Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-03-23 00:00:00

Remarks from the Paris Moniteur, on the British Answer to the Russian Declaration. (Concluded.)
PARIS, January 7.
"The complete abandonment of the interests of the king of Prussia (who had twice rejected proposals of separate peace, from a strict adherence to his engagements with his imperial ally), and the character of those provisions which the emperor of Russia was contented to make for his own interests in the negotiations of Tilsit, presented no encouraging prospect of the result of any exertions which his imperial majesty might be disposed to employ in favour of Great Britain." (8)
(8) Prussia had lost all its states: Memel was on the point of being taken from its sovereign. The cabinet of London was one of the causes of this unfortunate situation, since it had been one of the causes of the war, by insinuating to Prussia that France intended to restore Hanover to the king of England. Is it by the assistance of England that the king of Prussia has been extricated from a desperate situation? It was the emperor of Russia, who fought for him, and caused the restoration of his crown. This is a strange manner of abandoning his allies. The old allies of England would be very happy, if they had only to complain of being abandoned in the same way. It is certain, that France did twice propose to Prussia a separate peace; but it was well understood, at a time when she had not the generous interposition of Russia in her favour, that the Prussian territory was not to have been evacuated until the English should have made peace.
"It is not, while a French army still occupies and lays waste the remaining dominions of the king of Prussia, in spite of the stipulations of the Prussian treaty of Tilsit; while contributions are arbitrarily exacted by France from that remnant of the Prussian monarchy, such as, in its entire and most flourishing state, the Prussian monarchy would have been unable to discharge; while the surrender is demanded, in time of peace, of Prussian fortresses, which had not been reduced during the war; and while the power of France is exercised over Prussia with such shameless tyranny, as to designate and demand for instant death, individuals, subjects of his Prussian majesty, and resident in his dominions, upon a charge of disrespect towards the French government; it is not while all these things are done and suffered, under the eyes of the emperor of Russia, and without his interference on behalf of his ally, that his majesty can feel himself called upon to account to Europe for having hesitated to repose an unconditional confidence in the efficacy of his imperial majesty's mediation." (9)
(9) This paragraph contains only false assertions. No new contributions have been laid upon the Prussian states; but those which had been imposed during the war were to be discharged. All the countries between the Niemen and the Vistula, forming a population of more than a million, have been evacuated: the rest has not; and the reason it has not is, because the treaty has not fixed the period for its evacuation; because the preliminary arrangements with the king of Prussia are not yet terminated; because the expedition of Copenhagen has recently thrown more uncertainty into the affairs of the north of Europe; because the Prussian minister (who, according to the ancient policy of his cabinet, has, by perfidious communications, given such good information to the British cabinet) is still in London; because English vessels have been received at Memel; because, in short, in the extraordinary circumstances in which the acts of injustice on the part of Great Britain have placed Europe, Russia and France must understand each other ( cont à s'entendre ). As to the death of individuals, subjects of his Prussian majesty, and the surrender of Prussian fortresses which could not be reduced during the war, these assertions are altogether unintelligible. France has, on the contrary, restored two more fortresses to Prussia, Cassel and Glatz. The French make war loyally, and certainly do not put to death the peaceful subjects of conquered countries. They do not seize the property of individuals; they protect it. People of the continent, read the maritime code of England, and you will see what her code on land would be were she as powerful there as she is on the ocean. She does not seize merely the ships of the princes with whom she is at war, but also of merchant vessels which transport private property. There is no difference in the eye of equity between magazines of merchandise belonging to individuals in conquered countries, and the goods of traders which are stowed in merchant vessels. According to the relations of equity, there is no difference between merchant vessels and convoys of goods transported by land from Hamburgh to Berlin, or from Trieste to Germany; and have the French armies been ever known to arrest such convoys? Have we not seen lord Keith attempt to seize, at Genoa, vessels which were in port, and goods which were in the possession of the merchants of that city? He did but apply on land the principles of the maritime code of England. The Austrians and prince de Von Hohenlohe who commanded them, were indignant at such oppression; they resisted them, and the battle of Marengo, bringing, a few days afterwards, the French into Genoa, also brought back the security of private property. Whence, then, does so different a conduct arise? The one is the result of the arbitrary and unjust policy of England, and the other of the liberal policy and civilization of France. If, on her part, she were mistress of the seas, she would be seen attacking none but armed vessels; she would be even protecting the property of the subjects of those states with which she might be at war. If we wish to compare the spirit of liberality and the civilization of the two nations,
we should take as the terms of this comparison the French code of war on land, and its application to individuals and property, and the maritime code of the English, and its application to the individuals and property that are found on the ocean.
