Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-03-18 00:00:00

BRITISH PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
January 5.
Debate on the Negotiation with France.
[CONCLUDED.]
Mr. Canning expressed his surprise that no attempt was made by any of his majesty's ministers to answer any of the observations which had fallen from the honourable gentleman who spoke last. Had the same opinions and observations come from his side of the house, or from any supposed intention to produce a popular impression unfavourable to the conduct of administration, in what a high and angry tone would they not have been retorted? But such were the dear ties, the habits of intimacy, and the sympathy of sentiment which have so long prevailed between the hon. gentleman and so many of his friends in office, and whatever might be his strain of reasoning, so satisfied were they that nothing unfriendly could be intended by him, that they allowed it to pass without any notice, much less animadversion. He confessed there was much of that gentleman's speech in which he coincided, while he was obliged to differ from him in many of his conclusions. He could not help remarking the different tone respecting the conduct of the enemy, which the noble lord (Howick) and the hon. gentleman (Mr. Whitbread) assumed on the present occasion. They, distinguished as they were for talents and integrity, had often displayed their eloquence as advocates of the same enemy. But he begged leave to be understood, as referring only to the arguments and observations which these distinguished statesmen so emphatically dwelt upon in the numerous discussions on former negotiations. He should now advert to the three points which the noble lord had, on a former day, animadvert upon as having been stated and canvassed by him. The first respected the overture of peace coming from the enemy: The 2d, the basis of the uti possidetis which was adopted by the British government to negotiate upon: 3d, The nature of our alliance and connexion with Russia, and our good faith towards our allies. He was now perfectly satisfied that the overture first came from France: his having advanced a different opinion had proceeded from the interpolations and fabrications which marked the publication of the official documents by the French government. He must continue to think that the mode in which the correspondence was opened appeared unworthy of the mind and the character of the great man by whom it was commenced. As to the good faith which government observed towards our allies, it afforded him great satisfaction in one view of it. Indeed, with regard to the manner in which it was evinced towards Russia, he could not help thinking Russia was made our debtor; while, at the same time, he was willing even to confess that although no such stipulations and bonds had united us to Russia as those with which we were bound, yet, a large and liberal policy would have prescribed the mode of conduct which we had acted upon towards her. There was, however, a great chasm in the correspondence, which must have left unexplained much of the nature of the connexion and concert between the two courts. He was aware, indeed, that prudence and discretion might justify these omissions, and he was ready to give government credit for not disclosing it. He must beg leave, nevertheless, to observe, that while good faith was adhered to, the policy of the thing should have been overlooked. It might be asked, what should be the result of a combined negotiation between two great powers? Not surely, that they should be obliged to agree on all and every point. Such restriction must often impede or retard the march of any negotiation. The great object of the policy of such a combination should shew and convince the world, that their joint efforts were openly and steadily directed to rescue Europe from its present state of thralldom, and secure its independence for the future. Then, if it was not politic to conceal, whether we were to negotiate separately as to form with Russia, or jointly as to substance. The spirit and object of the negotiation should not only be known here, but be held forth to the knowledge of all the world. Was it known to Europe? Did not the notion entertained of it create despondency and despair at Berlin? See how it is mentioned in the Prussian Manifesto: attend to the mischievous effects which the ignorance of it there produced. Were not the stipulations believed to be hostile to Prussia? Were not both courts supposed to negotiate separately, and both to negotiate to the disadvantage of Prussia? But it will be said that was a representation. Granted. But did we not furnish the French government with an opportunity of successfully availing themselves of such a misrepresentation? But did not the distinct course pursued by M. D'Oubril and lord Yarmouth give sufficient countenance to such a supposition? Then every misstep should not be imputed to the blind infatuation of Prussia—Now a word or two on the third point—the basis of the uti possidetis . The more he considered that point himself, and the more he consulted the opinion of others respecting it, the more was he convinced that the papers on the table did not make out the charge urged against the enemy, that he opened the negotiation on that basis, and that they departed from it. This was an issue of fact; and were the evidence brought forward in support, and I did before an ordinary jury, it would be found not proved. But the house will be asked, have you not heard the explanations and assertions of lord Yarmouth, and will not you believe them? No doubt the word of a gentleman, a man of honour, is not to be questioned: delirious would it be to presume otherwise, and he should be the last man in the world to do so. But the noble lord—But he
a publick man, as a member of parliament, as a person looking to what this country and Europe expected, he must consider only what appeared on the face of the correspondence; there he must look for proofs, and there they were not to be found. It was certainly indefinite and ungenerous, if any such supposition had got into the declaration, to rest it wholly on the secret of the noble lord. Nor was that all—should a paper so hastily worded as the memorandum of the noble lord be made to appear the deliberate sense of the sovereign? In short, in such matters, if you speak wrong, you act wrong: for upon the mode of expression every thing turned in the negotiation, therefore it was of essential importance! With regard to the uti possidetis , he had three things to observe—1st, That the fact of its existence was not proved—2dly, That it was not of the importance attached to it—3dly, That if it was proposed ministers did not go the right way about it. As to the proof, he observed before, that it rested only on parole evidence, and that it was unfair to make it bear solely on the word of lord Yarmouth. Besides, if that noble lord did not happen to be a member of that house, the house would have had no proof at all: but this was mere accident, and the other house of parliament had not the same advantage. All the arguments and reasoning of ministers went to establish the principle of actual possession. But it should be observed, that the terms uti possidetis , status quo ante bellum , &c. were like axioms adopted in the severer sciences; you start from them to argue, not argue to arrive at them. This, however, is what has been adopted in this negotiation. Indeed it is not easy to account for the studious evasion by Mr. Fox of the use of all technical phrases, while M. Talleyrand was forward to employ them. The latter proposed the stipulations of the treaty of Amiens; the former objected to them as a basis, but proposed two principles out of which a basis might be formed; but never expressed by any of the usual technical terms. Indeed there was nothing in the whole course of the correspondence from which it can be inferred that the uti possidetis had ever been acknowledged by the enemy. How is Europe to know that such is the fact? Will they believe it from the mere assertion of any member of that house? This parole evidence will not avail there, and hence the difficulties that must arise to future negotiations from the publication of such non-official communications. In short, in his opinion, this defence would never have been set up were it not for a certain pamphlet on the state of the negotiation, which he was surprised was not officially disavowed; or rather been disavowed in the most unequivocal way, by punishing the author or publisher of it: its libelous observations on our magnanimous ally surely called for some animadversion. But by that pamphlet we had been informed that the communications from lord Lauderdale only would be laid before the publick. On them the declaration had been framed—and when the uti possidetis was referred to it became absolutely necessary to make it out. But in his opinion that attempt has every where failed. Indeed any other basis would have answered equally well, or rather much better, or more applicable in Sicily, which was the great stumbling block—Naples and Hanover it did not embrace either; where, therefore, was the great importance and necessity of it as a basis? It surely was not worth all that it has cost. The violation of lord Yarmouth's feelings, upon whose shoulders alone it is impressed, and the length of time wasted in attempts to establish it. As to making the French negotiators retract their denial of having ever admitted it for a basis, nothing could argue such ignorance of human nature as such an endeavour; in short, the whole of the efforts to negotiation only proved serviceable to France; and, as far as they were advantageous to France, they were detrimental to England. There were several periods at which he thought the negotiation might have been more beneficially broken off than at the time it was discontinued; for example, when the basis of the uti possidetis was refused to be acknowledged, or when the passports had been refused to lord Lauderdale, and so insinuating an excuse offered for the refusal and delay. As to the conduct of lord Lauderdale, he saw nothing to blame in it; he thought there was more room to commend his forbearance than to censure his abruptness or intemperance; as to any expression, such as that proposed in the amendment of the hon. gentleman, he perhaps rather lamented than rejoiced at the unsuccessful termination of the negotiation; and that because the present state of Europe afforded such slender hopes that any well combined effort could be made to check the career and arrest the ambition of the ruler of France. Was there any fair prospect of such an event, he would lament that any such negotiation should have succeeded.
