The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg, Va.), 1774-05-19 00:00:00

VIRGINIA
GAZETTE.
OPEN TO ALL PARTIES,
BUT INFLUENCED BY NONE.
WILLIAMSBURG: PRINTED BY
CLEMENTINA RIND.
Subscribers may be supplied with this GAZETTE at 12s. 6d. a Year. ADVERTISEMENTS, of a moderate Length, are inserted for 3s. the first Week, and 2s. each Time after; long ones in Proportion. PRINTING WORK, of every Kind, executed with Care and Dispatch.
from the PUBLIC ADVERTISER.
To the EARL of DARTMOUTH.
My Lord,
THE report to be made upon the petition from the house of representatives of the Massachusetts Bay, against their governors, will have so decisive an influence on the people of that province, that I feel myself compelled to address your lordship on the subject.
A discovery is made, by letters under their own hands, that the governor and lieutenant governor had been secretly labouring to subvert the chartered rights of the colony, to subject the people to arbitrary government, and subdue them by military force. It appeared, that to accomplish these ends, they had painted the proceedings of the people in the most false and odious colours; for fallinghoods where misrepresentation would not suffice. All this was conducted under the cloak of secret and confidential correspondence, that the mischief might come upon them unforeseen, the causes unknown, and the authors undiscovered. The people were to be the victims of a secret information; they were to be condemned without being heard, and punished with the savagery of all calamities, the loss of their rights and liberties, without being apprized of the accusation, or a possibility of defence.
The persons who planned and executed this atrocious, and (for upon principle it cannot be deemed less) this reasonable conspiracy against the constitution, stipulated their expectations of reward.
It was natural that this discovery should exasperate the people to an extreme. They saw, in the persons of those who were thus planning their destruction, men bound to them by all the ties of fellow citizens, and the obligations of gratitude; men who had been long cherished, trusted, and honoured, among them, and who had always professed the most zealous attachment, which virtue and gratitude could inspire, to their rights and interests. This was more especially the case of their chief governor, who was, at that very time, practising every art to fix in the minds of the people an exalted opinion of his warmest affection for them, and of his unremitting endeavours to promote their best interests at the court of Great Britain. They saw besides in the mode of this attempt against them something peculiarly malignant. The ministry were sufficiently disposed to adopt every severity against them. Governor Bernard and the commissioners were sufficient to pick up their prejudices and passions. To poison the mind of those in opposition, and by that means to deprive the people of every benefit, either from the efforts of that opposition, or from a change of administration, was the diabolical plan of Mr. Hutchinson and Mr. Oliver.
Had the popular indignation been followed by the most immediate and tragical consequences no one could have been surprised. Happily, however, the very men whom the governors had aspersed as the sowers of sedition and promoters of outrage, prevailed upon them to trust to his majesty's justice for redress. For this purpose the house of representatives have, in humble petition, implored his majesty's intervention to remove these men, because they have lost all trust and confidence with the people. It is this prayer to which you are now to advise an answer.
It is well worth considering, my lord, what will be the consequence of an ungracious, irritating answer. For some years past the people of America, and those of Boston in particular, have been abused, misrepresented, and oppressed, beyond the example of the worst of times. They have seen, for a series of years, every representation against them received, every application for them rejected. When the authors of the secret informations, which tended to bring upon them the displeasure of their sovereign, the resentment of parliament, and to subvert their liberties, were providentially discovered, and their representations proved false and wicked; the consequence has invariably been the encouragement and reward of those so detected. The discovery of governor Bernard's false and malignant letters, with the frauds he committed in his office, served only to make him a baronet with what is equivalent to an enormous pension. Mr. Oliver was charged upon the oaths of several of his majesty's council, and by their unanimous resolution, with a most dangerous breach of trust, in having forged minutes of their board, and authenticated them on oath, for the purpose of justifying a massacre committed by a licentious soldiery, and to throw the blame of it upon the people. What was the consequence? Not punishment, but promotion. The people saw, with astonishment and horror, this very man, thus stigmatized, * immediately promoted to be lieutenant governor.
These are facts, my lord, of public notoriety; they are facts, which, speaking to stones, would make them capable. Rewards have followed crimes as constantly as light the sun. Promotion and emolument in America have been exactly proportioned to mens perfidy to the people, and their avowed enmity to their immediate coun-
try. No people can be so dull as not to feel these injuries; no people can be so pusillanimous as not to resent them. Reiterated oppressions, detestations, complaints, and disappointments, have worked up mens minds to the highest pitch of resentment and despair. The measure is now full; one drop more may make the waters of bitterness overflow, to the destruction of the most valuable commerce of this country, and the irreparable injury of the whole dominion.
The people of the Massachusetts Bay have asked humbly, and waited patiently, for justice, against Mr. Hutchinson and Mr. Oliver. That the tax was artfully thrown in to irritate and incense them to violence was not their fault. Infamous, inimical, and odious, as the governors have rendered themselves, they have been suffered to sleep in security. A confidence in his majesty's justice, a hope that the eyes of his ministers would be at length opened, have suspended their resentment. In my opinion, my lord, this is the last effort of expectation and endurance.
I have not yet heard a denial or publication of the letters upon which their petition is founded. But it has been said that the letters cannot be admitted as evidence unless the manner in which they were obtained be declared. This rule of evidence is of the first impression, and as rational as it is new. We ought at least to be told in what book of evidence it is to be found; in what court, in what case, it was ever urged or admitted. The North Britons have kindly undertaken to reprint and correct our books; perhaps it is to be found in some Scotch editions of our law books and reports. New modelling our law has been long the favourite object of our smiling friends from that quarter.
Governor Hutchinson has acknowledged, in his answer to an address from the council, that some of the letters bear his signature; they stand therefore as matter of record, the verity of which cannot be affected by the manner in which they were obtained. Not that I have heard it even insinuated by any reputable person that they were procured by any undue means. It seems, therefore, that the objection is not that they were unfairly obtained, but that idle, perhaps impertinent, curiosity is not gratified by knowing how they were procured.
When a noble lord, for so his patent obliges me to call him, produced the essay on woman in the house of peers, was any enquiry made into the manner of procuring it? On the contrary, though it was soon proved that the mode of obtaining it was in violation of all honesty and good faith, did not both houses of parliament proceed to the severest censure, and the court of king's bench to the heaviest judgment, against the ostensible author upon the evidence of that essay so flagitiously obtained? And are we now to be told that the malefactions of Mr. Hutchinson and Mr. Oliver shall escape punishment upon this pretence?
I have dwelt too long upon an objection utterly contemptible, and which, but for the high and dangerous tendency of it, would not merit a moment's consideration.
