Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-10-12 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  ENT HIC ETIAM SUA PRÆMIA LUDUNT
VOL. IV.]
MONDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 12, 1807.
[NO. 33.]
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS SIX DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYA- BLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIVE CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION.
For KINGSTON, (Jam.) The Ship NABBY, capt. Rider. For freight of a few hundred barrels, apply to WARREN ASHLEY. October 9.
Scotch Coals and Empty Bottles. 100 tons of the former and 200 crates of the latter, import- ed in the ship Industry from Glasgow—For Sale by William Pennock. Who offers The said SHIP, burthen 260 tons, for Charter. October 7.
Liverpool SALT and COAL, For sale on board the ship Jane, William Colley, master.— Apply to the subscriber, William Pennock. Who offers said SHIP, burthen 420 tons, and the ship COURTNEY, burthen 200 tons for charter. October 5.
For Freight or Charter, The Ship THOMAS, captain Boush, will be ready immediately. GEO. MURRAY, & CO. Who have for Sale,  Old Antigua, Jamaica, & W. I. Rum, Madeira, Port, and Cape Wine, Sugar in hogsheads and barrels, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware. September 23.
For CHARTER, The Ship LIVE OAK, Gerrard Yarrell, mas- ter, burthen 300 tons, and will be ready to re- ceive a cargo in a few days; she is particu- larly well constructed for the carrying of masts and timber.— Apply to the master on board at my wharf, or the subscriber. William Pennock. September 21.
For LONDON, The coppered Ship STRANGER, Barnaby Swain, master; 100 hogsheads can be taken on freight. For terms apply to Moses Myers. September 16.
For Charter, The good Schooner GOVERNOR CARVER, Joseph Churchill, master, burthen 1100 barrels, and is ready for the reception of a car- go. Apply to Moses Myers. September 16.
For Freight or Charter, The good Ship GLOBE, Ralph Flaunders, master, burthen 182 tons, and will be ready for the reception of a cargo in four days. For terms apply to Richard Bowden, & Co. September 11.
For Charter, The fine new Ship ISABELLA, Abel Lin- coln master, burthen 368 tons, will be ready for the reception of a cargo in three days.— For terms apply to Moses Myers. Who offers for sale,  600 boxes Havanna SUGARS, Landing from on board the ship Cabinet. August 14.
MAYO MILL FLOUR, in barrels and half barrels, of new wheat and superior qua- lity for family use—For Sale by Moses Myers. September 16.
We want to Purchase,  A few Shares of STOCK in the Vir-  ginia Bank. Campbell & Wheeler. May 22.
E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main-Street, Has received per schooner Sylvia from Boston,  14 packages of English GOODS, suited to the season, consisting of
Fancy Vesting; Patent Cord; Toulinette; Cas- simeres; 1 trunk 7-8 Checked Ginghams; 1 chest contain- ing black Thicksets; olive fancy do. black do. d. black do. Velveteen; olive Genoa Cord; do. Drab; do. Olive Velve- teen; 1 trunk Cotton Cambricks; 1 bale fine olive, blue, dark green, and Corbo Bockings; 1 chest best green Cotton Umbrellas, mated and mounted; 1 bale 5-4, 6-4, 7-4, 8-4, 9-4, & 10-4 Rose Blankets; 1 do. 20 pieces Duffel Blankets; 1 bale olive, light, dark and brown Duffel; 1 bale white, yellow, red, crimson, and green Baize; 1 bale white, yel- low, red and crimson Flannel; 1 case French silk Umbrel- las, 26 and 28 inches; 1 bale blue Cloths; 1 do. flout blue Plains.
The above Goods will be sold by the package or piece at cost and charges. October 9.
Landing this day out of the schooner Diana Talbot, Capt. Strong, from Martinique, 113 hogsheads, 3 tiers, and 1 barrel  First quality SUGARS, And 25 barrels best Green COFFEE—For sale on liberal terms by Christopher Fry. October 9.
Landing from the brig Vengeance, capt. Chipman,  30 tons Russia HEMP, 100 pieces Russia Canvas, 1900 bushels Lisbon Salt. And in Store,  New-England RUM in hds. & bbls. Beef, Pork, Candles, and Soap.—Apply to Phinehas Dana. October 9.
BRITISH TREATY.  FROM THE NEW-YORK EVENING POST.
Extracts from the Pamphlet. [Continued from our last.]
The second condition is, that the goods shall have been unladed in the United States. Here another unfounded claim of Britain is admitted; a claim which, with all the deference due by citizens of one country to the government of another, we presume to believe she was wrong to make, because she would hardly permit it to be exercised against her own merchants. We feel a strong persuasion, therefore, that if this point (which had been assumed by her courts) had been properly represented to her ministers, they would have abandoned it. But certainly, even if from prudential motives, we should submit to such an exercise of power, we ought never to acknowledge that it is legitimate. The stipulation in this treaty is precisely what Britain must desire, and every way injurious to us. In relation to our claims for the past, her courts will say, you have deliberately assented to our principles. In future wars they will set it up anew, and insist, that as we submitted before from rational conviction, (and we shall hardly be disposed to stultify and brutify ourselves by alleging that we acted from folly and fear,) we ought again to submit. But, should it so happen, that we, being at war, while Britain is at peace, should claim the privilege she takes, her government would resist; and we should find ourselves in the wrong. They would frankly admit, that, to promote the interests of the war in which they were engaged, they had found it necessary to make an extraordinary stretch of power. That we had, indeed, complained, and our government had, for the form sake, remonstrated; but, wished well to their cause, and desirous of promoting their success, as far as it could without breaking with friends at home, or making enemies abroad, had thought it on the whole most advisable to submit. They would go on, in support of this assertion, to observe, that when matters came to be adjusted, by treaty, an article was inserted confirmatory of the practice. But so far were the parties from admitting any general principle, or supposing that we should ever think of retaliating, that the article related solely to us, provided for a special case of the moment, and contained no reciprocal stipulation. We should then be politely told, that, to make the case analogous, we must show that preponderance of force to which we had thought it reasonable and just to submit. But, a matter much more difficult would be to bend the high spirit of England, and persuade her to brook national degradation. While on this part of the subject, it may not be improper to add, that the language which, under the circumstances supposed, it might be competent to hold hereafter, it is competent to France to hold now. Our assent to this unequal stipulation may be considered as evidence of partiality. Our government may, in proof of its love to France, quote its friendly professions; but whether Napoleon and Benevento reposes in the president's professions, that confidence which many among us express in his talents, may admit of some doubt.
The last condition under which we are permitted to exercise our right, is that we shall lay an export duty of one per cent. on European goods sent from the United States to colonies of the enemies of G. Britain. Hitherto the sacrifices made affect only commercial interests and national honour; objects for which much indifference has formerly been expressed by some great men of the day. They freely declared, that for neither they would risk the chance, nor bear the expense of war.—They were, nevertheless, loud in expressions of love for the constitution. The constitution, once the theme of their execration, is now the idol of their affection. And with reason; for they have found out the secret of turning it to good account. But the constitution says, in express terms, "no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state." And the treaty exacts, as a condition on the carriage of goods from the United States to the islands, that in addition to the duty reserved on exportation from the drawback, the further sum of one per cent. ad valorem shall be paid. We are not among those who consider the restriction in our constitution as wise. We know it to be among those which was unreasonably insisted on by some members of the national convention, was submitted to by others, from that deference and concession which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensable.—The clause, however, is there. Legislative ingenuity will no doubt be exerted, if needful, in reconciling it with the article of the treaty. Merchants will perhaps be told there is no compulsion. They may pay or let it alone. If they pay, the custom-house will give a certificate. If not, they may depart and take their chance. Perhaps, in greater tenderness for the constitution, it may be thought advisable that the legislature be silent, leaving matters to be settled between the executive and the merchant. This would be an excellent contrivance; for it would enable the President, with two thirds of the senate, who, (as every body knows) have unlimited confidence in him, and were chosen for that very reason, to tax the good people of the United States; provided they can get the assistance of a stout maritime power. It might be asserted, on the part of Great Britain, that the soldiers of Napoleon, who undergo hardships scarcely credible, and have entreated their enemies to terminate at once their misery and existence, would certainly revolt, if physical as well as moral means were not employed to secure their obedience.—That the narcotick effects of tobacco, which they use in profusion, have astonishing influence in calming nervous irritation; whence it is evident that Napoleon's troops could not bear up under their calamities, without a pipe of
tobacco. This argument has the merit of resembling that by which it has been demonstrated, that France carries on the present war with sugar and coffee received from this country. It would therefore, equally justify the prohibiting our merchants to furnish the enemies of Great-Britain with tobacco, under the usual penalty of confiscation. After a few months more of able negotiation, a new clause might be tacked to the treaty, allowing tobacco to go free, provided an export duty were paid of 10 per cent. This would enable the collectors, always however, with the merchant's consent, to levy the 10 per cent. Experience has proved, that, if no direct application be made by the tax gatherer, this enlightened nation cares not what is collected, nor how it is applied. Some of them, indeed, suspect that possibly they may pay, in the price of necessities they consume, a small part of the duty on imports. But this new contrivance would come so completely out of the merchants, that it would be quite delightful. It might, moreover, be applied at the discretion of the President, and save the necessity of asking congress for appropriations to objects undefined. This would be another prodigious advantage. For although such appropriations, once supposed to be unconstitutional and dangerous, are now found to be proper and very convenient; yet some friends of government feel a little squamish, look a little awkward, and have somewhat of a qualm in voting for them. Wherefore, as it is troublesome to deal with men of timorous conscience, it would be no small improvement on our system, so to arrange matters as that business might go on smoothly without their assistance. It would, moreover, be of use to the poor men themselves, who find it rather difficult to satisfy certain troublesome creatures, called constituents, that the new congressional game of blind-man's buff is altogether fair. Hitherto, indeed, they have got through tolerably well by the aid of that excellent word confidence: but since nothing human is immortal, so it begins to be suspected that confidence, even in the President, may at length expire.—Some new expedient, therefore, ought to be adopted. And what so proper as to raise taxes by treaty?
