Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-02-29 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  UNT HIC ETIAM SUA PREMIA LAUS
[VOL. IV.
MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 29, 1808.
NO. 97.]
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THURSDAY, February 11.
Debate on the bill for the punishment of Treason, and of other crimes and offences against the United States.
[Continued from our last.]
Mr. Giles then rose and delivered a speech substantially as follows:
He said that on a subject of so much delicacy, difficulty and importance, as the one now under consideration, it was natural to expect that the committee who reported the bill, would be called upon to present to the Senate the reasons, which had induced them to introduce the principle, upon which that bill was predicated. That as he considered, each individual gentleman of that committee better qualified than himself to state the general motives operating on the committee, and certainly to state his own individual impressions upon the subject; Mr. G. would confine himself to stating some of the leading motives of his own conduct in introducing the principle reported in the bill.
Mr. G. begged to be indulged with a few preliminary observations; which although not directly in point upon the constitutional question presented for discussion, would ultimately be found to be, not without some bearing upon it.
Mr. G. proceeded to observe, that one great object of every government was the protection of the rights of individuals; and however diversified the forms of different governments may have been at different times they have all, at all times, concurred at least in this one point: that one of the most effectual means of protecting rights is the punishment of wrongs. In the execution of this delicate power, so peculiarly interesting to the governed, different governments have been variously organised as to the manner of executing it. In governments founded on force, the power of punishing has generally been left solely to the will and pleasure of the executive. In governments founded on consent, the modifications of this power have been various; according to the degree of confidence or jealousy entertained by the people towards their rulers. Modern jurists have extended their political speculations, very far in multiplying barriers for the protection of innocence against possible or presumed oppressions on the part of the government; and it is even now questionable whether they have not extended them so far as to have them practically converted into shields for the protection of guilt; an effect that never could have been intended by the most speculative philanthropists. Indeed it has been seen, that in a nation celebrated for its political intelligence, as well as for its military prowess, the visionary idea was once conceived, of placing the protection of all rights upon the sole basis of the perfectibility of man; but if this political vision was ever attempted to be reduced to practice, it was soon abandoned; because it was found not suited to the meridian of even that gallant nation, who had the credit of the invention.
Hence I conclude that the power of punishing wrongs, is an essential ingredient in the foundation of all governments; and that it ought not to be so limited and restrained, as to destroy its practical energy. The constitution of the United States displays much of this spirit of jealousy against its administrators, and the amendments to it still more, of course they impose many limitations and restraints upon the government in the execution of the power of punishing. This may be accounted for by the circumstances which preceded and gave rise to the constitution, and its amendments. The American revolution was produced by the oppressions of a distant government; and in the formation of all the state constitutions which preceded that of the United States the whole of which was founded upon the fair consent of the people, this natural effect was produced; that in the formation of their own governments, the people transferred a great portion of the jealousies they felt against the rulers of a distant government, to the rulers they were about to establish for their immediate government at home. The constitution of the United States although formed some time after the revolution, yet exhibits a great portion of the spirit of jealousy produced by it—and the amendments still more, probably from the passions called into action by the eloquent and animated discussions against the adoption of the constitution itself. The formation and adoption of the constitution of the United States are deemed to be amongst the most wonderful political events, ever presented to the contemplation of the human mind.
Considering the cotemporaneous passions excited by the conflicting systems of policy observed by the different states in relation to each other, the strong jealousies existing in relation to real or supposed differences of interest amongst the different states, and highly excited by animated discussions upon great national objects just preceding the calling the convention, the differences of habits, manners, and opinions amongst the people in different
parts of the United States, &c. &c. it is wonderful, that a constitution founded on a spirit of mutual concession should be formed so admirably calculated to combine and protect the interest of the whole; and at the same time so peculiarly adapted to the peculiar character, genius and temper of the American people.
In addition to these and many more difficulties the convention were without a model for imitation. They had to solve the new and difficult political problems, of extracting from pre-existing state governments, all powers of a general nature, and of leaving with them the exercise of all powers of a local nature; and these powers, thus selected, were to be so modified and adjusted as to suit the high and jealous temper of the American people. Notwithstanding all these difficulties, it will be found upon the most critical examination of the instrument, that whilst it contains sufficient energy completely to effect the object of its institution, it affords to innocence the most complete protection against the oppression of government, that ever has been devised by any political institution. To effect this great object, it was determined to distribute these general powers amongst three great departments, forming the government of the United States. The Legislative, Executive and Judiciary Departments. Mr. G. said this adjustment had been made with such consummate wisdom and skill, that whenever it has been made his duty to examine the arrangement, his reflections had always resulted in new and increased admiration of the excellency of its provisions. The theory of three distinct departments in government is perhaps not critically correct; and although it is obvious that the framers of our constitution proceeded upon this theory in its formation; yet in the practical adjustment of the departments to each other it was found impossible to carry this theory completely into effect. In the nature of things there can be but two great departments in government; the legislative, whose duty it is to prescribe rules of conduct, or in other words to make laws for the government of the people: The executive, to carry these laws into effect. But as from the imperfection of language, the meaning of the laws is not definitively understood; the judiciary department is introduced to explain the meaning of the laws prescribed by the legislature, to aid the executive in carrying those laws into effect—Hence it is obvious, that the judiciary is a branch of the executive department, and accordingly, under the constitution, the president appoints all judicial officers, and except the judges, all other officers of the courts hold their offices during his pleasure.
Mr. G. observed it was not his intention or wish to legislate into the constitution one scintilla of power not intrinsically contained in the instrument itself; nor by a weak or timid exercise of the powers it does intrinsically contain to paralyse or destroy its energy, and thus to counteract the great objects of its institution—the common defence and general welfare. It will be observed, said Mr. G. that he did not use these terms as conferring on the government any power whatever; but merely as the ends for which the specified powers were conferred; nor did he propose to disturb the distribution of the powers amongst the several departments of the government. He had made these remarks to rescue the constitution from certain absurdities, which had been attributed to it, by the application of certain generic and technical phrases in the interpretation of it, instead of examining its own intrinsic organization. For instance, superficial observers take it for granted, that the three great departments of the government are co-ordinate and independent of each other. It is to be observed, that the words "co-ordinate, independent," are not to be found in any part of the constitution. They are borrowed from the technical phraseology of another country; and do not apply to the constitution of the U. States, at least not without great limitation. If by the word co-ordinate is meant that the judiciary department is equal in dignity, co-ordo , it is admitted. If it be meant in point of time, co-ordo , it is not the fact. The legislative department pre-existed the judiciary department, for according to the constitution the establishment of the judiciary department was entrusted to the legislative department; and of course that department must necessarily pre-exist the department to be established by it; and the fact is well known to be so. With respect to the word "independent," as applicable to the judiciary, it is not correct, nor justified by the constitution. This term is borrowed from Great Britain, and by some incorrect apprehension of its meaning there or from some other cause, is applied here to the department itself, instead of the officers of the department. In Great Britain the phrase is an independent judge, not an independent judicial department . According to the English constitution such a phraseology would be absolute nonsense. In
this country the terms have been used as synonymous, whereas there is the most palpable difference both in the form and effect of their meaning. An independent department of a government is conceived to be a department furnished with powers to organize itself, and to execute the peculiar functions assigned to it, without the aid, or in other words, independent of any other department. A moment's attention to the constitution will serve to shew that this is not the constitutional character of our judicial department. An independent judge may be defined to be a person who, in the exercise of judicial functions, is placed above temptation in the discharge of his judicial duties, or in other words, a judge who will neither gain or lose any thing by deciding for or against the government, or for or against any individual or number of individuals; or a judge whose salary is fixed, and who does not hold his office at the pleasure of another person.
