The Dover argus and Delaware advertiser (Dover, Del.), 1804-10-24 00:00:00

And Delaware Advertiser.
[VOLUME I.]
WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 24, 1804.
NUMBER 42.]
DOVER, DEL.—PRINTED BY FREEMAN &amp; BARBER:—WHERE SUBSCRIPTIONS AND ADVERTISEMENTS WILL BE GRATEFULLY RECEIVED.
The Dover Argus is published every Wednesday and Saturday at four dollars per annum, payable half yearly in advance.
SPEECH OF CARNOT.
[TRANSLATION.]
Discourse pronounced by Citizen Carnot, upon the motion relative to Hereditary Government.
TRIBUNATE.
Extraordinary Sitting,
11th Floreal—12th year.
Citizen Tribunes!
AMONG the orators who have preceded me and who have all supported the motion of order of our colleague Curee, several have anticipated the objections which might be raised against it, and they have answered them with as much talent as amenity: they have given examples of moderation which I shall endeavour to imitate in making observations which apparently have escaped them. And as to those, who, because I combat their advice, might attribute to me personal motives unworthy the character of a man entirely devoted to his country, I deliver to them, as the only answer, the scrupulous examination of my political conduct since the commencement of the revolution, as well as that of my private life.
I am far from attenuating the praises given to the First Consul: had we to thank Bonaparte for nothing but the civil code, his name would merit to pass down to posterity. But whatever services a citizen may have rendered his country, there are limits which honor as well as reason impose upon national gratitude. If a citizen has restored public liberty, if he has effected the safety of the country, would it be a recompence to offer to him the sacrifice of that very liberty? Would it not be annihilating his own work, in making that country his particular patrimony?
The moment the proposition was made to the French nation to vote on the question for the Consulate for life, every one could easily perceive that there existed after views and an ulterior end.
Indeed we beheld a rapid succession of a crowd of institutions evidently monarchical: but in every instance endeavours were made to re-assure the minds that were uneasy about the fate of liberty, by declaring that these institutions were made with the view of procuring it the highest possible protection!
This day we discover in a positive manner the final end of so many preliminary measures: we are required to vote upon the formal proposition to re-establish the monarchical system, and to confer the imperial and hereditary dignity upon the First Consul!
Formerly I voted against the Consulate for life; I shall now vote in the same manner against the re-establishment of monarchy, persuaded that my office of Tribune obliges me to do so; but I shall do it with the necessary precaution not to re-awake party spirit; it shall be done without personality, without any
other passion than that for the public good; in remaining always in conformity with myself in the defence of the popular cause.
I invariably submitted to existing laws even at times when they displeased me most: more than once have I fallen a victim to them, and I shall not follow a different course this day. I declare therefore beforehand that, whilst I combat the proposition in question, from the moment a new order of things is established and it has received the assent of the mass of the citizens, I shall be the first to conform to it in all my actions—to show to the supreme authority every mark of deference which the constitutional hierarchy shall require. May every member of this great society emit a vow as sincere and distinguished!
I shall not descend on the preference which, in general, such or such a government may merit; we have volumes without number on that subject. I shall confine myself, in a few words, and in terms the most simple, to the examination of the particular case in which circumstances have placed us.
All the arguments hitherto advanced on the subject of re-establishing monarchy in France are, that without it there can be no means to insure stability of government and public tranquillity, to escape intestine troubles, to unite against external enemies; that a republican form of government had been tried in vain in every possible manner; that from all those efforts had resulted nothing but anarchy; a revolution prolonged or incessantly renewed, a perpetual fear of new disorders, and, consequently, a universal desire to see the ancient hereditary government re-established. To this an answer must be given.
I shall observe, therefore, that a government placed in one man is no pledge for stability and tranquillity. The Roman Empire did not last longer than that of the Roman Republic. In the former, the interior troubles were greater, the crimes more multiplied: the republican fierceness, heroism, and manly virtues, were there replaced by pride the most ridiculous, by adulation the most vile, by cupidity the most unbridled, and by carelessness the most destructive to the national prosperity. How have the evils been remedied by the throne being hereditary? Has it not been regarded in fact as the legitimate inheritance of the house of Augustus? Has Domitian not been the son of Vespasian, Caligula the son of Germanicus, Commodus the son of Marcus Aurelius?
In France, the last dynasty has indeed lasted during eight centuries, but have the people been the less tormented? How many intestine disorders? How many external wars for pretensions, rights of succession, the result of the alliances of that dynasty with foreign powers! From the moment a whole nation espouses the particular interests of one family, it is obliged to encounter a multitude of events which, without that, would to the nation be perfectly indifferent.
