Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-03-11 00:00:00

BRITISH PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
January 5.
Debate on the Negotiation with France.
[We have already published the Debate in the House of Lords on this interesting subject; when the present debate is finished, our readers will be enabled to form a just opinion on the question, the arguments of the ministers, and those of the opposition, completely developing, the origin, progress, and termination of this negotiation.]
Lord Howick rose—(We shall content ourselves with a brief sketch of his lordship's speech as in the greater part of his statements he was anticipated by lord Grenville on Friday last in the debate in the House of Lords, of which an ample detail was published in The Sun.) His lordship began by observing, that the papers which had been laid on the table must have by this time undergone the serious and deliberate examination of the members of the house. It now became his duty to propose that the house, as on similar occasions they had been accustomed to do, should in an humble address to his majesty, express the feelings by which they were actuated. In rising to perform his duty, it was impossible for him not to experience many painful sensations; in the first place he felt a deep and vast regret at the failure of the efforts which had been sincerely directed towards the restoration of peace; and he also felt great anxiety and pain at the difficulties which the rapid succession of disastrous events had recently thrown in the way of the accomplishment of such a desirable event. But he had also painful feelings, which were more peculiarly his own; it was impossible for him not to recollect the great man who was now no more! whose loss was to him irreparable as it was by the country to be lamented! At this moment he more strongly felt the severity of the loss, when he was called upon to detail and defend a transaction to which that illustrious statesman alone was equal, and to which he felt that his own powers were insufficient. If anything could support him in the execution of this task, it was his knowledge of the principles which his revered friend held on this subject, to the last moments of his existence, of the anxiety which he felt to secure, if possible, the peace and prosperity of the country. Could he trust that the general concurrence of sentiment which prevailed abroad on the subject of the negotiation prevailed in that house—could he trust to the impression made by the unanimous vote of the other house of parliament on this occasion, his task would be easy; but he knew well the severity of criticism which he had to apprehend from the hon. gentleman opposite, and the fundamental difference of opinion which existed between them on this subject. He would endeavour, however, by a clear and detailed statement, to show that government had neither on the one hand compromised, in a single instance, the honour of the crown, by any improper concessions or sacrifices—nor, on the other, neglected any means of concluding such a peace as would be consistent with the interests and prosperity of the country. He was not aware that it was necessary for him to show, that at the commencement of the negotiation peace was desirable. It always was so; peace was the only legitimate end of honourable war. The question rather was, had the negotiation been opened at a favourable time, and when it could be reasonably hoped that equitable terms of peace might be obtained? After the failure of the third coalition, in consequence of the unfortunate battle of Austerlitz; it could hardly be denied, that good peace have been obtained, on terms not in themselves dangerous, were it even but for a temporary repose, it would have been desirable. It on such terms desirable, he could not understand on what principle the terms proposed in the late negotiation could be objected to. Recurring to Mr. Fox's first answer to M. Talleyrand's original letter, he repeated the passages which stated the principle on which peace could be obtained. Out of that principle grew these conditions: First, that we could not treat but in conjunction with the emperor of Russia. Secondly, that the negotiation should be conducted on the basis of actual possession; because a negotiation to be honourable must be equal, and to be equal each party must acknowledge the other not to be under the necessity of purchasing peace by concession. On the first day of the session, a right honourable gentleman (Mr. Canning) had stated three points, which it appeared to him to be necessary that his majesty's ministers should make out. The first was that the overture for negotiation had proceeded from the enemy; the second, that the negotiation had been instituted on the basis of actual possession; and the third, that we had acted in concert with our allies. As to the first overture having been received from the enemy, that fact could scarcely be doubted; for he did not suppose, that the right hon. gentleman would recur to the fanciful supposition, that any pacific proposition had been made prior to Mr. Fox's letter respecting the assassination. The answer contained specific sentiments; "but (it might be said) it proposed a different basis; it proposed the stipulation of the treaty of Amiens.—True—but what was the reply? that that was a basis on which there could be no hope that the negotiation could be conducted to a salutary end, because it was so undefined and liable to dispute that the first business of the negotiation must be to determine what was the basis of that treaty itself. In his answer M. Talleyrand gives up that basis in effect and almost in words, with an implication, that he is willing to treat on the basis of actual possession. He says that France desires nothing of England; that the negotiation ought
to be conducted on the principle of equality, for, as France was a great power on the continent, so Great Britain was a great power at sea. The fair construction on these expressions was, that the basis of actual possession would be admitted; but let it not be supposed that he meant to rest the case upon constructive evidence; although that evidence might fairly corroborate succeeding offers of a more direct nature, in consequence of which the negotiation commenced. But the letter to which he had alluded insisted we should treat without our allies. This Mr. Fox had at once rejected, determined not to separate their interests from those of Great Britain. In the answer to the letter in which this rejection was contained, M. Talleyrand made use of arguments so absurd, that he would not detain the house by reviewing them. All his lengthened sophisms vanished before the plain reply of Mr. Fox, in three or four lines. Any person who has read the last paragraph in Mr. Fox's letter of the 20th of April, must see that he thought the negotiation at an end. Up to this period could the house wish any thing to be altered? A learned gentleman had improperly, as he conceived, taunted the present administration on the plainness and simplicity with which they professed to negotiate. Let him look at Mr. Fox's letters, and he would there find a frankness and unequivocal sincerity, combined with a profound and comprehensive policy, which would ever immortalize that illustrious statesman, and which sufficiently proved that the fond expectations which the country entertained from his unequalled genius and wisdom were not disappointed. Those letters were the models of diplomatic correspondence; if it were wished to hold up a contrast between the character of this country and the character of France, Mr. Fox's letters would satisfy that wish. He was glad to find that on the subject, at least, there was something like a general concurrence of sentiment. From the 20th of April to the 4th of June we heard no more of negotiation. On the 4th of June a letter was received from M. Talleyrand, and on the same day a noble lord arrived in England from Paris, charged with official letters from the French government. The letters proposed two principles on which the negotiation might be undertaken; and there was an attempt to get rid of the difficulties of a joint negotiation by a reference (however mistaken) to the transactions during the marquis of Rockingham's administration. But, as he before observed, at the time that this letter was received, came lord Yarmouth, who distinctly stated to his majesty's ministers what had been confirmed by that noble lord in his speech in that house, a few evenings ago, that he was authorised by the French government to propose the commencement of a negotiation on the basis of actual possession. Did gentlemen believe that the fact? He begged them not to form any conclusion on the precise words in the paper which came from Yarmouth, which was merely a memorandum to take as evidence what was stated to his majesty to take as evidence what was stated to his majesty's ministers, and to take as evidence what was stated to the house. On the ground that the basis of actual possession had been offered, and on the ground alone, lord Yarmouth was sent to Paris. His lordship's assertion that the basis had been offered was surely sufficient; but he would support it by indubitable evidence. In his interview with M. Talleyrand, after his lordship had stated from his majesty his understanding of the basis which he had been empowered to offer, M. Talleyrand deny it? What could he have done under the circumstances are changed since that time, but circumstances are changed since that time, but he proposed to treat with us on the basis of actual possession. In the next conference, when lord Yarmouth, M. Talleyrand and M. Fox were present, that the basis of the uti possidetis was offered, by declaring, that mutual concessions must be made for that which might be obtained by both sides. Lord Lauderdale also stated, that the French negotiators never directly offered the offer, although they made a shuffling attempt to evade it. These are circumstances equivalent to a positive admission. It was not possible, therefore, that there could be any dispute of the fact. In Mr. Fox's letter of the twenty-sixth of June, to lord Yarmouth, he speaks with indignation of the retraction of the French government from that basis on which alone his lordship had been sent to Paris. And here he had to apologize for an omission in the documents on the table; for, in his letter of the 20th of June, he had thought Mr. Fox referred to the expression in M. Talleyrand's letter, "Nous ne vous demandons rien." But a person who had examined the documents with considerable attention (though he had himself bestowed as much attention on them as was in his power) had discovered that the expressions applied to a private letter accompanying M. Talleyrand's letter of the 1st April, in which it was stated that the emperor had nothing to desire from England, and he believed the greatness of France was compatible with the greatness of England. He should like to know very much what the right hon. gentleman opposite would have done in the same circumstance. Receiving a verbal communication from the French government, that they were ready to treat on a basis on which it was desirable to treat, would they have rejected the offer? A noble lord (Castlereagh) had said, with wonderful solemnity, that those verbal communications were not subjects for diplomatic proceedings, which required something written and satisfactorily permanent. In the history of all negotiations had they not always been preceded by something of an unofficial nature? It must be so, because each party was unwilling to commit itself, until it ascertained, in some degree, the temper and disposition of its opponent, and therefore the dogmas of these experienced diplomatists would only throw difficulties in