But what motive could have induced the ministers of London to mention Prussia in the manifesto? Is it the interests of Prussia? But if the interest of Prussia touched them, they would have accepted the mediation of Russia. Why do they publish at this hour this indiscreet paragraph, which clearly shows that the spirit which has already caused the cabinet of Berlin to take so many false steps, is yet in motion? Is it to be useful to Prussia, and to conciliate for her the interest of France, of which, under the present circumstances, she stands in so great need? France has evacuated many countries, England not one: and the preliminary basis of all these negotiations was the uti possidetis . When the French treat with their enemies, they either charge the governments guilty of having united with England against the interests of the continent, or if they evacuate a conquered country, it is in consequence of a durable peace, all the conditions of which are observed; and as they are never seen to attack their allies without a declaration of war, or treacherously surprise their capitals, so they are never seen to quit a fortress before its fate has been determined by negotiation. The English attack for the sake of plunder, and retire when they have burned and pillaged all before them. This war is well suited to them, for it is a war of pirates. When they once entered Copenhagen, they should have remained there until peace was concluded. Nothing could equal the infamy of their attack, but the dishonour of their disgraceful flight.
But if it were true that the French have exacted a little from their enemies, why should they not in fact? They have 800,000 troops, and they are ready to make every sacrifice to double their force, if it should be necessary; not that war is their natural trade, and that they do not sensibly feel the sacrifices which they make in withdrawing so many hands from the cultivation of their so fertile soil. In possession of a fine country, they wish to addict themselves to the conquests of commerce and industry; but your tyranny will not suffer them. You have roused a giant, who, having roused, you continue to irritate incessantly. During fifteen years, your injustice has only tended to add to his energy and power, which your perseverance in your tyranny will still increase. He not only will not lay down his arms, but he will augment his force until he has conquered the liberty of the seas, which is his first right, and the patrimony of all nations. If the affecting consequences of war are protracted, if the French troops continue a burthen to the territories which they occupy, you are the cause. All the calamities which oppress Europe, proceed from you alone. These great questions are not to be resolved by diplomatic common-places. When you are disposed to make peace, France will be ready to make it. Of this you cannot be ignorant; you well know it. An anecdote generally known may be quoted in support of this assertion: When the imperial guard set out for Jena, and it was known that the emperor was to join the army a few days after, lord Lauderdale asked Mr. Champagny, whether, if England made peace, the emperor Napoleon would consent to stop and countermand the march of his troops against Prussia. The emperor replied in the affirmative. With one word you could have saved Prussia. By preventing the fall of this power, you would have maintained on the Elbe that barrier so necessary to your dearest interests, the re-establishment of which in future is impossible.
"But while the alleged rejection of the emperor of Russia's mediation, between Great Britain and France, is stated as a just ground of his imperial majesty's resentment, his majesty's request of that mediation, for the re-establishment of peace between Great Britain and Denmark, is represented as an insult which it was beyond the bounds of his imperial majesty to endure." (10)
(10) The emperor of Russia must necessarily be offended at the communication that Mr. Canning made to Mr. Rider (M. Rist), and in which the English minister declares himself certain that Russia would guarantee Denmark from the just resentment of France, if after having suffered its independence to be violated, and its fleet to be carried away, Denmark should constitute itself into a British province. This falsehood had no effect but to irritate the Prince Royal: it could not impose upon any body. England wished Russia to guarantee Denmark from the resentment of France, at the time when she declared that she offered violence to Denmark only to guarantee herself from the secret engagements contracted at Tilsit, by the emperor of Russia. It is really hard to determine which is the most remarkable in this instance, the bad reasoning or the immorality of the cabinet of London.
