Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-04-04 00:00:00

DOCUMENTS
Accompanying the Message of the President of the 22d March, relative to the Chesapeake. (CONTINUED.)
Mr. MONROE TO Mr. CANNING.
Mr. Monroe presents his compliments to Mr. Canning, and has the honour to inform him that he called at his office yesterday, for the purpose of making some remarks on the subject treated in the note which he addressed on the inst. to Mr. Canning. Mr. Monroe regrets that he had not the pleasure of seeing Mr. Canning at that time and requests that he will be so good as to give him an interview to-morrow, at such an hour as may be most convenient to him. Mr. Monroe will be happy to attend Mr. Canning in the country, should it be more agreeable to Mr. Canning to receive him there.
Portland Place, Sept. 9, 1807.
From Mr. Canning, in answer.
Mr. Canning presents his compliments to Mr. Monroe, and will be happy to have the honour of seeing him at the Foreign Office to-morrow at 12 o'clock.
Mr. Canning has but this minute received Mr. Monroe's note.
Burlington House, Wednesday
Sept. 9, 1807.
3-4 p. 8, P. M.
Duplicate.
No.
London, Sept. 16, 1807.
Sir—I had the honour to receive your letter of July 6th, by Dr. Bullus, on the 31st ultimo, and did not lose a moment in entering on the business communicated to me by it, in the manner which seemed most likely to obtain success. The details shall be communicated to you in my next despatch. All that I can state at present is, that the whole subject has been placed fully before this government in as strong an appeal to its interest and judgment as I could make, and that as a week has elapsed since my official note was presented, I am in daily expectation of receiving its decision on it. The moment is in many views very favourable to a satisfactory result, but still it is not in my power, from anything that has occurred, to speak with confidence of it. The joint negotiation committed to Mr. Pinkney and myself, was suspended by the intelligence of the affair with our frigate, and has never been revived since. That intelligence reached this about a week after Mr. Parvance, so that we had only been able with the utmost diligence, to take the preliminary step of presenting to Mr. Canning, in conformity to our instructions, a project, and of explaining to him in the most minute and comprehensive manner that we could, every circumstance appertaining to it. No answer was given to our communication; the suspension therefore of the negotiation, was imputable to Mr. Canning; had he answered our communication and proposed to proceed in the negotiation, it would have become a question for the commission to have decided, how far it would have been proper under existing circumstances to comply with the invitation; his silence however relieved us from that dilemma.
Permit me to present to you Mr. Jos. A. Smith, of South Carolina and to refer you to him for much information of a general nature, on the subject of our affairs with this country. Having been long in Europe, and visited almost every part, he possesses great information of the political state of its several powers, especially of Russia, from whose sovereign he received very distinguished marks of attention. In much communication which I have had with Mr. Smith for a year past, I have found him to be animated with strong sentiments of patriotism towards his country, and as he has expressed a desire of being personally known to the President, and yourself, I have been happy to promote his object, by giving him this introduction. I am with great respect, sir, your most obedient servant.
JAS. MONROE.
P. S. A copy of my note to Mr. Canning is enclosed.
James Madison, Secretary of State.
From Mr. Canning.
No. 16.
Foreign Office, Sept. 23d, 1807.
Sir—I have laid before the king my master the letter which I had the honour to receive from you, on the 9th of this month.
Before I proceed to observe upon that part of it which relates more immediately to the question now at issue between our two governments, I am commanded, in the first instance, to express the surprize which is felt at the total omission of a subject, upon which I had already been commanded to apply to you for information: the proclamation purported to have been issued by the President of the United States. Of this paper, when last I addressed you upon it, you professed not to have any knowledge, beyond what the ordinary channels of publick information afforded, nor any authority to declare it to be authentick.
I feel it an indispensable duty to renew my enquiry on this subject. The answer which I may receive from you is by no means unimportant to the settlement of the discussion which has arisen from the encounter between the Leopard and the Chesapeake.
The whole of the question arising out of that transaction, is in fact no other than a question as to the amount of reparation due by his majesty for the unauthorised act of his officer: and you will, therefore, readily perceive that, in so far as the government of the United States have thought proper to take that reparation into their own hands, and to resort to measures of retaliation, previously to
any direct application to the British government, or to the British minister in America, for redress; so far the British government is entitled to take such measures into account, and to consider them in the estimate of reparation which is acknowledged to have been originally due.
The total exclusion of all ships of war belonging to one of the two belligerent parties, while the ships of war of the other were protected by the harbours of the neutral power, would furnish no light ground of complaint against that neutral, if considered in any other point of view, than as a measure of retaliation for a previous injury: and, so considered, it cannot but be necessary to take it into account in the adjustment of the original dispute.
I am therefore distinctly to repeat the enquiry, whether you are now enabled to declare, sir, that the proclamation is to be considered as the authentick act of your government? And, if so, I am further to enquire, whether you are authorised to notify the intention of your government to withdraw that proclamation on the knowledge of his majesty's disavowal of the act which occasioned its publication?
The light in which you are directed to represent admiral Berkeley's conduct, and the description which you give of the character of the measure imputed to him—that "he acted as if he had the power to make war, and to decide the causes of war;" sufficiently evince the necessity of comprehending in this discussion, all the circumstances which have led to, or have followed the action with the Chesapeake.
Undoubtedly the attack upon a national ship of war, is an act of hostility, and the very essence of the charge against admiral Berkeley, as you represent it, is the having taken upon himself to commit an act of hostility without the previous authority of his government.
The provocation which may have led to such an act, without such previous authority, if it cannot justify, may possibly extenuate it: as the steps which have been taken in reprisal, though they cannot alter the character of the original act, may and do materially affect every question concerning the reparation claimed for it.
On this ground it is, that, while I am commanded to repeat to you (what you consider as so satisfactory) that the general and unqualified pretension to search ships of war for deserters, is not asserted by this country, "I am precluded from conceding in the inference, that therefore the national character of the men who were violently taken from on board the Chesapeake, makes no part of the present question."
If the right to search ships of war for deserters is not insisted upon by this country, it is not because the employment and detention of British mariners on board the national ship of any state is considered as less injurious towards Great Britain than their employment on board of merchant vessels (a proposition which would be manifestly absurd): It is not intended to allow that the sailors of Great Britain may be justly employed, against her consent, in foreign ships of war; but merely that redress is, in that case, to be sought for by government from government; and not to be summarily enforced by the unauthorised officer of any of his majesty's ships of war.
It follows from this reasoning, that not only the "national character" of the men taken out of the Chesapeake is matter for consideration; but that the reparation to be made by the British government to that of the United States, would depend, among other circumstances, on the question whether an act, which the British government would be justified in considering as an act of hostility, had been committed by the government of the United States (in refusing to discharge the British seamen in their national service) previously to commission of an act of an officer of his majesty.
The act of the British officer would still be an unauthorised act, and as such liable to complaint and disapprobation; but the case, as between government and government, would be materially varied.
At the same time that I offer to you this explanation of the principles upon which his majesty has authorised me to discuss with you the subject of your representation, and that if I renew to you the assurances of the disposition to conduct that discussion in the most amicable form, and to bring it to a conclusion satisfactory to the honour and to the feelings of both countries; it is matter of regret that you should have been instructed to annex to the demand of reparation for the attack of the Leopard upon the Chesapeake, any proposition whatever respecting the search for British seamen in merchant vessels; a subject, which is wholly unconnected with the case of the Leopard and Chesapeake, and which can only tend to complicate and embarrass a discussion, in itself of sufficient delicacy and importance.
In stating the grounds upon which your government expect with confidence that "the whole subject of impressment shall be taken up at this time," and that in making the reparation which is claimed for the particular injury alleged to have been sustained by the United States, in the late unfortunate transaction off the capes of Virginia, "a remedy shall be provided for the whole evil," you appear to have been directed to assume that this act of violence (such as you describe it) is the natural and almost necessary result of the practice of impressment of British seamen from merchant vessels of other states; and to represent the particular transaction and the general question of impressment, as "identified in the feelings and sympathies of your nation, as well as in the sentiment of your government."
With every attention due to the feelings of the
people of the United States, I am sure you will readily allow that those feelings cannot properly be considered as affecting the merits of the case.