In England the king is the fountain of honour and justice, and formerly decided upon the meaning of the laws in his own person; afterwards, that branch of executive duties was confided to his commissioners, who were appointed by him, held their appointments during his pleasure, and were dependent upon him for their compensations, until by the statute of 13 of William 3rd, it was declared, that the judges should hold their offices during good behaviour; still however their offices were vacated upon the demise of the crown until the 1st of Anne, when it was declared that the offices of the judges should not be vacated until six months after the demise of the crown; and finally by a statute of 1st of George 3rd, the salaries of judges were fixed, and it was declared that their offices should not be vacated upon the demise of the crown. This statute completely established, what in England is called the independence of the judges . But to infer from this, that the judicial department there is independent of the parliament, would be an absolute misapplication of terms, and incompatible with every principle of the British constitution. From these observations it is not to be inferred, that our constitution is precisely analogous to the British in all these respects; but to shew the meaning of the term "independent," in the country from which it was borrowed, and its misapplication to our constitution. It was his wish to discard these technical, generic terms, which rather embarrass than assist us in the correct interpretation of the constitution. It was his wish to examine the instrument, and to deduce our interpretation of it from its own context. For whatever degree of independence is attached either to the judicial department or to the judges themselves according to the constitution , it was his wish should be fully enjoyed by the department or the judges without the smallest abatement; but the constitution, as it is, should be a standard of interpretation, not what it is described to be by general borrowed misapplied phrases.
With this general exposition of the constitution he would now proceed to examine the precise question under consideration. The question is, can congress declare by law, what acts amount to treason against the United States under the constitution? He said that from the best reflections he had been able to bestow upon the subject, under a strong sense of the duty imposed upon him, he had no doubt but congress can and ought to do so. And since his reflections he had wondered that he ever had doubted the legislative right. The first clause in the constitution upon which this question arises is in the following words.
"Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies giving them aid or comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court."
Mr. G. said that the only reason, which could be deduced from this clause, for excluding congress from passing all laws, which might be deemed necessary and proper, for carrying into effect the power therein contained, was, that in the distribution of powers, this particular power was classified amongst the judicial powers. But it will be observed that it is not directed exclusively to the judiciary, nor legislative department, and it will also be observed, that some of the powers classified under the judicial department, are particularly directed to the legislative department. Hence it may be fairly concluded, that the mere classification of this power with the judicial powers, is not of itself sufficient, to exclude the necessary legislative power for carrying it into effect.
Mr. Giles' Speech to be continued.
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NEW YORK, February 22.
LATE FROM ENGLAND.
Capt. Chew, of the ship Romp, who arrived on Saturday evening, favoured the editors of the New York Gazette with London papers and Lloyd's List, to the 6th of January inclusive. It will be seen by the latter, that scarcely a vessel bound to France and her dependencies, escapes capture or detention by British cruisers.
The papers are filled with interesting details—They contain Napoleon's Milan Decree entire; it differs but little from the translation lately received from Amsterdam.
We this day insert the king of England's declaration relative to Russia. Letters of marque and reprisal have been issued by an order of council, against that nation.
The London Gazette of the 22d of December, contains official communications from lord Strangford and sir Sidney Smith, at Lisbon, relative to the departure of the prince regent and royal family, for the Brazils.
LONDON, December 23.
The expedition under sir Charles Cotton and gen. Spencer sailed on Sunday from Portsmouth to the coast of Portugal.
Private accounts from the Hague, of so late a date as Friday last, state the arrival of M. Talleyrand at that place; and that king Louis was about to set out for Paris. It is not improbable that Louis may be transplanted to Portugal, and that Holland will be incorporated with the French empire.
December 24.
Arrival of Admiral Murray from La Plata.
In consequence of the late very unfavourable state of the weather, very serious apprehensions were generally entertained as to the safety of admiral Murray, and the transports under his convoy. It is with more than common satisfaction, therefore, that we have to announce the safe arrival of that gallant commander, with all the transports under his convoy to Cork.
The Polyphemus and Africa, two of the admiral's squadron, have brought home with them one million and a half of dollars and the greater part of the transports are said to be deeply laden with hides and tallow. On the whole, indeed, the Spanish, or rather the French governor, Lintiers, seems to have conducted himself with much honour and moderation. From this praise, however, we must particularly except his treatment of gen. Beresford; and perhaps even his honourable dismissal of gen. Whitelocke must be imputed to a just sense of the English strength, and of the consequent possibility of future relation, than to the sentiments of a generous mind. Be the origin however, what it may, the merchants have reaped the advantage of it, and Buenos Ayres, in a commercial point of view, was not taken in vain.
The emigration of the Portuguese to Brazil has put England in a very different situation with respect to the Rio de la Plata; and if the new ministry should have the courage to attempt the recovery of Monte Video—an enterprise rashly commenced, but shamefully abandoned—they may renew it with double their former advantages. The capitulation of Whitelocke (for such it was) is not we hope, to be considered as final. The honour of the country will never be clear, till La Plata is a British province.
Austrian Treaty—Importance of its cessions.
In another part of our paper will be seen the treaty between Austria and France, which we were compelled to defer to this day, from the overflow of more urgent information.
The general object of this treaty is to arrange those new relations which the occupation of the Mouths of the Cattaro have produced between Austria and France, or rather between France and Turkey. The Mouths of the Cattaro was one of the southern bulwarks of the Turkish empire; and the possession of them by the French emperor, secures him a camp of entrenchment and of attack—a position of control and of offence against that devoted kingdom, whenever it may suit his purposes to attack it. Hence the long effort of France to procure it, and of Russia to defend it. Russia, having become the confederate of France, and its partner in the future spoil, surrendered up the river and province of Cattaro as one of the means of enabling her ally to hunt down the common game; and Russia having surrendered this very important position, it became impossible for Austria to continue her secret resistance.
The Ex-Venetian states surrendered by the second and third articles, are bare of the indemnities to Austria in the treaty of Luneville. It is thus that France has gradually recalled all that she gave; the treaty of Presburg took Venice, and the treaty of Fontainbleau takes the Venetian states. These cessions are important in a double point of view: in the first place, as rendering France invincible mistress of the Adriatic;—in the second, as evincing the complete subjection of the emperor Francis. Buonaparte has no ally; all are his slaves or his enemies.
It should not here pass unobserved, that this extraordinary man is sparing no efforts to get all the sea coast and ports of Europe into his possession. His purpose is very manifest. It is a policy, the ultimate end of which is to cherish France into a naval power more equal to contend against than England. The sea coast is naturally the cradle of the seamen, and the principal ports the most fertile repositories for their supply. The exchange of Flushing for East Friesland and Iver, is an additional proof and example of his anxiety for the maritime interests of France.
The fourth article concedes on the part of Austria, that certain source of future weakness to the power which is humiliating enough to grant it—a military

road through the Austrian dominion to Istria and Dalmatia. The greatest proof of the completeness of Prussian subjection was in the military road granted through his dominions to the Duchy of Warsaw. The emperor Francis, therefore, by this article, would appear as great a slave as the king of Prussia himself. It is needless, we suppose, to add, that a military road includes the right of the power to whom it is granted, to send troops, cannon, &c. from one extremity of it to another. To mend the matter, the number of these troops is not limited in the treaty of Fontainebleau.
This same article, moreover, contains proof positive of the future intentions of the emperor Napoleon, with respect to Turkey. This military road is extended to Istria and Dalmatia. But why does Buonaparte want this road to two provinces which do not belong to him? Most assuredly for no other purpose but for their conquest and annexation.
The three remaining articles of the treaty, the 5th, 6th, and 7th, are merely formal, stipulating the free passage of the Russians, in their return from Cattaro; and engaging to evacuate Brannau, within one month after the exchange of ratifications.
LONDON GAZETTE EXTRAORDINARY. SATURDAY, December 19.
DECLARATION.
The declaration issued at St. Petersburg by his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, has excited in his majesty's mind the strongest sensations of astonishment and regret.
