Lynchburg star (Lynchburg [Va.]), 1807-03-12 00:00:00

LYNCHBURG STAR.
Virginia.)
Published by JAMES GRAHAM.....at 3 dollars per annum.
(Payable in advance.)
YEAR 2.
Thursday, March 12, 1807.
No. 20.
The Star
Is published once a week.
Letters
Addressed to the Editor must be paid.
TERMS.
Advertisements and Public Notices of every kind, will be inserted in the STAR, at 75 Cents a square for the first, and 50 Cents the square for every subsequent insertion.
The Cash—or orders on the Merchants at Lynchburg—or the acceptances of Country Merchants—or the assurances of Men of known punctuality must in all cases accompany Advertisements, &c. &c.
Short Chancery Advertisements will be inserted the usual time for FOUR DOLLARS—if long FIVE will be required.
Printing
Executed at the "Star Office" with neatness, accuracy, and dispatch.
Blanks
Of all kinds may be obtained here, on the shortest notice.
Congress.
OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, February 17.
A message was received from the Senate stating that they had passed the bill authorizing the President of the United States to accept the service of a number of volunteer companies not exceeding 30,000 men; also an act further supplementary to the act entitled an act concerning the District of Columbia; and that they had agreed to all the amendments proposed by the House to the bill to prohibit the importation of slaves, except the 9th amendment.
The House proceeded to consider the following resolution, offered by Mr. Broom.
Resolved , That it is expedient to make further provision by law, for securing the writ of Habeas Corpus in persons in custody, under, or by colour of, the authority of the U. S.
Mr. Broom moved a reference of this resolution to a committee of the whole House.
On this motion a debate arose, which occupied the residue of the sitting.
Wednesday, February 18.
The House considered the message of the Senate, stating their disagreement to the ninth amendment proposed by the House to the bill prohibiting the importation of slaves into the United States, determined to insist thereon, and appointed a committee of conference on their part.
The House resumed the consideration of Mr. Broom's resolution on the subject of the writ of Habeas Corpus.
The original motion to refer the resolution to a committee of the whole House was varied, and a motion offered to refer it to a select committee.
The House adjourned without taking the question.
Thursday, February 19.
Mr. J. Clay offered a new rule, in addition to the standing rules of the House, fixing the order in which business shall be done; which was ordered to lie on the table.
On motion of Mr. Varnum the House determined for the remainder of the session to meet at 10 o'clock in the morning.
The House resumed the consideration of the resolution offered by Mr. Broom.
The debate was opened by Mr. Burwell, who advocated the reference of the resolution, and concluded by moving to amend it by inserting after the word States , the following words, "and the necessity of defining the power of the Supreme Court of the U. S. in issuing a writ of Habeas Corpus."
This amendment was agreed to without debate; Ayes 76.
Mr. Quincy supported; and Messrs. Jackson, Bidwell, and Gregg opposed the reference of the resolution to a select committee.
Mr. Gregg moved to postpone it indefinitely.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Smilie, Espey, Elmer, and Sloan, and opposed by Messrs. Newton, J. Randolph Elliot, J. Clay, and Kelley.
When the question was taken at 5 o'clock, by Yeas and Nays, on the indefinite postponement, and carried in the affirmative: Yeas 69; Nays 58.
Friday, February 20.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Basset in the chair, on the bills respecting the claims to land in the territories of Louisiana and Orleans.
Several amendments were made; when the committee rose and reported the bill, which was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
The bill supplementary to the act relative to the grants of land to refugees from Nova-Scotia, &c. was passed thro' committee of the whole—Mr. Gregg in the chair—on the bill to punish frauds committed on the Bank of the U. S.
After some amendment, the committee rose and reported the bill, which was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
The motion made by Mr. J. Clay to make certain additions to the standing rules of the House, was taken into consideration.
After much discussion, and some amendment, the house adjourned at a late hour without passing a final vote on it.
Saturday, February 21.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Tenny in the chair—on the bill making an appropriation for the further protection of the ports and harbors of the U. S.
The first section of the bill appropriates "50,000 dollars" to this object.
This sum was struck out.
Mr. Cook then moved to fill up the blank with 300,000 dollars.
This motion was advocated by Messrs. Cook, Ely, Dana; and opposed by Messrs. Chandler, Holland, Elmer and Fisk.
Mr. Newton spoke in favour of making a liberal appropriation, without pledging himself to vote for the sum proposed.
When the question was taken, and the motion disagreed to—Ayes 44—Nays 57.
A motion to fill the blank with 200,000 dollars was also disagreed to—Ayes 46.
Mr. Newton moved to fill the blank with 150,000 dollars, which motion was agreed to—Ayes 56; Nays 37.
Mr. Thomas then offered a new section, appropriating 50,000 dollars to enable the President to build gun-boats.
This resolution was supported by Messrs. Cook, Alston, Smilie, and Gregg; and opposed by Messrs. D. R. Williams and Quincy, and agreed to; Ayes 53; Nays 34.
The first blank was then filled with "150,000 dollars;" Ayes 53; and the second with "thirty."
The committee rose and the house adjourned without deciding on the report of the committee.
Monday, February 23.
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole—Mr. TENNY in the Chair—on the bill in addition to the act entitled "an act supplementary to the act entitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the U. S."
A motion was made to strike out the first section.
The first section is as follows:
SEC. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States of America in Congress assembled, That if any part of the present three per cent. stock of the U. S. shall remain unsubscribed to the loan constituted by the act to which this is an addition, the said unsubscribed stock shall be paid and reimbursed by payments on account both of principal and interest, at the rate of one per centum. a year, upon the original capital of the said stock, until the whole of the said stock shall have been reimbursed and paid; and the commissioners of the sinking fund are hereby authorized and required to make the said payments by dividends, at the rate of one per centum on the original capital, payable on the last days of March, June, September and December of each year, after the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, until the reimbursement shall have been effected.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Tallmadge and Quincy; and opposed by Messrs. J. Randolph and Bidwell;—and disagreed to, Ayes 6.
When the committee rose, and the bill was ordered to a third reading.
The House took up the report of the Committee of the Whole on the bill for the better fortifying the ports and harbors of the United States.
The House concurred with the Committee of the Whole, in striking out "30,000 dollars," appropriated by the first section for the better fortifying the ports and harbors of the U. States; Ayes 65.
On agreeing with the committee to insert a 50,000 dollars a debate arose.
Messrs. Mumford, Thomas, Quincy, Smilie, Masters, Stanton, and Cook supported; and Messrs. Olin, R. Nelson, J. Randolph and Elmer opposed a concurrence.
Mr. Dana declared himself in favor of a larger appropriation, and said he should therefore vote against a concurrence.
The question on concurrence was ta-
ken by Yeas and Nays; Yeas 79; Nays 44.
On the question to agree with the Committee of the Whole in adding a new section, appropriating 30,000 dollars to enable the President to cause to be built any number of gun boats not exceeding thirty.
Mr. Dana moved to amend the section as to appropriate the sum of 50,000 dollars to enable the President to cause to be purchased materials, for future use, for the erection of gun boats.
Mr. Alston opposed this motion, which was disagreed to—The Yeas and Nays were taken, and were, Yeas 30—Nays 75.
Mr. Goldsborough then spoke against agreeing to the new section, on which the yeas and nays were taken—Yeas 68—Nays 36.
When the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
A message was received from the Senate, stating their agreement to the bill for continuing in force, for a further time, the bill prohibiting commercial intercourse with the island of St. Domingo, with an amendment, to which the House agreed. The amendment does not in the least affect the principal of the bill.
The amendments of the Senate to the bill relative to Virginia military land warrants were referred to the committee on public lands.