My lord, the single question is, whether men, who have rendered themselves universally obnoxious to the people, shall be continued in authority over them? To determine in the affirmative is to set the sentiments of the people at defiance. Is there any man so wicked as to wish, or so weak as to expect, that a government, conducted on such principles, would be secure or lasting? The folly of government may be sometimes forgiven; its injustice never. But when folly and injustice unite, it must be odious, weak, and contemptible. A little time, my lord, will shew that government, in the hands of obnoxious men, is too arbitrary, too inconsistent, with the genius of the people, to be long endured. No reasoning can reconcile them, no force can subdue them, to it. It is justice only that can ensue submission; for as judge Blackstone observes: "It is found by experience, that whenever the unconstitutional oppression, even of the sovereign power, advance, with gigantic strides, and threaten desolation to a state, mankind will not be reasoned out of the feelings of humanity, nor will sacrifice their liberty by a scrupulous adherence to those political maxims, which were originally established to preserve it." My lord, an attempt to establish government in America by military force, must be ultimately fatal to this country. It will commence in folly and injustice; it will end in distress and humiliation.
RAL EIGH.
Mrs. RIND.
IT is a very common, and, I believe, a very just complaint, that the college of William and Mary hath as yet been far from answering the ends of its institution, and, indeed, those ends which might reasonably be expected from a college so well endowed. Superior in its revenues to any literary establishment upon the continent, it hath fallen greatly short of some of them as a seminary of learning. To suppose that the gentlemen who have been entrusted with the management of it have been always in fault would certainly be very unfair. Many of these, without doubt, have been both ably qualified and heartily inclined to promote its good intention. But a
wrong mode of education, at the first adopted, and since too blindly followed, together with an evil which the professors had no power to remedy, seem to have frustrated all endeavours to make it flourish. A grammar school at the foundation of the college was annexed to it, a measure which at that time might have been dictated by the circumstances of the country, and the low state of the funds, but which experience has since taught us to be attended with many bad consequences. Little or no distinction is made between the boys of this school and the students of the college. Entitled to, or at least indulged with, nearly the same privileges, the former too soon forget that they are boys, and the latter too seldom perceive that they have a superior character to maintain. As this is not merely speculation, but real matter of fact, it is surely worthy of the most serious attention of the visitors. The revenues of the college are now much encreased, the assembly has ever shewn a willingness to assist it, and a large extent of country is equally populous, and equally well cultivated with that in the neighbourhood of Williamsburg. What then is there to prevent the visitors from removing the grammar school to some of the college lands, at a distance from the metropolis; for instance, to those in King William? Every thing necessary for the accommodation of the boys could there be easily procured, temptations to idleness and vice would be less common, seeing none enjoy greater liberties than themselves, they would be satisfied with their portion, nor would they languish for such as it would be improper to grant them. Having compleated their classical education there, then let them be removed to the college. This removal would create in them a higher idea of the dignity of a student. They would look upon themselves as entering upon a nobler scene of action; a scene wherein puerility was to be exchanged for the manly and philosophical life. I can easily foresee that the step which I have proposed would meet with opposition from those in and about the city of Williamsburg. But if it be considered that this grammar school was intended for the benefit of the public, and not of individuals, that by such a removal no general inconvenience could be produced, but that several good consequences, as shewn above, would result from it, their opposition must appear selfish and unreasonable.
The great imperfection in the present mode of education seems to be this; that instead of a regular process in their studies, the students are permitted, for the most part, to attend what lectures they please, and in the order most agreeable to themselves. That such a liberty will put it into their power to waste much of their time is very evident: For instance, a student chuses to attend lectures upon natural philosophy. As these are not given oftener than twice in a week, he has four days entirely at his own disposal. For these, it is true, he may find sufficient employment, in making himself acquainted with what different authors have said upon the immediate object of his study; but he is under no obligation to do this. If he is indolent, or vicious, or fond of pleasure, he has it in his power to indulge himself. And thus, after throwing away three or four of the most precious years of his life, does many a youth quit the college with only the credit of having been so long there. Degrees have been indeed lately conferred on some few students; and from this it might be presumed, by a stranger, that these at least had gone through a regular course of education. This, however, as far as I have been able to learn, was not the case. Some of them were acquainted with the classics, others with the mathematics, others had attended lectures upon rhetoric and moral philosophy, but none had run the general circle, none had been called to an examination, previous to the conferring of this literary honour upon them; a custom in all other colleges and universities. The impropriety of this mode of education is so very apparent, that any farther demonstration of it would be an insult upon the most common understanding.
An improvement upon the present plan would, I think, require another professor, whose business it would be to read with the students the higher classics, and to give lectures upon chronology, geography, and history. Part of this duty is at present expected from the moral professor, but he has, exclusive of this, as much as he can well perform; and these are branches of literature with which every man of liberal education ought to be acquainted.
The students should be divided into three classes, which might be distinguished by the titles of seniors, juniors, and freshmen. The qualifications of such as enter the freshmen, or lower class, ought to be a good acquaintance with the Latin and Greek school authors, and with arithmetic. At their entrance into college, they should begin with algebra, under the professor of mathematics and natural philosophy, logic under the moral professor, and Horace, Homer, or some other classic, under the other, whom we will call the professor of humanity. Euclid's elements should succeed to algebra, metaphysics to logic, and chronology and history might be intermixed with the classics. This would be ample employment for the first year. Let them then be
* See proceedings in his majesty's council at Boston, October 4, 1770.

examined, and as many as are approved of raised into the junior class. Such as are deficient, should be obliged to remain amongst the freshmen another year. The juniors should begin with plain trigonometry, which they might apply to surveying, then proceed to fluxions, conic sections, and spherical trigonometry, which might conclude the business of the second year in this department. The same period, in the other two, should comprehend the study of moral philosophy, and of Cicero's moral works, with other Roman and Greek moralists. Let them be again examined, and either preferred to the senior class, or continued juniors, as they acquitted themselves. The study of natural philosophy and astronomy, of rhetoric and the best English poets, of the Roman and Grecian critics and orators, together with a general review, should be the business of the third and last year of their college education. Let, then, such as chuse to stand for degrees, be examined by the professor, either privately, or before a few of the visitors, in every branch of academical learning. If they pass this with credit, let a day be appointed for public examination, when every one, who is inclined, may attend. Afterwards it may not be improper to fix a day for public exercises, when each candidate may have an opportunity of displaying his abilities as a writer and an orator. At the conclusion of these exercises, let them be rewarded with those honours which ought only to be conferred upon the sons of science. These two last regulations, though not absolutely necessary, would have this use: They would give satisfaction to the country, raise the reputation of the college, and be a powerful incitement to the youthful mind, which is ever fond of pomp and public applause.
(We are obliged to defer the remainder of ACADEMICUS till next week.)
Mrs. RIND,
DISAGREEABLE as it is to me to submit any thing I can write to the examination of the public, and painful as it is to arraign the conduct and religious principles of a gentleman with whom I have so long lived in a state of intimacy and friendship, yet justice to some injured characters, a love of truth, and a regard for our excellent establishment, demand that I should lay aside the bashfulness of an author, and be deaf to the solicitations of friendship.