the way of any negotiation. He had a stronger justification to urge; if it was wrong to receive verbal communications at the opening of a negotiation for peace, surely, in a solemn discussion between two countries yet at peace, the ultimatum on which the question of peace or war depended ought not to be verbal. He held in his hand, however, an account of the unfortunate negotiation which preceded the present war. The gentleman opposite agreed at any rate in these transactions. The noble lord was in the cabinet at the time. The learned gentleman (Mr. Percival) was attorney general; and the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Canning) though certainly not friendly to the administration, did not criticize the detail of that negotiation. And what did he find in this account? Why—that lord Whitworth stated a verbal ultimatum of three articles, and declared, if they were not acceded to in the course of a week, his mission would be terminated, and he must return to London. On M. Talleyrand's demanding confirmation of the custom of all ages and countries, that the ultimatum should be delivered in writing, lord Whitworth replied, that he had not instructions so to do. In lord Hawkesbury's answer to lord Whitworth's application for instructions, he tells him—"You were right, in the first instance, to state the ultimatum of your court verbally; but as the French government lay such stress upon the circumstance, his majesty had no objection to your compressing it in a short note." The gentleman opposite would scarcely recommend that we should say to the French—"You are all rogues and liars—what communications we have from you must be in writing—but we are all honest men, and therefore such a precaution is unnecessary." We had therefore both the nature of the thing, and the experience of the gentlemen opposite, to prove to us that the conduct of government, in acting upon a verbal communication, was justifiable. No other course could with propriety have been taken. To M. Talleyrand's written letter Mr. Fox sent a written answer. To his verbal communication he sent a verbal answer, with instructions to the person who was the bearer of it to ascertain the terms of the French government. And here he must correct a misapprehension which had come abroad from an unintentional misstatement in another place. Lord Yarmouth was not intended to obtain an answer in writing, because he was an accredited minister. He was ordered, in the first instance, to ascertain the acknowledgment of the basis, when powers were to be sent to him which he was not to show until that acknowledgment had been confirmed. At the time when his majesty's commission was issued, it was his most anxious and earnest wish that it should be founded on facts.—He was ready to sit down again to that declaration, if the objections that had been made, and the difficulties that had taken place, he did not know how he could state the truth more completely than in the way in which it was stated in that declaration, namely, that the offer of the basis of actual possession was made by the enemy, in which the negotiation originated. When lord Yarmouth got to Paris, he met with some unexpected difficulties: M. D'Oubril arrived soon after. The terms on which the French government entertained of releasing him to conclude a treaty between Russia and France, and the circumstances which related to Sicily, induced them to refrain from their proposition. The actual signature of the treaty by M. D'Oubril rendered these obstacles of still more magnitude. Lord Yarmouth was then placed in a very difficult situation. He saw no prospect of terminating the negotiation in peace, but by producing his powers. He did produce them. No man could doubt the sincere desire which that noble lord felt of serving his country; but at the same time he must be allowed to say that this act was contrary to his instructions, and to the intentions of government. The next step taken by his majesty's ministers was to send lord Lauderdale to Paris. The first thing he did, in conformity to his instructions, was to present a note, distinctly requiring an acknowledgment of the basis of actual possession—and his orders were, should that not be acknowledged, to quit Paris. The answer was, that if Great Britain did not feel disposed to surrender certain points, France would reject the basis—if not, she would adopt it. A most wonderful curious circumstance was attached to this answer. Some word had been erased by the stroke of a pen, and the word seule substituted. What the erased word had been it was impossible to discover, but as it occupied a longer space than the word written in its room, it might probably have been seule . Lord Lauderdale again insisted on a direct and formal admission of the principle on which alone he could treat, and this being withheld, he demanded his passports. Things continued thus until the end of August. A new conference was required by the French negotiators, which proved most unsatisfactory, and lord Lauderdale declared he must quit Paris. The intelligence, however, of the non-ratification of the Russian treaty changed the tone of the French; but still their terms were short of those expected. Thus the negotiation went on to the end of September, when lord Lauderdale demanded his passports in a more peremptory way, and they were granted. If his majesty's ministers could be justly accused of any neglect or omission in this transaction, he should feel the accusation most painfully, but still it would be deprived of much of its bitterness by the assertion, which even the opponents of government have been compelled to make, that the cause of the country was clear—that the country was in the right. A learned gentleman opposite had characterized the negotiation as an instance of artifice on the one side, and dealing on credulity on the other. He insisted that his majesty's ministers had been dupes. This
an assertion more easily made than proved. How dupes? Were they dupes during the first period of the negotiation? From the first offer made by M. Talleyrand to the 20th of April, was there any evidence shown in that period? In the continued negotiation in which Russia was not included, was there anything to show that he was for one moment a dupe? Nor was there any thing in the transaction from the 20th of April to the 30th of August, which deserves this imputation. But, the learned gentleman might say, "after the 30th of August the French were false and insincere, and he had not been listened to."—Assuredly, if the ministry's had at that time entertained the opinion, of the truth of which lord Lauderdale had convinced the learned gentleman, how could they have acted otherwise? If an enemy of peace, and exhibits a conciliatory disposition, the minister who would subject himself to the reproaches of all Europe, and what was of more consequence, to that of his own country, would be in his duty. When France first manifested a conciliatory temper, it was impossible to adopt any course but to endeavour to ascertain the sincerity of that manifestation. No delay had taken place in this attempt but what arose from a few days' indisposition in lord Lauderdale, and from the cautious and almost refusal of the French government to grant him passports. It had been said that the protraction of the negotiation had prevented the British government from giving necessary aid to Russia. No opportunity of doing so would have been lost, had not Russia, by the fatality of her own enemies, rendered it impossible to assist her. The good will of the country had been most commensurate with her refusal to negotiate without the co-operation of Russia had sent her ministers to Paris, in a qualified and separate form, but in substance in conformity to the signature of D'Oubril's treaty. But when that treaty was disclaimed by Russia, the two courts were replaced on their respective positions, and lord Lauderdale had instructions to continue the treaty in which the interests of Russia were scrupulously attended to. Did the gentleman opposite feel dissatisfied with the terms proposed by the British government? The terms were the uti possidetis , that is, that we should retain every thing that we then held, except something equivalent to it should be given to us in exchange. This was a basis particularly applicable to the situation of both countries—France was powerful on the continent, Great Britain at sea. Neither nation had the prospect of making any considerable impression on the other. It was a principle of equality to hold Sicily for our allies, to maintain good faith with Naples, to recover Hanover, which, as it was unjustly seized, it would have been dishonourable to abandon—to maintain the integrity of Sweden and Portugal. These were general propositions, from which we never materially receded. It must be recollected that the value of concessions for peace increased when that peace appeared to be precarious. There never was at any period of the negotiation, the power of obtaining terms such as could have been acceded to. Previous to lord Yarmouth's arrival from France, no particular terms had been specified; then came the proposition of the uti possidetis . But from this the French government immediately receded; both with respect to Sicily and other objects. Nothing, however, was distinctly stated until after the signature of D'Oubril's treaty. At that time lord Yarmouth stated, that Hanover, the Cape, Malta and India remained pure and untouched. Soon, however, this retraction of the basis operated with a vengeance. The French negotiator declared that his master will not surrender Pondicherry, Sriperam, Tobago, Goree, Berbice, Essequibo, &c. Malta too was to be subject to the payment of certain pensions, &c. the British garrison to be limited in force; besides the capture of Malta would have become quite insecure from the loss of Sicily, on which that island depends for its provisions. For Hanover it was proposed by the French to take the principality of Hoya; the Cape was to become a free port, that is, England was to pay the expenses of the establishment and other nations to derive the advantages of it. Independently therefore of the violation of faith, these were terms which Great Britain could not accept. She could not even relinquish Russia and Sicily. The equivalent for Sicily was to be given to Sicily. The king of Sicily was to have been dethroned, and Great Britain to provide for his subsistence. Could any man with a heart, and with feelings truly English, say that these were terms to which his majesty's ministers could have listened? On the 4th September, after the information of the non-ratification of the Russian treaty had reached Paris, a great change took place, and they were disposed to go much further; they were willing to give up Hanover without deduction, Malta without restriction, the absolute sovereignty of the Cape to Britain, Pondicherry, Chandernagore, Tobago, &c. These were better terms, but they were far from the original basis. Yet such as they were, they were to be at the price of abandoning Russia and Sicily. Had they, however, been infinitely more advantageous, at such a price they ought not to have been purchased—and at what time no more they offered? Not until the French emperor had left Paris, to take the command of his armies, then on their march against Prussia. His (lord Howick's) opinion of the Russian matter was, that if a hope remained of a re-arrangement of the affairs of Europe, it remained in the hands of the emperor of Russia. His (lord Lauderdale's) opinion was, that if a hope remained of a re-arrangement of the affairs of Europe, it remained in the hands of the emperor of Russia. His (lord Lauderdale's) opinion was, that if a hope remained of a re-arrangement of the affairs of Europe, it remained in the hands of the emperor of Russia.