"But until the Russian declaration was published, his majesty had no reason to suspect that any opinions which the emperor of Russia might entertain of the transactions at Copenhagen, could be such as to preclude his imperial majesty from undertaking, at the request of Great Britain, that same office of mediator, which he had assumed with so much alacrity on the behalf of France. Nor can his majesty forget that the first symptoms of reviving confidence, since the peace of Tilsit, the only prospect of success in the endeavours of his majesty's ambassador to restore the ancient good understanding between Great Britain and Russia, appeared when the intelligence of the siege of Copenhagen had been recently received at St. Petersburg." (11)
(11) If the emperor of Russia has shown England the first symptoms of reviving confidence after the peace of Tilsit, it is not consequently true that he has concluded at Tilsit secret arrangements, which places him at enmity with England. If those de-
monstrations have taken place at the moment when the investment of Copenhagen was known at St. Petersburg, it was not because the emperor of Russia felt no resentment; it was because he felt some hopes of softening the ferocity of England by gentle measures; it was because he wished to interfere to save his unfortunate ally; it was because, ignorant of the causes of the expedition to Copenhagen, knowing that he had given no pretence for it directly or indirectly, he was able to persuade himself for some time that England had some reasons to induce her to take so important a step. He was, however, better informed by the communications of the prince royal, by the communications of England herself, by the manifesto of the English general, which explained the odious pretensions of his government; and then he demanded that the attack of Copenhagen should cease. England answered him by setting Copenhagen in flames, and carrying away the fleet.
After this operation, the most fatal for England of all the enterprizes which she has ever undertaken, she had only two courses to pursue: either to continue to occupy Copenhagen, and that she durst not do, or to evacuate Copenhagen, the consequence of which she knew would be, that the Sound would be for ever shut against her. She then had the meanness to have recourse to the mediation of Russia. She laid open her character; she thought she could impose upon the emperor Alexander; but she could obtain nothing by a proceeding rendered odious by this very opinion. Russia replied to her with the silence of contempt, and by fortifying Cronstadt and her coasts. This proceeding of England, then, proves one thing, namely, that she did not think that Russia had formed secret engagements at Tilsit, contrary to her interests. This truth, established in so many ways in these notes, overturns all the scaffolding of the English manifesto.
"The inviolability of the Baltic sea, and the reciprocal guarantees of the powers that border upon it, guarantees said to have been contracted with the knowledge of the British government, are stated as aggravations of his majesty's proceedings in the Baltic. It cannot be intended to represent his majesty as having at any time acquiesced in the principles upon which the inviolability of the Baltic is maintained; however his majesty may, at particular periods, have forborne for special reasons influencing his conduct at the time, to act in contradiction to them. Such forbearance never could have applied but to a state of peace and real neutrality in the north; and his majesty most assuredly could not be expected to recur to it, after France has been suffered to establish herself in undisputed sovereignty along the whole coast of the Baltic sea, from Dantzick to Lubeck." (12)
(12) Why should not England consent to the inviolability of the Baltic? If it be not an enclosed sea, why do the English vessels pay toll at Elsinore?
"Nor can his majesty conceive that, in proposing to the prince royal terms of peace, such as the most successful war on the part of Denmark could hardly have been expected to extort from Great Britain, his majesty rendered himself liable to the imputation, either of exasperating the resentment, or of outraging the dignity of Denmark." (13)
(13) Europe will judge whether these conditions are such as Denmark could hardly obtain by the most successful war. England required,
 1. That the Danish navy should be given up to her in deposit till peace.  2. That the just indignation produced by the attack upon Copenhagen, should give way to friendly sentiments towards England. 
 3. That the Danish army should take part against France, and carry on the war for England. 
We should add to all the advantages offered by these fine terms granted by England the loss of the Danish possessions in Germany, which France would have seized, and upon which territories she would have beaten the English, if she allowed them to land there.