The article having provided for our trade with the belligerent colonies, and prudently left the trade from them unnoticed, so that for any thing which appears, Britain may seize colonial produce coming from her enemy's ports to the United States, goes on to regulate the export of such produce to Europe. It is permitted under conditions similar to those just noticed. The goods must be unladed, and they must pay an export duty of two per cent. ad valorem. Let it not, we pray, escape the reader's notice, that the conditions imposed by no means affect what is called the neutral carrying trade; that is to say, the unfair practice of covering, as neutral, the goods of a belligerent. They neither arise out of the right which one enemy has to attack and destroy the commerce of another, nor do they tend to check the abuses about which we have heard such loud complaint. If, indeed, enemy's goods were subjected to the charges of landing and reloading, together with the duty on export, while bona fide neutral goods were exempted, it would doubtless discourage the illicit trade. But this was not the object. The whole scope and tenor of the article is to lay our trade under disadvantages, so as to favour and encourage the trade which the English by connivance of their government carry on with their enemies. We have before us a copy of the royal instructions to the Lieutenant Governor of Jamaica, dated at St. James's, the 5th day of July, 1804, in the forty fourth year of his majesty's reign. They run thus. "Whereas we have thought it expedient that permission should be given to vessels belonging to the subjects of his Catholic majesty, having not more than one deck, to trade between the free ports established in the island of Jamaica and the Spanish colonies in America, according to the regulations of the several acts for establishing free ports in the West India islands, notwithstanding any hostilities that may occur; and whereas we have thought it expedient, that, notwithstanding such hostilities, permission should likewise be given to British vessels, navigated according to the laws now in force, to trade between the said free ports in the island of Jamaica and Spanish colonies in America, provided such British and Spanish vessels shall have a license from the lieutenant governor or commander in chief of the island of Jamaica, and provided such British and Spanish vessels shall import into the free ports in the island of Jamaica, such goods only as are hereafter enumerated, viz. wool, cotton wool, indigo, cochineal, drugs of all sorts, cocoa, tobacco, logwood, fustick and all sorts of wool for dyer's use, hides, skins and tallow, beaver and all sorts of furs, tortoise shells, hard wood or mill timber, mahogany and all other woods for cabinet wares, horses, asses, mules and cattle being the growth and production of any of the colonies or plantations in America, belonging to the crown of Spain, and all coin or bullion, diamonds or precious stones, coming from thence; and provided such British and Spanish vessels shall export from such free ports only the said goods and commodities, and also rum, the produce of any British island, and also all goods, wares, merchandizes and manufactures, which shall have been legally imported, except masts, yards and bowsprits, pitch, tar, turpentine, and all other naval stores and tobacco."
"We do hereby authorize you, our lieutenant governor, or commander in chief for the time being, of the island of Jamaica, to grant licenses accordingly. And do further require and enjoin you to give all necessary encouragement and protection to such Spanish vessels, and likewise to all British vessels trading between the free ports in the said island of Jamaica and the Spanish colonies in America, under the regulations herein before prescribed."
A perusal of these instructions will show the true value of what has been said in courts, and printed in pamphlets, about reducing the enemies of Britain by destroying the resources of their commerce, and about the injury done to her military and naval operations by the unjust and unlawful interference of those wicked neutrals. Go to the bottom of the business, and we find a mercantile struggle for money, in which the government assists by its power, its influence, and its negotiations.—Mere counting house politics. Not the most remote idea of injuring France or Spain; by inhibiting an intercourse with their colonies, but a scheme to engross that trade to themselves. Accordingly when they negotiate with us, the single object is to burthen and trammel our trade with such charges and regulations as may give their merchants a preference. Our negotiators have kindly gone along with theirs, and in the excess of their complaisance, have ceded, not only the interests of trade, but the attributes of independence.
That nothing might be wanting to complete the goodly work, this eleventh article closes with a declaration, that, after the expiration of the treaty, (viz. in ten years) all antecedent rights on these subjects are to revive. And thus we acknowledge as rights, provided the exercise be suspended for ten years, claims which should never be admitted under any pressure of necessity. We may, nay, we must, submit to superior power; unless, as in our war for independence, it shall please the Almighty to smile on and reward our resistance of oppression by his holy favour. But there can be no necessity, use or advantage in acknowledging oppression to be justice. If we dare not resist, let us quietly submit. But let us not kiss the rod, like prisoners of the inquisition, applaud its clemency while we writhe in torture.
The twelfth article, considering the love of peace which our rulers profess, and the defenceless condition to which they have reduced us, passes all comprehension. It extends to Great Britain, and to all other nations who will adopt the same regulation, the protection of our neutrality from a marine league to five miles from our shores. This being agreed on, if a Spanish cruiser should, at four miles distance, take a British ship, what are we to do? According to the treaty she must be restored. According to general practice she is a good prize: And if we may judge from experience, captors are more inclined to keep bad prizes than to surrender good ones. They would undoubtedly and unjustly refuse to give up the British ship. The British minister would as undoubtedly and as justly insist on the performance of our stipulation. What are we to do? Shall we go to war for the recovery of a British ship lawfully taken by a Spaniard, while we permit the same Spaniard, and every one else, unlawfully to take our own ships? Moreover, if the president should determine to take and restore the prize, what are his means? His frigates are fast in the mud. He has no publick force at command, and it has been the undeviating policy of his administration not to have any, lest he should be held accountable for the use of it; or rather, for suffering it to look idly on, while our fellow-citizens are insulted, plundered and killed. What are we to do? The British insist. The Spanish refuse. Take which side we will we must be in the wrong. The president might indeed make excuses and apologies. He is said to be able in that line. But the English are not in the habit of receiving apologies instead of cash. We should be charged with perfidy. We should be threatened with reprisals. What are we to do? Nothing remains but the old expedient of paying for peace. Congress must then appropriate to that object some of the money collected from trade; for they have no other. And thus our merchants, after being pillaged by both parties, must pay them for plundering each other.
The clause in the twenty-third article which declares, "that all hereafter made by either with any nation shall, ipso facto, be extended in all their favourable operations to the other," is very broad.—By the second article of our treaty with France, "the king and the United States mutually engage not to grant any particular favour to other nations, in respect of commerce and navigation, which shall not immediately become common to the other party, who shall enjoy the same freely if the concession was freely made, or on allowing the same compensation if the concession was conditional." Our treaty with Sweden contains the same clause.—The unlimited terms of this new stipulation, especially when compared with those more guarded preceding compacts, will support a claim of Great-Britain to possess, without compensation, privileges we may grant to others for valuable consideration. To say the covenant is reciprocal is a fallacy; for it is one thing to be reciprocal in form and words, but another to be reciprocal in fact and effect. If we mistake not, it is substantially the same as if we had stipulated solely and gratuitously, that Britain shall enjoy every privilege we may allow to any other nation. Indeed, our agreement with France and Sweden, though more fair, was not quite safe. Let it be remembered that old nations have long since formed their systems of finance, commerce and navigation; which by the aid of experience, and in the lapse of time, have been made to accord with their extent, population, soil, climate, productions, and manufacturers. There is, then, little probability that any change will be made, from which we can derive advantage. But the case with us is widely different. That our power and wealth must increase, if our union be preserved, and we are governed with tolerable discretion, can admit of no doubt. We shall probably both acquire and grant privileges in our diplomatic transactions. We ought not, therefore, to tie up our hands, by prospective conditions with any nation, and least of all with Great-Britain; because she has

long since brought her commercial system to perfection. The covenant on her part must be sterile. We can derive nothing from it; but are bound by it to treat with the rest of the world under her pleasure, and for her benefit. We preclude ourselves from granting an exclusive privilege, whatever advantage might be gained or evil avoided. If the propositions be made, we must answer, it is not in our power; we are already bound to England, and must ask her permission.