We could not establish among us a republican regime, though it has been tried under divers forms more or less democratic: but we must observe that, of all the constitutions which successively have been tried without success there was none but what was the offspring of
factions and the work of circumstances, as imperious as fugitive: hence all were vicious.—But since the 18th Brumaire we find an epocha, the only one perhaps in the annals of the world, to meditate, sheltered against alarms; in order to found the liberty of the nation upon a solid basis, avowed by experience and by reason.—After the peace of Amiens, Bonaparte could choose either a republican or a monarchical system; he might have done what he thought proper, without encountering the least opposition. The depote of liberty was confided to his hands; he had sworn to defend it. By fulfilling his promise he would have accomplished the expectation of the nation who judged him to be the only one capable of solving the great problem of public liberty in extensive states; he had covered himself with incomparable glory. Instead of performing this great work, what are we doing to-day? It is proposed to give him an absolute and hereditary property of a power, of which he had received but the administration.
It is true that, antecedent to the 18th Brumaire, the state was falling into dissolution, and that absolute power dragged it from the borders of the abyss: but what are we to infer from that? What all the world knows; that political bodies are subject to maladies which can be cured but by violent means; that a momentary dictatorship is sometimes requisite to save liberty. The Romans, who were so jealous of it, were however sensible of the necessity of that supreme power at intervals. If, because a violent remedy has saved a sick person, are we to administer to him every day a violent remedy? Fabius, Cincinnatus, Camillus, have each successively saved the Roman liberty by absolute power; but it was by stripping themselves of that power as soon as they could; by a retention of the power they would have destroyed liberty. Cæsar was the first who wanted to retain it, and he fell a victim to it; but liberty was annihilated for ever.—Thus all that has been said to this day upon absolute power, proves only the necessity of a momentary dictatorship in the crisis of a state, but not of a permanent and immovable power.
It is not by the nature of the government that the great republics fail in stability; it is because they are unprovided for tempests; it is invariably the exaltation that presides at their establishment. There is but one that effected the work of organised philosophy during the calm, and that republic subsists full of wisdom and vigour: This phenomenon is offered by the United States of America, whose prosperity daily increases to the astonishment of all other nations. Thus it was reserved to the new world to convince the old that men can peaceably subsist under the regime of liberty and equality. Yes, I dare to lay down the principle that, whilst we can establish a new order of things, without any fear from the influence of factions, as the first consul was able to do, especially after the peace at Amiens, and as he still can do, it is less difficult to form a republic without anarchy, than to erect a monarchy without despotism. For how can we conceive a limitation without illusion, in a government of which the chief has all the executive power in his hands, and all the places and offices to

bestow? They have spoken of institutions which are said to be proper to produce that effect: but before the re-establishment of monarchy was proposed, should we not have been previously assured, and have shown to those who have to vote upon the question, that such institutions are in the order of possibilities? that they are not of those metaphysical abstractions which are incessantly approaching the contrary system? Hitherto nothing has been invented to temper the supreme power but what are called the intermediate or privileged bodies. Is it then a new nobility that they mean when they speak of institutions? but is not the remedy worse than the evil? for the absolute power deprives us but of liberty, whilst the institution of privileged orders takes away both liberty and equality; and if at first the great dignities are only personal, it is well known that they always finish as the grand fiefs formerly, by becoming hereditary.
To these general principles, I will add some particular observations. Let us suppose that all Frenchmen will give their assent to the measure proposed; would it be a proof of their free will? What results from the registers where each is compelled to sign his name to his individual vote? Who is the man that is not convinced of the influence of the presiding authority in such cases? From all parts of France, they say, bursts forth the monarchy; but are we not authorised to regard as fabrication an opinion hitherto almost exclusively concentrated among the public functionaries, when we know the inconveniences to be encountered by manifesting a contrary opinion; when we know that the liberty of the press is annihilated to such a degree that it is impossible to get inserted in any of the Journals a complaint the most respectful and moderate!
Indeed there should be no necessity for balancing the choice of a hereditary Chief were it necessary to have one. It would be absurd to draw a parallel between the First Consul and the Pretenders of a family justly despised, and whose vindictive and sanguinary dispositions are but too well known. The recal of the house of Bourbon would be renewing the frightful scenes of the revolution, and proscription would infallibly extend itself both to the property and persons of the greatest part of the citizens. But the exclusion of that dynasty does not render a new dynasty necessary.—May we then hope that creating a new dynasty would hasten the happy epoch of a general peace? Would not that be rather a new obstacle to it? Are we assured that the other great powers of Europe will adhere to this new title? And if they do not adhere, are we to take up arms to force them to it? Or after having reduced the title of Consul below that of an Emperor, will the Consul content himself with that title for the sake of foreign powers, whilst he is Emperor only of the French? And shall we for a vain title expose the security and prosperity of the whole nation?
It seems, therefore, to be infinitely doubtful whether the new order of things can offer more stability than the present state: There is for government but one means to consolidate itself; it is to be just; that with them favour does not exceed the services rendered; that there may be a guaranty against depredations and impositions. Far be from me any particular application or any critic on the conduct of government; it is against arbitrary power itself I am speaking, and not against those in whose hands that power may reside.
