The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg, Va.), 1774-11-03 00:00:00

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EXTRACTS from the VOTES and PROCEEDINGS of the AMERICAN CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, held at PHILADELPHIA, September 5, 1774; containing an ASSOCIATION, an ADDRESS to the PEOPLE of GREAT BRITAIN, and a MEMORIAL to the INHABITANTS of the BRITISH AMERICAN COLONIES. Published by ORDER of the CONGRESS.
As the congress is not yet dissolved, and their whole PROCEEDINGS cannot be published for some time, it was thought advisable forthwith to communicate as much thereof to the public as concerned the restrictions on commerce, and the reasons for such restrictions.
THE ASSOCIATION, &c.
W E his majesty's most loyal subjects, the DELEGATES of the several colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, deputed to represent them in a continental congress, held in the city of Philadelphia, on the 5th day of September, 1774, avowing our allegiance to his majesty, our affection and regard for our fellow subjects in Great Britain and elsewhere, affected with the deepest anxiety, and most alarming apprehensions at those grievances and distresses with which his majesty's American subjects are oppressed, and having taken under our most serious deliberation the state of the whole continent, find that the present unhappy situation of our affairs is occasioned by a ruinous system of colony administration, adopted by the British ministry about the year 1763, evidently calculated for enslaving these colonies, and, with them, the British empire. In prosecution of which system, various acts of parliament have been passed for raising a revenue in America, for depriving the American subjects, in many instances, of the constitutional trial by jury, exposing their lives to danger, by directing a new and illegal trial beyond the seas, for crimes alleged to have been committed in America; and, in prosecution of the same system, several late, cruel, and oppressive acts, have been passed respecting the town of Boston and the Massachusetts Bay, and also an act for extending the province of Quebec, so as to border on the western frontiers of these colonies, establishing an arbitrary government therein, and discouraging the settlement of British subjects in that wide extended country; thus, by the influence of civil principles, and ancient prejudices, to dispose the inhabitants to act with hostility against the free protestant colonies, whenever a wicked ministry shall chuse to direct them.
To obtain redress of these grievances, which threaten destruction to the lives, liberty, and property, or his majesty's subjects in North America, we are of opinion that a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement, faithfully adhered to, will prove the most speedy, effectual, and peaceable measure; and therefore we do, for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several colonies whom we represent, firmly agree and associate, under the sacred ties of virtue, honour, and love of our country, as follows:
First. That from and after the first day of December next we will not import into British America, from Great Britain or Ireland, any goods, wares, or merchandise whatsoever, or from any other place, any such goods, wares, or merchandise, as shall have been exported from Great Britain or Ireland; nor will we, after that day, import any East India tea from any part of the world, nor any molasses, syrups, panes, coffee, or pimento, from the British plantations, or from Dominica, nor wines from Madeira, or the western islands, nor foreign indigo.
Second. That we will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the first day of December next, after which time we will wholly discontinue the slave trade, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufactures, to those who are concerned in it.
Third. As a non-consumption agreement, strictly adhered to, will be an effectual security for the observation of the non-importation, we, as above, solemnly agree and associate, that, from this day, we will not purchase or use any tea imported on account of the East India company, or any on which a duty hath been or shall be paid; and, from and after the first day of March next, we will not purchase or use any East India tea whatever; nor will we, nor shall any person for or under us, purchase or use any of those goods, wares, or merchandise, we have agreed not to import, which we shall know, or have cause to suspect, were imported after the first day of December, except such as come under the rules and directions of the tenth article, hereafter mentioned.
Fourth. The earnest desire we have not to injure our fellow subjects in Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, induces us to suspend a non-exportation until the tenth day of September, 1775; at which time, if the said acts, and parts of acts of the British parliament herein after mentioned, are not repealed, we will not, directly or indirectly, export any merchandise or commodity whatsoever to Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, except rice, to Europe.
Fifth. Such as are merchants, and use the British and Irish trade, will give orders, as soon as possible, to their factors, agents, and correspondents, in Great Britain and Ireland, not to ship any goods to them, on any pretence whatsoever, as they cannot be received in America; and if any merchant, residing in Great Britain or Ireland, shall, directly or indirectly, ship any goods, wares, or merchandise, for America, in order to break the said non-importation agreement, or in any manner contravene the same, on such unworthy conduct being well attested, it ought to be made public; and, on the same being so done, we will not, from thenceforth, have any commercial connection with such merchant.
Sixth. That such as are owners of vessels will give positive orders to their captains or masters not to receive on board their vessels any goods prohibited by the said non-importation agreement, on pain of immediate dismissal from their service.
Seventh. We will use our utmost endeavours to improve the breed of sheep, and encrease their number to the greatest extent, and to that end we will kill them as sparingly as may be, especially those of the most profitable kind; nor will we export any to the West Indies, or elsewhere; and those of us who are or may become overseers of, or can conveniently spare any sheep, will dispose of them to our neighbours, especially to the poorer sort, on moderate terms.
Eighth. That we will, in our several stations, encourage frugality, economy, and industry, and promote agriculture, arts, and the manufactures of this country, especially that of wool, and will discountenance and discourage every species of extravagance and dissipation, especially all horse-racing, and all kinds of gaming, cock-fighting, exhibitions of shews, plays, and other expensive diversions and entertainments; and on the death of any relation or friend, none of us, or any of our families, will go into any farther mourning dress than a black crape or ribbon on the arm or hat for gentlemen, and a black ribband and necklace for ladies, and we will discontinue the giving of gloves and scarfs at funerals.
Ninth. That such as are vendors of goods or merchandise will not take advantage of the scarcity of goods that may be occasioned by this association, but will sell the same at the rates we have been respectively accustomed to do for twelve months last past; and if any vendor of goods or merchandise shall sell any such goods on higher terms, or shall in any manner, or by any device whatsoever, violate or depart from this agree-
ment, no person ought, nor will any of us deal with any such person, or his or her factors, agents, or any time thereafter, for any commodity whatever.
Tenth. In case any merchant, trader, or other persons, shall import any goods or merchandise after the first day of December, and before the first day of February next, the same ought forthwith, at the election of the owner, to be either re-shipped or delivered up to the committee of the county or town wherein they shall be imported, to be stored at the risk of the importer, until the non-importation agreement shall cease, or be sold under the direction of the committee aforesaid; and, in the last mentioned case, the owner or owners of such goods shall be reimbursed (out of the sales) the first cost and charges; the profit, if any, to be applied towards relieving and employing such poor inhabitants of the town of Boston as are immediate sufferers by the Boston port bill; and a particular account of all goods so returned, stored, or sold, to be inserted in the public papers. And if any goods or merchandise shall be imported after the said first day of February, the same ought forthwith to be sent back again, without breaking any of the packages thereof.
Eleventh. That a committee be chosen in every county, city, and town, by those who are qualified to vote for representatives in the legislature, whose business it shall be attentively to observe the conduct of all persons touching this association; and when it shall be made to appear, to the satisfaction of a majority of any such committee, that any person within the limits of their appointment has violated this association, that such majority do forthwith cause the truth of the case to be published in the gazette, to the end that all such foes to the rights of British America may be publicly known, and universally concerned as the enemies of American liberty; and thenceforth, we, respectively, will break off all dealings with him, or her.
Twelfth. That the committee of correspondence in the respective colonies do frequently inspect the entries of their customhouses, and inform each other, from time to time, of the true state thereof, and of every other material circumstance that may occur relative to this association.
Thirteenth. That all manufactures of this country be sold at reasonable prices, so that no undue advantage be taken of a future scarcity of goods.
Fourteenth. And we do further agree, and resolve, that we will have no trade, commerce, dealings, or intercourse whatsoever, with any colony or province in North America which shall not accede to, or which shall hereafter violate this association; but will hold them as unworthy of the rights of freemen, and as inimical to the liberties of their country.
And we do solemnly bind ourselves, and our constituents, under the ties aforesaid, to adhere to this association until such parts of the several acts of parliament, passed since the close of the last war, as impose or continue duties on tea, wine, molasses, syrups, panes, coffee, sugar, pimento, indigo, foreign paper, glass, and painters' colours, imported into America, and extend the powers of the admiralty courts beyond their ancient limits, deprive the American subject of trial by jury, authorize the judge's certificate to indemnify the prosecutor from damages that he might otherwise be liable to from a trial by his peers, require oppressive security from a claimant of ships or goods seized before he shall be allowed to defend his property, are repealed; and until that part of the act of the 12th of Geo. III. chap. 24. entitled "an act for the better securing his majesty's dockyards, magazines, ships, ammunition, and stores," by which any persons charged with committing any of the offences therein described in America may be tried in any shire or county within the realm, is repealed; and until the four acts passed in the last session of parliament, viz. that for stopping the port and blocking up the harbour of Boston, that for altering the charter and government of the Massachusetts's Bay, and that which is entitled "an act for the better administration of justice, &c." and that "for extending the limits of Quebec, &c." are repealed. And we recommend it to the provincial conventions, and to the committees in the respective colonies, to establish such further regulations as they may think proper, for carrying into execution this association.
The foregoing association being determined upon by the congress, was ordered to be subscribed by the several members thereof; and thereupon we have hereunto set our respective names accordingly.
In congress, Philadelphia, October 20, 1774.
Signed, PEYTON RANDOLPH, President.
New Hampshire. JOHN SULLIVAN, NATHANIEL FOLSOM.
Massachusetts Bay. THOMAS CUSHING, SAMUEL ADAMS, JOHN ADAMS, ROBERT TREAT PAINE.
Rhode Island. STEPHEN HOPKINS, SAMUEL WARD.
Connecticut. ELIPHALLET DYER, ROGER SHERMAN, SILAS DEANE.
New York. ISAAC LOW, JOHN ALSOP, JOHN JAY, JAMES DUANE, WILLIAM FLOYD, HENRY WEISNER, S. BOERUM.
New Jersey. JAMES KINSEY, WILLIAM LIVINGSTON, STEPHEN CRANE, RICHARD SMITH.
Pennsylvania. JOSEPH GALLOWAY, JOHN DICKENSON, CHARLES HUMPHREYS, THOMAS MIFFLIN, EDWARD BIDDLE, JOHN MORTON, GEORGE ROSS.
Newcastle, &c. CESAR RODNEY, THOMAS M'KEAN, GEORGE READ.
Maryland. MATTHEW TILGHMAN, THOMAS JOHNSON, WILLIAM PACA, SAMUEL CHASE.
Virginia. RICHARD HENRY LEE, GEORGE WASHINGTON, P. HENRY, jun. RICHARD BLAND, BENJAMIN HARRISON, EDMUND PENDLETON.
North Carolina. WILLIAM HOOPE, JOSEPH HEWES, R. CASWELL.
