Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-01-18 00:00:00

SPEECH OF MR. QUINCY.
In committee of the whole, on Wednesday the 13th ultimo, on the bill supplemental to the act for erecting fortifications and building gun boats.
Mr. Quincy (Mass.) Mr. Chairman—In filling this blank, you put the heart into this bill. If, in doing it, you inquire, not what are the exigencies of the commercial cities, but what is the least possible, which will stay popular clamour, you may as well not pass the act. It will be useless. It will be worse than useless and lifeless. It will mislead and deceive the people. Thinking themselves under your guardianship, they will neglect to resort to their own resources. The amount of this appropriation is the vital principle —it is the spirit of the bill. All the rest is wind, and water, and earth. Reduce this to less than is sufficient for effectual defence; or make it wholly inadequate, and you may call the bill on the table an active being, if you please; but it is no more like an efficient agent, than a corpse is like a living man. It has, indeed, the form, and appearance of power; but it enlivens no hope. It will be followed only by distress and despair. Here then the advocates of the commercial cities must make a stand. Here they must be victorious or their cause is lost.
It is impossible, rightly to appreciate our duties to this nation, on the subject now before the committee, without making some reference to the general situation and prospects of this country. Whether any defence for our sea coast be necessary, depends upon our perception of present, or our anticipation of future danger. The nature and degree of that defence; whether the scale of appropriation shall be liberal, or limited depends upon our view of the nature of the evils which surround us; and has a strict and necessary connexion with their number, their species and extent. And although the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Sturges) has been interrupted and called to order, for taking an enlarged survey of our national relations, upon this question I shall not be deterred from pursuing a similar course. I shall not ask the leave of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) nor shall I apologize to this committee, for tracing national obligations to their natural though distant sources. The features of our times, the characters of the nations which interfere with our interests, our relative strength and weakness have all an inevitable influence, in deciding the nature of the preparations to be made, and of consequence, the amount of the sum to be appropriated.
I shall also adopt this course, the rather, because the principles from which gentlemen have generally drawn the duty, and the extent of sea coasts, and frontier defence, have seemed altogether too contracted for the magnitude of the object.* I am not satisfied that the great interests of the nation should be placed on so narrow a basis. I cannot consent to deduce permanent duties, from temporary pressure. Let us not appear to be stung by insult, into the fulfilment of the highest and the most perpetual obligations.
The views I shall present for the consideration of the committee will be neither local nor sectional. Nor shall they have a party texture. It shall not be my fault, if in the present crisis of our country the spirit of party be not crushed upon this floor. We all stand upon the brink of a precipice. It is no time to jostle one another. The fates of our country, are suspended over a gulph, so dark that no human eye can penetrate to its bottom; nor has any spirit came up from its depths to tell us, if there be any thing there which will break our fall.
It is very obvious, from the whole course of debate, that our duties are deduced from the hazards, immediately impending. British aggressions make men alive to the dangers which surround our commercial cities. British insults inspire whatever will this house evince to open the treasury to their necessities. The power, and inclination of that nation to injure us are the themes of every argument. Thence spring our propositions for defence; and they all have a single reference to the evils seeming to spread from that quarter. I blame not this temper. It is the nature of our species. It is the daily practice of a man in his individual character. Thoughtless of the past. Careless of the future. Deeply impressed only by what is present. Never wise from the experience of others. Always half taught by his own. Starting, with a wild and over hasty speed, at the first touch of the spur of necessity. Dull and callous to the urgency of general obligation.
But will national wisdom be caught in this common snare? Will men acting in high stations, rich in the confidence of their country-
trymen—will statesmen, stumble on, blind and deaf to the aspects and warnings of nature; take no step, which is not forced by some incumbent pressure? Such weakness and folly far exceeds any thing individuals can exhibit. These are often saved from the effects of their conduct, by friends, by the influence of the laws of society; even death itself sometimes intervenes and rescues them from the experience of all the consequences of their errors. But it is not so with nations. Compared with the life of an individual their existence is immortality. They have neither associates to watch over them nor any superintending sovereignty to preserve them from the results of their measures. They never fail to gather, in full harvest the fruit of the wisdom or folly of their rulers.
While, therefore, I honour the patriotism which keenly feels the insults offered to our country. I cannot follow the common example, and suffer passion to evaporate, in vain expressions of indignation. The use I would make of injuries is not limited to mere utterance of anger "From this road, ugly and venomous, I would extract a precious jewel." There is a generous truth, which although it be the lesson of all history, men seem not to realize; truth which the events of our time are adapted deeply to impress. Without reference to names, or nations, uncontrolled power will always be insolent; when the strong and weak meet together on the same plain, without other restraint than natural law, the one must suffer and the other will oppress. If weakness be the allotment of Providence, or the condition of our nature, we have only to take resignation to our bosom, and to bend to the Supreme Will. But if our imbecility be artificial, if it results from our want of sense or want of spirit, however inclined we may be to cast the unprovoked odium of injury upon the oppressor, we are in truth half workers in our own destruction, we are the panders to our own shame. Have we not sense? Have we not intelligence? Have we not numbers? Have we not riches? Have we not a people, to whom their constitution and liberties are dear? Why then should we be content with any thing less than a full protection to our rights and most important interests? Why should not the wealthy, the populous and the exposed parts of our nation, be covered by the national shield, not according to the niggardly scale of existing surpluses, in your treasury, but upon the liberal principle of giving certain security and national content? The morality of nations ever was and ever will be like the morality of John Falstaff. "If the young dace be the known bait of the old Pike, there is no law in nature to prevent his snapping at him." We have the wisdom of former times, we have the experience of our own, in concurrence, testifying to the great truth, of which I am speaking. If we listen not in time to their precepts, we are sealed for destruction. But we are wild under the influence of a vain illusion. We are seized with an ideot fancy; this is a new world, we are told, and new principles are to prevail in it. We are to be safe without exertion, secure without foresight; powerful without concentration; justice to others will necessarily induce justice to ourselves. I look with terror, at that vengeance, which shall awaken us from these false, and illusive dreams.
Was it ever read in history, was it ever told in story that a maritime nation could be safe without a maritime defence? Commercial despots without efficient protection? Gold left to sparkle on every sea cliff, the lure and the reward of every spoiler? Who are we, that more than others, we can hope to be rich and not tempt the robber? Defenceless, and not fall his prey? Who are we, that we can cast our wealth upon the wave, and scatter it on the sand, without guardian and without shelter, and expect to return every succeeding day and find it undiminished, as though it were consecrate? Is there any characteristic in our own times, which makes less than efficient protection, more wise than in former.—Let gentlemen retrace the scenes, which have been exhibited among our neighboring nations for these sixteen or seventeen years past. I ask, what principle is sacred? What have the weak possessed which the strong wanted, that the one has not seized, and the other lost? On the continent of Europe, all the weak powers annihilated. Holland, Switzerland, the Italian states, of late Denmark, and at this moment Portugal—how and where are they? Absorbed, or desolated, by some gigantic nation. Has our distance, or our innocence, preserved us from the effects of that piratical humour, which never fails to follow power and opportunity? From the withholding the right of depot on the Mississippi in 1794, to the affair of the Chesapeake, in every year, and on every sea, we have been the objects of insult and plunder. Here is no question concerning nations. France, Spain and Great Britain, each in proportion to its means and its interests, have made us feel its strength,
and our comparative weakness. Let it never be out of our memories—Wealth unprotected is the inevitable prey of power uncontrolled.