king of Sicily had... it was evident... it was an advanced position... of Turkey, and subsequently... It also, by flanking Hungary... the German powers. It was... even in peace than in war... point of view it was important... to England—it was important... that Dalmatia should not... the French. Some might... that the British government... to have rejected the terms... offered, because it would... to acquire her. To that... he would answer, that they... rejected because it would... have been dishonorable to... have accepted them. Insufficient... as it was, it was... more so, when it was... not offered until Bonaparte... had left Paris; and therefore... that they had not produced the effect... without which a peace on our part was scarcely desirable... of diffusing peace over Europe. For he would ask, would our acceptance of the... terms have stopped the operations of the French... arms? Could any assurance of Talleyrand's, on that head, have been satisfactory? The principal inducement held out to M. D'Orbell, to sign his precipitate treaty, was, that the changes in Germany might be prevented. But his signature was scarcely dry before the Rhenish confederacy took place. There were two results to be expected from the war between France and Prussia. Either that Prussia would be successful or that she would be unsuccessful. Had she been successful, what would have been said of the administration who had conducted a peace on insufficient terms, and by that means cramped the energies of Europe, and that at a time when they might otherwise have been exerted with vigour and effect. If unsuccessful, would our situation have been more favored? Does any body believe that, after the battle of Jena, Bonaparte would have been disposed to the terms of any treaty recently negotiated with Great Britain? Experience had shown the contrary, and the transactions in which... afforded sufficient proof of it. In which treaties were violated by the French. To add to the atrocities of the man he had, on his arrival at Constantinople, passed through the country with brutality and kindness; and yet his first act on his arrival at Constantinople was in direct hostility to their interests. We had a right therefore to conclude, that had the French concluded a treaty with us, they would, in the present circumstances of the continent, have described us in the detestable light of having been the original instigators of the continental war, and of having desired the powers whom we had excited to action. The present deplorable situation of Prussia, increasing the immense power of France, placed the prospect of peace at a greater distance. Far would he be from encouraging any sanguine expectations. What remained was in the hands of heaven. We had done what our honour demanded of us. Whether the chastisement of Europe was to continue, or whether the instrument of vengeance was speedily to be deprived of its power, he knew not; but this he knew, that Great Britain had neglected nothing which it was her duty to perform—nor did he see reason for despondence or dismay. He looked confidently through the medium of the honour, the courage, and the resources of his country, to the period when it would be practicable to re-establish that balance of power on which the tranquility and happiness of Europe so materially depended.
There are two points which he had omitted in his statement: the one related to the extraordinary note of the 4th of September, as published in the French papers, inviting lord Lauderdale to a conference with M. Talleyrand; but which disgraceful note never was delivered to lord Lauderdale; for had it been delivered to him; it would most certainly have been his duty not to have remained a moment longer in Paris. What could have been the motive of this publication, he was at a loss to guess. It must have originated in some error, of which we were ignorant, for certainly nothing could have been more unjust than its application to the noble lord. The other point related to the sudden change which the French government had asserted had taken place in the tone of our British councils, when Mr. Fox was no longer able to attend them. They said, that the war party then prevailed. To this assertion he could give the most complete denial. Whoever knew any thing of the noble lord, his colleague in office (lord Grenville) must be well aware, to those uncommon talents for business which he possessed, he enjoyed a firmness of mind which would not allow him to be dictated to by any man. For himself he had the satisfaction of reflecting, that from the commencement of the negotiation to the conclusion of it, his sentiments were unaltered. It was true, that the last letter written by Mr. Fox was on the 20th of June, and that, the subsequent details were carried on by others; but he knew his sentiments for the remainder of the period during which he was capable of expressing those sentiments; he knew that he always understood that the vi possidetis was the basis offered by the French government; and he knew the indignation which he felt at the cavils and equivocations on that subject. On Sunday, the 7th of September, the Sunday preceding his death, when there appeared to be a favourable turn in the negotiation, anxious as that great man was for the restoration of peace, he declared that there were three objects, without the acquisition of which, peace ought not to be concluded:—1st, the maintenance of the honour of the country—the second was the preservation of our connection with Russia, and the third was the re-establishment of the king of Sicily. It was on these two last points that the negotiation had been broken off; and he solemnly declared to the house, that this rupture was in perfect conformity to the sentiments and recommendations
of that illustrious statesman, who, in the most severe moments of his illness, stated it to be the ardent wish of his mind to accomplish, before his death, two great works on which he had set his heart—the restoration of peace, and the abolition of the slave trade. After a brief recapitulation of the principal topics of his speech, lord Hawick concluded by moving an address similar to that which was voted in the house of lords on Friday last.
(To be continued.)
LONDON, January 9.
The bank yesterday commenced the payment of dividends on the 3 per cent. consolidated annuities to the bankers, and to-morrow the payment (as usual) will be made to the public. This circumstance will bring a large sum of money into the market, in consequence of which, and the improved prospect of affairs on the continent, a considerable sum in the funds has taken place. Omnium, which for some time past had been at a premium of about 1 per cent. rose to 2 3/4, and consols to 61 3/4.
Several letters dated the 10th of December, have been received from St. Petersburg, which mention that a strong Russian force, under the command of gen. Von Essen, had taken possession of Chocim. It is stated that the Russian general on his arrival before the place, summoned it to surrender, which was refused—the Russians then began to bombard it, and threatened to take it by storm, and put every man to death found in the garrison. This had the desired effect. The Turks complied with the summons, and the Russians "did not suffer the loss (as they term it) of one brave soldier."
His majesty's sloop Alert, capt. Williams, arrived at Yarmouth on Sunday, from Elsinore, after a passage of 14 days: she left Elsinore two days after the Rattle-skin sloop. Captain Williams has not brought any Messenger, or much news, but it was generally known to be true, that the Russians were retreating to Poland, in order to strengthen themselves, and to entice the French army into a situation of difficulty. The Prussian army at Dantzick and its vicinity, amounted to upwards of seventy thousand strong. The Russian troops were five days in crossing the bridge at Riga, though they marched both day and night. The horses of the French army were dying rapidly, as forage could not be found for them.
The Persian ambassador, who arrived at Constantinople from Persia, is, it is said, the bearer of very important political dispatches from the emperor to Napoleon, exclusive of many rich presents. An offensive and defensive alliance between France and Persia, is said to be the chief design of this embassy. Many French officers and other emissaries have already gone to Persia, by way of Constantinople. The Persian and Turkish languages are now taught with great assiduity to a number of French officers at Paris, who are destined to go on expeditions to those countries.
Most of the accounts from Poland declare that the Polish insurrection by no means answers the expectations of Bonaparte. In the Russian and Austrian parts, the people are perfectly quiet; and even in the Prussian, there is no great tendency to rise.
TYROL, December 10.
According to intelligence from Verona, the whole Italian division of Leechi has received orders to break up and march for Germany.
Private letters from Milan mention, that the vice king of Italy will soon set out for the Grand Army, where he is to have an important command.
MENZ, December 10.
The last column of the Prussian prisoners, which was brought by Mentz on the left bank of the Rhine (belonging to prince Hohenlohe's column) did not conduct themselves so peaceably as the other divisions. In a wood on this side of Alsbach they evinced such symptoms of mutiny, that the escort of National Guards was obliged to fire on them. Several of them made their escape into the woods, where they subsisted by robbery and plunder; and every measure has been taken to capture them, but hitherto in vain.
December 20.
For ten months past, there have been 11,000 Russian prisoners, and a number of English, distributed through the North East departments of France. To these 1400 Swedes have lately been added, and 100,000 Prussians.
The Austrian field marshal Bellegarde is appointed civil and military governor in Austrian Poland. The proximity of the war requires the prudence of a political man.
The Frankfort papers say, a number of medical men have been collected in Prussia and Saxony to be sent to Poland, to put a stop to the maladies that prevail there.
December 20.
It is remarkable that the troops of the confederation of the Rhine form a middle line, the front and rear of which are covered by the French. In the interim, certain points of possession are assigned to them. The principal corps of Bavarians and Wirttembergers occupy Silesia. The Prince Primat's troops are at Erfurt; those of Baden at Stettin; those of Wurtemberg, Nassau, and Darmstadt, at Spandau; those of Berg, Isemburg, Hohen-zollern, &c. at Magdeburg.
The eighth corps of the army under M. Morrier, united with the Dutch army of the North, occupy East Friesland, Mecklenburg, &c. and form the left wing, and the rear of the Grand Army.
FROM THE MAIN, December 16.
The troubles that have broken out in Polish Prussia have been dreadful, particularly on the estates of prince Lubomirski, where a number of lives have been lost. Russia has sent a proclamation into Poland, which contains the most dreadful menaces against all those who endeavour to excite a spirit of insurrection.
The grand duke of Baden's contingent is to be augmented to 10,000 men; and the grand duke, who still remains at the head quarters, is to have a command.
The military route for the troops marching from France, &c. to Germany, is no longer to continue through Pomerania and Saxony, but through Friedberg into Hesse.
According to the public papers, since the last Ulkai in Russia has been published, upwards of 100,000 recruits have been raised, and preparations for war are going on with uncommon spirit.
Several Hungarian regiments have been ordered to march towards Poland.
From the National Intelligencer. I will make no apology for presenting to the public the following statement of facts. It is a duty I owe to my country, my friends and myself.