South Carolina. HENRY MIDDLETON, THOMAS LYNCH, CHRISTOPHER GADSDEN, JOHN RUTLEDGE, EDWARD RUTLEDGE.
To the PEOPLE of GREAT BRITAIN, from the DELEGATES appointed by the several English colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, and Providence plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the lower counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, to consider of their grievances, in GENERAL CONGRESS, at Philadelphia, September 5, 1774.
FRIENDS AND FELLOW SUBJECTS,
WHEN a nation, led to greatness by the hand of liberty, and possessed of all the glory that heroism, munificence, and humanity, can bestow, descends to the ungrateful task of forging chains for her friends and children, and, instead of giving support to freedom, turns advocate for slavery and oppression, there is reason to suspect she has either ceased to be virtuous, or been extremely negligent in the appointment of her rulers.
In almost every age, in repeated conflicts, in long and bloody wars, as well civil as foreign, against many and powerful nations, against the open assaults of enemies, and the more dangerous treachery of friends, have the inhabitants of your island, your great and glorious ancestors, maintained their independence, and transmitted the rights of men, and the blessings of liberty, to you their posterity.
Be not surprized, therefore, that we, who are descended from the same common ancestors, that we, whose forefathers participated in all
the rights, the liberties, and the constitution, you so justly boast, and who have carefully conveyed the same fair inheritance to us, guaranteed by the plighted faith of government, and the most solemn compacts with British sovereigns, should refuse to surrender them to men who found their claims on no principles of reason, and who prosecute them with a design, that, by having our lives and property in their power, they may, with the greater facility, enslave you.
The cause of America is now the object of universal attention; it has, at length, become very serious. This unhappy country has not only been oppressed, but abused and misrepresented; and the duty we owe to ourselves and posterity, to your interest, and the general welfare of the British empire, leads us to address you on this very important subject.
Know then, that we consider ourselves, and do insist that we are, and ought to be, as free as our fellow subjects in Britain, and that no power on earth has a right to take our property from us without our consent.
That we claim all the benefits secured to the subject by the English constitution, and particularly that inestimable one of trial by jury.
That we hold it essential to English liberty that no man be condemned unheard, or punished for supposed offences, without having an opportunity of making his defence.
That we think the legislature of Great Britain is not authorized by the constitution to establish a religion fraught with sanguinary and impious tenets, or to erect an arbitrary form of government in any quarter of the globe. These rights we, as well as you, deem sacred; and yet sacred as they are, they have, with many others, been repeatedly and flagrantly violated.
Are not the proprietors of the soil of Great Britain lords of their own property? Can it be taken from them without their consent? Will they yield it to the arbitrary disposal of any man, or number of men, whatever? You know they will not.
Why, then, are the proprietors of the soil of America less lords of their property than you are of yours? Or why should they submit it to the disposal of your parliament, or any other parliament or council in the world not of their election? Can the intervention of the sea that divides us cause disparity in rights? Or can any reason be given why English subjects, who live three thousand miles from the royal palace, should enjoy less liberty than those who are three hundred miles distant from it?
Reason looks with indignation on such distinctions, and freemen can never perceive their propriety; and yet, however chimerical and unjust such discriminations are, the parliament assert that they have a right to bind us in all cases, without exception, whether we consent or not, that they may take and use our property when and in what manner they please; that we are pensioners on their bounty for all that we possess, and can hold it no longer than they vouchsafe to permit. Such declarations are the avowed principles of a power which can no more operate to deprive us of our property than the interdicts of the pope can divest kings of sceptres, which the laws of the land, and the voice of the people, have placed in their hands.
At the conclusion of the late war, a war rendered glorious by the abilities and integrity of a minister, to whose efforts the British empire owes its safety and its fame; at the conclusion of this war, which was succeeded by an inglorious peace, formed under the auspices of a minister, of principles, and of a family, unfriendly to the protestant cause, and inimical to liberty; we lay, at this period, and under the influence of that man, a plan for enslaving your fellow subjects in America was concerted, and has ever since been pertinaciously carrying into execution.
Prior to this era, you were content with drawing from us the wealth produced by our commerce. You restrained our trade in every way that could conduce to your emolument; you exercised unbounded sovereignty over the sea; you named the ports and nations to which alone our merchandise should be carried, and with whom alone we should trade, and though some of these restrictions were grievous, we nevertheless did not complain; we looked up to you as to our parent state, to which we were bound by the strongest ties, and were happy in being instrumental to your prosperity and your grandeur.
We call upon you, yourselves, to witness our loyalty and attachment to the common interest of the whole empire. Did we not, in the last war, add all the strength of this vast continent to the force which repelled our common enemy? Did we not leave our native shores, and meet disease and death, to promote the success of British arms in foreign climates? Did you not thank us for our zeal, and even reimburse us large sums of money, which you confessed we had advanced beyond our proportion, and far beyond our abilities? You did.
To what causes, then, are we to attribute the sudden change of treatment, and that system of slavery which was prepared for us at the restoration of peace?
Before we had recovered from the distresses which ever attend war, an attempt was made to drain this country of all its money, by the oppressive stamp act. Paint, glass, and other commodities, which you would not permit us to purchase of other nations, were taxed; nay, although no wine is made in any country subject to the British state, you prohibited our procuring it of foreigners without paying a tax, imposed by your parliament, on all we imported. These, and many other impositions, were laid upon us most unjustly and unconstitutionally, for the express purpose of raising a revenue. In order to silence complaint, it was indeed provided that this revenue should be expended in America, for its protection and defence. These exactions, however, can receive no justification from a pretended necessity of protecting and defending us. They are lavishly squandered on court favourites, and ministerial dependents, generally avowed enemies to America, and employing themselves, by partial representations, to traduce and embroil the colonies. For the necessary support of government here, we ever were, and ever shall be, ready to provide; and whenever the exigencies of the state may require it, we shall, as we have heretofore done, cheerfully contribute our full proportion of men and money. To enforce this unconstitutional and unjust scheme of taxation, every fence that the wisdom of our British ancestors had carefully erected against arbitrary power has been violently thrown down in America, and the inestimable right of trial by jury taken away in cases that touch both life and property. It was ordained, that whenever offences should be committed in the colonies against particular acts, imposing various duties and restrictions upon trade, the prosecutor might bring his action for the penalties in the courts of admiralty; by which means the subject lost the advantage of being tried by an honest, un-influenced jury of the vicinage, and was subjected to the sad necessity of being judged by a single man, a creature of the crown, and according to the course of a law which exempts the prosecutor from the trouble of proving his accusation, and obliges the defendant either to evince his innocence, or to suffer. To give this new invidious the greater importance, and as if with design to protect false accusers, it is farther provided, that the judge's certificate of their having been probable causes of seizure and prosecution shall protect the prosecutor from actions at common law for recovery of damages.
By the course of our law, offences committed in such of the British dominions in which courts are established, and justice duly and regularly administered, shall be there tried by a jury of the vicinage. There the offenders and the witnesses are known, and the degree of credibility to be given to their testimony can be ascertained.

In all these colonies justice is regularly and impartially administered; and yet, for the construction of form, and the direction of other acts of parliament, offenders are to be taken by force, together with all such persons as may be pointed out as witnesses, and carried to England, there to be tried in a distant land, by a jury of strangers, and subject to all the disadvantages that result from want of friends, want of witnesses, and want of money.
When the design of raising a revenue from the duties imposed on the importation of tea in America had in great measure been rendered abortive, by our ceasing to import that commodity, a scheme was concerted by the ministry with the East India company, and an act passed enabling and encouraging them to transport and vend it in the colonies. Aware of the danger of giving success to this invidious manoeuvre, and of permitting a precedent of taxation thus to be established among us, various methods were adopted to elude the stroke. The people of Boston, then ruled by a governor whom, as well as his predecessor, Sir Francis Bernard, all America considers as her enemy, were exceedingly embarrassed. The ships which had arrived with the tea were, by his management, prevented from returning; the duties would have been paid, the cargoes landed and exposed to sale; a governor's influence would have procured and protected many purchasers. While the town was suspended by deliberations on this important subject the tea was destroyed. Even supposing a trespass was thereby committed, and the proprietors of the tea entitled to damages, the courts of law were open, and judges appointed by the crown presided in them. The East India company, however, did not think proper to commence any suits, nor did they even demand satisfaction, either from individuals or from the community in general. The ministry, it seems, officially made the case their own, and the great council of the nation defended to intermeddle with a dispute about private property. Diverse papers, letters, and other authenticated ex parte evidence, were laid before them; neither the persons who destroyed the tea, or the people of Boston, were called upon to answer the complaint. The ministry, incensed by being disappointed in a favourite scheme, were determined to recur from the little acts of finesse to open force and unmanly violence. The port of Boston was blocked up by a fleet, and an army placed in the town; their trade was to be suspended, and thousands reduced to the necessity of gaining subsistence from charity, till they should submit to pay under the yoke, and consent to become slaves, by confessing the omnipotence of parliament, and acquiescing in whatever disposition they might think proper to make of their lives and property.
Let justice and humanity cease to be the boast of your nation! consult your history, examine your records of former transactions, nay turn to the annals of the many arbitrary states and kingdoms that surround you, and shew us a single instance of men being condemned to suffer for imputed crimes, unheard, unquestioned, and without even the specious formality of a trial, and that, too, by laws made expressly for the purpose, and which had no existence at the time of the fact committed. If it be difficult to reconcile these proceedings to the genius and temper of your laws and constitution, the task will become more arduous when we call upon our ministerial enemies to justify, not only condemning men untried, and by hearsay, but involving the innocent in one common punishment with the guilty, and, for the act of thirty or forty, to bring poverty, distress, and calamity, on thirty thousand souls, and those not your enemies, but your friends, brethren, and fellow subjects.
It would be some consolation to us if the catalogue of American oppressions ended here. It gives us pain to be reduced to the necessity of reminding you, that under the confidence reposed in the faith of government, pledged in a royal charter from a British sovereign, the forefathers of the present inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay left their former habitations, and established that great, flourishing, and loyal colony. Without incurring, or being charged with a forfeiture of their rights, without being heard, without being tried, without law, and without justice, by an act of parliament their charter is destroyed, their liberties violated, their constitution and form of government changed, and all this upon no better pretence than because in one of their towns a trespass was committed on some merchandise, said to belong to one of the companies, and because the ministry were of opinion that such high political regulations were necessary to compel due subordination and obedience to their mandates.
Nor are these the only capital grievances under which we labour. We might tell of dissolute, weak, and wicked governors, having been set over us; of legislatures being suspended, for asserting the rights of British subjects; of needy and ignorant dependents on great men advanced to the seats of justice, and to other places of trust and importance; of hard restrictions on commerce, and a great variety of lesser evils, the recollection of which is almost lost under the weight and pressure of greater and more poignant calamities.