Mr. J. Randolph observed that the bill received from the Senate, the object of which, was to prevent intrusions on public lands, had been before the committee on public lands for a considerable time. As it was his wish that this bill should be decided on while the House was full, as the committee on public lands would find much occupation in the bill last referred to them, he moved that they should be discharged from the further consideration of the former bill, with a view of having it referred to a committee of the whole House.
A motion to adjourn having been made and carried, no question was taken on Mr. Randolph's motion.
Tuesday, February 24.
The bill provided for fortifying the ports and harbors of the U. S. and for building gun boats, and the bill in addition to the act entitled, an act supplementary to the act entitled, an act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the U. S. were read a third time and passed.
The greater part of the day was taken up in considering the bill for altering and establishing post roads.
Senate
OF THE UNITED STATES.
FEBRUARY 10.
Dr. LOGAN observed, that he had for some time viewed with anxiety the continued depredations committed on the commerce of the United States, by the belligerent powers of Europe, by which our mercantile capital had suffered a loss of millions, and our national character was degraded. He considered this lamentable situation of our commerce to arise from the bounty in the form of drawback given by government to encourage the carrying trade, by which our merchants were led into unnecessary conflicts with foreign nations. He therefore moved that a committee be appointed to consider the propriety of repealing so much of any act as allows a drawback of duties on goods, wares, and merchandise exported out of the United States, and that such committee be instructed to report by bill or otherwise.
SPEECH
Fellow-Citizens of the Legislative Council and of the House of Representatives.
SINCE last I had the honor to address you, I have visited the several districts of the territory, and the pleasure I experienced in noticing the progressive state of population and agriculture, was considerably enhanced by the proofs which were afforded me of the virtuous and industrious habits of the people;—Habits, which while they ensure that degree of wealth essential to the convenience of Man, cannot fail to command that tranquility of mind, which sweetens life, and renders society agreeable.
In reflecting upon the present state of the territory, I cannot but look with anxiety to its future destinies. The immediate prospect before us, has justly excited some apprehension, but I am nevertheless persuaded, that we shall ultimately experience a great share of political happiness and prosperity.
While Europe is deplored the savages of war, and the fate of nations depending upon the issue of a single battle, it has hitherto been the favored lot of the American citizen, to enjoy in peace, under the auspices of liberty, the fruits of his industry, and to pursue (within the pale of the prescribed law) the course, which his interests or his desires suggest.
In the United States therefore whose
inhabitants have so much cause to be tranquil and happy, it was not to have been expected, that unauthorised expeditions of conquest would have been set on foot, and the revolutionizing of a distant country seriously meditated; much less could it have been supposed, that an attack was contemplated against that "Unity of government" which makes us one people.
That many well meaning and honest citizens may have been seduced (through various means and artifices) into a promise to participate in an unauthorized expedition to Mexico, I can readily believe; these, however, will yield prompt obedience to the call of their country, and leave their unprincipled leaders to the disgrace which awaits them; but it was really with difficulty I could bring myself to think that an association hostile to the government of the United States could have been entered into by their own citizens. The proofs, however, are too strong to be rejected, and the only consolation left to the patriot is, the well founded hope that few had approved the traitorous design, and that their wicked machinations will be speedily and effectually defeated. The occasion however should serve to present, forcibly to our reflections, the importance of the Union to our national prosperity. "It is (to use the language of a departed patriot) a main pillar in the Edifice of our real independence, our tranquility at home, our peace abroad; we should cherish a cordial habitual and inextinguishable attachment to it; and accustom ourselves to speak of it as the Palladium of our political happiness and safety." Such, gentlemen, were the sentiments of that illustrious man, George Washington. After having devoted forty years to the service of his country, he withdrew to the walks of private life; but on retiring from office, he made to his fellow citizens an address which is esteemed a most valuable legacy. His counsel is like that of a father to his children; "It is the disinterested warnings of a parting friend." The subject of this address embraces the best interest of this territory—I recommend that it be printed as an appendix to your laws, so that the sentiments it contains may be known to the people, and I pray God they may be cherished to our latest posterity. I fear I have dwelt too long on this topic; if so, my feelings have betrayed me into the error, and in your own sense of patriotism I am sure to find my apology.
I will now proceed to call your attention to subjects of much local concern, and which require early legislative interference.
On a former occasion, I recommended the judiciary system to your revision, and represented it as exceptional, and illly adapted to the present state of the Territory.
I have had no reason to retract that opinion, but, on the contrary, am confirmed in its correctness. Wrongs should be promptly redressed; all lawful demands speedily recovered; and "justice administered in the most cheap and easy manner, without delay, conformably to the laws." To attain these great objects, an immediate and radical change of your present system seems to me advisable. The Legislature is provided with ample powers for the occasion; it has authority "to prescribe the powers and duties of magistrates and other civil officers," and to make "Laws in all cases for the good government of the district," not repugnant to the ordinance and acts of Congress. The abolition, therefore, of your county tribunals, and the division of the Territory into three or more judicial districts of superior jurisdiction, I earnestly advise, as essential to the convenience and interest of our Fellow Citizens. The great objections to the County Courts cannot have escaped your observation; their numbers,—the frequency of their sessions, and the extent of their powers—the many officers of Courts—and the extravagance, in some cases, of the fees allowed them—the incessant call for jurors from among a thin population, united to the difficulty experienced by the executive, in availing the public of the services of men, qualified for the high trust of administering the laws, are well grounded exceptions to the present system.
The inconvenience which results as well to the Territory as to individuals, from the sessions of the Superior Court being a loose holden at New Orleans, have long been felt and regretted. The inhabitants of Natchitoches, who finds himself compelled to attend with his witnesses at New Orleans, must justly feel the defects of the present regulations,—and upon examination of the accounts of the Territorial Treasurers, it will be perceived, that the trial of the offenders brought from the distant counties is attended with heavy expense.
If you should think proper to abolish the present inferior courts; it will be expedient to create, in the several counties, some other local tribunal, whose jurisdiction should be limited—the trials summary, and the decision conclusive.
If you should divide the territory into three or more superior judicial districts, and direct that the courts be holden by the Judges of the Territory, I advise that liberal provision be made by law for de-
fraying their travelling expenses:—It is not the province of this Legislature to augment the annual compensation at present allowed those high officers; their faithful and laborious public services cannot fail to recommend them to the liberal patronage of the government of the United States; but it we should require their attendance in the remote parts of the Territory, justice requires that some allowance be made for the additional personal expenditures which they must necessarily incur.
I have received returns from all the counties of the Territory, except Concordia, of the "Census of the Inhabitants," as directed by law; these shall be transmitted to the two Houses, and will enable the Legislature "to determine the number of Representatives," and to make a just apportionment thereof among the several counties.
The Territorial Treasurer will lay before you an account of the receipts and expenditures, from which you will perceive the necessity of a prudent economy in every department of the government, as the only means of avoiding a resort to further objects of taxation. I had discharged in part the debt contracted with the Louisiana Bank and I doubt not, but, by the period the whole sum borrowed becomes due, shall, from the fund appropriated, be enabled to comply with the engagement of the Territory.
I am not particularly advised of the progress which has been made by the Committee appointed to prepare and report a Code of Laws; but, I presume, the work is in great forwardness.—Whatever of the principles of the Civil Laws which are in unison with the interests of a free people, or that is essential to the security of property in this Territory, I am desirous to retain, I have no disposition, unnecessarily, or injudiciously to innovate on the former laws and usages of my Fellow-Citizens.—But in my official character I can never approve measures, which will tend to bar the introduction of those great political and legal principles which are cherished throughout the United States. Whether or not at this session, it is advisable to enter on the formation of a Civil Code, you, gentlemen, can best determine. For myself, I have supposed that you would be inclined to a short session, and shall therefore press for consideration such subjects only as cannot be postponed. Among those the revision of the Militia Law is the most important. The present system is greatly defective—the most unvaried exertions on the part of the officers to introduce discipline, will be of no avail, unless disobedience of orders, and improper conduct on parade, be punished with severity; unless company musters are more frequent, and the fines for non-attendance such, as to be sensibly felt by those citizens, who umindful of the injunction of the law, can only be brought through fear of pecuniary forfeiture, to the discharge of duty.