I left my own house in Kentucky early in December last, and travelled the usual road to the Chickasaw nation to the settlements on Tombigbee. Here I spent two or three days looking at lands; thence across the country, to the upper settlements on the Chickasaw river and down the river to where it takes the name of Pascagoula; here I left my horses and took a canoe, and after spending several days on the river, and part of two at the house of a gentleman, who shewed me the papers and Livingston's address from New Orleans, I crossed the lake to the Bayou of St. John's and passed into the city the usual road. I am thus particular, that my enemies may retrace my steps if they choose. I rode, for I was unable to walk into New Orleans between 12 and 1 o'clock, P. M. and took lodgings at madam Forrage's boarding-house—I remained in the publick room where there was a number of gentlemen until dinner—at the table, I think about 3 o'clock, I was arrested by col. Kingsbury of the U. S. army, who came attended by five or six officers, having left a guard of 100 men at the door. I was immediately taken to the garrison, and closely confined under a centinel. About 2 o'clock the next morning, I was conveyed down the river in a boat about 25 leagues to Fort St. Philips, from thence about the same time the next morning I was conveyed twenty miles further down the river and kept in the woods until the 22d in the evening; when I was put on board the sch'r Thatcher, capt. Hawes, for Baltimore. On the evening of the 17th February I was given in charge to the officer commanding at Fort McHenry—on the 18th I was again taken before judge Nicholson by a writ of Habeas Corpus and discharged. I felt pleased to find myself once more in a country where the laws were respected and where there were men who dared to arrest oppression; whether it was the act of a petty tyrant, or sanctioned by the chiefs of the nation. On the 23d inst. I came to this city, and addressed a note to the attorney general, letting him know where I was, and requesting to know whether any and what charges were in his possession against me. The second day after I received an answer, telling me that when the executive should be furnished with sufficient evidence, I would be apprised. I conclude then the executive has not yet been furnished with sufficient evidence to warrant an arrest. I positively say it cannot be furnished—I have committed no crime against the laws of my country; yet I have been imprisoned, forced, from place to place at midnight, sent to sea in a tempestuous season, and carried 1000 miles or more from my business, to the loss of my property, the injury of my health, and the danger of my life. Why has all this been done? I have not yet been told. Wilkinson has acted with the honour of a soldier and the fidelity of a good citizen—and can the President really approve and justify a venal, petty tyrant in the act of violating the constitution and laws of his country. He is, however, aware that some apology may be necessary for his general—he attempts to make it in the latter part of his message of the 22d January; he there thinks it probable, the general sent us round the objectives of humanity, least an impartial trial should be had in the agitated city of New Orleans. In this holy ten miles square, there could be no court, where not only the highest judicial authorities were to be assembled, but where the court would be furnished with executive means—What executive means? Perhaps the senate can convene, but the supreme court did not think it necessary; and consequently has incurred the odium of all who believe in executive infallibility. By this and that body I highly regard the following statement—On the 22d inst. this all important message was communicated to the senate; their doors were closed, and in a few moments they passed a bill suspending the power of the writ of habeas corpus; thus prostrating at one blow the civil authority, sacrificing the citizen in the west to the will of an executive tyrant. What has done through the means of our friends, or and they just heard the following statements of last winter, that Burr and his army, had been in the city, and heels and tumblers and every citizen of the city was intended to operate in the case of every individual who had been imprisoned without having committed an offence charged with any offence, denied that he had been in the city, and paper, I might have been sent to New Orleans, and kept there for seven years, or until by my friends or family—Tyrants have the means of destroying the reputations of their enemies.
Had not the house of representatives, spurned with indignation this unconstitutional attempt to justify the lawless acts of a lawless tyrant, the sufferings of Baron Trenck would not have been strange in America. And what, let me ask, is our present security, unless Wilkinson is punished for his daring outrage on all law? In the case of Dr. Bollman, we are told in a newspaper, the writ of habeas corpus granted by judge Bee of South Carolina, was certainly served. What was the answer of the officer who had him in custody? Attend to it ye who respect your government. Although (said he) I respect the civil institutions of my country, yet I must obey the orders of my superior officer. The prisoner was not given up. Here then was a denial of this all important right; no need for the interposition of the senate. In England, the land of oppression, this officer would have been immediately punished. In our free government, things are ordered otherwise. Under the administration of Mr. Adams, there was much grumbling about a gag law, that shut people's mouths—under the present administration a man may not only be gagged, but his throat cut without any law, and he that does it will find protectors amongst the judges of the nation.
Wilkinson tells us he has acted with the approbation of the governor and judges. If this be true, it is high time these men were removed from office. Men placed in the most important stations, over a territory respectable for its wealth and population, and over a city that yields in importance to very few on the continent; sworn to administer justice agreeable to the constitution and laws; who would cringe to a military tyrant, and suffer him to trample on all law, should not be trusted. Perhaps the bayonet was at their breast, or the dagger of the
assassin at their side; no less dangerous a situation can plead their excuse. Wilkinson, in telling us this unlikely tale, intends not only an excuse for his own illegal acts, but it is saying to those he has injured—sue me if you dare. I am here intruded in New Orleans in the favour of the executive; the governor and judges are my creatures; you cannot injure me. How long he will remain thus secure will rest with the president.
Wilkinson, in his long fulsome panegyric on himself, published in the Aurora of the 23d inst. as a letter from New Orleans (for his tricks of this kind are too well known to pass) has discovered from his spy, who had it in confidence from the friends of col. Burr, that I was sent to New Orleans, and was to meet the colonel at Bayou Pierre, on the 12th January. Unfortunately for this tale which seems to have been fabricated after my arrest—major Floyd and Mr. Ralston will declare that they never spoke to me on the subject; but I scorn to justify myself where I cannot be accused. It was necessary to alledge something against me. Wilkinson and his spies, and other confidential men, have made me a general, and given me an army of 2000 men, (1000 more than I could have needed) and this too without consulting me, whilst I was harmlessly diverting myself in the uninhabited swamps in West Florida, three or four hundred miles out of the road leading from Nashville to Orleans. What can they not do? Bonaparte can conquer armies as fast as his enemies can raise them. But Wilkinson and his friends can both raise and conquer them in the same breath without powder or ball. This charge, however, cannot be the crime for which I have suffered, because the discovery has been made since my arrest. It seems I have committed another. A very great personage in this city, has declared publicly, that Adair was the most impudent of all the conspirators; for he had said to the first man he met in New Orleans, that the commander in chief of the army was a villain, and a Spanish spy, and that he, Adair, expected to find the city in possession of his Catholic majesty.
With due submission, I will correct this statement, which I presume came from Wilkinson, as I was told he repeated it on the same evening I was confined. When I was repeatedly told in the public room, amongst gentlemen, acquaintances, and strangers, that Wilkinson had denounced me as a traitor, and declared me at the head of an army coming to attack that city, I coolly answered, that reports were different in different countries; that in Kentucky the people were more afraid of Wilkinson than Burr, because many of them believed him to be in Spanish pay.
A gentleman (pointing to a small man in the room) observed to me, take care what you say, that man is a spy on you from the general, and I would not be surprised if you are confined for that before night; I answered with perhaps some warmth, let him confine me and be damned, I despise his power. For this I have suffered, for this I have been imprisoned; I have been persecuted for saying Mr. Wilkinson did not in my opinion possess more talents than every other man in the United States. I ought to have known the danger of speaking freely of great men. I acknowledge my imprudence; but I cannot repent of my sins; I have suffered, but I have done no one act for which I am sorry.
So far as I know or believe of the intentions of col. Burr (and my enemies will agree I am not ignorant on this subject) they were to prepare and lead an expedition into Mexico predicated on a war between the two governments; without a war he knew he could do nothing. On this war taking place he calculated with certainty, as well from the policy of the measure at this time, as from the private assurances of Wilkinson, who seemed to have the power to force it in his own hands. This continued to be the object of col. Burr, until he heard of the venal and shameful bargain made by Wilkinson at the Sabine river —this information he received soon after the attempt to arrest him in Frankfort. He then turned his attention altogether towards strengthening himself on the Washita and waiting a more favourable crisis. I thought the first of these objects honourable and worthy the attention of any man; but I was not engaged in it—my political as well as private pursuits forbid me from taking a part until it was over; nor did I ever believe, notwithstanding Wilkinson's swaggering letters to me on that subject, which may be seen, that a war would take place—this opinion I formed last winter in this city. In the second object of col. Burr I had no interest. I have said I was not engaged in either. If I had, the first step must have been to engage men—I could do nothing without. I call upon Wilkinson and his friends to produce a single man that I have attempted to engage in any enterprise whatever, I am not the apologist of col. Burr—he can defend himself; I only speak of his intentions so far as they relate to myself. My business in New Orleans did not require my presence there till the latter part of January, consequently I took the circuitous route. I have before described so far as this statement relates, my imprisonment, I am ready to attest it before any tribunal. It remains with those who have the power to say how long Wilkinson shall remain secure (as he boasts) in New Orleans, or when he will be placed within the reach of the civil law.
JOHN ADAIR.
City of Washington, March 1, 1807.