Now mark the progression of the ministerial plan for enslaving us. Well aware that such hardy attempts to take our property from us, to deprive us of that valuable right of trial by jury, to seize our persons and carry us for trial to Great Britain, to blockade our ports, to destroy our charters, and change our forms of government, would occasion, and had already occasioned, great discontent in all the colonies, which might produce opposition to these measures, an act was passed to protect, indemnify, and screen from punishment, such as might be guilty even of murder, in endeavouring to carry their oppressive edicts into execution; and by another act the dominion of Canada is to be extended, modelled, and governed, as that, by being disunited from us, detached from our interests, by civil as well as religious prejudices, that by their numbers daily swelling with catholic emigrants from Europe, and by their devotion to administration, so friendly to their religion, they might become formidable to us, and on occasion be fit instruments in the hands of power to reduce the ancient free protestant colonies to the same state of slavery with themselves.
This was evidently the object of the act; and in this view, being extremely dangerous to our liberty and quiet, we cannot forbear complaining of it as hostile to British America. Superadded to these considerations, we cannot help deploring the unhappy condition to which it has reduced the many English settlers, who, encouraged by the royal proclamation, promising the enjoyment of all their rights, have purchased estates in that country. They are now the subjects of an arbitrary government, deprived of trial by jury, and when imprisoned cannot claim the benefit of the habeas corpus act, that great bulwark and palladium of English liberty; nor can we suppose our astonishment that a British parliament should ever consent to establish in that country a religion that has deluged your island in blood, and dispersed impiety, bigotry, persecution, murder, and rebellion, through every part of the world.
This being a true state of facts, let us beseech you to consider, to what end they lead. Admit that the ministry, by the powers of Britain, and the aid of our Roman catholic neighbours, should be able to carry the point of taxation, and reduce us to a state of perfect humiliation and slavery, such an enterprise would doubtless make some addition to your national debt, which already presses down your liberties, and fills you with pensioners and placemen. We presume, also, that your commerce will somewhat be diminished. However, suppose you should prove victorious, in what condition will you then be? What advantages, or what laurels will you reap from such a conquest?
May not a ministry, with the same armies, enslave you? It may be said you will cease to pay them; but remember, the taxes from America, the wealth, and we may add the men, and particularly the Roman catholics, of this vast continent, will then be in the power of your enemies; nor will you have any reason to expect that, after making slaves of us, many among us should refuse to assist in reducing you to the same abject state.
Do not treat this as chimerical. Know, that in less than half a century the quitrents reserved to the crown, from the numberless grants of this vast continent, will pour large streams of wealth into the royal coffers; and if to this be added the power of taxing America at pleasure, the crown will be rendered independent on you for supplies, and will possess more treasure than may be necessary to purchase the remains of liberty in your island. In a word, take care that you do not fall into the pit that is preparing for us.
We believe there is yet much virtue, much justice, and much public spirit, in the English nation. To that justice we now appeal. You have been told that we are seditious, impatient of government, and desirous of independency. Be assured that these are not facts, but calumnies. Permit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteem a union with you to be our greatest glory and our greatest happiness; we shall ever be ready to contribute all in our power to the welfare of the empire; we shall consider your enemies as our enemies, and your interest as our own.
But if you are determined that your ministers shall wantonly sport with the rights of mankind, if neither the voice of justice, the dictates of the law, the principles of the constitution, or the suggestions of humanity, can restrain your hands from shedding human blood in such an impious cause, we must then tell you that we never will submit to be hewers of wood or drawers of water for any ministry or nation in the world.
Place us in the same situation that we were at the close of the last war, and our former harmony will be restored.
But lest the same supineness, and the same inattention to our common interest, which you have for several years shown, should continue, we think it prudent to anticipate the consequences.
By the destruction of the trade of Boston, the ministry have endeavour-
ed to induce submission to their measures. The like fate may befall us all; we will endeavour, therefore, to live-without trade, and recur for subsistence to the fertility and bounty of our native soil, which will afford us all the necessaries and some of the conveniences of life. We have suspended our importation from Great Britain and Ireland; and in less than a year's time, unless our grievances should be redressed, shall discontinue our exports to those kingdoms and the West Indies.
It is with the utmost regret, however, that we find ourselves compelled by the over ruling principles of self-preservation, to adopt measures detrimental in their consequences to numbers of our fellow subjects in Great Britain and Ireland; but we hope that the magnanimity and justice of the British nation will furnish a parliament of such wisdom, independence and public spirit, as may have the violated rights of the whole empire from the devices of wicked ministers and evil counsellors, whether in or out of office, and thereby restore that harmony, friendship, and fraternal affection, between all the inhabitants of his majesty's kingdoms and territories, so ardently wished for by every true and honest American.
THE CONGRESS then resumed the consideration of the memorial to the inhabitants of the British colonies, and the same being debated by paragraphs, and amended, was approved, and is as follows:
To the INHABITANTS of the colonies of NEW HAMPSHIRE, MASSACHUSETTS BAY, RHODE ISLAND, and PROVIDENCE plantations, CONNECTICUT, NEW YORK, NEW JERSEY, PENNSYLVANIA, the counties of NEWCASTLE, KENT, and SUSSEX, on DELAWARE, MARYLAND, VIRGINIA, NORTH CAROLINA, and SOUTH CAROLINA.
FRIENDS AND FELLOW COUNTRYMEN,
WE the delegates appointed by the good people of the above colonies to meet at Philadelphia, in September last, for the purposes mentioned by our respective constituents, have, in pursuance of the trust reposed in us, assembled, and taken into our most serious consideration the important matters recommended to the congress. Our resolutions thereupon will be herewith communicated to you; but as the situation of public affairs grows daily more and more alarming, and as it may be more satisfactory to you to be informed by us in a collective body, than in any other manner, of those settlements that have been approved, upon a full and free discussion by the representatives of so great a part of America, we esteem ourselves obliged to add this address to these resolutions.
In every case of opposition by a people to their rulers, or of one state to another, duty to Almighty God, the creator of all, requires that a true and impartial judgment be formed of the measures leading to such opposition, and of the causes by which it has been provoked, or can in any degree be justified; that neither affection on the one hand, nor resentment on the other, being permitted to give a wrong bias to reason, it may be enabled to take a dispassionate view of all the circumstances, and settle the public conduct on the solid foundations of wisdom and justice.
From councils thus tempered arise the surest hopes of the Divine favour, the firmest encouragement to the parties engaged, and the strongest recommendation of their cause to the rest of mankind.
With minds deeply impressed by a sense of these truths, we have diligently, deliberately, and calmly, enquired into, and considered, those exertions, both of the legislative and executive power of Great Britain, which have excited so much uneasiness in America; and have, with equal fidelity and attention, considered the conduct of the colonies. Upon the whole, we find ourselves reduced to the disagreeable alternative of being silent, and betraying the innocent, or of speaking out and censuring those we wish to revere. In making our choice of these distressing difficulties, we prefer the course dictated by honesty, and a regard for the welfare of our country.
Soon after the conclusion of the late war, there commenced a memorable change in the treatment of these colonies. By a statute made in the fourth year of the present reign, a time of profound peace, alledging, "the expediency of new provisions and regulations for extending the commerce between Great Britain and his majesty's dominions in America, and the necessity of raising a revenue in the said dominions, for defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the same," the commons of Great Britain undertook to give and grant to his majesty many rates and duties, to be paid in these colonies. To enforce the observance of this act, it prescribes a great number of severe penalties and forfeitures; and, in two sections, makes a remarkable distinction between the subjects in Great Britain and those in America. By the one, the penalties and forfeitures incurred there are to be recovered in any of the king's courts of record at Westminster, or in the court of exchequer in Scotland; and by the other, the penalties and forfeitures incurred here are to be recovered in any court of record, or in any court of admiralty or vice admiralty, at the election of the informer or prosecutor.
The inhabitants of these colonies, confiding in the justice of Great Britain, were scarcely allowed sufficient time to receive and consider this act, before another, well known by the name of the stamp act, and passed in the fifth year of this reign, engrossed their whole attention. By this statute, the British parliament exercised, in the most explicit manner, a power of taxing us; and, extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice admiralty in the colonies to matters arising within the body of a county, directed the numerous penalties and forfeitures thereby inflicted to be recovered in the said courts.
In the same year, a tax was imposed upon us, by an act establishing several new fees in the customs. In the next year, the stamp act was repealed; not because it was founded in an erroneous principle, but, as the repealing act recites, because "the continuance thereof would be attended with many inconveniences, and might be productive of consequences greatly detrimental to the commercial interest of Great Britain."
In the same year, and by a subsequent act, it was declared, "that his majesty in parliament, of right, had power to bind the people of these colonies by statutes in all cases whatsoever."
In the same year, another act was passed for imposing rates and duties payable in these colonies. In this statute, the commons, avoiding the terms of giving and granting, "humbly besought his majesty that it might be enacted, &c." But, from a declaration in the preamble, that the rates and duties were "in lieu of" several others, granted by the statute first before mentioned for raising a revenue, and from some other expressions, it appears that these duties were intended for that purpose.
In the next year (1767) an act was made "to enable his majesty to put the customs, and other duties in America, under the management of commissioners, &c." and the king thereupon erected the present expensive board of commissioners, for the express purpose of carrying into execution the several acts relating to the revenue and trade in America.
After the repeal of the stamp act, having again resigned ourselves to our ancient unsuspicious affections for the parent state, and anxious to avoid any controversy with her, in hopes of a favourable alteration in sentiments and measures towards us, we did not press our objections against the above mentioned statutes made subsequent to that repeal.
Administration, attributing to trifling causes a conduct that really proceeded from generous motives, were encouraged, in the same year (1767) to make a bolder experiment on the patience of America.
By a statute, commonly called the glass, paper, and tea act, made fifteen months after the repeal of the stamp act, the commons of Great Britain resumed their former language, and again undertook to "give and grant rates and duties to be paid in these colonies," for the express purpose of "raising a revenue, to defray the charges of the administration of justice, the support of civil governments, and defending the king's dominions," on this continent. The penalties and forfeitures incurred under this statute are to be recovered in the same manner with those mentioned in the foregoing acts.
To this statute, so naturally tending to disturb the tranquillity then universal throughout the colonies, parliament, in the same session, added another, no less extraordinary.
Ever since the making the present peace, a standing army has been kept in these colonies. From respect for the mother country, the innovation was not only tolerated, but the provincial legislatures generally made provision for supplying the troops.
The assembly of the province of New York, having passed an act of this kind, but differing in some articles from the directions of the act of parliament made in the fifth year of this reign, the house of representatives in that colony was prohibited, by a statute made in the session last mentioned, from making any bill, order, resolution, or vote, except for adjourning or choosing a speaker, until provision should be made by the said assembly for furnishing the troops within that province, not only with all such necessaries as were required by the statute which they were charged with disobeying, but also with those required by two other subsequent statutes, which were declared to be in force until the twenty fourth day of March, 1769.