The twenty-fourth article presents to us a fair flower of philosophy. We agree to join in abolishing the slave trade. As a comment on this article, we take leave to introduce, what we consider as a contemporaneous exposition. In the British house of commons, on the 23d of February, not two months after the treaty was signed, lord Howick (the British minister of foreign affairs), after stating that the slave trade was both unjust and impolitic, founded in robbery, kidnapping and murder, and afforded incentives to the worst passions and crimes, and therefore ought to be abolished, added, that there were some general points that had been adduced in its support, to which he was desirous of adverting.—Amongst these was the argument which had been urged with earnestness, that the principle of the abolition of the trade would lead to emancipation. To this objection the minister frankly replied, that at present the negroes were not in a condition to be immediately emancipated; but he had no doubt, and would not conceal his opinion, that the effect of abolishing the trade would be to abolish slavery itself. We are not the advocates of slavery. We do not consider ourselves authorized to hold our fellow creatures in bondage. But we do not arrogate the right of judging for others; nor presume to make our conscience a rule for theirs. We are bound by compact to our brethren in the southern states, and cannot in good faith attempt to wrest from them what they consider as property, and without which their other property would be good for nothing. Nay, if we had lawful authority to emancipate the slaves south of Pennsylvania, we should, with the example of St. Domingo before our eyes, proceed with caution, and tremble with the apprehension, that, in remedying an evil we should let loose a legion of crimes. Europeans can speculate at their ease on events so distant as to appear more like history than action. It is otherwise with men on the spot, who see the rage of incarnate devils, and hear the shrieks of their victims. When statesmen of wisdom and experience speak the language of enthusiasm; when they who can resort to arms for a few seal-skins on the other side of the globe, are thrown into spasms of sensibility for the sufferings of negroes, who are dancing all the while to the sound of their banjos, there is reason to suspect something beside sentiment. If we take the trouble to examine facts, we shall find the British colonies full manned with Africans, while those of their rivals want hands. St. Domingo must, when subdued, be peopled anew. Moreover, if all these colonies were sunk in the sea, it would but enhance the value and increase the revenue of the British dominions in Asia. To abolish the slave trade, therefore, is good sound British policy. To bottom the measure in argument, on those efficient principles of interest, would not sound so well as to boast of philanthropy, and express the detestation of robbery and murder. But what motive have we to make the abovementioned compact, and what is to be its effect; was each party, in the apprehension that his conscience would not keep him to his duty, desirous of bolstering up the moral sense with diplomatic engagements? or was it intended to preclude debate in parliament and in congress? if domestic operation alone was intended, diplomatic engagements were neither necessary nor proper. The respective legislatures should have been left at liberty. If it was intended to form an alliance offensive and defensive against the slave trade, our ministers should have inquired a little into our means and situation. Are we, we the pacific, to commence a career of knight-errantry for black dulceness? Are we, we who keep thousands in bondage, to declare that no one shall follow our example? truly it would seem as if we were doomed to fight for every thing except our own interest, our own rights, and our own honour.
We pass over the rest of what this treaty contains, to consider what it does not contain; previous to which, however, we must observe that, notwithstanding our willingness to excuse the administration, by imputing its defects to the gentlemen negotiators, we are deterred by a belief that such imputation would be unjust. If, indeed, those gentlemen had been recalled, we should be convinced the fault was theirs. But they are continued in office. The administration, therefore, consider them as still deserving of confidence. They have then conformed to their instructions, and the treaty is such as they were directed to make. Hence we are driven in spite of ourselves, to conclude that what has been said is true—That the treaty was sent back, not from any disapprobation of its contents, but because it does not contain a relinquishment, by the King of Great Britain, of his claim to take British seamen from the merchant vessels of America. It is true that our government have taken their stand on this ground, and for the reasons just assigned, this seems to be unquestionable, we are brought to a point which demands our serious consideration. If reason be against the British claim, let it be resisted; but otherwise, God forbid we should engage in war to establish injustice.
The question is two-fold: whether England can rightfully compel her native subjects to man her fleets, and (if so) whether she can lawfully exercise that right over such of them as are in the ships of another country. Let it be premised, that as they pretend no right to take a native American, that case is not within the scope of our inquiry. Let it be premised, that when nations are agreed respecting matters of right, the way is open to expedients for mutual convenience. Matters of interest frequently interfere, and require appropriate arrangements by mutual concession, for mutual advantage. But matters of right are of different nature and sterner stuff. They cannot interfere, unless where nations are at war; because it cannot be right for one to prevent what another has a right to perform: Wherefore the right being established, submission is implied. Were it otherwise, war must be the natural condition of man; because the right to do on one side, and the right to oppose on the other, constitute precisely the state of war.
It is a first principle of every government, that it can rightfully command the military service of its citizens and subjects. If this be not admitted in America, we are in a wretched condition. We have
no fleet; we have a standing army. If, therefore, the military cannot be compelled to defend their country what is to become of us?
But it is said, that admitting the general principle, an exception is to be made in favour of those who leave one state and swear allegiance to another. The British government, however, insists, that no man can divest himself of the duties which he owes to his country. Other nations maintain the same principle; which, both by reason and by general consent, forms a maxim of publick law. The usual stipulation in treaties, that the subjects or citizens of one of the contracting parties shall not engage in the military service of an enemy of the other, rests on this foundation, and would, without it, be an idle phrase. It is true that a different doctrine is maintained by some who pretend to instruct us in matters which concern our intellectual nature, our moral duties and political rights; matters which, having escaped the statesmen and sages of antiquity, have (as they say) been lately discovered. We, however, are not disposed to adopt novel doctrines, but presume that those who have gone before us, came into this world with as much sagacity as those lately born. And we know that many of them with equal opportunities for reflection, had greater advantages of experience in national affairs. Putting aside, however, the objection of novelty, others present themselves to the most cursory observer, which it would be tedious to enumerate. Suppose that Arnold, after swearing allegiance to the king of Great Britain, had returned to this country, and claimed the rights of a British subject. Surely there would have been but one sentiment, but one voice. Light minds may amuse themselves in blowing up the bubbles of metaphysical wit, but sober men will not stifle those chaste and righteous sentiments which bind them to their country. They will not permit rash innovators, "cloathed in a little brief authority," to abolish maxims venerable alike for their antiquity and wisdom. In a word, they will not relinquish the undoubted right of America to the military service of her citizens. If it should be deemed proper that each be at liberty to take advantage of the social compact while it suits its convenience, and to release itself from its obligation when called on to perform them, let it be so enacted. It will then be law for us; but it will not thereby become law for other nations.
It may be said that man has a natural right to change his country and his allegiance. But it will be difficult to adduce proof that will not equally prove each individual to be above the law; or what is tantamount, that each can, at his pleasure, release himself from its authority; whence it must follow, that the law, binding only those who choose to be bound, is a nullity; a thing which not only does not exist, but which cannot exist. And after all, even if we should adopt that extravagant theory, the difficulty must remain: other nations will not dispute with us the doctrinal points we assume to govern or to amuse ourselves; but they will not permit us, under cover of our doctrines, to invade their rights. It behoves us, therefore, before we carry such motions into practice, to inquire whether we are prepared to force them upon other nations; for we must either embark in that extreme project, or acknowledge the rights which they exercise over their own subjects. So little, indeed, are the advocates for the supposed right of the expatriation in harmony with themselves, that they have, on a different but notable occasion, strongly insisted that no one nation has a right to interfere in the domestic arrangement of another. We do not admit this axiom, in its fullest extent, because we conceive that when it is a domestic arrangement of one nation to subjugate others, all have a right to interfere, on the common principle of self-preservation. But no man, we believe, ever claimed for England a right to determine what laws the French Republic should make or repeal respecting French citizens. Neither has it, as yet, been directly asserted that such power can be justly exercised over us by the French Republic. We conclude, therefore, it will not be pretended that we have such right over Britain. And if we have not, it must be admitted that an Englishman, coming to America, comes subject to the obligations imposed by the laws of his native country; which obligations are known, and of course excepted in the compact by which he becomes an American citizen. If this be admitted, and it can hardly be denied, the difficulty about certain papers given to seamen, and called protections, must vanish. The protection cannot avail against the prior right of his native country. Indeed, the facility with which it is obtained, in many of our sea-ports is a sufficient reason why it should not be respected. It is frequently granted to men just arrived from the British dominions, whose language betrays the fraud; and who, when afterwards questioned by a British officer about the alleged place of their nativity, cannot tell whether it is to be found in New England or Virginia. Surely it cannot be expected that a powerful nation, whose existence is staked on the chance of war, will be the dupe of such clumsy contrivance.
It has been already observed that a British subject cannot, according to the laws of that country, disengage himself from the obligation to render military service; and that we cannot release him, because we cannot make or repeal the laws of England. To this it will be replied, that, having uncontrollable authority to legislate for ourselves, our act of naturalization, by conferring the right of citizenship, cancels anterior incompatible duties. And this being a case in which supreme authority has made contrariant provisions, the last must prevail. Certainly it must, if they who made it had a right to do what they are supposed to have done. Enough has already been said on the right. We shall only add here, that no question can arise while the party continues in America, because the British government cannot seize him within our territorial limits. Neither can a question arise, if he should return home, because he would then be where we have no jurisdiction. But it may be asked, what will be the condition of an Englishman, naturalized here, who may have been brought by force within the power of his native country? Unquestionably it must be that which the law of England provides; for we cannot interfere, unless he was seized in our dominion.
Here, then, arises the second question, whether, admitting that England possesses the right she claims over her native subjects, it can properly be exercised in American ships. Those who hold the negative contend, that, taking a man from under the protection of our flag, is a violation of our territory. It becomes proper, therefore, to inquire in-
to the nature and extent of this protection. And here the first leading circumstance is the common right to navigate the ocean, whereby all are there at home. It is by virtue of this right, that powers at war take property of their enemies in a neutral ship. The ocean belonging as much to the one as the other, if the neutral says the capture was made in my dominion, the belligerent replies, it was made in mine: and the arguments to support one assertion establish both or neither. Until lately, it was not attempted to take enemy's goods in the territory of a neutral power; and it is worthy of remark, that this has been done by the nation which, for half a century, has urged the establishment of a maxim, that neutral ships shall protect enemy's goods.