His majesty was not unaware of the nature of those secret engagements which had been imposed upon Russia in the conferences of Tilsit. But, his majesty had entertained the hope, that a review of the transactions of that unfortunate negotiation, and a just estimate of its effects upon the glory of the Russian name, and upon the interests of the Russian empire, would have induced his imperial majesty to extricate himself from the embarrassment of those new counsels and connexions which he had adopted in a moment of despondency and alarm; and to return to a policy more congenial to the principles which he has so invariably professed, and more conducive to the honour of his crown, and to the prosperity of his dominions.
This hope has dictated to his majesty the utmost forbearance and moderation in all his diplomatic intercourse with the Court of St. Petersburg since the peace of Tilsit.
His majesty had much cause for suspicion, and just ground of complaint. But he abstained from the language of reproach. His majesty deemed it necessary to require specific explanation with respect to those arrangements with France, the concealment of which from his majesty could not but confirm the impression already received of their character and tendency. But his majesty, nevertheless, directed the demand of that explanation to be made, not only without asperity, or the indication of any hostile disposition, but with that considerable regard to the feelings and situation of the emperor of Russia, which resulted from the recollection of former friendship, and from confidence interrupted but not destroyed.
The declaration of the emperor of Russia proves that the object of his majesty's forbearance and moderation has not been attained. It proves, unhappily, that the influence of that power, which is equally and essentially the enemy both of Great Britain and Russia, has acquired a decided ascendancy in the councils of the cabinet of St. Petersburg; and has been able to excite a causeless enmity between two nations whose long-established connexion, and whose mutual interests prescribed the most intimate union and co-operation.
His majesty deeply laments the extension of the calamities of war. But called upon, as he is, to defend himself against an act of unprovoked hostility, his majesty is anxious to refute, in the face of the world, the pretences by which that act is attempted to be justified.
The declaration asserts that his majesty the emperor of Russia has twice taken up arms in a cause, in which the interest of Great Britain was more direct than his own: and founds upon this assertion the charge against Great Britain of having neglected to second and support the military operations of Russia.
His majesty willingly does justice to the motives which originally engaged Russia in the great struggle against France. His majesty avows with equal readiness the interest which Great Britain has uniformly taken in the fates and fortunes of the powers of the continent. But it would surely be difficult to prove that Great Britain, who was herself in a state of hostility with Prussia, when the war broke out between Prussia and France, had an interest and a duty more direct in espousing the Prussian quarrel, than the emperor of Russia; the ally of his Prussian majesty, the protector of the north of Europe, and the guarantee of the Germanick constitution.
It is not in a publick declaration, that his majesty can discuss the policy of having at any particular period of the war, effected, or omitted to effect, disembarkations of troops on the coasts of Naples.—But the instance of the war with the Porte is still more singularly chosen to illustrate the charge against Great Britain of indifference to the interests of her ally; a war undertaken by Great Britain at the instigation of Russia, and solely for the purpose of maintaining Russian interests against the influence of France.
If, however, the peace of Tilsit is, indeed, to be considered as the consequence and the punishment of the imputed inactivity of Great Britain, his majesty cannot but regret that the emperor of Russia should have resorted to so precipitate and fatal a measure, at the moment when he had received distinct assurances that his majesty was making the most strenuous exertions to fulfil the wishes and expectations of his ally (assurances which his imperial majesty received and acknowledged with apparent confidence and satisfaction) and when his majesty was, in fact, prepared to employ for the advancement of the common objects of the war, those forces which, after the peace of Tilsit, he was under the necessity of employing to disconcert a combination directed against his own immediate interests and security.
The vexation of Russian commerce by Great Britain is, in truth, little more than an imaginary grievance. Upon a diligent examination, made by his majesty's command, of the Records of the British Court of Admiralty, there has been discovered only a solitary instance, in the course of the present war, of the condemnation of a vessel, really Russian: a vessel which had carried naval stores to a
port of the common enemy. There are but few instances of Russian vessels detained, and none in which justice has been refused to a party regularly complaining of such detention. It is therefore matter of surprise as well as of concern in his majesty, that the Emperor of Russia should have condescended to bring forward a complaint which, as it cannot be seriously felt by those in whose behalf it is urged, might appear to be intended to countenance those exaggerated declamations, by which France perseveringly endeavours to inflame the jealousy of other countries, to justify her own inveterate animosity against Great Britain.
The Peace of Tilsit was followed by an offer of Mediation on the part of the emperor of Russia, for the conclusion of a peace between Great Britain and France, which it is asserted that his majesty refused.
His majesty did not refuse the mediation of the emperor of Russia; altho' the offer of it was accompanied by circumstances of concealment which might well have justified his refusal. The articles of the treaty of Tilsit were not communicated to his majesty: and specifically that article of the treaty, in virtue of which the mediation was proposed; and which prescribed a limited time for the return of his majesty's answer to that proposal. And his majesty was thus led into an apparent compliance with a limitation so offensive to the dignity of an independent sovereign. But the answer so returned by his majesty was not a refusal. It was a conditional acceptance. The conditions required by his majesty were—a statement of the basis upon which the enemy were disposed to treat; and a communication of the articles of the peace of Tilsit.—The first of these conditions was precisely the same which the emperor of Russia had himself annexed not four months before to his own acceptance of the proffered mediation of the emperor of Austria. The second was one which his majesty would have had a right to require even as the ally of his Imperial majesty; but which it would have been highly imprudent to omit, when he was invited to confide to his imperial majesty the care of his honour and of his interests.
But even if these conditions (neither of which have been fulfilled, although the fulfilment of them has been repeatedly required by his majesty's ambassador at St. Petersburg) had not been in themselves perfectly natural and necessary; there was not wanting considerations which might have warranted his majesty in endeavouring, with more than ordinary anxiety, to ascertain the views and intention of the emperor of Russia, and the precise nature and effect of the new relations which his imperial majesty had contracted.
The complete abandonment of the interests of the king of Prussia, (who had twice rejected proposals of separate peace, from a strict adherence to his engagements with his Imperial ally,) and the character of those provisions which the emperor of Russia was contented to make for his own interests in the negotiations of Tilsit, presented no encouraging prospect of the result of any exertions which his imperial majesty might be disposed to employ in favour of Great Britain.
It is not while a French army still occupies and lays waste the remaining dominions of the king of Prussia, in spite of the stipulations of the Prussian treaty of Tilsit; while contributions are arbitrarily exacted by France from that remnant of the Prussian monarchy, such as, in its entire and most flourishing state, the Prussian monarchy would not have been able to discharge; while the surrender is demanded, in time of peace, of Prussian fortresses, which had not been reduced during the war: and while the power of France is exercised over Prussia with such shameless tyranny, as to designate and demand for instant death, individuals subjects of his Prussian majesty, and resident in his dominions, upon a charge of disrespect towards the French government; it is not while all these things are done and suffered, under the eyes of the emperor of Russia, and without his interference in behalf of his ally, that his majesty can feel himself called upon to account to Europe for having hesitated to repose an unconditional confidence in the efficacy of his imperial majesty's mediation.
Nor, even if that mediation had taken full effect, if a peace had been concluded under it, and that peace guaranteed by his imperial majesty, could his majesty have placed implicit reliance on the stability of any such arrangement, after having seen the emperor of Russia openly transfer to France the sovereignty of the Ionian Republic, the independence of which his imperial majesty had recently and solemnly guaranteed.
But while the alleged rejection of the emperor of Russia's mediation between Great Britain and France, is stated as a just ground of his imperial majesty's resentment; his majesty's request of that mediation for the re-establishment of peace between Great Britain and Denmark, is represented as an insult which it was beyond the bounds of his imperial majesty's mediation to endure.