Lord H. Petty rose in reply, and principally attached himself to prove the existence and importance of the basis of actual possession as objected to by Mr. Canning. The existence of it was every where to be collected from the replies of M. Talleyrand, and its importance and utility were abundantly proved by the unfair attempts made by the French negotiators to get rid of it, when circumstances arose that seemed to justify the assumption of a favourable ground for their pretensions. The noble lord concluded by advertising to the observations of a learned gentleman (Mr. Percival) the other evening, on what he termed artifice on the one hand, practising on simplicity on the other, and defended his majesty's ministers from the charge of having been duped.
Mr. Percival repeated his accusation of government for having been the dupe of the enemy. He entered into an elaborate examination of the papers, and adverted with severity to the private communications between Mr. Talleyrand and lord Yarmouth.
although he disclaimed the slightest intention of imputing corruption to the latter. Alluding to one of M. Talleyrand's letters to Mr. Fox, in which he addresses him in terms of high encomium, he said it was difficult to believe that the French minister was not quizzing the English one.
Lord Howick defended the memory of his illustrious friend from what he termed the ill-timed scoffs of the learned gentleman. Every part of the private correspondence between Mr. Fox and M. Talleyrand had been seen by his majesty—He then answered at considerable length the arguments that had been adduced against his majesty's government, and declared that as the head of the French government had shown a resolution not to sheath the sword until he had compelled the British to relinquish all connexion with the continent, we must contend to make him abandon that resolution, or perish in the attempt.
Mr. Whitbread and Mr. Percival each said a few words in explanation. After which the address was agreed to, and ordered to be presented to his majesty by such members as belonged to his majesty's most honourable privy council.
Adjourned at half past five o'clock this morning.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Wednesday, February 18.
Debate on the resolution offered by Mr. Broom to make further provision by law to secure the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus to persons in custody under or by colour of the authority of the United States.
Mr. Broom. It will be recollectable by the house that I had the honour of submitting a resolution to make further provision by law for securing the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus to persons in custody under or by colour of the authority of the United States.—It was then my wish that it should lie upon the table in order that members might have an opportunity of considering the subject, being fully persuaded that the more it was considered the more evident would the importance of it appear. As it now becomes my duty to call the attention of the house to the subject, I shall move that the resolution be referred to a committee of the whole house—and I should not offer a single observation in support of this motion but for the doubts that have been suggested by several members, of the necessity and propriety of a legislative interposition at this time. I trust therefore that I shall be indulged in pointing out the necessity and importance of the provision which it is contemplated to make. I am sensible that this subject is not familiar to the majority of this house; for until now no circumstance has occurred in this country which could make us duly appreciate the value of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus. In ordinary times the laws which already exist may be sufficient, for in such times there is no temptation to transgress the limits of constitutional or legal privileges; but in times of turbulence and commotion the mere formal recognition of rights will afford too feeble a barrier against the intemperate passions of men in powers whether exercised by an intemperate zeal for the supposed welfare of the country, or by the detestable motives of party rancour or individual oppression. I could have wished that circumstances had never occurred which would make it necessary to fortify, by penal laws, the constitutional privilege of habeas corpus, and that the whole nation from the first to the last had regarded it with such religious veneration that no officer either military or civil would have dared to violate it.—But recent circumstances have proved that such a wish would have been in vain, and have demonstrated more powerfully than any abstract reasoning, the necessity and importance of further legislative provision.
This privilege of the writ of habeas corpus has been deemed so important that by the 9th sec. of the 1st art. of the constitution it is declared that it shall not be suspended unless, when in cases of rebellion or invasion, the publick safety may require it. Such is the value of this privilege that even the highest legislative body of the nation—the legislature—representatives of the nation, are not entitled, with the guardianship of it, or ordered to lay their hands upon it, unless, when in cases of extreme danger the publick safety shall make it necessary.
The suspension of this privilege was a slight prerogative, it was easily foreseen would destroy its efficacy, and if it depended on the mere will of congress, it would become, in the hands of the majority, the most certain and convenient means to accomplish the purposes of party persecution or to gratify political rancour or animosity. The constitutional provision was only intended as a check upon the power of congress in suspending the privilege; but was never intended to prevent them from entrenching it around with sound and wholesome laws: On the contrary, it was expected that congress were prohibited from impairing, at their pleasure, this privilege; that they would regard it as of high importance, and by elective laws ensure its operation. By the 14th sec. of the judiciary law, 1 vol. L. U. S. page 58, power is given to certain courts and judges, to grant the writ of habeas corpus; and this is all the provision made by any act of congress to secure this privilege. Thus the constitutional sanction the writ, and the act of congress gives the judges power to grant it; but there is no law of the United States which compels the judges to grant it, or the officer to obey it; and the remedy left to the individual is that which he derives from the common law of England (if indeed gentlemen will allow to that law any operation in the United States courts) and that very imperfect remedy.
ring the reign of Charles the 2d, utterly insufficient, and has ever since the 31 year of that reign, been considered in England, as only auxiliary in securing the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.
The Speaker was sorry to interrupt the gentleman from Delaware, but must observe, that it was not in order to debate the motion until the house should agree to consider it.
Mr. Smilie hoped the gentleman from Delaware would be permitted to proceed, as the subject was a very important one.
Mr. Broom then moved to consider the motion of reference, to which the house agreed—Ayes 57.