While on this subject, permit me to suggest for your consideration, the expediency of recognizing the Free Men of Colour, who reside in New Orleans and its vicinity, as a part of the regular militia; under the government of Spain, they formed a separate battalion, and were then esteemed (as I am informed) a highly useful corps. During the temporary government of Louisiana, I continued them on the same footing in which I found them, and it is but justice to say, that their conduct was such as to convince me that the measure was a proper one. The present militia law having taken no notice of this former battalion, it has necessarily been neglected.—But the officers who were attached to it, and it is believed the privates, are still desirous to compose a separate militia corps. An address upon the subject, which has been made to me, by some of their ancient officers, shall be laid before you.
Fellow-Citizens of the Legislative Council, and of the House of Representatives.
It gives me pleasure to inform you that every thing is at present tranquil on our western frontier—the retiring of the 8th troops to the west bank of the Sa— the release from captivity of some American citizens, who were improperly arrested—together with a promise to restore the negroes who were in the service of the French.
I hope to be a principal comoderation of all the United States and every thing to expect from our government, and the actions for the general well being of the country, by their appeals to force, are not from a need to reject justice and reason in cases of national disputes, we cultivate on the enjoyment of peace, whatever may be the event of pending negotiations, I feel no apprehensions as to any contest which may ensue.
Every citizen of the U. S. has a country, because he partakes of the foreign-

when that country therefore should want support, the spirit of liberty will be awakened—one opinion, one sentiment will prevail—a common interest will unite every hand, and every heart—and Europe will learn the fact, that a nation may be sincerely attached to peace, and yet formidable in war.
I with you, Gentlemen, an agreeable session, and I renew to you the assurances of my faithful co-operation in all measures, which promote the prosperity of the Territory of Orleans.
WILLIAM C. C. CLAIBORNE. New Orleans, Jan. 13, 1807.
From the Baltimore Federal Gazette.
MR. ALEXANDER'S APPEAL.
"Cum ferro, cum metu, cum privilegio, et minis, servitute oppressam civitatem tenerent. Libertatis, signum posuerunt magis ad ludibrium impudentiae, quam ad simulationem religionis." Cicero.
It is with regret, which I am unable to express, that I find myself constrained to meet the public eye, in the following narrative, which I submit to the serious attention of the reader; and reluctantly acknowledge the superior advantages which my accuser derives from rank and patronage, whilst I have nothing but truth and honor to support.
Some few days after general Wilkinson had denounced Aaron Burr as a traitor, at the government house in New Orleans, and when he himself had become an object of ridicule and distrust, I was informed that Dr. Bollman was then under an arrest at the instance of the general, and without any other than his own arbitrary authority. Not being sufficiently intimate with the Doctor to feel any thing like friendship for him, I yet felt that as a man, and particularly as a stranger in the country, he had claims upon my professional exertions to arrest, if I could, the strong arm of military power which had been raised apparently to crush him, and being at the same time particularly requested by the lady with whom he lived, to do what I could in his behalf, I immediately presented an affidavit of the fact to the senior judge of the superior court, and requested him to allow a writ of habeas corpus; this from a fear of disobliging so great a man as the general, or being actuated by some other prudent motives, judge Sprigg refused to do unless he had the approbation of his brother judge, and expressed a wish that I would defer it until the next day, when the court would be in session. I told him that something ought to be done immediately; that in the morning it might possibly be too late; and at last prevailed on him to accompany me to the lodgings of judge Mathews. Mathews was not within—I waited for him a considerable time, whilst his learned brother of the court was ineffectually exploring the pages of Bacon's Abridgement, in order to comprehend the mysterious nature of a writ of Habeas corpus; and at the same time making shrewd remarks upon the inapplicability of British statutes and English doctrines to the writ (which, as he wisely observed, was not the statute) of habeas corpus in the United States, or their pendencies. I was confounded—indignation, mingled with contempt and astonishment, possessed me entirely. I went home and delayed the matter until the
when the judges were sitting of an appeal in the court. The case of a man, rose at I must their pre- a motion make—one man had ever their conside- that it was no less ne sacred right of the writ of habeas and that it was ground- the affidavits, which I d to them—I also quoted neral doctrine from Black- one, showing that the common saw writ, is entitled to all the ad-
vantages of the provisions of the several statutes; and after hinting at the probable consequences of such an outrage in a territory but newly acquired by the United States and just emerging from a system of tyranny, I finally expressed a strong hope that the court possessed sufficient firmness to grant my motion."
Mr. Livingston, at my request, seconded me, and as it was practically observed, "That he well knew the miserable attempt which would be made to implicate himself and me in some base suspicion for what we had done that day, but he thanked God that he had a heart and a mind to despise it."
Another affidavit was then added, by way of supplement, and even then, will it be credited? the court applied to Mr. James Brown, United States attorney for the Orleans district, for his opinion; and hearing from him that the law was too clear to admit a doubt, they at last ventured to allow the writ, altering the time of the return from instant to eleven o'clock the next day. It was then delivered to the sheriff who was directed to serve it.
Eleven, twelve and one o'clock elapsed the next day, and no return was made to the writ, I then addressed the following letter to the general:
SIR, I take the liberty of informing you, that unless a return to the writ of habeas corpus allowed by the court, and directed to you, be made within a reasonable time after the receipt of this letter, I shall consider it as my indispensable duty to move the court whilst in session, for a writ of attachment against you. I give myself this trouble, to the end that you may be perfectly apprised of the measure, and am, sir,
Your obedient servant, JAMES ALEXANDER. To Gen. James Wilkinson.
After dinner I returned to court and Mr. Livingston handed me a letter addressed by the general to the judges. It stated in substance, that he had no intention of resisting the civil authority, but that business of the highest consequence to their "common country," would prevent him from making any return to the writ before the next morning.
Mr. Lewis Kerr having obtained a writ of habeas corpus from judge Workman, in behalf of Mr. Peter V. Ogden, who had also been put under arrest, by a similar illegal order of the general, and who was detained on board the bomb ketch Aetna , and being himself indisposed, requested me by note to attend to that business for him. I did so accordingly; and lieut. Jones who commanded on board the Aetna , and commodore Shaw, both appearing in obedience to the writ, and having both declared they had no charges to exhibit, the judge ordered Mr. Ogden to be set at large. This gentleman accompanied me home, and spent the night with his friend Mr. Williamson. Upon leaving my house, I gave him a brace of pistols, and told him that if any attempt should be made to arrest him a second time, without the sanction of any civil authority, and the force should be such as he could resist without shedding blood unnecessarily, he ought to defend himself.
From Mr. Ogden I learnt that Mr. Swartwout was also a prisoner on board the ketch, I took his affidavit to that effect, and applying to judge Workman, obtained his allowance to the other writ of habeas corpus. This I served upon Mr. Shaw, and waited at the judge's for the return. About ten o'clock at night lieutenant Jones came to the judge's and informed me, that during his absence on shore, Mr. Swartwout had that very evening been removed from the Aetna , in consequence of an order from gen. Wilkinson to that effect, countersigned by commodore Shaw.
The next morning I went on board the ketch, where I obtained an affidavit of the fact from
the officer who had delivered Mr. Swartwout up, and ascertained that he had been conveyed across the river. I immediately obtained writs of habeas corpus, and delivered one of them to the sheriff to serve upon the general, I went across the river and found Mr. Swartwout at the magazine, in the custody of an officer, to whom I delivered one of them, and required his obedience to it. He said that having positive orders from the general, he could not act but under his direction, and then sent off a boat to inform the general of what had taken place and to know his pleasure. I waited there until this officer was relieved; and the one who succeeded, having no instructions with regard to the writ of habeas corpus, I served another upon him: he told me that he could not receive it; upon which I informed him of its nature & left it in the guard room.