His majesty feels himself under no obligation to offer any atonement or apology to the emperor of Russia for the expedition against Copenhagen. It is not for those who were parties to the secret arrangements of Tilsit, to demand satisfaction for a measure to which those arrangements gave rise, and by which one of the objects of them has been happily defeated.
His majesty's justification of the expedition against Copenhagen is before the world. The declaration of the emperor of Russia would supply whatever was wanting in it; if any thing could be wanting to convince the most incredulous of the urgency of that necessity under which his majesty acted.
But until the Russian declaration was published, his majesty had no reason to suspect that any opinions which the emperor of Russia might entertain of the transaction at Copenhagen could be such as to preclude his imperial majesty from undertaking, at the request of Great Britain, that same office of Mediator, which he had assumed with so much alacrity on the behalf of France. Nor can his majesty forget that the first symptoms of reviving confidence, since the peace of Tilsit, the only prospect of success in the endeavours of his majesty's ambassador to restore the ancient good understanding between Great Britain and Russia, appeared when the intelligence of the siege of Copenhagen had been recently received at St. Petersburg.
The inviolability of the Baltic Sea, and the reciprocal guarantees of the powers that border upon it, guarantees said to have been contracted with the knowledge of the British government, are stated as aggravations of his majesty's proceedings in the
Baltick. It cannot be intended to represent his majesty as having at any time acquiesced in the principles upon which the inviolability of the Baltic is maintained; however his majesty may, at particular periods, have forborne, for special reasons influencing his conduct at the time, to act in contradiction to them. Such forbearance never could have applied but to a state of peace and real neutrality in the north; and his majesty most assuredly could not be expected to recur to it, after France has been suffered to establish herself in undisputed sovereignty along the whole coast of the Baltic Sea, from Dantzick to Lubeck.
But the higher the value which the emperor of Russia places on the engagements respecting the tranquillity of the Baltic, which he describes himself as inheriting from his immediate predecessors, the empress Catharine and the emperor Paul, the less justly can his imperial majesty resent the appeal made to him by his majesty, as the guarantee of the peace to be concluded between Great Britain and Denmark. In making that appeal, with the utmost confidence and sincerity, his majesty neither intended, nor can he imagine that he offered, any insult to the emperor of Russia. Nor can his majesty conceive, that, in proposing to the Prince Royal terms of peace, such as the most successful war on the part of Denmark could hardly have been expected to extort from Great Britain, his majesty rendered himself liable to the imputation, either of exasperating the resentment, or of outraging the dignity, of Denmark.
His majesty has thus replied to all the different accusations by which the Russian government labours to justify the rupture of a connexion which has subsisted for ages, with reciprocal advantage to Great Britain and Russia: and attempts to disguise the operation of that external influence by which Russia is driven into unjust hostilities for interests not her own.
The Russian Declaration proceeds to announce the several conditions on which alone these hostilities can be terminated, and the intercourse of the two countries renewed.
His majesty has already had occasion to assert that justice has in no instance been denied to the claims of his imperial majesty's subjects.
The termination of the war with Denmark has been so anxiously sought by his majesty that it cannot be necessary for his majesty to renew any professions upon that subject. But his majesty is at a loss to reconcile the emperor of Russia's present anxiety for the completion of such an arrangement with his imperial majesty's recent refusal to contribute his good offices for effecting it.
The requisition of his imperial majesty for the immediate conclusion, by his majesty, of a peace with France, is as extraordinary in the substance, as it is offensive in the manner. His majesty has at no time declined to treat with France, when France has professed a willingness to treat on an admissible basis. And the emperor of Russia cannot fail to remember that the last negotiation between Great Britain and France was broken off upon points immediately affecting, not his majesty's own interests, but those of his imperial ally.—But his majesty neither understands, nor will admit, the pretension of the emperor of Russia to dictate the time or the mode of his majesty's pacific negotiations with other powers. It never will be endured by his majesty that any government shall indemnify itself for the humiliation of subserviency to France, by the adoption of an insulting and peremptory tone towards Great Britain.
His majesty proclaims anew those principles of maritime law, against which the armed neutrality, under the auspices of the empress Catharine was originally directed, and against which the present hostilities of Russia are denounced. Those principles have been recognized and acted upon in the best periods of the history of Europe; and acted upon by no power with more strictness & severity, than by Russia herself, in the reign of the empress Catharine.
Those principles it is the right and duty of his majesty to maintain; and, against every confederacy his majesty is determined, under the blessings of Divine Providence, to maintain them. They have at all times contributed essentially to the support of the Maritime power of Great Britain but they are become incalculably more valuable and important at a period when the maritime power of Great Britain constitutes the sole remaining bulwark against the overwhelming usurpations of France; the only refuge to which other nations may resort, in happier times, for assistance and protection.
When the opportunity for peace between Great Britain and Russia shall arrive, his majesty will embrace it with eagerness. The arrangements of such a negotiation will neither be difficult or complicated. His majesty, as he has nothing to concede, so he has nothing to require. Satisfied if the Russia shall manifest a friendship towards Great Britain, to a just consideration of her own true interests, and to a sense of her own dignity as an independent nation.
Westminster, December 18, 1807.
[The Gazette Extraordinary also contains an Order of council for the issue of Letters of Marque and General Reprisals against the ships goods and subjects of the Emperor of Russia, except such as have been permitted to return home, or have been directed to be released from Embargo and have not arrived at any foreign port.]
December 28.
The Gazette extraordinary, containing the dispatches of lord Strangford and Sir Sidney Smith, was published yesterday morning. The details respecting the removal of the royal family of Portugal are peculiarly interesting, and that very important events appears to have been brought about almost exclusively by the activity, prudence, and decision of lord Strangford. The noble lord has displayed eminent talents in determining the conduct of the prince regent, who was for some time irresolute.—The measures, however, which were adopted by his lordship, in which he was ably aided by Sir Sidney Smith, recalled the prince regent from his mistaken course of submission to Buonaparte to a just sense of his interests, and the true dignity of his character. The hostile attitude which the court of Lisbon, with the view of conciliating Buonaparte assumed, induced lord Strangford to demand his passports. He proceeded on board the British fleet, under the command of Sir Sidney Smith who commenced a strict blockade of the Tagus.—His lordship merits every praise for the proceeding he next adopted. Wishing to discover the effect produced by the blockade, he went to Lisbon in a flag of truce. After a long conference with the
prince regent, his lordship induced him to place himself under the protection of this country. The prince, he observes, "wisely directed all his apprehension to a French army, and all his hopes to an English fleet." The departure of the royal family took place most seasonably, for, according to Sir Sidney Smith's dispatch, the French army was seen on the hills near Lisbon when the fleet left the Tagus. The Gazette of yesterday takes no notice of the Russian squadron, which offered no opposition to the sailing of the Portuguese fleet, and we understand that neither the Russian admiral nor Sir Sidney Smith then knew that their respective countries were in a state of hostility.—Previous to the sailing of the Portuguese fleet, Sir Sidney Smith had been reinforced by some ships, which increased his force to nine sail of the line, four of which as we have already stated, he detached under the commodore Moore to accompany the Portuguese fleet. It was at first reported the prince regent intended to go to Madeira, and it was not till after the fleet had cleared the Tagus, that his determination to proceed for the Brazils was made known.
December 31.
Sir John Moore has arrived at Portsmouth in the Euryalus frigate. He is accompanied by about forty transports, which have brought home about 10,000 men from Sicily. If this be not preparatory to evacuation, we would wish to ask what it can mean? The ministerial advocates asserted, that the troops were merely exchanged—the Maltese regiments sent to Sicily, whilst the Sicilian regiments were transferred to Malta. This however, is now evidently false,—as the Sicilian troops are now in England, and the Maltese remain where they were.
Fate of Portugal.