When we consider our relative situation to the powers at war, the injuries we have received ought, indeed, to teach us wisdom, but can excite no surprize, and demand from us certainly a qualified indignation. For sixteen or seventeen years we, alone, of all nations of the earth, have enjoyed an uninterrupted season of peace. We have grown rich by the follies and misfortunes of other nations. Aiding in turn every belligerent, and carrying on all the commerce of some, and a portion of the commerce of all of them, is it strange that we should excite, vicissively, the jealousy and the envy of each; particularly of that one with whose power and policy, the exercise of our rights most interfered? Like innocent, defenceless sheep, without prudence, and almost without shepherd, we have been cropping the rich harvest of neutrality, on the very field where the wild beasts were at combat. We have pressed our unprotected fatness between the lion and the tyger, in the midst of their rage. Is it wonderful that on the one side and on the other, our rights should be laid prostrate? Rather, is it not more wonderful, that we have witnessed so few victims?
The truth is, that we owe our present safety and most enviable condition, not to our distance from the scene of war, much less to our wisdom, but to the full employment the European powers have found for one another. But let us not be wilfully deaf to the warnings of events. The day of mutual occupation among those powers draws fast to a close. Every thing tends to a continental amalgamation. There is but one check to universal dominion. The sea power as yet controuls the land power. Let these unite by their treaty, or conquest, and if we long enjoy independence it will alone be, because we are prepared to fight for it. We are too rich not to excite avarice; our weight in the scale of nations, grows too important, not to invite ambition. If we are safe from the attempts of either, it will only be, by showing the world, that we have armour invulnerable and spirits invincible. But it is asked, "what have we to do with Europe?" "Three thousand miles of ocean intervenes. How are we interested in the events of her struggles?"—Heaven forbid, that this nation should ever entertain so childish an error; so fatal a delusion!
The ocean is not now what it once was to the savage an insurmountable obstacle—an impassable barrier. To be sea-girt is not at the present day, as it was in the times of fable, to be encircled by a magical girdle, which rendered its possessor, sometimes invincible, and always invulnerable. Art, science, enterprize, industry have made an entire revolution in the state of things, on that element. Instead of being the terror, it is the joy, the home of thousands. It is the common theatre of nations. There men meet. There they traffick. There struggle. It is a smooth and beaten path. It is a military road, reaching from each nation to every other; on which you can oppose no obstacle, except floating bulwarks or batteries, where it terminates at your great deposits of wealth and population. Instead of being separated by the ocean, it approximates us. It is an instrument of facility. Away, then, with such vain imaginations. The fates of neighbouring nations are ours if we are not wise in time. The character of the age is military. Unprotected, you invite aggression. What is sacred which power can violate?
But it is said, "we are strong. Two, or three millions of people are invincible." Very true. A foreign foe can never march to the interior of such a nation. Liberty is safe. There is no danger of subjugation. But does this satisfy the obligations of the social compact? Do we unite in society merely to attain a certainty for its existence? Does not a rational security for life, liberty and property, compose one of its essential duties? And how are these fulfilled, when they are all at the mercy of every sea-robber? Our cities, at this moment hold their tenure, at the will of the naval powers. It is not from your protection, but from their forbearance, that our cities have a name and a being. It is true they are suffered to exist, for the present; because opportunity and interest have not concurred to invite a destruction of them. But concur they will; and in all human probability, at no very distant period. And then, if our cities are not in ruins, it will be because they have bought off invasion.
The cities were settled under the faith of the social compact. Its obligation to protect results from its very nature.
This is the first law; the very end on account of which it was formed. Its duty has reference, to the numbers, the wealth and exposure of the parts, which claim its care; and has nothing at all to do with the surplus-
es in your treasury. Yet we hear men every day exclaiming, "It is impossible. We cannot give effectual protection. It would exhaust the treasury. It is better for the inhabitants to retire when the enemy approaches, than to incur the necessary expense of batteries and marine bulwarks." I ask this question. Are the men, who reason in this way, those who realise the danger? Are they, those who have a deep stake in the cities? It is not, perhaps, in the power of human nature to attain a very lively sense of evils, to which we are not ourselves opposed.
Among those ancient republics, which existed many centuries before the christian era, the very names of which have been lost in the lapse of time, we are told of one, which adopted the two following principles, as a part of its fundamental constitution—First—"In all questions of war, the inhabitants of the frontier shall have no voice." Lest in the vivid apprehension of their particular exposure, they should be less alive, than was fit to the honour of the republic.—Second—"In all questions concerning the defence of the frontiers and cities, the inhabitants of the mountains shall have no voice." Both principles were drawn from a deep knowledge of human nature, and a profound observation of the secret workings of the human heart. How can those who live ten days march from the sea coast realize its hazards? Their sympathies can alone be general. They pretend to no more. Hence we see daily resort had to every species of apology, which can be imagined to excuse the appropriation of the least sum possible; consistent with not giving ground to the belief of an intention wholly to abandon. Hence we hear the jealousies, which naturally spring up, between commerce and agriculture excited and propagated. I will not stop to answer such strange insinuations. I will not undertake to prove, that if you throw a dam across the mouth of a river, that the upper country will be overflowed.—Ask the inhabitants of the hills whose waters feed the Ohio, if the blockade of the Mississippi would not affect their prosperity? At this very moment Vermont feels the pressure occasioned by the contraction of our commerce. I have concluded what I would urge upon this point. Our obligation to protect is imperious. The necessities of the cities are pressing. Our ability is unquestionable. The general state of society urges this duty with no ordinary warnings.
It remains then only to consider what is the nature of that protection, which we are bound to extend; what is the principle by which it is to be limited? The answer is obvious. "It must be adequate to its end." It must have reference to the nature and exigency of the exposure, to which the society is subject. The shield must cover the man. A rational strength should exist in all its parts. But about the principal seats of life, where the great arteries spring, its thick bosses should be, if possible, impene-trable. In distributing protection, equality depends upon proportion. And this has reference to the wealth, numbers, situation and exposure of the different ports for which protection is required. Savannah, and Charleston, and Norfolk, and Portland, and every other place of even less importance, are the objects of the care and affection of the national councils, as much as New-York, or Newport. Yet these last claim a greater proportion of the national revenues than either of the former, and possibly than all of them together. In this there is no inequality, as gentlemen seem to insinuate; because in most or all the particulars which are the measures of proportion, these places far exceed either, perhaps all, the former; and probably much beyond the amount of the share they will attain of any appropriation. But it is asked, "what is that sum, which is adequate to protection?" And there is great exultation, because the advocates of an augmented appropriation cannot stipulate, that the sum they propose is sufficient. If adequate protection be admitted to be our duty, it is not necessary for us to show that the sum we propose is adequate; it is enough if we prove the sum, the war department proposes, is inadequate. If it be plain that this is wholly insufficient, then by augmenting the sum, the nearer we approach to that adequacy of protection, in which it is admitted consists our duty. And if, in the amount which we advocate, we do not exceed what is certainly sufficient, the greater the amount, the more do we fulfil our obligations. Now, although it is not in our power to show what would be a sufficient protection for every port and harbor of the United States, it is easy to bring the scheme of defence, proposed by the secretary of war, to the standard of general principles; and to show to the meanest capacity, its insufficiency.
The grand scheme, which includes all the patronage of administration, consists in two hundred and fifty-seven gun boats and one million of dollars worth of fortifications. I lay a navy out of the question. So far from any
* There is manifestly something defective in this sentence; but it is conformable to the manuscript of our reporter. Ed. U. S. Gaz.