Was then liberty shown to man merely to convince him that he can never enjoy it?—Was it incessantly offered to his view as a fruit to which he cannot stretch out his hand without being struck with death? Thus nature who gives that liberty as a pressing want, should have intended to treat us as a step-mother!—No, I will not consent to regard as a simple illusion, this benefaction, so universally preferred to all others, and without which all others are nothing. My heart tells me that liberty is possible, that the regime of it is easy and more stable than any arbitrary government, any oligarchy.
Nevertheless, I repeat it, always ready to sacrifice my desert affections to the interests of
my country, I shall content myself with having once more made resound the accents of a free mind; and my respect for the law will be the more secured, as it is the fruit of long misfortunes, and from that reason which to-day imperiously commands us to unite in one body against the implacable enemy of us all; of that enemy who is always ready to foment among us discords, and to whom all means are legitimate, provided he can attain his aim at universal oppression, and dominion over the whole extent of the seas.
I vote against the proposition.
Foreign Intelligence.
PARIS, 5—18th August.
The following is a copy of the letter wrote by the High Chancellor of the Legion of Honor, to his eminence the Cardinal Legate:
"Monsieur, the Cardinal Legate,
"Your eminence has received from his Imperial Majesty, in the temple of Invalides, the day on which the members of the legion took the oath on the great star of the legion. I have the honor to transmit to your eminence the letter which confirms your nomination. You are the first foreigner, Mons. le Cardinal, to whom his Imperial Majesty has given the decoration of the eagle of the legion of honour. This distinction was due to the worthy representative of the sovereign pontiff, to the illustrious prelate, to the able statesman, to the conciliatory minister whom France loves, and Europe esteems. I experience a very lively satisfaction in expressing these sentiments in the name of his Imperial Majesty, and I pray your eminence to accept my high consideration.
(Signed)
LACEPEDE.
The preparations for the coronation are, it appears, going forward without relaxation. This memorable era will be celebrated by festivals the most brilliant. It is said that the Senate will on that occasion give a grand feast at the palace of Luxembourg, and the city of Paris at the Hotel-de-Ville. In all parts the manufactories are busily employed in executing the several orders to a considerable extent, either from France or foreign countries.
Prince Joseph having arrived in Paris on the 9th August from Boulogne, whither he is expected to return by the 15th (the day fixed upon for the distribution of the decorations of the Legion of Honour, which the Emperor will make to the members of the legion belonging to the army and to the flotilla) he was immediately waited upon at his palace rue St. Honore, by a deputation from all the military corps in Paris; and the next day the high authorities of the empire, consisting of the ministers, the members of the Senate, the Council of State, the Legislative body, and the Tribunate waited upon his Imperial Highness, when his excellency the President of the Senate pronounced the following discourse:
"Prince, the members of the Conservative Senate hasten to offer to your Imperial Highness the homage of a sincere respect, and of an unbounded attachment.
"The first of the state bodies, doubtless, owed this homage both to the brother of the Emperor and to the Grand Elector of France, but in the discharge of a duty how pleasing it is for the members of the Senate to obey in some measure only the sentiments with which every one of them has for a long time been penetrated for your Imperial Highness! In homages of mere etiquette, it is easy to distinguish the tribute paid to rank from that given to the person. It is well known that the authority which can command measures, cannot force the inclinations. Happily here the legitimate debt is wholly a voluntary offering. Your eyes cannot deceive you respecting it.
"Besides, we are acquainted with your love for simplicity; we know your Imperial Highness appreciates grandeur and titles. In your opinion true greatness consists in being useful to mankind; and the most flattering title that of the good that can be done. Animated by such a spirit, Prince Joseph is well assured we honor him for himself.
"August and beloved Prince! enjoy the impression on which your presence makes upon us. I came not to address you with an harangue of shew; it is the heart of all my colleagues that speaks to you thus by my voice.
"I should never cease, were I to attempt expressing every thing they would have to say to you; but we respect the moments of your Imperial Highness; those he can grant us appear very short. Scarcely will you have made your appearance in the bosom of the Senate, when your Imperial Highness will hasten to return to the bosom of the army. Fixed at our post we shall regret our not being able to follow you.
"In short, we feel that the interest of the state is the supreme law. Since this sacred reason calls you so soon among our brave legions, near the father of the country, the members of the Senate flatter them-
selves your Imperial Highness will be the bearer to him of the expression of their hearts, and that you will repeat to him the assurance of their fidelity. Render us this new service, Prince! be our interpreter to the great NAPOLEON.
"Tell him that the wishes of all the Senators for the Emperor and his family are wholly absorbed in their wishes for the welfare and glory of their country. In all our affections as well as in our thoughts the destinies of the Bonapartes and the fortunes of France are henceforward inseparable."
