Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1806-08-27 00:00:00

THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION.
We want a freight of Tobacco, For the Ship JULIA, Captain Vickery, to a port in France, but then 350 hogsheads. C. & F. Whittle. August 25. tf 112
For ANTWERP, The good Ship PATSEY, David G. Bowles, master, burthen 370 tons. lying at City Point, having more than half of her cargo engaged and now receiving it on board—For the remainder, about 500 bales of cotton are wanted, which will be taken at a moderate freight, if application be immediately made to Messrs. Gallego, Richards, & Co. Richmond; Rambaut, Gerson, & Co. Petersburg, or to James Maurice, & Co. August 25. tf 109
For SALE, The good fast sailing SHIP ELIZA, coppered to the beams, burthen 275 tons.—For terms, apply to Moses Myers. August 22. tf 106
For Freight or Charter, The fine fast-sailing Ship FALCON, Robert Henderson, Master, burthen 275 tons, 14 months old, can be ready to receive a cargo in two days. Apply to the master on board, or Phinehas Dana. August 22. tf 105
For a Port in France, The fast sailing Ship Highland Mary, Part of her cargo is engaged for the Bay of Biscay. George Murray, & Co. August 20. tf 102
For LONDON, The well known elegant Ship ALMIRA, Captain Whipple, three years old, and burthen 500 bbls.—She will be ready to receive a cargo in three days, and has a considerable part of it engaged; for freight of the remainder, or passage, (having excellent accommodations) apply to Capt. Whipple on board, or N. Heron. August 20. tf 98
For PHILADELPHIA, The good Sch'r JASON, Will positively sail in ten days. For freight or passage, (having good accommodations) apply to D. R. Waddey, & Co. August 20. tf 101
For Sale or Charter, The good Brig PEACE, E. Swain, Master, burthen about 93 tons.—For terms, apply to Christopher Fry. Who has for Sale, in store, 4 pipes 4th proof BRANDY, 10 Hogsheads, and 10 barrels N. E. RUM. August 18. tf 81
For Sale or Charter, The fine stanch, fast sailing Brig ANN ELIZABETH, Richard Owens, master, 4 years old, burthen about 1300 barrels, and will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. Apply to John Brown. Who has received from Madeira by said Brig, a few pipes, hogsheads, and quarter casks.
London particular Madeira WINE, which will be sold low by applying as above. August 11. tf 66 For Freight or Charter, The fast-sailing Brig ELIZABETH, Robert Barclay, master, burthen 1300 barrels, will be ready for the reception of a cargo in a few days. Apply to John Davis. Portsmouth, July 16. tf 903
For Charter, The fast sailing coppered SHIP FRANKLIN, Luther Dana, Master, burthen 500 bbls. tobacco, and will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. Apply to the master on board, or the subscriber William Pennock. August 8. tf 60
For Charter, The American Ship SALLY, James Rowe, master, burthen 340 tons.—She has only performed one voyage, and will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. For terms apply to Warren Ashley. August 4. tf 48
For LONDON, The fine new Ship MARIA, James Rowell, master, burthen about 400 bbls. on her second voyage, has good accommodations, will be ready for the reception of a cargo in ten days, half of which is already engaged.—For freight of the balance or passage, apply to Richard Bowden, & Co. July 15. tf 910
Landing from on board the schooner Harriet, 60 Tierces RICE, and a few bales of COTTON—For Sale by Fisk & Catlett. August 20. tf 100
FOR SALE, A Fire-Proof HOUSE in Little-Water Street, opposite Mr. David M'Allister's; subject to a ground rent of 44 dollars per annum, and rents for 240 dollars per annum; on a lease of 99 years renewable for ever.—A long credit will be given for negotiable notes with approved endorsers. For terms, apply to James Mitchell, Stone Cutter. Who has on hand, A supply of the best FREE STONE, to be cut on moderate terms. August 20. 2w3* 94
From the Philadelphia Gazette.
The late lamentable explosion of a certain paper mine having exposed to public animadversion a very extensive train of hitherto half concealed transactions, pointedly evasive of law, and, as many good and wise men think, hostile to the commonwealth, to individual probity, and the christian religion, it becomes more than ever a matter of serious political enquiry how the private miseries and general disgrace occasioned by such illegal negotiations may be most effectually prevented?—for to remedy them, nothing but time, and that seldom suffices. The art and mysteries of shaving , it appears, are conducted to an extent, and with a spirit and success far outstripping the humble contemplation of Legislators & all others untrained in the golden meanders of Change.
Upon reflection however, I am well satisfied there is no moral nor civil impropriety in what is stigmatized as usurious interest for the loan of money, and that the only & that simple, prevention of the present disastrous consequences is to be found in a total abolition of the political restraint it has been deemed proper to impose on it.
Such an opinion, I am aware, appears at first blush nothing less hideous than a rash and violent novelty; and that principally for two reasons—1. Because it is by many supposed to militate with our religion; and such was the abhorrence in which any interest at all was held by the monks at one time, that they prevailed in having it prohibited altogether.—2. Because of the long and almost universal prepossession in favour of a limited statutory rate. That the Arrete as promulgated to the Jews, was calculated for the Jewish meridian alone, and never intended to extend beyond it, I think, may be proved by various reasons. Should not those christians who conceive it the divine law now, conform also to the regulations against marring the corners of their beards, eating shell-fish and many other injunctions we have long since generally disregarded?
As to its political merits or demerits.—The law now in force (though never enforced) against interest exceeding 6 pounds for the forbearance of one hundred during one year; is as antique as 1723, when it was enacted. The increase of wealth, and in the price of labour and all commodities, that has occurred since that time, is enormous. Commerce has continued a progressive, and since the revolution, gigantic pace of augmentation. Occasional temporary diminution in the value of certain articles of trade has occurred under the pressure of supervenient causes, and effected for a period a coequal diminution in the value of other, perhaps all articles of trade. The markets of course have fluctuated incessantly. In short scarcely any thing has been certain, but death, taxes, and the legal rate of interest. However great, or however feeble the demands for money, the rate of interest has maintained a stubborn and preposterous monotony; and like most things that do not change with the revolutions of time and customs, has been suffered to retire from publick existence, unnoticed and unheeded. When the government has held it prudent to pay three per cent for a loan, and men have amassed fortunes by the purchase of specie at two, three, four per cent, paid for very large sums to be traded on, the law declares them obnoxious to a criminal conviction for borrowing at a rate exceeding 6 per cent.
The various plain sailing modes of evading the law, constitute another head of objections to it. One who heartily abhors usury, holds it nothing but right
forsooth to buy another's paper at a depreciation of 20 or 30 per cent, because, as he satisfies his honourable delicacy, the estimation of notes by the credit of the drawer and endorsers is always a fair calculation. And so indeed it ought to be, and but for the law would be: but as long as that law remains our acts, this method of proceeding cannot even be considered an evasion, but is as rank usury as can be imagined. Add to this the schemes of drawing and redrawing bills of exchange, pawn-brokerage, and bottomry and respondentia, and no less than four distinct notorious avowed legalized substitutes for illicit interest, hardly to be distinguished in any particular, from unvarnished usury, swell the list of legitimate evasions. The very circumstance indeed of a law existing the butt of those disposed to infringe it, throws a stain on a whole code.
And this is one of the least untoward of its features: the usury, as Montesquieu observes, must keep pace with the severity of the restrictions upon it. As the law now stands, a considerable compensation no doubt must be required to indemnify the vendor for the risk of detection. Now can a more pungent proof of the futility of all restraint be afforded, than by the very fact, that as the pains and penalties are invigorated, so must there be a corresponding rise in the premium required for the money advanced and peril undertaken? So that paradoxical as it may seem, our law had no other effect than to create and encourage what it was framed to prevent and destroy!
Again whom does the law look to, as its handmaid?—An informer. By that hostis humani generis must a discovery be made and a prosecution conducted. This is infamy encouraged; and one more risk piled on to enhance the worth of the loan.
On the other hand, what are the objections to the law of abolition. Why may not I be permitted to give any percentage for the use of money, when I am prevented, such is the state of my affairs, that I must offer my goods to the hammer, and my estates to the mortgage? Why may not I as well give 50 per cent, for a sufficient sum to extricate me from many difficulties, as sacrifice my property at 50 per cent. below its value? And every one knows this is the certain effect of emergent sales. Such a sum of money, inconsiderable when measured with the amount of all my property, may be absolutely necessary to my preservation and my family, from ruin: if I don't raise it, I must sell my house, or my creditor will: I could give 50 per cent. for 5,000 dols. the sum of my debts, (being in possession of an estate of 20,000 dollars chiefly landed) and in the course of no great time retrieve. But the law of usury sits like a night-mare on my exertions, and I must stand by and see my creditor buy in my house for half its worth at a publick sale, pocket the proceeds with a curse for its inadequacy to the debt due, see him go home an honest, kind, defrauded man, with an immaculate reputation, when the usurer who had lent me 5000 dollars at 12 per cent. would have been whispered about a shaver, a skin flint and a leech, and if I could have betrayed him, convicted of all these stigmas in the face of his country. Taking the question on more liberal ground, what right has any society to fetter my freedom of action? It is a prerogative I never resigned at the formation of the compact? Has not a man of ripe years and discretion the same right to give 100 per cent for the use of a sum of money, that that he has to give 2000 dollars for a house worth only 1000 dollars?
The protection the statute of interest is supposed to dispense toward indigence and simplicity, and the preventive it is accounted against prodigality, would be found, on investigation, baseless fables.
The monstrous evils it has proved either incompetent to prevent, provide for or subdue, and which I have attempted to shew it rather tends to encourage and multiply, I hurry over with regret and mortification. They have been very lately in all men's mouths. I have indeed taken but a superficial summary glance at this most interesting subject. Much more might be said if it would be profitable. If the people's servants in the Legislature would be for a session forewarned their disgraceful squabbles, and turn their bleared eyes to this among other matters of moment, that invite their best consideration, we might hope to see either a total abolition of the law, so that each man of sound memory and age might make his own bargain in money, as well as in lands, ships and houses, or at least such an amelioration of it, as would render it respectable and efficacious, instead of what it is, a value for fraud, and nothing else.