When I returned to town, I was informed of the general's oratorical and patriotic flourish to the return made to a writ of habeas corpus, as stated by Mr. Livingston in his address to the public; and now that I notice that address, I beg leave to express my entire conviction of the innocence of that gentleman. I most sincerely lament that his generous efforts in my favor should have again disturbed the subsiding malice of the general; and I blush for human nature itself, when I see the guilty hand present the poisoned chalice to the unoffending lips of innocence.
The next morning, steady to my duty, and not in the least discomposed by the general's denunciation, finding that no return had been made to the habeas corpus in the case of Mr. Swartwout, and the sheriff having informed me that he had twice called at the general's for the purpose of serving it, but had been refused admittance, I applied to judge Workman for an attachment. He directed the sheriff to go once more to the general and inform him of the nature of his business.
On the same day, after dinner, as if it were the necessary consequence of performing my duty, capt. Bradish, with a troop of horse, arrested me by virtue of an order from gen. Wilkinson, unauthorised by any civil authority. After drinking a glass of wine with me, he asked me whether I would consider myself as under arrest, and was about to dismiss his troop—I requested him to shew me his orders, and having perused them, told him that an illegal order was no order, and that I could not consider myself as under arrest. I also expressed a wish that he would retain his troop observing that I should be unwilling to shed his blood, but that I was prepared. I then remarked to the troop that I was unable to resist them, and after a few minutes I was conducted to the general's quarters, where I found Mr. Ogden, who had been sent there a short time before. The general never condescended to visit us, but as he passed by averted his head, as if afraid to meet the looks of those whom he had injured: here upon the ground floor, in a place infested by rats, we passed the night together, and the next morning, before sun rise, in order to prevent any generous effort from being made for our rescue, we were hurried across the river, to the miserable shed which had just before been occupied by Mr. Swartwout.
Upon my arrival there, I wrote two notes, one addressed to Mr. Philip Jones, and the other to the collector of New Orleans—the former contained this un pardonable sentence, "as it regards myself, internally all is well, and I enjoy a tranquility of soul which is truly enviable;"—and the other concluded with the following words, "if you have ever entertained a favorable opinion of me, I request that you will retain it, for I pledge myself to come out in the sun-shine of integrity." These letters, I am convinced, were never delivered, and let me add, that I never received Mr. Livingston's note or the supplies which he was so good as to put up for me.
Here we learnt that Mr. Swartwout had been removed down the river to fort St. Philip, the preceding night. No person was permitted to visit us, and even the common offices of nature could not be performed without the superintendence of a corporal and a file of men. We continued there about a week, when we also were sent down to fort St. Philip, thence I was transported to this city, without money, in a vessel badly found as it regards sails and rigging, exposed to the danger of a winter voyage, and the inclemency of the season, described to be "a man of great art and address, and of daring courage," prohibited the use of pen and ink, and forbid to speak to any one but a commissioned officer.
And yet all this has happened, not in the heart of a despotic empire, not at a period of foreign war, or intestine trouble, but at a moment of profound peace and domestic tranquility—in a country where the constitution of the U. S. is the primary and transcendent law, where the writ of habeas corpus has been given to the subject, as a boon of inestimable value; in a land said to be reclaimed from servitude, where the civil power of the magistrate alone is felt, and military force is a stranger; and it has happened too, under the eye of an American governor, appointed to his magistracy by the president of the United States, and one of the objects of this unheard-of outrage is a younger member of the bar, acquainted with very few of the inhabitants of New Orleans, a stranger to their language, without influence or authority of any kind, either to excite or aid in insurrection, & well known, as far as any knowledge of him extends, to be from principle attached to a firm and energetic government, and utterly to detest all the dispicable arts by which grovelling ambition would ascend to power.
... Can such things be, And overcome us, like a summer cloud, Without our special wonder?" JAMES ALEXANDER. Baltimore, Feb. 13, 1807.
The Star. Lynchburg.
Thursday, March 12.
"POLITICS for FARMERS" an Extract from the Aurora, (see last page) merit perusal.
"Lynchburg Juror" shall appear in due time.
A letter, addressed in the beginning of winter, to "col. William J. Lewis," of this neighbourhood, from Richmond, covering £100 in small Bank Notes, was not sent to Lynchburg, as stated in a late advertisement in the Virginia Gazette. The mistake and delay in delivery arose from its being directed to "Campbell County," and consequently sent to the C. H. Post-Office.—The letter and its contents are safe.
The following Extract of a letter from a member of Congress, to the Editor, dated Federal City, 2nd inst. will measurably shew the Post-Office management between Lynchburg and Washington. We have assurances that the National Intelligencer has been regularly forwarded to this Office, and yet, during the late session, in nine weeks, the Intelligencer has been received but thrice, and but a single paper by the last mail.—We have surmises—Could they but be substantiated, the piratical Post-master, or mischievous aid, should smart.—We are alike injured by either negligence or design. Various attempts in various ways, have been made to thwart us, but this last bids fairest to be most successfully detrimental, by cutting off, smothering, or suppressing information.
"Our intercourse of communication has been so extremely in-
terrupted, that I can't avoid noticing, that I have not received more than eight or ten Numbers of the Star this session. I mention this merely to shew that we, as well as you, have suffered this winter, from neglect, either wilful or intentional in the Post-master's line."
FOR THE STAR.
CIRCULAR.
Washington City, Feb. 22, 1807.
FELLOW-CITIZEN,
The session of the National Legislature drawing to a close, I proceed to discharge the duty of communicating an account of such public measures as I presume, will be interesting to you. The practice of writing circulars, which, without arrogance, I believe, originated with me, is rendered the more proper as it relates to myself, in consequence of the distance from the seat of government of the District which I have the honor of representing, the extent of territory over which my constituents are dispersed, and the want of a general circulation of newspapers in the District. It is to be regretted, too, that the press cannot always be relied upon.—Let me not be understood as being of opinion that it ought to be restrained; on the contrary, I conceive its liberty should be inviolate. With its unshackled agency, and a general attention to education, I conceive the liberties of the people will never be endangered.
The President on Thursday last communicated to Congress a letter from our Minister in London, dated 27th December last, announcing the agreeable intelligence that they have agreed with the British Commissioners to conclude a treaty embracing all the objects of their mission, and upon terms which they trusted would be approved. And also a letter from our Minister at Paris, dated the 24th December last, covering one from the Minister of Marine of the French government, assuring him that the imperial decree, declaring the British islands in a state of blockade, would not effect our commerce, which would be still regulated by rules of the treaty between France and the United States. Thus we may cherish the hope that peace, so essential to our happiness and prosperity, will be yet preserved to us. This hope might be indulged with the more certainty if our difficulties with Spain had terminated. But of this there is no information, no late dispatches having been received from our Minister there.