additions to that species of defence, it is well understood, that all those ships we have already, are not intended to be put in commission. Now can it want any argument to convince any reflecting mind, that these gun boats and such fortifications are wholly inadequate to the proposed object—national security for all our ports and harbours? In the ordinary state of the world, when the powers of Europe balanced and weakened one another, and their fears at home checked their enterprizes abroad, such a system of defence would have scarcely deserved the name. Much less, at a period of society like the present, when political revolutions fast tend to put all power into one hand. This once effected, and no man can doubt but if we Americans are safe it is only because we have strong ramparts and stout hearts.
There is one objection to this system, in truth very strong—yet which its advocates in argument consider as very light. It is, that so great a proportion of it consists in gun boats; a species of warlike instruments the least valued in the places where defence is most wanted. It is undeniable they are exceedingly unpopular in cities. The inhabitants do not willingly trust their lives and fortunes in such bottoms. Of all military principles, perhaps this is the most sound, that the instruments to be put in the hands of those who are to fight, should always be of that nature and structure, to which not only they are accustomed, but in which also they have confidence. Now it is a fact undisputed, that our seamen and city militia have an instinctive contempt for gun boats. All agree that these are the less power, and yet they are, in appropriation, out of all proportion to the greater power, fortifications. Within these two years we have appropriated more than a million of dollars for gun boats—and now only a like sum is proposed for all the contemplated land fortifications, to which these gun boats are admitted only to be as an aid. The gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Fisk) told us the other day, that we had heretofore expended "many millions in fortifications." The assertion shows how little gentlemen trouble themselves with detail. By the report of the secretary at war, in 1805, from the establishment of the federal constitution to that date, there had been expended in fortifying all the ports and harbours of the United States only nine hundred and forty three thousand dollars. Since that period we have appropriated three hundred thousand dollars; of which less than two hundred thousand have been expended. SO THAT THESE "MANY MILLIONS" DWINDLE ON EXAMINATION TO A TRIFLE MORE THAN ONE MILLION ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND. The manner in which these appropriations were expended, and the time which has intervened between the application of the different sums, have made former expenditures of but little weight in estimating what is necessary in the present exigency.
But I cannot have confidence in the system of defence proposed, for another reason.—The exposition made by the secretary of war, is not calculated to excite implicit faith in his intelligence on the subject. We have two reports on the system of defence, made at this session, from that department; and there is a palpable disagreement between them, as to the amount necessary for fortifications. The one stating that amount to be seven hundred and fifty thousand, and the other nine hundred thousand dollars. A difference of one hundred and fifty thousand! [Here Mr. Quincy was interrupted by Mr. Blount, who said this difference arose from one of the estimates including, and the other not including the balance of unexpended appropriations.] This may account for a considerable part of the difference, but not for the whole. Still there remains a diversity of twenty or thirty thousand dollars between these two estimates, for which this explanation does not account, and no other reason is offered for its existence. But there is another circumstance, which takes away altogether any grounds of confidence in the calculations of the secretary, in these reports, and which is common to both. And this is—the entire want of any specification of particulars, from which the gross amount of the appropriation recommended results.
We have it is true, a long account of batteries, and towers, and magazines, and barracks, and mud walls, and gun boats; but when we arrive at the specification of the amount of the cost of the fortification of each particular place; it stands in all the intellectual majesty and satisfactory precision of—BLANKS! how can this committee put any confidence in such an estimate as this; which, altho' it comes to us in the dignity of an official folio, is nothing more than what we Yankees call—A GUESS? In what consists the evidence of arithmetical skill? In the utterance of a round sum, or in the ascertainment and the just addition of the constituent units? What is the criterion of mathematical ability? Is it, in the mere describing a whole figure, or in the exhibition of accuracy and proportion in the parts? It is the duty of a statesman to have at his command the details of office. And although when called upon for general estimates, relative to complex operations, he has a right to require great indulgence, for unforeseen circumstances, which may cause in his ultimate expenditure, excess beyond his calculation; yet he has no right that men, who act as well as he, under great official responsibilities, should place a blind confidence in an estimate, supported by no particular, and of which not a single item of that kind, as far as I have ever heard pretended, does in fact, exist.
But, in truth, there is not only no intrinsic reason for giving credit to the accuracy of this blunt estimate of the secretary at war, but there is in the nature of things a perfect evidence that it cannot be accurate. There are, he tells us, FORTY-FIVE PORTS AND HARBOURS IN THE UNITED STATES, GREAT AND LITTLE, TO BE EFFECTUALLY PROTECTED. And for all these he estimates the cost of fortifications to be nine hundred thousand dollars!—TWENTY THOUSAND DOLLARS TO EACH CITY PORT AND HARBOUR!—Is there one port in the United States which will not require a greater expenditure? A sum less, than very many
men of fortune, expend upon a single mansion house! But when we take into consideration, that there are among these, fifteen great cities and ports, which require a most liberal defence, to call such an estimate "effectual protection" is little other than an insult. The city of New-York is entitled to an amount equal to the sum proposed for all.
Many gentlemen view this subject very lightly. I view it very seriously. Masses of men, who have strength, and united by common interest, and combined in a political body, will have protection. If they cannot gain it by supplication, they will get it by force. I utter this not as a threat, but only state it as the inevitable result, from the passions and interests of men. The first shell which bursts in New-York, will deprive this union, to say the least, of the revenues of that city. If you take the fruits of its commercial industry, you must yield protection, in some degree proportionate to the importance of its wealth and commerce. So long as the danger seems at a distance, the people will remain insensible to it. But let it come—let it be felt—and the ties of your constitution are—PAPER.
"But the expense of adequate protection is enormous." Ah there's the rub! The secretary at war tells us, that "the aggregate of his estimate is such as circumstances permitted." And almost every gentleman has had reference to the surpluses of our revenue. There are eight millions of dollars in the treasury. And we are all on the scramble to have our proportion of that sum, in that species of warlike apparatus, which is our particular predilection. One wants gun boats, another fortifications, another frigates, another arms for the militia.—And each has a steady eye, so to limit the wishes of his neighbour, as that enough of the eight millions may be left to gratify his own. I have looked into the constitution, very carefully, and I find not a word there about "surpluses in the treasury." The object of union is expressed with great precision and simplicity—"To provide for the common defence." The language which the people speak to us is—"Cover us with your shield," they make no stipulations as to the cost. They want protection. Take what is adequate. Less than this is a failure in duty. It is a failure in economy. Estimate the effectual protection of the ports and harbours of the U. States at the most extravagant rate ever proposed, and the sum is less than any one of our capitals would willingly pay, rather than suffer an invasion. The sack of one city would transcend in destruction, the amount of such an adequate appropriation. For these reasons I am in favour of the greatest sum proposed to be applied to this object. Not because this is certainly sufficient; but because it approximates nearer to sufficiency than any thing else offered. The sum recommended by the secretary at war is obviously wholly inadequate. Call it by what name you will, the inhabitants of the cities will not deem it protection.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE
On the resolution for requesting the President to cause an enquiry to be made into the conduct of General Wilkinson.
TUESDAY, January 5.