His excellency then addressing himself to her Imperial Highness Princess Joseph, said,
"Madam, it is a glorious day for the Senate, that in which it can express its love, its respect and its devotion to the august family of the worthy Emperor of the French.
"Madam, your Imperial Highness cannot but remark, by the altered voice of him who has the honour of speaking to you, the deep tenderness which has been produced in him by the admirable answer* of his Imperial Highness prince Joseph to the discourse, or rather the very few words which I have been permitted just now to address to him. Your palace is in my eyes the temple of modesty. I fear to wound the goddess of it if I presume to picture her virtues.
"But the most affecting homage is the only one worthy of your Imperial Highness; it is that of our hearts, and your Imperial Highness is earnestly solicited to accept of it."
(*This sublime answer does not appear.)
HAMBURGH, August 4.
According to letters from Danzick, the Russian Fleet of Revel is failed out to cruise in the Baltic and North Sea.
DUNKIRK, August 10.
Yesterday his Majesty the Emperor visited several points of our harbour.
This morning, at 8 o'clock, his Majesty caused a part of the troops of the camp of Dunkirk to manoeuvre at low water mark. The Emperor leaves this to-morrow for Ostend.
Whenever the Emperor has left his head-quarters, either to visit the harbor or order evolutions, our citizens of all classes would crowd on his passage intermix their acclamations with those of the soldiers, and each one could not sufficiently satisfy his eagerness at the happiness of seeing him.
Domestic Intelligence.
NEW-HAVEN, (Con.) Oct. 16.
On Thursday last the Legislature of this State convened in this City.
Timothy Pitkin, jun. esq. was chosen Speaker—Nathaniel Rossiter and Sylvanus Backus, esqrs. Clerks.
The Upper House, having in the afternoon formed a quorum , the Governor delivered to both Houses the following
SPEECH:
Gentlemen of the Council,
Mr. Speaker, and
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
So few are the public concerns which particularly relate to the state, and which have occurred since our last session, that I shall have occasion to detain you but a short time by this public communication.
A letter from his Excellency Governor Strong of Massachusetts, will be laid before you, conveying certain resolutions of the Legislature of that Commonwealth, respecting an alteration by them proposed to be made, in the Constitution of the United States. This proposal of an elder sister state, will, I presume, gain from you its merited consideration; and will meet such decision as your wife and prudent judgment shall think proper.
A circular letter of the 24th of September last, has been received from the Secretary of State for the United States, notifying to this State, That the amendment, proposed during the session of Congress, to the Constitution of the United States, respecting the manner of voting for President and Vice-President of the Union, has been ratified by three fourths of the several States. This letter will now be communicated for your information.
Since the last session of the Legislature, there have been forwarded for the use of this state, from the department of state of the United States, four hundred and fifty-five copies of the United States' Laws, passed at the second session of the seventh Congress. These copies are to be distributed by the Comptroller to the several towns agreeably to law.
The Legislature will recollect, that a new election of a President and Vice-President of the Union, is to take place in December next. The Electors for this purpose to be appointed by this state, will be to be chosen before the close of this session.
In the course of the present year, we are arrived at the result of the French revolution,—a result, such

as many wise politicians and enlightened civilians, have long since predicted. After twelve years ardent pursuit of liberty and republicanism: after destroying their existing form of government, with its royal head:—after framing and presenting to the people a variety of new constitutions, for the security of their republican government and equal rights; all which have given place to each other, in rapid succession, without the wished for effect:—And after scenes of terrible confusion and tumult, attended with a vast expense of blood and treasure, a monarchy is again resorted to by that nation, with a stronger arm, and more despotic power, than the one which had been overturned. Could it be, that another lesson of caution and prudence in revolutionary pursuits, was necessary for the admonition of this or any other country, the people might look to this recent result in France, and learn wisdom from the awful experience and misfortunes of that great and powerful nation.
Should any well intentioned individual in our country endeavour to satisfy their minds with an idea that similar measures may be better managed here than in France; or that a well informed people, engaged in like pursuits, may say, with regard to their reform “thus far we go, and no farther; and here shall the tempestuous billows of revolution be stayed,” let such persons recollect, that in France, and among their enlightened men, the same ideas prevailed at their first outset: and let such persons also consider, before it is too late, how miserably in that nation, such ideas have been disappointed in the experiment, and pausing on their event, let them seriously reflect that like measures will probably produce like fatal misfortunes, and finally terminate in a like unhappy issue. The world has long since been taught, that despotism is the rank weed that springs from the rich soil of anarchy.
Wishing you our wonted harmony in the progress of our general business, I offer you my hearty concurrence in such measures as may be judged most conducive to the general welfare and happiness of the people.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL.
New-Haven, October 11, 1804.
His Excellency then communicated to the two Houses, the Letter referred to in his Speech from Governor Strong, enclosing the proposed Amendment to the Constitution of the United States.—Also the Letters from the Secretary of State, accompanying the copies of the Laws of the United States. And also the Letters from the Secretary of State, notifying him that the Amendment of the Constitution of the United States, proposed by Congress, respecting the mode of choosing the President and Vice-President, was ratified by three-fourths of the States—and has consequently become a part of the Constitution.