WASHINGTON CITY, March 4.
We have, in our preceding columns, inserted a communication of JOHN ADAIR. We have considered it an act of justice to Mr. Adair to give his statement to the public; we also consider it a duty to the nation to give the most admission to whatever tends to enlighten the transactions which have either occurred or been meditated in the Western country. At the same time that we make this declaration, we deem it proper to say that in our opinion the address of Mr. Adair is, in a high degree intemperate; and that it is characterised by a want of respect upon the character of men high in the confidence of the nation, the purity of whose motives cannot be impeached, and whose political conduct it becomes the true friend of his country firmly to defend against unfounded aggression. We have not at present time to add more than that our columns shall be open to repel the attacks thus unnecessarily made by Mr. Adair.
Nat. Int.
We understand that a copy of the treaty between the United States and Great Britain was received last evening by Mr. Erskine.
Letters are received in this city from Natchez,

dated the 2nd of February. They state that Mr. Barr had, on that day appeared before the district court for trial, and that the business had been deferred until the next day.
* The expression is vague; nor is any thing stated that enables us to determine its precise meaning.
APPOINTMENTS.
MERIWETHER LEWIS , governor of Upper Louisiana.
THOMAS TODD , of Kentucky, Justice of the supreme court of the United States for the new circuit recently established.
The House of Representatives were in session on Saturday from 7 o'clock in the evening to one o'clock the next morning. They were principally occupied in considering the bill for the repeal of the duties on salt, and for the continuance of the Mediterranean fund. The bill finally passed the House by a large majority, and discontinues the duty of eight cents on salt after the 30th of June, and the duty of twelve cents after the 30th of September; and continues the Mediterranean fund until the 31st day of December.
On Monday the House sat from 10 A. M. to half past 4 P. M. and from half past 6 to 10 in the evening.
On Tuesday the House sat from 10 A. M. to half past 3 o'clock, when they adjourned to half after 6 o'clock, from which time they continued in session until 11 o'clock, when the two Houses adjourned sine die.
Our readers will see, in the following list, the acts which have passed.
The Salt Bill has passed, as it passed the House of Representatives, with an amendment, taking off the duty of 12 cents after the 31st of December, instead of the 30th of September.
The House postponed indefinitely the bill from the Senate, for an increase of the military peace establishment.
A LIST OF ACTS
Passed during the Second Session of the Ninth Congress.
 1. An act to suspend the operation of the act, entitled "An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise," and to remit the penalties incurred under the same.  2. An act making appropriations for the support of the navy of the United States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and seven.  3. An act making appropriations for the support of the military establishment of the United States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and seven.  4. Private.  5. An act to alter the time of holding the circuit and district courts in the district of North Carolina.  6. Private.  7. Private.  8. An act to provide for surveying the coasts of the United States.  9. An act authorising the erection of certain light houses, and the fixing of stakes, buoys and beacons at certain places therein named.  10. Private.  11. Private.  12. An act supplementary to the act, entitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the U. States."  13. An act to annex certain shores and waters to the district of Mississippi, and to authorise the building of a custom house at New Orleans.  14. An act to extend the power of granting writs of injunctions to the judges of the district courts of the United States.  15. An act establishing circuit courts and abridging the jurisdiction of the district courts in the districts of Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio.  16. An act to punish frauds committed on the bank of the United States.  17. An act authorising the president of the U. States to accept the service of a number of volunteer companies, not exceeding thirty thousand men.  18. An act to continue in force for a further time, "An act to suspend the commercial intercourse between the U. States and certain parts of the island of St. Domingo."  19. An act further supplementary to the act, entitled "An act concerning the district of Columbia."  20. An act respecting seizures made under the authority of the United States, and for other purposes.  21. An act to extend the time for locating Virginia military warrants, and for returning the surveys thereon to the office of the secretary of the department of war; and appropriating lands for the use of schools in the Virginia military reservation, in lieu of those heretofore appropriated.  22. Private.  23. An act to prevent settlements being made on lands ceded to the United States, until authorized by law.  24. An act to prohibit the importation of slaves into any port or place within the jurisdiction of the United States, from and after the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight.  25. An act authorising the employment of the land and naval forces of the United States, in cases of insurrection.  26. An act making appropriations for finishing the south wing of the Capitol; and for other purposes.  27. An act respecting the claims to land in the territory of Orleans and Louisiana.  28. Private.  29. Private.  30. Private.  31. An act to prevent settlements on the public lands, until authorised by law.  32. An act regulating the grants of land in the territory of Michigan.  33. An act making appropriations for the support of government, during the year one thousand eight hundred and seven.  34. Private.  35. An act disapproving of an act passed by the the governor and judges of the territory of Michigan, entitled "An act concerning the bank of Detroit."  36. An act making appropriations for carrying into effect the treaty between the United States and the Chickasaw tribe of Indians, and to establish a land office in the Mississippi territory. 
37. An act making appropriations for carrying into effect certain treaties with the Cherokee and Piankeshaw tribes of Indians.
38. Private.
39. An act making provision for the disposal of the public lands, situate between the United States military tract and the Connecticut reserve, and for other purposes.
40. An act making further appropriations for fortifying the ports and harbours of the United States.
41. An act concerning invalid pensioners.
42. An act confirming claims to land in the district of Vincennes; and for other purposes.
43. An act to reduce the expenses attending the administration of justice in the district of Columbia.
44. An act repealing the duties on salt, and continuing in force, for a further time, the first section of the act, entitled "An act further to protect the commerce and seamen of the United States against the Barbary powers."
45. An act to establish certain post roads; and for other purposes.
46. An act making compensation to the governor, judges, and secretary of the Indiana territory, for extra services.
BALTIMORE, March 6.
Extract of a Letter from a gentleman in Natchez, to his brother in this city, dated 2d February.
"Burr's trial comes on this day. There is a bomb ketch and two gun boats lying in the river off the landing—all here perfectly at peace."
The details from London papers, received at New-York and Philadelphia, confirm the report relative to the forlorn state of the French army in Poland.
The elector of Saxony has been converted into a king; but the limits of this new kingdom have not been defined.
Various warlike preparations were carrying on in Sweden.
The address of the British house of commons in answer to the king's message states, that as the ambition and injustice of the enemy prevented the restoration of peace, their full support would be given to a vigorous prosecution of the war.
A report was circulated that the emperor of France, would return to Paris.
RICHMOND, March 6.
Departed this life on Monday 9th ult. aged 107 years, Mrs. Elizabeth Wagner. She was born within a few miles of Gloucester court-house, and died within seven of that place. She never took a dose of physic, nor medicine of any kind in her life, and until within a few months past she was able to attend to and aid in all her domestic concerns. Argus.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 11, 1807.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIMES IN HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
In a Kingston paper of the 25th of January notice that the schooner Eliza, Scott, sailed on that day, with despatches from the Governor of Jamaica and the Admiral, for the Commandant of New Orleans.
Another paper of the 23d says, "The port of St. Ann's Bay, was opened on the 19th inst. as a free port."
The British Frigate Orpheus of 32 guns, on her way to Briggs, was lost on the 23d of January, about five miles E. S. E. of Port Royal, with her crew saved.
THE TREATY.
By Captain Hester's and Captain Gould's reports from Baltimore (the latter in the Gazette) we have received papers to the 25th of January. The following are the principal articles of the treaty with Britain. It would be interesting to know if the government has not received a copy of the treaty from Mr. Erskine.
We observe that this treaty has not been ratified in this country, and therefore is not obligatory, that it will not even be submitted to the senate. The following remarks are from the London papers whose title they bear. Upon the authority, we can assure our readers, THAT THE TREATY WILL NOT BE LAID BEFORE THE SENATE, which body has adjourned:
From the Federal Gazette—March 6.
ALARMING.
To the politeness of a senator from Delaware, just arrived from the seat of government, we are indebted for the following highly important information—disclosed in a conversation with the editor.
The President of the United States did not lay the treaty from England (just arrived) before the senate; because of the "hard conditions" of which he never would accept. It was expressly stipulated, in a note attached to the treaty, that in case of a ratification by our government, the United States should unite with Great-Britain in opposing the French decree, so dangerous to all neutral rights—that if the American government reject this condition, it rejects the treaty. The president declared, that he would not even lay it before the senate; and, thus rejecting it, would put in its fullest force the non-importation act against Great-Britain, after the arrival of the period to which it has been suspended. This, it will be remembered, is the first day of July next.
The last section of the suspension act authorises the president further to suspend the non-importation law to the second Monday of December next, "if in his judgment, the public interest should require it." But, as he has publicly declared his abhorrence of the terms of the proffered treaty, our merchants must fix their attention on the shortest period, viz. July next.
The late hour at which we obtained the above information precludes further comment—we would wish, by means of enquires, to acquire some-
early the minds of commercial men. It is a moment of peculiar alarm, and yet in a small degree distressing to those who had fondly hoped that a spirit of mutual conciliation would have checked the governments of Great-Britain and America to form a rampart, beyond which the destroyers of Europe could not have advanced. But all hope has vanished; except that only of disease in the French camp. Should Esopus and Mars smile on France, and America and England, by inpolitic and mad dissention, chain Neptune (their only friend) farewell commerce! farewell all freedom and of greatness!