Mr. Gardenier was somewhat surprised at the opposition which the motion he had made had met with, and was also surprised that the propriety of pursuing the course which he had recommended, (to appoint a committee of investigation) had not struck gentlemen more forcibly than it had. He was therefore reduced to the necessity of stating the reasons which induced him to make the motion, and which now compelled him to persist in it. The charge brought against gen. Wilkinson was calculated not only to occupy the attention of the house, but of the whole American people. Whether they considered that he was an officer no less than commander in chief of the army of the United States—whether they considered that department of government by which he had hitherto been protected and cherished no less than the executive—whether they considered that this charge was no less than against a general or commander in chief for bargaining and selling himself, his army and his country to a foreign or a hostile power—whether they considered the time when this accusation was brought forward, a time when the destiny of the nation, its slavery on one hand and its liberty on the other, depended not on the capacity alone, but dreadful to say, on the fidelity of the commander in chief—when they considered to whom this charge was submitted, to the grand inquest of the nation, that body whose duty it was to watch with unceasing vigilance the safety of the commonwealth, to use the language of an ancient writer, ne quid Republica detrimenti Capiat —in whatever view they consider it, its decision required assuredly all the wisdom, all the patriotism, and he would add, all the independence of this body.
The original resolution of the gentleman from Virginia had been met at its threshold by an objection, the more surprising as it proceeded from those who had hitherto affected an exclusive and almost hysterical jealousy of executive power—to his mind an objection more to be execrated, as it struck at the very root of republican government: as it went to deprive those of the right of instituting an enquiry into the conduct of an officer, who possessed the right of impeaching the president himself who appointed that officer. The lesser power was included in the greater. If they had power over the master of gen. Wilkinson, if they were master over the superior, they were master over the servant also. He could never reprobate in terms of sufficient abhorrence, the position assumed that this house was the only body which could not lay a request before the president. When he had seen the president of the United States benignly receiving addresses from the legislatures of different states (he could not say with smiles) requesting him to extend his paternal and affectionate care over the country for another constitutional period, from bodies who had no constitutional power to make this request, he could not believe that the president would shew less attention to a request from this body than he had shown a disposition to do to requests from the legislatures of particular bodies.
On a question of this kind he could not condescend to reason. It was too plain, palpable almost to the sense, that this enquiry was within the limits of their constitutional power. There could be no question that the house possessed a right to lay a request before the president—a right which was
possessed by the meanest individual in society. It only then remained for the house to determine whether they would act upon this subject, so important in every point of view—after a deal ear had been turned to this accusation in the palace, it remained for them to say, whether they would suffer venality and corruption to run through this body unhurt.—He hoped never to see that day when the house would so much disgrace itself as to refuse to do what became a duty. If the documents submitted to the house by the gentleman from Virginia were authentic, if these documents spoke the truth, there could be no hesitation in saying that a continuance of gen. Wilkinson at the head of the American army, was not only disgraceful to the nation, but inconsistent with its security. If it were true that the gentleman from Orleans territory had it in his power to give evidence still more convincing than any that could be found in the documents which had been submitted by the gentleman from Virginia, and Mr. G. had much reason to believe, and indeed had no doubt that the gentleman had it in his power, it would be proper to obtain that evidence; and if the course had been pursued as stated (and he did not question the fact) to institute a committee before the proceedings of the house had terminated on the subject, an enquiry to be carried on by persons possessing no such powers as that now possessed to be delegated to a committee, (to send for persons, papers, &c.) and if the gentleman from Orleans persisted in his word as he always did; this enquiry would appear, if not intended, at least calculated to mislead. For, as he understood it, this committee, this board of officers, this trio of the president's, had not the power, if authorised to pursue the enquiry to the utmost extent that the case demanded, to enforce their process; they were a substitute for the reality, a mere make believe.—It was therefore that he was not to be taken in by this; it was therefore that he was bound to do his duty to his country by persisting in an investigation; that at least if he could not satisfy the executive, he might satisfy the American people; for when its nature was known the calamity would not be so great.
This disposition for enquiry seemed to be manifested on all sides of the house. They wished to ascertain with unerring certainty whether this charge was true or not. If the mode which they were now told (on what authority he did not know) was pursued by the government—if that mode would not reach the object which was not aimed at, why refuse to delegate this power to a committee? This measure of appropriating a court of enquiry was not communicated to the house officially as it ought to be in order to stop their proceedings, nor in such a way that they could place confidence in it, not meaning at the same time any disrespect to the gentleman from Kentucky who had stated the circumstance. It was sufficient for Mr. G. that such a court was not competent; and here he pledged himself, as upon a rock from which he would not be removed, that it was not in the power if it was in the disposition of the president, from his own authority to go on with an enquiry of this sort except the House gave the authority on which to support it. He did not know whether the president had the power to compel the attendance of witnesses, except in military matters and military men. How then was the evidence of the gentlemen from Orleans to be got at? How, but by the intervention of the great constitutional power of this house—the only way. If then those gentlemen were sincere who wished to give gen. Wilkinson an opportunity of shewing his innocence, or those who doubted it, and wished to have an opportunity of giving evidence of his guilt, the mode which Mr. G. proposed was the only, assuredly the most proper way.
What was the accusation? Not for an overt act or crime—not for an offence committed in the face of day, or which was capable of open proof. The crime was secret, if committed at all. The very nature of the act, being done in secret, carefully avoiding public attention, acting with such precaution as not to permit his name to be written or spoken, required a particular mode of proceeding.—There was no other mode which would give satisfaction to the people of this country than a candid, fair, impartial, & unprejudiced investigation. If general Wilkinson could walk unhurt through the flames of such an ordeal, he deserved the confidence of the people; if not, it became the duty of the house to enquire further.
It had been said by some that the papers read by the gentleman from Virginia should be sent to the executive; but nothing had been said about the gentleman from Orleans. Mr. G. would ask the gentleman from Tennessee why would he send these papers to the executive? As what? He should suppose as evidence which the president was to communicate to the board of enquiry which had been instituted. If the gentleman considered it proper that any evidence should be sent, why not send the whole of the evidence which it was in the power of this house to acquire? If they sent any why not send all? And if they would send all, why not take measures without which they could not procure it? It did strike Mr. G. that the thing admitted of no other course; that if they sent any they should send the whole. He would in this case particularly, if there were the most distant prospect of being able to accomplish the object sought for, place before the president such evidence as could not be resisted.
The gentleman from Tennessee was pleased to remark that the house had no more business with this enquiry than the president of the United States had to recommend any act which exclusively pertained to the house of representatives of the United States. He did not know what he might call the peculiar province of the president; but he knew that it was the peculiar province of the house of representatives to originate impeachments, and yet he had seen in the message from the president to the house an implied recommendation to them on that subject. Mr. G. did not object to this; he thought the different branches of government did well to sustain each other in all events. The president, said he, has given us an evidence that he thinks himself competent to advise us; and I really wish to be equally civil, and return him the compliment; to shew him that we can advise him, and give him the means of acting efficiently. It was in this way that the house would effectually perform its duty. He wanted no half measures; they had appropriated money for half-fortification this session: he wanted no half-way enquiry into the conduct of the commander in chief, for this half-way business would not answer.
The power of the house to do this was unquestioned; it had exercised that power in a variety of cases. The only question was, whether this was one of those cases in which the house should exercise that power? Was this the only mode in which they could convict gen. Wilkinson if he was guilty, or satisfy the community of his innocence if he were not guilty? If this were the case, he thought friends and enemies should take this course; this was the object and only object they ought to pursue. Mr. G. was not influenced by any personal dislike to gen. Wilkinson, for he had no acquaintance with or knowledge of him. Gen. Wilkinson had never injured him or any of his connections or friends, and he felt himself therefore free to decide; but he should ill discharge his duty to his country if on any occasion like the present he did not advocate the most effectual means for an enquiry. He should express on all occasions what was his opinion, and he would say that the present case was a test of the impartiality of the house. If notwithstanding party attachments, and deference to the executive, the house should exercise that impartiality which should of right attach to them, he should have hopes of the salvation of his country. It was here, within these walls that the fate of the country was to be decided; it was here that corruption was to be arrested and exposed, if not here, he was afraid no where.