The conduct of Napoleon on this occasion is rather an example to be avoided, than a precedent to be pursued, and cannot strengthen the right of search. But it does not weaken that right. Let it, however, be remembered that although it is usual to stop and search merchant ships a similar practice towards publick vessels of war is inadmissible. These are national fortresses, and bear (in the proper sense) the national flag. To such vessels alone, the idea of protection by the flag is applicable. The distinction between them and merchant ships is material to the present subject. Nations justly claim respect to their vessels of war, and from that claim corresponding duties arise. When any thing wrong is done by them, the national honour is bound to make satisfaction: but the case with merchant vessels is widely different; and the condition of sovereigns would be wretched and base if every trick and fraud of a smuggler could implicate their honour. Yet if we insist on the same respect to a private ship of trade as to a publick ship of war, we must hold ourselves equally accountable for the conduct of both. Hence the universal consent, that merchant vessels may be examined, detained and confiscated, according to the nature of the case; and where they are injured, to compensate by money. For money being the object of trade, the national character is in no wise affected by what is done or suffered in the pursuit. Seeing therefore, that a power at war has a right to take the ship and bring it into port, he must have a right to take his own subject out of the ship. It would be idle to suppose that a flag which cannot protect the ship itself, could protect the persons on board; or that it would be a violation of sovereignty to take part, when it is no violation to take the whole. But even if such distinction could be established, the matter would not be mended. If, for instance, Great Britain should admit that one of our merchant vessels enjoys, while in the open sea, such an emanation of sovereignty, that to take away one of the crew, would be tantamount to an invasion of our country; reserving, nevertheless, the established right by which the ship may, for adjudication of doubtful points, be sent into a British port: by exercising that right the ship could be brought within those limits where the exclusive territorial authority attaches. The suspected man would then, after examination, be regularly put on board a man of war, and nothing would of course, be allowed for detaining the ship, and taking her out of her course.—Hence it is evident, that, by abandoning the known principles and usage of nations, we should involve ourselves in a labyrinth of difficulties for no good purpose and to considerable loss.
But it is said there is manifest absurdity in pretending that, because goods may be taken, and after due trial be confiscated, men may be taken and condemned without trial. It is monstrous to submit the dearest thing we have, our liberty, to the will of military men, who have an interest in taking it away.—This argument is ingenious, but in our apprehension not solid. If British subjects only are impressed, it is none of our concern. Englishmen may do with each other what they please. If an American be impressed, it is probably from mistake, and he suffers a misfortune incident to his profession; being one of those evils, by reason whereof he is entitled to and receives extraordinary wages. We will not, however, elude the argument but meet its full force. We say, then, that if the violence be intentional, and done by order of the sovereign, it is a legitimate cause of war, and ought to be considered and treated. But if done by the officer, without the order of his government, it is one among the many wrongs for redress of which resort must be had to the tribunals. The officer impressing does it at his peril, and the impressed seaman would, we believe, obtain ample compensation from a Westminster jury. We venture to add our opinion, that if a few clear cases of this sort had been prosecuted at the publick expense, it would have done more to correct the practice, so far as real American citizens are concerned, than all the clamour of the last ten years. At any rate, nothing can fairly be imputed to the sovereign, until his courts refuse to do justice. If an officer in our navy should assault and imprison a British subject, and application were made to our secretary of state by the British minister, would he not be referred for redress to our courts of justice? Surely the president would not on a complaint, though supported by exparte affidavits, break an American officer without trial.
To this it may be replied, and with much weight of argument, that although the officer is personally accountable to the injured individual, the government he serves is also accountable for repeated injuries, though done without its order; because in arming officers with power, and cloathing them with authority, it is a duty to provide against and prevent abuse. This we admit, and deduce from it the consequence that Britain, in exacting the military service of her subjects, ought to respect the rights of her citizens. Here, however, we must, in fairness, consider those circumstances which are inseparably connected with the question. Speaking as we do, the same language; our manners and customs also being the same; there is real difficulty in distinguishing a British from an American seaman, even when the officer acts with pure and upright intentions. Moreover, the very mode adopted to mark out our citizens has increased, instead of diminishing the difficulty. Seamen carelessly lose, or wantonly destroy, or fraudulently dispose of their protections; so that while many, whose countenance and pronunciation declare them to be (what they really are) native Americans, have no protections; their comrades from Scotland and Ireland, whose looks and language clearly designate their country, present their protections in proper form. On application therefore, to the British government, and the consequent injuries, facts frequently appear of such a nature as might puzzle a discerning judge, much more a plain sea-officer.
Thus, by the peculiarity of its attending circumstances, the question is brought to a kind of dilemma; and, principles being acknowledged, it is contended, on our part, that Britain ought to forego a right which, from her own shewing, cannot be exercised without invading the rights of America.—That she, being the actor, is bound to adopt regulations by which our citizens may be secured from violence. The case, considered in this aspect is certainly strong. But to the proposition that she shall forego her right, she replies, that without supposing, much less asserting, that the United States contemplate the seduction of her seamen into their service, it is impossible not to see that such would be the result.—That without regarding, the loss of one country and gain of another from that event, a consequence far more important commands her attention.—That she is at war with the most powerful monarch on earth, who threatens invasion and conquest.—That she has but slender means of defence at land, and may (should the invasion take effect) be blotted from the list of nations.—That, even if not subdued, she would be exposed to imminent peril and most grievous calamity.—That her only defence, her fleet, can no longer be relied on if her present resources for manning it be destroyed. Wherefore, the exercise of the right cannot be relinquished without hazarding her existence.—That without insisting, as she might, on the interest we ourselves have in her success, and on the certainty that, if she be crushed by the weight of Napoleon's arms, we also must become French provinces, she can safely appeal to our reason and justice, to decide whether it is fair and right to place the convenience of one party on a line of equality with the existence of another.—She declares her willingness to enter into any equitable arrangements to secure the rights of our citizens. But if no expedient can be devised which will produce the desired effect, she must exercise the right of self preservation; though from circumstances not of her making nor under her control, we are subjected by it to inconvenience and even injury. In fine, that if we insist on her relinquishing her only means of defence, she must, though reluctantly, join in an appeal to the God of battles.
We have already observed, that when parties are agreed as to matter of right, the way is open to arrangements for mutual convenience. We now add our sincere belief, that men of integrity and good sense, who would candidly seek, would certainly find expedients to reconcile the exercise of her rights with the security of our citizens. We see, however, with much concern, that instead of endeavouring to remove, pains are taken to increase and multiply obstructions in the way of fair and honest arrangement; and that, instead of simplifying the question, it is endeavoured, by the use of general terms and severe invectives, to persuade the people of America that Great-Britain ought to relinquish a right on the exercise of which materially depends her national existence.
Hitherto we have discussed the question on principles of publick law, and have not permitted any breath of interest to blow either way. Let it not, however, be forgotten, that our ships of war go freely into British ports, are hospitably received, and are suffered to depart without question, though manned in a great proportion by British subjects. Surely they have as good right to demand their seamen as we have to demand ours.
But it may be asked, if this be a true state of the question on the ground of right; and if it be doubtful on the ground of policy, whether we should strenuously insist on our right; whence came the clamour, and whence the cry of oppression? We do not conceive ourselves called on to account for so vain a thing as clamour. But, since the occasion is of portentous import, we will state the facts.—We gain much, during the war, on trade, which usually flows in other channels. Hence an extra demand for seamen, which America cannot supply: so that this lucrative commerce will be less extensive than our merchants desire, if they cannot procure seamen from other countries. Other neutrals are actuated by similar motives. We, however, speaking the same language, can have no want of British seamen, if, besides high wages and security from capture, we can protect them against impressment by British ships of war. Our merchants, therefore, have easily persuaded themselves to believe that a British seaman, with one of the protections above mentioned in his pocket, ought not to be taken out of their ships. In this faith they clamoured. Some of them, whose moral and political notions are peculiarly agreeable to those who manage our affairs in the way they like best, have contrived to enlist the government in this scheme of traffick. But if, by contending on such bad ground, we are brought into war, our merchants will be the first to suffer. Such of them as have property must tremble at the consequence. The cry, however, will be kept up by those whose deranged affairs find an interest in confusion; and by the fiery spirits, who readily sacrifice their country to their ambition.—But what will be our condition, if we walk in this crooked path? We have advanced, a claim, which, however the agents of those who wish to embroil us may pretend to approve, will be scouted by all the world: for the position we take is not only untenable in itself, but opposed to the interest of other nations. Nevertheless, to establish this claim, though without any chance of success, we shall perhaps be committed to a dangerous course of events. If Britain, struggling for life, be driven to desperation, she must strike. At the first blow our commerce is gone. She would be enriched with millions of our spoil and we should, in a few months, acknowledge the rights which our rulers seemed disposed to resist by the last extremities; for it is absurd to suppose the American people will bear the privations and hardships of war, to support a scheme of injustice.
One good consequence, has however, resulted from the notion assumed by our rulers. There is too much reason to believe, if the usual course had been pursued with regard to the treaty, a constitutional majority of the Senate (from a confidence which they were chosen to exhibit in the President) would have given their ready approbation. That onerous contract would then have been fastened about our necks for ten years, and some of its evil consequences for ever. That we are not at this moment the commercial vassals of England is, therefore, in no small degree, to be attributed to the extravagant nation, that America is bound to protect every vagabond against the lawful authority of his own country. If, in the exercise of the British claim, or in any thing else, our sovereignty and independence are invaded, let no thought of com-

quences prevent us from asserting our honour. To preserve that is our first duty, our highest concern. With it we shall enjoy liberty, peace and commerce. Without it we shall enjoy nothing long; for a nation which loses honour cannot preserve her independence. But we forbear to urge what we conceive to be unnecessary, when speaking to a high-minded people.