In vindication of the characters just mentioned, I must declare, that I have heard Mr. Henley frequently avow the same opinions which Mrs. Nicholas affirmed to the vestry she had heard him maintain; that the treasurer advanced nothing, as my testimony, in his letter in Purdie's paper of February the 24th, 1774, but what I had authorized him to say, and that I authorized him to say nothing but what I can prove. And further, I do declare, in justice to Colonel Bland, that I have heard Mr. Henley comment on some verses in the 1st chapter of Hebrews in the very manner in which the socinians explain them, and that I, as well as the colonel, from that circumstance, concluded him a socinian: I think I can prove that several others have heard Mr. Henley make the same remarks on that chapter. As to some insinuations that I have betrayed confidential conversations , I shall just observe, that I have related nothing which he has said to me in private, and declare, that he always appeared to me to be fond of publishing his doctrines. Had Mr. Henley trusted me alone with his religious tenets, had he not appeared to me to be desirous of propagating them, I should have been far from desiring to discover them to the world; had they been only volatile expressions , thrown out in the sallies of private and confidential disputation, his character would have been unimpeached, and I should not now be under the disagreeable necessity of affirming that this was not the case.
Both truth and justice oblige me to take notice of Mr. Henley's gross misrepresentation of a matter of fact, and of part of my testimony, in his pamphlet, page the 29th. The fact was this: Mr. Henley once took occasion to say something concerning the trinity , which Mr. Andrews and myself, the only persons then present, thought, and we still think, amounted to a denial of the divinity of the son and holy ghost . I asked him if these were his sentiments how he could "say the first sentences of the litany?" To which he replied, that he did not read the sentences I alluded to as they are commonly read; and then he attempted to repeat them, so as by laying an emphasis on some words, he might appear to exclude the idea of divinity from being affixed to the words son and holy ghost in those sentences. It is evident that the purport of my question was, how he could deny the divinity of two persons of the adorable trinity , and yet use that part of our church service in which he must address each person expressly as God ; and it is clear, at least to me, that by his answer, he denied that he did pray to them as God . The litany, and manner of reading it, were mentioned as now related, and upon no other occasion; and yet Mr. Henley represents this part of my testimony as amounting to no more than a trifling dispute concerning the manner of pointing and accenting the litany . Mr. Henley's manner of repeating the litany appeared "strange" to me; it was new, and appeared to be a miserable evasion, which at first I really could not well see the force of; to explain which, and to confirm, in some measure, this part of my testimony, I must beg leave to insert here some extracts from the Gentleman's Magazine for January 1774. Theophilus Lindsey , vicar of Catterick, Yorkshire, being dissatisfied with the doctrine of the trinity , and some of the thirty nine articles, and observing that "the devotions of the church are framed in strict agreement with the articles, and correspond with them more especially in what relates to religious worship, looked upon his continuing to officiate in them as a constant virtual repetition of his subscription." He had applied with the petitioners to parliament for relief in vain. "In this state of things (says he) I had no choice left, but either to change the public service of the church, and make it such as I could conscientiously officiate in, or quietly to retire. I could not reconcile myself to the former, because I looked upon the declaration of conformity and subscription to be such solemn ties, that I could not be easy under so great a violation of them." He therefore very conscientiously resigned his vicarage.
He says, in his apology, that whilst he officiated, he took this method to satisfy his mind: "I brought myself to consider the trinitarian form in the liturgy, and the invocations of the entrance of the litany , as a threefold representation of the one God , the father , governing all things by himself, and by his son, and his spirit ; and as a threefold way of addressing him, as Creator and original benevolent cause of all things, as Redeemer of mankind by his son, and their Sanctifier by his holy spirit." This may explain what I meant when I fell into the odd phraseology Mr. Henley points out in his pamphlet, page 28. But to shew that my construction on the manner of his repeating the litany was just, I must make one more extract from Mr. Lindsey's apology: He says, he went on in this manner, "till, from some providential awakenings, it appeared to me a blameable duplicity , that whilst I was praying to the one God the Father , the people that heard me were led, by the language I used, to address themselves to two other persons , or distinct intelligent agents, for they would never subtilize so far as to fancy the son and holy spirit to be merely two modes, or respects, or relations of God to them."
These extracts require no comment; but as Mr. Andrews does not recollect what passed between Mr. Henley and myself concerning the litany, I must observe that they are a pretty good proof of the truth of my account of that part of our conversation; for it must be observed that I had given in my testimony to the treasurer before Mr. Lindsey had published his apology in England. But although Mr. Andrews (now the reverend Mr. Andrews of York town) does not remember this, yet he recollects, what is so very material, that I have obtained his permission to publish some extracts from a letter which he wrote in answer to one of mine, in which I desired him to give me an account of what passed between Mr. Henley and us relating to the trinity . He says, "Mr. Henley, after mentioning several parts of a religious dispute which had happened between him and a gentleman in England, told us that the gentleman at last asked him how he defended the doctrine of the trinity from scripture, thinking (he said) to triumph over him in this point. But herein (he said) the gentleman was disappointed, as he assured him that he himself did not believe that the doctrine of the trinity was taught in the scriptures . I remember that I was silent upon the occasion, and that you made some short observation, which I have now forgotten. I remember also that we changed the subject, unwilling to hear more of what had so direct a tendency to destroy that good opinion of Mr. Henley which we were desirous of entertaining. As soon as Mr. Henley left us, we communicated to each other our surprise at his disbelief of a doctrine, to which, as a clergyman, he must have solemnly subscribed, and also at his discovery of this disbelief, especially to me, with whom he had an acquaintance of but a few hours. I may perhaps be mistaken in some circumstances, as almost three years have since elapsed, and as our inclination was rather to forget than to retain what we had heard; but with respect to what was said concerning the trinity I have no doubt." Mr. Henley says, page 23, "it may perhaps happen that I am impeached, not for denying the doctrine of the church , but the doctrine of Mr. Page ." I think the above extracts will shew, pretty clearly, whose doctrine it was, and how far my "impeachment" is in Mr. Henley's favour." See his pamphlet, page 66.
I will make no farther remarks at present, lest I should prove troublesome to you at this busy time, and encroach too large a part of your paper. I am, Madam, your most obedient humble servant,
JOHN PAGE, of ROSEWELL.
AGREEABLE to the act of assembly for clearing rivers and creeks, the court of Cumberland have appointed commissioners to agree with any person or persons, willing to undertake the clearing of Willis's river, in the said county. The subscribers give notice that they will attend at Horn Quarter Bridge, on the said river, on Thursday the ninth day of June, to let to the lowest bidder the said work. Bond and security will be required of the undertaker for the due performance of the same.
George Carrington, Thomas Tabb, John Woodson, Robert Smith, Joseph Calland, Joseph Carrington.
IN May 1773, or near that time, I gave my bond to John Reid, of Amherst county, for 125 l. currency, payable in April, 1774: I forewarn any person from taking said bond of Reid, as I will not pay any of the money till such time as the said Reid fulfils his bargain with me, 2 CHARLES SIMS.
VIRGINIA, &c.
At a general court, held at the capitol, the 7th day of May, 1774.