He was the more desirous of seeing this enquiry take the proper course, from events which had recently taken place, in which this officer had been charged with violating the constitution of the country. The bleeding charter of our rights, and the oppression of our citizens, had long ago called upon the house for interference. If the constitution was for no purpose, were paper works which a military officer could with impunity trample under foot, it was time the people should know it that they should submit. But when he found in the declaration of independence, that among the causes of our separation from the mother country were these: "He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power—He has given his assent to for transporting beyond seas to be tried for supposed offences"—that these among others were assigned as reasons for destroying the political bonds of society, as sufficient reasons for throwing off our allegiance—when he had seen, not a great and powerful government committing those enormities, but a mere military commander committing them with impunity—when the spirit of the nation was so base as not to cry out with unceasing sensibility at these violations of its rights—when he saw this, he was disposed to think that the officer would not be too much injured by an enquiry into this particular charge, which was, to say the least of it, important. On consulting the constitution he found that the people of the United States were not sufficiently content with the original articles of the constitution, but other articles had been added, in which it was declared that no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law—a right which one would think did not require the sanction of a constitution to secure it. This right which the people had so sedulously guarded as to include it in an additional article, had been violated wantonly and without occasion. He wanted no evidence of this; it had been done at noon day, before the whole American people. He must himself express his astonishment that after conduct of this sort, the person who had dared to commit these acts had been suffered to exist as a military commander; and he conceived that he who had suffered him to do these things in a country of civil law, was scarcely less culpable than the offender.
He expressed his surprise that at this day it was necessary to institute the enquiry now proposed. When was the cup of guilt to be full? When was the wounded constitution of the country to receive its balm? He would not have it in this case understood that he believed the executive had gone through with the whole business; he believed it would have been content if the effect alone of certain measures had been produced, without the means which were employed.
Would ever a case exist in which a military commander would not render himself independent if he could? Would a case exist in which he could not find a pretence? They had seen the emperor of France go forward step by step, and had he ever been at a loss for plausible pretences? No; nor ever would be. A nation which submitted to the first violation was ruined forever. Let us, said he, once become familiar with the violation of our national honour, and we are familiar with it forever—if we suffered the constitution to be invaded more particularly by a military power. These military gentlemen who acted in their proper sphere, protecting and fighting for their country, should have his zealous support as long as their conduct was proper. He wished they might gather laurels in protusion; he wished they might be well provided for; and at the present crisis he would go so far as to say, that better provision ought to be made for their support than they received at present: but whenever they went out of the line of their duty, whenever they violated the constitution of the country which it was their duty to defend, they would become the foe of every honest man: he was persuaded that but few of our officers were entitled to this appellation.
Upon the whole he thought that every gentleman on the floor was satisfied that the nation demanded that an effectual enquiry should be instituted; that even they who apologized for the conduct of this officer could not rest satisfied unless an opportunity was given to enquire. As a member of the grand inquest of the nation, he could say that he had seen enough to induce him to enter his vote in favour of the propriety of effectually enquiring. The people were now arrived at this point where they could neither turn to the right or the left. If an enquiry were had, the commander in chief of the army of the United States on one hand might have the confidence of the people; or, on the other, the army would be governed by a man of more fidelity and integrity.
FRIDAY, January 8.
The engrossed bill for continuing for a limited time (three years) the salaries of certain officers of government, was passed the third time 50 to 25.
On motion of Mr. Randolph that the house take up for consideration the resolution submitted by him relative to the conduct of Brigadier-General Wilkinson.
Mr. Taylor said, before deciding on taking up this resolution now, he should be glad to know, and rose to ask for information, whether the gentleman from New-Orleans had complied or intended

to comply with the request of the house yesterday expressed.
The Speaker said he had not.
The house agreed to consider the resolution 54 to 36.
Mr. Gardner said an order had yesterday passed the house, requesting two members to lay papers and information before them on this subject. He would ask whether any information had been furnished by either of these gentlemen? If there had, he should wish it to be printed for consideration.
The Speaker said the gentleman from Virginia had laid papers on the table, but the delegate from Orleans had not made any communication.
Mr. Clarke laid on the table a letter in Spanish from the Baron de Carondelet to Manuel Gayoso with a translation of the following extract:
TRANSLATION OF AN Extract of a letter from the Baron de Carondelet, go- vernour of Louisiana, to Don Manuel Gayoso de Le- mos, governor of Natchez, dated New-Orleans, 27th April, 1796.
"Argote's letter cannot in my opinion have foundation, since the Prince of Peace tells me that in consequence of the treaty, it is now useless to treat separately with Kentucky."
N. B. Argote was then Spanish Consul in Ken- tucky.
Mr. Chandler wished to know if these papers contained all the information which could be expected from the gentleman from N. Orleans in consequence of the resolution?
Mr. Randolph said the gentleman from Orleans did not appear to be in his seat at present; but Mr. R. presumed this was by no means all the information which was to be expected. It might be the only paper which the gentleman possessed on this subject; but if the gentleman's knowledge was so extensive as it was believed to be, the house would perceive that he could not have had time since the adjournment of yesterday to have reduced it to such a statement as might be necessary. Indeed the house met so early and sat so late, that if other gentlemen in the house had the same feelings with him, they must be utterly incapacitated for business the remaining part of the 24 hours. Mr. R. wished however to understand whether that was all the information in the gentleman's possession, and he had no doubt the gentleman would inform them.
Mr. Clark said it was pretty well understood, that was not the whole information he possessed; but if he were to give it otherwise than on paper, what he said would be liable to criticism or misquotation. Mr. C. said it would be proper for him to know whether he could adduce evidence in support of the information he might give, for he might otherwise be called a calumniator. It could not be supposed that he had with him proofs in writing on this subject. When he left home he had not expected to be called upon for evidence. He could state where evidence might be had, and the persons who knew more than himself on the subject. If the house insisted, however, he would give what information he possessed.
A motion was made by Mr. Taylor, that the resolution at present under consideration lie on the table; but which was afterwards withdrawn and renewed by Mr. Milnor.
A debate took place on this motion, in which Messrs. Lloyd, Milnor, and Gardenier supported it, and Messrs. Crowninshield, W. Alston, Rowan, Findley, and Smilie opposed it. [Debate hereaf- ter.]
Mr. Clark now stated that he conceived he could prepare his information by Monday.
The postponement was agreed to, 70 to 32.
SATURDAY, January 9.
Mr. Dana begged leave to state to the house a proposition which had for its object the encouragement and the security of the seamen of the United States; by this expression he meant all that belonged to the national family, whether by birth or regular adoption. The proposition which he meant to offer contemplated a measure of permanent policy, to which the United States might adhere in either alternative of peace or war. The adoption of the measure could not interfere with any stipulation which might be made in any treaty between the United States and any foreign power, or with any negotiation pending or expected; it did not propose to renounce any claim ever made by the government of the United States. It proposed no national degradation or acknowledgment of inferiority to any power whatever. Yet the proposition was of such a nature that he apprehended it would, if adopted, essentially diminish the rage of controversy as respected seamen; and might be carried to such an extent as to annihilate it altogether. When he said this, he spoke to those seamen who did in fact belong to the United States. The proposition proposed a marked distinction between our own seamen and those who were aliens to our country and our laws, and gave a preference to our own over any other. It proposed that they should have better and more employment, that they should be known to a certainty and firmly protected. If he should be asked what this proposition was, it would be evident that it was a plain measure; it exhibited nothing of the magnificence of a learned and abstract disquisition; it was a proposition which addressed itself to the interest of the merchant and to the heart of the American seaman. That the house might understand how it was intended to accomplish this object, he would call their attention first to the revenue laws, and then to the navigation laws of the United States.