We entreat our fellow-citizens to consider seriously the situation in which they stand—to suspend the rage of party strife—to examine facts—to reason for themselves. We put in no claim of merit. We solicit not their favour, much less their suffrage. Let them honour those whom it pleases them to honour. Let them not forego the use of their understanding. They may perhaps be told that we are the enemies of the people. Be it so.—Wise men consider those as their friends who give them useful information. But, admitting us to be enemies, reason and truth, even in the mouth of an enemy, are still reason and truth. The people may believe of us what they please, and call us by whatever odious name their favourites may select or invent. All we ask of them is to show their friendship to themselves, by attending to what concerns themselves; instead of sitting still, their eyes closed, their ears shut, while they are bought and sold like miserable slaves.
Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, August 24. AMERICA.
The Sheffield, an American ship, is arrived from Norfolk in the Chesapeake. She left the capes on the 22d ult. The Bellona, commodore Douglas, had previously sailed for Halifax, taking with her the four seamen who were the cause of the rencounter between the Leopard and the Chesapeake. The damages sustained by the latter were nearly repaired, and the trial of commodore Barron was immediately to take place on board her. A report was picked up by this ship that a midshipman and three seamen from the British squadron in the Chesapeake landed on the Norfolk coast, on the 18th of July, for the purpose of procuring water for the tender to which they belonged, when they were warned by the inhabitants to return to their ship. The officer, it is said, expostulated and persisted in his endeavours to obtain water, the consequence of which was, that he and his party were made prisoners and marched into Norfolk, where they were suffered to be at large on parole. We do not attach much credit to this intelligence. After the interview of the deputation from Norfolk with commodore Douglas, and the second letter of the latter to the mayor of that town, it is by no means likely that an attempt to procure supplies by force would have been made by any detachment from the British squadron.
The irritation among the Americans, we are happy to learn, had considerably subsided, in consequence of the conciliating statement of the persons deputed to confer with commodore Douglas.—Meetings, however, continue to be held, and offers of service made to government. To these, the general reply of the president was as temperate as the mutual friends of both nations could possibly desire. At the time of the departure of the Sheffield, the Revenge, which is expected to bring the dispatches to M. Munroe had not sailed. The delay is supposed to have been occasioned by collecting proofs that the seamen seized on board the Chesapeake were bona fide native American subjects.
We have this day resumed our extracts from the American papers. We hope the fracas between the Chinese, at Canton, and the English seamen, mentioned in these papers, has been greatly exaggerated.
The Revenge schooner, which is to bring the dispatches from the American government relative to the late transactions, is not yet arrived, but a vessel is arrived which left the Capes on the 22d July. The populace in different towns continue to pass violent resolutions, but the president does not appear to have caught any of their violence and fury.—He seems to be convinced that the Americans have nothing to gain but every thing to lose in a contest with this country. We have no doubt the differences will be amicably adjusted. But it is stated in the Norfolk papers of the 20th that two young English officers, and three seamen, have been taken into custody for being found on shore at Cape Henry. The letters state, that this party of five, had been amusing themselves on a fishing party, and being in want of some refreshment, had landed on Cape Henry, for the purpose merely of satisfying their wants. They were immediately surrounded by a party of cavalry, and made prisoners under the president's proclamation, and sent to a general Matthews, who immediately dispatched a messenger to Mr. Jefferson. It was afterwards intimated to the two boys and their three companions, that they were to continue in custody, until the pleasure of the government of the United States could be ascertained; but that in the mean time they would be treated with every respect. Another letter on the same subject states, that the five prisoners had been removed to the adjoining state, where they were treated with the greatest humanity.
Our conduct towards the United States affords a marked and honourable contrast to the conduct which Buonaparte has invariably adopted to every state which has been too weak to resist him.
Courier.
Dispatches, brought by the William store-ship, we understand were received from admiral Berkeley, on Saturday, dated Halifax, the 29th ult. The Bellona had arrived there the day before from the Chesapeake. The official account and document relating to the affair between the Leopard and the American frigate have been transmitted by this opportunity. As soon, therefore, as the dispatches said to have been sent to Mr. Munroe by the United States vessel, the Revenge, shall arrive, the discussion of the late transaction, and the principle on which it is founded, will be proceeded upon.
Commercial State of the West-Indies.
The report on the commercial state of the West-India colonies, laid before our readers in the Star of Tuesday last, is of infinite importance. Amidst the suspicions which frequently arise in the breast of the publick, that disquisitions in the houses of parliament are sometimes subject to receive the impressions of party it must be observed, with great satisfaction, that reports, founded on the best evidence, are fair, full, and impartial. We might on the present occasion call for some degree of credit, because our opinions, whenever we have hazarded
them on that subject, have been perfectly in unison with the result of the West-India reports.
Two pamphlets have been published, which ought to have opened the eyes of the publick. They contain positive and undeniable facts: and they have been answered only by vague declamation and metaphysical subtleties, which have something of the spirit, but nothing of the reason, or even the expediency of Grotius, in his Mare Liberum. A third pamphlet has made its appearance within these few days—"An inquiry into the state of the British West-Indies"—which also deserves great attention.
That the American system, which has been called a system of neutrality, is in fact the most detrimental hostility to the dearest interests of this country, is clearly proved by these pamphlets and by the report alluded to.
Unless we revert to the maritime code of the war of 1756, which annihilated the French trade and navy, we shall continue to have the mortification of losing our commercial advantages, and seeing those of our enemies flourish and increase. That the Americans are only holding the cards for the French, is clearly proved by their stipulation to restore their vessels at the end of the war. This circumstance, among others, which shewed the determination of Buonaparte to move heaven and earth to raise a powerful navy, we mentioned in 1803. In fact, without a serious resolution to maintain our rights at any risk, we may as well throw our commerce and independence into the lap of France.
Will America declare war against us? She might, indeed, invade and conquer Canada; but she would lose her trade. Reflection must arise in the minds of her sober citizens; they will see that every thing taken from us is an acquisition to France; and that France will, as we have said before, be, in the end, the arbitress of the States, who will then be truly United, under her compressive authority.
(Star.)
The Danish mail, due on Sunday week arrived yesterday. Duplicates of the German papers had been previously received through another channel. An ignorance, which it is difficult to account for, appears to have prevailed in the north of Germany, respecting the object of our expedition to the Baltic. Not one of the crowd of political speculators, with which Hamburg and Altona abound, seems to have had any idea, previous to the interview of Mr. Jackson with the prince regent, that it was intended against Copenhagen. This is the more extraordinary, as it was not easy to fix upon any other power, or purpose, against, or towards which, it could be well directed.
We observe in these papers a proclamation of his Prussian majesty, which affords a farther instance of the grinding and abject conditions to which he has been obliged to submit. As a corollary to the cession of South and New East Prussia; he has been compelled to discharge from his service all the private soldiers and non-commissioned officers born in these two provinces. This in fact amounts to an order to disband the little army which remains to him, as it was from these districts, & the Duchy of Silesia, that the Prussian military force was principally recruited.
No intelligence, that we could learn had been received at a late hour last night from the Baltic.—Great anxiety is felt at the line of conduct which admiral Gambier would pursue; whether he would defer carrying the object into effect, for which he was sent into the Baltic, until the period limited for the answer of Denmark should have expired; or consider the preparations for resistance at Copenhagen, and the arrival of the prince regent, as indications of hostility, or at least, that no compromise was to be expected, and act accordingly. It was only by decision and promptitude that the horrors and loss of men, consequent upon an attack of the Danish capital, could be diminished or avoided. That might perhaps have been easily achieved on the day after the appearance of the prince regent at Copenhagen, which it would be difficult to effect three days after.
Private letters from Holland have been received to the 20th instant, by which it appears that directions had again been issued to prohibit the landing of any goods of British manufacture. This new order was to be enforced by new commissioners from France, who had been appointed to the management of the customs, and who expressed a determination to prevent, by all means in their power, the future introduction into Holland of all English goods. By the same letters it appears, that the Danish consul had issued an order, by which he requested that all vessels in the Dutch ports, under the Danish flag, should remain, and not under any pretence whatever put to sea, until the object of the British expedition to the Baltic should be fully ascertained.
No dispatches have been received from admiral Gambier later than the 10th.—The wind for these two days has been unfavourable for receiving intelligence. We recollect that thirteen days elapsed before any account arrived of the result of lord Nelson's attack upon Copenhagen. The attack was made on the 2d April, and the official dispatches arrived on the morning of the 15th. When the last accounts were sent off on the 10th inst. 14 sail of the line were moored in two lines within gun shot of Elineur castle; and within them were transports with 14,000 troops on board.
Four sail of the line were off Copenhagen, with eight frigates, ten sloops of war, a great number of gun-brigs, fire-ships, transports with troops, &c. Four sail of the line, four frigates, and a number of gun-boats, and transports, were stationed between Holstein and the Island of Zealand, to prevent the French from going over into the Island. The whole of the marines and a number of seamen were held in readiness to land in conjunction with the troops.