From the American—March 6.
The preceding "alarming" article, we have copied from yesterday evening's Gazette. It is unfortunate indeed, that an article of intelligence cannot appear in an opposition print, without an attempt to throw odium on the administration; and particularly on the chief executive officer. For our own part, we deem it a much more "alarming," and even insulting proposal, that the British ministry should have annexed to a treaty for the amicable adjustment of differences between the two nations, a sine qua non of so exceptional a nature as the one stated in the Gazette, than that Mr. Jefferson should have rejected it. Even had the French decree been intended to operate directly against American commerce, it is difficult to conceive how, with a sense of propriety, the British ministers could presume to introduce a proposition for a union to oppose it, in a treaty of the kind which it is understood Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney were to bring about. To say that the treaty would not be ratified unless America joined hands with Britain to repeal the aggressions of France, is nothing less than to offer, instead of a treaty of indemnity and security, a convention of alliance, offensive and defensive, for which indemnity and security are to be a kind of bribe. This is a "war for herself, and for herself makes peace;" and cannot, therefore, without abandoning a portion of her independence, suffer the British ministry to point out to the government of the United States whom or what it shall oppose. The rejection of such a strange proposal by the president, therefore, is honorable to himself, and places the nation in a distinguished point of view on the theatre of the world. Every good citizen had, no doubt, desired that "a spirit of mutual conciliation" would have placed the relations of the United States and Great-Britain on a permanent and friendly footing. The administration of this country has yielded much to procure such a result, but when overtures are made to "unite with Great-Britain in opposing the French decree," it is time to pause and to reject the over-good to avoid the greater evil. Such as is attributed to the President, would have been correct, even had not explanations been made to our minister at Paris respecting the intentions of Buonaparte relative to the imperial decree. But after receiving assurances from the French government that the provisions of the convention of 1806 would be strictly observed by France, which provisions placed all commerce out of the reach of the regulations of the said decree, what man in his senses would hesitate to reject a proposition calculated to destroy at once, our neutrality, and to plunge us into difficulties and war? No postulation will ever be more readily granted, than that the United States ought to maintain a character strictly neutral . It is such a character which alone can induce belligerents to respect it; and from which our country derives its principal prosperity.
With Great-Britain in opposing the French decree, it is to abandon that character, and to become a party in the belligerent powers. For one of the belligerent powers, especially when the other has assured us that it is not interested in commerce. The Gazette laments that we had been fixed "a rampart, beyond which the destroyers of Europe could not have advanced." What should this country form a part of that rampart? What have the old governments of Europe not got by forming ramparts ? Disgrace and infamy to all America, to join in the experiment, to be a party in the condition ? Rather let us be the mad Europeans in their own pursuits, and let them be the disputants on good terms with us; not give them cause to accuse of prating about neutrality, whilst we violate it by our own action.
Temperate, enlightened and firm, our government will not be driven from its purpose. Individuals may rave bombastically, and faction may clamor—but true wisdom, cool and reflecting, will guide our rulers in the right path, and brighten their understandings in difficulties and in dangers.
From the American—March 7.
Although we do not presume to express an opinion (which from the little that is known, must be necessarily premature) on the topic that has been so "alarming" communicated to the public by a certain Gazetteer, yet it may not be improper to offer a few observations on the subject, for the consideration of the public.
The tenor of our strictures yesterday went to show, that there would be a palpable absurdity in a proposition to the United States by Great-Britain, for a union to oppose the late French decree of blockade, and to insist on an equivalence as the only condition on which a treaty would be concluded; and how perfectly correct and praiseworthy it would be in the president to reject such a proposal had it been offered. We forbore to comment further, in the hope that yesterday would have brought to light facts, other than those stated in the Gazette. The twenty-four hours that have passed, however, have not produced any public information whereby the judgment may be directed to the attainment of truth; and the Gazetteer still persists in his statement, fortified by the authority of the honorable S. White and J. A. Maynard, senators from Delaware.
Judging from circumstances generally, and judging without prejudice or passion, we shall pass by the honorable senator's statement, and present a few facts and observations.
One fact that seems well supported is, that our government has not received the treaty, nor, of course, the accompanying despatches, explanatory of the instrument, which Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney would necessarily transmit. It is known that Mr. John Purvis, secretary to Mr. Monroe, is the bearer of these, and that he left London about the 10th of January.
On Tuesday evening Mr. Erskine (the British minister, resident at Washington) received a copy of the treaty, and communicated the same, as it is believed, to the president. This much is generally known. In addition to which we beg leave to submit, whether, in lieu of the particulars mentioned in yesterday's Gazette, the following are not more likely to have been the facts in the case—
That the copy of the treaty presented to the president was accompanied by the copy of a note delivered by the British commissioners to our envoys on their signing the treaty.
That the note may state, that the decree of the French emperor, in a situation heretofore unknown to neutral nations, a spirited nation like America would probably not submit to; if they did, Great-Britain might find herself compelled, from imperative necessity, to retaliate against France, which they thought it honorable to promise to the United States, or to their envoys.
That the note may state, that the decree of the French emperor, in a situation heretofore unknown to neutral nations, a spirited nation like America would probably not submit to; if they did, Great-Britain might find herself compelled, from imperative necessity, to retaliate against France, which they thought it honorable to promise to the United States, or to their envoys.
At all events, it will be prudent to suspend opinions, until the treaty and the dispatches of Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney shall have been received by the executive.
From the Washington Federalist of March 7.
THE TREATY.
From a respectable member of congress, we have received the following information respecting the treaty lately concluded at London.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Schooner Eliza, Bowles, 26 days from Guadalupe, Sugar & Coffee, Moses Myers.
Sloop Charles, McKinney, 23 days from Barbary, Ballast, Warren Ashley.
Sloop Farmer's Daughter, Purdie, 15 days from Long Island, Salt, Wilson, Cunningham & Co. in distress, bound to Edenton. The former master, Henderson, fell overboard and was lost, on the passage from Jamaica to Crooked Island.
In Hampton Road bound to City Point, Brig Martha Bland, Cromwell, 62 days from Liverpool, Salt, A. Baugh, Patersburg. Jan. 14, Tuscar Rock bearing E. by S. distant about 100 miles, spoke ship Rover, Coffin, of New-York, 40 days from New-Orleans bound to Liverpool.
WALKER'S Packet will sail for Baltimore To-morrow.
March 11.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, to secure a debt due to Caleb Harrison, will be sold at the Market-Price, on Thursday 12th instant, at 12 o'clock, for ready money.
The SLAVES Betty, about 28 years, and her son Isaac about 10 years old.
Rob't B. Taylor, } notice. Esq. Harrison. } March 4.
For SALE, Boulogne SAUSAGE,
419 Barrels. Superfine FLOUR, by JOHN MACGOWAN. March 11.
For SALE—A-boat,
A few hundred bushels of BRAN, on board the schooner Fanny, lying at Munden's wharf. App't to the captain on board. March 11.

4 British Ships from 150 to 300 TONS MONROE MYERS. March 6.
FOR SALE. On board the ship Betty , from Liverpool. 7000 bushels coarse Salt. 1000 bushels fine Salt, fitted in Liverpool. Be careful Earthware.
The BETSEY is a fine new sailing ship, almost new, and will return direct to Liverpool—for freight apply to A. MACLURE. Who has also in store for sale, 40 crates Earthenware, 16 cases Glassware 8 gross Bottles in crates, 16 pipes Cognac Brandy 8 pipes fine old Sicily Wine, 2 boxes coarse Salt 5 boxes Pipes, 9 boxes Castile Soap 11 cases Anniseed, one dozen each 7 cases Claret Wine. Feb. 24.
For Charter. The good Ship GEORGE ,—Samson, master, burthen about 320 Tons, now ready to receive a cargo. For terms apply to Monroe Myers. February 16.
FOR LONDON. The Ship INDIAN PACKET. William Rindge, master, a part other cargo being engaged, for the remainder of passage, having good accommodations, apply to the master or to PHINEHAS DANA. January 23.
For Freight or Charter. The very fast sailing Ship THOMAS , Capt. N. South. Apply to GEORGE MURRAY, & Co. St. Ubes SALT, on board the Ship Thomas, for Sale. January 13.
THE American Ship AMELIE ANTOINETTE. Captain Williams, burthen 450 Tons, fitted for tobacco, is offered for Charter by C. & F. Whittle. December 17.
FOR FREIGHT or CHARTER. The Phila. built Ship William Penn , coppered, burthen 350 Tons, now ready to receive a cargo. Apply to Edward Wilson.
Who has for Sale, 3 Trunks excellent Linen; 7 doz. Chairs; 1 case Umbrellas, well assorted; 12 cases white Wine Vinegar. November 13.
LAND FOR SALE. The subscriber is empowered to sell a Tract of LAND, situated on the south side of the Eastern Branch of Elizabeth River, and distant about one mile from the Bridge. The Land near the river is high and fertile, a fine view of the town of Norfolk. No city near the town is better adapted for a country seat. The mode of sale will be made accommodating to the purchaser. Robert B. Taylor. January 23.