Mr. Broom. I am sorry that I have trespassed upon the rules of the house: I assure the house that it was not intentional, and beg leave to offer to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) my acknowledgment for his liberality. As the house has now agreed to consider the motion, I will proceed in support of it. The 4th sec. of the 1st art. 2d sec. was designed to remedy, and did effectually remedy, the defects of the common law provision on this subject. By that statute seven penalties were imposed on judges refusing to grant the writ of habeas corpus, and on all parties refusing to obey it. In most of the states, laws have been made upon the principle of the statute of Charles, and so far as they extend are found to have the most beneficial effect in securing the privilege of the writ, but they do not extend to indicting penalties on judges of the courts or officers of the U. States. If the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus be important, and the laws be defective, it is surely our duty to apply the remedy. Of its importance it is true we have had but little experience in our own country. In England this inestimable privilege has been for ages the proud theme of exultation—there they worshipped it as a talismanic wand which could unbar the gates of the strongest prison and dissolve in an instant the fetters of the captive. It was to Englishmen as a wall of fire by night shielding them from the arbitrary sway of tyrannic power. It is indeed the great palladium of that English civil liberty which has exalted the English character. Of the power and influence of civil liberty upon the happiness of the people of England we need no stronger evidence than the situation of surrounding nations where it was unknown. Let us go back to less civilized times, and we shall see in these nations men in the most abject state of society, suffering oppression in every possible shape—there every private castle was a secret and inviolable prison; there the life and liberty of the most illustrious as well as the meanest subject were alike the sport of the caprice of a tyrant. Even the petty lordling held at the will of the life of his vassals—a letter of cachet could confine the unhappy victim of power for life in the loathsome walls of a dungeon, and in spite of the ties of affection or blood, friends must forget each other or share a common fate—the savage tortures of the inquisition chilled the soul with horror, and the gloomy recesses of the sanctuaries of religion too often bore witness to the diabolical temper of man when inflamed with passion and uncontrolled by wholesome laws. Such was the condition of other countries while the people of England were reposing in security under the protection of their civil institutions—institutions which had received the sanction of ages and were guarded by the religious veneration of the people. The right to personal liberty, unless for the commission of an offence against law. The right to know the accusation against them, and the right to be tried by their peers, were all recognized by their charters, and which their monarchs had sworn inviolably to observe. These rights were not merely secured by parchment—they were incorporated with the habits, manners and customs of the people—they were handed down from father to son in trust for posterity, and guarded as a paternal inheritance which could never be diminished with honour. The people were early taught to know them, and to consider it a sacred duty to draw their awards in defence of them. These fundamental rights of Englishmen have existed from their earliest ages—they were collected in a body by Edgar the Saxon—they were revived by Edward the Confessor, and were ratified by William the Conqueror—they were recognized Magna Charta, and after the wars between Henry III. and his subjects, were confirmed by the statute of Marlborough and never afterwards questioned. Rights thus maintained, through all the convulsions of England; rights thus endeared to the nation and engraven on the hearts of the people, and which have walked hand in hand with them through the darkest periods of their history, require no other proofs of their importance.
Yet, however important these rights may be, a few moments reflection will satisfy us that without the writ of Habeas Corpus they could avail but little. The rights may exist as abstract rights, but the writ of Habeas Corpus affords the most important, if not the only means of exercising them. In vain does the law proclaim that no man shall be imprisoned contrary to law, if the party imprisoned has no access to a tribunal to decide the question of legality. In vain does the law promise a trial by peers, if the party imprisoned can have no access to a tribunal where he may demand such trial. In short, without the writ of Habeas Corpus, rights of personal liberty, however solemnly proclaimed would exist but in name. This writ of Habeas Corpus is combined with the rights which it secures. It is indeed the life of the common law until the substitution of lawyers had nearly ruined it away when it was saved by the statute of Charles, and has since been maintained with success. This writ of Habeas Corpus is the life of the common law until the substitution of lawyers had nearly ruined it away when it was saved by the statute of Charles, and has since been maintained with success.

tary effects in England, in guarding the liberty of the subject, we have the strongest proof which we can require of its importance to us, except our own experience. It is true we live under a form of government where the sovereignty is acknowledged to belong to the people; but let us not vainly imagine that we have no necessity for laws restrictive upon men in power. Under the fair semblance of republicanism, has often been practised the most detestable tyranny, and the mild laws of a republic have too often afforded a shelter for knaves and tyrants instead of a shield for the virtuous and oppressed. I ask then of this House to hedge round this valuable privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus with efficient laws. I beg them to profit by the experience of others and grow wise in time. Let it not be said that we are less jealous of our personal liberty than the people of England, or that the important privilege which guards it, is less dear to us, because we have not like them waded through blood to maintain it. Let us with the constitution, acknowledge the importance and sanctity of the privilege and proceed without delay to fortify it with penal statutes. The warnings which we have lately received call loudly on us to guard it more effectually in future. It has been too generally our misfortune to wait until offences have been committed before we have provided a punishment; but when such offences have been committed, the public attention has been awakened & laws have been made to guard against them in future. The violations of our constitutional privileges at New-Orleans have shewn clearly the insufficiency of existing laws and the imperious necessity of providing the remedy. If we will not be roused from our slumbers by the experience which we have had I shall despair that we will ever be awakened to any sensibility of our personal rights—for let it be remembered that these abuses are not of an ordinary character—they have been committed by a military officer at the head of the army of the U. States, and in the full view of the highest authorities of the union. The civil authority at New-Orleans has been trampled under foot and the commander of the army in the plenitude of his power avows his disobedience to laws and constitution, and takes on himself all the responsibility of the violation of our constitutional rights of personal liberty. Lost in amazement at this bold and unprecedented stretch of power we can scarcely be sensible of its extent unless we contrast it deliberately with the constitution. The constitution declares that no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause supported by oath or affirmation. That no citizen shall be deprived of his liberty without due process of law, and that the accused shall enjoy the right of a speedy trial by a jury of the district where the offence was committed; yet in defiance of all these constitutional provisions, our citizens have been arrested without any process of law whatsoever, deprived of their liberty, confined in military prisons, and transported under military guards two thousand miles from the place where the offence was committed. The constitutional privilege of the writ of habeas corpus which is to secure these rights to the citizen, has been treated with contempt, and a military officer vauntingly take upon himself all the responsibility of wilful disobedience to the writ. For all these violations we are to be told that the conspiracy which existed in that country will afford a sufficient justification. With respect to the conspiracy, whatever might have been its contemplated extent, we have reason to believe that it is now at an end, and without determining whether the aspect which it had at New-Orleans was really alarming to the general, or whether any circumstances do exist which may palliate his conduct, this much we all know, that his power was employed in the arbitrary violation of the rights of the citizen, and that the conspiracy, is to furnish the justification. Such conduct, and even such a justification I look upon with abhorrence and dread; for if upon every alarm of conspiracy our rights of personal liberty are to be entrusted to the keeping of a military commander, we may prepare to take our leave of them forever. For my own part I wish to live under a government of laws and not of men, for however pure and upright be the intention of our military commanders, however virtuous and even unsuspected be their conduct, I can never agree that my right to personal liberty shall depend on their forbearance and discretion. I know not whether these men that have been arrested are innocent or guilty of the treason with which they have been charged; but whether innocent or guilty they must be arrested and tried according to law. However atrocious the crime which has been committed, the punishment must be according to law, for in transgressing the limits of the law to revenge upon a criminal the wrongs of society we are guilty of injustice both to society and the criminal. The manner and circumstances attending these arrests have been of the most uncommon kind. It is said that all intercourse between one of the prisoners and his family and friends was cut off and that not a soul except military men was suffered to approach him.—That after being detained under close military confinement for nearly two weeks he was transported by the way of Baltimore to this city, and that upon his arrival here he was informed that there was no evidence to support any charge against him whatever. But whether this man or the others who have been arrested, are guilty, or not, it can have no influence upon our deliberations at this time; for if even these violations now affect only the guilty, they may, at the discretion of the military officer, be extended to the innocent. It is enough for us to know that rights of personal liberty guaranteed by the constitution, have been openly violated in the person of a citizen of the United States, and that no laws exist sufficiently effectual to prevent or to punish such violations. It then becomes our duty as faithful guardians of the public rights, to interpose our authority, in order to preserve them. But if we content ourselves with tamely looking on, while our best rights are trampled upon, we become partakers of the guilt by the encouragement which we give the offenders. For these violations what remedy has the most innocent individual against the officer who arrested and transported him, as the laws of the United States have provided none, his remedy is at common law. He must sue for false imprisonment, and it depends entirely on the jury whether they will give him any thing or nothing.—Can a punishment so uncertain prevent the offence, or will a remedy so precarious always remunerate the injured? But if to this we add exemplary penalties, we have surely an additional security that the laws will be obeyed. The laws are not, and in my opinion will not be sufficient unless they punish in the most severe and exemplary manner all infractions.