Philip Ludwell Grymes, son and heir of the honourable Philip Grymes, Esquire, deceased, and John Grymes, Charles Grymes, and Benjamin Grymes, the younger sons, and devisees of the said Philip Grymes, plaintiffs, against Benjamin Grymes, gentleman, one of the executors of the last will and testament of the said Philip Grymes, deceased, defendants.
ON the motion of the plaintiffs, and for reasons appearing to the court, it is decreed and ordered, that the said defendant give sufficient security for his future due and faithful administration of his said testator's estate, and that he be enjoined from intermeddling in any manner or degree whatever with the said estate until such security be given, or until the further order of this court concerning the same. BEN: WALLER.
WILLIAMSBURG, May 19.
Last Saturday evening there fell a shower of hail in Gloucester county, which did considerable damage to the wheat. In several places there were hailstones as large as goose eggs; many as large as hen eggs. In some places, and particularly near Mr. Willis's mill, the earth was covered several inches deep with hail as large as pistol bullets. The hail and rain fell together so violently there, that they filled the buckets of the wheel, and set the mill to work, and carried round the works for a
considerable time with great velocity. The water in the pond was not within a foot of the wheel, for the dam had but lately been made up; and this fact Mr. Willis and Mr. Peter Whiting, who had taken shelter in the mill house, were witnesses of. This account is attested by a gentleman of undoubted veracity. From several other parts of the country we are informed, that the hail was so large as to strip lusty trees of their leaves and limbs, and also killed abundance of cattle, horses, hogs, &c. The wheat fields and meadows, says the same correspondent, both in Gloucester and York, are terribly infested with a kind of worm or caterpillar. They have done considerable mischief to the corn, and to the tobacco which has been planted.
As there was a probability that our sister colonies might have received some late intelligence from England respecting the proceedings of the parliament against them, and as we are ever willing to convey any accounts which may in any wise tend to benefit the public, and guard them against the oppressive conduct of our enemies at home, we reserved the publication of our paper until the northern post should arrive, in hopes that we might have presented our readers with the sentiments entertained by the Bostonians, and in what manner they intended to proceed; but, according to the papers from thence, they have not received so late information as ourselves, relative to this noisy and troublesome affair.
Arrived, the Liberty, Outram, in York river; Brilliant, Bennet, from Glasgow, Assistance, Farish, from Whitehaven, Nancy, Cunningham, from Hull, Success, Green, from London, and Peggy, Fisher, from Liverpool, in James river; Nassau, Wignell, and Molly Parry, from Liverpool, Neptune, Kennedy, from Glasgow, and Muir, Richardson, from Antigua, in Rappahannock.
The members of the society for promoting USEFUL KNOWLEDGE are desired to meet on Tuesday the 31st of May.
At a time when the liberties of the colonies are daringly infringed, and despotism is exerting her baneful influence in the minds of those who wish not well to the just privileges of America, it certainly behoves every well-wisher to her rights, and more especially a publisher of intelligence who has her cause sincerely at heart, to lay openly those matters which may, in any respect, tend to the discovery of arbitrary or illegal measures, threatened by the mother country towards us. Under this head, the printer of this paper conceives herself obligated to convey to the public the late despotic proceedings of the b—e of c—s in the most ample manner, and to brand with infamy those unprecedented resolutions which they have so precipitately entered into. But without a minute detail, with respect to the many paragraphs in the English papers, for and against this injured country, and which are so frequently blended as materially to contradict each other, we have rather adopted a more permanent authority, by introducing a few candid pieces, sufficiently descriptive of the oppressive proceedings of the PARENTAL country towards her dutiful and filial children. Nor have we neglected an ADDRESS, which, however curious, is left to our readers, whether it deserves their approbation or contempt. The illegal and unwarrantable act of parliament, passed on the 30th of March last, and principally aimed against the Bostonians, whose patriotic conduct on so interesting an occasion deserves the highest applause, will not, it is hoped, quell their free spirit, now the storm is beginning, and more especially as there are so many united colonies to protect her at so critical a juncture.
To the PRINTER.
SIR,
THE state of America is now becoming the subject of serious consideration. Every real friend to that country and to this must rejoice that it is so. Not only the distress of both countries, from the present measures, calls for that consideration; but, what is of the utmost moment, the prevention of a national enmity being substituted for that confidence which formerly cemented us together. That enmity must inevitably arise from continuing a systematic attempt in one part of the empire, to employ its superior force in subduing the other to her arbitrary will. Can it but be felt as an act of tyranny never to be forgiven, if we employ our power not for the purposes of protection, but of oppression?
But this deliberation must, to answer any great and good purpose, be conducted with candour, justice, and wisdom. Temporary expedients, violent, partial, and precipitate counsels, serve only to encrease the disease, which they pretend to cure. The inflamed state of the subject requires a tender hand and lenient applications. "We have already tried what advantage is to be found in governing by force, and have no reason to be proud of the experiment." The great concerns of a great nation should be measured upon a scale of proportionable magnitude. To speak again in the words of a wise and benevolent prelate, "a great, liberal, commanding spirit is wanting; such as has appeared rarely in modern times, but was better known to the ancients, which, without computing and calculating what is strictly due, can extort affection and gratitude by public services, which can sacrifice little, and even great interests to the establishment of a solid, permanent authority, founded on justice and moderation, which, permitting her subjects to enjoy and improve all their natural advantages, can always avail herself of their wealth and numbers for the defence, or the glory of the empire, and is sure to find the most powerful resources of government in their friendship and love."
Let justice and moderation govern the exercise of our supreme authority over our colonies, and they will embrace us again with hearts full of joy and acquiescence. Let a great and liberal spirit go forth from hence, and it will be received in America with satisfaction, and obeyed without reluctance. Let the gentle hand of commerce and of requisition, and not the red right arm of power by arbitrary taxation, draw from her the produce of her soil, and the surplus, if there be any, of her wealth. She will minister thus to our wants, to our strength, to our grandeur, not only without repining and without complaint, but with cordiality and zeal. But
Differt summae pudenter An rapias. — — — —

Too long have our regiments insulted their streets, and our ships harassed their harbours. Too long have we worn the face, without the advantages of hostility. Alas! no advantage can ever be derived from it, because a victory would be our ruin. It would be a conquest over ourselves, over the constitution and the commerce of this country. For if the being taxed by our own consent only, given by our representatives, be not the vital spirit of our constitution, what is it? If we aid in ravishing this right from America, with what justice can we claim it for ourselves? Let us not then establish a precedent which may conclude fatally to the whole kingdom.
Is not the commerce with America of the last importance to this country? Will a military force, or irritating avenging measures, retrieve what our ill policy may lose? Is commerce a subject of compulsion? Shedding blood would therefore be an act of savage rage, not of sound wisdom. It will not redeem, but utterly ruin our commerce. But the Americans will not oppose force by force. They will use a much more irresistible mode of opposition. I do not speak it to insult, but to inform. I love and revere this country. I know it is the wish of America to love and revere this country, not as slaves but as subjects. Their opposition will be silent, and its operation will be sure, though slow. No cunning can elude, no force can frustrate its effects. Our commerce must sink under it. The superior power of this country will endeavour to aid it vain. That power will find itself in the situation of Volscens:
Nec tibi concipit usquam
Austorem, nec quo se ardens immittere possit.