The first ebullitions of national sensibility may very naturally have communicated an impulse to the proceedings of the American government; but it cannot be expected, that they should guide the deliberate opinions and conduct of the government with which you have to treat. I would farther observe to you, that your government cannot reasonably claim any advantage in argument from the expressed sense of its own people, unless it be prepared at the same time to take upon itself a responsibility (which there is no desire of attributing to it) for the outrage and indecency, with which upon the late occasion, that expression has in too many instances been accompanied. It is better for temperate reasoning, and assuredly it is more advantageous for the government of the United States, that the consideration of popular feeling should be wholly omitted in this discussion.
The right and the practice of which you are instructed to complain, as irreconcilable with justice, and intolerable in all their parts, have been exercised by Great Britain from the earliest ages of the British naval power, even without any qualification or exception in favor of national ships of war.
The grounds upon which such a distinction has been admitted in later times, and upon which, for the course of nearly a century, the crown has foreborne to instruct the commanders of its ships of war, to search foreign ships of war for deserters, I have already had the honor to explain to you—and you will have perceived that those grounds are wholly inapplicable to ships in the merchant service.
That a foreign power will not knowingly retain in its national service, mariners the natural born subjects of his majesty, who have been recalled by public proclamation, may be regarded as a presumption arising out of the hostile nature of the act and out of the probable consequences to which such an act of hostility must lead.
But with respect to merchant vessels, there is no such presumption.
When mariners, subjects of his majesty, are employed in the private service of foreign individuals, under private civil contracts, the king's subjects, and the foreign individuals with whom they serve, enter into engagements inconsistent with the duty of his majesty and subjects towards him, but to those engagements the government of the foreign nation has not made itself a party.
In such cases, the species of redress which the practice of all times has admitted and sanctioned, is that of taking those subjects at sea out of the service of such foreign individuals; and recalling them to the discharge of that previous and paramount duty which they owe to their sovereign and to their country.
That the exercise of this right, involves some of the dearest interests of Great Britain, your government is ready to acknowledge, and has accordingly authorised you to propose certain regulations which you apprehend, would be equivalent in their effect for the preservation of the interests concerned.
There will be no indisposition here to entertain, at a proper time, the discussion of such proposed regulations. But when you recollect that many proposals for this effect have already been brought forward, and have been found wholly inadmissible; when you have yourself recently had occasion to experience the difficulty of framing any satisfactory arrangement upon the subject, with all the anxiety which is properly felt by both governments for the speedy adjustment of the difference between them, and for the "healing of that deep wound which you state to have been inflicted on the national honor of the United States;" surely it is not well advised to make the termination of that difference, and the healing that wound, dependent wholly on the complete success of an attempt, which has already been made so often, and which has hitherto uniformly failed.
Your own reasoning shews that you are aware of the more than ordinary difficulty which must attend any arrangement for the prevention of desertion, between two nations, whose similarity of manners and habits, and whose identity of language, interpose so many impediments to the discrimination of "national character."
To these circumstances, and not (as you almost seem to insinuate) to any peculiar harshness towards the United States, it is owing, that the exercise of this right, as with respect to them, is necessarily more frequent, than with respect to any other nation: and is felt by them to be more rigid and vexatious. But these circumstances cannot furnish an argument for the suspension of the exercise of the right with respect to America; unless it be contended, that multiplicity of frauds and difficulty of detection are reasons against suspicion or motives for acquiescence.
As little foundation is there for the complaint that the practice has grown out of the recognition of American independence; and that the character of that event is affected by its continuance.
It is needless to repeat that these rights existed in their fullest force, for ages previous to the establishment of the United States of America as an independent government: and it would be difficult to contend that the recognition of that independence can have operated any change in this respect; unless it can be shewn that in acknowledging the government of the United States, Great Britain virtually abdicated her own rights as a naval power; or unless there were any express stipulations, by which the ancient and prescriptive usages of Great Britain, founded in the soundest principles of natural law, though still enforced against other independent nations of the world, were to be suspended whenever
they might come in contact with the interests or the feelings of the American people.
I would now call your attention to the consideration of the question respecting the late transaction between the Leopard and the Chesapeake; which till the receipt of your letter, I imagined to be the only question actually in discussion between us, and in consideration of the delicacy and pressing importance of which we had, by common consent, waived the consideration of all other matters pending between our two governments.
Into the discussion of this question I am prepared to enter; with what disposition, on the part of his majesty's government, to consult the feelings and the honour of the government of the United States, it is not necessary for me here to declare—for you have yourself done justice to the sincerity of that disposition.
The difficulties in the way of such adjustment are already smoothed, by the disavowal, voluntarily offered, at the very outset of the discussion, of the general and unqualified pretension to search ships of war for deserters. There remained only to ascertain the facts of the particular case, and to proportion the reparation to the wrong.
Is the British government now to understand, that you, sir, are not authorised to enter into this question separately and distinctly; without having obtained, as a preliminary concession, the consent of this country to enter into the discussion with respect to the practice of searching merchant vessels for deserters?
Whether any arrangement can be devised, by which this practice may admit of modification, without prejudice to the essential rights and interests of Great Britain, is a question, which as I have already said the British government may, at a proper season, be ready to entertain: but, whether the consent of Great Britain to the entering into such discussion, shall be extorted as the price of an amicable adjustment, as the condition of being admitted to make honourable reparation for an injury, is a question of quite a different sort, and one which can be answered no otherwise than by an unqualified refusal.
I earnestly recommend to you, therefore, to consider whether the instructions which you have received from your government, may not leave you at liberty to come to an adjustment of the case of the Leopard and Chesapeake, independently of the other question, with which it appears to have been unnecessarily connected.
If your instructions leave you no discretion, I cannot press you to act in contradiction to them. In that case there can be no advantage in pursuing a discussion which you are not authorised to conclude: and I shall have only to regret that the disposition of his majesty to terminate that difference amicably and satisfactorily, is for the present rendered unavailing.
In that case, his majesty in pursuance of the disposition of which he has given such signal proofs, will lose no time in sending a minister to America, furnished with the necessary instructions and powers for bringing this unfortunate dispute to a conclusion consistent with the harmony subsisting between Great Britain and the United States. But, in order to avoid the inconvenience which has arisen, from the mixt nature of your instructions, that minister will not be empowered to entertain, as connected with this subject, any proposition respecting the search of merchant vessels.
It will, however, be far more satisfactory to his majesty to learn, that upon re-consideration, you think yourself authorised to separate the two questions.
I hope you will allow me to express at the same time, the sincere pleasure which I should feel in having to treat with you, sir, personally for the re-establishment of a good understanding between our two countries.
I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) GEORGE CANNING.
Portland Place, Sept. 29, 1807.
Sir—I have had the honour to receive your letter of the 23d of this month, and shall transmit it without delay to my government.
I perceive by it, with great regret, that his Britannick majesty's government is not disposed to enter into an arrangement at this time, of all the differences that have arisen between our governments, respecting the impressment of seamen from American vessels by British cruisers; that it is willing to look to one object only, the late aggression, and provide for it, while the other is left to depend on future adjustment. My government would have seen in the recent and greater injury, a strong motive for bringing the whole subject into one view, and providing for it at the same time. The excess of the latter outrage could not fail to revive in the mind of the suffering party, a high sense of former injuries, and it was reasonable to infer that great injustice inseparable from the practice, of which the incident furnished so striking an example, would have produced, between our governments the most prompt and friendly co-operation in the means of suppressing it. That the United States have suffered a greater injury by a recent occurrence, than they had done before, cannot be a good reason and ought not to be a motive for delaying redress of the others, especially when it is considered that they were already in a train of amicable accommodation and arrangement. Since, however, you inform me that his majesty's government is unwilling to take up the subject in a combined view, it is unnecessary for me to press it.
You ask me whether I am authorised to separate this latter incident from the general practice, and to treat it as a distinct topic? On this point I have to state, that my instructions, which are explicit, enjoin me to consider the whole of this class

of injuries as an entire subject; and indeed so intimately are they connected in their nature, that it seems to be difficult, if not impossible, to separate them for any useful purpose to either party. My government being sincerely desirous to place the relations of the two powers, on the solid basis of permanent friendship, is satisfied, as well by what has occurred in the general practice, as by the more awful admonition derived from the late incident, that that can only be done with effect, by mounting to the source of the evil, and providing an adequate remedy for it. In pursuing this great object, it is my duty to repeat, that my government does not seek to confine the remedy proposed to the injuries which the United States have suffered, and continue to suffer, but is desirous to extend it to those which are complained of by Great Britain. Experience has shown that both parties complain of injuries, though certainly of a very different character and less urgent nature. How much more advisable then is it not, in every point of view, for them to enter into an arrangement which shall provide an adequate remedy for their respective injuries; which shall bind the honour of each government to do what is just and right in respect to the other, and enlist the feelings of each nation on its side, than to suffer things to remain longer in their present state? How much more advantageous would not such an arrangement be likely to prove to Great Britain, in the particular object which she has in view, than her adherence to a practice which rejects a mean which could not fail to be more productive; a practice which cannot be maintained in principle; which leads by immutable causes, that ought to inspire different sentiments in the parties to each other, to great and constant abuse, and which is also considered by the United States as subversive of their character as an independent power.