THE LECTURER.—No. 1.
"I was glad when they said unto me, let us go into the house of the Lord."
How few are there among the thoughtless race of the present day, who can devoutly join in this gladsome strain of the inspired Psalmist!—While the haunts of vice and folly are crowded with deluded votaries, the Temples of the Lord are almost utterly despised and neglected!
The deplorable neglect of publick worship, among the congregations of every description, has long been a subject of sorrowful reflection to the friends of pure and undefiled religion. In vain have the preachers of the Gospel expatiated on this increasing dereliction of duty. Their exhortations will continue to be unavailing, unless a sense of duty and a love of decorum and order, urge characters of influence in society to assist in the salutary reform of publick habits. To aid in so laudable an object, I shall fill up the present number with a few observations on the subject.
Men who are suitably impressed with the excellency of the Divine ordinances, require nothing but that conviction, to urge them to a regular & decent observance of the outward forms and ceremonies of their respective churches. Such men will always "go into the house of the Lord with gladness" of heart. They alone enjoy the peculiar happiness of holding a close and intimate connexion with things that are heavenly and full of joy. To them the sabbath is indeed a day of rejoicing; but it is not the rejoicing of earthly passions. It is not the wild uproar of unruly spirits, waging war against their consciences. It is the steady, tranquil exultations of minds filled with all the loves and charities of human nature, elevating themselves up to the perfections of a benevolent and all-wise Creator.
There are but few among us, it is hoped, who will deny that the precepts and ordinances of Christianity are admirably calculated to strengthen the bonds of civil society. This consideration, if no other could be urged, is sufficient to establish the propriety of decent and regular attendance on Publick Worship. The father of a family, in conformity to this amiable practice, will by his example at least contribute to the stock of social order and happiness. It is by such a course, that he will first make his children good christians ; they cannot afterwards be bad citizens .
But the influence of this example will spread wider than the small circle of a man's own household. Every head of a family has more or less dependants. These are frequently more readily acted upon by example than by precept. If by this impulse only they are induced to attend publick worship, an highly desirable object is obtained; for even though they may not "go into the House of the Lord" with gladness, they never can come out of it with shame or sorrow.—If they are not made better by what they see and hear, there is at least no danger of their being made worse. While within the walls of a church they are far out of the way of sin: and this, with many frail constitutions, almost amounts to the performance of a positive good.
The benefits of this practice are particularly applicable to every description of Domestic and servants. That day, which by the ordinances of our churches ought exclusively to be devoted to religious and charitable exercises, is now too generally employed by this class of individuals, in revelry, dissipation and vice. Their criminal and injurious sports have become offensive to the orderly part of the community. Besides this, it is a melancholy fact, that little crimes , which are but the beginnings of capital offences , more frequently occur on this day than on others. Fatal and distressing accidents are also more numerous: So that both religious duty and personal interest concur in enjoining on parents and masters the adoption of a salutary discipline over their household on this day.
With undisguised sorrow and deep humiliation do I approach a point, connected with this subject, which of all others I should be happy to avoid. If this criminal disregard of the Christian and social duties was limited to the above classes alone, there might be some hope of a reform from the influence and example of higher life . But alas, it is here that we find the root of this monstrous evil?—Men of wealth and weight in society will have to answer to their consciences and to God for the pernicious effects of a bad example. As if in open defiance to the injunctions of religion, the day of the Lord , is by too many of the higher orders of society devoted to objects of conviviality and sensual enjoyments!—As if the six long days of the week were not sufficient for the purposes of friendship and hospitality, the Sabbath is impiously selected to indulge in the lust of eating and drinking!—Who is there, that has not remarked the total desertion of places of publick worship, particularly on the afternoon of Sabbath!—Who is there, so ignorant or so blinded, as not to perceive in this grievous neglect the existence of a practice injurious to the morals of society, and insulting to our holy religion?
For SALE, On board the Sloop Jane, just arrived, 31,000 feet clean BOARDS, 10 hogsheads N. E. RUM, 200 Rheads Wrapping PAPER, 4 3-4 Cords Hemlock BARK.—Apply to Phinehas Dana. August 20. tf 95
FOR SALE, Now landing on our wharf, from on board the British Sloop Patrick Bourke, Capt. Blay, from Antigua, 14 hhds. Muscovado, and 26 tierces Clayed SUGAR, by C. & F. Whittle. August 18. tf 83
102 hogsheads choice SUGAR, Landing from on board the Brig Peace, from Trinidad.—For Sale by Moses Myers. ALSO,
50 pipes 4th proof Cogniac BRANDY. August 18. tf 84
The friends of Thomas Norman. John Marshall, William Norris, Elijah Russell, and John Hubbard, (who represent themselves to be citizens of Virginia,) have been impressed into the British service, for want of documents to prove their citizenship, will apply at this Office, and give a description of their persons, measures will then be taken to obtain their discharge. Thomas Newton, Collector. Collector's Office, Norfolk, August 18, 1806. tf 86
40 Dozen excellent PORT WINE, For SALE by Angus Martin. August 18. 4w 89
Received per the Schooner Ranger, 17 Puncheons Tobago RUM, 5 do. do. MOLASSES. For SALE by Wilson, Cunningham, & Co. August 8. 3w 58
Dissolution of Partnership.
THE Partnership of John D. Haldane & Co. of Norfolk, expired this 11th day of August, 1806, by limitation of time, agreeable to their copartnership articles.—All persons having claims against the said firm, will exhibit them to the said John D. Haldane and Alexander Baird, for settlement; and those indebted to the concern, are requested to make payment to the said John D. Haldane and Alexander Baird, who are fully authorized to grant discharges. John Baird, John D. Haldane. August 11. 3w 72
TO LETTERS.
I will SELL, on a credit of one, two and three years, that valuable Printing-Office and Establishment, at Halifax—The paper has six hundred subscribers, and a profitable advertising custom, besides being appointed to print the laws of Congress. Halifax is on the Roanoke, one of the richest settlements in America, and is the seat of a county and superior court; and consequently affords much more pamphlet and job-printing than any other in the state; is an excellent stand for a Book-Store and Book-Binder;—the apparatus for carrying on the latter, may be had with the establishment. The printing materials consist of a press, and a great variety of letter, from six line pica down to brevier; some of which are quite new, and all in a situation to be used to advantage. I will sell with the establishment, or hire for a number of years, two young Negro Men, one a tolerable correct compositor, well known for his sprightliness; the other an excellent pressman, able to "beat and pull off six tokens" a day. I will also sell or lease the houses and lot, occupied as a dwelling-house and printing-office. A young man of a tolerable education, though not a printer, would be enabled to conduct the office, and would find it an agreeable as well as a profitable business. Letters addressed to me (post paid) will be duly attended to. Wm. BOYLAM. Raleigh, North-Carolina, July 1, 1806.

WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 27, 1806.
Extract of a letter from Trinidad, 24th July, to a gentleman in New-York.
Miranda's business is spoken of more sanguinely—accounts favourable from the Maine have been received; he has 2 sloops, 2 schooners, one gun-brig, and 4 gun-boats. Jerome Buonaparte's squadron was joined off St. Thomas by the Regulus of 74 guns, and two heavy frigates from the coast of Africa. [This may account for the three ships as admiral Cochrane speaks of, joining in the night.]
His Britannic majesty's ship Chichester , Captain Stofford , in going out on Sunday last, got upon the Middle Ground, where she remained about one hour and an half, during which time she beat so violently, as to occasion her to leak considerably. She has been obliged to return, and has since come up into the harbour, and must, we understand, be unladen, in order to examine what damage she has sustained.
CAPT. KING of the Alexander , arrived yesterday informs us that on the 28th of July, in lat. 43, 30, long. 44, he was boarded by the British Frigate Dolphin , and politely treated, having under her convoy 40 sail of Merchantmen from St. Kitts, bound to England. This is the fleet that put to sea on the approach of the French fleet about the first of July, and escaped through the Sombrero passage.
It was remarked some days since by the Editor of this paper, upon introducing the proceedings of one of the Councils in Louisiana, that the acquisition of that country would hasten a dissolution of the union. The remark was intended to extend also to the contemplated acquisition of the Floridas. For this opinion we acquired the honour of being noticed, but in terms of severe censure by the National Intelligencer , which we shall give in the words of that paper.
"We have frequently had occasion to hold up to reprehension the idea expressed by federal men of the probability of an early dissolution of the union. Believing such an idea founded either in sinister political motives, suggested with a view of effecting particular ends, or in total ignorance of the nature of our institutions, we have invariably considered it as meriting ridicule or abhorrence."
"If it be a fact that the peace, the liberties and the happiness of these states depend on their union, is there not a high degree of criminality indiscriminating opinions, whose tendency may be to destroy the conviction of its importance, which has hitherto so generally prevailed, and on which its duration must eminently depend. In the proudest days of Rome it was considered treasonable to despair of the republic. Let us consider it treasonable to despair of the union of these states; not in a legal sense of the term, but in its popular acceptance. Let publick opinion vigilantly regard and rigidly denounce every sentiment that is expressed in favour of separation."
"We are led to make these remarks by the following animadversion, taken from the Publick Ledger ."
"It must, we think, occur to any one who reflects upon the subject, that the separation of the Western from the Eastern States, is an event not very far distant, and which the acquisition of Louisiana must accelerate. It would not be saying too much, if we were to say that this separation would have taken place before now, but from the objections which the publication from the Western World manifests, that existed with many to join a foreign government. Against Spain and Great Britain weighty objections existed to each, but now having become sufficient in numbers and wealth, and with increasing reasons for separation, we cannot forbear repeating our conviction that it will soon happen."