We should in vain look for the traces of any calculation, for any appearance of reason in such arguments.—The fact is, that the British councils are guided by precipitation and ignorance, and that in what the government says, does, or intends, no object, view, or motive can be discovered.
"His majesty has thus replied to all the different accusations by which the Russian government labours to justify the rupture of a connection which has subsisted for ages, with reciprocal advantage to Great Britain and Russia, and attempts to disguise the operation of that external influence by which Russia is driven into unjust hostilities, for interests not her own." (14)
(14) So that Russia has no interest in going to war with England; for the interests of commerce and navigation concern not the Russians. They have no interest in the independence of the Baltic; for an order of the English council has stripped the Baltic of its independence, and another order of the same council might decide that they had no interest in the navigation of the Neva. The object which all the powers propose to themselves, in re-establishing the liberty of the seas, and restoring peace to Europe, is an object foreign to Russia—Russia for the last hundred years, has derived such advantages from her connection with England, that she has nothing further to wish for. These great advantages consist in a treaty of commerce, which has fettered and ruined the industry and commerce of Russia; but since this treaty has eminently contributed to the prosperity of England, what signifies it if it has all the effects upon Russia of a perpetual frost."
"The termination of the war with Denmark has been so anxiously sought by his majesty, that it cannot be necessary for his majesty to renew any professions upon that subject—But his majesty is
at a loss to reconcile the emperor of Russia's present anxiety for the completion of such an arrangement, with his imperial majesty's recent refusal to contributing his good offices for effecting it." (15)
(15) His Britannick majesty labours here under a great embarrassment, and his council is not fruitful in expedients. France, Austria, Russia, require, that the Danish fleet should be restored; that reparation should be made to the prince royal; that the English people, following the example of the Romans upon a similar occasion, should surrender into the hands of the prince royal the person who advised the expedition against Copenhagen; that the houses destroyed in that city should be rebuilt at the expence of England; and finally, that his Britannick majesty should disavow the outrage offered to all sovereigns. This is far distant from the proposals made by England.
"The requisition of his imperial majesty for the immediate conclusion, by his majesty, of a peace with France, is as extraordinary in the substance, as it is offensive in the manner. His majesty has at no time declined to treat with France, when France has professed a willingness to treat on an admissible basis. And the emperor of Russia cannot fail to remember, that the last negotiation between Great Britain and France was broken off upon points immediately affecting, not his majesty's own interests, but those of his imperial ally. But his majesty neither understands, nor will he admit the pretension of the emperor of Russia, to dictate the time, or the mode, of his Majesty's pacific negotiations with other powers. It never will be endured by his majesty that any government shall indemnify itself for the humiliation of subserviency to France, by the adoption of an insulting and peremptory tone towards Great Britain." (16)
(16) When a person endeavours to support a cause which has neither truth nor justice in it, he should do it with ability, and there is no ability displayed in the remarkable assertion contained in the following paragraph: 'The last negotiation between France and England was broken off upon points immediately affecting, not his majesty's own interest, but those of his imperial ally.' People of Europe, hear this. It was not France which opposed: it was not the important interests of England which prevented it; it was Russia alone which then threw obstacles in the way. Well then, when this obstacle no longer exists, why does England object to peace? Why does she, in place of negotiating, ask upon what basis France is willing to treat? Why does she violate the flag of every nation? Why does she maintain the whole world in that state of irritation and violence which oppresses all nations, and is a burthen to all sovereigns? Every Englishman should blush at being governed by such men.
We shall make no observations upon the sentence which concludes this paragraph. Insulting language from one sovereign to another is degrading only to him who makes it. The emperor of Russia will despise the insult of England, but the Russian nation will not forget it. What the manifesto would have lost by the suppression of this phrase and many others, is not perceived. France and Russia have the highest esteem for each other. Their union is the despair of England, and it will be fatal to her. The expedition against Copenhagen should not have been undertaken. Negotiations should have been opened for peace, so much the more easy to be concluded, as, according to the English ministers, "it was only broken off upon points immediately affecting the interests of his imperial majesty."