It would seem by the last foreign intelligence, that the kingdom of Portugal is to be the allotment of Louis Buonaparte, the king of Holland, who is to surrender that kingdom to the prince of Benevento, and to receive Portugal in exchange. This is by no means improbable. Portugal will be more easily governed than Holland. The king of Holland is the best of his family; he has a benevolence, and natural goodness, of which all the other members of the imperial house have totally divested themselves, if they ever possessed it.
A Deputation of the American merchants waited upon the chancellor of the exchequer on Saturday, for the purpose of obtaining information as to some points connected with the late order of council, and particularly to ascertain whether it was intended to impose any tax on articles of American produce, on board such American ships as should, pursuant to their orders, touch at British ports? The inquiry of the deputation was principally directed to the article of cotton, and the answer of Mr. Perceval was quite decisive, that ministers do intend to propose a duty on that article. Upon asking, whether such American ships as should not, in consequence of the French decree, feel it safe to proceed to an enemy's port, after having touched in this country, would be allowed a license to sail in any other direction? The answer was, that no license would be granted to any other than the port of such ship's original destination.
January 1.
Count De Mier is the person who came in the flag of truce, which arrived on Tuesday in the Downs. He has brought dispatches from the Austrian minister at Paris, to prince Stahremberg, the Austrian minister at our court, at whose house he has arrived, and also several letters for prince Esterhazy, and dispatches for his excellency the Russian ambassador. The count de Mier is a Polish nobleman, of distinguished abilities, and is secretary to the Austrian embassy at Paris. His mission, therefore, must have for its object something of considerable importance. It is supposed that he brings with him further communications on the subject of the proposed mediation on the part of Austria and Prussia, between Great Britain and France; others assert, that the count de Mier has brought a positive order of recall for the Austrian ambassador with directions for him to return by way of Paris.
Letters have also been received from the French coast. They mention the arrival of the Austrian messenger Mantz, in a flag of truce from England, and his subsequent journey. After a conference with the Austrian ambassador at Paris, he proceeded to Milan, where he expected to find Buonaparte, who being gone to Venice, he repaired thither, and received from Napoleon an answer to his dispatches.
The prince Stahremberg waited on Mr. secretary Canning yesterday morning, to communicate to him the contents of the dispatches he has received, and had a long conference with him.
Dispatches were yesterday received from lord Collingwood, at the date of which we understand he continued to blockade the French fleet in Toulon.
January 2.
Paris journals to the 26th ult. arrived last night. Their contents are of considerable importance. Napoleon has returned from Venice to Milan, and from the latter place has issued a decree, dated the 17th ult. and which was published at Paris on the 24th, imposing new and severe restrictions on the trade of neutrals. This decree is followed by a letter from the minister of the interior, calling on the people of the great nation to bear with the privations brought upon them by the war of blockade, and to turn their attention to the use of substitutes for those articles of which France may for a time be deprived by the operation of the order of council issued by the British government.
The stile of these documents is curious. Napoleon's decree of blockade is kept in the background as to the share it had in producing the present derangements in commerce; the order of council is held up as the tyrannical act to which all the evils inflicted on the industrious pursuits of enterprising manufacturers and merchants are to be attributed; and the ships of all those nations which submit to the restrictions of the order of council are declared to be denationalized! and therefore good and lawful prizes in the French ports, or when captured by French ships of war.
Against this decree, there is no appeal on the ground of a vessel having been compelled by force to go into a British port, or to submit to search—On the contrary, for that very reason, all such vessels are to be condemned!
The motive of this decree cannot be ascribed to the hope of profiting by the petty seizures to which its execution may give rise. Napoleon plays a coper game. He wars against the present system of commerce, because it gives resources to the only government that has dared to stand out against

him! He knows the inconvenience to which this system will subject the people under his rule; but this a sacrifice called for by the devotion of patriotism, and they are reminded that the army has suffered greater privations, without a murmur! In other words, any remonstrance, if any shall be heard enough to remonstrate against the measure, will receive its answer from the point of the bayonet. This, he knows, will secure submission at home, and therefore the system is to be undeviatingly pursued for the grand object of ruining the commerce of England.
Private letters from France, of a very recent date, were received yesterday. They mention an extraordinary movement of troops in every direction, the immediate object of which is not stated.
The Gazette will shortly contain some instructions to our merchants respecting the mode to be pursued in the trade to be carried on between this country and the Brazils. Liberty is to be given to a ship and export such articles of traffic as have heretofore been usually sent and admitted into the Portuguese markets; and a regular Commercial Treaty will be concluded with all convenient speed. Lord Strangford is making preparations for his departure, and many of our first Portuguese houses are already preparing to establish their firm in Brazil.
January 4. The Gazette of Saturday night contains another order of council, explanatory of the one issued Nov. 11. It simply enacts, that none of the enactments or regulations in the order of the 11th, should be construed as extending to permit any vessels to import into Great Britain any of the produce or manufactures of the French West India colonies; but exempting any vessel from capture, which shall arrive with such produce previous to notice of this explanatory order.
This explanation, it will be perceived, was very important. Is it not, however, very singular, that an order intended to annihilate the enemy's commerce should be so extraordinarily worded, as to require a subsequent explanation that it did not extend to permit the importation of enemy's produce into Great Britain?
January 5. Every post brings us further intelligence of the calamities produced by the late storm. Three transports, belonging to the expedition under gen. Spencer, which accompanied the fleet of Sir Charles Cotton, have put into Plymouth in great distress, and the remainder are dispersed. The storm arose on the 27th ult. when the fleet was in the Bay of Biscay. Sir C. Cotton entered Falmouth harbour, in the Montaur, on Thursday, accompanied by the Antelope, of 50 guns, and about twenty transports.
Yesterday government received advice that great dissensions prevailed at St. Petersburg, on account of the unpopular rupture with England, and that count Novosilzoff at a special audience, had, with his office of director of the academy of sciences, requested permission to lay all his Russian honours at the emperor's feet.
Letters received by the vessel from Holland, the arrival of which we mentioned, have furnished us with some intelligence from Spain. It is said, that the prince of Asturias underwent an official investigation relative to the plot of which he was accused, before he received the king's pardon; and in the Dutch letters an account is given of the prince's examination, in which he certainly appears to more advantage in the correspondence which was published in the French papers. Instead of acknowledging any offence, his royal highness is said to have vindicated himself in a very manly manner, and with considerable ingenuity. The examination of the prince, which took place before the commission appointed to inquire into the conspiracy, was very short.
The letters add, that the power and credit of the prince of peace have greatly diminished in Spain—Accounts from England also state, that Buonaparte before he proceeded on his journey to Italy, informed the American ambassador that he intended the United States should immediately declare either for France or England.
Yesterday the duke of York held a publick day at his office, in the horse guards, to see military officers, in general, upon business. His royal highness gave audience to lord Heathfield; gen. Fraser, upon his return from Alexandria; and gen. Moore, upon his return from Sicily.
It was yesterday very currently reported in the city, that the communications received by the flags of truce from France, related exclusively to overtures of peace made by Buonaparte. It is also said, that the principal object of Talleyrand's journey to Holland is, that he may be the medium of the negotiation with our government.
The force which sailed with Sir Samuel Hood and general Beresford, amounted to 3794 effective men.—It consisted of
 The 3d foot, or Buffs 1100 men.  11th — 1000  25th — 600  63d — 850 
To these were added two companies of artillery, making 244 men. Fourteen artificers were also attached to them.
Plymouth, Dec. 31. By a gentleman just arrived from Penzance, is confirmed the melancholy intelligence of the total loss of the Anson, 44, capt. Lidiard, in Mount's Bay, in the hurricane of last Tuesday; she was driven into Mount's Bay on Monday night, and came to an anchor—at 12 at night she parted one cable—at 5 P. M. she unfortunately parted three more, and went plump on shore, where she soon beat to pieces; and, dreadful to relate, capt. Lidiard, his first lieut. and 60 of her gallant crew, perished in a watery grave; the other officers, and about 180 of her crew, were washed ashore, and providentially saved.