So much I have thought it proper to state, in order to place in a just light the conduct of my government on the present occasion, on this great and very interesting subject of impressment. Well knowing its desire to cultivate the most friendly relations with Great Britain, on just and honourable conditions, it would be highly improper that any doubt should be suffered to exist on that point.
You inform me that his majesty has determined, in case my instructions do not permit me to separate the late aggression from the general practice of impressment, to transfer the business to the United States, by committing it to a minister who shall be sent there with full powers to conclude it. To that measure I am far from being disposed to raise any obstacle, and shall immediately apprise my government of the decision to adopt it. Under such circumstances, I perfectly agree with you in the opinion, that it would be useless to pursue a discussion, which it would be impossible for me to bring to a satisfactory conclusion.
It is still my duty to give the explanation which you have desired, of the motives which induced the president to adopt the measure announced in his proclamation of the 2d of July last. However great the injury which the United States had received by the aggression complained of, it is just that it should be shown that the president did not lose sight in those measures of the friendly relations subsisting between the two powers. When the hostile nature of the attack on the Chesapeake, is taken into view, and the general conduct of the British squadron within the waters of the United States, before and after the attack, I am persuaded that there was no limit to which the president would not have been justified in going, which he might have thought essential to the honour and safety of the nation. Before the attack, the British squadron had violated the jurisdiction of the United States, by the impressment of men within it, whom the commander had refused to surrender; and after the attack the attitude which he assumed continued to be a very menacing and hostile character. An act of hostility, it must be admitted, justifies any act of a like nature towards the party who commits it. The president, however, did not believe that his majesty's government had authorised the conduct of the British squadron, and his measures were evidently founded on that belief. They were marked by no circumstance of hostility, or of retaliation towards Great Britain; but were intended simply to preserve order within the jurisdiction of the United States, to which end the removal of the British squadron within their limits became indispensable. After the acts of violence which had been committed by that squadron, it was impossible that it should remain long there without increasing the irritation and widening the breach between the two nations, which it was the earnest object of the president to prevent. There certainly existed no desire of giving a preference in favour of the ships of war of one belligerent party to those of another. Before this aggression, it is well known, that his Britannic majesty's ships lay within the waters of the Chesapeake, and enjoyed all the advantages of the most favoured nation; it cannot therefore be doubted that my government will be ready to restore them to the same situation, as soon as it can be done consistently with the honour and rights of the United States.
I cannot conclude this communication without expressing my earnest hope, that the differences which have unhappily arisen between our governments, may soon be settled, on conditions honourable and satisfactory to both the parties. To have co-operated with you in the accomplishment of so great and useful a work, would have been highly gratifying to me. The disposition which you have brought to the discussion, and the sentiments which you communicated on the principal transaction, when then the first intelligence of it was received, inspired me with great confidence, that we should soon have been able to bring it to such a conclusion. To have been a party to it, would have terminated my mission to his majesty in the mode which I have long and sincerely desired.
I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MONROE.
To MR. CANNING.
Portland Place, October 9, 1807.
Mr. Monroe presents his compliments to Mr. Canning, and requests that he will be so good as to inform him, whether it is intended, that the minister whom his majesty proposes to send to the government of the United States, shall be employed in a special mission without having any connection immediate or eventual with the ordinary legation. Mr. Monroe has inferred from Mr. Canning's note, that the mission will be of the special nature above described, but he will be much obliged to Mr. Can-
ning, to inform him, whether he has taken a correct view of the measure. Mr. Monroe would also be happy to know of Mr. Canning, at what time it is expected the minister will sail for the United States. Mr. Canning will be sensible that Mr. Monroe's motive in requesting this information, is, that he may be enabled to communicate it without delay to his government, the propriety of which, he is persuaded Mr. Canning will readily admit.
Mr. Monroe requests Mr. Canning to accept the assurance of his high consideration.
The right hon. George Canning, &c. &c. &c.
FROM MR. CANNING.
Foreign Office, Oct. 10, 1807.
Mr. Canning presents his compliments to Mr. Monroe; and in acknowledging the honour of his note of yesterday has great pleasure in assuring him that he is at all times ready to answer any enquiries to which Mr. Monroe attaches any importance, and which it is in Mr. Canning's power to answer with precision, without publick inconvenience. But it is not in Mr. Canning's power to state with confidence what may be the eventual determination of his majesty in respect to the permanent mission in America. The mission of the minister whom his majesty is now about to send will certainly be limited in the first instance to the discussion of the question of the Chesapeake.
TRIPLICATE.
London, October 10, 1807.
SIR,
I have the honour to transmit you by doctor Bullus, a copy of my correspondence with Mr. Canning on the subject which was committed to my care, by your letter of the 6th of July last. You will find by it, that the pressure which has been made on this government, in obedience to the instruction contained in that letter, has terminated in a decision to send a minister to the United States, to adjust the business there. What the powers of that minister will be; whether it is intended to confine them to the sole object of reparation for the special outrage, or to extend them, in case the proposed separation of that from the general topic of impressment is admitted, to the latter object, it is not in my power to state. Mr. Canning has given me no information on that head in conference, and his note is not explicit on it. It states that the minister who shall be sent to the United States, to bring the dispute relative to the attack on the Chesapeake to a conclusion, shall not be empowered to entertain, as connected with that subject, any proposition respecting the search of merchant vessels — a presumption is authorized by those terms, that the minister will have power to treat on the general topic after the special one is arranged. But it is possible that that presumption may have been raised for some other purpose, or that the terms which excited it, were introduced merely to convey the idea that the mission should be confined to the special object.
In the discharge of this delicate and important trust, I thought that I should be able more effectually to promote its object, by opening the subject to Mr. Canning in conference, than by an official note. As the attitude taken by my government, which was evidently supported by the whole nation, was of a very impressive nature, it seemed probable from the feverish state of the public mind here in regard to us, that a tone of conciliation, which should not weaken the pressure, would be more likely to succeed in obtaining the reparation desired, than an official and peremptory demand. Under this impression, I had several conferences with Mr. Canning, the substance of which, in each, I will endeavour to state with precision. A knowledge of what passed in these interviews, in aid of that which is afforded by the conference, will enable you to form the most correct idea of the object of the proposed mission, that present circumstances will admit of.
The first interview was on the 3d of September, as soon as it could be obtained, after the receipt of your letter of July the 6th, which was on the 30th of August. I informed Mr. Canning, that as I wished the discussion in which we were about to enter, to terminate amicably and honourably to both our governments, I had asked the interview, for the purpose of promoting that desirable end; that by explaining to each other fully, in friendly conference, the views of our respective governments, relative to the late aggression, I was persuaded that it would be more easy for us to arrange the business, to the satisfaction of both parties, than by any other mode which we could procure. He expressed his sensibility to that which I had chosen, and his readiness to concur in it; I then stated in detail, in explicit terms, the reparation which my government thought the United States entitled to, and expected that they should receive, for the injury and indignity offered by the late aggression; that the men taken from the frigate should be restored to it; that the officers who had committed the aggression should be exemplarily punished; that the practice of impressment from merchant vessels should be suppressed; and that the reparation consisting of those several acts should be announced to our government, through the medium of a special mission, a solemnity which the extraordinary nature of the aggression particularly required. I observed that as the aggression and the principle on which it was founded had been frankly disavowed as soon as known, by his government, I was persuaded that there could be no serious objection on its part, to any of the acts which it was desired should constitute the proposed reparation; that to the first act, the restoration of the men, there could doubtless be none, as the least that could be done, after such an outrage, would be to replace the United States as far as it might be practicable, on the ground they held before the injury was received: that the punishment of the officers followed, as a necessary consequence, to the disavowal of the act: that the suppression of the practice of impressment from merchant vessels had been made indispensable by the late aggression, for reasons which were sufficiently well known to him. I stated to him that the mode in which it was desired that the reparation should be made, by a special mission, was that which had been adopted by other powers, and by Great Britain herself, for injuries less severe than the one alluded to, of which I gave him the examples furnished me in your letter of July 6th. — Mr. Canning took a note of what I had stated, and made some general remarks on the whole subject, which were intended to give his view of it, on each point, but without committing himself in a positive manner on any one.