"His majesty proclaims anew those principles of Maritime Law, against which the armed neutrality, under the auspices of the Empress Catharine, was originally directed; and against which the present hostilities of Russia are denounced. Those principles have been recognized and acted upon in the best periods of the history of Europe; and acted upon by no power with more strictness and severity than Russia herself in the reign of the empress Catharine. Those principles it is the right and the duty of his majesty to maintain; and against every confederacy his majesty is determined, under the blessings of Divine Providence, to maintain them. They have at all times contributed essentially to the support of the maritime power of Great Britain." (17)
(17) That which has maintained the maritime power of England has not been tyrannical principles or maxims, the energy, the good sense, and the prudent conduct of your ancestors: it is the diversions which they have often had the address to scatter on the continent. That which will essentially contribute to its destruction is the thoughtlessness, precipitation, violence, and silly arrogance of their successors. The emperor of Russia wishes for a maritime peace. Austria, France, and Spain participate in these sentiments.—You have declared that the negotiation with France 'was only broken off upon points affecting the interests of Russia.' Wherefore then we again ask, do you continue the war? Why, it is because you do not wish for peace.
It is because you do not wish for peace that you raise useless questions. France, Austria, Spain, Holland, Naples, say, as well as the emperor of Russia, that they proclaim anew the principles of the armed neutrality. Those powers have doubtless the right to declare the principles which are to be the rule of their policy; they have the right to say on what conditions it becomes them to be your enemies, or neutral. You, you proclaim anew the principles of your maritime laws. Well then! this opposition of principles will not be an impediment to the re-establishment of peace. They have on neither side any effect during peace—they have no application except when you are at war with a maritime power; but in that case each government has the right and power to consider the first violation of its flag as an act of hostility. The circumstances in which you will then find yourselves, will determine your conduct then. It is with France that

you are at war, you will not judge her a power sufficiently feeble to render it indifferent to you whether you draw other enemies upon you, and you will show some consideration for the rest of Europe. You did venture to insult the flags of every power, till you had the address to arm all the continent against France. It was then your maritime principles were changed; and they became more unjust and more violent, in proportion as your continental connections became more contracted, or your allies maintained with more difficulty the struggle in which you had engaged them. It was thus that when Russia was obliged to collect all her force against the French in Poland, you violated her flag, and refused her, in respect to her commercial treaty, concessions which you showed yourselves disposed to grant when she had no longer any enemies to combat. The powers of the continent, in pro claiming anew the principles of the armed neutrality , do but announce the maxims upon which they propose to act in the next maritime war. You cannot prevent their directing their policy as they understand it—they exercise in this the right which appertains to all governments, and to the usurpation of which they would have nothing to oppose, but the ultima ratio regum . On your part, you proclaim the principles of your maritime laws, that is, the maxims which you will employ in your next war. The continent has no interest in demanding from you either declarations or renunciations. Declarations would have no effect, from the moment you might think you could forget them with impunity. Renunciations are without an object, since we cannot renounce what we do not possess. If we judge of what you will do, by what you have hitherto done, we may conclude, that you will not require from the powers of the continent either declarations or renunciations; and as they will demand none from you, there is hence no question to discuss, no difficulty to resolve; there is nothing which can retard for a day the blessings of peace. If however, you should raise the strange and novel pretensions of imposing upon France, and the other powers of the continent, by an act of your will alone, the obligation of subscribing to your maritime laws, this is as if you were to require that if the legislatures and sovereignty of Russia, France, and Spain should be transported to London—a fine prerogative for your parliament. It would be the same as if you were to proclaim everlasting war, or as if you were to fix as the termination of war the moment when you should have seized on St. Petersburg, Paris, Vienna, and Madrid. But if this be not at the bottom of your sentiment, there is no further obstacle to peace: for, according to your own expressions, negotiations were broken off on points which touched immediately not the interests of his Britannick majesty, but those of his imperial ally ; for the imperial ally of his Britannick majesty has informed you, that peace is henceforth the principal end of his wish, the principal object of his interest."