NEW-YORK, October 18.
IMPORTANT!
The ship Iris, Skinner, has arrived in the Sound from London. From Mr. Samuel Campbell who has just come up to town from her, we have received London papers to the 26th of August.
The Iris, a few days since, spoke the ship Orlando, Marstall, which left the Texel three days after the Iris left the Downs, and was informed that they had on board a Dutch paper containing a DECLARATION OF WAR ON THE PART OF RUSSIA AGAINST FRANCE.
The London papers corroborate this intelligence. They state that 10 Russian sail of the line and several frigates, with 10,000 troops had arrived at Copenhagen, where the troops were landed, and 20,000 more expected.
An attempt has been made on the life of Louis XVIII. and on the king of Sweden, by poison. The London papers attribute it to Bonaparte.
It is further said, that Russia and her allies had determined to force the king of Prussia to an explicit declaration of his views—and, if he decided for France, to invade his dominions.
A letter from Leghorn, of the 21st of July, states, that accounts had been received there of the Dey of Algiers having been beheaded. The particulars of this event had not transpired. Genoa continued strictly blockaded.
By the Iris, London dates are received to the 28th of August. War, it is said, was immediately expected between France and the Northern Powers of Europe.
LANCASTER, October 16.
On Tuesday last an Election was held throughout this State; for Representatives in Congress, Senators and Representatives in our state Legislature, and for county officers.
The cause of Truth, Virtue, and Republicanism has again triumphed in this county over the Abuse, Scurrility, and Misrepresentations of Federalism, aided by a Cunning, Intrigue, and Hypocrisy of Third-partyism, by an average of 458 Votes.
The ARGUS.
“Here shall the PRESS the PEOPLE'S RIGHTS maintain, Unaw'd by Influence, and unbrib'd by Gain; Here Patriot TRUTH its Glorious Precepts draw, Pledg'd to RELIGION, LIBERTY and LAW.”
DOVER, OCTOBER 24.
The Tories in Kent would wish us to believe they were the only Republicans, what must the True Friends of '76 think when they read the following?
On the night that Mitchell was elected the Tories of Milford assembled at the Federal Tavern —when King George's health was toasted by the Thumping Majority in the highest glee, until one of their company being pliced in his turn, found it impossible to digest the health of his Majesty ; who, in consequence was dismissed the society of these friends of order and true lovers of their country.
Oh! Toryism, where is thy blush?
Who were the persons that huzz'd for King George at the Federal Inn ?—And did the noble Federal Inn-keeper turn W— R— out of his house for refusing to swallow the noble toast:—viz. “ King George III. ”—Well done most noble Pestus , this is worthy of your high office as Federal Inn-keeper of Milford . No doubt his Excellency Gov. Mitchell will reward you, if it is only in procuring the juniorship of Kent for you; that it may be said, a Tory was placed in office for the great service he done towards establishing a Monarchy!!!
On Tuesday the 16th inst. the select and common councils of the City of Philadelphia, proceeded to the choice of Mayor for the ensuing year—when Matthew Lawler, Esq. was re-elected.
Robert Patterson, Esq. has been re-elected President of the select council:—and
Thomas Leiper, Esq. re-elected President of the common council.
MARYLAND ELECTION.
Though unable to give us the result of the entire elections, the following statement will exhibit the progressive state of republicanism in that state. Of the Representatives to Congress elected, seven are republican, two federal . Of the former, Messrs. Nicholson, Nelson, Moore, MacCreery, and Archer were elected without opposition; Mr. Covington by a majority of 83 over Mr. Van Horn , likewise republican; and Mr. Magruder by a majority of 204 over Mr. Slater . Of the latter Mr. Campbell was elected without opposition, and Mr. Charles Goldsborough , by a majority of 574.
The present representation consists of six republican and three federal members.
DIED, at Annapolis, Gen. JOHN HOSKINS STONE , late Governor of the state of Maryland. “At the commencement of the American war, he acted as first captain in the celebrated regiment of Smallwood; and afterwards highly distinguished himself at the battles of Long-Island, White-Plains, and Princeton; and at the battle of Germantown he received a wound that deprived him of activity for the remainder of his life. On Saturday the 5th inst. he was interred at Annapolis with military honours.”
Extract of a letter from Lieut. Pratt , to the Inspector of the army , dated Savannah , (Geo.) September 12.
“It is with regret I have to announce to you the entire destruction of Fort Greene , with the loss of thirteen lives, seven of which were soldiers.”