And for what is it that we are to hazard these consequences? We are to fix a badge of slavery upon America, to establish for ourselves a barren revenue. Have our own burthens received one shilling alleviation from this American tax, so arbitrarily imposed, so obstinately maintained? Is there any man in his senses who expects from it any national relief? On the contrary, are we not this moment at the expence of a military establishment in America, for this sole purpose, twenty times greater than was ever incurred before in times of peace. If our justice is banished, where is our wisdom? Is not all this encreasing our expences and our distresses, without an actual, without a probable equivalent? Is it not putting our best commercial advantages to the hazard, without any emolument if we succeed, without any retribution if we fail? Is this wisdom, or is it folly, in the extreme? Is it spirit or insanity? This paradoxical policy which proposes
Per damna, per cedes ab ipso
Ducere opes, animumque ferro?
Are these the means of relieving the distresses of this unhappy, this exhausted country? Because her burthens are already greater than the well can bear, with all her sources of wealth, are we therefore to lop off one of her best, her surest resources, our American commerce? That commerce from which the merchant, the trader, the manufacturer, the farmer, all draw the fruits of their toil, and the very means of supporting our national burthens. That commerce from which the best bulwark of our island, the navy, derives the strongest sinews of her strength. That commerce which already furnishes such considerable supplies for the support of government.
These will be our triumphs; these our successes. But will these feed the starving manufacturer? Will they reimburse the ruined merchant? Will they compensate the injured revenue? Will they man our navy, or minister any relief to the whole kingdom under the distress of a general stagnation of manufactures and of trade? Will it satisfy the calls of hunger, or alleviate the distress of bankruptcy, to read in the papers that our troops have put fifty thousand Americans to the sword, our fleets have laid the cities of Boston and New York in ashes?
When we talk of maintaining our power over the colonies by severe laws and military force, we should consider the wisdom of Queen Mary's observation, which applies equally here: "That the state of every king consists more assuredly in the love of the subjects towards their prince than in the dread of laws made with rigorous pains." When the distresses our conduct will in all human probability occasion, bear hard upon us, when the emergency of a war calls for our military force at home, and all our strength abroad, it will then be too late to recollect the wise observation which Tacitus ascribes to a British King, when this country felt its day of foreign oppression, Metus et terror est infirma vincula caritatis, quæ ubi removeris, qui timere defuerit, odiss incipiant.
Dread and terror are but weak bonds of attachment, and upon their dissolution, when fear ends, hatred begins.
JUNIUS AMERICANUS.
* 1st Mary, Ch. 1. St. 1.
A WORD OF EXPOSTULATION from the KING, LORDS, and COMMONS, to the AMERICANS. High and mighty,
THE people of England having been for ages acknowledged the supreme head of all the dominions belonging to the imperial crown of this kingdom, they naturally exercised from the first period of their political existence a power to make laws for their provinces, and as naturally imagined that the same principle of equity which supported the right of their legal pre-eminence, would always support the necessary superiority of their interest over their various dependencies.
In this opinion they were no less justified by reason than confirmed by prescription. Common sense seemed to dictate the propriety of rendering partial benefit subservient to general good; and as in the hour of their distress the dependencies constantly applied to the mother country for protection as a right, the mother country of consequence, judged herself entitled to a reciprocal right of demanding their dutiful obedience to her government. This obedience she expected particularly from the American colonies, because the Americans were wholly the creatures of her own formation, owed their entire being to her indulgence, and possessed no one immunity that did not evidently flow from the spontaneous source of her immediate beneficence.
While the people of England mention this they are reduced to the disagreeable necessity of refusing a very favourite prejudice which has been eagerly inculcated beyond the Atlantic, relative to the prodigious patriotism
of the original settlers in the colonies; they therefore take leave to observe, as the present descendants of these settlers talk very loudly about the virtue of their ancestors in seeking for liberty through the immense wilds of the western world, that very little praise is due to them upon this account. The western world was not acquired by their spirit, but given to their timidity, in the moment of peril, when they basely fled from the cause of freedom, and left the intrepid sons of genuine independence to oppose the inroads of tyranny; they then sought a refuge in the English dominions of America, against that oppression which they had not courage enough to resist at home. The mother country, like a true parent, forgot their faults, and tenderly administered to their necessities; she gave them lands to cultivate, she protected them against all their enemies, and no sooner was her own constitution restored than she granted them every privilege which she herself enjoyed, as far as the local circumstances of both could give the enjoyment possibility.
From this simple state of things, the people of England are convinced that the original settlers in America were rather the obliged than the obliging, and that their migration proceeded much less from a love of true liberty than an abject dread of being oppressed, they were willing to possess freedom, but they would not fight for it. An effort of this active patriotism was left entirely for those whom they deserted, though so much is now said of their public spirit; and their descendants are very willing to inherit all the blessings they derived from the goodness of their mother country, though they think it an intolerable severity to pay a proper submission to her laws.
The people of England, in vindication of their own conduct, find it further necessary to observe, that the argument of charters, which the colonies make use of in their claim to an exemption from parliamentary jurisdiction, is by no means conclusive on the present subject. The crown has no right to make any grant prejudicial to the interests of parliament; the power of the parliament is the power of the people; and the crown was even taken away at the revolution from the reigning prince because he exercised an authority repugnant to the welfare of the kingdom. There is in this place ample room to animadvert upon the gratitude of the colonies in willing for privileges evidently injurious to their benefactors. There is also a copious opportunity of commenting upon the patriotism of America in thus endeavouring to render the prerogative of the crown superior to the legal ordinances of parliament. But the people of England will neither enter into animadversions nor into comments that must be disagreeable. They will only remark, that it is much safer for the Americans to be subjects to the kingdom than to the king of Great Britain; and that if the throne is once allowed a privilege of governing in the mother country, contrary to the established principles of law, it will very speedily contend for the same privilege in the provinces of America.
The people of England now proceed to the chief complaint of the colonies, the want of representatives in the parliament of Great Britain, and confess they hear it with some degree of astonishment, as the colonies themselves declare a representation utterly impossible. If granting them a proportionable number of representatives in the legislature of the mother country was practicable from considerations of locality; or if they had applied for a right of sending members to deliberate on the laws which they oppose, and were refused, then, indeed, they would have reason to find fault; but when they have never once desired to be represented, nay, when they peremptorily pronounce on the total impossibility of the circumstance, the people of England think it rather severe to have that urged against them as a crime, which is really their misfortune, and think it severer still to find their justice continually impeached, for the purpose of resisting their constitutional authority. If a discretionary power is any where to be lodged in the present dispute, the people of England are humbly of opinion that the Americans may as well rely upon the tenderness of the mother country, as the mother country depend upon the gratitude of the Americans.
If the power of taxing the one at will is dangerous in the hands of the other, is not the power of disobeying laws at will to the full as dangerous in the hands of the colonies? The moderation of the parent is surely equal to the duty of the child; and surely as a concession must be made either by the former or the latter, the concession will be least disgraceful on the part of the daughter.