He said that, by the proclamation of the president, and the seizure and detention of some men who had landed on the coast to procure water, the government seemed to have taken redress into its own hands: he complained of the difference which he said had been made between France and England, by restoring deserters to the vessels of the former, and not to the latter: he insisted that the late aggression was an act different in all respects from the former practice, and ought not to be connected with it, as it shewed a disposition to make a particular incident, in which they were in the wrong, instrumental to an accommodation in a case where his government held a different doctrine. I urged in reply, that the proclamation could not be considered as an act of hostility or retaliation for injuries, though the aggression had provoked and would have justified any the strongest act of reprisal, but as a mere measure of police, which had become indispensable for the preservation of order within the limits of the United States; I informed him that the men who had landed from the squadron, in defiance of the proclamation, and of the law on which it was founded, had been restored to it: that with respect to the other point in difference, said to be made in the case of deserters from British and French ships, I was unacquainted with the fact, but was satisfied if the statement was correct, that the difference was imputable to the local authorities, and not to the national government, because as the United States were not bound by treaty to restore deserters from the service of either nation, it was not presumable that their government would interfere in the business. I observed, however, that if such a preference had been given, there was a natural and justifiable cause for it, proceeding from the conduct of the squadrons of France and England, on the coast of the United States, and on the main ocean, it being a well known fact that the former did not maintain as a right or adopt in practice the doctrine of the latter, to impress seamen from our merchant vessels. I then discussed at length, and urged with great earnestness the justice and policy of his terminating at this time all the differences which had arisen between our governments from this cause, by an arrangement which should suppress the practices on the part of Great Britain, and remedy the evil of which she complained.
In aid of those reasons which were applicable to the merits of the question, I urged the example given by the late ministry, in the paper of Nov. 8th, presented to Mr. Pinckney and myself, by the british commissioners, which had, as I thought, laid the foundation of such an arrangement. I stated that as it was stipulated by that paper, that the negotiation should be kept open for the purpose of arranging this great interest, without prejudice to the rights of either power, it was fair to be understood as the sense of both parties, that our rights were to be respected, till that arrangement was concluded; whence it would follow that the same effect would be produced in practice, as if it had been provided for by treaty. I relied on this paper and the construction which I thought it admitted, with which, however, the practice had since in no degree corresponded, to shew the extent to which the former ministry had gone in meeting the just views of our government, and thereby to prove that the present ministry in improving that ground had nothing to apprehend from the preceding one. Mr. Canning admitted that the view which I had taken of this paper derived much support from its contents and the time and circumstances under which it was presented, but persisted in his desire to keep the subject separate. I proposed as an expedient to get rid of his objection, that we should take up and arrange both points informally, in which case, provided it was done in a manner to be obligatory, I offered to frame my note which should demand reparation for the outrage, in general terms, so as that it should not appear by official document, that the subjects had any connection in the negotiation. I urged that unless it was intended to make no provision against impressment from merchant vessels, I could see no objection to his meeting me on that ground, as after what had passed, it was impossible to take up either subject without having the other in view, and equally so to devise any mode which should keep them more completely separate, than that which I proposed. Mr. Canning still adhered to his doctrine of having nothing to do with impressment from merchant vessels, till the affair of the Chesapeake was disposed of, after which he professed his willingness to proceed to the other object. — In this manner the conference ended, without having produced the arrangement which I had hoped from it. Mr. Canning's conduct was in all other respects conciliatory.
My note to Mr. Canning was founded on the result of this conference. As it had not been in my power to come to any agreement with him on the general subject of impressment from merchant vessels, I considered it my duty to combine it with the affair of the Chesapeake, in the paper which I presented him to claim the reparation for the outrage. I thought it best, however, to omit the other acts, of which it was desired that the reparation should consist. It seemed probable that a specification of each circumstance, in the note, would increase the indisposition of the ministry to accommodate, and give it support with the nation, in a complete rejection of the demand. I expressed myself therefore in regard to the other acts, in general and conciliatory terms, but with all the force in my power. The details had been communicated to Mr. Canning in conference too recently to be forgotten. Still it was just that no improper inference should be drawn from the omission of them. To prevent it, I obtained an interview of Mr. Canning immediately after my note was presented, in which, after reminding him of the omission alluded to, the motive to which I presumed he could not mistake, added that my object in asking the interview had been to repeat to him informally, what I had stated in the former one, the other acts of which my government expected that the reparation should consist. In this interview nothing occurred without the limit of the special object for which it had been obtained. Mr. Canning did not lead the conversation to any other topic, and I could not invite it.
Mr. Canning's answer to my note was declared, more than a fortnight. Having refused to treat the subject in connection, and intimated in plain terms that if I was not authorized to separate them, it would be useless to prolong the discussion, I thought it improper to press it. My reply was equally explicit, so that with it the negotiation ended. The measure which he announced, as being determined on by the king, in case I could not agree to the separation, is completely the act of his government.
You will observe that it is announced in a form which precludes in a great degree, the idea of its being adopted at my suggestion, as an act of reparation, and in a tone of decision which seemed equally to preclude my holding any communication with him on it.
My mission being thus brought to an end, has afforded me an opportunity for me to return to the United States, as I have long desired. Nothing but the great interest which I take in the welfare of my country, and my earnest desire to give all the aid in my power to the present administration, in support of the principles of our most excellent constitution, would have detained me here so long. In the present state, however, it is not possible, if in any it would be, for me to render any service by a longer continuance here. As soon, therefore, as I had answered Mr. Canning's note, I communicated to him my intention to return, and requested that he would be so good as to obtain for me an audience of the king for the purpose of taking my leave of him. This was granted on the 7th of this month, in which I renewed the assurance of the sincere desire of my government, to preserve the most friendly relation between the United States and Great Britain, which sentiment was reciprocated by his majesty. Mr. Pinkney succeeds me by an arrangement with Mr. Canning, which will appear in the inclosed copy of my correspondence with him, and which I have full confidence the president will approve. I regret that in transferring the business into his hands, I do not leave him altogether free from difficulty.
I have the honor to be,
With great respect,
Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
JAMES MONROE.
James Madison, Esq. Secretary of State.
P. S. Not being satisfied with the undefined character of the proposed mission to the United States, and Mr. Canning having communicated nothing new to me on the subject, in my interview with him on the day I was presented to the king, altho' an opportunity was offered for the purpose, I wrote him a note after the commencement of this letter, to make certain enquiries on that head, a copy of which note, and of his answer, is herewith enclosed. You will observe that he still holds himself aloof on it. I thought it my duty, and that it comported with strict delicacy, to make the enquiry, and I cannot but consider his reserve as affording cause for an unfavourable inference. It is probable however, as the door is left open for further communication between us till the moment of my departure, that he will take some other occasion to explain himself more fully on the subject. You may be assured that I will seek every favourable opportunity to obtain such explanation of him.
(To be Continued.)
PAPERS RELATIVE TO FRENCH AFFAIRS.
Extract from a letter to Mr. Monroe from General Armstrong.
PARIS, 7th July, 1807.
SIR,
"The accounts you have had of recent captures made by French privateers of American vessels under cover of the decree of November last, are not correct. At least if such captures have been made, I know nothing of them. The only captures I have at any time heard of, were those made from Porto Ferrajo. They are by no means of recent date, and have all (I believe) been redressed by the council of prizes. Two of these cases, to which I attended personally, received decisions equally favourable and prompt. Interest and damages were given to the plaintiffs, and I know not why decisions, equally favourable, should not have been given in the other cases. I have within a week been informed by Mr. Irving, that he had reason to believe that a French privateer, then in a port in Spain, had plundered American ships, either going to or coming from England, of dry goods, to the amount of 300 dollars. Before any thing could be done in Spain for the recovery of these goods, the ship went to sea, and professedly for the purpose of returning to the port of her armament. Believing her to have arrived there, I put all the evidence I possessed before Mr. Decres, who closes his answer with the following assurances: "Your excellency may be assured that as far as it depends on me, the captains of these vessels, or their owners, shall obtain, if there is ground for it, a prompt and full reparation." I quote this to shew you, that there is no disposition in the ministers of this government to sanction, or protect these enterprises upon our commerce. From the uses you may be able to make of the facts, and their relation to your question generally, I subjoin a brief exposition of the construction now given to the November decree. It was, you know, admitted by both ministerial and judicial authorities, that this decree did not infract the provisions of the treaty of 1800, between the United States and France. Still it was contended that vessels (of the U. States) coming from any port of Great Britain since the date of the edict, could not be admitted to entry in the ports of France. This rule, without some qualifications, was likely to become mischievous, and I accordingly obtained the following modifications of it, and hope to obtain a further modification, which will render it perfectly harmless. These changes took place as circumstances rose to produce them, for though the necessity for them was both foreseen and represented, it was only upon real, not upon hypothetical cases that the ministers of his majesty were willing to act.