"Of Louisiana—We cannot read the proceedings in this day's paper, without feeling an increased conviction that the acquisition of that country will prove a source of disquiet. An attentive perusal of those proceedings, and the address, will supercede the necessity of any comments of our own. They prove that men of different languages and habits, are not calculated to live contented under the same system of laws. William of Normandy, did not find it difficult to seat himself on the throne of England; but neither art nor force, could substitute the civil or Roman law for the common law. The kings of England, who held extensive dominions in France, did not attempt to introduce the common law into that country. Buonaparte, at this day, with all his power could not force the common law of England upon the people of France, and the people of England could never be brought to receive the Roman law. The Tartars when they conquered the Chinese could not conquer their laws and their customs, but were conquered by them." [Thus far the Publick Ledger ; the National Intelligencer continues]
"We do not recollect to have seen such an unqualified declaration in favour of the probability of an early dismemberment of the union, as we are here presented with. We are willing, in this instance, to ascribe the opinions of the writer to levity, to political prejudice, or to an ignorance of the true character of our political institutions. Montesquieu told the world half a century ago that the existence of a republican government was incompatible with an extensive territory. The unreflecting part of mankind, taking this opinion as their oracle, have continued in every possible way to repeat it, until the frequency of the assertion has made many receive it as an undisputed truth."
"We have not thought it necessary to copy the remainder of the remarks from the National Intelligencer , and our readers will not consider the omission as any loss, when they understand that the object of them was to convince us that the more extensive our republic becomes, and the more discordant materials of which it is composed, the longer will be its duration. "We are willing to ascribe the opinions of the writer in this instance" to that obsequious politeness, which he uniformly pays to every measure, executed, or contemplated by the administration, a politeness , which though it may be more profitable, is not more respectable than "levity, prejudice, or ignorance." Levity may be innocent, prejudice may be honest, and ignorance may be informed, but there is no hope of curing him, whose opinions are governed by his interest."
"We did not imagine that there was any man so absurd as to insist that the extension of territory, and the incorporation of different nations into the same compact, did not tend to hasten the dissolution of
that compact. We very well know that the Louisiana purchase being the chef d'œuvre of the administration, it is not safe to express an opinion that does not eulogise that measure, it is not safe to predict the effect, though the motive is not questioned, for all that we did, was to offer an opinion as to the effect, we were silent as to the motive."
"We shall dismiss the subject which we took up with reluctance, but we may prepare ourselves for a defence of the purchase of Mexico, if the administration favours it."
"Swartwout is removed from the office of marshal of the New-York district, and already the whole federal pack of editors are in full cry against the administration. As they do not pretend to know anything of the motives which influenced this measure, and indeed disclaim all knowledge of them, we should feel some surprise at the vehemence of their denunciation, did they not habitually condemn every measure of the government, except in the solitary case of the appointment of a federalist to office. We should not, if we possessed the materials, undertake the futile task of enlightening understandings which thus resolutely and systematically judge without knowledge. It may, however, be proper, for the satisfaction of others, to state a few facts, in doing which we too disclaim all knowledge of the particular motives that dictated the removal of Mr. Swartwout . We think it would be well, if the constitution required the executive, on removing an officer, to assign his reasons. But so long as this is neither required by the constitution, nor by usage, we cannot justly complain of silence in this or other instances. We may justly complain, if an unworthy officer is suffered to remain in office because it operates to the injury of the publick; but we have no reason to complain so long as the successor discharges his duties faithfully. This is the only point in which the nation is interested. With regard to the duties of a marshal they are multifarious; and it ought to be recollected that in the present instance the removal may be for reasons altogether distinct from those that are connected with Ogden and Smith's trial. "
"Now for the facts. The American Citizen has given the juries at full length summoned in the case of Miranda; from which statement it appears that the jurors were selected with studied partiality . We have indeed heard it affirmed that on the petit jury which tried the accused there was not a single democrat. Could this possibly have been the result of accident?—[It is not fact, nor you never heard so.] The accused were acquitted in the face of the strongest testimony. "
"The pleadings of the counsel of the accused made the question a political, a party question. Every mind will draw its inferences from these facts. Nat. Intel. "
"The preceding remarks are copied from the National Intelligencer of the 20th inst. We pass over the polite notice which is taken of the Federal Editors , because we are satisfied there is not one of them, who will not read it with a contempt that will preclude animadversion; there is however other matter which deserves consideration."
"The National Intelligencer is the paper in the immediate confidence of the Executive, and it is not uncandid to say that so long as that confidence is continued, the political sentiments of the paper is approved."
"It will be recollected by our readers, that in our paper of the 13th inst. we noticed the removal of the marshal of New-York, we did not pretend to know the cause of his removal, of course we did not question it. Our remarks were of a general nature, upon the subject of removal from office, and the opinions which we expressed, we endeavoured to fortify, by some remarks of Mr. Monroe. We think that the opinions of the National Intelligencer are such as ought not to pass without notice, because they are in our judgment hostile to the spirit of the constitution, and calculated to sustain the most wanton abuse of power."
"The National Intelligencer roundly asserts, that the executive is bound neither by the constitution nor usage, to assign any reason for the removal of an officer. We must here beg leave again to insert the observations of Mr. Monroe, as the best answer which can be given to the arbitrary principle advanced by the Intelligencer ."
"Do you suppose or contend that the power committed to the executive by the constitution, to remove and censure a publick minister, or any other publick servant, has authorised it so to do, without a sufficient cause? or that the executive is not accountable to the publick, and the party injured, for such an act, in like manner as it is accountable for any, and every other act it may perform by virtue of the constitution? Upon what principle is a discrimination founded, which presumes restraints in certain cases against the abuse of executive power, and leaves that power without restraint, in all other cases? And how do you designate, or where draw the line between these two species of power, so opposite in their nature and character? This doctrine is against the spirit of our constitution, which provides a remedy for every injury. It is against the spirit of elective government, which considers every publick functionary as a publick servant. It becomes the meridian of those countries only, where the monarchy inherits the territory as his patrimony, and the people who inhabit it, as his slaves."
"That the right to censure and remove a publick officer was delegated to the executive, with peculiar confidence, is a motive why it should be exercised with peculiar care; for the more confidential the trust which is committed to publick functionaries, in a responsible station, the greater circumspection they should use in the discharge of it. It was not intended thereby to dispense with the principles of justice, or the unalienable rights of freemen, in favour of executive pleasure. On the contrary, it was expected that that pleasure would be exercised with discretion, and that those principles and rights would be invariably observed. It is an incompetent recompense to a person who has been injured by the executive, to be told that the constitution permits the injury, if the power intrusted was thereby abused, and the principles of the constitution violated. And it is an unbecoming measure in the administration, to defend by the argument of power, what it cannot justify at the tribunal of reason and justice."
"That the publick should have no concern in the removal of a publick officer, is a sentiment which we did not expect to hear so openly avowed, by the official paper of the government. If publick officers were the servants of the executive, and employed in his business only, the principle might claim some consideration, but if we are not ignorant (as we were told, we were on another occasion) of the nature of our institutions, we understand all publick officers to be the agents for executing the business of the sovereign , and not of the President , consequently the removal of an officer is a matter of publick concern. We will suppose a familiar case. "There is an officer in this place, who executes the duties of his office to the satisfaction of the citizens of Norfolk, and no fault is charged upon him by the government, he is, however removed; now will any man but one, who is not better qualified to be the Editor of the Paris Monitor , than of a paper in this country, say that the citizens of Norfolk have no concern in the removal of such an officer? The same may be said of every officer in the United States, and until all power passes from the people to the President, the removal of publick officers will affect the feelings and interests of the people, and they will have reason and right to complain, when a meritorious officer is removed, even if the duties of the office are faithfully executed by his successor."
"It is not only the rights of the people in the instance already stated, that are attacked by this republican editor, but the sacred right of Juries, is invaded in a manner as unprecedented as rude—Let us examine the case. The government directs a prosecution, and upon solemn argument, before a Jury of the country, the accused are acquitted. The government paper has the temerity to say, that "the accused were acquitted in the face of the strongest testimony."
"If the decision of a Jury is to be thus treated with impunity, respect for the trial by Jury will cease. The Jury in this case is charged by the government paper with having disregarded the solemn injunctions of an oath, and to have yielded to the pleadings of counsel, and to the suggestions of party spirit. It is not the federalists alone who were of the petit jury that are involved in this heavy denunciation, but the republicans also, for there were some republicans of the petit jury. It amounts to this, that any jury who would not find in favour of the prosecution, would have been equally the object of opprobrium."
"We shall quit the subject, because we are persuaded that those who are truly republicans, will view the arbitrary principles which are advanced with that jealousy which they merit."
From the Political Register.
At ten o'clock on Monday morning the hon. William Tilghman, Chief Justice of this state, delivered his judgment on the following case:
COMMONWEALTH, vs. WILLIAM DUANE. Habeas Corpus directed to the Gaoler of Philadelphia, to bring the body of the defendant before William Tilghman.
This case comes before me in consequence of a habeas corpus, directed to the gaoler of the city and county of Philadelphia, commanding him to bring before me the body of William Duane, together with the cause of his being imprisoned—The gaoler in obedience to the writ, has produced the body of William Duane, and returned that he was detained in prison, by virtue of a warrant of commitment from the mayor of Philadelphia. This warrant recites, that William Duane had been charged on the complaint of the Marquis de Casa Yrujo, made through the attorney general, and on the oath of William B. Hight, with having on the 19th and 21st of July last, in a publick newspaper called the Aurora or General Advertiser , edited by the said Wm. Duane, published certain libels on the said Marquis, and that the said William Duane had been required by the said Mayor, to enter into a recognizance as well for his appearance at the next mayor's court, as for his good behavior in the mean time, which he had refused to do; and contains a commitment of William Duane until he shall enter into a recognizance as aforesaid, or be delivered by due course of law.