“For several days we had very high winds, which were incessant from the east and north-east, they having abated in some measure on Friday morning, the 7th instant; with an absolute necessity of having water, and in order to have it brought as quick as possible; I thought it best to go myself with a boat and five men; but when we arrived high enough up the river to obtain fresh water, the wind increased, which combined with a strong flood tide, precluded all possibility of returning that evening; we of course were carried before the wind and tide to this city. On Friday evening and night the gale continued to increase, with much rain—on Saturday morning and during the whole day and night, the storm was tremendous that it swept almost everything before it. Finding it impossible to proceed to the Fort, and indeed being in danger in this place, I was obliged to wait till the storm had subsided sufficiently to enable me to proceed. On Sunday morning with considerable diffi-
culty, I obtained a passage in a boat with four pilots to Tybee Island (for the Fort boat was stov'd all to pieces, this was the only boat left in harbour and she had no rudder) on Monday I was enabled to get up to Cockspur , where I discovered that every thing was swept away to the pilings with a part of the Island.—So violent was the gale that we have not heard of any vessel or boat living in the river (except the United States gun-boat No. 1. and a small sloop, the former was drifted in a corn-field seven miles from the river.)
“The men who were lost are, Reuben Armstrong , Corporal, William Crafts , Musician, Daniel Lacy , Thomas Moore , Joseph Whitaker , John Glynn , and Samuel M'Williams , Privates.
“And with pain I have to mention the loss of Capt. Nicoll's son who was on a visit to me; he died with Lacy who was trying to save his life. Three women and two children belonging to the Fort were likewise lost.
“The men who escaped are so much bruised and wounded that several of them will not be fit for duty for some time. The account they give of the storm and their situation is, that the water was over the Fort at ten o'clock A. M. and as it began to rise in the house they ascended, and finally with much difficulty got on the roof which was carried off about one o'clock P. M. they however continued on it until it parted after which they lost sight of each other, and the survivors saved themselves on plank and scantling which was afloat from a vessel that had previously gone to pieces (laden with lumber) lying below them. From the force of the wind the wood they held on to, was sometimes raised out of the water and carried some distance. They finally drifted on Wilmington Island from ten to fifteen miles above the Fort, and one man was lodged in the top of a tree.
“The water was supposed to have been from 15 to 20 feet above the level of the Fort, for in this city it was at least 12 feet higher than ordinary spring tides.—From the winds carrying plank for some distance, and indeed from what some of the men witnessed, they suppose that one or two of their comrades were lost by blows received by planks falling on them, who might have saved themselves in the water.
“From the situation of the men and the state of the roads (for they are impassable with carriages) I have thought it most advisable to obtain a house for them a few miles from the city, to serve as an hospital and barracks—they are now very comfortably fixed about two miles from town (for I could not procure no place at a greater distance) where a physician will pay them every attention which may be necessary.”
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber hereby giveth notice to all and every person and persons concern'd; that he intends to apply to the Honorable the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas , on the twenty-seventh day of November next ensuing, at their Court to be held on that day at Dover, in and for the County of Kent in the state of Delaware; for a commission to mark, bound and establish, the Subscriber's tract of land and marsh, usually called and known by the name of Watering Point ; situate, lying and being on the South side of Great Duck-Creek , the West side of the bay of Delaware, and adjoining land claim'd or possessed by Richard Taylor , Abraham Taylor , and Isaac Taylor ; in Duck-Creek neck and hundred , in the county and state aforesaid.
WILLIAM KILLEN.
October 24th, 1804.
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber requests those who have any demands against him, to present their Accounts for settlement—and those who are indebted to him, by Bond or otherwise, are desired to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence need be expected.
JAMES LAFFERTY.
October 24th, 1804.
RAGS.
The highest price given for clean linen
AND COTTON RAGS,
At the office of the Dover Argus.

POETS CORNER.
From the American Museum , for January, 1791.
Lines occasioned by reading Mr. PAINE'S RIGHTS OF MAN.
THUS briefly sketch'd the sacred rights of man, How inconsistent with the regal plan, Which, for itself, exclusive honor craves, Where some are masters born, and some are slaves; With what contempt must every eye look down, On that base childish bauble, call'd a crown— Yet, source of half the mischiefs men endure, The quack that kills them, while it seems to cure.
Rous'd by the reason of his manly page, Once more shall PAINE a list'ning world engage: From reason's source, a bold reform he brings; By raising up mankind, he pulls down kings, Who, source of discord, patrons of all wrong, On blood and murder, have been fed too long: Hid from the world, and tutor'd to be base, The curie, the scourge, the ruin of our race— Their's was the task, a dull designing crew, To govern beings that they scarcely knew, Who deem'd this world a settlement of slaves, And form'd their sway on systems built by knaves— Advance, bright years, to work their final fall, And haste the period that shall crush them all.