PORTSMOUTH, January 1. Yesterday a passport arrived for gen. Miranda, and he set off for London last night.
January 4. Yesterday Sir J. Moore, and gen. Paget, and this morning gen. Oakes and Fraser, set off for London. The troops which came with them from Messina, were yesterday ordered to disembark here.
PARIS, December 18. The following remarks appear in the Moniteur:—“The English have strange ideas of the sovereignty of nations, if they think the Americans pusillanimous and impolitic enough to barter away
their independence, and abandon their share of the commerce of the colonies to England. If they could adopt such a mode of conduct, renounce the sovereignty of their flag, and interdict themselves from all commerce with France, there is no doubt that tearing thus to pieces their first charter of independence, they would be at war with France and with all the continental powers.”
December 19. There were rumours yesterday of the arrival at Paris of an English negotiator; the same rumours are in circulation in London, where flags of truce are made to arrive daily with important despatches. These reports are so often repeated, that they no longer produce any effect.
Intelligence from Germany announces the recall of the Austrian and Prussian ambassadors from London.
Boston, Feb. 15. Arrived, at Newport, on Thursday last, ship Nancy, Burling, of Boston, 6 months from Lima, and 70 days from Rio Janeiro, with a valuable cargo of bark, sheet copper, &c.
The ship Warren, of Baltimore, mounting 20 guns, and carrying 100 men, was taken possession of by the Spanish government, in the harbour of Concepcion, on the 21st January 1807, for having contraband goods on board—the 2d and 3d officers and twelve of the crew of the Warren, came home in the Nancy, the remainder of the crew, 80 in number, were in close confinement at Lima. Captain Andrew Sterret, late commander of the Warren (and captain in the United States navy) died on the passage to Lima, the 9th January, after an illness of 28 days.
New York, Feb. 25. LATEST FROM LEGHORN.
A letter from Leghorn, of Dec. 29, to a gentleman at Salem, after noticing the Milan decree of Dec. 17, says “This morning we had a report of Buonaparte's issuing another decree, forbidding all persons from writing or corresponding with England, under pain of death.”
“Advises have been received from Mr. Armstrong at Paris, that he apprehended a general seizure of all American property in France.”
Further from Leghorn.
Portland, Feb. 16. Capt. Cole arrived at this port on Saturday last, in 46 days from Leghorn, but brought no papers. We learn verbally that Buonaparte arrived before that place very unexpectedly. He had but a small force—but advanced with that rapidity that he was at the gates of the city before the government were apprised of his approach; and immediately demanded admittance—which was granted. Soon after, Buonaparte ordered a very heavy contribution to be levied from the citizens, which was rigorously carried into execution.
Captain Goldsby arrived at Boston in the brig Apollo, 46 days from Madeira, inform, that on the 24th Dec. a British squadron, of 4 sail of the line, 6 frigates and a number of transports, having on board 3000 troops arrived off Funchal, and immediately took possession of the island of Madeira.—The fleet was commanded by rear admiral Hood, and the troops by major gen. Beresford.
Capt. G. remarks, that previous to the arrival of the British fleet, preparations were made to defend the island; that batteries were erected on the shore, and troops placed therein; that the fleet appeared off the town about 8 o'clock in the morning; and with a fresh breeze soon went in, and laid themselves in line of battle, with springs on their cables; the transports standing on; that the admiral sent a note to the governor, giving him 15 minutes to answer his request, which was to give up the place to the British, or stand in his defence, as he should, in case of refusal, immediately fire on the town; that the governor not having time to collect his troops, consented to the terms of capitulation, and delivered up the island.
Capt. G. also adds, that an embargo was laid by the British admiral on all vessels in port; that he was drove out (intentionally) in the night; and escaped. He did not learn how long this embargo was to continue.
CHARLETON, Feb. 18. Capt. Kopper sailed from St. Ubes on the 7th January. Capt. K. states, that the people of Portugal were far from hailing the army of Buonaparte as “the saviours of their country”; on the contrary, very considerable commotions had taken place—the French flag had been torn down by the populace at Lisbon, and 60 or 70 of the inhabitants had, in consequence, been massacred in the streets by the French troops. An agreement had been entered into between the French and Spaniards, previous to their entering Portugal, that France should retain that part of Portugal which lies north of the river Tagus, while the Spaniards were to have that portion of the kingdom lying to the south—there was much dissention, however, between the two armies. The Spanish commandant thought the French general had not acted agreeably to the articles of the treaty, by compelling all vessels clearing from the Tagus, to take French passports, that being a port immediately under the control of Spain.
Capt. K. was boarded by the British squadron under Sir Sidney Smith, which was employed in the blockade of Portugal, and watching the Russian squadron, which were still lying in the Tagus.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Allo, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evans's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. tf
For SALE, 5 cases only of superior PIGEON-EYE CHAMPAGN. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Dec. 16. tf
Ferguson's Packet will sail for Baltimore To-Morrow. Feb. 29.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, FEB. 29, 1808.
TO SHOW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIMES, HIS FORM, AND PRESSURE.
A gentleman who arrived here on Saturday in the schooner Jane, capt. Lefort, in 4 days from New-York, politely favoured us with papers of that city to the 23d, from which we have extracted the late foreign intelligence which appears in this day's paper.
We are sorry to observe the effects of the dreadful system of war now raging in Europe, upon the commerce of this country, and which we must, and do candidly confess, greatly diminishes our objections to the embargo, as applied to our own vessels. By Lloyd's lists from the 15th December to the 5th January, we notice thirty-six sail of American vessels detained in the different ports of England, bound to and from France, Spain and Holland. Intelligence of the embargo probably reached London about the 20th January, as the packet which sailed from New-York after it was laid, was spoken on the 14th January, about five days sail from Falmouth.
The foreign intelligence compels us to postpone the remainder of Mr. Giles's Speech, until our next. Our last noticed the manner in which the vote of the Pennsylvania Legislature was obtained in order to procure an amendment (as it is most perversely called) to the constitution of the United States respecting the removal of a Judge. We are sorry to observe that the Legislature of Massachusetts has adopted a similar resolution.
OUR NORTH CAROLINA SUBSCRIBERS are respectfully informed that Newbern Notes, will be very acceptable in payment for subscriptions to this paper.
THE NEGOTIATION.—We hear, and we believe the information correct, that a suspension of the negotiation between our government and that of Great-Britain, took place on Thursday. It is said that our government require Mr. Rose to specify the reparation his government is willing to make for the attack on the Chesapeake—while Mr. Rose has required that our government should previously rescind the proclamation issued on that occasion.—It is presumed, however, that the present aspect of affairs in Europe will induce one of the parties to yield. We sincerely hope that an amicable termination may take place, and it is our opinion that such will be the final issue. Wash. Fed.
Capt. Cropsey, from Bassaterre, (Guad.) informs us, that the government had stipulated the price of flour in that place, to 14 dollars. He further informs, that the port was not blockaded, but had been; and that Admiral Cochrane had sent orders to the commanders of the British ships of war at Antigua, not to detain any more American vessels. N. Y. Mer. Adv.
WASHINGTON CITY, February 22. Extract of a letter from Mr. Lear to Mr. Gavino, dated Algiers, November 2.
“On the 18th of October, a frigate of this place, sailed on a cruise, having as usual the certificates of myself and the other consuls, which had been renewed the day previous to her sailing. On the 28th ult. arrived here a brig, the Violet, of Boston, James Merrick, master, from Oporto, bound to Leghorn, which had been captured by the aforesaid frigate off Minorca, on the 25th ult. and sent in here. The captain, mate and two of the crew came in the brig, with 9 Algerines, and three of the crew were detained on board the frigate.