These statutes of the year 1767 revived the apprehensions, and discontent, that had entirely subsided on the repeal of the stamp act; and, amidst the just fears and jealousies thereby occasioned, a statute was made in the next year (1768) to establish courts of admiralty and vice admiralty on a new model, expressly for the end of more effectually recovering the penalties and forfeitures inflicted by acts of parliament, framed for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, &c.
The immediate tendency of these statutes is to subvert the right of having a share in legislation, by rendering assemblies useless; the right of property, by taking the money of the colonists without their consent;
the right of trial by jury, by substituting in their place trials in admiralty and vice admiralty courts, where single judges preside, holding their commissions during pleasure; and unduly to influence the courts of common law by rendering the judges thereof totally dependent on the crown for their salaries.
These statutes, not to mention many others exceedingly exceptionable, compared one with another, will be found, not only to form a regular system in which every part has great force, but also a pernicious adherence to that system for subjugating these colonies, that are not, and from local circumstances cannot, be represented in the house of commons, to the uncontrollable and unlimited power of parliament, in violation of their undoubted rights and liberties, in contempt of their humble and repeated supplications.
This conduct must appear equally astonishing and unjustifiable, when it is considered how unprovoked it has been by any behaviour of these colonies. From their first settlement, their bitterest enemies never fixed on any of them a charge of disloyalty to their sovereign, or disaffection to their mother country. In the wars she has carried on, they have exerted themselves, whenever required, in giving her assistance; and have rendered her services, which she has publicly acknowledged to be extremely important. Their fidelity, duty, and usefulness, during the last war, were frequently and affectionately confessed by his late majesty, and the present king.
The reproaches of those who are most unfriendly to the freedom of America are principally levelled against the province of Massachusetts Bay, but with what little reason will appear by the following declarations of a person, the truth of whose evidence, in their favour, will not be questioned. Governor Bernard thus addresses the two houses of assembly, in his speech on the 24th of April, 1762: "The unanimity and dispatch with which you have complied with the requisitions of his majesty require my particular acknowledgment, and it gives me additional pleasure to observe that you have therein acted under no other influence than a due sense of your duty, both as members of a general empire, and as the body of a particular province."
In a speech to the same houses, in the year, he says: "What a small satisfaction it is to me to be assured that the support of the crown has been so well complied with, and the execution of the powers committed to me for raising the provincial troops has been as full and complete as the grant of them. Never before were regiments so easily levied, so well composed, and so early in the field, as they have been this year; the common people seemed to be animated with the spirit of the general court, and to vie with them in their readiness to serve the king."
Such was the conduct of the people of the Massachusetts Bay during the last war. As to their behaviour before that period, it ought not to have been forgot in Great Britain, that not only on every occasion they had constantly and cheerfully complied with the frequent royal requisitions, but that chiefly by their vigorous efforts Nova Scotia was subdued in 1710, and Louisbourg in 1745.
Foreign quarrels being ended, and the domestic disturbances that quickly succeeded, on account of the stamp act, being quieted by its repeal, the assembly of Massachusetts Bay transmitted an humble address of thanks to the king and divers noblemen, and soon after passed a bill for granting compensation to the sufferers in the disorder occasioned by that act.
These circumstances, and the following extracts from governor Bernard's letters, in 1768, to the earl of Shelburne, secretary of state, clearly shew with what grateful tenderness they strove to bury in oblivion the unhappy occasion of the late disorders, and with what respectful reluctance they endeavoured to escape other subjects of future controversy. "The house (says the governor) from the time of opening the session to this day, has shown a disposition to avoid all dispute, with me; every thing having passed with as much good humour as I could desire, except only their continuing to act in addressing the king, remonstrating to the secretary of state, and employing a separate agent. It is the importance of this innovation, without any willfulness of my own, which induces me to make this remonstrance, at a time when I have a fair prospect of having, in all other business, nothing but good to say of the proceedings of the house."
"They have acted in all things, even in their remonstrance, with temper and moderation; they have avoided some subjects of dispute, and have laid a foundation for removing some causes of former altercation."
"I shall make such a prudent and proper use of this letter as, I hope, will perfectly restore the peace and tranquillity of this province; for which purpose considerable steps have been made by the house of representatives."
The vindication of the province of Massachusetts Bay, contained in these letters, will have greater force if it be considered that they were written several months after the fresh alarm given to the colonies by the statutes passed in the preceding year.
In this place it seems proper to take notice of the insinuation in one of these statutes, that the interference of parliament was necessary to provide for "defraying the charge of the administration of justice, the support of civil government, and defending the king's dominions in America."
As to the two first articles of expense, every colony had made such provision, as by their respective assemblies, the best judges in such occasions, was thought expedient, and suitable to their several circumstances. Respecting the last, it is well known, to all men the least acquainted with American affairs, that the colonies were established, and have generally defended themselves, without the least assistance from Great Britain; and that, at the same time of their taxing them by the statutes before mentioned, most of them were labouring under very heavy debts, contracted in the last war. So far were they from sparing their money, when their sovereign constitutionally asked their aid, that during the course of that war parliament repeatedly made them compensations for the expense of those strenuous efforts, which, consulting their zeal rather than their strength, they had cheerfully incurred.
Severe as the acts of parliament before mentioned are, yet the conduct of administration has been equally injurious and irritating to this devoted country. Under pretence of governing them, so many new institutions, uniformly rigid and dangerous, have been introduced, as could only be expected from incensed masters, for collecting the tribute, or rather the plunder, of conquered provinces.
By an order of the king, the authority of the commander in chief, and under him of the brigadiers general, in time of peace, is rendered supreme in all the civil governments in America; and thus an uncontrollable military power is vested in officers not known to the constitution of these colonies.
A large body of troops, and a considerable armament of ships of war, have been sent to assist in taking their money without their consent. Expensive and oppressive offices have been multiplied, and the acts of corruption industriously practised to divide and destroy. The judges of the admiralty and vice admiralty courts are empowered to receive their salaries and fees from the effects to be condemned by themselves; the commissioners of the customs are empowered to break open and enter houses without the authority of any civil magistrate, founded on legal information. Judges of courts of common law have been made entirely dependent on the crown for their commissions and salaries. A court has been established at Rhode Island for the purpose of taking colonists to England to be tried. Humble and reasonable petitions from the representatives of the people have been frequently treated with contempt, and assemblies have been repeatedly and arbitrarily dissolved. From some few instances it will sufficiently appear on what pretences of justice those dissolutions have been founded.
The tranquillity of the colonies having been again disturbed, as has been mentioned, by the statutes of the year 1767, the earl of Shelburne, secretary of state, in a letter to governor Bernard, dated April 22, 1768, censure the "presumption" of the house of representatives, for "resolving upon a measure of so inflammatory a nature as that of writing to the other colonies on the subject of their intended representations against some late acts of parliament;" then declares that "his majesty considers this step as evidently tending to create unwarrantable combinations, to excite an unjustifiable opposition to the constitutional authority of parliament;" and afterwards adds "it is the king's pleasure, that as soon as the general court is again assembled, at the time prescribed by the charter, you should require of the house of representatives, in his majesty's name, to reject the resolution which gave birth to the circular letter from the speaker, and to declare their disapprobation of, and dissent to, that rash and hasty proceeding."
"If the new assembly should refuse to comply with his majesty's reasonable expectation, it is the king's pleasure that you should immediately dissolve them."
This letter being laid before the house, and the resolution not being rescinded according to the order, the assembly was dissolved. A letter of a similar nature was sent to other governors, to procure resolutions approving the conduct of the representatives of Massachusetts Bay to be rescinded also; and the houses of representatives in other colonies refusing to comply, assemblies were dissolved.
These mandates spoke a language to which the ears of English subjects had, for several generations, been strangers. The nature of assemblies
* January 21, 1768.
† January 30, 1768.
‡ February 2, 1768.

implies a power and right of deliberation; but these commands, prohibiting the exercise of judgment on the propriety of the requisitions made, left to the assemblies only the election between dictated submission, and the threatened punishment; a punishment, too, founded on no other act than such as is deemed innocent even in slaves, of agreeing in petitions for relief of grievances, that equally affected all.
The hostile and unjustifiable invasion of the town of Boston, soon followed these events, in the same year; though that town, the province in which it is situated, and all the colonies, from abhorrence of a contest with their parent state, permitted the execution even of those statutes, against which they so unanimously were complaining, remonstrating, and supplicating.
Administration, determined to subdue a spirit of freedom, which English ministers should have rejoiced to cherish, entered into a monopolizing combination with the East India company, to send to this continent vast quantities of tea, an article on which a duty was laid by a statute that in a particular manner attacked the liberties of America, and which therefore the inhabitants of these colonies had resolved not to import. The cargo sent to South Carolina was stored, and not allowed to be sold. Those sent to Philadelphia, and New York were not permitted to be landed. That sent to Boston was destroyed, because governor Hutchinson would not suffer it to be returned.
On the intelligence of these transactions arriving in Great Britain, the public spirited town last mentioned was singled out for destruction, and it was determined the province it belongs to should partake of its fate. In the last session of parliament, therefore, were passed the acts for shutting up the port of Boston, indemnifying the murderers of the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, and changing their chartered constitution of government. To enforce these acts, that province is again invaded by a fleet and army.
To mention these outrageous proceedings is sufficient to explain them; for though it is pretended that the province of Massachusetts Bay has been particularly disrespectful to Great Britain, yet, in truth, the behaviour of the people in other colonies has been an equal "opposition to the power assumed by parliament." No step, however, has been taken against any of the rest. This artful conduct conceals several designs. It is expected that the province of Massachusetts Bay will be irritated into some violent action that may displease the rest of the continent, or that may induce the people of Great Britain to approve the meditated vengeance of an imprudent and exasperated ministry.
If the unexampled pacific temper of that province shall disappoint this part of the plan, it is hoped the other colonies will not be so far intimidated as to desert their brethren, suffering in a common cause; and that thus disunited all may be subdued.
To promote these designs, another measure has been pursued. In the session of parliament last mentioned, an act was passed for changing the government of Quebec; by which act, the Roman catholic religion, instead of being tolerated, as stipulated by the treaty of peace, is established, and the people there deprived of the right to an assembly, trials by jury, and the English laws in civil cases abolished, and instead thereof the French laws established, in direct violation of his majesty's promise by his royal proclamation, under the faith of which many English subjects settled in that province, and the limits of that province are extended so as to comprehend those vast regions that lie adjoining to the northerly and western boundaries of these colonies.
The authors of this arbitrary arrangement flatter themselves that the inhabitants, deprived of liberty, and artfully provoked against those of another religion, will be proper instruments for assisting in the oppression of such as differ from them in modes of government and faith.