From an examination that has been had before me, it also appears that the said William Duane offered, before the Mayor, to enter into a recognizance for his appearance, but refused to enter into one for good behaviour. So that the only question for my determination is, whether it is proper to insist on recognizance for the good behaviour of William Duane, between this time and the next mayor's court.
In the consideration of this point, are involved principles of importance, which have agitated the feelings and divided the judgments of many persons both in this and other states of the Union.
I have considered it, certainly without passion or prejudice, and with as much attention as the short time allowed for decision would admit.
Surety for good behaviour, may be considered in two points of view. It is either required after conviction of some indictable offence, in which case it forms part of the judgment of the court, and founded on a power incident to courts of record, by the common law; or it is demanded by judges or justices of the peace, out of court, before the trial of the person charged with an offence, in pursuance of authority, derived from a statute, made in the 24th year of Ed. 3. It is this last kind of surety we are now to consider. The stat. 34, Ed. 3. authorises justices of the peace to take surety for good behaviour of all those that are not of good fame, to the intent that the publick may not be troubled by such persons. It is supposed that this statute was made to prevent the disorders which were introduced by the soldiers of Edward 3, numbers of whom, after serving in his armies in France, were discharged in England. The natural meaning of the words "persons not of good fame," seems to be, those who by their general evil course, and habits of life had acquired a bad reputation, and were supposed to be dangerous to the community.
In process of time, however, the construction of these expressions has been extended, far beyond their original meaning, and persons are now, commonly held to find surety for their good behaviour, who are not generally of ill fame, but have only been charged with some particular offence. It is laid down by some ancient authors, that libellers may be held to surety for good behaviour. But on searching the English books of reports, I find but few cases, in which courts have given their opinion on this point. The decisions of the English courts prior to our revolution, are, with some exceptions, received as authority in our courts. Now it appears from the cases before the revolution, that it was by no means an established practice, that a man charged with a libel, should, before conviction, be held to surety for his good behaviour. In the case of the king v. Shuckburg, in the year 1743, reported 1 Wils. 29, the deft. was arrested, by virtue of a warrant from the secretary of state, for publishing a blasphemous libel called "Old England's Te Deum."—Upon being brought up to the court of king's bench, by habeas corpus, in order to be bailed, he offered to enter into the common recognizance for his appearance. The attorney general insisted on bail for his
good behaviour also. The lord chief justice said, it had often been taken both ways, and he intended to take the opinion of all the judges; he therefore, for the present, took the defendant's recognizance for his appearance only, and made him enter into a rule, to put in bail for his good behaviour if the majority of the judges should be of opinion that he ought. Nothing further appears to have been done in this case—in a marginal note of the report of it, by sergeant Wilson, is mentioned the case of the king v. Franklin, 3. Geo. 2, when the same point was argued before all the judges, but they never gave any opinion. Mr. Heighmore, in his treatises on bail published in the year 1793, cites the case of the king v. Shuckburg, and seems to consider the law as still unsettled.—It appears from these authorities that the English judges were unwilling to establish a practice, which they might have thought hostile to the genius and spirit of the nation. Let us now examine how this matter has been considered in America. The United States, in general, have at all times, been very much alive to the liberty of the press, and the right of trial by jury; and their constitutions have shown great jealousy and sensibility on those points. In prosecutions of libels against the king and officers of government, it has been usual in England, to proceed by way of information; a mode of proceeding, by which the defendant is brought to trial by a petit jury, at the instance of the attorney general without the previous inquisition by the grand jury. The constitution of Pennsylvania has taken special care to guard against this.—Grand juries are not to be dispensed with, except in certain enumerated cases, of which libel is not one. It also provides, that every citizen may freely speak, write, and print, on every subject, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. I think the counsel for Mr. Duane has gone too far, in contending that our constitution absolutely prohibits the binding a man to his good behaviour for a libel before conviction. It only provides, that a man may freely speak, write, and print, at his own peril, being responsible either to the publick, or any individual whom he may injure. It is generally understood, and I think truly, that this provision was intended to prevent men's writing from being subject to the previous examination and control of an officer appointed by the government, as is the practice in many parts of Europe, and as once was the practice in England: Now, a man though bound to his good behaviour, may still publish what he pleases, and if he publishes nothing unlawful, his recognizance will not be forfeited.
Indeed, I consider this point as having been decided by the supreme court, and ultimately by the high court of errors and appeals, in the case of the Commonwealth v. Cobbett, which I shall consider more particularly presently. But although it has been decided, within my knowledge, that it is incumbent on a judge, or that it is prudent or proper, to call for surety of good behaviour from a person charged with a libel, before trial, and is the point now before me. Indeed from the charge delivered by chief justice Shippen in Cobbett's case, of which my brother Judge Smith has favoured me with a very accurate note, I should not suppose, that the chief justice or either of the other judges, would have thought it proper to call for this kind of surety, except under very extraordinary circumstances. The case now before me is attended with no extraordinary circumstance, so far as it has come to my knowledge, judicially, & I must confine myself to the evidence produced.—The mayor, who was so obliging as to favour me with an account of what passed at his office, declared, that he considered the security for good behaviour as a thing quite of course, and for that reason only would not dispense with it. And he also declared, that he prepared, the recognizance himself, in what he conceived the usual form, without the instruction or direction of the attorney general.—Now if this practice is established, two consequences will follow, which certainly may be attended with great inconvenience. In the first place, the justice who takes the recognizance, may fix it in whatever sum he pleases, and then if it should be forfeited by a libel of the mildest nature, the whole penalty must be recovered, without any power in the court to mitigate the punishment, according to the nature of the offence. And in the second place, the defendant may be brought to trial for a libel, so far as to be burthened with the forfeiture of his recognizance, without the previous investigation of a grand jury. No considerate man can exactly calculate how far a practice of this kind, exercised by wicked and daring hands into which it may sometimes fall, may stifle or even extinguish, the spirit of honest investigation, and necessary inquiry. And what is the occasion for it? The party complaining, has a right to the protection of the laws, and will receive it.—The person accused, will be brought to his trial, and if convicted, he will be punished according to the degree of the offence;—what more does publick justice require?—But it is said, it is necessary to prevent future libels.—If future libels are published, while the prosecution is depending, they will be punished on conviction, in proportion to the obstinacy of the offender. No man abhors more than I do, the base practice of libelling.—It is a crime forbidden by the laws of God and man, and of a much blacker dye than many men seem to be aware of. All classes and descriptions of men, all parties, have, in their turn, lamented and suffered by the uncontrolled licentiousness of the press.—I am not without hopes that the evil will be lessened, that a remedy will be found, in the honesty and good sense of a majority of the people, aided by the wholesome chastisement which courts and juries will be called on from time to time to inflict.—But in order to give those punishments their full efficacy in the community, it will be necessary, in judicial proceedings, to temper firmness with liberality, never forgetting that humane principle, which in doubtful cases, turns the scale in favour of the accused. I should have felt little difficulty in deciding the question before me, but for the case of Wm. Cobbett, cited by the attorney general in his argument. Mr. C. was in the year 1797, bound with two sureties, in a recognizance for the good behaviour, by the chief justice and present governor, M'Kean, whose opinion has great weight with me, because I consider him as an eminent lawyer, zealously attached to the liberties of this country both civil and religious. I have not been able to obtain an accurate statement of the case of Cobbett, so far as relates to the binding of him to good behaviour. Judge Smith's notes only contain an account of the action on the recognizance tried in the supreme court. As far, however, as I have heard, it differs from the present case, in some material circumstances. I have never seen the warrant against Cobbett, but I have been informed, that he was charged in it, with numerous libels against different persons, of which, on his appearance before the chief justice, he avowed himself the author.—In the present case, Duane is charged with publishing two libels, against the same person, and he has not confessed that he is the author of either. As a judge, I know nothing that is not legally proved before me. I must not act on the supposition, that the defendant has published numerous libels, because there is no oath to that purpose, and by our constitution, all warrants must be grounded upon an oath or affirmation. Upon the whole, the most that can be said with regard to cognizances for good behaviour is, that they are demandable or not at the discretion of the judge. They differ from recognizance to keep the peace in two important features:
1st. Surety for good behaviour, is more extensive in its nature, than surety for the peace, and may be more easily forfeited, and, therefore, should be exacted with greater caution.

2d. Surety of the peace, is demandable of right, by any individual who thinks himself in danger of bodily hurt, and will make the necessary oaths; but this principle has not been applied to surety for good behaviour—I will not say, that there are no circumstances, in which surety for good behaviour ought to be exacted in cases of libels, before conviction; on the contrary, I have no doubt but there are occasions, on which it may be proper and necessary to insist on it. But I am of opinion that it will be most agreeable to the spirit of our constitution, and most conducive to the suppression of libels, to adopt it as a general rule, not to demand surety for good behaviour before conviction. Under these impressions I must discharge the defendant, on his entering into a recognizance for his appearance at the next mayor's court.
From the London Courier—June 26.
THE NEW MINISTERS.
WHAT HAVE THEY DONE?
It is surely now high time to ask the question? The publick who have been for some months amused with promises and professions will do well to pause and enquire how these professions have been fulfilled, and those promises performed. What have the new Ministers done? The question we know will stagger the ministers themselves as well as the publick. What have they done? These mighty boastors, these magnificent professors, these lovers of the constitution, these economists, these ministers, who concentrate all the talents, and all the wisdom, and all the patriotism, and all the consequence of the country?
Their attachment to the constitution! Are we to look for the proof of it in the appointment of the chief justice of the king's bench to a seat in the cabinet, thus mixing the judicial and executive authorities, and bestowing power without responsibility?
Their vigour!—Are we to seek for it in the manner in which they have changed the constitution of the army?—the vigour that is shewn in destroying and pulling down.
Their justice!—was it evinced in immediately displacing admiral Cornwallis from the command of the channel fleet, without any publick testimony of regard or recompense? In not only refraining from all publick thanks to Sir Home Popham and Sir David Baird; but if report speak true, in recalling the former and revoking all the appointments he has made at the Cape?