It would be sufficient to observe, as respected the revenue system, that the law of the United States marked a strong distinction between vessels of the United States and all others. The term vessel of the United States denoted a title of peculiar benefits and privileges, an exemption from the extraordinary duty on tonnage, and an exemption from a duty of 10 per cent. on all articles imported, this being levied as a discrimination duty, in addition to the ordinary impost, on all goods imported in foreign vessels. This duty was nearly equal to the average expense of freight across the Atlantic; so that it gave a decided preference, and of course a greater employment to American vessels. It was proposed to avail ourselves of the same principle for American seamen; making it requisite that a portion of the seamen should be Americans thereby ensuring them employment by this duty of ten per cent. to be incurred by the employment of foreign seamen in preference.
If the house would advert to the navigation law of the U. States they would see how the principle recognized by that could be applied to American seamen. That act speaks of certain qualifications
which should entitle vessels to be named vessels of the U. States. The qualifications are three. The first, for the encouragement of American ship building, requires that a vessel shall be built in the United States.—American construction and American property. The next, that a vessel shall not enjoy the privilege of American vessels, longer than commanded by an American captain—American construction, property, and commander. These three qualifications were necessary for a registered vessel.
The addition which Mr. D. proposed to these qualifications, was, that these vessels should be navigated by a proportion of American mariners; this was the proposition which he should submit. As soon as the proposition was stated, its operation would be instantly seen. If it were adopted, American seamen would of course in preference be employed; it would give them a more comfortable means of subsistence. The merchant would be compelled to employ them, if his vessel could not otherwise enjoy the privilege of American vessels; and all his exertions to procure American seamen would be more than compensated by the diminution of duty in consequence of their employment. It would then be the interest as well as the duty of American seamen to point out imposters, as they might be kept out of employ by false swearing of seamen not citizens. In adopting this principle into our navigation law, Mr. D. felt perfectly willing to renounce the whole system of certificates and protections. He did not wish American seamen to have any protections while on board our ships; he wished that their being on board an American ship should be a sufficient protection; and if this peaceable means of protection will not answer, said Mr. D. let us take stronger measures. But in giving a man this protection with merely documentary proof, in giving him the complete protection of the American flag, it would be perceived that he would enjoy it no longer than he was faithful to his duty. In order to entitle a vessel to the character of a registered vessel it would be necessary that it should appear that she had on board a proportion of American seamen. It would be a plain regulation, no acknowledgment of inferiority, and its adoption would not interfere with any existing treaty or negotiation.
There was a reason why he felt disposed to have this subject considered at the present time. The operation of the embargo would no doubt throw out of employment a great many seamen; and among them might be foreign subjects. Thrown out of employ by the embargo, and a portion of them being called home by the proclamation of his Britannic majesty, Mr. D. should suppose it probable that foreign seamen might be induced to go into other service. He wished to hold out to American seamen, to our own citizens, the inducement of employment in preference to others, thereby giving them some cause to hope for brighter prospects and better times than the present. [Here follows the resolution as published in our last.]
NEW YORK, January 13.
The Committee of Seamen appointed to wait on the Mayor and Council for the purpose of making some provisions for the unemployed seamen of New York, received the following answer:
The committee appointed by the Common Council to provide for the support of seamen out of employment have adopted the following plan: They have agreed with captain Chauncy, of the United States Navy Yard, to receive such seamen at the Yard, on condition of their signing articles to continue in service during their own pleasure, and perform duty subject to his orders, the Common Council defraying the expenses of their maintenance, which is to include victuals, drink, fuel, candles, and accommodations for lodging.
Whenever this meritorious class of citizens can do better, they are at perfect liberty to leave the Navy Yard, captain Chauncy giving notice when they are discharged.
By the Committee.
JOHN BINGHAM, Chairman. Committee of Ways and Means, Jan. 12, 1801.
N. B. As some may have apprehensions of being trepanned, the hon. Council pledge their honour to provide that nothing of this nature shall take place.
W. PINKNEY, } W. DYCKMAN, } Committee W. TRUMAN, } of Seamen. J. CAMP, }
The Corporation, we understand, have voted one thousand dollars towards a fund for the relief of sailors thrown out of employ by the embargo.
RICHMOND, January 12.
The following resolution was moved in the house of delegates on Saturday last, by Alexander S. Hooe, Esq. a member from the county of King George. On the resolution being read from the chair, a motion was made for the previous question being taken whether it should be received, which produced an animated discussion till very late in the evening; when a motion was made for the house to adjourn, which being carried, no decision was had on the resolution, and it lies over to be taken up again. Most of the gentlemen who spoke, were in favour of the resolution, with some trifling amendment.
"At an important crisis like the present, when we are threatened with war by the rival powers of Europe, it is that of the highest importance we should have at the head of our army, a man of the most unblemished reputation, who instead of exciting doubts, should inspire confidence—the present commander is not that man—he has been suspected (and with too much cause) of being engaged in treason at home and treachery abroad:—
"Resolved therefore, that the Federal Executive be requested to cause an immediate enquiry to be made into the conduct of brigadier general James Wilkinson, commander in chief of the armies of the United States."
Doctors Brown and Moseley, Respectfully inform their friends and the public, that they have entered into partnership, and practice PHYSICK AND SURGERY.
They may be consulted at their Shop, No. 47, Main-street, adjoining Messrs. Southgate's Store. January 13. 1m
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, JAN. 18, 1808.
On Saturday night, a house near this place, belonging to Mr. Thomas Price, was burned down. As this house was untenanted, there is no doubt but it was set on fire by some atrocious villain or villains.
The Legislature of Georgia has passed a resolution expressive of the high sense which that body entertains of the patriotism of General Wilkinson. It is to be hoped that a succeeding legislature of that state, may not treat this resolution as the famous Yazoo Law was treated.
The Virginia Legislature, as our readers will observe, are about to denounce the General, declaring him unworthy of confidence, &c. What a pity it is, that these legislators do not follow the short, but emphatick admonition that was stamped on the old continental bills "mind your business."
We remark that the cities of New-York and Philadelphia, are infested with disorderly persons, committing robberies to such a degree, that the citizens of the latter place in particular, have been obliged to form themselves into associations to aid the ordinary watch. We have heard of nothing of the sort here, but a correspondent has requested us to invite the attention of the police to a circumstance that demands attention, and that immediately. It is believed that there are between two and three hundred negroes in this place, from different parts of the country, who have been sent by their owners here to seek employment. As they are now out of employ, and without their usual means of subsistence, they must resort to some mode of living, which will probably be by robbing—Our correspondent suggests the propriety of all such persons being sent to their respective owners, or places of residence, and of forming associations similar to those in Philadelphia.
Extract of a letter from a respectable mercantile house in Rotterdam, dated the 31st Oct. to their correspondent in this place.
"The instructions of Mr. Armstrong to the consuls of the United States, throughout France, Spain, and this country, to warn their captains to depart without delay, though the cause is not known to private individuals, has been the means of great activity in foreign produce." [The writer here speaks of sales and prices, and then goes on.] "The prevailing opinion here is, that America will not be able to maintain her neutrality, and that unless she breaks with England, SHE WILL BE EXCLUDED FROM TRADING TO France or to the ports of any nation in alliance with France."