Some Spanish troops having taken post at the settlement of Bayou Pierre on the Red River, within the acknowledged limits of Louisiana, our troops were ordered to repel them; and it was for some time expected that an engagement between the armies would take place. This, however, was prevented by an agreement between their commanders to adopt the Sabine as a line of separation until the result of the negotiation should be known. Scarcely was this arrangement agreed upon before information was received by the Executive that a number of private individuals were combining together, arming and organizing themselves contrary to law, in order to prosecute some illegal enterprize. Measures were immediately taken by the Executive, of a prompt and energetic nature, to suppress it. And by the seizure of a number of their boats, and a large quantity of provisions destined for the expedition, and the recent arrest of the most distinguished characters supposed to be connected in the enterprize, it may be considered as defeated. By a letter from the Secretary of the Mississippi territory, dated the 19th of January last, it appears that Col. Burr has surrendered himself to the civil authority, by which he will be brought to trial. He had only nine boats and one hundred persons, consisting principally of young men, and some boys. The real object which he had in view

is veiled in so much mystery that it is difficult to develop it. The reduction of New-Orleans, in which about two million of dollars were deposited in the banks, is thought to have been a part of his plan—then to hold the mouth of the Mississippi, and thereby force the Western States into a separation from the Union, conquer Mexico, unite it with the Western States, and finally to establish a new Empire in the West, of which he was to be the Emperor. Several of the agents and supposed accessories of Burr were seized by the Military power at New-Orleans, and sent on to this place. Bollman, Swartwout and Alexander, three of them, have been discharged out of custody, the latter by a judge, and the two former by the Supreme Court on yesterday. General Adair and Ogden were liberated in Baltimore by a State Judge.
Captains Lewis and Clarke have returned, after a journey of upwards of three years' duration, and three thousand miles extent—having ascended to its source the Missouri, they crossed the Mountains dividing the Pacific from the Atlantic waters, and traced the Columbia River to its mouth. They are now in this City preparing their Journal for the press.
The receipts in the Treasury in the course of the last year amounted to about fifteen million of dollars, which, after meeting the current expenses of government, enabled the payment of two million seven hundred thousand dollars of the American claims, for French spoliation, in part of the price of Louisiana—upwards of three million of the principal, and nearly four of interest of the public debt—and the reimbursement of nearly two millions of five and a half per cent stock. Upwards of twenty-four million of the funded debt has been redeemed since the commencement of the present administration.
The expenditure of Government for the present year is estimated at three millions seventy-four thousand and twenty-six dollars. The surplus of the revenue accruing to the end of 1807, will, it is probable, be applied to the payment of the interest and redemption of the principal of the National Debt; it is presumable it will amount to between ten and twelve million of dollars. A law has passed providing for the redemption of the whole of the debt, which offers such terms to the public creditors as their interest will probably induce them to accept.
We have only eight days before the session terminates, and have passed but fourteen laws. Among these was the act to postpone the operation of the law passed at the last session, prohibiting the importation of certain British manufactures, until the next fall. The act already alluded to in relation to the public debt. This is not compulsory upon the public creditors, but they are at liberty to renew their evidences of the debt by a re-subscription—three per cent stock is permitted to be subscribed at sixty-five, and six per cent interest allowed upon the whole.—An act authorising the President to accept the services, if necessary, of thirty thousand Volunteers, has been also passed.
There are about eighty bills and resolutions at this time before Congress, among which is one to repeal the duty on salt, which passed the House of Representatives and is now before the Senate; and also a bill to prohibit, after the first day of January next, the importation of Slaves into the United States. The balance of the bills are principally relative to private or local objects, or not immediately interesting to the District.
From the commencement of the Revolutionary War, until the present time, a period of more than thirty years, I have been in public service—during the last seventeen, either in the Legislature of the State or the Union. That I have made some enemies is true. No one could be in public service so long without the voice of some being raised against him. Such
is the lot of all. But it has been my consolation to reflect, that, throughout the whole of my political career, I have aimed at the public good, and that my fellow citizens have so often testified their approbation of my conduct. It is objected, I am told, against me, that I do not speak in Congress. God knows we have more speakers than is necessary. If some gentlemen would talk less and think more, it would economize much the public time and the public treasure. Some of the most frequent speakers in Congress have the least understanding, and serve rather to embarrass than illustrate the subjects of debate. When the particular interest of the District rendered speaking necessary, I have not been silent or inactive; and upon other occasions I have conceived that a good vote was better than a bad speech.
Accept, fellow-citizen, my thanks for the honor which has been so often conferred upon me. Be pleased to present them also to your neighbours, and inform them that I again tender my services at the ensuing election.
MATTHEW CLAY.
FOR THE STAR.
To the Citizens of Pittsylvania County.
GENTLEMEN—The time is approaching when it will be incumbent on you to choose two persons, by whom you will be represented in the next Virginia Legislature. This being a very critical and important period, it behoves you as a free, enlightened, and independent people, to vote, not from the impulse of the moment, but upon the most mature deliberation. Experience proves there are intriguing men in our country, as well as in every other—view the situation of the western states, and you will see the utmost confusion. Although Burr be the Cataline of the conspiracy, yet there is no doubt but he has friends and adherents, who fill the first offices of government, and who have it in their power to afford him great assistance. You may be convinced that all your candidates would oppose a conspiracy of that kind—yet you are not certain they would oppose one by which they would be profitted.—A little cash speaks all languages—Its logic is irresistible. It is essentially necessary that you elect men of talents, whose integrity as private citizens, and virtue and discretion as public characters have never been questioned. If all the counties will but elect such men as are here described we shall live very tranquil. In my opinion, Thomas H. Wooding and Richard Jones will approach that character nearer, than any of the other candidates. Their characters as private citizens are fair and unspotted. The public character of Wooding is in every sense unexceptionable. Jones, I believe, has never been in public office. The other candidates are all gentlemen except one, and on him, I shall not spend my opinion, though he represented this county last session, yet, I am in hopes, for the honor of Pittsylvania, that he never will do it again. I will relate a single fact by which you may form an opinion of him. He was sued for a just debt—judgement was rendered against him in the county court of Pittsylvania—he kept the suit in court as long as he could, and then he carried it to the District court.—There he kept it as long as possible, and when the execution was sent out, his property was taken, and the sale happened to come within twenty days of the meeting of the Legislature. This privilege he then publicly claimed—forbade the sale—defeated justice—and, doubtless, injured the innocent.—I will leave it to you to decide on his conduct.
Amicus Republica
COMMUNICATION.
Longevity.
DIED on the first of February last, aged 115 years, Mr. Samuel Dalton, of Stoke County, (N. C.) This worthy, good man has been distinguished through
life for the mildness and humanity of his temper; and deportment for rigid temperance, and for uninterrupted good health. He was often heard to say, that he never recollected being deprived of his appetite, one hour, from indisposition. He was but once married: and there are now living upwards of six hundred of his offspring. He lived to be a great, great, great grand-father. In the worst of times, Mr. Dalton was a warm Democrat, an ardent lover of Freedom, and his Country—and to his latest breath, a firm friend to the present administration of the General Government. A slight dysentery, of a few days duration, terminated suddenly, this long, valuable, and exemplary life.
PROPOSALS
BY JOHN BINNS,
[Editor of the Republican Argus.] For Publishing, in the City of Philadelphia, A Political & Literary Journal, TO BE CALLED
The Democratic Press.
"STRIKE, BUT HEAR."
In the city of Philadelphia there are published 7 English newspapers. Of these 1 is Democratic, 5 are Federal and 1 Non-descript. In the State of Pennsylvania there are published 38 English newspapers. Of these 9 are Democratic, 21 Federal and 8 Non-descript. Of the people of Pennsylvania a large majority are certainly democratic. It is, therefore obvious that the circulating medium, through which public opinion is to be expressed, and by which the public will is to be concentrated, is in direct hostility to the known sentiments and interests of the people. This is an evil which has often been lamented, and which calls loudly for correction. It cannot therefore excite surprize, that, in this disproportionate state of the Press, an attempt should be made to establish in Pennsylvania a new democratic paper.
The object of this establishment is to advocate and defend the sacred principles of the American Revolution as they are laid down in the declaration of American Independence. For its support it confidentially relies on the men who love and revere those principles. To merit their support all the energies of its editor shall be called forth.
Having the most perfect conviction that the present Administration of the General Government has been productive of very many blessings to the country, we shall embrace every honorable occasion to bear testimony to its faithfulness and worth, and to do justice to its illustrious Chief; and also to correct the misrepresentations, and refute the calumnies, which envy, hatred, or malice may circulate.