Their economy! are we to look for it in their creation of new places; in their plans of military government—in their grants of extravagant sinecures to such men as Mr. Cavendish Bradshaw—in their pensions to judges convicted of libels?
Their experience in legislation!—are we to find as conspicuous proofs of it in the Chelsea allowance and other bills, brought in since they have been in power?
Their judgment and steadiness!—Do you mean to refer us for proofs to the manner in which they have selected objects of taxation and afterwards abandoned them—to the iron and brewing taxes?
Their knowledge of the true interests of our commerce and shipping!—shall we discover it in that precious measure, the American intercourse bill, which has alarmed the shipping interest throughout the whole kingdom?
Their love of full and ample discussion!—Are we to seek for it in the manner in which they introduced the plan for changing the constitution of the army? a plan introduced in the shape of a clause in a bill: by which four stages of debate were cut off at "one full swoop" and less discussion allowed than is permitted to the commonest Turnpike or Canal Bill?
Is not this what the new ministers have done? Is not this the manner in which they have justified their claim to the possession of all the talents, all the experience, all the judgment of the country? Is not this the manner in which they have justified the confidence of the credulous people who thanked them before they had done any other act, except that of accepting the places they had been so long ambitious of?
They have done nothing corresponding with any one of their promises or professions—nothing that betrays vigour (their conduct to Prussia excepted) ability, or skill—nothing that justifies their arrogant claims to the possession of all the talents, all the experience, and all the judgment of the country. The talent to govern a nation is very different from that which enables a man to be a brawler and factions in opposition.—Because they invariably complained of the administration of Mr. Pitt, the publick inconsiderately believed that they could govern the country better.—Mr. Fox has succeeded Mr. Pitt, and how is our situation improved? Excellent and illustrious statesman! What tributes are thy successors daily paying to thy transcendent talents! What additional motives does their conduct furnish hourly for deploving their death! Let the publick follow the track of these new ministers from the commencement of the present session of parliament—Never, we will venture to say, was such a system of clumsy legislation seen—what vacillation in their financial system!—what inconsiderateness in proposing taxes! what levity in abandoning them!—What ignorance of the details of business! what procrastination!—Yet such is the administration which the people were desired to fall down and worship—such are the ministers who sounded forth their own praises from one end of the one end of the kingdom to the other, as concentrating all the abilities, all the eloquence, all the weight, all the character, and all the consequence of the country!
LONDON, June 26.
DELICATE INVESTIGATION.
Reports of the greatest delicacy and importance with respect to a lady of very high rank, have been for some time in circulation, and have formed almost exclusively the subject of conversation. Of the nature of those reports, we have for some time been informed, but we did not think it becoming to allude to them; and we should still have refrained from doing it, had not every other paper followed a different line of conduct. But were we longer to decline noticing these reports, we might be suspected of a sinister motive for our silence. What the other papers have published upon the subject, will be found in a subsequent part of this article. What they may hereafter communicate, we shall perhaps continue to publish. But if our readers expect to receive any original information from us, they will be disappointed. It is a subject too inconsiderately and hastily brought forward—we could have wished it had not been brought forward at all, or at least till the investigation, which is stated to be going on had been completed, and an official report drawn up. Should any such report be drawn up, we shall perhaps be able to communicate it to the public the first, though we have purposely been last to notice the rumours that have been in circulation.
On Friday and Saturday last, we thought it our duty to allude in the gentlest manner in our power to circumstances of the most delicate and important nature, which we know to be passing in a high quarter, and which, from being wantonly and widely made the topic of conversation, should be upon some probable or well ascertained grounds. What we have ventured, under these impressions, to state to the public, has drawn forth information and explanations from persons, respecting whose correct knowledge of the facts connected with these circumstances, and the unimpeachable integrity and honour of whose character we cannot entertain the slightest suspicion.
Upon such authority we are enabled to state the following particulars:—More than three weeks ago a commission was appointed by order of his majesty, to investigate and ascertain the nature of the rumours that have lately been sent abroad respecting the conduct of a lady, not more conspicuous from her exalted rank, than from her various virtues. The origin of these rumours has been traced to a certain Baronet and upon his lady, whose assertions we shall at present forbear making any observation, as perhaps only a few days may elapse before a regular official report may be made by the commission, to which we have already alluded. How respectably that commission is composed, will be felt, when we state, that the following high characters are among the members of it, viz:
The lord Chancellor, lord Spencer, lord Ellenborough, lord Moira, and lord Grenville.
The injudicious insinuations to which we have all along alluded, were first communicated to the illustrious personage whom they must be supposed most nearly to concern; but he disdained paying the least attention to them, until, upon being again urged, he thought it his duty to consult a person, from whose legal knowledge, and sincere and enlightened friendship, it was natural to expect the soundest advice. It was advised by that high and revered character (lord Thurlow) that the matter should be immediately put in a train of investigation, as what more nearly concerned the essential interests of the state, than the feeling of any individual; and in consequence of that advice, the matter was referred to the very highest and most illustrious personage in the state, who immediately ordered the appointment of the above commission.
The result of all the enquiries we have obtained from the most respectable channels, is, that throughout the whole of this delicate business, a certain illustrious personage has behaved with the strictest decorum, and with an anxiety that every possible means may be taken to assert the innocent and vindicate the character of the exalted and amiable person upon whose purity of conduct such foul and unprovoked attempts have been made, to cast the vilest and most unfounded aspersions. We were anxious to meet the curiosity of the public by announcing these particulars; we shall feel still happier when we are enabled (which must be soon) to remove every uneasy impression they cannot fail to labour under, respecting a subject which so naturally comes home to every feeling, generous, and loyal mind. The opinion of the commissioners is, we believe already accurately ascertained: and their formal report is very shortly to be made.
The illustrious lady alluded to received the first intimation of the above proceedings from a person of high rank, who in the most delicate manner opened the affair to her, and observed, that her servants were likely to be called upon to state what they knew. The lady, with that high spirit which belongs to exalted rank, and in all the dignity of conscious innocence, "I shall insist on an investigation; and, least it should be imagined I might tamper with my servants, I will discharge them all immediately." This magnanimous conduct speaks more than a volume of panegyric what could do.—Morning Post of yesterday.
We stated on Saturday, that a most delicate and important investigation had taken place under the highest authority. It is an enquiry, still pending, in which the honour of a distinguished individual, and the welfare of the state, are inseparably implicated!
Lady D—G—s, it appears some short time since, made so solemn, and circumstantial a declaration, respecting the conduct of that distinguished individual, as to render it incumbent on an illustrious personage, under the advice of his council, to lay the several allegations before him; but this was done without comment or observation on his part. On receiving the statement, his — appointed a secret committee of his privy council to proceed to an investigation of the charge without delay. The committee was composed of the lord Chancellor, lord Ellenborough, earl Spencer, lord Grenville, Lady D—G—s has appeared personally before the committee, and was examined on oath. His royal highness the duke of Kent went down specially to inform the accused of the nature and extent of the charge, and to notify, that six female domestics were required to appear before the secret committee. This immediately took place, when they were severally examined upon oath. The examination, it is understood, are not yet finally closed.
It would be highly indecorous to hazard a conjecture on the probable event of this serious enquiry. It is sufficient at present to be known, that it is confined to honourable and dignified characters, from whom the public will in due time derive a report, consonant to the pure principles of deliberative justice.
In the groundless rumours spreading on this occasion, the name of an illustrious personage has been introduced in all the varying ways that might best favour the several objects of misrepresentation: but party malevolence will, with common calumny, lose all pretence for invective, when it is known that the enquiry derives its authority from the highest source, and that the illustrious personage, so far from being either prosecutor or accuser, has not even been a complainant in the cause.—Morning Herald of yesterday.
Her R. H. paid a visit to Mrs. Windham (the Lady of the secretary of State) at her house in Pall Mall, about 8 o'clock yesterday evening. This visit to the house of a cabinet minister has excited much attention. It is a proof that not the slightest distrust of the cabinet is entertained upon the case, and that her R. H. is confident of having done nothing that can possibly call for any proceeding on the part of government, further than the present solemn inquiry, which was highly desirable, and as highly desired by her, for the purpose of shewing the total falsehood of the calumny, and those subsequent proceedings for the punishment of the calumniators, which will become an indispensable duty upon the acquittal. It may perhaps be a gratification to the curiosity of some to state, that her R. H. passed into the Park at the Horse-Guards, and proceeded along by the rear of Carlton House and St. James's, out at the Stable-yard, which is within a few doors of Carlton House.—Morning Post of this day.
It is confidently asserted, that a great lady, some time before the last birth-day applied to an illustrious personage for apartments to dress at his house in town, in order to attend the court held on that occasion; but being refused, she gave that circumstance as an excuse for her non-attendance at court. It is farther added, that a demand being made made of the cause of this refusal, it was alleged, in reply, that circumstances of an unaccountable nature having of late occurred in the conduct of the party, she must recur to their recollection as an excuse for not being allowed to reside in the house of the supposed aggrieved and injured person to whom we have alluded.
It is next stated that the —, to whom this complaint was made, immediately suggested the necessity of an investigation into the impropriety, which was directly assented to by both parties; and four of very first characters in the kingdom, whether with respect to name, rank, or situation, were selected to form a committee of enquiry into this most delicate affair.—The noble persons named are reported to be the Lord Chancellor, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Spencer, and Lord Grenville.
"Here we believe the matter rests; and although many reports are added as to the result of this scrutiny, yet all is still at issue: nay, if we be well informed, the strongest reluctance has arisen in some of the characters to whom the investigation has been submitted, to be concerned in so unpleasant a task. Such are the grounds of the information which we have received."—Oracle of this day.