In this opinion the people of England are the more grounded, because the Americans complain only partially of wanting representatives in the British parliament; they acknowledge that the laws with Great Britain as instituted for the regulation of their trade are perfectly legal, though they were no more represented in the formation of these laws than in the acts which lay an immediate tax upon their property.
It will not consequently be so mighty a derogation from their dignity, if they acknowledge the right of that power to levy a trifling duty upon their wealth, which they allow to prescribe limits in the acquisition of their whole fortunes. On the contrary, men of sense must wonder to hear the Americans gravely establishing a distinction between internal and external taxation; to hear them declaring all ordinances unjust with regard to their interest, in which they have not concurred, and yet to hear them at the same time confessing that the chief, by which they can be affected, are unquestionably equitable without their concurrence.
(We cannot possibly insert the whole of this piece at present; the next paper shall contain the remainder.)
The following letter is supposed to be written by the famous Edmund Burke, of the house of commons.
From the MORNING CHRONICLE. To the Right Honourable Lord NORTH. My LORD,
AS questions of the highest national importance are now to be decided, and as measures pregnant with danger and ruin are meditated, permit an American to relate a few historical facts, which merit your most serious attention. This is probably the only address you will receive on behalf of the colonies; when friends, convinced of the efficacy of reason or truth in the present contest, have resolved to leave the British government to
gain wisdom by the more certain, but expensive means of unhappy experience; concluding, that the consequences which must result from one hostile effort against America, will produce more conviction than volumes of argument. But as the public papers have been for some weeks abandoned to those incendiaries who wish to spread carnage and devastation through America, I shall make one solitary attempt to frustrate their hopes, and vindicate the claims of the colonies.
At the discovery of America, no person imagined any part of that continent to be within the realm of England, which was circumscribed within certain known and established limits. Whatever was the title of the kings of England at that time, to any share of America, it must have been an acquired title; and the sovereign then had, and still has, an undoubted prerogative right, to alienate for ever from the realm without consent of parliament, any acquisition of foreign territory. This right has been constantly exercised by the kings of England at almost every treaty of peace, and at the sale of Dunkirk, &c. and it was particularly manifested by the act for annexing Gibraltar to the realm. Conformable to this prerogative right, king James I. and Charles I. did alienate unto certain persons, large territories in America, and by the most solemn compacts, did form them into separate civil states, with all the powers of distinct legislation and government; particularly those of making peace and war, coining money, pardoning crimes, conferring titles and dignities, erecting and incorporating boroughs and cities, establishing ports, harbours, &c. with a grant and release of all subsidies and customs, to be levied within the same, and an express exemption from foreign taxation. This is evident from the most antient charters of Virginia and Massachusetts Bay, but especially from that of Maryland, which I have particularly stated in another performance. From these charters it manifestly appears to have been the royal intention to form these colonies into distinct states (like Jersey, Guernsey, Isle of Man, &c.) dependent on the crown, but not on the parliament of England; and conformable to this intention, we find that when a bill was several times brought into the house of commons, to secure the people of England a liberty of fishing on the coasts of America, messages were sent to the commons by those monarchs, requiring them to proceed no further in the matter, and alleging that "America was without the realm and jurisdiction of parliament;" and on this principle the royal assent was withheld, during all those reigns, from every bill affecting the colonies. These and other facts which appear on the journals of parliament, joined to the charters of the colonies, fully demonstrate that they were really and intentionally created distinct states, and exempted from the authority of parliament. And their inhabitants having on the faith of such fundamental terms and conditions, accepted, cultivated, and improved the territories thus granted, have an indefeasible right to maintain and enjoy the privileges so acquired; and nothing but an act of union, made with their own consent, can annex them to the realms, or subject them to its legislature.
The right of the crown to alienate the soil of the colonies, has not been disputed; but the right of exempting their inhabitants from the jurisdiction of parliament, has been denied without cause. Allegiance and subjection are due from a people to their sovereign; but the allegiance of subjects to subjects, is an absurdity unknown to the laws of this kingdom. The freedom of Britons consists in this, that they participate the power of making those laws by which they are governed; and wherever this freedom is enjoyed, the legislative power must necessarily be confined to those who partake of it, either in person or delegation; so long as the people of America resided within the realm, shared in its government, and were protected by it, so long they were necessarily bound to obey, and support that government; but when, by the consent of their sovereign, they migrated to Ireland and America, though they continued within the king's allegiance, yet ceasing to participate or enjoy the legislative power of this realm, the operation of that power over them necessarily terminated; and nothing more was necessary to emancipate the people of America from the authority of parliament, than to permit them to leave the realm; which nobody will deny the king's right of doing; and should the people of England, by their delegates, continue to exercise the powers of legislation and taxation upon the colonists, after such separation from the realm, they must exalt themselves to the sovereignty of America, and render the inhabitants of that country, the subjects of subjects; a condition more humiliating than that of the Spartan Helots; for if a people be subject to any supreme power, in which they have no participation, whether it be legal in a single person, or in thousands, the power is despotism , and the subjects of it are slaves .
After the death of King Charles the First, the commonwealth parliament which usurped the rights of the crown, naturally concluded, that by those rights they had acquired some kind of supremacy over the colonies of America; the people of New England had indeed approved their proceedings, and were therefore left without any exercise of such supremacy by the commonwealth parliament; but Virginia, and other places, having held out for the king, were reduced by force; and the conditions on which they submitted, clearly discover that the supremacy, claimed by this parliament, was no more than nominal .
The articles of the treaty were as follow:
"I. The plantation of Virginia, and all the inhabitants thereof, shall be and remain in due subjection to the commonwealth of England; not as a conquered country, but as a country submitting by their own voluntary act; and shall enjoy such freedoms and privileges as belong to the free people of England.
"II. The general assembly as formerly shall convene and transact the affairs of the colony.
"III. The people of Virginia shall have a free trade as the people of England, to all places, and all nations.
"IV. Virginia shall be free from all taxes, customs, and impositions whatsoever, and none shall be imposed on them, without the consent of their general assembly; and that neither forts nor castles shall be erected, nor garrisons maintained, without their consent."
From hence your lordship may discover, that the rights of the colonies, in those early days, were acknowledged; and that even those who had brought a monarch

to the scaffold had the moderation and justice to respect and preserve those rights. Nor did the Virginians esteem the privileges granted by this treaty as any valuable acquisition; for (considering themselves as a distinct state ) they in January, 1659, invested Sir William Berkeley with the government, and proclaimed Charles the second king of England, Scotland, France, Ireland, and Virginia, some time before his restoration to England.