The Amarante sloop arrived on Wednesday last at Leith, with the trade from the Baltic.—It is reported by the masters of some vessels arrived from Petersburg, that before they left that place the French interest had prevailed in a considerable degree, and that the Russians were fortifying all the places about Cronstadt; but that there appeared to be very few ships of war at that place, and not many of them ready for sea.
We have been informed by a gentleman who came passenger in the Madison, capt. Lore, arrived at Port Glasgow, on Tuesday from Virginia, in 31 days, that so late as the 16th of July, on which day he was at Norfolk, no act of aggression had taken place on either side; but that the proclamation of the president, withholding water and provisions
from the British men of war had been strictly enforced. The Madison passed through commodore Douglas's squadron on the night of the 17th but was not hailed.
A letter received on Thursday at Hull from a respectable merchant at Elsinore, dated August 10, says: "I have just time to inform you by a vessel sailing for Leith, that orders were this morning issued by the admiral of the English fleet, that no English ships were to proceed into the Baltic till farther orders." There can be no doubt of the truth of this statement. No cause is assigned for the order in question; but it appears to have been issued under an impression at least, if not with an actual conviction, of the hostile intentions of Russia.
Lord Collingwood took with him to the Dardanelles, the Queen 98, rear admiral Martin, captain Inglis; Malta 74, capt. —; and the Mantague 74, capt. R. W. Otway. His lordship left eight sail of the line off Cadiz to watch the enemy in that port.
A letter received at Hull from a private of the 31st regiment at Alexandria dated May 30, states that our troops, consisting of 3500 men, were blockaded up in that place by about 20,000 Turks, &c. In the engagements of the 31st of April, the 31st regiment lost 223 men.
Bonaparte having followed up his decree for blockading the British Isles, with a stipulation to exclude all British vessels from the ports of Prussia, our ministers have very properly adopted such measures as the necessity of the case so evidently requires. The Gazette of Saturday, contains instructions from the admiralty to our ships of war, to detain and bring in, after six weeks from the 19th inst. all vessels trading under the hitherto neutral flags of Oldenburg, Mecklenburg, Kniphausen, and Pappenburg, unless these vessels be on a voyage to or from a British port.
The committee of American merchants in London, much to their credit, have rejected the proposition of the American chamber of commerce at Liverpool, for the establishment of a corresponding society, in respect to affairs, the management of which is properly and constitutionally entrusted to ministers of the crown.
August 25, [Evening.]
Price of Stocks this day at one o'clock.
Cons. money 62 3/4 — for August 62 1/2 — Omnium, par 1/4 prem.—Red. 63 3/4 — Exch. Bills par. 1s. pr.
Yesterday morning, the Lady Nepean, captain Deane, and the Lord Nelson, captain Stewart, with messengers, arrived at Yarmouth from Tonnigen: the Lady Nepean was chased by a Danish gun-brig, and received fifteen shot holes in her side, but escaped by superior sailing. On the arrival of the messenger at Yarmouth, a report was very generally circulated that Copenhagen was in our possession. It was also reported at Yarmouth that the Quebec frigate had detained six sail of Danish Greenland ships and sent them for Hull.
Mr. Proudman, a king's messenger, arrived at the Foreign office this morning at 9 o'clock, with dispatches from Mr. Thornton at Altona.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, OCT. 12, 1807.
NEWBURN BANK NOTES. —It may be satisfactory to the holders of those notes, to understand that they will upon presentation at the Bank at Newbern, be paid in notes of the United States Bank, or some of its branches, or in notes of the Virginia bank, or some of its branches. We give this information upon authority in which we have the fullest reliance.
We have this day concluded the Extracts from the Pamphlet on the British Treaty; the great proportion of our paper which it occupies, precludes us from offering many remarks of our own. It is undoubtedly the production of much talent and observation, but certainly the treaty is not susceptible of all the objections which have been taken.—This work has been attributed to Mr. Wolcott, formerly Secretary of the Treasury, but the Editor of the Evening Post has stated that Mr. W. is not the author. It is not known from what quarter the treaty was procured, but the more prevalent opinion appears to be, that it has been sent from the other side of the Atlantick. The author is certainly a Federalist; if the Federalists should adopt the sentiments of this author, the Treaty will be objectionable to all parties, which is not perhaps positive evidence of the want of merit in the instrument.
The point upon which we are most astonished, is that our negotiators in London should have been so little acquainted with the sentiments of the president, as to have signed a treaty which he would not offer to the senate. It is presumed the whole subject will be brought before congress at the approaching meeting of that body; until then it may be proper to be sparing of observations, tending to censure measures of which we are as yet imperfectly informed.
The latter part of this pamphlet is written with much strength and ingenuity, and will repay in its perusal the trouble which any other part may have occasioned to the reader.
A letter from a well informed American, residing in France, dated Paris, Aug. 8, 1807, says, "You may place reliance on the fact, that Buonaparte will now turn his attention to the acquisition of ships, commerce, and colonies." All the dock yards in the empire are in great activity, particularly at Antwerp, where there is an immense collection of ship timber. I am told, that he is determined to annul Mr. Jefferson's famous Louisiana purchase, and you may depend, that that region, and the island of Cuba also, will be ceded by Spain to France; and that Spain will be indemnified in Portugal.
We place reliance on the authenticity of the above information; and we think the time not far distant when the real American will have much more to fear from French "Tories," than from British. [Boston Centinel.]
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Sch'r Mohawk, Quarles, 27 days from Leghorn, Wine, Oil, Silks, Sulphur, &c. William Pennock.—Left there the ship Cataline, of and bound to New-York, to sail in 20 days.—Spoke, Aug. 29, in lat. 36, 10, long. 3, ship Amiable Matilda, of and bound to New-York, 7 days from Barcelona.—Spt. lat. 36, 03, long. 4 was boarded by an officer from the British frigate Niger, and treated politely.—Sept. 2, lat. 32, long. 9, spoke ship Lewis, of Boston, 59 days from Trieste, bound to Tonnigen.
Brig George, Cox, 40 days from Honduras, Mahogany, William Smith.—Spoke, Sept. 10, off Port Mariel, schooner Two Brothers, of New Orleans, 28 days from Jamaica bound to Charleston, the next day saw a small sail, supposed to be a privateer, in company with her, soon after they both bore away for the Havanna.
PALMER'S Packet will sail for Alexandria on Thursday next. Oct. 12.
Sales at Auction.
On Thursday the 22d instant, at 12 o'clock, will be Sold.
A Two Story WOOD-HOUSE, situated on the east side of Bank-street, and sold in pursuance of a Deed in Trust from John Maldray to the subscriber, as trustee. Terms of sale, Cash. William Shnington, Trustee. October 12.
On Thursday the 22d instant, at 1 o'clock, will be Sold,
A BRICK-HOUSE, situated on the south side of Little Water-Street, sold in pursuance of a Deed in Trust from James Mitchell to the subscriber, as trustee. Terms of sale, Cash. James Thompson, Trustee. October 12.
On Tuesday the 13th instant, on Marsden's wharf, at 11 o'clock, will be Sold the CARGO of the ship William and Mary, consisting of
110 punch. choice Grenada RUM. Terms, approved endorsed notes at 90, 120, and 150 days for sums exceeding 600 dollars; under and exceeding 400 dollars 60 and 90 days; under 400 dollars and exceeding 100 dollars 60 days; and cash for all sums under 100 dollars. Francis Smith, V. M. October 9.
By virtue of a Deed in Trust, will be offered at Publick Sale, on SATURDAY, the 18th inst. before the Eagle-Tavern, at 12 o'clock,
A Valuable Tract of LAND, situated in Southampton, the property of Jesse Browne.—Terms of Sale and other particulars, made known on the day of sale by J. C. Maigue, Trustee. October 7.
For CHARLESTON. The regular Packet PLOUGH BOY, F. Hall, master, will sail on Wednesday morning. For freight or passage apply to the master, or Daniel R. Waddey, & Co. October 12.
Now landing from on board the Schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn,
120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castile Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many bags, 2 hds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, or 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. Who offers Said SCHOONER for Sale or Charter; she is copper fastened and copper bottomed, and will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. October 12.
For Sale or Charter. The Schooner DIANA TALBOT, brothers 750 barrels, will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. Apply to Francis Smith. Who has for Sale, 450 barrels CORN, and 40 bolts first quality Russia Canvas. October 12.
Six Cents Reward.
Absconded from the Subscriber, on Wednesday the 7th instant, an apprentice boy named JOHN EWING, by profession a taylor, about 17 years of age, dark hair and eyes, slender built—the above reward will be given and no charges paid. I forswear all persons from harbouring or taking him off, as the law will be strictly enforced. J. Madden. October 12.
For RENT,
That commodious Dwelling-House, adjoining the Subscriber's, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes;—also a convenient Dwelling-House near the Bridge, adjoining Mrs. Archer's, at present occupied by Mr. Nicholson;—also that pleasant retired House on Brewer street, occupied by Stephen Harris; and some Ware-Houses on my wharf, with or without the wharf. For further particulars apply to James Tucker. October 12.
85 Tierces RICE,
For Sale by George Raincock. October 9.
Landing This Day,
CLARET in Hogsheads, very superior in quality, BROWN STOUT in casks of 6 dozen each. C. & F. WHITTLE. October 9.
Liverpool Stoved SALT.
For Sale on board the ship Jane, capt. Colley, 350 tons Stoved SALT, on moderate terms, if taken from along side—Apply to Robert Maitland, & Co. October 9.