We have expressed our determination not to deliver any opinion ourselves upon the delicate subject which has for some time occupied the publick attention, and formed almost exclusively the subject of conversation. But we must condemn the tone and manner in which some of our cotemporaries have taken up the business. We remain firmly of opinion, that it would have been more delicate even to the illustrious personage in question, to have refrained from making the affair the subject of newspaper discussion till the official investigation, now going on, had been concluded. But as none of the particulars of that investigation have yet transpired, as nothing has yet assumed a more decisive form than that of rumour, surely that violence of tone and language, and that decisive style and manner which some of our cotemporaries have used, might have been dispensed with.
We feel no doubt ourselves of the innocence of the illustrious personage—she has conducted herself so "clear in her great office." But on her part we must deprecate any attempt to load, in the first instance, the persons accusing her, with the severest inuendoes, before any thing has been known with certainty, or promulgated officially.
It will look like an attempt to overawe and intimidate them. Nothing injures a cause more than the indiscreet zeal of its supporters. The beauty and blessing of our constitution is, that the lowest may prefer an accusation against the highest, and be certain of a fair, full, and impartial investigation. Let the accusers be heard with calmness and with impartiality. Let us reserve our indignation till the result is known—it will not be less severe and dreadful by being deferred. The enquiry is before men of honour, in whom the accused, the accusers, and the people, may repose perfect confidence. We repeat, that it is on the part of the illustrious personage herself that we deprecate all premature violence and intemperance. Her best friends will be those who are for the most ample and dispassionate investigation.
One word more before we conclude.—The husband of the illustrious personage has done nothing more than follow the conduct that has been prescribed to him—it was not left to his choice—it was imposed upon him as a duty. We shall say no more. The investigation will soon be over, and we trust will be communicated to the publick without delay. The subject is one of such high and delicate importance that the publick should be left as short a time as possible a prey to vague rumours and conjectures.
Courier.
It is believed that some requisition has been made to Prussia on the part of France to evacuate Hanover. Buonaparte has declared that Hanover was not to be considered as the equivalent for the surrender of Anspach. It is said, that he has proposed to indemnify Prussia for the cession of Anspach by giving her a district in the northern part of Franconia. In order to enlarge and strengthen the power of Holland, and to reconcile the Dutch to the new government by the prospect of a greater extension of commerce, Buonaparte is said to have it in contemplation to add Hanover to the kingdom of Holland, and to give it, besides, the command of the mouths of the Ems, Weser, and the Elbe. It has been industriously circulated in Holland, that Buonaparte has great designs and intentions with respect to the new kingdom, and that he will make every effort to restore the Dutch to their antient commercial opulence and naval power. But Prussia, after having violated every principle of good faith to this country, in occupying Hanover, will not, it is supposed, easily relinquish it: and we shall not be surprised to find a requisition on the part of France to evacuate it, give rise to a war between Prussia and France, in which the former will solicit support from the very powers with which she is now at war.
The friends of lord Melville in Edinburgh, on hearing of his acquittal, proposed to have an illumination. As the necessary effect of that measure must have been to produce a contest between those who illuminated and those who did not, consequently a breach of the peace must have been inevitable. The Solicitor general warned the magistrates not to countenance a proceeding so manifestly tending to a riot. On this the lord Provost and Sheriff issued a Proclamation, to that effect. Many houses in the suburbs were, however, brilliantly illuminated. Some of them had the words Virtue Triumphant, and others Melville and Innocence beautifully displayed.
The magistrates and town councils of Edinburgh, have voted a congratulatory address to lord Melville on his acquittal, which concludes with this sentence. "The splendour of your talents has been equalled by the cleanliness of your hands, and the purity of your principles."
LORD MELVILLE.
EDINBURGH, June 18.
Monday the Lord Provost, Magistrates, and council, unanimously voted an address to Lord Viscount Melville, on his acquittal, by a sentence of the house of Peers; and the Lord Provost was requested to sign and transmit it, which was accordingly done.
The convener of the incorporated trades of Edinburgh have also unanimously voted a congratulatory address to his Lordship.
Many houses in the city, suburbs, and vicinity of Edinburgh, were last night brilliantly illuminated, in celebration of Lord Melville's acquittal. Some of them had the words Melville and Innocence beautifully displayed.
GREENOCK, June 19.
On Tuesday there was a grand entertainment at the Tontine on account of the acquittal of Lord Viscount Melville. The company was numerous and respectable, Alexander Dunlop, Esq. one of the magistrates, in the chair. After a very appropriate speech by the chairman, the health of his Lordship was drank, with three times three cheers, with the most rapturous applause. The evening was spent with that happiness so joyous an occasion inspired.
GLASGOW, June 19.
On Monday and Tuesday a great number of parties met in the different taverns in town to commemorate the acquittal of Lord Melville. On Tuesday evening an effigy was carried through the streets of the city, and at the Cross, about half past eleven o'clock, after many a kick and cuff, tumbled, head foremost, into a burning powder cask, amidst the repeated huzzas of the multitude. The East side of the Barracks, occupied by the second battalion of the 71st regiment, Highlanders, was in the evening, illuminated by the soldiers.
One of the numerous entertainments given in this city, in celebration of Lord Melville's acquittal, consisted wholly of Scotch dishes, such as sheep-hads, haggies, oat-cakes and barley scones. White bread and London Porter were excluded by the unanimous resolution of the company. This party had a transparency in one of their windows, of a figure in the garb of a Highland soldier, with the emblem of justice suspended over his head, and the motto, "Lord Melville acquitted—his friends rejoice."
From various other parts of Scotland, we have ac-
counts of the general satisfaction manifested on the arrival of the intelligence of Lord Melville's acquittal. At Dundee it was celebrated by the ringing of bells, discharges of musketry, a large bonfire in the centre of the High-street, and all the other proceedings accompanying a public rejoicing. At Haddington and its vicinity it was celebrated by illuminations and other expressions of the popular satisfaction.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Ship Alexander, King, 60 days from Liverpool, Salt and Dry Goods, John & W. Southgate.—Left there Ship: Leo d'us, McKenzie, for Alexandria, to sail 5th July; Industry, Wright, for City Point, the 12th of July; ship Diana Talbot, Maxwell, for Madeira, to sail the first fair wind.—Sailed in company with the ship Fame, for Boston; barque Mars, for Newburyport; and brig Calypso, Vickery, for Teneriffe.—Spoke July 5, in lat. 49. 30, long. 16, ship United States, Nelson, from Charleston for Bremen, out 31 days—5th. lat. 48, long. 22, brig —, Samuel Shaw, of and from Portland for Liverpool, out 20 days—7th. lat. 46. 50, long. 22. 10, ship Camilla, of and from Philadelphia, for Cork and a market, out 23 days—25th. lat. 44. 42, long. 41, ship Ariel, Corran, of and from Norfolk, out 16 days—27th. in lat. 43. 30, long. 43, ship Vigilant of and from New-York, out 14 days—30th. in lat. 42. 48, long. 43, ship Boston, of Boston, from Liverpool for Baltimore, out 25 days—Aug. 10, lat. 38. 30, long. 60, brig Kentucky, Cranston, of and from Philadelphia for Rotterdam, out 8 days—18th, in lat. 58. 15, long. 70, ship Prosperity, of and for Philadelphia, 32 days from Isle of May.
A brig belonging to this port arrived at Hull from Rotterdam the 29th of June.
The ship William P. Johnson, —, from this port for Rotterdam, was spoke on the 18th July, in lat. 41. 30, long. 67.
Several of the ships which went to sea on Sunday, have returned to Hampton Roads.
CUSTOM-HOUSE—ENTERED.
Ship Alexander, King, Liverpool. CLEARED. Ship Hazen, Henry, Glasgow. Brig Little William, Connell, Jamaica. Sch'r Carlton, Johnson, Barbados. Margaret K. Bailey, Riley, Tobago. En. prize, Fitzhugh, Alexandria.
Gould's Packet will sail for Baltimore on THURSDAY next. Aug. 25.
Gray's Packet will sail for Baltimore on FRIDAY. Aug. 27.
NOTICE.
A Court-Martial will be held at seven o'clock in the afternoon of Friday, the 29th inst. at the Exchange Coffee House, for the assessment of fines, and enquiry into the delinquencies of the troop.
By order of the Captain, Samuel Roane,
Second Lieut. of the Norfolk Troop of Cavalry. Aug. 27. 114
FALL GOODS.
The Subscribers have received by the Ship Alexander, Capt. King, from Liverpool,
A part of their FALL GOODS,
and are in daily expectation of receiving the balance of their assortment per the first arrivals from London and Liverpool. Richard & Jno. Taylor. August 27. 115
For Freight or Charter, the good Ship ALEXANDER, Miles King, master, can be ready, to receive a cargo in ten days—FOR SALE, 12,000 bush. Liverpool stoved SALT, 30 Crates of well assorted CROCCERY WARE. Also—An extensive assortment of FALL GOODS, Which will be disposed of on low terms, for Cash. J. & W. Southgate. August 27. 116
FOR SALE,
430 Shares MARINE STOCK, For Cash.—Enquire of the Editor of this Paper. August 25. 113
Lost Yesterday,
The KEY of an Iron Chest.
A reward of TWO DOLLARS will be given to any person who finds, and will deliver it at the Office of the Pub. Ledger. Aug. 25. 110
FOR SALE—A Boat,
302 Barrels, 26 half do. New Superfine FLOUR, Gallego's Brands. James Herron. August 25. 111
We have for SALE, on low terms,
18 Pipes, 11 Hogsheads, 3 Qr. Casks Madeira WINE, A Cargo of Isle of May SALT, 600 Sacks Liverpool stoved Tobacco. J. & W. Southgate. August 18. 87
Now Landing on our Wharf, from the Schooner Catharine Shepherd, Capt. Webb, from Antigua, 50 Puncheons fine flavoured RUM, For Sale on liberal credit, by Conway & F. Whittle. July 25. 19
FOR RENT,
A HOUSE in Main-Street, at present in the occupancy of Mr. George Dashfield; possession may be had on the second day of September next. Apply to James Tucker. August 22. 107
FOR SALE,
The LOT and HOUSES,
whereon John Hamilton, Esq. the British Consul resides: on it are a three story Dwelling-House, an Office, a Kitchen, and other houses necessary for family use—A Well of good Water newly fitted, and a Garden lately paid in, a Warehouse and Cellar under it, the remains of a Wharf which will make a good foundation to build on, with all the privileges of lots situated on the river of extending a wharf—Also, two hundred and seventy-one and half acres of well timbered Land, with a good Fishery on Wiloughby's Bay, taking in the mouth and part of Mason's Creek, where the best of Fish and Oysters can be conveniently taken—Also, a Lot in Smithfield, between Mr. Purdie's and Capt. Todd's lots. For terms apply to Thomas Newton. August 1. 33
ANCHOVIES,
By the gallon—FOR SALE by John Gay. August 18. 88

GERMAN GOODS.