“Upon enquiring into the cause of this capture, I was informed that orders had been given to the frigate on her sailing, to take Swedish, Danish and American vessels, on account of the annuities which were due from those nations to the Regency, and to take also Imperials and Russians as enemies.
“I claimed the brig, as I had before offered to pay the one annuity due from us in cash, and had received no notice of their intention to make captures (and the other consuls were also totally ignorant of it) but was told that she should not be given up until the one annuity should arrive in stores according to treaty. She remains in the port in charge of the captain and his crew. The captain says he was treated very well, and no pillage or violence offered to his people or vessel.
“Capt. Merrick informs me that a sch't belonging to New York was captured at the same time, and that he parted with her only the day before he came in here; the bad weather since has prevented her arrival. She was from Belle Isle with a cargo of fish, bound to Leghorn.
“I have done every thing in this business which is proper on my part, with firmness and decision; and I have reason to suppose that they regret their conduct very much. I shall wait the arrival of the schooner before I take any other steps. In the mean time I have assured the government here that this will be considered by us as an act of hostility, and as such will be retaliated on their vessels by any of our ships of war which may meet them, when it shall be known.
“Upon this they repeated the assurances that this was not done as an act of hostility, and requested that nothing more might take place until the matter could be adjusted. I shall, as I said before, let it rest until the arrival of the schooner; and in the mean time have seized this occasion to give you this notice to warn our vessels from coming into this sea until further advice; and to request you to forward a copy of this to the secretary of state (to whom I have not time to write the details at present) and to such other quarters as may be necessary to warn our vessels against the evil.
“There are now at sea from this place three frigates, two large xebecs of 36 and 22 guns, and two small corsairs of two guns each. The war with Tunis is not yet finished, but seems to be suspended by the return of the troops to this place. They talk however of renewing it after Ramadan, which has commenced this day.”
Extract of a letter from Mr. Lear to Mr. Gavino, dated Algiers, December 16.
“Referring to the inclosed duplicate of what I had the pleasure of writing to you on the 2d ultimo, as well as the circular which I have addressed to our consuls in the Mediterranean, I have only to add that during the fast of Ramadan, no one could have access to the Dey unless on business of the first importance to himself, and that at the end of that ceremony I was attacked by a violent inflammatory fever which confined me to my bed till the day before yesterday.
“This day I had an audience of the Dey, and after discussing the business respecting these vessels, he agreed to receive the annuities due him; in cash, and liberated the vessels which will sail to-morrow to their respective destinations. The people on board them have received no molestation here, nor the vessels or cargoes the least damage; of the schooner we have yet heard nothing, three seamen belonging to her who were brought here in the frigate have gone on board the Eagle, capt. Shaler.”
The military court of inquiry has, we understand, during the last week, had several meetings, at which several witnesses, adduced by general Wilkinson, have been examined.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Sch't Jane, Lefort, 4 days from New-York. From Lloyd's Lists.
Dec. 18. At Hull, the Cicero, from Virginia.—Dec. 25. At Portsmouth, Thomas, from Petersburg.—At Helvoet, Ceres, Shackleforth, from Virginia.—Jan. 1. At Gravesend, Rolla, Garey, from Virginia.—Jan. 5. At Limerick, Anacreon, Tissen, from Virginia.—At Cork, Herald, Murphy, from Norfolk. The schooner Virginia, was at London the 7th January bound to Norfolk, time of sailing not mentioned.
By virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed by Thomas Gibbons and Ann his wife, bearing date the 14th day of September, 1805, to John Patterson and Thomas Smith, to secure the payment of one thousand two hundred and two dollars and ninety four cents, with interest from the date of said deed, due Richard Billings, together with all legal costs and charges necessarily incurred by carrying the said deed into effect, WILL BE SOLD at Matthews Court-House, on the second Monday in March next, being Court Day, at Publick Auction, for ready money.
The Tract of LAND, conveyed to us in trust by the deed aforesaid, containing two hundred and twenty acres, more or less, situate, lying, and being in the county of Mathews aforesaid, on North River, whereon the said Thomas Gibbons lately resided, and was formerly the property of Doctor Frederick W. Hearn, deceased, and by him purchased of John Hays.
By the Trustees. February 4. tds
Council Chamber, February 25, 1808. THE EXECUTIVE will receive on the 25th of March next, Proposals for constructing sufficient and proper Carriages for mounting all the pieces of Artillery belonging to this Commonwealth, at which time drafts of the most approved models, in conformity to which, the said carriages are to be constructed, will be submitted to the inspection of all persons disposed to contract for the same. The Executive will probably furnish all the necessary timber, and will have the iron work done at the Penitentiary—Subjoined is a list of the pieces intended to be mounted.
 Daniel L. Hylton, Clerk of the Council.  6 Brass Cannon 32 pounders,  9 Iron do. 24 do.  1 do. do. 18 do.  1 do. do. 12 do.  1 do. do. 6 do.  4 do. do. 4 do.  2 do. do. 3 do.  10 or 15 others of different sizes. 
NOTICE. I shall attend at the Court-House on Friday morning the 11th of March, for the purpose of paying the Artillery and Infantry Companies of this Borough, late in the service of the United States, under the command of Brigadier General Thomas Matthews—end on the following Monday I shall attend at the Court-House in Portsmouth, for the purpose of paying the Companies of that place. Robert C. Jennings, Acting as Pay-Master. February 29 5
A small CHEST was found this morning in the Subscriber's stable, with sundry articles of wearing apparel, &c. The owner by proving his property, and paying the expense of this advertisement, may receive it on application to George Fitzhugh. February 29. tf
Five Dollars Reward. STOLEN from the Subscriber's manufactory in Bank-Street, a STAND OF MOULDS with the Candles in it. Whoever returns the same will receive the above reward, and an addition if the thief is detected. Henry M'Dowell. A Silver Table Spoon was taken from a negro girl a few days since. The owner may have the same on proving the property, by application as above. Feb. 29. 3t
NOTICE. All those who are indebted to the estate of WILLIAM THOMPSON, deceased, of Little England, are required to make immediate payment, and those who may have claims against said estate are invited to render them, legally attested to William H. Thompson. Feb. 29. 2w
A FREIGHT is Wanted for the Schooner SATURN, Isaac Collin, master, 107 tons or about 900 barrels burthen, can be ready to receive a cargo immediately. For terms apply to the master on board, or Christopher Fry. February 26. 3
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Mattress Ticking, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26. tf
Alexandria Mountain FLOUR. A few barrels Superfine, do. for family use (Carlisle brand) in barrels and half bbls. for Sale—Apply to Caton & Veale. February 26. 3
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.

Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation—Also on Hand,  25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Tenerife Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New-York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by February 26. Jennings & Roddey.
COCKE & SANFORD, Have received eighteen hogsheads and eighteen barrels  Loaf and Lump SUGAR, which they offer for Sale on very moderate terms. On hand of their last importation,  2 bales flaxen OZNABURGS, 2000 wt. Seine Twine; 1 bale assorted Blue Cloths, 1 bale superfine Navy Blue Cloth, 2 boxes well assorted Irish Linens, Irish and Dutch Sheetings and Dowlas, 2 Trunks Cotton Hosiery; 1 case Dimities, 2 do. assorted Nankenees and Grand eils, 3 do. Calliees; 2 do. Cotton Cambricks, 1 box French Cambricks and Handkerchiefs, 2 cases Mens' and 1 do. Childrens' fashionable Beaver Hats. Feb. 24.
FRESH SHOES. E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main-Street, Has now landing from the Schooner Mary Ann, capt. Luce, 22 trunks, barrels, and casks of  Ladies', Gentlemens', and Childrens' SHOES. February 19.