es who refuse to give their aid to it. For such offences ruin a man's credit in a moment in the face, and when he has so abused the power he ought to be stripped of it, forever. But if we have no laws to guard us against these abuses, and are unwilling to make any, we are upon ourselves the responsibility of future violations. I wish and propose to entrench our privileges with the most vigorous laws, such as will render no man to violate them with impunity. There is no citizen of the United States, however abject his condition in society, in whom the constitutional rights of personal liberty are not sacred; and however exalted the situation of the person who tramples upon them, or however plausible the pretence, the punishment ought to be prompt, certain and exemplary. Dangerous indeed will be the situation of our country, if every alarm of conspiracy is to be followed with the seizure and transportation of our citizens, at the will of a military commander, and in defiance of the civil authority. If such a doctrine be looked upon not only without abhorrence, but even with approbation, how easy will be the transition from lawful to lawless power.—Leaving the examples of antient times, where the rumours of conspiracies have raised in an instant the body guards of tyrants, we have seen in modern France the cry of conspiracy made the signal of massacre, on the pretext of some violent usurpations of power. I do not pretend to say that this conspiracy has been fomented or permitted from any sinister views. It is enough to point out the danger to be apprehended from suffering this dark and dangerous machine of conspiracy, to be any apology for the violation of all the most solemn constitutional rights of personal liberty. Having witnessed the defects of our laws, and the dangerous abuses of our most valuable privileges, let us proceed to provide the remedies. Rights so important cannot be too strongly guarded, and violations so serious cannot be too strictly prohibited.
 Mr. Burwell said he had determined to vote for the reference of the resolution, that the mover might suggest any additional security to the personal liberty of the citizen he thought necessary, although he did not believe a change in the law material, or that one essential provision had been omitted. Had the gentleman from Delaware confined his remarks to the subject of his motion, and avoided observations unconnected with his ostensible object, he should have acquiesced silently. The constitution of the United States recognizes the writ of habeas corpus, without determining in what manner it shall be enforced in the courts. That can only be ascertained by recurring to the acts of congress passed in 1789 establishing a judicial system, organizing courts and fixing their powers. The 14th section of that law relates to this writ, and says, "This and all other writs not specially provided for by statute, shall be issued agreeable to the principles and usages of law." Mr. B. contended the principles here alluded to, could only be those of the English law, and the usages those of their courts; otherwise there could not be found in the constitution or laws of the union, a single sentence relative to the subject, and the decisions heretofore had in our courts would be consequently illegal. He said he was fully justified in this position by the uniform proceedings in the courts, and particularly those which had recently taken place in this district before the court acting expressly under the laws of congress. To shew how ample the provisions were, he referred to Blackstone's Commentaries, vol. 3, p. 137, stat. Charles 2d, "Any prisoner may move for and obtain his writ of Habeas Corpus, &c. and the lord chancellor or judges, denying the same on sight of the warrant or oath, that the same is refused, shall forfeit to the party grieved, the sum, &c." The judge is here compelled under heavy penalties, to afford relief to all persons who apply for the writ, and we shall presently see the law guards against delay or evasion by farther limitations on the discretion of the judges. Mr. B. said he admitted the specific penalties of the statute did not attach to the judges and courts of this country; but it established their duties, and the punishment inflicted is regulated by the constitution and law of the U. S. applicable to judicial offences and misdemeanors. The same statute provides, "that officers and keepers neglecting to make due returns, or not delivering to the prisoner or his agent, a copy of the warrant of commitment within six hours, or shifting the custody of the prisoner without sufficient authority, shall forfeit," &c. In addition to this, the court could enforce its process by attachment, fine and imprisonment, and call on the executive for aid, if resistance is made. Mr. B. said this statute was considered as having completely guarded against oppression, and was expressly intended to put an end to the evasions of the judges. "The oppression of an obscure individual gave birth to the famous habeas corpus act, 31st. Charles 2d, which is frequently considered as another magna charta of the kingdom, and by consequence and analogy has also in subsequent times, reduced the general method of proceeding on these writs and (though not within the reach of that statute by issuing merely at common law) to the true standard of law and liberty, B. C. 136. What more is requisite? Your courts are compelled to issue process, and grant relief, your officers to carry it into effect, and your citizens to obey. Mr. B. observed it appeared to him impossible to devise additional provisions, when those already incorporated into the jurisprudence of the country by the act of congress, and exercised by the courts, embrace every case arising under the laws, and extend to all persons confined under the authority or colour of authority of the United States. He, however, was not a professional man, and was therefore the more disposed in favour of the commitment, least he should be mistaken in his impressions. If the gentleman from Delaware should discover any salutary alterations, he should not only receive his vote but his thanks. 