JOHN C. NIEMEYER,
Offers for Sale the following GOODS, for Cash or on convenient credit, for approved Bills only, viz.
 5000 Bags 2 & 3 bushels, loose and in bales,  6000 East-India Gunny Bags,  330 pieces Hessian and brown Rolls,  825 pieces white Rolls, of four qualities,  140 pieces Tickenburgs and Oznaburgs,  160 pieces Platillas, white and brown,  15 pieces Dowlas,  20 do. Checks,  40 do. Britannias,  40 do. Rouans,  45 do. best Flemish Sheeting,  20 do. fine Bed ticking 2 yards wide,  24 do. Mattress Ticking,  18 do. German Canvas,  15 do. do. Shirt Linen, 44 yards each, from 65 to 110 dollars per piece,  14 do. 37 yds. each, at 36 to 75 dollars per piece,  240 do. Velvet Ribbons, assorted,  40 boxes English crown window Glass,  70 do. Baltimore window Glass assorted, at the manufactory prices, for cash,  2000 wt. Lamb's Wool, superior quality,  5000 doz. German Phials, very cheap,  2000 bunches red Garnet Beads, 
Also a complete assortment of the following Articles, viz.
 Fifty assorted Trunks, Oil Cloth, Coffee Mills, German Razor Hones, Morocco Shaving Cases, do. Pocket Books, do. Segar Boxes, Spectacle Cases, Windsor Soap, Hand Lanthorns, best Tortoise Shell Combs, Ivory & Horn do. fine Razors & Penknives, Pocket Knives of all kinds, Knives and Forks, Snuff Boxes, very elegant, Brass Candlesticks, Coffee Toasters, Shoe Brushes, Cloth do. Mill Saws, Frying Pans, Shovels, Tongs, and Pokers, Fish Hooks, Table Mats, Battle Doors and Birds, Bell Metal Kettles, Waffle Irons, Wafer Irons, German Lace & Thread, Bird Cages & Baskets, Black Silk Velvet, 2000 Agate Flints, Jewellery and Crystal Beads, Toilet Looking Glasses, common do. assorted, Snuff Boxes, Umbrellas, Plush for Saddles, Passage Lamps, Chamber Lamps and Wicks, Backgammon Tables, 800 Dice, elegant Chess Men, and Cribbage Boards. 
Apply as above. May 16. tf 744
PROPOSALS,
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, THE WORKS OF DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, Philosophical, Political, and Literary.
HUMINUM RERUMQUE REFERTOR.
THIS edition will be published from the copies revised and corrected by Dr. Franklin, the corrections of which are in the hand writing of the author, and may be seen by any gentleman, in the possession of the editor of the Aurora.
The publication of the writings of Dr. Franklin in a complete edition, was long contemplated by the late Benjamin Franklin Bache, his grandson, who transferred the copy which was devised to Mr. W. Temple Franklin, for publication. It was originally designed to publish that corrected edition in three languages, and in England, Germany, France, and America, at the same time; this expectation was frustrated by the devisee (W. Temple Franklin) who it is asserted with great apparent probability, sacrificed the work and the honourable trust reposed in him, for money, to the mortal hatred of the English ministry against the deceased sage.
As soon as this fact was known, the editor of the Aurora turned his attention to the collection of every paper and circumstance which could tend to preserve and do honour to the memory of a man, to whom America particularly owes so much, and who, as he was among the first who reflected back lustre on his native country, must continue to be ranked to the latest posterity, among its greatest benefactors and ornaments.
Early admiration of Dr. Franklin; educated in veneration and reverence of his character—and other incidental circumstances not necessary to be pointed out, have concurred to favour the collection of the best materials that could be obtained, after the sacrifice of the work by the devisee.
With some industry, and with some expense, the editor has possessed himself, not only of the copy with the corrections and additions in Dr. Franklin's hand-writing; but also of several articles which have never appeared in any former collection, and of some, which have never appeared in print. Proposals would have appeared long since in this city, had not an advertisement of an intended edition, been published in the English prints; the present editor thought it might be possible that the edition advertised was that which Mr. Temple Franklin was entrusted with: but it now appears that the English edition is only a new edition of the former compilation with small additions; but still deficient, on a comparison with the corrected papers in the hands of the editor.
The whole will now be carefully collated, and the work executed in a style worthy of the great patriarch of American liberty, and the apostle of the American press.
The additional papers will form at least a volume, perhaps more—the authentic papers already printed, form three—and it is intended to begin with the second volume, which will be put to press immediately, and to publish the Biography last, so that such additional particulars as may throw any light on the life of this great man, may be engrafted on the memoir; to obtain which and other important materials, the editor will spare neither pains nor expense.
Gentlemen who may be possessed of authentic or original papers, or correspondence of Dr. F. will render public service by communicating them to the editor.
CONDITIONS.
The work shall be elegantly printed, on a new small pica type and pale vellum paper in large octavo.
The work will be ornamented with numerous engravings, a vignette to each volume, a whole length portrait from the best likeness allowed to be in existence, now in the possession of the editor.
The price of each volume will be 2 dollars 50 cents, payable on delivery only.
Subscriptions will be received at the Book-Store of William Duane, No. 106, Market-Street, Philadelphia, and in Pennsylvania avenue, Washington City; and by other Booksellers and private gentlemen, whose names will be notified in the several states of the union.
** Subscriptions for the above work will be received at the Office of the Publick Ledger. August 1. tf 31
We have received by the brig Sumner, from Jamaica,
57 puncheons high proof RUM, 15 Hogsheads MOLASSES—which are offered for Sale on very liberal terms, by Redmon & Frith.
ON HAND, A parcel of very good W. Island RUM. June 16. tf 834
ROBERT GIBSON,
Has removed to the Fire-Proof Ware-House in Wide Water-Street, nearly opposite Commerce Street. Feb. 28. tf 536
For SALE by the Subscribers, a general assortment of Ship Chandlery, Cordage, and Cables,
 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12 inches,  English PAINTS and OIL,  Sheathing PAPER,  Bar IRON,  TOBACCO, Richmond Inspection; FLOUR,  PORK, Prime and Cargo, New-York Inspection,  200 GUN CASES; 20 Boxes SEGARS. 
They have also on hand, an extensive and good assortment of
GROCERIES.
Noble, Arbuthnot, & Co. March 31. tf 623
To Rent or Lease, for one or five years,
A commodious BRICK-HOUSE,
Situated on Smith's-Point, lately occupied by the Subscriber; to this tenement is annexed an excellent garden, &c. Apply to Thomas Price.
Who has for Sale,
A likely NEGRO MAN,
about 22 years old; an excellent house servant, and has been accustomed to drive a carriage. July 11. tf 898
FOR SALE,
A quantity of New-York and English SLATE, of superior quality.
Reilly & Tunis. June 23. tf 837
10 Groce Wine & Porter BOTTLES,
700 Groce CORKS,
500 lb. excellent GLUE,
11,000 two and 3 Bushel BAGS,
105 Boxes Window GLASS,
175 do. 1st qual. Spanish SEGARS,
27 Packages German LINEN. For Sale by John C. Niemeyer. July 28. 3m 25
For Sale, or Rent,
A PLANTATION, situated on Hampton Creek,
consisting of about 300 acres; being the property on which Mr. W. Brough has long resided. It possesses all the necessary buildings for the convenience of a family, or agricultural purposes. There are some valuable orchards, one particularly of apples, is considered more productive than any other in that part of the country. There is also a Wind-Mill most eligibly situated. For particulars, application may be made to Mr. G. Hope, Hampton, Mr. John Dunn, Norfolk, or the Subscriber in Richmond, who will give immediate possession. James D. M'Caw. June 25. 2m 860
All persons indebted to the estate of the late Wm. Davies, Esq. will please make payment, and those to whom the estate is indebted, will to please furnish their accounts properly attested, in order that provision may be made for their payment. Fortescue Whittle, Adm'r. June 18. 3m 838
Landing at Murray's wharf, from Jon board the ship Caledonian,
1500 Liverpool filled Sacks of SALT,
109 Crates well assorted EARTHENWARE. For Sale by A. Maclure. June 9. tf 822
Fresh supplies of Drugs & Medicines,
Have just been received by
FREDERICK HEERMAN, & SON,
Per the Ship Proteus, from London, and Herald from Liverpool—Also, an assortment of
SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS.
A great variety of
GENUINE PATENT MEDICINES.
All sorts of
GLASS AND SHOP FURNITURE,
And a prime collection of VALUABLE PERFUMES, including OTTER of ROSES from Barbary.
Importing regularly twice a year from the most respectable Druggists in Europe, we assure those who favour us with their orders, that the strictest attention will be paid to furnish them with articles of the best quality, and on the most reasonable terms.
** PERRY'S and LETTSOM'S Golden Antibilious PILLS; CHURCHES and J. K. READ'S COUGH DROPS for Sale.—MEDICINE CHESTS as usual. June 16. tf 835
FOR RENT,
The three large and commodious Ware Houses on the lower end of Gibson's Wharf.