From the detail of facts herein before recited, as well as from authentic intelligence received, it is clear, beyond a doubt, that a resolution is formed, and now is carrying into execution, to extinguish the freedom of these colonies, by subjecting them to a despotic government.
At this unhappy period, we have been authorised and directed to meet and consult together for the welfare of our common country. We accepted the important trust with diffidence, but have endeavoured to discharge it with integrity. Though the state of these colonies would certainly justify other measures than we have advised, yet weighty reasons determined us to prefer those which we have adopted. In the first place, it appeared to us a conduct becoming the character these colonies have ever sustained to perform, even in the midst of the unnatural distresses and imminent dangers that surround them, every act of loyalty; and therefore we were induced to offer, once more, to his majesty, the petitions of his faithful and oppressed subjects in America. Secondly, regarding with the tender affection which we knew to be so universal among our countrymen the people of the kingdom from which we derive our original, we could not forbear to regulate our steps by an expectation of receiving full conviction that the colonists are equally dear to them. Between these provinces and that body subsists the social band which we ardently wish may never be dissolved, and which cannot be dissolved until their minds shall become indisputably hostile, or their inattention shall permit those who are thus hostile to persist in prosecuting with the powers of the realm the destructive measures already operating against the colonists, and, in either case, shall reduce the latter to such a situation that they shall be compelled to renounce every regard but that of self-preservation. Notwithstanding the vehemence with which affairs have been impelled, they have not yet reached that fatal point. We do not incline to accelerate their motion, already alarmingly rapid; we have chosen a method of opposition that does not preclude a hearty reconciliation with our fellow citizens on the other side of the Atlantic. We deeply deplore the urgent necessity that presses us to an immediate interruption of commerce, that may prove injurious to them. We trust they will acquit us of any unkind intentions towards them, by reflecting that we subject ourselves to similar inconveniences; that we are driven, by the hands of violence, into unexperienced and unexpected public convulsions, and that we are contending for freedom, so often contended for by our ancestors.
The people of England will soon have an opportunity of declaring their sentiments concerning our cause. In their piety, generosity, and good sense, we repose high confidence; and cannot, upon a review of past events, be persuaded that they, the defenders of true religion, and the asserters of the rights of mankind, will take part against their affectionate protestant brethren in the colonies, in favour of our open and their own secret enemies, whose intrigues, for several years past, have been wholly exercised in sapping the foundations of civil and religious liberty.
Another reason that engaged us to prefer the commercial mode of opposition arose from an assurance that this mode will prove efficacious, if it be persisted in with fidelity and virtue; and that your conduct will be influenced by these laudable principles cannot be questioned. Your own salvation, and that of your posterity, now depends upon yourselves. You have already shown that you entertain a proper sense of the blessings you are striving to retain. Against the temporary inconveniences you may suffer from a stoppage of trade, you will weigh in the opposite balance the endless miseries you and your descendants must endure from an established arbitrary power. You will not forget the honour of your country, that must, from your behaviour, take its title, in the estimation of the world, to glory, or to shame; and you will, with the deepest attention, reflect, that if the peaceable mode of opposition recommended by us be broken, and rendered ineffectual, as your cruel and haughty ministerial enemies, from a contemptuous opinion of your firmness, insolently predict will be the case, you must inevitably be reduced to choose either a more dangerous contest, or a final, ruinous, and infamous submission.
Motives thus cogent, arising from the emergency of your unhappy condition, must excite your utmost diligence and zeal, to give all possible strength and energy to the pacific measures calculated for your relief; but we think ourselves bound, in duty, to observe to you, that the schemes agitated against these colonies have been so conducted as to render it prudent that you should extend your views to the most unhappy events, and be in all respects prepared for every contingency. Above all things, we earnestly entreat you, with devotion of spirit, penitence of heart, and amendment of life, to humble yourselves, and implore the favour of Almighty God, and we fervently beseech his divine goodness to take you into his gracious protection.
MR. PINKNEY,
YOU are desired by the corresponding committee of Caroline county to publish in your gazette the enclosed APOLOGY, made before them and a great concourse of people by Mr. ANDREW LECKIE, merchant in Portroyal. SAMUEL HAWES, junior, clerk of the committee.
To the corresponding COMMITTEE of CAROLINE county.
GENTLEMEN,
THE association is designed to assert and maintain the just and equitable rights and privileges of his majesty's subjects in America, which the British parliament, by several late acts, aim to infringe; it is therefore highly indecent and criminal, in any individual, of whatever station, to cast any reflections on the measure, as it is thought necessary, and is the general sense of the gentlemen and good people in Virginia.
Notwithstanding these are my sentiments, it appears by the testimony of men of character, on their oaths, that immediately after colonel EDMUND PENDLETON's address to the people of Caroline, and the resolutions of the association, were read to a company of people convened for the purpose of deciding to the association, and of raising contributions for the town of Boston,
I was so unguarded and imprudent as to address myself to a negro boy who was present in this indecent manner: "Pis, Jack, turn about, my boy, and figo. I confess the charge, and have no better excuse to offer for an expression that appears to be so very contemptuous of measures which are generally approved than a natural and unhappy peevishness of temper, disgusted on that occasion at the impropriety with which those papers were delivered."
There is another heavy charge I must answer to, the truth of which I cannot pretend to dispute, as it is supported by the same kind of proof as the first, namely, on oath of Mr. Samuel Hawes, junior; it is this: "When he (Mr. Hawes) applied to Mr. John Gray, merchant in Portroyal, who was then in captain Edward Dixon's store, for what money he would contribute towards defraying the expenses of the delegates, I was still more imprudent, and said "damn them all!" How such words should escape from a person of my sentiments, who have on many occasions, both before and after the signing of the association, became general, expressed myself as highly pleased with the choice that was made of the gentlemen sent from this colony, I am even at this moment at a loss to conceive, and as there was nothing to inflame the constitutional and unguarded warmth of my temper, I must suppose, and hope the public will allow it probable, that I was either thinking of something else (as Mr. Hawes says I was reading a newspaper) or that the words were spoken without thought or meaning."
It is now my duty to atone, if possible, for a demeanour which has too much the appearance of contempt of a measure concerted by a people contending for what is dear to mankind, their rights and liberties: The least I can do is to humbly ask pardon, of the association in particular, and the friends of American freedom in general, which I voluntarily and sincerely do, in presence of this assembly.
I am now to do justice to an individual, a gentleman of unblemished character, and a worthy member of society, whom I have offended by propagating a report of his having purchased, during the last association, some cloth, of a price much higher than that to which he was restricted, under some collusion with his merchant agreeing to make an equivalent in some other way, above the limited price. The person accused of this low evasion is Mr. Walker Taliaferro. I was not safe enough to invent the story myself, but had it from another person, and, on enquiry, being satisfied it is groundless, am extremely sorry for being instrumental in spreading it, and hope for his forgiveness.
Having made this open and candid confession of my folly, I hope to regain the favour and good opinion of the public; an assurance of which would be the greatest consolation I could have under the insupportable weight of public censure and public hatred.-----Caroline court day, October 13, 1774.
ANDREW LECKIE.
WILLIAMSBURG.
On Sunday morning last arrived here, from the general congress, the honourable PEYTON RANDOLPH, esquire, chairman thereof, colonel RICHARD BLAND, and colonel BENJAMIN HARRISON, two of the delegates from Virginia.
On Monday the 26th of September the grammar school at Nassau Hall, in Princeton, New Jersey, was opened in presence of the president and officers of the college; and Tuesday the 27th of that instant was spent in voluntary competitions on many subjects. The first prize was given to Mr. Charles Lee, of Virginia, for reading English with propriety and grace, and answering questions on the construction, orthography, and punctuation of the English language; also another prize for reading Latin and Greek with particular attention to true quantity; likewise two more prizes, one of which was for pronouncing English orations with great beauty and precision. This youth, it seems, is but 17 years of age; and it is thought, by men of abilities, that he will shortly be one of the greatest ornaments to this country.
The following is a copy of a letter addressed to James Montague, esquire, of Urbanna, dated October 24, 1774:
SIR, "YOUR information from the committee of correspondence in Norfolk is very true. There is a chest of tea consigned to me on board the Bland, captain Danby; but as it is far from my intention to do any thing that may prejudice or be disagreeable to the country, I pledge you my honour that the said tea shall not be landed with my consent, and that I will give orders to have the same returned to Britain by the ship it was imported in. This, I hope, will be satisfactory. I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant, SIMON FRASER."
The Virginia, Howard Essex, is arrived in James river. On FRIDAY, the 11th instant, will be published the VIRGINIA ALMANACK for the year of our Lord 1775.
By his excellency the right honourable JOHN earl of DUNMORE, his majesty's lieutenant and governor general of Virginia, and vice admiral of the same.
A PROCLAMATION. VIRGINIA, to wit. WHEREAS the general assembly stands prorogued to this day, but it is necessary that they should be further prorogued; I have therefore thought fit, by and with the consent and advice of the council, by this proclamation, in his majesty's name, to prorogue the said assembly to MONDAY, the 7th of this month; at which time their attendance is required at the capitol in the city of Williamsburg, for the dispatch of public business.
Given under my hand, and the seal of the colony, at Williamsburg aforesaid, this 3d day of November, in the 15th year of his majesty's reign. God save the king. DUNMORE.
Just imported, in the last ships from London, and to be sold by the subscriber in Williamsburg, on reasonable terms, A GENTLE assortment of MILLINERY, LACES, Dresden SUITS, SILKS, JEWELLERY, and sundry other articles, all in the newest fashion. As I find it necessary to go for England in the spring, it is hoped those ladies and gentlemen who have favoured me with their orders, and have not discharged them, will be kind enough to make payment as early as possible, that I may be enabled to put my designs in execution; which will greatly add to the many obligations already conferred on their humble servant, JANE CHARLTON.
THE subscriber intending for England, would be glad to dispose of the house he now lives in, with the lot and other improvements thereon; the situation is in the most public part of the city, and the house well calculated for any business. To any person inclined to become a purchaser the payments will be made easy, on giving bond, and good security; or it will be sold on an annuity, as may best suit the parties. 3 EDWARD CHARLTON.
