands, might be induced to engage him; should it have been so, any person, knowing it, shall be well rewarded for the information; and if he is yet in the colony, whoever apprehends him, shall receive FIVE POUNDS, on delivery to me or to his master at Fredericksburg, besides what the law allows, for conveying him from the place where he is taken up.
STAFFORD LIGHTBURN, Jun.
BENJAMIN G. PITTS, TAILOR, BEGS leave to inform the public, that he is now settled in Ware parish, Gloucester county, on the plantation of Mordecai Cooke, Esq; where he proposes carrying on the above business in all its branches, and on the most reasonable terms. Those who please to favour him with their custom, may depend on having their work done in the neatest manner, and with the utmost dispatch.
ROBERT STEELE, STAY MAKER, At Mr. John Richardson's in Church Street, Norfolk,
CARRIES on his business in all its branches. He returns thanks to all Ladies that have honoured him with their custom, and hopes for a continuance of their favours. All orders from the country shall be punctually executed.
WHEREAS the subscriber, living at the foot of Pokohontas bridge, in Dinwiddie county, intends shortly to quit his public way of life; these are therefore to give notice to all those who are indebted to him to come immediately and settle their respective balances, otherwise they may expect no farther indulgence. My customers (those that are indebted to me) are desired to learn that nothing but immediate necessity should have occasioned this advertisement. RICHARD BURGE.
CHARLOTTE county, February 16, 1771.
THE subscriber having lately purchased of James Roberts, of Pittsylvania county, a Negro man slave named Dick, and as a report prevails that the said slave is under several mortgages or other encumbrances, he therefore requests those who may have any claim to the said slave, to make the same known to him before the second Tuesday in June next, as he is bound to pay the money by that time. R. WILLIAMS.
To be SOLD, on Monday the 8th of April, at Mecklenburg court-house, being court day,
TWELVE likely Virginia born S L A V E S;
Amongst whom are a good sawyer, and a good cook, the others are men and boys. They will be sold for ready money, or good merchants notes, payable at the April General Court. The title is indisputable, and will be made so to the purchasers at the day of sale.
For S A L E,
TWENTY thousand acres of LAND, in the counties of Frederick and Hampshire, which was advertised some years ago in this colony, and the neighbouring provinces, and its situation and qualities then described; therefore think it needless to repeat them now. It will be sold very cheap, and reasonable time of payment will be allowed the purchaser, or purchasers, for one half of the purchase money, who may be shown the premises by applying to the subscriber, in Winchester. BRYAN BRUIN.
To be SOLD, on Tuesday the 7th day of May next, being court day, at Mr. Philip Bouh's, in Winchester,
NINE LOTS in the said town, late the property of John Greenfield, deceased; several of the said lots have 3 acres of common appendant thereto, are conveniently situated, and well improved. Also 2 tracts of land in Hampshire county, one near Cropper's bridge, and the other joining Hugh Murphy, late the joint property of Major James Livingstone, and the said Greenfield. Purchasers will be allowed six months credit for half the price, and twelve months for the remainder, giving bond and security to
ANGUS M'DONALD, and ALEXANDER WHITE. } Executors.
General Post Office, New-York, Jan. 22, 1771.
HIS Majesty's POST MASTER GENERAL having (for the better facilitating of Correspondence between Great-Britain and America) been pleased to add a 5th PACKET-BOAT to the Station between Falmouth and New-York, Notice is hereby given, that the MAIL, for the future, will be closed at the Post Office in New-York, at 12 of the Clock at Night, on the 1st Tuesday in every Month, and dispatched by a Packet the next Day for Falmouth.
By Command of the DEPUTY POST MASTER GENERAL,
ALEXANDER COLDEN, SECRETARY.
WANTED ON CHARTER,
TO load tar and turpentine, in North-Carolina, a vessel about 1500 barrels burthen. For terms apply to James Marsden, Norfolk, or the subscribers at Richmond; who have for sale a quantity of good SEINE TWINE. STORRS & ELLIS.
NORTHUMBERLAND, March 1, 1771.
STRAYED or stolen from the Rev. Mr. Thomas Smith's last Christmas, a dark bay mare, about 14 hands and an inch high, with foal, and about 12 years old; I suppose she may make to Ruff's ferry, where she has often crossed to Middlesex. Whoever will deliver her to me, at Indian creek, shall receive TWENTY SHILLINGS reward. JOHN SMITH.
TAKEN up in Henrico, on Four Mile creek, two fows, the one black, marked with a crop in the right ear, and a hole in the left, the other white and black, marked with a crop in the left ear; likewise twelve pigs belonging to the said fows. Appraised to 30s. CHARLES WOODSON.