1. Vessels leaving ports of the United States before a knowledge of the arrest had been promulgated there, and not subject to the rule.
2. Vessels not coming directly from a British to a French port, are not subject to the rule.
3. The cargoes of vessels coming directly from a British to a French port and offered for entry, on proof that touching of the ship in England, &c. was involuntary, are put in depot or sequestration, until his majesty shall have decided on the sufficiency of the proof offered; or they are at once given up to the consignees on their giving security to abide the decision which shall be ultimately taken by the emperor in their respective cases. The vessels can go out freely, and without impediment of any kind. The former rule of which this is an amelioration was, that ships as well as cargoes, coming under the description, should be sequestrated, &c. The further alteration which I have asked is, the establishment of some principle which shall regulate the kind and degree of proof required with respect to the alleged application of a force measure,

and my own opinion is, that this may best be found in the greater or less correspondence which shall exist between the cargo when shipped in America, and when arrived here. If the correspondence be complete, the evidence ought to be considered as complete also, that they were not in Great Britain for the purposes of commerce, and not being for these purposes, the inference is fair, that their going there at all was involuntary. This is a rule the ministers will consent to, whether his majesty will do so also, will be known in a few days. He is expected here about the beginning of August."
Paris, September 18, 1807.
I have submitted, sir, to his majesty the emperor and king, the doubts of his excellency the minister of marine and colonies on the extent of some of the provisions of the imperial decree of November 21st, 1806, which has declared the British islands in a state of blockade; the following are the intentions of his majesty on the point in question.
1. Can armed vessels, under the imperial decree of the 21st of November last, seize in neutral vessels, either English property, or merchandise proceeding from the manufactures of the English territories?
His majesty notified me, that since he had not thought proper to express any exception in his decree, there is no ground to make any in the execution, with respect to any thing whatever.
2. His majesty has not decided the question whether French armed vessels may possess themselves of neutral vessels going to or from England, altho' they have no English merchandise on board.
3. On the question, whether French armed vessels are subject to the deduction ordered by the 6th article of the decree of Nov. 21, his majesty has declared that the provision of that article was not susceptible of any restriction; that is to say, that the deduction must take effect on the proceeds of all confiscations of merchandise and property, which have been, or may be, pronounced in execution of the decree, without regard to the place of seizure or character of the captors.
You will be so good, sir, as to notify these decisions to the council of prizes, to have them entered in the registers, and to acknowledge the receipt of my letter.
Accept, &c. &c. the Grand Judge, Minister of Justice.
(Signed) REGNIER. Procureur General Imperial of the Council of Prizes.
Paris, 24 September, 1807.
SIR—I have this moment learned, that a new and extended construction, highly injurious to the commerce of the United States, was about to be given to the imperial decree of the 21st Nov. last. It is therefore incumbent upon me to ask from your excellency an explanation of his majesty's views in relation to this subject, and particularly whether it be his majesty's intention, in any degree, to infract the obligations of the treaty now subsisting between the United States and the French empire?
I pray your excellency, &c. &c. (Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG. His excellency the minister of foreign relations.
Fontainebleau, Oct. 7.
SIR—You did me the honour on the 24th of September, to request me to send you some explanations as to the execution of the decree of blockade of the British islands, as to vessels of the U. States.
The provisions of all the regulations and treaties relative to a state of blockade, have appeared applicable to the existing circumstances, and it results from the explanations which have been addressed to me by the imperial procureur general of the council of prizes, that his majesty has considered every neutral vessel, going from English ports, with cargoes of English merchandise or English origin, as lawfully seizable by French armed vessels.
The decree of blockade has been now issued eleven months, the principal powers of Europe, far from protesting against its provisions, have adopted them; they have perceived that its execution must be complete, to render it more effectual, and it has seemed easy to reconcile these measures with the observance of treaties, especially at a time when the infractions, by England, of the rights of all maritime powers render their interest common, and tend to unite them in support of the same cause.
Accept, &c. (Signed) CHAMPAGNY. H. E. General Armstrong. Min. Plen. of the U. States.
Paris, Nov. 1807.
SIR—It was not till yesterday that I received from Mr. Skipwith a copy of the decree of the council of prizes, in the case of the Horizon. This is the first unfriendly decision of that body under the decree of the 21st of Nov. 1806. In this case and on the petition of the defendant, the court has recommended the restoration of the whole cargo. I did not however think proper to join in asking as a favour, what I believed myself entitled to as a right. I subjoin a copy of my note to the minister of foreign affairs.
(Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG. Mr. Madison, &c.
Paris, Nov. 12.
SIR—The documents to which these observations are prefixed, will inform your excellency that an American ship trading under the protection of the laws of nations and of particular treaties, and suffering shipwreck on the coast of France, has recently been seized by his majesty's officers, and adjudged by his council of prizes as follows, viz.
"Our council puts at liberty the American vessel, the Horizon, shipwrecked the 30th of May last, near Morlaix, and consequently orders, that the amount of the sale legally made of the wreck of said vessel, together with the merchandise of the cargo, which according to an estimate made in presence of the overseers of the administrations of the marine and custom house, shall be acknowledged not to proceed either from English manufactures or territory, shall be restored to captain Maclure without deducting any other expenses but those relative to the sale."
"And with regard to the other merchandise of the cargo which from the result of the said estimate shall be acknowledged to come from manufactures or from English territory by virtue of the 5th article of the decree of the 21st Nov. 1806, they shall be confiscated for the use of the state, the whole to be sold by the forms prescribed in the regulations; and the application of the product to be made in conformity to the arrangements of the said decree, deduction being made for the expense of saving the goods, and that of the support of the crew, until the day that the captain shall receive the notification of the present decision."
goods, and that of the support of the crew, until the day that the captain shall receive the notification of the present decision."
The reasons upon which this decision is founded, are at once so new and so alarming to the present friendly relation of the two powers, that I cannot but discuss them with a freedom in some degree proportioned to my sense of their novelty and importance.
"Considering" says the council—"That the neutrality of the ship and cargo were sufficiently established, the whole ought to be restored, (agreeably to the provisions of the convention of the 30th of September, 1800) provided no merchandise of English origin had been found in her, and of course that she had not been brought within the limits of the imperial decree of the 21st of Nov. 1806."
Here is an open and unqualified admission that the ship was found within the rules prescribed by the convention of 1800, that according to these rules, her cargo and herself ought to have been restored, and that such would have been the fact but for the operation of the decree of the 21st of November 1806.
In the letter your excellency did me the honour to write to me on the 7th of October last, you thought it "easy to reconcile the obligations of this decree, with the preservation of those arising from treaties." It was not for me to examine the means by which this reconciliation was to be effected. They no doubt fully existed, and yet exist in his majesty's good pleasure, and taking for granted this fact, I saw in the opinion nothing but proofs of a friendly disposition, and pledges that this was not to be either wantonly destroyed or diminished. How inauspicious however to its authority and the council of prizes? An act which explicitly acknowledges the opposite characters and conflicting injunctions of these two instruments, and which of course draws after it considerations the most serious to the government of the U. States.
The 2d reason of the council is "that the decree declaring British merchandise good prize, had principally in view captures made on the high seas, but that the question whether shipwrecked goods ought to be restored or confiscated having always been judged under the 14th article of the regulation of the 26th July, 1778. And according to their character (that might have rendered lawful, or have even commanded their seizure at sea) there is no room to introduce in this case any new distinction which however philanthropick it may appear, has not as yet been adopted as a rule by any maritime nation."