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the Estate of DANIEL McPHERSON , deceased, are requested to exhibit them immediately to the Subscriber, and those indebted to said estate, are informed that immediate payment is indispensable. John McPhail, Ex'r. August 1.
DR. JAMES BROWN. Begs leave to inform his friends and the public of Norfolk and its vicinity, that he practices PHYSICK AND SURGERY, and hopes to merit public patronage. He may be consulted at his shop in Main-street, and adjoining Main-street South-west. Feb. 18.
Campachy Logged. 37 tons Campeachy LOGWOOD of an excellent quality, for Sale by William Penrock. Who has still on hand, 100 crates Queen's Ware and China, well assorted. Feb. 18.
NOTICE. THOSE who have claims against the estate of BENJAMIN WOLF , deceased, are requested to produce them, and those indebted to make immediate payment to Angus Martin, Adm'y. January 7.
WILLIAM STEVENS. Begs leave to acquaint the public at large (but more particularly his established customers) that he has commenced business on his own account, in the Store lately held by Mr. JAMES ARISTON , and next door westward, of his old stand, where he designs keeping constantly in store, GROCERIES, of superior quality, and well assorted. He has just received a supply of Imperial TEA, which he can recommend as excellent. Jan. 12.
German Oznaburgs. JUST received a few bales of German OZNABURGS, which will be sold on a liberal credit by Noble & Arbutnot, & Co. December 24.
CASH. Will be given for Thirty or Forty SHARES of Virginia Bank Stock. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Nov. 5.
FOR SALE. 370 bags Coffee, 26 bales Cotton, 11 hogsheads clayed Sugar, 50 do. Muscovado do. —entitled to drawback and certificate. 10 chests German Goods, consisting of Britannias, Platillas, and Crease & la Morlae —entitled to drawback. 15,000 feet St. Domingo Mahogany, of large dimensions and choice quality; 3000 bushels Liverpool Salt, loose and in sacks; Gosport Rum in hogsheads and barrels. And on a credit of twelve months for approved paper. 12 pipes choice old L. part. Madeira Wine. James Young.
For SALE. The HOUSE now in the occupancy of Mr. James Taylor, jun. Situate in Gadsden-street. A great bargain may be had by applying to William Vaughan. March 4.
For SALE. On board the ship Herald , John Murphy, master, from Cork, POTATOES loose and in hampers. Cash given for Rough White Oak Barrel STAVES. Apply on board said ship at Commercial wharf, or to James Herron. March 4.
40 bundles of good HAY, 10 hogsheads N. E. Rum; and a few barrels good Cider—landing from the Ship Sackville at Newton's wharf, and for sale by Christopher Fry. 480 bbls. Tar; 130 of Turpentine, and 3000 pipe Staves, momentarily expected from North-Carolina. March 9.
All persons having claims against the late LEWIS REYNOLDS, are desired to render them legally authenticated to the subscriber. Thomas Griffin. York-Town, March 1.
NOTICE. All those who have accounts against the firm of Carter and Roane, are requested to render them to the subscriber for adjustment, and those that are indebted are requested to make immediate payment, as I intend to make a final settlement as soon as possible. Robert B. Carter, Surviving partner of Carter & Roane. March 9.
FOR SALE. Now landing from the brig Sally and Jenny , 64 bbls. Sugar; 11 barrels do. 344 bags Coffee; 10 bbls. Rum.—Apply to Phinehas Dana. March 4.
For Sale at my wharf at Gosport, for cash or in barter for country produce, A choice cargo of ground Liverpool SALT, fit for the present season. John Cox. March 6.
For Sale on Commission, 50 chests Young Hyson Tea, 100 pieces White Platillas, } draw-back 200 do. Bandanas, } for export- 3000 do. Yellow Nankeen, first chop, } ation. 1000 do. Long do. do. 17 hogsheads Rye Whiskey; 10 pipes Country Gin; 15 pipes Holland Gin; 6 bales German Ticklenburgs, 40 bales Imperial Tea; 30 barrels Smithfield Pork. Mackinder & White. March 6.
The partnership of Gilliat & Mac- Minder being dissolved by the mutual consent of those concerned in it, it becomes necessary that all the transactions of this firm should be immediately settled and closed. All persons therefore who have any claims against the said concern, are requested to send in their demands forthwith, and those indebted are desired to pay their respective debts to MacMinder & White, who are fully authorized by the late partners of the house of Gilliat & Mackinder to settle and adjust all accounts. March 6.
A meeting of the Rector and Trustees of the First Church, on Monday the 24th March, 1807, is called. That the arrears due to the Society be appropriated among the Trustees, and that they proceed to the ratification of the same immediately. The Trustees solicit the Members of the Society to be present to adjust their respective balances on the first application. John Southgate, Richard Taylor, Wm. Cammack, John Camp, Thomas Mathews, Trustees. March 4.
British Council's Office, March 3, 1807. His Britannick Majesty's the State of Virginia, having received his Excellency the late brigadier general Hodgson, his Excellency the late brigadier general St. George, and Hamilton thereto, for the purpose of survey and plot of the same is preparing, and the inspection of purchasers in a few days. The said proprietor will be glad to hold conference with those who may incline to purchase, in order that the same may be so laid out as best to correspond with the time for the benefit of the merchants who have corned within his district. John Hanley. March 12.
THE SUBSCRIBER has removed to capt. Wm's store, on Main-street wharf, who offers for sale at auction, 322 barrels superfine Flour, 55 half barrels do. 4,000 bushels Indian Corn. 100 barrels Virginia Pork 100 do. Shad 10 tons Fustick 20 firkins Butter. George Wilson. March 2.
FOR SALE. 50,000 white oak hogshead drawn Staves 50,000 red do. 50,000 rough do. 20,000 Cypress Pales 2,000 Cedar and Chinquepin Posts 50,000 building Shingles. Proby, Harman & Co. March 2.
I am desirous to sell the following PROPERTY. A HOUSE and LOT on Commerce-street, in Norfolk Borough, adjoining Col. John Nivison's fire-proof house, at the intersection of Commerce and Water-streets; this is a two-story house divided into two tenements, which produce $300 dollars per annum, at an annual ground rent of one dollar, on a lease of 99 years renewable forever. Also a house and lot at the intersection of Queen and Union streets; the lot is 110 feet on the former and 200 on the latter; the house has two stories, and is divided into two tenements, with a cellar, barrel, kitchen, &c. and is pleasantly situated in the fields. Also a brick house on the north street in Hampton, with one house, garden, &c. a convenient residence for a private family. I will also sell that valuable Farm, called STRAWBERRY BANKS on Mill Creek, in Elizabeth City county, containing about 100 acres, within two miles of Hampton. Fish and oysters of the best sort are taken within a few yards of the shore—the land is high and fertile, and the situation for health and beauty is equalled by few in the lower country. If this property is not sold before Monday, the 16th day of March next, the two houses and lots in Norfolk, will be exposed to public auction on that day, on the premises, the first at 12 and the second at 1 o'clock.—Terms will be made known when the sale takes place.—And the house and lot in Hampton, will be sold on Thursday the 26th of same month, being court day at Hampton. ROBERT BROUGH. February 16.
For RENT. (And immediate possession given) That commotious Fire-Proof WARE- HOUSE, on the North side of Wide Water-street, a few doors West of Commerce-street, at present in the occupancy of Mr. B. Gilson. David Paterson. January 16.
At a HASTINGS COURT continued and held the 28th day of January, 1807. John T. Aspinwall, against Davidson and Foster, and Moses Myers, Defts. In Chancery. The defendants Davidson and Foster, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are not inhabitants of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants Davidson and Foster, do appear here on the fourth Monday in April next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in the Borough of Norfolk, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of said Borough; And it is further ordered that the defendant Moses Myers, who hath effects of the said Davidson and Foster in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secrete such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this Court. A Copy, Teste, William Sharp, C. C.
At a HASTINGS COURT continued and held the 28th day of January, 1807. William Consolvo, against Charles Willett, an absent debtor, and the President and Directors of the Bridge Company, Defts. In Chancery. The defendant Charles Willett, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant Charles Willett, do appear here on the fourth Monday in April next, and answer the bill of the complainant.—And that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in this Borough, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court House of the said Borough.—And it is further ordered that the Defendants, the President and Directors of the Bridge Company, do not pay, convey away, or secrete any debts by them owing to, or effects in their hands belonging to the other Defendant Charles Willett, until the further order of this Court. A Copy, Teste, William Sharp, C. C.