Convinced that our Government was instituted for the good of the many, not for the aggrandizement of the few, we hold in abhorrence a shameful and unprincipled monopoly of public lucrative offices. Hating and despising the infamous artifices, gross falsehoods and palpable frauds, which have been practised upon the people; we hold ourselves bound, and we pledge ourselves to the public, never, in a single instance, to adopt such iniquitous means or to hold fellowship or communion with those who are their advocates.
Such are our principles and opinions. Upon those principles and opinions, and those only, do we solicit and hope for public patronage.
In investigating and discussing the characters, conduct and claims of those who are Candidates for public suffrage we shall act as the faithful Centinels of the Democratic Republican party. In politics we neither have, nor can have, any friends but the friends of the party whose political principles we have embraced and advocated. Truth and Principle shall be our Guides, and whithersoever they lead, we shall follow.
Something may be expected as to the manner in which The Democratic Press will be conducted.
On this subject we shall be brief but explicit.
Correct reports of the General and State Governments—notice of the most important events in the several States throughout the Union, and interesting articles on Agriculture, Manufactures & Commerce shall be carefully published. An early publication of Foreign News shall engage our attention; but American information and American interests shall have a decided preference. Political Essays shall always form a portion of our paper. Historical and Literary Extracts shall occasionally have a place. Poetry, Wit and good Humor shall not be forgotten. It is intended to publish the first number of The Democratic Press towards the latter end of March next.
CONDITIONS.
The Democratic Press shall be published, in the City of Philadelphia, every Tuesday and Friday evening, at Four Dollars a year. The Press shall be equal, in size and quality, and shall contain as much matter, as the Daily papers printed in the City. It shall be printed with a new and handsome Type, now preparing for the purpose by Messrs. Binney & Ronaldson.
The Democratic Press will be so arranged that a paper, calculated for a general circulation throughout the State, of the same size, quality and quantity, and containing all the news, of that published in the City shall be published weekly and regularly dispatched by the first post at Two Dollars a year.
All Subscriptions to be paid half yearly in advance.
Democratic Editors will oblige by publishing the above.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in the western country, to his friend in Halifax, bearing date October 10th, 1806.
"SIR, "I understand you are about selling your land and moving to this country—if so, I would advise you and all my friends not, as I assure you that you will repent it, as I have had a full trial of the country for 21 years, and have travelled a great deal in all parts of it, and find it generally a rich soil, and that is all that can be said in favour of it. Water is generally scarce and hard to be come at, and in most places not very good when got, and it will be forever inconvenient to trade. The people on the East side of the Blue-Ridge think it a great hardship of going 150 or 200 miles to market:—and when it is to the distance of 500 or 1000 miles. I am sure and well satisfied that I have seen more money in circulation in six months in Virginia, than I have seen in this country in the 21 years. All the chance of getting money here is by raising stock, and that must be entirely over: and if you have sold out, and can't get land again, try to get to the Louisiana Country before you think of settling yourself."
A STOLEN HORSE.
ON Saturday the 28th of February, was Stolen from my wagggon, at Jenito Bridge, in Powhatan county, a large Gray Horse, upwards of five feet high, with a remarkably short bob tail and thick bushy mane—He was stolen by a mulatto man, who pursued up the Bucking-ham road as far as Chesher's Tavern. As he often enquired the way to Lynchburg, I suppose he may belong to that neighbourhood, or Bent Creek. I will give ten dollars on the delivery of the horse to me in Charlotte county, or so secure that I may get him again,
CLEMENT CARRINGTON. March 6th, 1807.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the citizens of Lynchburg and its vicinity, that he has just commenced the BAKING BUSINESS in the above place, and proposes to furnish all those who may choose to patronize him, with 16lbs of Bread to a barrel of flour.
He will bake pith bread, ship-bread, crackers, butter-biscuit, rolls, pine cake, &c. &c.
JAMES ALBERT.
Lynchburg, 27th Nov. 1806.
ARAB,
Now rising five years old, fifteen hands and an half high,
Will stand at Thomas Wilson's Stable, in Amherst County, to cover mares at the moderate price of TEN DOLLARS the Season, payable the 1st. day of March, in the year 1808, which may be discharged by the payment of seven dollars made any time in the year 1807. Three dollars the single leap, paid at the time of service, and Fourteen Dollars to insure a foal. The blood, colour, fine limbs, and great muscular powers of this Colt, are calculated to raise the highest expectations of him as an untried Stallion, and render the above prices for his services comparatively low.
ARAB was got by col. Hooe's celebrated horse Spread Eagle, unquestionably the best and highest priced Stallion ever imported to this country from England, his dam by Milo, his grand dam by Celer, g grand dam by Belphoebe, g g grand dam by Brutus, his g g g grand dam by col. Baylor's imported horse Sohier John, g g g g grand dam by the same gentleman's imported & fav. st. horse Old Shock g g g g grand dam by Mounter, esteemed the best horse of his day in Virginia.
JOHN WIATT. N. B. Notes of hand for the season or insurance will be required. 30
NOTICE.
TO be sold to the highest bidder, at public auction, for ready money, on the 20th day of March next at the dwelling house of Mrs. Harris in the county of Bedford, TWO
Tracts of Land,
lying in the said county.—One containing two hundred and twenty acres on the East side of Elk Creek: the whole of this tract is good, and great part of it first rate Tobacco land, with a small portion fresh cleared—The other tract lies on the west side of said creek, and containing two hundred and twenty-five acres: this land is also of good quality—At the same time and place, and on the same terms, will be sold ELEVEN likely Virginia born
Slaves,
consisting of men women, and children. The foregoing property is sold under the Deeds of Trust made by Wm. Harris, dec'd. in his life time, to secure the payment of the several debts therein expressed, and are regularly recorded in Bedford court, and the expenses incidental to the executing the trust. The Trustees will not personally warrant the property, but there is no doubt the title is good.
Wm. Callaway, Christopher Clark, John Dabney.
Jan. 28, 1807.
From the absence of some of the parties, the above sale is postponed to the 20th March next, when it will inevitably take place.
Wm. Callaway, C. Clark, John Dabney.
Virginia,
Bedford August Court, 1806.
James Keenum Compt.
vs William Mason, Reuben Mason, John Mason, Lewis Mason, William Rozwell and Jenny his wife, late Jenny Mason, Charles Ready and Sarah his wife, late Sarah Mason, William Frith and Rhoda his wife, late Rhoda Mason, Children and Representatives of Gilbert Mason, dec'd. Defts.
IN CHANCERY.
ON the motion of the complainant, and for reasons apparent to the court, the accounts betw the parties in this cause, are referred to the master commissioner, to examine, state and report the same as far as his report there
IN consequence of the order of Bedford Court, (the defendants excepted) I met at Bedford Court house, on the 19th day of March next, Thursday before Bedford Court for the purpose of examining the accounts of the abovementioned parties, they are therefore required to attend at the abovementioned time and place prepared to go into a settlement of the business.
Thomas Lumpkin, Comr. Jan. 19, 1807. 80

Miscellany.
POLITICS FOR FARMERS.
No. XIII.
That was a most animating spectacle which was lately exhibited in Baltimore. A musical festival was held, to which each person who chose to be an auditor, subscribed a small sum for admission. The proceeds were destined to purposes of charity—and congenial with so benevolent a purpose, the performers were composed of the members of various christian churches, and the auditors of every religious denomination. In what other country could such a spectacle be seen? Where but in this could the voices of various sects be found united in the sweet concord of charity and toleration?—FARMERS you owe this all to your principles of government—such concord you could not see nor hear any where else—the interests of other governments depend upon imposture, religion is employed only as an engine of the state—the machinery of state is constructed upon principles the reverse of concord—it is constructed upon principles of discord. And a state church is employed at once to aggrandize one sect at the expense of the rest, and to aid by its spiritual influence the political influence of other classes or factions of oppressors—by the revolution of 1776 you escaped this most impious of all the arts of state quackery.