We have been told, said Mr. B. that all the states have passed laws upon this subject. Does it follow we have none? Certainly not. They have enacted the provisions of this statute specifically, we have adopted them by reference; each mode is equally good, and affords equal protection to individual rights. Indeed it is incredible we should have remained until the present time ignorant of this chasm in our institutions, and whatever the gentleman may say, the recent events at New Orleans are not the first in this country which would have announced its existence. As far back as 1795, a distinguished citizen, during the discussion of Pennsylvania was cited by the
 admitted to the fact, and in his speech in explanation of the vote, Mr. B. said that he had been induced to make that statement, when he was pressed by the fact that the evidence was collected and the monument, on which his patriotic services were inscribed, Mr. B. said he would assert, in consequence, the affidavits produced acquitted him of all guilt in the insurrection, and proved he had exerted his great influence to moderate the discontent and quiet the apprehensions and restrain the violence of the people. If this statement was denied, Mr. B. said he could substantiate its truth; the case had been reported, and now formed a precedent in the supreme court of the United States, which had been frequently cited during the present term. Why has the vigilance of gentlemen reposed so long? Why has this early and impressive intimation been disregarded, if the law was defective? The gentleman from Delaware, says the late arrests at New Orleans by the military, are early warnings of the danger of standing armies. Mr. B. accepted the hint, and hoped the gentleman would himself recollect and profit by it. Those who acted with him had long been partial to those establishments and blind to their tendency. The events alluded to proved the indispensable necessity of preserving them subordinate to the civil authority. This proved the importance of reducing the standing army to the lowest point compatible with the safety of the frontiers. This was the reason which induced him during the present session to vote against the proposed augmentation of our forces, and while he continued to entertain his present opinion, and felt his present jealousies of a conflict between the civil and military power, he was determined to avoid the issue by keeping the latter in complete subordination. If an opposite policy should ever become ascendant in this country, the measures at New Orleans instead of being temporary will be entailed upon us. Mr. B. said he thought it important to mention the events which had occurred at New Orleans. It was extremely probable prosecutions would be commenced against the officer, and any expressions of disapprobation in that House would give a tone to publick opinion, which justice required should as yet be suspended; every person admitted the commander in chief had violated the law.—He admitted it himself, and assigned reasons of justification which we ought not to decide, but leave to the courts of justice. They are the proper tribunals to punish those who infringe the rights the citizen, and until they are closed by power, or their decrees set at defiance, and the executive unable to enforce them, legislative interference cannot be necessary. It has been said, every officer who refuses to obey the writ of habeas corpus from a court should be punished with death, and this has been proposed as an effectual provision to secure the benefit of this writ. Has the gentleman so soon forgotten the doctrine advanced on that side of the house, and assented to during the present session, when we were told a military officer knew no law but the orders of his superior; when we were told the contrary was monstrous, absurd, and subversive of all subordination, in the army; that they were not lawyers, versed in your laws and constitution. Mr. B. hoped he had. But the gentleman from Delaware had run into exactly the opposite extreme by placing the highest and lowest officer upon the same footing, exacting from both the same knowledge of the law, attaching the same responsibility, and contrary to every principle of justice and humanity, punishing with the same severity the man who intentionally and knowingly violates the law, and the man who ignorantly commits a breach of duty. It would completely reverse what has been so long and wisely recognized in our criminal jurisprudence. The redress allowed to a man who has been forcibly seized and imprisoned without legal authority under the existing laws is much more conformable to equity than this mode. It is an offence against an individual's rights—and should be punished like all other injuries of a personal nature by action and the recovery of damages, in which the jury will always have a just regard to the rank of the offender, the innocence of the victim, and the wantonness of the violence. They will discriminate between the lawless exercise of power by the commander in chief, and the subaltern, who executes what he supposes he is bound by his oath to perform—Mr. B. said the mover of this resolution had expressed more alarm at the situation of this country than was real, or than he supposed was felt by any member of this house. One would imagine that the arrests at Orleans had extended through the whole nation, and that no man was safe from persecution. As far as he had understood, the moment those arrested had reached the U. S. they had been turned over to the courts, and every privilege been extended to them. The people of this country can never be in danger while their representatives remain pure, and are disposed to withhold from the executive dictatorial powers. Have we not already during the present session given the most honourable pledge to our constituents that we are not inattentive to their security, when we rejected the bill to suspend the writ of habeas corpus. Why talk of Lettres de Cachet, which have issued in France and of other oppressions in the nation. Our government is neither actuated by such passions nor invested with such powers. It is degrading to assimilate the two governments, and argue from a similarity which does not and cannot exist. The one is composed of responsible agents; the other is despotick, cruel, unrelenting and corrupt.  (To be continued.) 
(To be continued.)
AN ACT making appropriations for the support of government, during the year one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Be it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled, That for the expenditure of the civil list, in the present year, including the contingent expenses of the several departments and officers; for the compensation of the several loan officers and their clerks, and for books and stationary for the same; for the payment of annuities and grants; for the support of the mint establishment; for the expenses of intercourse with foreign nations; for the support of light houses, beacons, buoys and public piers; for the defraying the expenses of surveying the public lands, and for satisfying certain miscellaneous claims; the following sums be, and the same hereby are respectively appropriated, that is to say:
 For compensation granted by law to the members of the senate and house of representatives, their officers and attendants, estimated for a session of four months and a half continuance, two hundred and one thousand, four hundred and twenty-five dollars :  For the expense of fire wood, stationary, printing, and all other contingent expenses of both houses of congress, twenty-four thousand, two hundred dollars :  For all contingent expenses of the librarian's allowance for the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, eight hundred dollars :  For compensation to the president and vice-president of the United States, thirty thousand dollars :  For compensation to the secretary of state, clerks employed in that department, thirteen thousand dollars :  For the incidental and contingent expenses of the of the said department, four thousand two hundred dollars :  For printing and distributing copies of the laws of the second session of the ninth congress, and printing the laws in newspapers, eight thousand two hundred dollars :  For special messengers charged with dispatches, two thousand dollars :  For compensation to the secretary of the treasury, clerks and persons employed in his office, sixteen thousand seven hundred dollars :  For the expense of translating foreign languages, allowance to the person employed