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court, held at the former Capitol in the City of Williamsburg, the 19th day of July, 1806. Josiah Riddick, against Michael and John Wallace, and Barnett Pulliam, Dfs. The defendants Michael and John Wallace, not having entered their appearance, and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are not inhabitants of this country: on the motion of the Plaintiff by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said Defendants do appear here on the first day of April term next, and answer the bill of the Plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the News-papers published in the Borough of Norfolk for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this City. A Copy, Teste, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
NOTICE. All persons indebted to us by (Notes due) or open Accounts, are requested to come forward immediately and make arrangements for the settlement thereof, as no further indulgence will be given after the 1st day of January next. Richard Bowden & Co. tf
LOTS for Sale, Lease, &c. The Subscriber purposes to lay out and dispose of Building Lots, either in fee simple or upon ground lease, the whole of that square of GROUND in the Borough of Norfolk, so admirably situated in the centre of the town, immediately between the two Banks. It extends upon the street about 600 feet, and upwards of 400 on Wolf Street, leading from the United States Bank into Catharine Street. The survey and plot of the same is preparing, and the inspection of purchasers in a few days. The said proprietor will be glad to hold conference with those who may incline to purchase, in order that the same may be so laid out as best to correspond with the time for the benefit of the merchants who have corned within his district. Luke Wheeler. tf
FOR SALE, PLANTATION, near Hampton, situated on the Glebe, containing by old survey 204 acres, supposed to amount to 300. There is a good Dwelling House, and excellent water on this land. The land, its condition, &c. is great and fourishing, and the situation of the place, the convenience of the place, and the Oysters of superior quality, make it worthy of attention. Apply to HENRY HEEFFERNAN. March 7.
NOTICE. The Subscriber, the Estate of JAMES WATSON , lately deceased, is requested to come forward; and the said Estate, to bring them forward, to be settled by Dickinson, Ex'r. Norfolk.
That beautiful VILLAGE VIEW. Is contained in a BEAUTIFUL Acre, situated on the lower end of Barron's Creek, between Nansemond River and Nansemond Creek, forming Newport-News, Hampton Roads, and is about 14 miles from Norfolk by water. There is on the land two good Dwelling Houses, one of them a two-story frame house, 30 feet square, with a Kitchen, Wash House, Smoke House and Dairy, a large new Barn and Stable, and a Carriage House, a Spring House, and a never failing Spring. The other a new Dwelling House, a Kitchen, Quarters, &c. with a large Garden newly built of the best materials; and a good Stable. The land is high and level, and is mostly covered with timber: it has a ditch and a fence from Nansemond to Chuckatuck, which prevents stock from going off or coming on the land; and is one of the best places for stock or equal to any in the country. The price will hardly exceed the worth of the buildings on the place if applied for soon. The payment will be expected in cash, as the terms will be remarkably low. tf
NOTICE. All who may have claims on Mrs. S. Watson, lately deceased, are requested to forward them for adjustment to L. Anderson, P. M. Williamsburg. Feb. 23.
At Private Sale. 10,000 lb. Green Coffee; 9 pipes French Brandy, 12 quarter casks Old Sherry Wine; 50 tierces Rice; 6 cases French Cordials; 30 barrels Sugar; 80 boxes Mould Candles; 100 do. Brown Soap; 20 cases London Porter; 3 crates English Glassware; 3 bales Gurrals; 2 do. Mow Sannas; 4 do. fine Collas; 1 do. Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 1 do. blue Plats; 1 do. 6-4 fine Clothes; 1 do. Caddies; 1 box brown Batiste; 1 do. white do. 1 do. Creas a Medal; 1 do. 7-8 Irish Linen; 3 cases 7-8 and 4-4 Cambric Mullins; 1 do. Thickets and Fancy Cords. The above will be sold low or cash or approved paper at 60 days. S. Marks, jun. October 17.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Manders's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
RICHARD JEFFERY, & Co. Have just received from London by the last arrival a very full assortment of DRUGS & MEDICINES, Of the best quality, which are offered for Sale on moderate terms at No. 66, Main-Street.—Attention has been paid to procure every article of the most genuine kind; and it is intended to have the assortment regularly furnished from the best markets; among a great variety are now offered the following:
  Aloe, Allum,  Hartshorne Shavings,    Ether of Vitriol, Antimony,  Glycer Pipes,    Aqua Fortis,  Powder and Ivory Syringes,    Pale, red, and yellow Bark,  Oils of Cinnamon, Nutmeg,    of superior quality.  Mint, Peppermint, Amber,    Boar, Camphor,  and Anniseed,    Candharides, Cochinesal,  Arrow Root, Tapioca,    Cream of Tartar,  Sag. in grain,    Camomile Flowers,  Hardham's Snuff, No. 9,    Cinnamon, Colocynth,  Pocket Instruments,    Calomel, Flowers of Benzoin,  Best crown Lances,    Ginger, Glauber Salts,  Common do.    Epsom,  Steel elastic Trusses, of su-    Rochelle do.  perior quality,    Gums Ammoniac, Assafoetida,  Shop Twine,    Benzoin, Guaiacum,  Elegant Smelling Bottles,    Gamboge, Myrrh, Kinn,  Castle Soap, Windsor do.,    Scammony, and Arabic,  Wash Balls, Milk of Roses,    Lint, Liquorice refined,  Gowland's Lotion,    Manna Flakes,  Double distilled Lavender    in some,  Water, in pints and hal-    Magnesia in small and large  pints, of best kind,    squares, Musk, Nutmegs,  Wedgewood's Mortars and    Opium, Jalap, Rhubarb,  Peasles of different sizes;    Ipecacuanha, Tartar Emetic,  Apothecary's Scales and    Balsams Capivi, Tolu, Peru,  Weights,    Spirit of Lavender,  Patent Medicines,    Spermaceti, Sugar of Lead,  Essence of Peppermint,    Letharge of Gold,  Janus Powder, British Oil,    Saltpetre refined,  Patent Sago, Norris's Drops,    White Wax, Venegrease,  Godfrey's Cordial,    Essences of Bergamot, Lemons, and Lavender,  Anderson's Pills,    Quicksilver, Lunar Caustick,  Steer's Opodeldock,    Sal Ammoniac,  Turlington's Balsam,     Essence of Mustard.  
In addition to the above importation from London, they have from Liverpool a variety of GLASS WARE , suitable to Apothecaries— PHIALS and GALLIPOTS by the crate or in smaller quantities— NORTH'S MACHINES, URINALS, BREAST PIPES, SHELLS, &c. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, and orders from the country executed with care and dispatch. October 1. 216
COCKE & SANFORD, Have received per the Father and Sons from London, and Laura, from Liverpool, an extensive assortment of Fall and Winter Goods, viz.
  Blue,  Superfine CLOTHS,    Black,    Bottle,    Drab,    Mill'd Drab,    Liver, and  Claret,    Claret,   Fashionable Cassimeres; Union Cloth; Swansdown and Silk Waistcoating; coarse Woollens by the piece or bale; Blankets and Flannels do. do.; Irish Linens and Oznaburghs; best Seine Twine; Twill's Sacking; Coarse and Fine Hats in cases; Velvets, Cords, and Corduroys; Calicoes, Cambrics, Ginghams; Silk, Silk and Cotton Chambrays; White, Blue, Black, and Italian Crapes; Bombazens, Bombazens, and Wildbores; Carpets and Carpeting; 100 kegs Gun Powder; 1 Ton Shot; Fowling Pieces; Cutlery assorted in Boxes. Sept. 19. 193
Just received and for Sale, Muscovado Sugar in hlds. tierces and barrels; Molasses in hlds.; Cognac Brandy and Holland Gin in pipes. And in Store, 8 chests Hyson Tea; Soap, Candles, and Butter of best quality; 30 cases Fustick; and a few barrels Honey—by James M'Clenachan. February 27.
FOR SALE, BILLS OF EXCHANGE, Drawn by Edward Stopford, Esq. commander of His Majesty's Ship Chichester, at 30 days sight, on the Commissioners of the Navy, for repairs to said Ship. Apply to William Gray. Feb. 19.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store,
Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13.
For RENT, The Fire-Proof HOUSE on Market-Street, occupied by Mr. S. Marks, jun. possession to be had on the 1st June next. George Vashon. Feb. 23.
FOR SALE, A Valuable PLANTATION, Lying on Crooked River, Camden county, in the State of Georgia, twenty-two miles from the town of St. Mary's, and about the same distance from the bay; containing 1770 acres, 250 of which are the very best cotton-land; the rest are well timbered, and have only been planted three seasons; there are above 300 acres more of the same quality, with a considerable quantity of large live oak timber on it, and also some excellent Rice Swamp Land. The Buildings consist of an handsome two-story Dwelling House, a Kitchen, Ginning-House, three Cotton Houses, a Barn and Stable, and a number of framed Negro Houses, all of which are new, and built of the best materials. This Plantation is situated in a very good water, and is remarkably healthy; there is every convenience for ship-building, the river being navigable for a vessel drawing 18 feet water, and in no river is there to be had a more abundant supply of oysters, with a great variety of other fish. There will also be sold with the Land, One Hundred and Twenty NEGROES, who are now upon it, ninety of whom are likely to be likely young Slaves. For terms of Sale apply to Captain George Ker, St. Mary's; to the Honorable Judge Stephens, Savannah; Adam Tunno, Esq. Charleston, or to Thomas Hamilton, 212 Norfolk.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR. OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Price Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.