After the restoration, the act of navigation, and that of the 15th of Charles II. were passed; but these I have fully considered in another place; as also that of the 25th of the same reign, which for the regulation of commerce (as the preamble expresses) first laid duties on certain articles in the colonies. This, however, was held to be such an infringement of their rights, that a general resolution ensued in Virginia, and the king's governor was deposed; and when after Bacon's death, this insurrection subsided, agents were sent to England, to remonstrate "against taxes and impositions being laid on the colony by any authority but that of the general assembly." And this remonstrance produced a declaration from the king, under the privy seal, dated the 19th of April, 1676, declaring, "that taxes ought not to be laid upon the proprietors and inhabitants of the colony, but by the common consent of the general assembly, except such impositions as the parliament should lay on the commodities imported into England from the colony." And though the duties which had given rise to this remonstrance and declaration were not wholly repealed until some time after, yet when a supply was wanted for the support of government in Virginia, the king, in 1679, framed (in England) an act for the purpose, and sent it thither by Lord Colepepper, when it was passed into a law, and "enacted, by the king's most excellent majesty, by and with the consent of the general assembly of the colony of Virginia, &c." Here we see the sovereign naming himself as a part of the legislature of that province, and thereby manifesting that he considered it as a supreme legislature . For if the colonies be a part of the realm, it is a violation of the great charter of king John, and the bill of declaration of rights, for the king personally, or by his governors, to join any other assembly than the parliament, in any act for raising money from them; it is to subject them to complex taxations, which are repugnant to the British constitution.
In the year 1663, the territory of Carolina was erected into a principality, with the powers of a distinct state; and so jealous were the lords proprietaries of these privileges, that they even denied the king's right of appointing a vice admiral therein for trying offences committed without the principality; and Joseph Morton, the governor, was dismissed from the government for having accepted a commission of vice admiral from the king.
In 1691, when the new charter of Massachusetts Bay was granted by king William, the agents thought it not adequate to the deserts and expectations of the province, and were unwilling to accept it. This, however, the majority of them, after consulting the most able lawyers, resolved to do, and in justification of their conduct, subscribed an instrument containing the reasons of it. The last article of which will shew the idea then entertained of the rights of that province: "The colony (say these gentlemen) is now made a province, and the general court has, with the king's sanction, such power in New England as the king and parliament have in England. They have all English privileges and liberties, and can be touched by no law and by no tax, but of their own making." Nor had the people of New England any reason to alter this opinion of their rights until since the conclusion of the last war; no imposition upon them having in that long interval been attempted by parliamentary authority. There are many other facts which might be adduced to the same purport; but these will suffice to shew that the claim of the colonies to the privileges of distinct legislation and government, and to an exemption from parliamentary taxation, are not new, as some have ignorantly or wickedly pretended. They will also shew, that from the earliest years of their settlement the rights of the colonies have been known, and with but little variation have been acknowledged, respected, and maintained, even by the legislature of this country; and the few instances which have happened to the contrary may be considered as usurpations of the strong against the weak; and " quod ab initio injustum est, nullum potest habere juris effectum ." Grotius. There are other grounds, however, on which the adversaries of the colonies have chosen to manage this contest; and upon these grounds I shall meet them in my next. I am, my lord, your's, &c. E. B.
Mrs. RIND,
By inserting the following proposals, for the consideration of the house of burgesses, in your useful paper, you will oblige a great number of your readers.
1. That it be enacted, that the vestries of every parish be elected, by their parishioners respectively, every ten, twelve, or fourteen years, which will effectually remedy the many and various impositions, and illegal and arbitrary measures, that are so frequently and justly complained of; it will quiet and ease the minds of numbers of the parishioners, will prevent the frequent applications to the assembly for redress, and will thereby save a great deal of time and expence.
2. That for the dispatch of business in the county courts, and a more effectual method of coming at justice, it be enacted, that the courts in every county respectively, or a majority of them, be empowered, on some court day annually, to nominate and appoint twenty four days of the fittest and ablest men of their county (not being of the bench, nor of the bar) to serve as jurymen for the year ensuing, twelve of whom to attend and serve, if required, every court day, either alternately or indiscriminately, or the whole twentyfour, when so many of the causes are ready for trial as to require two juries in one day, the said jurymen to be subjected to a fine or penalty for nonattendance, or refusing to serve when required, unless in cases of sickness or disability, or other reasonable excuse, be offered to the satisfaction of the court; and when a sufficient number of the said jurymen be not present, that then the sheriff to summon enough of the bystanders to make up the deficiency; that they, or such of them as serve, shall be paid, by the party cast, some moderate fee, just enough to defray their reasonable ex-
pences. Moreover, that whenever there are to be any new magistrates added to the commission of the peace, the court shall nominate, for that purpose, some of the said jurymen who have served the most constantly and diligently, and none else. This may encourage the jurymen to inform themselves with the laws of their country, and instil in them a better notion of equity.
By this, or some such law, the present evil of weak juries will be removed, the causes will be determined with much more dispatch and justice, and in time our benches will be filled with abler magistrates.
Mrs. RIND,
The enclosed was intended for your last paper, but by some accident miscarried. Your publication of it this week will oblige
A CUSTOMER.
ON Monday the 2d of May was celebrated in Norfolk the anniversary of Saint TAMMINY, the tutelary saint of the American colonies. At one o'clock a royal salute of twenty one guns from a battery erected for the purpose, ushered in the rejoicings of the day, and in the evening a grand entertainment was given at the Mason's Hall by the sons of the saint, to which there was a general invitation, and the company exceedingly numerous and brilliant, consisting of near 400 persons. At six, the ball was opened by one of our worthy burgesses, in the character of King TAMMINY, properly accoutred in the antient habit of this country, at which time another royal salute was given. The ladies, whose fair bosoms on this occasion seemed more particularly animated with a generous love of their country, indulged the company with their presence till four in the morning; and after their retirement, the sons of Saint TAMMINY, according to the immemorial custom of these countries, encircled their king, and practised the antient mysterious war dance , so highly descriptive of the warmest attachment and freedom of spirit. The whole was conducted with the strictest decorum, and to the universal satisfaction of the assembly; while the cordiality with which the sons of the brother saints , St. George, St. Andrew, St. Patrick, and St. David, entered into the general mirth of the evening, gave particular pleasure, and was truly emblematical of that happy union which has long subsisted between the parent state and her colonies, while Britain was just , and America was free , and which every lover of his country would wish should still subsist for ages yet to come.
But should corruption, with despotic rage, Seize the strong pillars that support the state, Strain ev'ry nerve to pull destruction down, To blend in ruins freedom and her sons, And crush our growing empire in its youth, Then let us rouze submission from her knees, And stand like heroes firm in its defence; Then let one spirit of a BRUTUS reign, And martial sounds be music to each ear; While some great prince of BRUNSWICK's glorious line Ranks our wide armies, and inspires to war. Thus shall we see and triumph in the fight, While malice frets, and fumes, and gnaws her chains, AMERICA shall blast her fiercest foes, Shall brave the dismal shocks of bloody war, And in unrivall'd pomp resplendent rise, And shine sole empress of the western world!
D U T C H F A N S,
FOR cleaning wheat or any other kind of grain, are made and sold by ADAM EKART, in Market street, Philadelphia. Likewise rolling screens, sieves for sifting iron ore, &c. warranted of the best make; also all sorts of wire work, for cleaning wheat, barley, rye, flax seed, Indian corn, oats, or any other kind of grain, and wire shott-cloths for millers. The same to be had of captain Matthew Phripp, in Norfolk.