in receiving and transmitting passports and sea-letters, stationery and printing, one thousand dollars :  For compensation to the comptroller of the treasury, clerks and employed in his office, twelve thousand nine hundred and seventy-seven dollars :  For expense of stationery, printing and incidental and contingent expenses of the comptroller's office, eight hundred dollars :  For compensation to the auditor of the treasury, the clerks and persons in his office, twelve thousand two hundred dollars :  For expense of stationary printing, and incidental and contingent expenses in the office of the auditor of the treasury, five hundred dollars :  For compensation to the treasurer, clerks and persons employed in his office, six thousand two hundred and twenty-seven dollars and forty-five cents :  For expense of stationary, printing, and incidental and contingent expenses in the treasurer's office, three hundred dollars :  For compensation to the register of the treasury, clerks, and persons employed in his office, sixteen thousand and fifty-two dollars and two cents :  For expense of stationary and printing in the register's office, (including books for the public stock, and for the arrangement of the marine papers,) two thousand eight hundred dollars :  For purchasing books, maps, and charts for the use of the treasury department, four hundred dollars :  For compensation to the secretary of the commissioners of the sinking fund, two hundred and fifty dollars :  For fuel and other contingent expenses of the treasury department four thousand dollars :  For defraying the expenses incident to the stating and printing of the publick accounts for the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, one thousand two hundred dollars :  For compensation to a superintendant employed to secure the buildings and records of the treasury, during the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, including the expense of two watchmen, and for the repair of two fire engines, buckets, lanthorns, and other incidental expenses, one thousand, one hundred dollars :  For compensation to the secretary of war, clerks and persons employed in his office, eleven thousand two hundred and fifty dollars :  For the expense of fuel, stationary, printing, and other contingent expenses of the office of the secretary of war one thousand dollars :  For compensation to the accountant of the war department, clerks and persons employed in his office, ten thousand, nine hundred and ten dollars :  For contingent expenses in the offices of the accountant of the war department, one thousand dollars :  For compensation to clerks employed in the paymaster's office one thousand eight hundred dollars :  For fuel in the said office, ninety dollars :  For compensation to the purveyor of public supplies, clerks and persons employed in his office, and for expense of stationary, store rent and fuel, for the said office, four thousand, six hundred dollars :  For compensation to the secretary of the navy, clerks and persons employed in his office, nine thousand eight hundred dollars :  For expenses of fuel, stationary, printing, and other contingent expenses in the office of secretary of the navy, two thousand dollars :  For compensation to the accountant of the navy, clerks and persons employed in his office, ten thousand four hundred and ten dollars.  For contingent expenses in the office of the accountant of the navy, five hundred dollars :  For compensation to the post-master general, to the assistant post-master general, and clerks and persons employed in the post-master general's office, fourteen thousand four hundred and fifty dollars :  For expenses of fuel, candles, house rent for the messenger, stationary, chests, &c. exclusive of expenses for prosecution, portmanteaus, mail locks, and other expenses incident to the department, these being paid for by the post-master general out of the funds of the office, two thousand five hundred dollars : 
For compensation to the several loan officers, thirteen thousand two hundred and fifty dollars : For compensation to the clerks of the several commissioners of loans, and for an allowance to certain officers, in lieu of clerk hire, and to defray the authorised expenses of the several loan offices, fifteen thousand dollars : For compensation to the surveyor general, and for that of the clerks employed by him, three thousand two hundred dollars : For compensation to the surveyor of the lands south of the state of Tennessee, clerks employed in his office, stationary and other contingencies, three thousand two hundred dollars : For compensation to the officers of the mint : The director, two thousand dollars : The treasurer, one thousand two hundred dollars : The assayer, one thousand five hundred dollars : The chief coiner, one thousand five hundred dol-

FOR SALE. The fine new Schooner BULL , now lying at Charles City's wharf; she is well built and sails fast, burthen about 70 tons, and well calculated for a well-timed trader. For terms, apply to the master on board, or to
John Moore. March 13.
I want to Charter, A British SHIP , of from 150 to 300 tons. MOSES MYERS. March 6.
FOR SALE. On board the ship Betsey , from Liverpool. 7,000 bushels coarse Salt 1100 sacks fine do. filed in Liverpool 94 crates Earthenware.
THE BETSEY is a fine fast sailing ship, almost new, and will return direct to Liverpool for freight apply to A. MACLURE. Who has also in store for sale, 55 crates Earthenware, 16 casks Glassware 8 gross Bottles in crates, 16 pipes Cognac Brandy 8 pipes fine old Sicily Wine, 2 boxes coarse Hats 5 boxes Pipes, 9 boxes Castile Soap 11 cases Anniseed, one dozen each 7 casks Claret Wine. Feb. 23—tf
For Charter. The good Ship GEORGE ,—Samson, mas- ter, burthen about 320 hds. now ready to receive a cargo. For terms apply to Moses Myers. February 16.
For LONDON. The Ship INDIA PACKET, William Rudge, master; a part of her cargo being engaged, for the remainder, or passage, having good accommodations, apply to the master on board, or to PHINEHAS DANA. January 23.
For Freight or Charter. The very fast sailing Ship THOMAS, Capt. N. Bouh. Apply to GEORGE MURRAY, & Co. St. Ubes SALT, on board the Ship Thomas, for Sale. January 12.
The American Ship AMABLE ANTONIETTE, Captain Williams, burthen 450 hogsheads to- gether with her cargo, is offered for Charter by C. & F. Whittle. December 17.
For FREIGHT or CHARTER. The Phil's built Ship William Penn , coppered, burthen 360 tons, now ready to re- ceive a cargo. Apply to Edward Watson. Who has for Sale, 3 Trunks excellent Linen; 7 do. Chairs; 1 case Umbrellas, well assorted; 12 casks white Wine Vinegar. November 14.
The Subscribers offer for Sale, at their Ware-House, No. 3, Maxwell's wharf. 1000 dozen of CLARET , in cases of from one to six dozen, some of which is of superior quality, and the greater part entitled to drawback. A few cases. Vin de Grave and Bourdeaux Cordials, Prime Sugar in hds. and bbls.; Coffee in bags, and A few hds. Rum—All of which will be sold low, and on a liberal credit. Brunet & Thompson. March 16.
LAND FOR SALE. The subscriber is empowered to sell a Tract of LAND, situate on the south side of the Eastern Branch of Elizabeth River, and distant about one mile from the Bridge. The Land near the river is high, and furnishes a fine view of the town of Norfolk. No site near the town is better adapted for a country seat. The terms of sale will be made accommodating to the purchaser. Robert B. Taylor. January 23.
DR. JAMES BROWN, Begs leave to inform his friends and the publick of Norfolk and its vicinity, that he practices PHYSICK AND SURGERY, and hopes to merit publick patronage.—He may be consulted at his shop in Main-street, and adjoining Mess. Southgate's store. Feb. 18.
NOTICE. THOSE who have claims against the estate of BENJAMIN WOLF , deceased, are requested to produce them, and those indebted to make immediate payment to Angus Martin, Adm'r. January 7.
CASH Will be given for Thirty or Forty SHARES of Virginia Bank Stock. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Nov. 5.
FOR SALE. 370 bags Coffee, 22 bales Cotton, 11 hogsheads clayed Sugar, 50 do. Muscovado do.—entitled to drawback and certificate. 10 chests German Goods, consisting of Bri- tannias, Platters, and Crease a la Molais—entitled to drawback. 15,000 feet St. Domingo Mahogany, of large dimensions and choice quality; 5000 bushels Liverpool Salt, loose and in sacks; Gosport Rum in hds. and barrels. And on a credit of twelve months for approved paper. 12 pipes choice old L. part. Madeira Wine. James Young.