Now landing from the ship Industry, capt. Wright, from Glasgow, and for Sale by the Subscriber, 7 hds. Queen's Ware, 8 do. Ale, 40 kegs Red Herrings, 90 do. Barley, 80 boxes Window Glass.  Angus Martin. October 9.
WALKER'S Packet will sail for Baltimore the first fair wind.

Wood and Hastings, No. 76, Main-Street, Have received from London and Liverpool, via Baltimore, 60 packages comprising a complete assortment of Fall and Winter GOODS; Among which are Best blue, black, bottle green, and olive broad Cloth; fashionable Cassimeres; coarse Cloths; coarse and fine Cassimeres; Plaids and Blankets; Kendal Cottons; blue and white Kerseys and Hams; blue and drab Plaids; Plushes; Rose and Striped Blankets; Carpets; Swans- down; Bennet's Cord and Toilettes; Velvets; Durants; Calimancoes; Ruffs and Bumbazets; Manchester Cords and Velvets; Silver Cords and Lubby Velvets; Irish Linens; Sheerings; Diapers and bed Ticks; Calicoes; Dimities; Cambric Muslins; Ginghams; fancy Muslins; Hosiery; Pins; Thread, &c. &c.
Also, an assortment of French Lutestrings; silk Velvets; black and white silk Hosiery; silk Gloves, assorted colours; fancy silk Handkerchiefs; white kid Gloves; leather do.; Crapes; silk Cords and Tafels; Gauze and Cotton Trimmings, &c. Likewise, 10 bales India Cottons, 3 do. Coarse Linens; 1 chest white Rolls. October 5. tf
J. & W. SOUTHGATE, Have now received the whole of their Fall Assortment from London and Liverpool, among which are the following: Best superfine Navy Blue, London Brown and Bottle Green Cloths; fashionable Cassimeres; Coarse Cloths of every description; 5-4, 7-8, and 4-4 Irish Linens; Superfine white and scarlet Flannels; Hosiery of every description; 5-4, 7-8, and 4-4 Irish Linens; Superfine Hollands for Shirts; Oznaburgs, Tow and Flaxen; Kendal Cottons in small assorted bales; Manchester Goods of every description; Best London Seine Twine, Nails 4d, 6d, 8d, 10d, 12d, & 20d, Diamond head Spikes, all sizes; Glazed Gun Powder and Shot.
Also, 10 packages of German LINENS, Consisting of Ticklenburgs, Oznaburgs, Hessens, Beedens, Flax- en Rolls, Paxillas, &c. entitled to debenture, all of which will be sold for cash, or on liberal credit for good paper. September 28. tf
Fall and Winter GOODS. The Subscribers have received by the ship Nabby, from Liverpool, and Planter, from London, an extensive and general assortment of Seasonable and Fancy GOODS, Among which are 20 bales Negro Cottons and Kerseys, 10 do. Rose and Dutch Blankets, 6 do. Plaids and Halfblankets, 15 do. Cloths, Coatings, Fearnoughts, &c. 6 do. Flannels and Baizes, 2 do. superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 70 do. Twilled Sacking, 5 do. British Oznaburgs, 70 cases Hats, 5 do. Irish Linens and Sheerings, 20 trunks fashionable Goods, 4 casks Seine Twine, 6 tons Shot, 50 kegs F and F Gun Powder, also an assort- ment of Hardware, Cutlery, Nails, &c. All of which they offer for sale by the piece or package, on the lowest terms for approved paper. Richard & John Taylor. September 25. 2m
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London, in the ship Planter, and Nabby, from Liverpool, their Fall and Winter GOODS. The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths; Cassimeres, Parent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; La- dica Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Children's beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comfort; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epaulets; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin for dress; Calicoes, Chambrays, and Ginghams; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cottons; strong white Plaids; mixed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plaids; Dimities and Mouselines; 4-4 Irish Linens; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheerings; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c. The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper. September 25. tf
FALL GOODS. We have received per the ship Nabby, from Liverpool, a handsome assortment of Woolen GOODS, well suited to the approaching season, and are in expectation of a further sup- ply by the first arrival from London. J. & W. Southgate. On hand, a few very fine Toned, Grand, and Patent Piano Fortes. September 16. 2m
FALL GOODS. Just received by the ship Nabby, from Liverpool, an exten- sive assortment of Cloths, Woollens, Hardware, and Cutle- ry GOODS, which will be disposed of very low by George M'Intosh. September 14. 1m
COCKE & SANFORD, Have received by the ship Nabby, from Liverpool, an as- sortment of Fall and Winter GOODS, Consisting of Cloths of all qualities, Cassimeres, Bennet's patent Cords, Flannels, Blankets, Kendal Cottons, Yarn, Worsted and Cotton Hosiery, Powder and Shot, and a small assortment of Sadlery. They expect by the first arrival from London, a further supply of fashionable fancy GOODS. September 14. 2m
NOTICE. Those who have claims against the estate of RICHARD P. PRECIOUS, deceased, are request- ed to deliver them to the subscriber properly authenticated, and those indebted are requested to make payment, otherwise suits will be commenced against them. Thomas Crossley, Adm'r. September 30. tf
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune, captain Norton, from Te- neriff, 100 pipes and 90 hds. L. P. Tene- riffe WINE, of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. September 29. tf
Lost in Hampton Roads, on Tuesday night 29th ult. A small BOAT, with four oars, new and not painted, belonging to the U. S. Gun-Boat, No. 60—Whoever takes up said Boat and deli- vers her to any of the officers belonging to the United States' squadron off Craney-Island, shall receive a suitable reward. R. Henley. October 5. 3*
Lending from the schooner Catharine Shepherd, Capt. Driver, from Antigua, 96 punch. choice Antigua RUM, fifteen of which are five years old and very fine. In Store, Antigua and Tobago Rum, French Brandy, loaf and brown Sugar, banded Pork, Havana Se- gars, manufactured Tobacco, and 300 L. treble superfine New Flour. Harrison Almand. October 5. tf
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly sit- uated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5. tf
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Brigde MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones.—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and fi- nished only two pair of stones; although she works at pre- sent only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abun- dant supply for ten pair.—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's Mills) about two miles farther, now in com- plete order, running one pair of stones and two faws.—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber place, is equal if not su- perior to any in that part of the country.—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently be- lieves, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia.— Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any num- ber of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5. tf
400 barrels Tar, 20,000 pipe Staves, 30,000 White Oak Hogshead 50,000 Red do. do. 100 Barrels Flour.—For Sale by L. Mansfield. Portsmouth, May 8. tf
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber, living in Nansemond, within one mile of Scott's Landing, a negro man named MO- SES, who since he has run off has changed his name to TOM SCOTT, having bought a free negro's pass registered in the Court of Isle of Wight county, by the name of Tom Scott; he is about 2 years of age, black complexion, about 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, rather stout and well made—he has a pleas- ing countenance when spoken to, and lips in his common talk, but much more so when angry or talks fast; he was brought up on a farm, but as he has been run-away for these four years, he has been employed on board of different vessels, and now has the appearance of a sailor. I understand he was at Norfolk on the 30th last month as a sailor in one of the Baltimore Packets; he has a scar on his right wrist, occa- sioned by a burn, and a small knot between the elbow and shoulder of the right arm, occasioned by a whip. As he purchased the free negro's pass as above mention- ed, it will appear on examining the pass and the fellow, that there are no marks as mentioned on this fellow in the pass un- less they are interlined.—I forewarn all masters of vessels from carrying the said negro man out of the state, and all persons from harbouring him. I will give the above reward to any person that will deliver him to me, or secure him in Norfolk County Jail. Ann Carstarphen. Nansemond County, October 5. 3*
Liverpool and Cadiz SALT, loose and in Sacks—Also, 150 crates Queen's Ware, and China of su- perior quality—For Sale by William Pennock. August 26. tf
To RENT, That commodious TAVERN oppo- site the Borough Court-House, at present occupied by Mr. Thomas Holliday, and possession given the 15th of next month. For terms apply to James Tucker. July 22. tf
Also for Lease, That vacant LOT on Commerce and Little Water-Streets. For terms apply to James Tucker. July 22. tf
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Messrs. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
REMOVAL. WOOD & HASTINGS, Have removed to No. 76, Main Street, opposite Market- square, (lately occupied by CATON & VEALE) They have on hand a general assortment of English, India and French Goods. September 11. tf
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 bags Coffee, 3 tiers do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks old Sherry Wine, 2 bbls. old L. P. Madeira do. 3 hds. Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hds. and pipes—For Sale by Phinehas Dana. June 8. tf
For Sale, imported in the Thomas, from London, Double Gloucester, Pine and Berk- ley CHEESE, 10 ton Whiting, 300 dozen best London Stout.—Apply to Nathaniel Boush. September 23. tf
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse— For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Prime Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Of- fice of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25. tf