The doctrine resisted in this passage, and which inculcates the duty of extending protection to the unfortunate is not new to his majesty's council of prizes. They have themselves consecrated it by their decision of the 5th of March, 1800. By that decision they restored an enemy's ship on the single reason, that she had been compelled to enter a French port by stress of weather. "I should equally fail" says the attorney general, "in respect to myself and the council, before whom I have the honour to represent the government, were I not to maintain a principle, consecrated by our laws and by those of all nations. In all circumstances let the loyalty of the French government serve as the basis of your decisions. Prove yourselves at once generous and just; your enemies will know and respect your magnanimity." Such was the principle adopted by the council in the year 1800, and in the case of an enemy's ship, yet we are now told, that this very principle, so honourable to the court, to the nation and to human nature, is utterly unknown to all maritime people. And on what occasion do we hear this? When an enemy's ship is again thrown on the French coast? No—It has been reserved for the wreck of a neutral and friendly vessel!! for a ship of the United States! It is not denied, that had this ship escaped the rocks and made the port of Morlaix, the only inhospitality to which she would have been exposed, (under the most rigorous interpretation of the law in question,) would have been that of being ordered again to sea. Has then the misfortune of shipwreck so far altered her condition, as to expose her to the injury of confiscation also? And is this among the principles which the defender of maritime rights means to consecrate by his power and his wisdom? It is impossible.
The third reason of the council is, "that the application of the 5th article aforesaid, in as far as it concerns the Americans and other nations, is the result both of the general expressions of that very article, and of the communication recently made by his excellency the grand judge, concerning the primitive intention of the sovereign, that the expedition in question, having certainly been undertaken with full knowledge of the said decree, no objection can be drawn with any propriety from the general rules forbidding retrospective action, nor in this particular case, from the posterior date of the act in which the sovereign decides the question, since that act sprang from his supreme wisdom, not as an interpretation of a doubtful point, but as a declaration of an anterior and positive disposition."
A distinction is here attempted to be taken between the interpretation of a doubtful point, and the declaration of an anterior and positive rule. This distinction cannot be maintained; for if the rule had been positive, there would have been no occasion for the declaration; neither the minister of marine nor the council of prizes could have had any doubt on the subject; the execution of the decree would have been prompt and peremptory; nor would a second act on the part of his majesty, after the lapse of twelve months, have been necessary to give operation to the first. Need I appeal to your excellency's memory for the facts on which these remarks turn? You know that doubts did exist—you know that there was under them, even much hesitation in pronouncing—you know that as late as the 9th of August, I sought an explanation of the decree in question, and that even then your excellency (who was surely a competent and legitimate organ of his majesty,) did not think yourself prepared to give it—the conclusion is inevitable—his majesty's answer transmitted to the court of Paris, on the 18th September following, through the medium of the grand judge, was in the nature of an interpretation, and being so, could not without possessing a retroactive quality apply to events many months anterior in date to itself.
The fourth reason of the council, and the last which enters into my present view on the subject, is, "that though one of the principal agents of his majesty had given a contrary opinion, of which the council had at no period partaken, this opinion being that of an individual could not (whatever consideration its author may merit,) balance the formal declaration given in the name of his majesty himself—and that if the communication of this opinion, had as is alleged, given room to and served as a basis for many American shipments, and particularly of the one in question; this circumstance, which may call for the indulgence of his majesty, in a case in which the confiscation is entirely to the advantage of the state, does not prevent a council, rigid in its duty, to pronounce in conformity to the decree of the 21st of November, and of the declaration which followed it."
It would appear from the paragraph, that not finding it easy to untie the knot, the council had determined to cut it—Pressed by the fact, that an interpretation of the decree had been given by a minister of his majesty, specially charged with its execution, they would now escape from this fact, and from this conclusion to which it evidently leads, by alleging—
1st. That at no time has the council partaken of the opinion given by the minister; and
2d. That the opinion being that of an individual, could not possess either the force or the authority of one truly ministerial.
It appears to me, as I think it will to your excellency, that the council have in these statements, been less correct than is usual to them on similar occasions, if, as they now assert, they have never partaken of the minister's opinion. If they have never even hesitated on the question, whether the decree of November did, or did not, derogate from the treaty of 1800? Why, I ask, suspend the American cases generally? or why decide as they did in the case of the Hibernia? If I mistake not, we find in this case, the negotiation of the very principle laid down by the minister of marine. That officer says "in my opinion the November decree does not work any change in the rules at present observed with respect to neutral commerce, and consequently none in the convention of the 8th vendem, year 9;" and what says the council? "Admitting that this part of the cargo (the rum and sugar) was of British origin, the dispositions of the November decree, which contain nothing with regard to their own influence over the convention of the 8th Vendem, year 9, evidently cannot be applied to a ship leaving America on the 6th of the same month of November, and of course cannot have authorised the capture in the moment she was entering the neutral port of her destination." We have here three distinct grounds of exemption from the effects of the November decree.
1st. The entire silence of that decree with regard to its own influence over the convention of 1800.
2d. The early period at which the ship left the United States, and
3d. The neutral character of the port to which she was destined. If such, sir, were the principles admitted by the council of the 25th of March last, with what correctness can it be now said, "that at no period have they partaken of the opinion of the minister?"
The 2d fact asserted by the council is, that the interpretation of the decree in question given on the 24th of December, 1806, was private, not publick, or in other words, that it was the interpretation of the man, not of the minister—and as such cannot outweigh the more recent declaration coming immediately from his majesty himself.
On the comparative weight of these declarations I shall say nothing, nor shall I do more to repel the first part of the insinuation, (that the minister's declaration was that only of the individual) than to submit to your excellency my letter of the 20th of December, 1806, claiming from the minister an official interpretation of the decree in question, and his answer of the 24th of the same month, giving to me the interpretation demanded.
To your excellency who as late as the 21st of August last, considered the minister of marine as the natural organ of his majesty's will, in whatever regarded the decree aforesaid, and who actually applied to him for information relating to it—this allegation of the council of prizes, and the reasoning founded upon it cannot but appear very extraordinary, and will justify me in requesting that his majesty may be moved to set aside the decision in question. I beg, &c. &c.
His Excellency The Minister of Foreign Relations.
PARIS, August 9th, 1807.
SIR—Your excellency is not apprized that soon after the promulgation of the imperial decree of the 21st November last, one of similar character, and injudicious was issued by the Prince of Peace, in behalf of H. C. M. Under this order sundry vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States have been captured on the high seas, brought into the ports of Spain, and are now before the court of admiralty for examination. To this brief statement I subjoin an extract of a letter of the 27th ult. from the charge des affaires of the United States at Madrid, which will show your excellency that the fate of these vessels will depend not on the construction which might be given to the Spanish decree by the Spanish tribunals; but on the practice which shall have been established by France, under her decree of November last, and that Prince Masserano has accordingly been directed to ask from your excellency such exposition of that decree, and of the practice under it, as shall regulate, on this head, the conduct of Spanish courts and cruizers towards neutral commerce in general. Assured as I feel myself, that this exposition whenever given, will not be less friendly and liberal than that already found in the decisions of his imperial majesty's council of prizes and correspondence of his minister of marine, viz. that the provisions of the decree in question do not infract any of the rights of commerce stipulated by treaty between France and the United States, it is incumbent on me to pray your excellency that it (the exposition required) be given as expeditiously as possible, to the end that the legitimate commerce of the United States be relieved from all further annoyance, growing out of the doubtful meaning and operation of the Spanish decree aforesaid.
Your excellency will permit me to avail myself of this occasion to recall to your attention the subject of my letter of the 26th June last. I learn from Antwerp that the cargoes mentioned in that letter are yet under sequestration, and that considerable loss, as well by diminution of price in the articles, as by accumulation of interest and charges, has been already incurred.
Your excellency will do me the honour to accept the assurances of my profound respect (Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG. His Excellency the Prince of Benevento.
Letter from the minister of foreign relations, of the 21st Aug. 1807. SIR—I have received the letter which you did me the honour of addressing me on the 9th of this month, relative to American vessels carried into the ports of Spain, in consequence of the measures taken by that power against the English commerce in imitation of France.
As the execution of the maritime measures indicated by the imperial decree of the 21st of November, 1806, rests naturally with his excellency the minister of marine, and that moreover he has already had the honour of addressing you some first observations on the application of that decree, I transmitted without delay your letter, and asked from him the new explanations which you might desire. When they shall have been forwarded to me, I will have the honour of informing you of them.