We shall offer no comments on the above, and only assure our readers, that this is not an extract from a manufactured letter. The house in Rotterdam is well known to the Editor, and the Extract has been made by him from the original letter.
The heavy responsibility demanded of the masters of Coasting vessels, by the act Supplementary to the embargo act, has produced an enquiry into the power of Congress to pass the act as relates to Coasters. In the ninth section of the Constitution of the United States under the head of "limitations of the powers of Congress," the 5th article says,
"No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one state over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to or from one state be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties to another."
We some time since, to guard against misconception, deemed it our duty, in noticing an article in the Norfolk Publick Ledger, relative to a French seaman who had deserted from the Patriot, to observe that admitting the facts to be correctly stated in that print, we presumed that but little difficulty could arise in adjusting the grounds of difference, from the established usage of our government, in like cases, which has been on a demand for deserters on board of a national vessel, where it is satisfactorily shewn that they were not American citizens, to order their DISCHARGE.
The Ledger, in honouring this article with a republication, was pleased to pronounce it jesuitical in manner, and without foundation in truth. Accustomed to respect the comparatively decent and even urbane language of this print, we were not a little surprised to perceive in it such a flagrant dereliction of decorum. And how, forsooth, did the editor attempt to establish the charges of a destitution of truth? By the assertion that our government has in no instance surrendered a British deserter. Thus confounding the terms discharge and surrender, which it must be obvious to the meanest capacity, convey distinct and even opposite ideas. The little respect we felt for an understanding that could surrender itself to such a confusion of ideas we imagined would be best manifested by silence. Nat. Intelligencer.
The word surrender was used by us instead of discharge, by accident, and without any design to misrepresent, a practice though sustained by many authorities, we have not deemed worthy of imitation.
But since the Editor of the National Intelligencer has chosen to rest his veracity upon the discharge, we assert without hesitation, that it has not been the practice of our government to discharge deserters from foreign ships of war, although they were unable to offer any evidence but their own declarations that they were American citizens. We do not assert it from our own knowledge, that in
some instances the men did not even pretend to be American citizens; but we believe the fact to be so, having learned it from good authority; yet these men were not discharged. It is possible that the officer demanding was not able to prove that the deserters were not American citizens. It was this cunning stroke of the pen, that excited our notice. How we repeat, could a foreign officer be prepared with such negative proof? If the deserter was an American citizen, he surely in his own country could prove that fact. There is more in those words, "where it is satisfactorily shewn, that they were not American citizens" than appears at present. If the proceedings and evidence of the court of enquiry lately held, and the court martial now sitting, are ever published, the publick will derive some important information upon this subject.
At a meeting of the Stockholders of the Bank of the United States, held at the said Bank on Monday the 4th instant, the following gentlemen were elected directors of that institution for the present year, viz.
Directors for 1808.
David Lenox, Elias Boudinot, Samuel Breck, Robert Smith, James C. Fisher, Joseph Sims, Archibald M'Call, John G. Wachsmuth, Paul Siemens, Samuel Coate, Henry Pratt, Thomas Ewing, George Fox, Paschal Hollingsworth, John Stille, Thomas M. Witting, Horace Binney, William Payne, Mungo Maccay, John Lawrence, Abijah Hammond, Moses Rodgers, Richard Harrison, Nicholas Low, James M'Clurg.
At a meeting of the said directors, held on Tuesday evening, David Lenox, Esq. was re-elected president.—Phil. Pap. * New Directors.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Sch'r Rising States, Gilbert, 4 days from New-York.
The William Penn, Small, of this port, sailed from Tonningen bound to London, Nov. 1.
The ship Fame, Davis, of this port was spoke on the 3d inst. 3 days out bound to Jamaica.
NOW IS YOUR TIME! 10,000 Dollars may be gained for One Dollar and Fifty Cents in the PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY.
Highest Prize 10,000 Dollars.
Authorised by an Act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
   CASH PRIZES.     1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars 10,000   2 do. of 5,000 10,000   5 do. of 1,000 5,000   10 do. of 500 5,000   10 do. of 200 2,000   40 do. of 100 4,000   100 do. of 50 5,000   200 do. of 20 4,000   500 do. of 10 5,000   1,000 do. To consist of machines for opening off-cast worsted and open wrought woollen clothing into wool, valued at one hundred dollars each, (patent right included) 100,000   1,000 do. To consist of rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings for dwelling-houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each, 50,000   Dollars 200,000  
Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 Dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows:
   Dols.     First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each 200   First drawn number on the succeeding ten days', each 500   First drawn number on the succeeding five days', each 1,000   First drawn number on the succeeding two days', each 5,000   First drawn number on the last day's drawing, 10,000  
This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of gentlemen appointed by the governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, and the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time.
Tickets in the above Lottery at $1 50, for Sale by A. C. JORDAN, & Co. No. 5, Market-Square. The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses.
Note.—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. January 18. id
Fifty Dollars Reward.
RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th Decem- ber last, a Mulatto Man named TONEY, a Blacksmith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on when he went away a dark cloth soutout coat and pantaloons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th ult. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North-Carolina.
JOHN WALKER.
January 8. 12*
Landing at Newton's wharf the Cargo of the sloop Dispatch, Samuel Hawley, master, from New-Haven, consisting of
Pork, Beef, Cheese, Hay, and 10 dozen Brooms.
For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. December 18. id

By His Excellency ROBERT WRIGHT, Esq. Governor of Maryland. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS some notorious villain: did on the eighteenth day of October, instant, attempt to assassinate Judge JAMES B. ROBINS, on his return from Caroline County Court...
Five Hundred Dollars Reward. BROKE Jail in August, 1806, in Snow Hill, Worcester County, JOHN WORRILLOW, who was committed on a charge for burglary, or house breaking, and has been seen several times in the county since...
Two Tenements on Talbot Street, one of them possessing every convenience necessary for a genteel family—And three TENEMENTS on Woodside's lane. AMPL allowance will be made for the difficulty of the present time, in renting the above property. SAML COLEMAN.
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker.
REMOVAL. The Subscriber has removed to the large Fire-Proof Ware-House at the head of Maxwell's wharf, in Wide Water-Street, where he offers for SALE, 7 pipes Country GIN, 20 barrels Whiskey, 30 do. N. E. Rum, 15 hhds. do. do.
Who transacts business on Commission, as usual. Jan. 1. Just received and for SALE by the Subscriber, 10 hhds. excellent retailing Molasses, 10 quarter casks Sherry Wine, 50 boxes superior bleached Mould Candles, 50 do. Soap, Philadelphia manufacture, 2500 wt. St. Domingo Coffee; 1000 do. best Jamaica do.
The Subscribers have removed to the Brick Warehouse on Merchant's Wharf, and have on hand for Sale, 100,000 W. O. hhd. drawn STAVES, 100,000 red do. do. do. 40,000 rough do. do. do. 50,000 do. barrel do. do. 10,000 pipe do. do. do. 500,000 sale Shingles; 100,000 building do. 16,000 three feet do.; 5,000 Garden Pales, 5,000 Chinquapin and Cedar Posts. And also for Rent, A commodious WAREHOUSE. Pruby, Harmanston, & Co. January 11.
For SALE, 75 tierces prime green Jam. Coffee, And a few puncheons 5 and 6 years old Antigua Rum; Loaf and Brown Sugar in hogsheads and barrels: a few sets Table China; fine and superfine Flour, &c. Harrison Allmand. January 4.
For SALE, 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. Kitts RUM. MOSES MYERS. January 8.