For SALE, 32 punch. high proof Jamaica Spirits, A few punchcons Grenada and Antigua Rum, 50 hds. good Molasses, 6000 bushels excellent St. Ubes Salt, Madeira Wine, banded Pork, &c. &c. Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. September 29. tf
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Opposite the Market westward, has a very extensive assortment of ENGLISH KID SHOES, in all the variety of that article, of the latest (legal) impor- tation, with the necessary embellishments. An extensive assortment of Boston SHOES of a great vari- ety of kind. Also, a good assortment of New-York SHOES, of which kind particularly, he is enabled to sell the best Shoes in town —since no other person here, that he knows of, is largely supplied from that place; the superiority of the workman- ship of New-York is well known to many people, and will be known by all who try it. A considerable assortment of British, New-York, Phila- delphia, and Boston BOOTS—and is in expectation of a large quantity of Shoes and Boots of all descriptions from New-York, which will be sold at the prices of that place, wholesale and retail. He has just received, New-York SHOES and BOOTS, and an assortment of Mr. Vernon's elegant Baltimore Boos at least equal, it is believed, to any made on this continent. Being anxious to sell off his Boston Shoes and Boots, he will take in retail for Men's finest Shoes 10s. 6d. and in the same proportion for others—Swanrow Boots at 6 dollars—He will also reduce the price of English Kid Shoes with heels, to 10s. 6d.; without heels to 9s. He has for Sale, a considerable quantity of India COTTONS, very low for Cash. May 27. 2awtf
FOR SALE, By JOHN GRANBERY, On Commerce-Street, 30 tons Logwood, 20,000 feet good Mahogany, 30,000 feet square Oak Timber, 30,000 do. square Pine do. 100 barrels Pork, 100 tiers Ric. 5 pipes French Brandy, 10 quarter casks Lisbon Wine, 15 hds. Jamaica Sugars, 5 hds. Loaf Sugar, 2 punchcons Tabago Rum, Gun Powder, Segars, Clocks, Soap, Red and White Oak Staves. He has for Rent a Ware-House on Commerce- Street, and a very comfortable Dwelling-House near Boush- street. Sept. 30. 6w
DESERTION. Deserted from the United States' Gun-Boats, on Monday the 25th inst., the following Seamen, viz PHILBY COLLINS, fair complexion, about 5 feet 6 in- ches high, blue eyes and sandy hair, was born on the East- ern Shore of Maryland. EPHRAIM BERBERING, about 24 years of age, 5 feet 7 inches high, of a dark complexion, dark eyes, snary face, and appears pleasant when spoken to; on the inside of the left leg he has two remarkable scars; has formerly sailed out of North-Carolina, and it is more than probable he has made for that state. JOHN ELLIOTT, a stout man, about 6 feet high, light hair, light complexion, speaks quick, was born in the state of Pennsylvania, and by trade a tanner; had on when he ran off, a white hat, nankinen pantaloon, blue pea jacket, and shoes without stockings. PETER LEBRETTON, a Frenchman, about 5 feet 8 in- ches high, speaks good English, has uncommon large whis- kers and black hair.—Ten Dollars Reward will be given to any person who may apprehend either of the above mention- ed men, and Forty for the whole, in case he or they may be so secured that the commander of the Gun-Boats on this sta- tion gets them again, and all reasonable charges paid. John Lyon, Purser United States Gun-Boats, Norfolk. September 23. tf
500 bbls. first quality Navy BREAD, 150 do. superfine Pilot do. For Sale by Stephen Harris. September 18. tf
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. Who has on hand, Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16. tf
For Sale by the Subscriber, 70 crates EARTHENWARE, 12 casks Glassware, 30 gross Bottles, 100 boxes 8 by 10, 42 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 90 pieces twilled Sacking, 5 boxes Pipes, 6 hogsheads Philadelphia Leaf Sugar, 6 pipes Cognac Brandy, 1 pipe Madeira Wine, 9 do. Sicily Wine, 12 hogsheads Whiskey, 5000 bushels coarse Liverpool Salt, 5000 do. fine do. 100 sacks fine do. do. 50 hogsheads Richmond, 100 do. Petersburg Tobacco, 15 bales Cotton, 5780 bushels Corn. Alexander Maclure. July 10. tf
NOTICE. Those who have claims against the es- tate of CHARLES WILLETT, deceased, are requested to bring their accounts properly authenticated; and those who are indebted are particularly requested to make payment as no indulgence can be given. William Storrs, } Executors. Thomas Davis, } September 30. 1aw9m
For SALE, A Valuable PLANTATION, lying on Fleet's Creek, Lancaster county, and on the bor- ders of the Chesapeake Bay, mouth of the Rappahannock. containing about 200 acres of rich well timbered Land; 50 of which is in cultivation—attached to it is an island of 31 1-2 acres, with a comfortable settlement now tenanted out; the improvements on the manor is a Dwelling-House, Kit- chen, Barn, Dairy, &c. The distance from Norfolk is but an easy day's sail; this Plantation possesses the best range for cattle in the county, with an excellent thad and herring fish- ery, good oysters, two good orchards one peach and the other apple. Any person inclined to purchase, will apply to the William Danson, or to the subscriber in Norfolk, who will at any time take a run to this valuable place to view the premi- ses. It will be further observed, that the above place will be sold a great bargain. H. Prescott. September 18. 1awtf
Willoughby Point ESTATE, containing 217 acres, and a probability of 400 acres, low for cash, or any article of produce which will command a trade, as I am determined to get clear of it as quick as pos- sible; the land lays dry, is rich, well timbered, and is with- in 300 yards of the Chesapeake shore.—I have likewise constantly on hand, a quantity of Manufactured TOBACCO, of an excellent quality. H. P. September 18. 1awtf
For RENT. The STORE, No. 86, Main-Street, with or without the house. Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf
Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A PARCEL OF Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf
GERMAN LINENS, &c. 16 bales coarse Linen, 450 pieces Paper Hangings, 4 do. Ruffia Sheerings, 80 boxes Window Glass, 3 boxes German Rolls, 100 do. Short Pipes, 2 do. Rotans Sheeting, 120 do. Spanish Segars, 1 do. fine Flanders do. from 8 to 20 dollars per box, 3 do. Patatias, 300 doz. empty Bottles, 1 do. fine Dowas, 200 wt. nealed bottling Wire, 2 do. Table Cloth, 600 do. Glue, 1 do. common Shirt Li- nen, 11,000 best Coffee bags, 1 do. extra fine do. 4,500 cheap Gunny Bags, 1 do. Bed Tick 2 yards wide, 5 boxes Tumblers, Decan- ters, &c. Also, 6 elegant Terrestrial Globes, A large invoice of Lace, 3 pair large Looking Glasses, Jewellery and Dice, in gilt frames, of the first Elegance, Chessmen, Elegant marble Statues, Fiacoclets and Clarinets, Urus and Vases, Violins, Bows, and Flutes, Liquor Cakes, Oil Cloth, Flutes with four and six keys, Wafer and Waffle Irons, do. patent lined, Coffee Mills and Toasters, Ladies' Dressing Boxes, Velvet Ribbons, Toilet Looking Glasses, Fine Thread Stockings, Shaving Cakes, Elegant Cutlery, Elegant Writing Desks, An invoice of Watches, Scarlet Cloth for Saddles, Watch Crystals and Beads, Seine and Sewing Twine. For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. September 11. tf
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Camp- bell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water- street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his as- sortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hds. and 6 bbls Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls. Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Salad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31. tf
J. MORAN, Has received per schooner Liberty, captain Lewis, from Phi- ladelphia, in addition to his former supply of Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Imperial, Hyson, Hyson Skin, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, of the latest importation, P. pepper, Allspice, and Mustard, Loaf Sugar, Chocolate, Soap, Candles, Spermaceti and Paint Oils, Powdered Black Lead, Roll Brimstone and Lampblack, Kedge Anchors, Boat Chains and Hooks, A variety of Hooks and Thimbles, Pump Bolts, Tackle, Barrel and hogshead Can Hooks, &c. &c. with an assortment of Tin and Japan'd Ware. And in Store, 1000 bushels Corn, a few hds. Jam. Sugar, superior quality, a few barrels inferior do. with Coffee, an assortment of Queen's Ware; which, with a variety of other articles for vessels and family use, will be disposed of on mo- derate terms for cash or short credit. September 11. tf
Landing from on board the Georgiana, from Amsterdam, Choice GIN in pipes, Holland Sail Cloth, Ticklenburgs, Ginware in small cases, Old Hock in cases of one dozen, Linseed Oil in casks, Dutch Smoking Pipes in cases, a quantity of empty Jugs— For Sale by Moses Myers. Sept. 30. tf
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13. tf
Cash will be given for a few tons of Old Copper, Brass, and Pewter, for the use of my Foundry. Leven Dorsey. Who offers for Sale, 50 Casks CUT-NAILS, assorted, at his Nail-Manufactory, on Town-Point. July 27. tf
This Day landing from on board the schooner Hulda and Anna, capt. Fitzhugh, from Philadelphia, 8 hogsheads refined SUGAR, 10 pipes Cognac Brandy, 12 quarter chests Imperial Tea, latest importations, 10 hogsheads and 10 barrels Rye Whiskey, 6 pipes and 4 barrels American Gin, 30 boxes Yellow Soap, 9 boxes China—For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. July 3. tf
For SALE, A few hundred pounds of English PRINTING INK, of the first quality.—ALSO, A few Reams first quality English Foolscap PAPER. Apply at the Ledger Office. Sept. 17. tf
At Private Sale, BY S. MARKS, JUN. No. 31, Water-street, corner of Commerce-street, 30 hogsheads Sugar, 10 do. Molasses, 10 do. W. I. Rum, 2 do. Shrub, 9 pipes Cognac Brandy, 10 do. country Gin, 100 bags Green Coffee, 200 boxes mould Candles, Teas, manufactured Tobacco, and Lard. July 13. tf
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.