Accept the assurance of my high consideration. (Signed) CHAMPAGNY. His Excellency Gen Armstrong. (Here follows the Milan Decree)
THEATRE.
(For the last time this Season.)
On WEDNESDAY EVENING, the 6th of April, the THESPIAN SOCIETY will perform the admired Play of the
POINT OF HONOUR.
In the Fourth Act, A Grand Military Procession, shewing the manner of leading a deserter to execution.
END OF THE PLAY.
The favourite Song of "The Soldier's Adieu" A HORNIPIPE by a Young Gentleman.
After which, the FARCE of
MRS. WIGGINS.
End of the First Act,
The Song of "Just like Love."
Admittance One Dollar.
Tickets to be had at Mr Klein's Store; Ledger Office; and at the Theatre. Doors to be opened at half past five, and the performance to commence at half past six precisely.
April 1.
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker,
will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice.
James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street. tf
March 30.
FRESH TEAS.
This Day landing from Captain Pearson's Philadelphia packet, 30 chests choice fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS.
Fisk & Catlett. tf
March 30.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 4, 1808.
In our paper of this day we have brought up the documents submitted by the President to Congress nearly until the departure of Mr. Monroe from London. In our next we shall take up the correspondence between Mr. Rose and Mr. Madison at Washington, which we have omitted, in order to present the Documents on French affairs. The great length of these documents, compels us to omit much foreign intelligence and domestic matter, which we can only notice in a summary way.
Congress it is expected will shortly rise, having done every thing that could be expected from this great assembly. They were occupied at the date of our last upon a petition from the Stockholders of the Bank of the United States, for the renewal of their Charter, which expires in 1811. It was made the order of the day for this day. A petition against the embargo from Northampton in Massachusetts had been presented to congress, and referred, 45 to 41.
Despatches are said to have been received from Mr. Pinkney the Minister of the United States at London, which indicate that all differences with that country will be amicably adjusted. We give no credit to this report, for reasons we have not room to insert at this time. Despatches are also said to have been received from France, nothing is said of their complexion; both we understand have been laid before Congress.
Accounts from London to the 22d of February have been received at New York, these state that upon an important question of a call for papers relative to the late orders of council the ministers were in a minority of 9 in the House of Lords, hence it has been inferred that a change of ministry will follow. A Bill is before the British Parliament for imposing an export duty of 30 pence sterling on Salt, which meets great opposition from Liverpool.
Russia has declared war against Sweden, and an army of the former has entered Finland; the latter is in no ways dismayed, and to the regular force, a levy en masse has been ordered.
The Rochfort squadron after passing the straits of Gibraltar, has arrived safe at Toulon, and are said to have sailed again with the fleet at that port, in all 17 sail of the line.
The French decrees are executed with the utmost rigour, and even vessels that have been visited by a British ship of war, on a former voyage, are seized upon their arrival at a French Port.
THE SHIP CARPENTER, by pursuing his usual mode of communication (as to time and place) with the Editor, will be informed of some circumstances interesting to him.
ERRATUM in our last. In the 4th col. of the first page, Mr. Monroe to Mr. Canning; for "July 22" read "July 29."
DEATHS—On Friday, in this Borough, Mrs. MILDRED D. DAVIS, the amiable consort of capt. John P. Davis.
Same day, Miss ANN STARK, daughter of the late Dr. William Stark, of this Borough.
On Friday the 8th instant, will be
Sold on the premises,
A LOT OF LAND,
on Woodside's wharf, adjoining the property of J. & W. Southgate, with a H. USE thereon, 24 feet front, in fee simple, belonging to the estate of William Harshorne—Terms 2, 4, and 6 months, notes w th approved security.
The Trustee. A. ril 4
NOTICE.
On Wednesday the 6th of April, at 12 o'Clock, will be Sold at Publick Auction, on the premises for ready money,
A HOUSE and LOT,
pleasantly situated on Butetourt and Thomas Streets, Smith's Point, by virtue of a Deed in Trust executed by James Abbott, to secure the payment of four hundred dollars due William Plume & Co. with interest from the 30th March, 1803
THE TRUSTEES. tf
March 16.
The following prices will be given in Cash for 500 or 600 cords of BARK, deliverable at my Tan Yard,
 Spanish Oak, - $ 6 per cord,  Willow or Water do. 5  Red do. 4  Young White do. 3 50  Beach Bark, - 3 50 
With a view to prevent disappointment to those who procure this article, arising from the uncertainty of the quantity which may be brought to market, I will receive all which may be delivered at my landing before the first day of June, provided it be well cured and in good order. Theoderick Armistead. April 4. 2m
Fresh Family FLOUR.
Just Received,
40 barrels fresh Family FLOUR, of the Carlisle brand, made from wheat particularly selected for this purpose, and warranted superior to any offered for sale, except of this particular brand. Purchasers are at liberty to return any that does not answer the description. Fisk & Catlett. April 4. 9
Landing this day at Commerce-Street Wharf, out of the schooner Little Charles, from Antigua, 90 hogsheads RUM, and a quantity of LIMES and ORANGES in barrels For Sale by Warren Ashley. April 4. tf
Taken up on Thursday Night last,
4 pieces large TIMBER of different dimensions. The owner is desired to prove property, pay charges, and take them away. Apply to Benjamin Swaine, Near Fort Norfolk. April 4. 1*
LUNAR OBSERVATIONS,
and the inferior branches of NAVIGATION, taught by an old practitioner. For particulars apply at Mr. ALMAN'S Store. March 28. 1*

FOR SALE, 186 barrels new PORK, 44 kegs Lard; 10 bales Sacking and Oznaburgs, 8 hogheads old Jamaica Rum; 3 do. Jamaica Sugar Richard & John Taylor. March 23.
Wanted to Purchase or Hire, A NEGRO WOMAN who has been accustomed to, and perfectly understands the management of Children—for such, a liberal price will be given. Apply to the Editor of the Ledger To save trouble, it is requested that none will apply who cannot bring the most satisfactory references. March 30.
THE CARGO Of the Ship Laconia , Capt. John Walker, just arrived from Liverpool, is offered for Sale, consisting of 8000 bush. Liverpool coarse SALT, 30 crates well assorted Croker Ware, and 30 tons Coals—Apply to Phinehas Dana. March 25.
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter , and Nabby, from Liverpool, their Fall and Winter GOODS.
The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths, Calificers, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; La- dies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Children's beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforters; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epau- lets; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin for dress; Calicoes, Chambrays, and Ginghams; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cotto's; strong white Plains; mixed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plains; Dumties and Marseilles; 4 4 Irish Linens; 3-4 and 6-4 Sheeting; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c. The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper
The Subscribers have removed to the Brick Ware- House on Merchant's Wharf, and have on hand for Sale, 100,000 W. O. hhd. drawn STAVES, 100,000 red do. do. do. 40,000 rough do. do. do. 50,000 do. barrel do. 10,000 pipe do. do. do. 500,000 sale Shingles; 100,000 building do. 10,000 three feet do.; 5,000 Garden Pales, 5,000 Chinquapin and Cedar Posts. And also for Rent, A commodious WAREHOUSE. Proby, Harman, & Co. January 11.
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hhds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hhds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-street to William Hull, Jun. October 16
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Camp- bell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water- street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his as- sortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery,
Among which are 14 hogheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hhds. and 6 bbls. Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy. 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 30 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls. Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31.