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Warehouse, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
St. Mary's College Lottery of Baltimore. Will commence drawing on the 31st instant, when the price of Tickets will be advanced. It is recommended to those wishing to adventure to apply immediately—Tickets now selling rapidly at Eleven Dollars, and but few remaining for Sale by Rowland & Triplett. December 18.
For RENT. The STORE, No. 86, Main-Street, with or without the house. Thomas Blanchard. September 28.
St. Mary's College. GRAND LOTTERY, BALTIMORE. Authorised by the General Assembly of the State of Maryland; the Scheme of which Lottery is the most brilliant ever offered to the citizens of the United States, containing besides a large number of other good prizes, 1 prize of - 30,000 Dollars, 1 do. of - 15,000, 3 do. of - 10,000, 2 do. of - 5,000, 8 do. of - 1 500, 7 do. of - 1 000. Not two blanks to a prize, and the lowest prize twelve dollars. The Scheme contains only 21,500 Tickets; 10,000 of which are actually sold to a company of gentlemen in New-York, to whom the managers have obligated themselves to commence the drawing in the City of Baltimore, on THURSDAY, the 31st day of December next, and to draw 500 tickets per day. Tickets and Shares are now selling in a variety of numbers, and very rapidly at Ten Dollars and an half each, for a very short time, at G. & R. WAITE'S truly fortunate Lottery Office, corner of Market-Street and Charles-Street, Baltimore. The grandeur of the Scheme of the above Lottery, together with an assurance from the managers that it will positively commence drawing on the 31st day of December next, have been a sufficient inducement for the subscribers to come to the city of Baltimore, for the express purpose of facilitating the sale of the Tickets. G. & R. Waite.
One of the above firm will personally attend the drawing daily to take down the numbers correctly, as will also one of their clerks. The next New-York Lottery will not commence drawing till April next. Tickets of which Lottery may be had at Waite's Offices, in Maiden Lane, New-York. N. B. Distant adventurers accompanying their orders with Bank Notes of any description, to either of Waite's Offices in Baltimore or New-York, may have Tickets and Shares forwarded to any amount with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent them of their success. All prizes sold by G. & R. Waite will be paid by them. A list of all prizes drawn will be sent to the Printer of this Paper, for the inspection of adventurers. October 14. 3m Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hhds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hhds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-Street to William Hull, Jun. October 16. tf Just got to Hand, 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf For SALE, by the Subscriber, 34 hogsheads WHISKEY, 50 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do. 65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 15 gross Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castile Soap, 1 hogshead and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 10 hhds. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York River Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton, 38 whole and 9 half tierces Rice. A. Maclure. November 13. tf Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castile Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hhds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12. tf
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc. Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25. tf A. M'KINLEY, Silk, Cotton, and Woollen Dyer, No. 13, Bank-Street, Respectfully informs the publick that he Cleans and Dyes all kinds of Silk and Satins, finishing them with neatness and dispatch; all kind of Gentlemen's Clothes cleaned and dyed; best standing blue upon Cotton, Linen, Carpets, and Blankets; Cleaned Straw and Chip Hats dyed, dressed, &c. &c. All commands will be thankfully received, executed on the short notice and on the lowest terms. November 30. tf THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hhds. and 6 bbls Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kgs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kgs and 2 bbls. Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31. tf
For RENT, And possession given the 1st of Jan. next, that commodious three story brick DWELLING HOUSE in Church-street, at present occupied by Mr. Barth. Redman. And a convenient two story DWELLING HOUSE, with a fine extensive garden, in the Fields near Smith's Point, at present occupied by Mr. Stratton, possession of which may be had the 1st of January—Application to be made to Wm. Plume & Co. Nov. 18. tf
For SALE, 5 cases only of superior PIGEON-EYE CHAMPAGN. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Dec. 16. tf
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Navy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambric Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirts; a variety of Woollens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assortment of WOOLLEN GOODS. Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c. On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; Ladies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for CASH, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11. tf Baltimore Baker's FLOUR, of superior quality, for family use, for sale by T. & W. A. Armistead, Campbell's wharf. Nov. 18. tf
The Subscriber offers for Sale at his Store in Market-Square, 20 hogsheads W. I. RUM, 10 pipes Cognac Brandy; 5 do. Country Gin, Sugar—Brown and Loaf, by the barrel or hogshead, Tea—Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson—Also, A parcel of DRY GOODS, Consisting of Woollens, Calicoes, Hats, and Hardware. In addition to the above, he intends keeping a constant supply of PORK and BEEF. Bread—Pilot, Navy, and Ship, of the first quality—Families may be supplied with small quantities of Pilot Bread, of a superior quality. Cordage of any size or description for negotiable notes or West-India produce. Any orders for the above articles, will be complied with at the shortest notice. Cary Selden. Nov. 23. tf
For RENT, That commodious Dwelling-House on Catherine-Street, now in the occupancy of John D. Haldane—possession to be had the 1st day of January next ensuing—Terms made known by application to John Camp. tf December 11. tf
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4. tf
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune, captain Norton, from Teneriffe, 100 pipes and 90 hhds. L. P. Tene-niffe WINE, of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. September 28. tf
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. Who has on hand, Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16. tf
Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A PARCEL OF Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf
NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceased, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Adm'r x. December 9. tf
WANTED for the Ship Sheffield, A CARPENTER; also, two young LADS, from 14 to 15 years of age, as apprentices, not to go in the cabin or to cook. Apply to Josiah Cowper. December 9. tf
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
Just received and for sale by the subscriber, from New-York, 4 half pipes 8 qr. casks old London particular Madeira WINE; 20 dozen Old Port do. 20 kgs Beef Tongues; 50 kgs Salmon; 50 do. Mackerel, 50 do. Tongues and Sounds; 20 do. Lard, 20 bbls. Whiskey; 10 hhds. N. E. Rum; 100 boxes Candles. Also—100 barrels Flour afloat. CARY SELDEN. December 2. tf
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hhds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 3 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 6 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales Striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffels; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plais, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 34 do. Ticklenburgs and Osnaburgs; 2 do. Heffians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24. tf
For SALE at my Warehouse, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13. tf
For RENT, The DWELLING-HOUSE on Granby-street, belonging to captain Vickery, next door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of January next. For terms apply to Alexander Wilson. December 18. tf
Those who have claims against the estate of CHARLES WILLETT, deceased, are requested to bring their accounts properly authenticated; and those who are indebted are particularly requested to make payment as no indulgence can be given. William Storis, Thomas Davis, Executors. September 30. 1aw3m Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never failing stream; although she works at present only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abundant supply for ten pair—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's Mills) about two miles farther, now in complete order, running one pair of stones and two faws—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not superior to any in that part of the country—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently believes, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia—Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any number of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5. tf
Received per schooner Traveller, from Boston, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18. tf
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 bags Coffee, 5 tierces do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks old Sherry Wine, 2 hhds old L. P. Madeira do. 3 hhds. Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hhds and pipes—For Sale by Phinehas Dana. June 8. tf
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the 1st of November. P. Barrand. October 5. tf
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 50, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-24 lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d 2d. Sheathing, 7 1-2d 6d. Sprigs, 4s. 6d per M. 6d. do. 2s. 9d 2d. and 3d. do. 2s. 3d He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store. Apply to Niemeyer & Von Kapff. December 28. tf
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office. ALSO, NOTES for the Virginia Bank; Checks; Bills of Lading, and of Exchange, printed on paper of superior quality; and Shipping Articles on large paper, and approved form. LEDGER OFFICE.
Phoenix Fire-Office. The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals herewith subjoined. N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured on one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8. 137 NORFOLK. PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.