In Britain (for it is the example held out to us) no one tax is found to consolidate together the energies of such a good government, so well as tythes —that is, the tenth part of the produce of every farmer—does, by law, belong to a clergyman of the established church—no matter whether the farmer belongs to that church or to another. The state church must be supported—because it combines both temporal and spiritual influence. And the established clergy, in return for the favor of the state, act as spies to deliver over, with the assistance of the parish lawyer and parish exciseman , for punishment every declaimer against too much energy in government.
The privileged clergyman adds spiritual excommunication in Britain—to the terrors of regular government.
The tythes are nobly paid by the farmer —be he Calvinist or Quaker—Methodist or Seeker—he pays the tenth to the established church.
Supposing a farmer were to rent three hundred acres of land, and offer the clergyman one hundred of them instead of tythes —and beside paying the rent for the clergyman—think you he would accept the land, even with the rent paid?
No, he would not! His tenth of the produce would be better in Britain than one third of the land after defraying charges of cultivation—for farmers in England are generally rent-ers.
The farmers, in the first place, pay the rent —
Secondly, the land tax , and all the other taxes , we have enumerated, in preceding numbers.
Thirdly, the wages of his servants, and the expense of his house and farming utensils.
Fourthly, plowing, manuring and sowing.
Fifthly, reaping.
And after the farmer has incurred all this expense and labor—then comes the established clergyman —but not till then !
The farmer, when his wheat is cut must put it up in the field in shaves of ten in each heap—
Then the clergyman comes and picks out one of the best; if there is one heap in every tenth that looks bigger than the others, that is certain to go to the established church.
The farmer is obliged to put his barley, oats, and hay also in heaps; and the clergyman gathers up every tenth heap in like manner—he takes his choice, one out of every ten!
The farmer dares not touch any of his own property, the produce of his labor and expense, till he has given notice to the clergyman; and even then the parson takes his tenth part to remain in the field hours—and the poor farmer must not turn in his hogs, or his turkeys, or any other thing!
In various articles, however, are what are called the great tythes ! That the farmer is obliged to pay to the established church a compensation for pasturing his own cattle, and these are called the little tythes .
The farmer's wife—
Woman, comes under the
son's house—
duck—
pig—
poultry—
myrsition—
cellery—
ben, and
the par-
son; it was
he hen had not
game of the lit-
of geese, &c.—the
stupendous fabric of
the parson of the ef-
gymn, takes the tenth
of the established church.
The tenth part of the milk ewe-
if the parson chooses the whole milk
of every tenth day—he may make the
the choice.
Many a poor ewe—and hog goes with a
hungry belly in England, every tenth day—but who will be so jacobinical as to lay the government was made for calves ? Or that John Bull is only a GREAT CALF for submitting to it?
Then comes Easter dues . Farmers of America, do you know what Easter dues are?
It is curious to see the poor agricultural laborers (the clodpoles ) in Britain, whose children are almost starving, or feeding on their barley cakes , lugging the tenth of their scanty produce, of their gardens—their eggs, their poultry, and with tears , knocking at the door of a minister of a church called Christian!
There is energy for you! "O! how degraded are the United States, by a jacobinical democratical government, such as they now have," said a " warmly federal " friend lately.
Had the system of 1797, 1798 succeeded, and we should have had more energy—and in time, farmers of America, your children might have paid Easter dues —what a misfortune that Burr missed the empire! the viceroy general of Mexico no doubt made tythes a part of the convention .—It was a part of the CONCORDAT of the yield empire !
Well, the clergyman prefers receiving tythes of one tenth of the produce rather than to have one third of a plantation for a gift!
But the clergyman of the established church, is a political arithmetician, the taxes are so heavy that he is considerably the gainer, by refusing one third of the land and taking a tenth of the produce.
The farmers often have bad crops in Britain like other countries—by bad crops, bad harvests , by heavy poor rates , or the death of his horses and cattle, he is as elsewhere a considerable loser, by his farm; and very often his stock is seized to pay the rent, to the " best blood of the country ."
You would naturally conclude then, that the parson would make some little allowance; and if the law had neither justice nor generosity in it, that the Christian parson would have some little feeling—that he would come in for some little share of the loss.
But no, not a cent—the church like the king can do no wrong—the church of England is not like the pope infallible —it can only do no wrong .
The farmer might be ruined, his wife and family turned out of doors, his children crying for bread, but the parson's crop much or little; be the wreather , wet or dry—sweeps off wheat, hay, barley, calves, turkeys, ducks, geese, hogs, eggs, apples, pears and parley!
The farmer may starve, but the tythe must be paid.
This is the system held up for your admiration, more admirable than the discovery of the compass and all that—this is the state you farmers of America would have been reduced to ere long, had it not been for Jefferson's election and the wise democratic policy of his administration. Tythes and excisemen  producers always go hand in hand—they are the chief support, the janizaries of energetic government—read this brief statement—it contains a monument that ought to excite more curiosity and astonishment than the existence of the pyramids of Egypt—for its stupendous bale .
When the British agents and papers, and spies , and Cullens , call for an energetic government, they mean by it, all which we have enumerated—and more that we shall enumerate.
Many federalists who know nothing of Britain or British government but by hearsay— federalists really well meaning men, but who fancy themselves " a little bit of blood ," those poor deluded men, we have seen gaping and swallowing and executing the " cock and bull stories " of British spies —and believing every report of Britain which the papers in Britain pay relate.
Are those federalists ready to bend the neck to the taxes and the tythes we have enumerated.
Our expectations in the farmer's politics , we are happy to find cut close —there are wretches up for hire who advertise themselves by reviling farmer's politics —they cannot controvert, they cannot deny the truth of a fact stated in them—but they are bankering after the " flesh pots "—and they reproach these essays, as an unfortunate class of another sex hang out a signal .
And why, because we relate facts, undeniable facts, which cannot be palliated.
Public Ways of Communication.
The use of highways, bridges, canals, and in a word, of all safe & commodious ways of communication, cannot be doubted. They facilitate the trade between one place and another, and render the conveyance of merchandise less expensive, as well as more sure and easy. The merchants are enabled to sell at a better price, and to obtain the preference; they draw strangers, who travel through the country, and leave money at the places through which they pass. France and Holland have daily found the truth of this by happy experience.
One of the principal things that ought to employ the attention of the government with respect to the welfare of the public in general, and of trade in particular, must then relate to the highways, canals, &c. in which nothing ought to be neglected to render them safe and commodious. France is one of those states where this duty to the public is discharged with the greatest attention and magnificence. Numbers of the patroules every where render the traveller free from danger; and noble causeways, bridges, and canals, facilitate the communication between one province and another: Lewis XIV. joined the two seas by a work worthy of the Romans.
The whole nation ought, doubtless, to contribute to such useful undertakings,
When therefore, the laying out and repairing of highways, bridges, and canals would be too great a burthen to be discharged out of the ordinary revenues of the state, the government may oblige the people to labour at them, or to contribute to the expense. There have been peasants in some of the provinces of France, who murmured at the labours imposed upon them for the construction of causeways; but experience no sooner made them sensible of their true interest, than they blessed the authors of so useful a design.
The construction and preservation of all these works being attended with great expense, the nation may very justly oblige all those to contribute to them who receive advantages from their use; this is the lawful source of the right of toll. It is just that a traveller, and especially a merchant, who receives advantages from a bridge, a canal, or a causeway, in his own passage, and in conveying more commodiously his merchandise, should contribute to the expense of these useful establishments, by a moderate contribution; and if the state thinks proper to exempt the citizens from paying it, it is under no obligation to gratify strangers in this particular.