WANTED, A convenient Dwelling-House for a small family, situated in an agreeable part of the town. Ap- ply to the Printer. March 16.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz.— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2d lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d Sheathing, do. 7 1-2d 6d. Sprigs, 4s. 6d per M. 6d. do. 2s. 9d 3d. and 3d. do. 2s. 3d He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20
SUBSCRIPTIONS TO THE NORTH AMERICAN, A NEWSPAPER, Printed in Baltimore, and edited by JACOB WAGNER, Esq. Late Chief Clerk in the Department of State, received at this Office. March 9.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hhds. and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffel; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Heffians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs October 24
FOR CASH ONLY. GERMAN LINENS, &c. 16 bales coarse Linen, 450 pieces Paper Hangings 4 do. Ruffia Sheeting, 80 boxes Window Glass, 3 boxes German Rolls, 100 do. Sh. t. Pipes, 2 do. Rouans Sheeting, 120 do. Spanish Segars, 1 do. fine Flanders do. from 8 to 20 dollars per box, 3 do. Platiilas, 300 doz. empty Bottles, 1 do. fine Dowlas, 200 wt. nealed bottling Wire, 2 do. Table Cloth, 100 do. Glue, 1 do. common Shirt Linen, 1,000 best Coffee bags, 1 do. extra fine do. 4,500 cheap Gunny Bags, 1 do. Bed Tick 2 yards wide, 5 boxes Tumblers, Decan- ters, &c. Also, 6 elegant Tereflinal Globes, A large invoice of Lace, 3 pair large Looking Glasses, Jewellery and Dice, in gilt frames, of the first elegance, Elegant Chessmen, Elegant marble Statues, Flageolets and Clarinets, Urn and Vases, Violins, Bows, and Fifes, Liquor Casks, Oil Cloth, Flutes with four and six keys, Water and Waffle Irons, do. patent lined, Coffee Mills and Toasters, Ladies' Dressing Boxes, Velvet Ribbons, Toilet Looking Glasses, Fine Thread Stockings, Shaving Casks, Elegant Cutlery, Elegant Writing Desks, An invoice of Watches, Scarlet Plush for Saddles, Watch Crystals and Beads, Seme and Sewing Twine. For sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 4.
WHARFAGE at half price during the Embargo. WILLIAM CAMMACK. March 21.
60,000 wt. prime Jamaica COFFEE, landing this day on our wharf from on board the British schooner Commerce, from Kingston, and for Sale by C. & F. WHITTLE. March 21.
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally , by A. Maclure. March 2.
The Subscriber offers for Sale, 78 puncheons well flavoured RUM, A few pipes Old Borteaux Brandy, and 22 hogheads choice retailing Molasses. Phinehas Dana. March 2.
THE COTTAGE, A small Farm handsomely improved in the neigh- bourhood of Portsmouth, commanding a beautiful view of Norfolk harbour is offered for Rent—and the HOUSE lately occupied by Doctor Leigh, pleasantly situated near the Ferry Wharf, in Portsmouth. Apply to Mr. William Pritchard, or JAMES YOUNG. March 2.
AT PRIVATE SALE, BY S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2.
NOTICE.
All persons having claims against the Estate of DANIEL COOK, deceased, of Nansemond Coun- ty, are requested to bring them in on or before the first day of May next; those indebted to the estate, are requested to make immediate payment, wishing to settle the estate as soon as possible. Mary Cook, Adm'r x.
N B Whereas Bartholomew Redmon, of Norfolk Bo- rough, having a bond in his possession, which was given by Daniel Cook and Edward Frith, jointly, for the sum of 3000 dollars or thereabouts; Edward Frith being exonerated, and the said Redmon refusing to give me up the bond, although there is not one shilling due on account of it, I caution all persons from receiving the said bond in any way whatever, as this notice will be plead in bar against it. Western Branch, Nansemond County, February 17, 1808.
The sum mentioned in the above should be as follows:—two Bonds dated 11th day of July, 1804, the one payable the 11th day of January, and the other on the 11th day of July, 1805—each in the penal sum of two thou- sand dollars, conditioned for the payment of one thousand dollars each, both given jointly as above specified; which bonds or either of them, I again caution all persons from re- ceiving in any way whatever, as this notice will be plead in bar against the payment thereof. Mary Cook. March 2.
Just received for Sale, 25 qr. casks Gordon's old Sherry Wine, 20 boxes Hyson Tea, 30 do. superior quality Young Hyson, 12 pipes Holland Gin, 20 do. Country do. Mackinder & White.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store. Apply to Niemeyer & Von Kapff. December 28.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY last October from the Subscribers, living in Monroe County, two Mulatto Men, ISAAC CON- NER and WILLIAM CONNER, (brothers) both very bright mulattoes. Isaac is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, stout and well made, is marked on the under lip with a small red- dish spot, and a scar on his forehead occasioned by the stroke of a whip; on one of his feet there is also a scar made by an axe; he is 22 years of age. Bill is 20 years of age, about 5 feet 10 inches high, also stout and active, and wore his hair in a cue of 6 or 8 inches in length. It is supposed they will attempt to get to Norfolk, as they have some acquaintances there, and were heard of in the neighbourhood of Williamsburg in company with some free mulattoes, who lives on Queen's Creek. Who- ever confines them in jail so that we get them again, shall be entitled to the above reward. John Handley, Martin Franklin. N B Being very fair, they will no doubt attempt to pass for free men. Feb. 10.
Received per schooner Traveller, from Bos- ton, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18.
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly si- tuated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5.
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Messrs Wood & Hastings, no. 90 Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Floren- tine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Na- vy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambric Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woolens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assort- ment of WOOLLEN GOODS. Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c. On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; La- dies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11.
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castle Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hhds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12.
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse— For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Of- fice of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25.
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 500 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4.
NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceas- ed, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Adm'r x. December 9.
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EAR HENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7.
For SALE, 75 tierces prime green Jam. Coffee, And a few puncheons 5 and 6 years old Antigua Rum; Loaf and Brown Sugar in hogheads and barrels; a few sets Ta- ble China; fine and superfine Flour, &c. Harrison Allmand. January 4.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just re- ceived from London, per the ship Planter , An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound cannisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evans's best Crown Latex, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiv- ing from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5.
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hhds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hhds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New-York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26.
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all per- sons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best RUSSIA CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Mattras Tickling, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26.
THE SUBSCRIBERS Offer for Sale at their Store on Campbell's wharf, the following Articles, low for cash or approved Notes at 60 and 90 days, 10 hhds. choice old Antigua RUM, 20 do. 3d proof Rum; 4 pipes old Port Wine, 2 pipes old Cognac Brandy; 2 do. choice Hollands Gin, 4 do. New-York Anchor Gin; 5 qr. casks Sherry Wine, 10 barrels Apple Brandy; 10 hhds. second quality Sugar, 3 hogheads Loaf Sugar; 10 barrels Pennington's do. 10,000 lbs. prime Green Coffee, 20 hhds. choice retailing Molasses; 4 ton afforded Bar Iron, 20 kegs F and FF Gun Powder; 2 ton Shot afforded, 100 boxes choice mould Candles, 30 do. Philadelphia made Soap; 10 do. English Mustard, 25 do. choice Figs; 4 do. half pint Tumblers, 20 barrels Whisky; Alexandria and Richmond fine and superfine Flour—and a general assortment of Ship Chandlery, Cordage, &c. Bowden & Millado. March 4.
7500 bushels coarse Liverpool SALT, a-boat, being the cargo of the ship Susan , from Liverpool. For Sale by C. & F. Whittle.
IN STORE, 100 barrels RYE WHISKEY. March 15.
COCKE & SANFORD, Have received eighteen hogheads and eighteen barrels Loaf and Lump SUGAR, which they offer for Sale on very moderate terms. On hand of their last importation, 2 bales flaxen OZNABURGS, 2000 wt. Seme Twine; 1 bale assorted Blue Cloths, 1 bale superfine Navy Blue Cloth, 2 boxes well assorted Irish Linens, Irish and Dutch Sheeting and Dowlas, 2 Trunks Cotton Hosiery; 1 case Dm. mts., 2 do. assorted Nankeneets and Grat. mts., 3 do. Calicoes; 2 do. Cotton Cambrics, 1 box French Cambrics and Handkerchiefs, 2 cases Mts. and 1 do. Calicoes; fashionable Beaver Hats. Feb. 21.
BOOTS. Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS, Just received and for Sale by Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market Square. Feb. 8.
6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat. IN STORE, 35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 100 hogheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 30 tierces London Brown Stout, 20 hogheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, fit for use, 600 ready made Check Shirts; 20 hhds. Petersburg Tobacco, 50 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Hermitage For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. February 6.
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
Cognac Brandy, Hollands Gin, Coun- try do. in pipes, Rice in tierces and half tierces—For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. February 24.
All persons to whom the Subscriber is indebted, are requested to make known the amount of their claims immediately. Wm. Hartshorne, Jun. January 13.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hoghead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th Decem- ber last, a Mulatto Man named TONEY, a Black- smith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on when he went away a dark cloth suit out of and pantaloon—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th ult. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North Carolina. JOHN WALKER. January 8.
For SALE, 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags 94 puncheons old St. Kitt's RUM MOSES MYERS. January 8.
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
For RENT, The DWELLING-HOUSE on Gran- by-street, belonging to captain Vickery, in front door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of Ja- nuary next. For terms apply to Alexander Wilson. December 18.
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 28.
NORFOLK. PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.