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg , of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
Ranaway from the Subscriber on the 13th instant, a Negro Girl by the name of MILLY, about 15 years of age; she is 5 feet 5 inches high, or thereabouts, spare made, yellow complexion; had on when she absconded a brown bath evening gown, a mock Madras handkerchief round her head, no shoes or stockings on. I purchased her of Mr. Thomas Reed in Cumberland-Street about 7 months past. She has been seen about Mrs. Morris's yard in Church-Street, and from that to Mr. Reed's. Any person that will bring her home or secure her in jail, shall be handsomely rewarded. William P. Robinson, Queen-street, opposite the Work House. February 19.
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the Estate of DANIEL COOK, deceased, of Nansemond County, are requested to bring them in on or before the first day of May next; those indebted to the estate, are requested to make immediate payment, wishing to settle the estate as soon as possible. Mary Cook, Adm'r x. N. B. Whereas Bartholomew Redmon, of Norfolk Borough, having a bond in his possession, which was given by Daniel Cook and Edward Frith, jointly, for the sum of 3000 dollars or thereabouts; Edward Frith being exonerated, and the said Redmon refusing to give me up the bond, although there is not one shilling due on account of it, I caution all persons from receiving the said bond in any way whatever, as this notice will be plead in bar against it. Western Branch, Nansemond County, February 17, 1808.
New SHOES from New-York. SAMUEL COLEMAN, Offers for Sale such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.  VERNON'S BOOTS, which are well known to command higher prices in Baltimore than Boots made by any other person there—reduced to 11 dollars for fair tops, and 9 dollars for Hessian Boots, such as he himself sells in retail for 12 and 10 dollars. BUTTER at 17 cents in nice order; a few tons of Iron; a few hundred bushels of ground Alum Salt; India Cottons; Brown Sugar, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. Feb. 17.
BOOTS. Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS Just received and for Sale by Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market Square Feb. 8.
6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat. IN STORE, 35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 100 hogsheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 30 tierces London Brown Stout, 20 hogsheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, fit for use, 600 ready made Check Shirts; 20 hds. Petersburg Tobacco, 50 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Hermitage For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. February 6.
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of  Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Navy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambricks Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woollens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assortment of  WOOLLEN GOODS. Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c. On consignment, just received,  Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; Ladies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11.
Now landing from on board the Schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn,  120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roli Brimstone, 100 boxes Castile Marble Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12.
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. do. 1 remadable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc. Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Public Ledger. Sept. 25.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of  Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hds. and 6 bbls. Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy. 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls. Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31.
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 60,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4.
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune, captain Norton, from Tenerife, 100 pipes and 90 hds. L. P. Tenc-riffe WINE, of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. September 28.
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. September 16.
Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. Who has on hand, September 16.
Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A PARCEL OF Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. September 28.
NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceased, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Adm'r x. December 9.
WANTED for the Ship Sheffield, A CARPENTER; also, two young LADS, from 14 to 15 years of age, as apprentices, not to go in the cabin or to cook. Apply to Josiah Cowper. December 9.
All persons to whom the Subscriber is indebted, are requested to make known the amount of their claims immediately. Wm. Hartshorne, Jun. January 13.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th December last, a Mulatto Man named TONEY, a Blacksmith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on when he went away a dark cloth suit coat and pantaloons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other. He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th ult. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North-Carolina. January 8. JOHN WALKER.
For SALE, 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. Kitts RUM. MOSES MYERS. January 8.
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter, and Nabby, from Liverpool, their  Fall and Winter GOODS. The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths, Caffimeres, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; Ladies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Childrens' beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epaullets; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tambooured, and Leno Muslin for dress; Calliees, Chambrays, and Ginghams; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cotton; frock white Plains; mixed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plains; Dimities and Marseilles; 4-4 Irish Linens; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheetings; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c. The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper. REMOVAL. The Subscriber has removed to the large Fire-Proof Ware-House at the head of Maxwell's wharf, in Wide Water Street, where he offers for SALE, 7 pipes Country GIN, 20 barrels Whiskey, 30 do. N. E. Rum, 15 hds. do. do. 30 do. Mackerel, 30 do. Shad, 150 kegs Salmon, 150 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 50 boxes Soap, 60 boxes Mould Candles, 50 do. Spermaceti do. 25 do. Chocolate, 28 do. assorted Cotton Cords, 4 chests Hyson Tea, 150 reams Writing Paper, 1 case Diapers, 150 sacks Liverpool Salt, 7 tons assorted Swedish Iron, 50 bundles Nail Rods, A quantity of coarse Woollen Goods—low for Cash. Edward Clark. Who transacts business on Commission, as usual. Jan. 1.
REMOVAL. The Subscribers have removed to the Brick Warehouse on Merchant's Wharf, and have on hand for Sale, 100,000 W. O. hhd. drawn STAVES, 100,000 red do. do. do. 40,000 rough do. do. do. 50,000 do. barrel do. do. 10,000 pipe do. do. do. 500,000 sale Shingles; 100,000 building do. 10,000 three feet do.; 5,000 Garden Pales, 5,000 Chinquapin and Cedar Posts. And also for Rent,  A commodious WAREHOUSE. Proby, Harmanson, & Co. January 11.
Now landing from the Schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce Street to William Hull, Jun. October 16.
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18.
For SALE, by the Subscriber, 34 hogsheads WHISKEY, 50 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do. 65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 16 grove Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castile Soap, 1 hogshead and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 10 hds. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York River Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton, 38 whole and 9 half tierces Rice. A. Maclure. November 13.
St. Ubes SALT. The CARGO of the Barque Bremen, consisting of about 6000 bushels excellent St. Ubes Salt, will be sold for cash or good paper. Apply to Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. February 2.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY last October from the Subscribers, living in Monroe County, two Mulatto Men, ISAAC CONNER and WILLIAM CONNER, (brothers) both very bright mulattoes. Isaac is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, stout and well made, is marked on the under lip with a small reddish spot, and a scar on his forehead occasioned by the stroke of a whip; on one of his feet there is also a scar made by an axe; he is 22 years of age. Bill is 20 years of age, about 5 feet 10 inches high, also stout and active, and wore his hair in a cue of 6 or 8 inches in length. It is supposed they will attempt to get to Norfolk, as they have some acquaintances there, and were heard of in the neighbourhood of Williamsburg in company with some free mulattoes, who lives on Queen's Creek. Whoever confines them in jail so that we get them again, shall be entitled to the above reward. John Handley, Martin Franklin. N B Being very fair, they will no doubt attempt to pass for free men. Feb. 10.
For SALE, 75 tierces prime green Jam, Coffee, and a few puncheons 5 and 6 years old Antigua Rum; Loaf and Brown Sugar in hogsheads and barrels; a few sets Table China; fine and superfine Flour, &c. Harrison Allmand. January 4.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 20 hds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 8 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffles; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Hefians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24.
For RENT, The DWELLING-HOUSE on Granby-street, belonging to captain Vickery, next door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of January next. For terms apply to Alexander Wilson. December 18.
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 28.
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never failing stream; although she works at present only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abundant supply for ten pair. Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's Mills) about two miles farther, now in complete order, running one pair of stones and two faws—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not superior to any in that part of the country—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the full-farmer also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the foil, the subscriber confidently believes, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia—Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any number of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5.
Received per Schooner Traveller, from Boston, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18.
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 bags Coffee, 5 tierces do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 16 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks old Sherry Wine, 2 hds. old L. P. Madeira do. 3 hds. Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hds and pipes—For Sale by Phinehas Dana. June 8.
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5.
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2d lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d Sheathing, do. 7 1-2d 7d. Sprigs, 4s. 6d. per M. 6d. do. 2s. 9d 2d. and 3d. do. 2s. 3d He offers also for cash only—  HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store. Apply to Niemeyer & Von Kapff. December 28.
Phoenix Fire Office. The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the public, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals herewith submitted. N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8.