Possession may be had immediately, by applying to John Southgate, or William Dickson. Feb. 26. tf 534
FOR SALE,
A Lot of Ground on Main-street,
Opposite to Mr. Woodward's cabinet maker's shop, supposed to be 27 feet front and 196 feet deep.—Also, one LOT on Little Water-Street, supposed to be 23 feet front and 50 feet deep. For particulars, apply to George Vashon, Kempville. July 30. 1m 28
30 Pipes Country GIN,
10 do. real Cogniac BRANDY,
20 Puncheons W. I. RUM,
15 Quarter Casks Old Sherry WINE,
30 Barrels WHISKEY,
3 Hogsheads Apple BRANDY,
30 Bags PEPPER,
50 Boxes Mould CANDLES,
30 do. Dipped do.
2 Bales FINE CASSAS,
5 do Beerboom GURRAHS—For Sale at reduced prices by S. Marks, jun. & Co. April 2. tf 631
FOR SALE,
850 Barrels whole HERRINGS, in excellent order for Shipping,
80 do. cut do.
190 do. SHAD; 750 bbls. TAR,
450 do. TURPENTINE. Richard Blow. July 14. tf 907
FOR SALE,
73 punch. choice 4th proof RUM,
Received by the brig Pagon, Captain Robertson, from Jamaica. Redmon & Frith. July 11. tf 899
For Rent, or Storage received,
That large and commodious WARE-HOUSE, on Hutchings' wharf.
For terms, apply to John Brown, or Wm. Cammack. August 4. tf 44
WALKER'S
Critical Pronouncing Dictionary, And Expositor of the English Language.
From the third London Quarto Edition: containing the last improvements and corrections of the Author.
TO THE PUBLICK.
THE state of polite literature in a nation may generally be ascertained by the care which the well educated bestow upon the cultivation of their native tongue. To write and speak it with propriety and purity, are attainments both elegant and valuable; while contempt of them is a mark of barbarism in the character of either an age or an individual. And in proportion as men of learning become men of taste, they attend not only to the substance and form of their language, but also to the graces of utterance. In the polished countries of Europe, no speaker, who disregards the laws of Orthoepy, can hope for the approbation of any but the vulgar. In the United States, English composition is yet in its infancy, and correct enunciation is only beginning to be studied. It is a curious fact, that with a less dissimilarity of accent between the extremes of the Continent, than prevails in Britain between adjoining counties, there are very few instances of right pronunciation to be found among our best scholars. Nothing can be more grating to the ear, even slightly habituated to the principles of orthoepy, than the offences which are perpetually committed against them by almost every speaker in publick and private. The solicitude recently discovered, and every day increasing, to rectify our errors on this point, indicates advancing refinement; and, in order to accelerate its progress, the publick will shortly be presented with a new, accurate, and beautiful edition of "Walker's Critical Pronouncing Dictionary, and Expositor of the English Language." Eulogium on this work is unnecessary to those who are acquainted with it. For the information of others, the publishers remark, that the basis of it is the magnificent Dictionary of the celebrated Dr. JOHNSON. But the peculiar excellence of WALKER'S lies in reducing English pronunciation to such a degree of precision as to render his work a Standard. The words are spelled in such a manner as to exhibit the true force of the letters, and enable the eye to cooperate with the ear in directing the organs of speech. A key to the vowel sounds, simple in its form and easily applied, is at the top of every page. Besides an acute investigation of the whole doctrine of English accent, syllabication, &c. prefixed to his volume, Mr. WALKER has annexed to anomalous and dubious articles, disquisitions which display much delicacy and candour of criticism. No man appears to have understood better the fastidiousness of language, or to have treated it with more caution and address. In re-printing this elaborate production, the result of long and patient research into the analogies of the language, and of many years observation of the most accomplished speakers in the desk, in the senate, at the bar, and on the stage, the publishers flatter themselves that they will perform an acceptable service to the American student. Extending their view beyond the calculation of monetary gain , they hope to secure a permanent profit, and add reputation to the American press, by the superiority of their edition. As the value of a pronouncing Dictionary depends entirely upon its accuracy, they pledge themselves to omit nothing on their own part which labour can effect; and to avail themselves of the best literary aid which it is possible to procure.
POSTSCRIPT.
WHEN we undertook the re-printing of this work, no other American edition was in contemplation; or at least, no notice had been given by any other Booksellers of such an intention. No sooner was our edition announced, than a company in Philadelphia set about the same work; and, in their zeal to anticipate ours , they have already employed several presses on their own, which will doubtless appear several weeks before the New-York edition can be completed.
We will not boast of the rapidity with which our edition advances, but we will lay claim to a greater merit—that of bestowing upon it all the time, and diligence, and care, and attention, which such a work demands; and we expect that the typographical excellence and accuracy of our impression, will, in the estimation of all persons of judgment, more than compensate the comparative delay which will be necessarily required.
Our address, announcing to the publick the New-York edition, having been extensively circulated, and it not being yet generally known that any other edition is in the press, we have been induced, by a regard to our own interests, to give this notice, that when the Philadelphia edition appears, it may not be mistaken for that which we are now publishing.
It was not, at first, our intention to ask Subscriptions; for we feared no competition when we undertook the work. A rival edition, however, having been begun, we deem it proper to secure by this means all the benefit which may be derived from those persons who would patronize or purchase our edition, in preference to the other.
CONDITIONS.
The work shall be printed on a fine new medium paper; it shall be neatly bound and lettered, and delivered to Subscribers at Three Dollars and Fifty Cents. A liberal allowance will be made to those who subscribe for a number of copies.
** Subscriptions to the above Work, received at the Office of the Publick Ledger. July 28. 1awtf 20
A valuable Tract of LAND for Sale.
The Subscriber will sell his Plantation called Level-Green, adjoining the town of Kempsville, in the county of Princess Anne. There is on the farm a Dwelling-House and orchards; it contains about 500 acres, and the land is excellent; it's figure is a square, and it's local position handsome and eligible, lying on the Eastern-Branch of Elizabeth river, and also on the publick road leading to Norfolk. It is conveniently situated with respect to Norfolk market, being about 5 miles distant by water, and 9 by land. It is contiguous to Broad-Creek, which abounds in good oysters; it is well timbered, and has a good landing. 'Tis not extravagant to say, that from the timber alone, a net sum may be made nearly, if not entirely, equal to the purchase money. Any person who may wish to view the Land, will apply to Mr. Wilson on the premises, to Mr. Charles Sayer, William Bishop, James Robinson, or William White, all of whom reside in the neighbourhood.—The purchaser will be accommodated in a long credit. Tully Robinson. Princess-Anne, August 8. tf 63
This Day landing from on board the schooner Rising States, Captain Newcomb,
20 Pipes Holland GIN, entitled to debenture,
10 do. 4th proof Cogniac BRANDY,
12 kegs Ground GINGER. Fisk & Catlett. August 4. tf 43
At Private Sale, at Sixty Days,
70 Puncheons RUM,
40 hogsheads, and 60 barrels SUGAR,
50 bags COFFEE; 25 pipes French BRANDY,
Madeira and Lisbon WINE, in pipes and qr. casks,
80 boxes Mould CANDLES,
GIN in pipes and cases. Wm. B. Lamb. July 28. tf 24
NOTICE.
All persons having claims against the Estate of DANIEL MCPHERSON, deceased, are requested to exhibit them immediately to the Subscriber duly attested; those indebted to said estate, are informed that an immediate payment is indispensable. John Mc'Phail, Ex'r. August 1. tf 38
NOTICE.
The Copartnership of P. DANA, & Co. being dissolved by the death of Mr. STEPHENS PARHAM; business in future will be transacted by Phinehas Dana. August 20. tf 95
SECOND CLASS.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY,
For the Benefit of WILLIAM and MARY COLLEGE.
  5,938 Tickets at 10 dols. each, dolls. 59,380   4,685 do. at 15 do. do. 70,275   10,623 129,655   Deduct loss on 2000 Tickets renewed, 4,500   Dolls. 125,155 
To float in the wheel, and come out as chance may direct.
  2 Prizes of 5000 Dollars, each, Dolls. 10,000   4 do. 2000 do. 8,000   16 do. 1000 do. 16,000   16 do. 500 do. 8,000   32 do. 200 do. 6,400   160 do. 100 do. 16,000   232 do. 50 do. 11,600   750 do. 20 do. 15,000   1 do. 155 
Stationary Prizes are,
  1 Prize first drawn, after 1000 Tickets are out, 500   1 do. 2000 500   1 do. 3000 500   1 do. 4000 500   1 do. 5000 500   1 do. 6000 500   1 do. 7000 10,000   1 do. 8000 500   1 do. 9000 500   1 do. last drawn, a Prize 20,000 
1223 Prizes. 9400 Blanks. Dolls. 125,000
The superiority of this Scheme to the one first proposed, is so obvious, that little need be said in recommendation of it. Those inclined to adventure, will see that their chance for obtaining prizes is greatly increased; that pending the drawings, their small prizes may be immediately invested in other tickets, thereby giving them a chance for prizes of considerable magnitude. To those who have drawn prizes of 15 dollars, in the First Class, as well as to those who have drawn blanks, information is now given, that the prizes may at their own option be renewed by tickets in this Class, and their blanks also, but upon the payment in the latter case of 10 dollars with each blank, provided such prizes and blanks, with the cash, be remitted free of postage, to Robt. Greenhow, merchant, in Williamsburg, agent and treasurer, or to William Newman, Post-Master, in Norfolk, previous to the commencement of the drawing, after which period no renewal will be made. When to the prospect of individual advantage that may result to each adventurer, is added the patriotic reasons which induced the legislature to authorise this Lottery, it is ardently hoped that the disposition of tickets, will soon enable the commissioners to certify, that the drawing has commenced; which event, the agent assures the public, shall be expedited by every means in his power. Robt. Greenhow, Ag't & Treasurer. June 18. tf 842
CUT-NAIL MANUFACTORY.
EPHRAIM WELCH,
No. 88, MAIN-STREET,