Who, that has read and scann'd th' historic page, But glows at every line with kindling rage, To see by them the rights of men alpers'd, Freedom restrain'd, and nature's law revers'd; Men, rank'd with beast's, by them bequeath'd away, And bound, even fools or madmen to obey; Now driv'n to fight, and now oppress'd at home, Compell'd in crowds, o'er distant seas to roam, From Indian climes, the plunder'd prize to bring, To glad the strumpet, or to glut the king, Who, sworn to please her vain, capricious mind, Was forc'd new diamonds, at her call to find; Or thus, like Nero, his proud dame address'd, Who made this modest offer (not in jest) "Let but these fingers o'er your bosom stray, And conquer'd nations at your feet I'll lay."
COLUMBIA, hail!—immortal be thy reign; Without a king, we till the fertile plain; Without a king, we trace th' encircling sea, And travel round the globe in each degree. Each distant clime, our gallant flag reveres, Nor asks a monarch to support the STARS; Without a king, the laws maintain their sway, While honor bids each loyal heart obey. Be ours the task, th' ambitious to restrain, And this great lesson teach, that kings are vain; That warring realms to certain ruin haste; That kings subsist on war, and wars are waste— So shall our nation, form'd on reason's plan, Remain the guardian of the rights of man, A vast republic, fam'd thro' ev'ry clime, Without a king, to see the end of time.
Extract from an address, delivered the 12th of May, 1804, at Worcester, Mass. by MR. BRAZER.
"A true republican does not confine his regard to the narrow circle in which he may be placed. Enlisted in the holy cause of Freedom, he traces her progress with equal delight, whether she wants in the luxuriant fields of Italy, or climbs the rugged heights of Switzerland; whether her footsteps press the vine clad hills of France, or the bleak mountains of Norway; whether, to "redress the rigors of the inclement clime," she scatters her dews on the arid plains of the equator, or melts, with her fires, the frozen fetters of the pole! To him, every advocate of the same glorious cause is a friend & brother. He groups, with an eye of impartial admiration, the worthies of ancient and modern days who fought under her banners. He views, with equal affection and respect, an Emmet on the scaffold, and a Hancock in the chair of state; a Camillus in banishment, and a Fayette in prison; a Cato on his sword, and a Brisot under the guillotine; a Curran defending the rights and lives of the victims of oppression, and a Jefferson protecting the peace and prosperity of the sons of liberty; a Rowan bending his exiled steps from the land of his nativity, and a Washington retiring to the scenes of his youth, laden with laurels and escorted by the acclamations of his countrymen."
250 Dollars Reward.
RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber's Farm, on Long Marsh, in Caroline County, on Sunday night last, a negro man named ISAAC , about five feet 8 or 10 inches high, with large full white eyes, about 35 years of age, of a very black complexion; had on when he went away, a blue cloth coat, with a fustian cape strip'd, the rest of his clothes not properly known.
Also, a negro man named PERRY , of a black complexion, with a down look, five feet 8 or 10 inches high, 21 years of age; had on when he went away, a blue cloth coat, half worn, and a cross strip'd round robbin jacket, with other cloathing not properly known.
Likewise went with them, a bright Mulatto Girl, named HANNAH , about 22 years of age, with thick lips, and of a lively countenance, pregnant, which is very perceivable—It is supposed that Perry , if not all of them, have gone to Lewis Town, Camden, or Philadelphia, as he has relations living in each place.—Whoever takes up said negroes, and secures them so that the owner may get them again, shall receive the above reward, and if brought home all reasonable charges; or 100 dollars for each negro man, and 50 for the Girl.
WM. WINCHESTER MASON.
Queen Ann's County, Maryland, October 17, 1804.
100 Dollars Reward.
RAN away on Saturday last, from the subscriber, living in Caroline county near federalburgh, formerly called the north west fork bridge; a likely young negro man by the name of Abraham , six feet high or there about; spare made, twenty-one years of age in April last, has a blemish in one of his eyes, occasioned by a chip in cutting wood—had on and took with him a short calico jacket, red and mixed under jacket, pair nankeen trousers wide at bottom, red striped jacket, pair osnaburgh trousers, short drab cloth jacket lined with green baize, short cloth coat with a black cape, shoes and stockings, the kind of hat unknown; went with him a likely young negro man of the yellow cast, named Ellick , the property of Richard Tootal, Dorchester county, Ellick is about five feet ten inches high, tolerable well set, twenty-three years old—had on and took with him a kersey jacket and trousers, striped four and four blue and white, Bath coating jacket and trousers, black cloth coat, a wool hat, a pair of nankeen pantaloons, white linen trousers, shoes and stockings, a white marseils waistcoat, check linen trousers. It is likely they may change their names; each of them has worked several years at the blacksmith business.
Any person taking my negro man Abraham , and deliver him to me, shall have the above reward, and I am satisfied Mr. Tootal will handsomely reward any person for his.
Any person securing the said Negroes so that the owners may get them again shall have the above reward.
JOSEPH DOUGLASS. RICHARD TOOTEL.
September 26, 1804.