THE subscribers being engaged in the erection of a WOOLLEN and WORSTED MANUFACTORY, have met with great encouragement, by our worthy representatives, in their late convention, which we esteem as the most certain prelude of success; and being encouraged by many of the most patriotic gentlemen of the country, have presumed to ask the assistance of such persons as may incline to promote so beneficial an undertaking. We have given security to repay in work all the money any gentleman may advance for our encouragement, in the following manner, viz. Half the price of our work to be received in cash, the other half, from time to time, is to be placed to the credit of our generous benefactors, till the whole is repaid; which will enable the subscribers to carry on their business with life and spirit; who have, at a great expense, sent to Great Britain for a number of the best workmen, among whom there is to be a flocking weaver, which branch of business will, if we meet with proper encouragement, be carefully attended to. As our works will be very convenient to the counties of King William, New Kent, and Henrico (being placed in the lower end of Hanover) we hope their inhabitants in particular will favour us with their custom. To the gentlemen who have subscribed we gratefully return our sincere and warmest thanks, and entreat them, and others, who may incline to promote American manufactures, to favour us with their subscriptions as soon as possible, as we are under the necessity to advance considerable sums to complete the works, and procure the necessary utensils. SUBSCRIPTIONS are taken, and the monies received, by Mr. Bartholomew Dandridge of New Kent, Major John Hickman of King William, Mr. William Duval, attorney, of Henrico, and in Hanover by the public's obliged, and very humble servants, ELISHA & ROBERT WHITE.
WE the subscribers will be responsible to the gentlemen who have or may subscribe for the encouragement of Elisha and Robert White's WOOLLEN MANUFACTORY, and do oblige ourselves that they shall comply with their engagements to the subscribers, or that they shall return the subscribers their money. Witness our hands this 15th day of August, 1774.
SAMUEL MEREDITH, BARRETT WHITE, JOHN STARK, RICHARD CHAPMAN.
To be SOLD to the highest bidder, on Wednesday the 16th instant (November) at the plantation formerly in the 1st division of captain Thomas Holt, deceased, in the county of Dinwiddie, ALL the said Holt's ESTATE, on the said plantation, consisting of three NEGROES, stock of CATTLE, HORSES, SHEEP, and HOGS, plantation UTENSILS, the crop of CORN, FODDER, &c. Also to be sold, on Wednesday the 23d of the same month, at the late dwellinghouse of the said captain Thomas Holt, in Surry, near Culin Point, all his estate in the said county, consisting of seven or eight NEGROES, among whom are a young fellow that is a good carter and waterman, and a cooper, HOUSEHOLD and KITCHEN FURNITURE, stock of CATTLE, HORSES, SHEEP, and HOGS, the plantation UTENSILS, the crop of CORN and FODDER, a small BOAT, a SEINE, &c. Those who purchase to the amount of 20s. is to have credit till the 20th day of November, 1775, on giving bond and good security; and if their bonds are not discharged by the 1st of December following, they are to bear interest from their date. HENRY COOKE, Administrator.
Whoever has any demands against captain Thomas Holt, deceased, are desired to make known the nature and sum thereof, before or at the days of sale; and those who are indebted are desired to make payment as soon as possible. (5) H. C.
AUGUST 4, 1774.
PURSUANT to a decree of the high court of chancery of Great Britain, the children of James Henry, who was the nephew of Hugh Henry, late of the jewel office, in the tower of London, gentlemen, who died on the 10th of September, 1768, and the children of Eleanor and Jane, sisters of the said Hugh Henry, deceased, are peremptorily come in and claim their shares of the clear residue of the personal estate of the said Hugh Henry, deceased, before Thomas Harris, esquire, one of the masters of the said court, at his chambers in Lincoln's Inn, London, before the 25th day of March next; or, in default thereof, they will be excluded the benefit of the said decree. [Three weeks]
For the information of all whom it may concern, I give this public notice, that JAMES McDONALD (or M'DANIEL) labourer, EDWARD SWENEY, butcher, EDWARD LUFTON, shoemaker, and PATRICK RYAN, were, on the 17th of this present month, brought to the bar of the general court, then sitting, to take their trials for a supposed murder, by them committed in Pittsylvania county, where they were apprehended. Ryan was sworn as a witness, and the other three being convicted of manslaughter, were burnt in the hand.
It appearing to the court that they were accused of a certain felony in the province of North Carolina, they were remanded to gaol. They were Mr. John Hook, merchant in Bedford, who sold or consigned them to Messieurs Chambers and Montgomery, merchants in Salisbury, North Carolina, whence they fled from justice.
McDonald, or M'Daniel, is 20 years old, has short, brown, curled hair, a thin visage, blue eyes, is of a slender make, and about 5 feet 4 inches high.
Sweney is of McDonald's height, 32 years old, has short dark hair, blue eyes, a down-cast look, and is well made.
Lufton is 25 years old, has dark short hair, blue eyes, is thin visaged, of a slender make, 5 feet 10 inches high, and is a very saucy, impertinent fellow.
Ryan is 25 years old, has dark short hair, hazel eyes, is long visaged, has a full beard, and is 5 feet 4 inches high. They are all Irishmen.
I shall be ready to deliver them to any person or persons who may make a proper application to PETER PELHAM, Williamsburg, Oct. 27, 1774. Keeper of the public gaol.
To be SOLD, at the Rocky Ridge, to the highest bidder, for ready money, on the 10th day of November, TWENTY FIVE VIRGINIA BORN SLAVES.
To be SOLD, to the highest bidder, for ready money, or security, on Monday the 14th of November, at Louisa courthouse, being court day, A TRACT OF LAND, lying on Cuffy's Creek, containing by estimation 590 acres. This land was purchased by William Temple of the executors of John Ragland, deceased, and by him sold to Benjamin Pynes, and is now offered for sale by virtue of a deed of trust from said Pynes to OVERTON COSBY and company.
To be SOLD, pursuant to an act of assembly, on Monday the 5th of December next, being Prince William court day, at the courthouse, in the town of Dumfries,
THE GLEBE LANDS of Dettlingen parish, in the said county, adjoining Westwood, the seat of the reverend Mr. James Scott, the present incumbent, situate on Quantico Run, about 9 miles from Dumfries and Aquia. The soil is good for wheat or tobacco; and there may be got some meadow on the same. Six months credit will be given by THE CHURCHWARDENS.
For L O N D O N,
THE ship Bland, Michael Danby, master, now lying at Norfolk, has two thirds of her cargo engaged, will take in tobacco, on liberty of consignment, at 8l. sterling per ton, has good accommodations for passengers, and will sail by the 15th of November. Notes, or orders, left with Mr. Thomas Gordon, merchant in Petersburg, Mr. George Lorimer, merchant in Urbanna, Mr. Gavin Hamilton, merchant in Norfolk, or the master on board, will be particularly attended to. October 23, 1774.
RUN away from on board a small tchooner, called the Kingfisher, just below Four Mile Creek, a tall, slim, thin viraged man, who goes by the name of William Griffin; had on a black yarn waistcoat, and a wilton one under it, a check shirt, and oznabrig trousers. He has very fore legs. Took out of my chest a pocket book, containing eight or ten pounds in cash, a silver flock buckle, a brooch, and a note of hand from Godfrey Walker, at Richmond, for 2l. 9s. 6d. Whoever will take up the said fellow, and bring him to me, in Warwick county, near the courthouse, or commit him to the great gaol, shall receive FIVE POUNDS. (5) PETER RIDLEY.
TAKEN up, in Louisa, a chestnut sorrel mare, about 4 feet, 6 inches and an half high, has a switch tail, and hanging mane, some saddle spots, branded on the near buttock 1 G, and is about 5 or 6 years old. Potted, and appraised to 12l. THOMAS JOHNSON, Minor.
TAKEN up, in Spotsylvania, a young bay horse, about 4 feet 4 inches high, about three years old, and branded on the near buttock T T. Potted, and appraised to 7l. JOSEPH ALLEN.
Just IMPORTED, and to be sold by the subscriber, in Williamsburg, THE FOLLOWING ARTICLES, viz.
IRISH linens, dark grounded fine Lish callicoes, white fatten, minonnet, blond, and black lace, silk petticoats, fatten, stuff, and Didbury leather shoes, gauze, catgut, and ribbands, silk, cotton, and thread stockings, shenell of all colours, net hoods, patent net ditto, and aprons, tambour sword knots, gilt and other writing paper, under, worsted, and thread stockings, a large assortment of ladies elegant caps, fine Lish garters, and waifers, black silk patterns, violet hair powder, powder puffs, and hair pins, fine lawn and silk pocket handkerchiefs, wash balls, white and coloured trimmings for ladies sacks, treaclean faishes and brooches, fatten cloaks, hats, and bonnets, Dresden worked ruffles, childrens stockings, fanning powder, fans, French beads, silk gloves and mits, childrens shoes and stays, flannel waistcoats, new rosebags, paste necklaces and earrings, ditto springs and pins, pearl, garnet, paste, and plain gold lockets, sets of paste buttons for ladies stomachers and sleeve knots, foilstone, paste, silver, pinchbeck, and mourning buckles, paste and silver stock and knee buckles, gold and pebble sleeve buttons, coral and bells, silver teapoons, salt shovels, punch lades, tea tongs, and thimbles, ladies riding hats and whips, toothpick cases, infule and outside tooth brushes, pruning, office, pen, and travelling knives, printing types, with double sets of letters and figures, seals and trinkets, watch chains, strings, and keys, diamond pencils, ivory canes and rattans, violins, ailes skin memorandum books, with instruments, silk purses, cotton night caps and hair nets, with laces, dolls, and toys, and many other things too numerous to insert. The above GOODS to be sold on reasonable terms for ready money. C. R A T H E L L.
NORFOLK, April 21, 1774.
NOTICE is hereby given, that a number of vessels will be wanted this summer to bring about 6000 tons of stone from Mr. Brooke's quarry, on Rappahannock, and land the same on Cape Henry, for the lighthouse. Any person inclined to engage in such work are desired to treat with Matthew Phripp, Paul Loyall, and Thomas Newton, junior, esquires. The directors of the lighthouse will also be glad to purchase one or two flat bottomed vessels from 80 to 120 tons burthen. tf BASSETT MOSELEY.

DOCTOR JOSEPH DE SABBE, LATELY ARRIVED IN WILLIAMSBURG,
OFFERS his best services to all persons who may be afflicted with any disorders incident to the human frame. Without pleading intallibility, or a superior degree of knowledge to many others of his profession, he thinks it necessary to acquaint the public, as being almost a stranger here, that after many years practice in the principal parts of France, and several years experience in America, he can venture to boast his skill in the following disorders, to wit:—The JAUNDICE of any kind, AGUE and FEVER, BLOODY FLUX, violent LAX, ULCE- CESS of the most malignant nature, SCURVY, GRAVEL, WEAK- NESS of the EYES, the cure of the FILM, CONSUMPTION, &c. &c. &c. Those who please to favour him with their commands may rely on the strictest attendance being given, and the utmost care taken of them.