Trust Deed.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to the Subscriber by Richard Bruer in his life time, for the purpose therein expressed, will be sold to the highest bidder, on the eleventh day of April next, before the door of Major William Quarles in the Town of Liberty; one tract or parcel of
LAND
situated within one mile of the said Town of Liberty, supposed to contain two hundred acres, it being a parcel of the land on which Mrs. Bruer now resides, a considerable part of which is prime Tobacco land.—£250 of the purchase money will be required on the day of Sale, the residue twelve months thereafter.—Mrs. Bruer's overseer will shew the land to any person wishing to view it.
WM. QUARLES, Trustee. 20th Feb. 1807.
Notice.
ALL persons indebted to the Estate of WILSON DAVENPORT, late of Lynchburg, are requested to make immediate payment to the subscriber, as the situation of the estate will not admit of indulgence—And those to whom the estate is indebted are requested to bring in their accounts properly authenticated, that provision may be made to discharge the same.
WM. PRESLEY CLAIBORNE, Ex'r. 10th Feb. 1807. tf.
Runaway in Jail.
WAS committed to the Jail in this place, as a Runaway, on Thursday the 16th October, 1806, a negro man who calls his name
NATT,
and says he belongs to a certain Richard Herd, in the state of Georgia, Albert or Elbert county—he is between 30 and 40 years of age, a very black skin, lost some of his upper fore teeth, has remarkable small hands and feet, was but badly clothed when taken, he had on an old green planes round jacket, an oznaburgs shirt, an old pair of home spun yarn breeches striped with yellow, and an old Felt Hat, is mild spoken and appears humble when spoken to—He says he was endeavoring to make his way to Maryland where he was entitled to his freedom by devise—The owner of said negro is requested to come forward immediately, prove property, pay charges, and take him away, or he will be dealt with as the law directs.
John Davis, Jr. c. t. 10th Feb. 1807.
Notice.
ON Saturday the 21st day of March next, at Cornelius Powell's Tavern, in the place commonly called the Oaks, in the county of Amherst will be exposed to public sale, for ready money, the lands whereon Frederick Fultz now lives, containing 201 acres more or less, and a negro man named JOE, by virtue of a Deed of Trust for the purpose of satisfying the debts therein mentioned, or so much of said property as will be sufficient to discharge the said debts.—The subscribers will not warrant the title to said land or slave, but will only convey to the purchaser or purchasers the right which is vested in them as trustees.
Robert Walker, Geo. Dillard, Thos. Crews. Feb. 18, 1807. (5 wds.)
GOUTY
Imported last fall by Brown & Rives
WILL stand the ensuing season, at my stable, in Amherst County, five miles from New-Glasgow, at Twenty-five Dollars the season, dischargeable by Twenty, if paid by the first day of October next—The season to commence the first day of March, and end the first of August.—Mares may be covered by the single leap, at twelve dollars, paid at the time of service; or forty dollars to insure them in foal, payable the first day of January next—One dollar to the Groom in every case—Good and extensive pasture gratis, but no responsibility for accidents or escapes.
Gouty
IS a beautiful Bay, ten years old, in high health and vigor, five feet three inches high, full of bone and muscle, fine points and elegant form.—He was, after many month's research, selected by Mr. Weatherby (Author of the racing Calender and General Stud Book) as one of the best Horses that could be procured in Great Britain; In a letter from him he says—"There never was a higher bred horse shipped from Great Britain or any other Country."
Gouty
WAS got by Sir Peter Teazle (unquestionably the best Stallion in England) his Dam the famous Yellow Mare by Tandem, grand dam Peruvia, by Herod, g grand dam Fair Forelle, by Sloe, g g grand dam by Forrester, g g g grand dam by Partner—Croft's bay Barb Makeless—Brimmer son of Dodsworth's Burton Barb Mare.
Gouty
RUN but three times, owing to an injury received in the fore leg. In 1799, for the Derby Stakes—3 years old—won by Archduke. 1800, for the Sweepstakes for all ages, with 25 Guineas added out of the Racing Fund—won by Gouty—beating Flugelman, Vivaldi, &c. &c. New Market July Meeting, £50 by Subscription—won by Sorcerer.
ROBERT RIVERS. February 10th, 1807. 8w.
LAND FOR SALE.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, dated the 22nd day of September, 1804, and recorded in the county court of Franklin, made by John Cook to the subscribers in trust to secure the payment of a sum of money therein mentioned—Will be sold at public auction, for ready money, on the premises, on Saturday the 28th day of March ensuing, the tract of LAND whereon the said Cook now lives, in Franklin county, on the Crabtree fork of Snow creek—containing by estimation 400 acres, be the same more or less—Forty or fifty acres of said tract are cleared with some valuable improvements. Being only entrusted as trustees, we will only convey the title as such.
Robert Innes, John Choice, Jesse Prunty. Feb. 28th, 1807. 3w.
NOTICE.
BY virtue of a decree of the Superior Court of Chancery held at Richmond, the subscribers will expose to sale on the premises, to the highest bidder, for cash, on Saturday the 4th of April next, a tract of LAND, lying in the County of Pittsylvania, on Banister River, estimated to contain 1717 acres, more or less, whereon the widow of John Markham, dec'd. and others now reside, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to raise the sum of £871-3-5, with interest from the 10th day of June, 1806, on £405-13-6, part thereof until payment—interest on £400 also part thereof during the same period, and the expenses of the sale.
Isaac Coles, James Terry, Allen Womack, Will. Tunstall. March 1, 1807. 4w.
Ten Dollars Reward
HANNAH
FOR apprehending a dark Molatto Woman named HANNAH who left my house in Fincastle, County of Botetourt, five days ago.—She is a tall, straight, likely person—has a brisk active walk, carries herself very erect, and has a very brazen countenance. It is probable she is lurking about Lynchburg, having once run away to that place before I owned her.—I will give the above reward for securing said slave in some jail so that I get her again, or will give in addition thereto a reasonable sum for bringing her home.
HENRY BOWYER. 20th Feb. 1807. tf.
Will certainly be Sold to
the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of Seth Ward, in Lynchburg, on Saturday the 14th day of March next, three valuable
NEGROES,
the property of Samuel Hill, conveyed to the Subscribers in trust for securing the payment of certain debts therein mentioned. These negroes are under good characters, and are well worth the attention of those inclined to purchase—They consist of a young fellow, young woman, and a middle aged woman, who is a good house Servant.
Reuben Norvell. Sterling Claiborne. Feb. 24, 1807. 3w.
LAND
By Virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to me by James Molloy, for the purpose of securing a debt due by him to Messrs. Smith & Tagert, of Philadelphia, will be exposed to sale, for ready money, by way of public auction, two tracts of
JOHN DABNEY, Trustee. March 2, 1807. 3w.
Notice.
FOR sale a Tract of Land containing 100 acres or more, in the county of Bedford, on the South side of Big Outer River, and adjoining the said River, whereon Arthur Newman now resides. This Land lies in about half a mile of Cornelius Noell's Mill. The terms will be one half cash, and the other half payable next Christmas. Any person wishing to view the land may be shown it by application to the subscriber living near the premises.
NICHOLAS MEAD. March 5, 1807. 4w.
To be Sold.
THE tract of LAND whereon I now live, on Stovall's creek in Amherst county, containing 333 acres, of which there are 100 acres cleared, now in cultivation, and in the best repair: This Land is adapted to the culture of Tobacco, Corn, Wheat, and Meadow in abundance—and an excellent Mill Seat on the same, with all necessary buildings for a family, &c. and an Apple Orchard of good fruit—It is well Watered and Timbered, and surrounded with an extensive range. It lies six miles from Madison Inspection and the Town of Lynchburg. The terms may be known by applying to the subscriber living on the premises.
BARTLETT EADS. March 5th, 1807. tf.