For SALE. On board the ship Herald , John Murphy, master, from Cork, POTATOES loose and in hampers. Cash given for Rough White Oak Barrel STAVES. Apply on board said ship at Commerce-street wharf, or to James Herron. March 4.
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court, held at the former Capitol in the City of Williamsburg, the 19th day of July, 1806. Joshua Riddick, against Michael and John Wallace, and Harper Fulliam, Dfs. The defendants Michael and John Wallace, not having entered their appearance, and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it ap- pearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are not in- habitants of this country: on the motion of the Plaintiff by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said Defendants do appear here on the first day of April term next, and answer the bill of the Plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the News-papers published in the Borough of Norfolk for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this City. Anthony Robinson, C. C.
All persons indebted to the Estate of John McCall, Esq. August 12.
Notice. The undersigned is desirous to contract with some person who will apply the Gosport and Fel- EL , for new year, and the April next. For terms, will be received to the undersigned.
John Saunders, March 13. Capt. U.S. Ar. Commanding 4000 bush. coarse Salt; Antigua Sugars, Antigua Rum; Jamaica Coffee; Guadalupe do. Martinque Coffee—For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. March 13.
125 boxes White Havanna SUGAR, of the first quality, now landing from the schooner Fanny Sewell , for Sale by Thomas Willock. March 13.
For SALE. The HOUSE now in the occupancy of Mr. James Taylor, jun. situate in Catharine-street. A great bargain may be had by applying to William Vaughan. March 4.
NORFOLK BOROUGH. At the Assises Court, continued and held the 28th day of January, 1807. John T. Apthorp, against Davidson and Foster, and Moses Myers, In Chancery. Defts.
The defendants Davidson and Foster, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are not inhabitants of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants Davidson and Foster, do appear here on the fourth Monday in April next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in the Borough of Norfolk, for eight weeks success- ively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of said Borough; And it is further ordered that the defendant Moses Myers, who hath effects of the said Davidson and Foster in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secrete such effects, but retain them until the further order or de- cree of this Court. A Copy, William Sharp, C. C.
LOTS for Sale, Lease, &c. The Subscriber purposes to lay out and dispose of for Building Lots, either in fee simple or upon ground rent, the whole of that square of GROUND in the Borough of Norfolk, so admirably situated in the centre of the town, and immediately between the two Banks. It extends upon Granby-street about 600 feet, and upwards of 400 on Wolf- street, which leads from the United States Bank into Cathar- ine-street.—A survey and plot of the same is preparing, and will be ready for the inspection of purchasers in a few days. In the mean time the proprietor will be glad to hold confer- ences with those who may incline to purchase, in order that the grounds may be so laid out as best to correspond with their wishes. Luke Wheeler. December 12.
NOTICE. All persons indebted to the Estate of JAMES DICKINSON , deceased, are desired to come forward; and those who have any claims against said Estate, to bring them forward, in order that they may be settled by Mary Dickinson, Exec'x. Norfolk, Nov. 2.
WHO HAS FOR SALE. That pleasant place BELL VIEW. It contains TWO HUNDRED ACRES, lying on the lower end of Barrett's Neck, Nansemond county, between Nanse- mond River and Chuckatuck Creek, fronting Newport News, Hampton Roads, and is about 14 miles from Norfolk by wa- ter. There is on the land two good Dwelling Houses, one of them a two story frame house, 30 feet square, with a Kitchen, Wash House, Smoke House and Dairy; a large new Barn and Stable, and a Carriage House, a Spring House, and a never-failing Spring. The other a new Dwelling House, a Kitchen, Quarter, &c. with a large Garden newly built of the best materials, and a good Stable. The land lies high and level, and is mostly covered with timbers: it has a good forest from Nansemond to Chuckatuck, which produces stock from going off or coming on the land; and is one of the best places for stock or equal to any in the country. The price will hardly exceed the worth of the buildings on the place if applied for soon. The payment will be expected in cash, as the terms will be remarkably low.
NOTICE. All who may have claims on Mrs. S. WRIGHT , lately deceased, are requested to forward them for adjustment to L. Anderson, P. M. Feb. 23. Williamsburg.
THE SUBSCRIBER Begs leave to inform his friends and the pub- lick in general that Mr. WILLIAM SMITH , has taken his Store in Gosport, where he has commenced The Ship Chandlery and Grocery Bu- siness; buys and sells all kinds of Lumber, wholesale and re- tail. Stowage for all kinds of Goods, at his usual low rates, and every attention to receiving and delivering will be paid by himself; he will be thankful for all orders in the above line of business. John Cox. Gosport, Feb. 18.
One front PEW in the gallery of Christ Church , No. 44, for Sale, and a Negro BOY for hire the residue of this year. Apply to Wm. Hartshorne, jun. January 26.
British Consul's Office, Norfolk, Virg. March 2, 1807. His Britannick Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, having received information from his excellency brigadier general Hodgson, his majesty's governor of the Bermudas Islands, that he has opened the ports of Saint George and Hamilton therein, for the admission of sal- ed provisions of every description, (in British vessels only) from the United States, for the term of three months from the 12th day of last month; the Consul hereby gives notice of the same for the benefit of the merchants and others con- cerned within his district. John Hamilton.
At a meeting of the Rector and Trustees of Christ Church , on Monday the 2d March, 1807. Resolved, That the arrearages due to the Society be appor- tioned among the Trustees, and that they proceed to the col- lection of the same immediately. The Trustees solicit the Members of the Society to be prepared to adjust their respective balances on the first appli- cation. John Southgate, Richard Taylor, Wm. Cammack, John Camp, Thomas Mathews. March 4.
Persons against whom there are accounts, are desired to render them le- gal interest, and to settle the same with Griffin. tf
Persons against whom there are accounts, are desired to render them le- gal interest, and to settle the same with Robert B. Carter, Managing partner of Carter & Roane. March 9.
FOR SALE. Now landing from the brig Sally and Jenny , 64 hds. Sugar; 11 barrels do. 54 bags Coffee; 10 hds. Rum.—Apply to Phinehas Dana. March 6.
For Sale on Commission, 50 chests Young Hyson Tea, 100 pieces White Platters, 200 do. Bandanas, 2000 do. Yellow Nankeen, first chop, 1000 do. Long do. do. 17 hogsheads Rye Whiskey; 10 pipes Country Gin, 12 pipes Holland Gin; 6 bales German Ticklenburgs, 40 boxes Imperial Tea; 30 barrels Smithfield Fork. Mackinder & White. March 6.