P E T E R H A R D Y, In BOTETOURT TOWN, G L O U C E S T E R C O U N T Y, CARRIES on the COACH and CHAIR MAKING BUSINESS, in all its various branches, and upon the most rea- sonable terms. PAINTING, JAPANNING, and GILDING, are done in the neatest and most elegant manner. The most grateful ac- knowledgments will be made to all those who may please to entrust him with their commands. A WHEELWRIGHT, and two CHAIR- MAKERS, are immediately wanting; to whom he will give good en- couragement, if they be discreet, and diligent in their business.
To be SOLD, to the highest bidder, at Belvoir, on Potomack river, the late seat of the honourable George William Fairfax, esquire, on Monday the 5th day of December next,
ALL the genteel FURNITURE of two rooms, and KITCHEN FURNITURE, eight or ten HORSES, all his stock of HOGS, and part of his CATTLE and SHEEP, together with the PLANTA- TION UTENSILS, three WAGGONS, and fifty BARRELS of FISH. Purchasers of more than five pounds will have credit till the 15th day of August next, on giving bond, with approved security, paying interest from the date, if the principal should not be discharged within forty days after it becomes due. At the same time and place will be rented, to the highest bidder, a small PLANTATION, for one year, and two very fine FISHERIES, for a term of years; the MANSION HOUSE, OUT HOUSES, GARDEN, ORCHARDS, and PLAN- TATION, with a sufficient quantity of LAND to suit the tenant, will also be let for a term of years. Any person inclinable may rent the dwellinghouse before the day of sale, and know the terms by applying to FRANCIS WILLIS, junior.
To be SOLD, for ready money, by the executors of Newton Keene, deceased, pursuant to his last will, by public auction, to the highest bidder, on Monday the 19th of November next, if fair, otherwise the next fair day, at the place called Newgate, in the county of Loudoun,
A TRACT of valuable LAND, lying in the said county, adjoining to the said place called Newgate, and partly bounded by the Moun- tain road, containing about 1400 acres; about 100 acres whereof are under a lease for one or two lives, at a small yearly rent. There is only one small plantation, and but very little ground cleared thereon. It has a considerable quantity of ground upon it, fit for improving into meadow, and is extremely well watered and timbered. This land is very conveniently situated, being only 25 miles from Alexandria, 23 from Dumfries, and 18 from Colchester, and has a merchant mill within less than a mile of it. Newgate is a very public place, and well situated for trade and public house keeping. Deeds will be executed on the day of sale. There will also be sold, by the said executors, for ready money, at public sale, on Monday the 6th of January next, if fair, otherwise the next fair day, at the late dwelling plantation of the said Newton Keene, in Northumberland county, TWENTY very likely VIRGINIA born
N E G R O E S, BELONGING TO HIS ESTATE. RICHARD LEE, } Executors. DAVID BOYD, }
STRAYED, or stolen, from the subscriber, in Williamsburg, a small, unbroke, sorrel mare, 3 years old next spring, neither docked or branded; I believe she has a small star in her forehead. Whoever de- livers her to me shall have TEN SHILLINGS reward; if stolen, upon conviction of the thief, FORTY SHILLINGS will be given.
WILLIAM BLAND. THE death of Mr. Hugh McMeikin, late of Norfolk, renders it ab- solutely necessary that the business carried on by him there, by Mr. Matthew Anderson in King & Queen, and by Mr. Christopher Pryor at Gloucester courthouse, be discontinued. All persons, therefore, who are indebted for dealings with either of these gentlemen, on account of Messieurs John McDowell and company, of Glasgow, are earnestly re- quested to discharge their respective balances immediately. Those who have it not in their power to make payment will, it is expected, grant bond. Messieurs Anderson and Pryor will give constant attendance for that purpose, who are authorized to receive and grant discharges. The goods on hand at King & Queen and Gloucester courthouse, amounting to about 1500 sterling, will be sold, and the time of payment made as easy to the purchaser as the hardness of the times will admit of. As most of these goods were imported last spring, they are fresh, look well, and are tolerably well assorted. There are likewise on hand a cargo of goods, adapted for the present season, just imported in the Bland, captain Dan- by, from London, and Juno, captain McCann, from Glasgow, amounting to between 1000. and 1200. sterling. For terms apply to Messieurs John Johnson and Archibald Govan at Page's, or Simon Fraser at Ur- banna, Mr. Matthew Anderson in King & Queen, or to BENNETT BROWNE, Attorney in fact For Messieurs John McDowell and company.
JAMES GEDDY, G O L D S M I T H, NEAR THE CHURCH, WILLIAMSBURG, HAS just imported from London a genteel assortment of PLATE and JEWELLERY; he has likewise on hand all sorts of country made GOLD and SILVER WORK, which he will sell at lower rates than usual.—Old SILVER taken in exchange for new work, at 7s. per ounce, and GOLD at 5l. 5s.—He repairs his own work, that fails in a reasonable time, without any expence to the pur- chaser.
WILLIAMSBURG, September 6, 1774. I BEG leave to inform the public, and particularly those gentlemen who were pleased to take my subscription papers to their respective coun- ties, to raise a small sum of money for the encouragement of making salt, that after viewing many places on this and the other side of the bay, and on the sea coast of the Eastern Shore, I have now fixed on a convenient spot, on the coast, for erecting proper works; and as nothing more can be done on my part, without money, I must beg the favour of them to forward such sums, as they may be able to collect, to Rev. C. Nicholas, esquire, who is so kind as to take the trouble of receiving and paying the money out to me. Proper security shall be lodged in his hands for any sum that I may draw. The certainty of my being able to make salt as good as any whatever is hardly to be doubted, from the several experiments which I have made, and which are pretty fully certified by gentlemen of veracity, whose certificates will be lodged in the hands of Mr. Nicholas. The gentlemen will readily see the necessity I am under of requesting speedy assistance, when I inform them that I have for some time past de- voted my whole attention to this business, and given over every pursuit from whence my family might have derived any advantage, and that, in order to put the works in as great forwardness as it was in my power, I have incurred a considerable expence, and been obliged to contract for some of the necessary materials.
JAMES TAIT. WILLIAMSBURG, October 13, 1774. AT the request of Mr. JAMES TAIT, I do hereby certify, that he has lodged in my hands his bond, with such securities as, I am per- suaded, will be approved, for his diligent and expeditious prosecution of his scheme of making SALT, and a faithful application and expenditure of all such sums of money as may be contributed for so desirable a purpose. He is extremely anxious to enter upon the work, and flatters himself that he will be enabled to do it very speedily from the assurances he received of being supported by a generous assistance from different counties.
RO. C. NICHOLAS.
VIRGINIA, sc. At a GENERAL COURT, held at the CAPITOL the 19th day of October, 1774. THIS court being unable to proceed further upon business, by reason of the non-attendance of the lawyers, suitors, and witnesses, it is ordered, that the court be adjourned till the 10th day of April next. BEN: WALLER.
To be SOLD, and entered upon at Christmas next, THE HOUSES and LOTS in Hanover town, at present in the possession of Mr. John Meriwether, who keeps tavern in them. They are well situated for that purpose, having every convenient house, together with a good stable, and large garden, and lie in the most public part of the town, being on the main street that leads to Page's warehouse and the bridge. There have generally been six or eight boarders at the house. Its situation is equally good for a store. A convenient time of payment will be allowed. For terms apply to JOHN JOHNSON, ARCHIBALD GOVAN.
THE building of an elegant WOODEN COURTHOUSE for Halifax county will be let, to the lowest bidder, at the place where the courthouse now stands, on the 1st day of November next. The terms of building, and plan, will be shewn that day by ROBERT WOODING, WALTER COLES, GEORGE BOYD, JOHN COLEMAN.
At the same time and place the building a genteel DWELLING- HOUSE, to stand near the said courthouse, will also be let, to the lowest bidder, by ROBERT WOODING.
RUN away from the subscriber, in Frederickburg, a servant man named THOMAS OGLE, by trade a shoemaker, about 5 feet 6 inches high, of a pale complexion, speaks soft and low, says he is an Englishman, but by his make he appears to be an Irishman, his hair (if any on) is short, and of a brownish colour, has a scar in his face, or forehead, not larger than a straw, and, as well as I remember, about an inch long, he is very artful, and capable of imposing on most people; took with him a Virginia cloth coat of cotton, filled with red, a red jacket, leather breeches, and several other cloaths. He has a burn on his right leg, near his knee. The said fellow was formerly the property of Mr. Hugh Houston, of Frederickburg. Whoever takes him up, if out of Spotsylvania county, shall receive a HALF JOE reward, on delivering him at my house; or if at a distance too far to convey him for that mo- ney, reasonable charges will be allowed. BENJAMIN JOHNSTON.
RUN away, about the middle of September, a negro fellow named JACK, about 35 years old, and about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, blind of one eye, and is clothed as negroes generally are. TEN SHIL- LINGS will be given to any person that will bring him to me, near Williamsburg. ANDREW ESTAVE.
To be SOLD, by public vendue, at Camden, the sale to begin on Monday the 7th of November next, being the time of the court there, to continue from day to day until the whole are sold.
ALL the valuable lands, stores, houses, mills, boats, waggoners, horses, and stock of store goods, with about 100 as valuable negroes as any in this province, being chiefly coopers, millers, bakers, waggoners, jobbing carpenters, boatmen, and field slaves, belonging to the late part- nership of Kershaw, Chesnut, and company, of Camden, which expired with the month of April last.
The town of Camden being regularly laid out into large and commodious lots for building upon, will be sold in separate lots to the highest bidder; every purchaser to make choice of a lot as it is knocked off, excepting such lots as are already improved. The healthy and advantageous situa- tion of Camden for trade, with the promising prospect of its soon becoming the most considerable inland town in this part of America, are well known, and need not be enlarged upon.
Their lands, consisting of many thousand acres, lying chiefly upon the Wateree river and its branches, among which are many settled and well improved plantations, a great part whereof is rich river low ground as any in America, will be set up, in convenient tracts, from one hundred to one or two thousand acres, so as to accommodate purchasers of all ranks. Their saw and grist mills, which no cost has been spared to make as compleat as any on the continent, will be set up with the necessary lands adjoining.
At the same time and place will be sold, their commodious and well situated stores at Granby, on the Congaree river, where their business is carried on under the firm of John Chesnut and company.
On Wednesday the 16th day of November next, and the following days, at the courthouse at Long Bluff, will be sold, that valuable plantation called Liberty Hill, and all their other lands at and near Cheraw Hill, on Pee Dee river, together with their stores, houses, mills, remaining stock of store goods, and about 50 valuable negroes, employed in carrying on their business at Chatham, under the firm of Ely Kershaw and company.
The whole being to be sold in order to make a final settlement of the copartnership which lately subsisted between the subscribers. Twelve months credit will be given, if required, upon all sums above 100l. on paying interest from the day of sale, giving such security as shall be ap- proved of by JOSEPH KERSHAW, JOHN CHESNUT, ELY KERSHAW, WILLIAM ANCRUM, AARON LOOCOCK.