STRAYED or STOLEN,
On the night of the 17th instant, from the subscribers pasture,
TWO HORSES, one a large sorrel, near 15 hands high, perceivably hiphod in his right hip—and marked on his right side with the cart faddle, his mane worn off with the collar; he can either pace or trot, but is by no means formed for a hackney—The other is a dark grey, though his head is uncommonly white, for the rest of his colour, his tail is short with a mixture of white hairs, he has a feather running along both sides of his neck; he trots, canters and hacks very well.
Any person securing said horses, and will bring them home, shall have three dollars for each; and all reasonable charges paid by
JOSEPH WRIGHT.
September 17, 1804.
N. B. The subscriber lives in Queen Ann's county state of Maryland , between Centerville and the beaver-dam causeway , near Henry Pratt's , Esq.
FOR SALE,
A House and Lot, (in the village of Frederica , Kent Count, State of Delaware ) with a two story addition 18 feet wide and 18 long, with one room on the first floor, two chambers above, and a good dry cellar, the house is well finished, painted, and the walls filled in with brick to the garrett; with a stable and carriage house, under one roof, smoke house, &c.
The Lot is 100 feet front and 120 feet deep, under good enclosure—The terms may be known by applying to George Truitt , Esq. Camden , or to the Subscriber in Philadelphia .
SAMUEL H. ROWND,
Second Street, No. 165.
October 10th, 1804.
TO BE SOLD,
AT PRIVATE SALE,
That Valuable Property in the Town of Dover in the County and State of Delaware , formerly the residence of Eleazer Macomb , Esq. deceased.
SITUATE on the main street of Dover , a few doors below the public square. That part of the property now occupied by James Clark , presents an eligible stand for a store, and has been used as such for a series of years past, to great advantage, and could now be put at a small expense, in complete order for mercantile business. The part occupied by John Lowber , Esq. is a commodious comfortable brick building, and has a variety of conveniences in its construction and situation, which render it very valuable. To this property there are good gardens, a good carriage house, together with two good grass lots, one of them containing about three quarters of an acre, and the other about two acres and an half. It is presumed, that any person wishing to purchase the above property, will take a view of it; a further description is deemed unnecessary.
Also a lot of ground situate at Jones's bridge near Dover , with a brick tenement thereon, accommodated to any mechanical employment or public business.
For further particulars, application may be made to Doctor James Tilton , the elder, at Wilmington , or to the subscriber at Dover .
ALEXANDER STUART, Jun.
July 25th, 1804.
PROPOSALS FOR PUBLISHING
The American Gardner;
BEING A NEW AND COMPLETE
GARDENER'S CALENDAR,
AND
GENERAL DIRECTORY,
Adapted to the Climate and present situation of the United States.
—CONTAINING—
AN account of what work is necessary to be done in the Kitchen, Fruit and Flower-gardens, Vineyard, Nursery, Pleasure-ground, Green-house and Hot-house, for every month in the year; and also ample practical directions for performing the said work; explaining likewise the best methods, and particular seasons for propagating, and raising, to the utmost perfection, all sorts of esculent plants, fruits and flowers, &c. the proper seasons for transplanting all kinds of Trees, Shrubs and plants, so as to insure the best possible success.
With complete directions for forcing the different kinds of Fruits, Plants and Flowers, to early perfection, in Hot-houses, Hot-beds, Forcing-frames, Forcing-houses, &c.
Particular and minute instructions, for the raising, culture and management of all kinds of Fruit-trees, suitable to the climates of the United States ; with ample directions for the culture of Vines, on a large and national scale; and the most approved methods of making Wine from the fruit.
ALSO,
COMPLETE CLASSICAL LISTS
OF
Kitchen-garden Plants, Fruit-trees, Forest and Ornamental Trees, Flowering Shrubs, Evergreens, Annual, Biennial, and Perennial fibrous rooted flowers, Bulbous and Tuberous rooted Flowers, Green-house and Hot-house Plants, proper for cultivation in the American Gardens , &c.
Being the Essence , carefully selected, of the most approved modern publications, and the result of the Editor's Practical Experience in each of these departments, for many years.
BY BERNARD M'MAHON,
GARDENER AND SEEDMAN, PHILADELPHIA.
TERMS.
I. THE work will be printed on an excellent wove paper, with new type casting for the purpose by Binny and Ronaldson , and will be comprised in one large octavo Volume, of six hundred pages at least.
II. The price to subscribers will be 3 dollars, neatly bound and lettered; or 2 dollars 75 cents in boards, payable on delivery of the work; to Non-subscribers, the price will be enhanced.
III. Each person procuring ten Subscribers, and holding himself responsible for the same, shall be entitled to one Volume gratis.
*** The Editor intending to make the work as perfect and complete as in his power, will complete the work of every month in the month itself, consequently cannot have it published before January 1805.
Philadelphia, January 1804.
*** Subscribers names will be received at the Office of "The Dover Argus ," and at the Editor's Seed Store, No. 129, Chesnut-street, Philadelphia .