CARRIAGES of various sorts and prices to be sold by ELKANAH DEANE, coachmaker, at his shop in Palace street, Williamsburg, who makes all kinds of coaches, chariots, postchaises, phaetons, curricles, chairs, and chaises, with harnesses of every sort. Carriages of every kind are repaired, painted, gilded, and japanned, in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms, for cash. Gentlemen or ladies residing in the country, by sending their commands to said Deane, may depend on being well used, and their commands executed with the greatest care and dispatch. He returns his unfeigned thanks to those gentlemen and ladies who have favoured him with their custom, and is determined to make it his study to please all who are kind enough to employ him.
Being in want of a few more JOURNEYMEN, he will give the following prices, provided they are good hands: For every chair body, single or double, according to my directions, I will give four pounds, for every chair carriage eighteen shillings, for every pair of wheels 22 shillings, and so in proportion for all other work. I would willingly take too or three apprentices who have been genteelly brought up, and tolerably educated; no others need apply.—Said Deane has some choice brandy, gin, rum, and several kind of cordials; such as anniseed water, orange ditto, clove ditto, allfours, cherry brandy, and raspberry ditto; all which he will dispose of on reasonable terms, for cash, to those who will take a quantity.
THE subscriber, of Sussex county, being under the disagreeable necessity of taking this method of acquainting the public that his wife Sarah Northington has left his bed and board, therefore forewarns all persons from trusting her on his account, as he will pay no debts of her contracting.
May 5, 1774. SAMUEL NORTHINGTON.
JUST arrived in York river, the Brilliant, Captain Miller, from London, with a choice healthy indented SERVANTS, the sale of which will begin at Richmond town on Wednesday the 25th of May; among which are the following tradesmen, viz. blacksmiths, braziers, edgetool makers, bricklayers and plasterers, shoemakers, stone masons, carpenters, joiners and cabinetmakers, cloth weavers, stocking weavers, barbers and peruke-makers, gardeners, farmers, labourers and husbandmen, book-keepers and schoolmasters, tailors, silkdyers, bakers, painters, leatherdressers, sawyers, butchers, a flemish groom, surgeon, &c. I will sell them very cheap, for ready money, or tobacco; and for those on credit, bond and security will be required.
THOMAS SMITH.
To be SOLD, on the 6th day of June, at the late dwellinghouse of Mr. Robinson Daingerfield, deceased, in King & Queen county,
ALL the household and kitchen furniture, most of which are very good, a parcel of good books, a large and small microscope, and a perspective glass, with views. Twelve months credit will be given for all sums above forty shillings, on giving bond, with good security; those bonds that are not paid off at the day to carry interest from the date.
THOMAS LOWRY, } administrators. W. DAINGERFIELD, }
I HAVE for sale 481 acres of land adjoining the lands of James Bates, deceased, on Skiminoe creek, in York county. The land is very convenient to Williamsburg, to three parish churches, quakers meetinghouse, several gristmills, two warehouses, and a navigable landing. It is well timbered with oak suitable for framing, scantling, fire wood, and fencing. This land joins Fleming Bates, who will shew the same to any person inclinable to purchase; and I do authorize the said Fleming Bates to sell the same, and will abide by whatever agreement he may make. 2* JOHN BATES.
STRAYED, or stolen, from the subscriber, in Williamsburg, on Sunday the 1st of May, a white mare, about 13 hands one or two inches high, with a hanging mane and tail, paces and gallops, one of her hips rather higher than the other. I bought her of one William Archer, from Louisa county. I do not recollect that she has any brand. Whoever brings the said mare to me shall be well rewarded for their trouble, and all reasonable charges paid. JOHN HOLT.
GEORGE the third, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, &c. To the sheriff of Hampshire county, greeting: We command you that you summon Charles Lynch to appear before the justices of our said county court of chancery on the second Tuesday of next month, to answer a bill in chancery, exhibited against him and Abraham Hite, gentlemen, by Matthew Bush, of the city of Philadelphia, and province of Pennsylvania; and this he shall in no wise omit, under the penalty of 100l. and have then there this writ. Witness Gabriel Jones, clerk of our said court, this 14th day of April, in the 14th year of our reign. 3 GABRIEL JONES.
COMMITTED to Gloucester gaol, the 13th of this instant (May) a negro man who calls himself by the name of William, and says he belongs to Peter Funnell, of New England, and has been absent from thence ten years; he is about 35 years of age, about 5 feet 10 inches high, speaks a little broken, much pockpitted, and has a very particular scar on his nose. He says he has failed to many parts of Europe and America. His master may have him on proving his property, and paying charges. WILLIAM SMITH, gaoler.
COMMITTED to the gaol of Northumberland, on the 2d of May, a negro man who calls himself Charles, and says he belongs to Mr. John Booth, in Amelia. He was purchased by Samuel Griffin of John Blackwell's estate. He is a well set fellow, and about 25 years old. The owner is desired to apply for him. JOHN CRAIN, gaoler.
TAKEN up, in Buckingham, six hogs, three of which are barrows, with bob tails, the others are sows; they are all black and white, with a crop and two slits in the right ear, and half the under part of the left taken off, in the manner of a fox's ear; they are all about one year old. Posted, and appraised to 2l. 5s. SETH CASON.
TAKEN up, in Culpeper, a black horse, about 4 feet 8 or 9 inches high, about 7 years old, has a small star in his forehead, and branded on the near shoulder and buttock P. Posted, and appraised to 17l. NATHANIEL PENDLETON.
TAKEN up, in Culpeper, a black cow and calf, the cow marked with a small crop in each ear, and then slit down and cut out. Likewise a red brindled heifer, about 2 or 3 years old, marked with an underkeel in the left ear, and swallowfork in the right. The cow and calf are appraised to 4l. and the heifer to 1l. 10s. JAMES SLAUGHTER, jun.
TAKEN up, in Loudoun, near Well's tavern, a small light brindled cow, appears to be 9 or 10 years old, has a white face, and some white under her belly. Has on a middle sized bell, tied with a rope, marked on the right ear, with a crop, slit, and swallowfork in the left. Posted, and appraised to 2l. 5s. JOHN TAYLOR.
TAKEN up, in Amherst, a black mare, 4 feet 5 inches high, 13 or 15 years old, with a white spot on her right buttock, a star in her forehead, and branded on the near buttock with 3 dots; she had on a bell. Posted, and appraised to 6l. WILLIAM LAVENDER.
TAKEN up, in Lunenburg, a bay horse, about 9 or 10 years old, 4 feet 6 inches high, has some saddle spots, and branded on the off buttock and shoulder HC. Posted, and appraised to 10l. RICHARD STONE, senior.
TAKEN up, in Dunmore, a dark bay mare, about 4 feet 6 inches high, branded on the near buttock HF, has a star in her forehead, newly shod before, with a bell on, and paces naturally. Posted, and appraised to 8l. LAWRENCE SNAPP.