Any person inclinable to purchase any of their lands or lots at Camden, already built upon, may have them at private sale. A list of their lands, with plans annexed, as also a plan of the town of Camden, may be seen in the hands of any of the said late copartners.
All persons indebted to them at any of their stores above mentioned, or in Charles town, are desired to take notice that their accounts, bonds, or notes, must be discharged in the course of the ensuing fall, as no longer indulgence can be given.
NORFOLK, October 4, 1774. THE directors of the LIGHTHOUSE are desirous to engage imme- diately with some person to carry a quantity of stone from Cape Henry to the place whereon the lighthouse is to be fixed, about one mile and a half distance. BASSETT MOSELEY.
THERE is remaining in Byrd's warehouse, Henrico county, a hoghead of TOBACCO, marked M W G, No. 1, weighing 912 gross, 107 tare, 805 neat. The owner's name is not known. It was inspected July 1, in the year 1771, and will be sold according to law, if no owner claims it within the limited time. SAMUEL and ROBERT PRICE.
RUN away from the subscriber, lying on Byrd Creek, in Goochland county, on Saturday the 9th of July, SAMUEL GREGORY, alias NAILING, an apprentice, about 18 years of age, swarthy com- plexion, thin visage, grey eyes, a down, inoffensive look, shews his teeth much when he laughs, has short fancy coloured hair, round-shouldered, and stoops in his walk; had on an oznabrig shirt and trowsers. I have been credibly informed he went to Loudoun county, or some of the coun- ties adjacent. I expect he will employ himself in the carpenter's busi- ness, as he has been in that branch for 3 years past. Whoever brings him to me shall have FIVE POUNDS. TURNER ANDERSON.
RUN away from the subscriber, living in Nansemond county, near Suffolk town, a negro woman named MILLA, who has been absent ever since the year 1768; she has a scar upon the back part of each of her hands, near her little fingers, and another on the top of one of her feet, is about 4 feet 6 inches high, and about 20 years old. I am told she has been in Norfolk; and I am also informed that at the house of Mr. Thomas Husk, between Rappahannock and Potomack rivers, there is a wench that calls herself free Millia, who may probably be the same. TEN POUNDS will be given to the person who will bring her to JOHN HARRISON, junior.
RUN away from the subscriber, about the 20th of April last, a mu- latto fellow named PETER BROWN, a painter by trade, but can do carpenter's work; he is 35 or 40 years of age, of a dark complexion, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, slim made, has a thin visage, several of his upper foreteeth are out, is fond of singing, which he can do very well, and is a remarkable fine whistler. The said fellow has several suits of cloaths, therefore I cannot describe his dress. He was some years past tried for a robbery, but obtained the governor's pardon, on suffering one year's imprisonment; after that he was sold to Mr. John Fox, of Glou- cester, with whom he lived one or two years; he then run away, and passed for a free man in the counties of King William, Caroline, and Ha- nover, where he was taken up and brought home. As he has a wife at Mr. Benjamin Hubbard's, it is likely he may be lurking in that neigh- bourhood; and as he was raised in Petersburg, it is probable he may be about there. Whoever will take up the said runaway, and deliver him to me, at Osborne's, shall receive FORTY SHILLINGS reward. All persons are forbid harbouring or carrying him out of the colony. PETERFIELD TRENT.
TAKEN up, in Northumberland, a dark, iron grey mare, about 7 years old, 4 feet 2 inches high, not branded, has 3 saddle spots, one of them very large. Potted, and appraised to 5l. 10s. GEORGE OLDHAM.
TAKEN up, in the Second Forks of Hanover, a bay horse, 4 feet 1 inch high, has a star in his forehead, some white spots on his fore legs and breast, and some saddle spots, branded on the near buttock W, and on the near shoulder 8, has a roach mane and twitch tail, and is about 9 years old. Potted, and appraised to 4l. PETER GOODWIN.
THERE have been three HOGSHEADS of TOBACCO lying in Hun- ger's warehouse upwards of three years. One of them was brought to inspection by Mr. Devareux Godwin, marked D G, another by Mr. Thomas Petit, marked T P, and the other by Mr. Thomas Bill, marked T B. WILLIAM NOTTINGHAM.
FALMOUTH, October 11, 1774. I INTEND to leave the colony immediately. ROBERT LAWSON.
THURSDAY, December 4, 1766. ORDERED, that the clerks of the several county courts in colony do transmit to the clerk of this house, in the first pa- very meeting of the GENERAL ASSEMBLY, a list of the tithal in their counties, containing the names of such tithables; and that they transmit also, at the same time, a list of the public charges of their respective counties;
Ordered, that the clerk of this house do cause the same to be published in the Virginia gazette, BY THE HOUSE OF BURGESSES. G. WYTHE, C. H. B.
PORT ROYAL, September 22, 1774. WHEREAS by a decree of the honourable the general court, April the 13th, 1774, a suit in chancery, Edward Dixon and others, complainants, against, Thomas Turner, his executors, administrators, and the order of his majesty and his privy council, in the said cause, was decreed and ordered, that the said Thomas Turner, his executors, administrators, and the order of his majesty pay the balance of certain debts and costs, in the said decree men- tioned and referred to, in proportion to the value of the estates which they took under the will and codicil of Thomas Turner, the testator, in the said decree likewise mentioned, and that the said Edward Dixon, and Thomas Turner, if they shall think fit, sell so many of the slaves devised to them respectively, and the children of the said Edward, by the will of the said testator, as will raise money sufficient to pay and discharge their proportions of the said debts and costs, as by the said decree may particularly appear. And whereas the proportion of the said debts and costs, for which the said Edward and his children were made responsible by the said decree, amount to about 3000l. current money, the said Edward Dixon proposes to offer for sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money only, about 100 entailed SLAVES, devised to him and his chil- dren as aforesaid; the sale to begin at his plantation, near Burk's Bridge, in Caroline county, on the 4th day of November next ensuing, and at his plantation, near the Mount church, in the said county; also at Port Royal on the 8th of the same month, and at his plantation at the Cehier Mountains, in Fauquier county, on the 18th day of the same month. The said sale is to be continued till as much money can be raised as will amount to the proportion aforesaid. If either of the days aforesaid should prove bad, the sales to be on the next succeeding fair days. A good title will be made to the purchasers, agreeable to the said decree, by EDWARD DIXON.
N. B. As I am giving up trade, I request of all those, whose ac- counts are unsettled on my books, to come and settle them immediately, and pay the balances that are due, as no longer indulgence can be given.
PURSUANT to a decree of the honourable the general court, and by letter of attorney from colonel George Mercer, of Virginia, now in London, will be sold, at public auction, about 3500 acres of L A N D, in the county of Loudoun, near Wolf's ordinary, about 12 miles from Leesburg, 40 from Alexandria, and 35 from Dumfries, on Potomack. This land is well known by the description of the Bull Run Mountains, and is very fertile. Also 6500 acres on Shenandoah river, in the county of Frederick, opposite to Snicker's ordinary, and binding on the river about 7 miles. As this tract is part of a survey, one of the first in that part of the colony, its quality cannot be questioned; it is well watered, will admit of 2 mills on land streams, and others on the river. There are now in it 6 plantations, well improved for cropping, 110 slaves, and very large and choice flocks of horses (some of the dry breed) black cat- tle, hogs, and sheep, which, together with the crops of corn and wheat now growing (expected to be upwards of 2000 barrels, and 5000 bushels) will be sold, on the premises, on the 24th of November next, or next fair day. The Loudoun lands will be sold at Wolf's ordinary on the 21st day of the same month, and both tracts laid off in lots to suit every pur- chaser, who may see them by applying to Mr. Francis Peyton, living near the Loudoun lands, and Mr. William Dawson, who resides on the Shenan- doah tract. Among the slaves are 2 good blacksmiths, 2 carpenters, and an exceeding trusty and skilful waggoner. The aged black cattle and grown hogs will be fattened for slaughter. Purchasers above 25l. will be allowed credit for 12 months, on giving bond and security to the sub- scribers, who will be prepared to make conveyances. JOHN TAYLOR, GEORGE WASHINGTON.
NEW YORK, July 27, 1774. FIFTY POUNDS REWARD.
WHEREAS on the 19th of June last past a certain JOSEPH THORP was entrusted with a considerable sum in half jo- hannes, of nine penny weight, to be delivered by him at Quebec, and as he has not yet made his appearance there, with other suspicious circum- stances, it is apprehended he is gone off with the money. He is a native of England, about 6 feet high, swarthy complexion, very dark, keen eyes, and pitted with the smallpox, of a slender make, stoops as he walks, talks rather slow, and has some small impediment in his speech. He lived some time in Boston, from whence he removed to Quebec, assuming the character of a merchant in both places; he was also once in trade in Newcastle, Virginia, and has a brother settled there. It is believed he went on board captain John F. Pruyn, for Albany, and took with him a blue casimir, and a dark brown cloth suit of clothes. Whoever se- cures the said Joseph Thorp in any of his majesty's gaols on this continent shall be entitled to ten per cent. on the sum recovered, and the above reward of 50l. when convicted. Apply to Cusson and Seton of New York, Joseph Wharton, junior, of Philadelphia, Robert Christie of Baltimore, James Gibson and company of Virginia, John Bondfield of Quebec, Me- liah Burne, or John Rowe, of Boston. It is requested of those who may have seen this Joseph Thorp since the 19th of June last past, or know any thing of the route he has taken, that they convey the same early intelligence thereof to any of the above persons, or Greenwood, Rus- son, and Marsh, in Norfolk, or to Mr. Robert Pleasants and company, at Four Mile creek, Henrico county; the favour will be gratefully acknow- ledged. All masters of vessels are forewarned from taking him off the continent.
FOR SALE, NINE hundred and forty acres of valuable land, lying on both sides of Contrary River, in Louisa, with three plantations thereon, two of which has sufficient houses for overseers and negroes; the other is improved with all necessary buildings, and orchards of all kinds, fit for the reception of a gentleman, the houses being finished in the best manner. This tract is well timbered and watered, lies within 32 miles of Fredericksburg, and 43 of Page's warehouse; there are at least 400 acres of low grounds, of the best soil, 300 of which are now to cut. The three plantations are under good fences, and in good order to work 12 or 15 hands. Robert Flem- ing, John Massey, and John Lain, are now in possession of the plantations, who will shew the land to any person inclinable to purchase, and Major Thomas Johnson will agree with them for the price. The above tract is esteem- ed the most valuable in Louisa for growing corn, wheat, or tobacco, and situated in the best range for stock of any below the great mountains. (tf 1*)
WANTED for the lighthouse directors eight second- hand ANCHORS, nearly a thousand weight each. Any person having such for sale are desired to make their terms known to the subscriber in Norfolk. t. f. BASSETT MOSELEY.