The partnership of Gilliat & Mac- kinder being dissolved by the mutual consent of those con- cerned in it, it becomes necessary that all the transactions of this firm should be immediately settled and closed—All per- sons therefore who have any claims against the said concern, are requested to send in their demands forthwith, and those indebted are desired to pay up their respective debts to Mac- kinder & White, who are fully authorised by the late part- ners of the house of Gilliat & Mackinder to settle and adjust its concerns. March 6.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to capt. Will's store, on Marsden's wharf, who offers for sale afloat, 222 barrels superfine Flour 56 half barrels do. 4,000 bushels Indian Corn. And in store, 100 barrels Virginia Pork 100 do. Shad 10 tons Fustick 20 firkins Butter. George Wilson. March 2.
FOR SALE, 50,000 white oak hogshead drawn Staves 50,000 red do. 30,000 rough do. 20,000 Cypress Pales 2,000 Cedar and Chinquapin Posts 50,000 building Shingles. Proby, Harmanson & Co. March 2.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given) That commodious Fire-Proof WARE- HOUSE , on the North side of Wide Water-street, a few doors West of Commerce-street, at present in the occupancy of Mr. R. Gibson. David Patterson. January 16.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
Just received and for Sale, Muscovado Sugar in hds. tierces and barrels; Molasses in hds.; Cognac Brandy and Holland Gin in pipes. And in Store, 5 chests Hyson Tea; Soap, Candles, and Paper of best quality; 30 tons Fustick; and a few barrels Honey—by James M'Clenachan. February 27.
NEW CUT-NAIL MANUFACTORY, ON TOWN POINT, A small distance below County Wharf, Wide Water Street. The Subscriber has, at a considerable expense, fitted up, in addition to his other business, a complete set of machinery, adequate to finish 500 to 600 lbs. of Nails daily. He is also provided with a good stock of Iron; and with a sufficient number of skilful workmen. He has on hand a constant supply of Nails, Flooring Brads, and Sprigs, which he offers for Sale at the reduced prices as follows, by the keg, for cash only, viz. 8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d Nails, at 7 1-2d per lb. 8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d Brads at 7 1-2d per lb. 6d, Nails at 9 1-2d per lb. Sheathing, do. at 7 1-2d per lb. 6d, Brads at 8 3/4 per M. 4d, do. at 9 3/4 per M. 8d, do. at 2 3/4 per M. 4d, Nails at 2 3/4 per M. 2 1/2 & 3d. do. at 2 3/4 per M. ALSO—HOOP AND BAR-IRON ASSORTED. LEVIN DORSEY. June 2.
German Winter GOODS. I have just received on consignment a large variety of the following Articles, to be sold on low terms for Cash or approved Bills, viz. Milled Stockings, 70 boxes Window Glass, 160 do. 1st qual. Segars, 6 barrel's Glue, 1 case Waffle Irons, 1 case Scarlet Plush for Saddles, 1 do. Fowling Pieces and Rifles, Elegant Cutlery, Glassware, and China, 1 case Velvet Ribbons and Lace, Bottle cases and Looking-Glasses, And a complete assortment of German Linen. John C. Niemeyer. Who will take in barter for German Linens, About 200 hogsheads of Tobacco STEMS, sound- ly packed in hds. to contain about 1000 lb. nett. November 28.
ALEXANDER CLARK, BOOT AND SHOE MAKER, Intends soon to leave this State, and requests all those in- debted to him to make immediate payment, and all those to whom he is indebted to render their accounts for settlement. Grateful to his friends for past favours, still solicits a con- tinuance until his business is settled. February 6.
RICHARD JEFFERY, & Co. Have just received from London by the last arrival a very full assortment of
In addition to the above importation from London, they have from Liverpool a variety of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries—PHIALS and GALL- POTS by the crate or in smaller quantities—Noon's MA- CHINES, URINALS, BREAST PIPES, SHELLS, &c. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, and orders from the country executed with care and dispatch. October 1. 216
COCKE & SANFORD, Have received per the Father and Sons from London, and Laura, from Liverpool, an extensive assortment of Fall and Winter Goods, viz. Blue, Black, Bottle, Drab, Mill'd Drab, Liver, and Claret, } Superfine CLOTHS, Fashionable Cassimeres; Union Cloth; Swansdown and Silk Waistcoating; coarse Woollens by the piece or bale; Blan- kets and Flannels do. do.; Irish Linens and Oznaburghs; best Seine Twine; Twill's Sacking; Coarse and Fine Hats in cases; Velvets, Cords, and Corduroys; Calicoes, Cambrics, Gingham; Silk, Silk and Cotton Chambrays; White, Blue, Black, and Italian Crapes; Bombazines, Bombazets, and Wildbores; Carpets and Carpeting; 100 kegs Gun Powder; 4 Ton Shot; Fowling Pieces; Cutlery assorted in Boxes. Sept. 19. 193
FOR SALE, A Valuable PLANTATION, Lying on Crooked River, Camden county, in the State of Georgia, twenty-two miles from the town of St. Mary's, and about the same distance from the bar; containing 1770 acres 250 of which are the very best sea-island cotton land, are well cleared, and have only been planted three seasons; there are above 200 acres more of the same quality, with a consi- derable quantity of large live oak timber on it, and also some excellent Rice Swamp Land. The Buildings consist of one handsome two-story Dwelling House, a Kitchen, Ginning-House, three Cotton Houses, a Barn and Store-House, and a number of framed Negro Houses, all of which are new, and built of the best materials. This Plantation is situated high, possesses very good water, and is remarkably healthy; there is every convenience for ship-building, the river being navigable for a vessel drawing 18 feet water, and in no river is there to be had a more abun- dant supply of oysters, with a great variety of other fish. There will also be sold with the Land, One Hundred and Twenty NEGROES, who are now upon it, ninety of whom are taskable , and among them several good tradesmen, the remaining thirty are likely young Slaves. For terms of Sale apply to Captain George Ker, St. Ma- ry's; to the Honourable Judge Stephens, Savannah; Adam Tunno, Esq. Charleston, or to Thomas Hamilton, 212 Norfolk. Sept. 29.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18.
For RENT, The Fire-Proof HOUSE on Market- Street, occupied by Mr. S. Marks, jun. possession to be had on the 1st June next. George Vashon. Feb. 23.
FOR SALE. 13 pipes Holland Gin 9 pipes Cognac Brandy—8 chests Hyson Tea 200 bbls. fine Flour—100 do. Navy Bread 31 kegs Butter—20 boxes of Soap 10 boxes Candles—30 tons Fustic, by James M'Clanahan. January 28.
For Rent or Lease, The WHARF in Gosport, late the property of Bartholomew Clinch, deceased, in complete or- der, finished in the best manner, and with an extensive yard, the water sufficiently deep for the largest vessels.— This property is well worthy of the attention of mercantile men. For terms apply to William Wilkinson. Gosport, Oct. 3. 224
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office. NOTES for the Virginia Bank; Checks; Bills of Lading, and of Exchange, printed on pa- per of superior quality; and Shipping Articles on large pa- per, and approved form. LEDGER OFFICE, February 27.
NORFOLK. PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Print Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.