TAKEN up in New Kent county, a small bay mare, about 4 years old, 4 feet 3 inches high, has a small blaze in her face, one of her hind feet white, her near eye entirely out, and is neither docked or branded. Posted, and appraised to 3l. 10s. WILLIAM ARMISTEAD.
To be SOLD, to the highest bidder, at Henrico May court,
THE lots whereon James Vaughan lives, in Richmond town, and 4 others in the back street, in the same town. Also 83 acres of back land, about 3 miles from the said town, belonging to the said lots. One half the money to be paid down, and the other half in two years after the day of sale. THOMAS STEGER, HANS STEGER.
GEORGE the Third, by the grace of God, of Great-Britain, France and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c. To the sheriff of Lou-doun county, greeting. We command you that you summon Thomas Patterson, brother and heir of John Patterson, late of Leesburg, in the said county, merchant, deceased, to appear before the Justices of our said county court, at the court-house thereof, on the 2d Monday in December next, to answer a bill in chancery, exhibited against him and Fleming Patterson, of Leesburg, merchant, by Henry McCabe of Alexandria, merchant, William Craufurd, jun. and company, merchants, William Craufurd, Thomas Dunmore, and company, of Great-Britain, merchants. And this he shall in no wise omit, under the penalty of 100l. and have there then this writ. Witness Charles Binns, clerk of our said court, the 15th day of November, in the 11th year of our reign, 1770. 6m CHARLES BINNS.
FREDERICK, July 2, 1770.
THE subscriber thinks proper to inform the public, that he purposes beginning to inoculate the SMALL-POX on the 12th day of September next, and to continue the same until July following, at his house, six miles from Winchester; The situation healthful and agreeable. The terms for each patient TWO PISTOLES for inoculation, and 20s. a week for board.
He flatters himself that his experience in Europe, and his repeated success in inoculating in this county, will render any account of his being regularly qualified, unnecessary. To these he chuses to appeal, rather than speak confidently of himself.
Patients may depend upon every necessary accommodation; likewise the greatest care and tenderness; and need not be under any apprehension of confinement. JOHN M. DONALD.
Maryland, August 15, 1770.
THE subscriber, who has been regularly bred to the practice of PHYSIC and SURGERY, gives this public information that he begins to inoculate on the 5th of September, and continues till the last of June 1771, at his house which stands about half a mile from Baltimore Town, on a healthy situation, with a very agreeable prospect. The price (as before) TWO PISTOLES, and twenty-five shillings per week for board. The sickness is really trifling, and the confinement none. They may safely return to their homes in 21 days. Those that choose to come, are requested not to alter their diet, and to give timely notice, that necessary care may be taken to prevent their being disappointed. NEGROES will be insured at five per cent. The subscriber declares he has inoculated upwards of eight thousand, and has lost but seventeen, and they died more from obstinacy and a too great indulgence, than from the small-pox. HENRY STEVENSON.
WHEREAS I have the following tracts of LAND in Bedford, Pittsylvania, and Botetourt counties for SALE, and have estimated the value of each tract, for which I will take NEGROES, TOBACCO, HEMP, and WHEAT, as far as 2000l. I have also about 3000 acres to sell for Col. Archibald Cary, and about 14000 acres, the remains of the Randolph's land, for the Pleasants.
  700 Acres, the Royal Forest, 100 acres in plantation, with large orchards, whereon hath been made upwards of 1000 gallons of brandy in one year, £. 600   2200 Acres, with three plantations, a good saw-mill and grist-mill, with bouting cloths for merchant and country work, all which goes by water, 1000   900 Acres, on Little Otter river, with plantation, &c. 500   400 Acres, Little Otter square, 200   330 Acres, Fear's place, plantation, &c. 150   530 Acres, Preston's place, plantation, &c. 120   300 Acres, Crab Forest, plantation, &c. on Goose Creek, 150   300 Acres, on Crab Orchard Creek, and Goose Creek, 100   650 Acres, on Blackwater, and Simmons's Run, Pittsylvania, 140   363 Acres, on Mill Creek, plantation, &c. 100   453 Acres, on Glady branch of Goose Creek, 100   7500 Acres, on Stanton river, Indian Run, and Gill's Creek, with two plantations, at ten pounds per hundred, 750   286 Acres, on Stanton river, 60   368 Acres, on Gill's Creek, plantation, &c. 100   1000 Acres, on Blackwater river, with two plantations, &c. 100   3000 Acres, in partnership with Capt. Itham Talbot, 300   15000 Acres, in Pittsylvania, at ten pounds per hundred, 1500   2500 Acres, on Goose Creek, at ten pounds per hundred, 250   15500 Acres, in Botetourt county, at ten pounds per hundred, 1550   Any person inclined to purchase may see the land by applying to me, at New London, in Bedford county. W. MEAD.
LATELY PUBLISHED, And to be sold by the printer hereof, The LAWS of the last SESSION of ASSEMBLY.