NEW-YORK, March 17. Late from England.
The ships Factor, Riddell, and Frances, Taylor, both from Greenock, the former in 34, and the latter in 30 days, arrived at this port yesterday.
The news of the American embargo was received in London the 23d January, by the Arabella packet from New-York. As it was a measure anticipated it caused but little sensation. The London papers say, the embargo is not of a hostile character. —"It applies" (say they) "solely to American vessels, and can have no possible influence on the negotiation between the two governments. Indeed, considering the circumstances under which the act was passed, the measure would appear to be particularly directed against France." And they considered it the only measure to which America could have had recourse under existing circumstances, without incurring the risk of being involved in hostilities.
The imperial parliament assembled on the 21st of January—and the king's speech was delivered to both houses by a commission.
In the house of commons the 5th of February, the chancellor of the exchequer stated, that it was his intention to propose to the house, upon a future day, that a certain amount of duty be laid upon almost every article of commerce to be exported from England, except the produce of Great-Britain and her colonies. A resolution expressive of approbation then passed the house.—On the same day, the late orders in council produced a very long and interesting discussion. In the course of the discussion, Mr. Perceval, in answer to a remark that the orders would have the effect of producing a war with America, replied, "that he hoped that would not be the case, and that he did not believe it would. It was a measure not meant as an injury or insult to America, but as a measure of self defence for Great-Britain. His majesty's ministers were actuated by the most sincere desire to cultivate terms of friendship with that country, and would feel the deepest regret if their hopes in that respect should be disappointed. But at the same time it was their duty not to allow the enemy to deprive us of either of the means of defending ourselves, or of annoying him."—On the 28th of January, Mr. Rose moved to go into committee on the American intercourse bill. Mr. Eden expressed his surprise at the measure being brought forward, when America had passed a non-importation act and a general embargo. The very preamble of the bill which it was now proposed to revive, stated, that the object of it was to promote the perfect freedom of commerce between the subjects of both countries. As this freedom of commerce had now ceased, he thought the house should not be precipitate in passing such a measure. Mr. Rose said his object was merely to prevent the act from expiring abruptly; but that in the bill he meant to propose, it should be expressly stated, that parliament should have it in its power to suspend it if necessary.—Leave was then given to bring in a bill to continue, for a limited time, several acts for carrying into execution a treaty of commerce and navigation between Great-Britain and America.
The French squadron that escaped from Rochefort, is said to consist of six ships of the line and one or two frigates.
Sir George Prevost, with 5000 troops, sailed on the 11th February, for Halifax.
Price of Stocks, London, Feb. 10—3 per cent. consols for money 63 1-2 5-8—do. for Feb. 63 3-4—3 per cent. reduced 64 1-4—Omnium 3 prem.
The ship Frances has a royal license, protecting her from British ships of war or privateers. Capt. Taylor informs that many American vessels had
obtained similar licenses, some of which were granted for twelve months.
LONDON, January 23. HOUSE OF LORDS. January 21.
At three o'clock, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, and Lords Dartmouth and Aylesford, took their seats immediately below the throne, as commissioners, and the commons being soon after in attendance, the Lord Chancellor delivered the following speech:
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"We have received his majesty's commands to assure you, that in calling you together at this important conjuncture of affairs he entertains the most perfect conviction, that he shall find in you the same determination with which his majesty himself is animated to uphold the honour of his crown, and the just rights and interests of his people.
"We are commanded by his majesty to inform you, that no sooner had the result of the negotiations at Tilsit, confirmed the influence and control of France over the powers of the continent, than his majesty was apprised of the intentions of the enemy to combine those powers in one general confederacy, to be directed either to the entire subjugation of this kingdom, or to the imposing upon his majesty an insecure and ignominious peace.
"That for this purpose, it was determined to force into hostility against his majesty, states which had hitherto been allowed by France to maintain or to purchase their neutrality; and to bring to bear against different points of his majesty's dominions, the whole of the naval force of Europe, and specifically the fleets of Portugal and Denmark.
"To place those fleets out of the power of such a confederacy, became therefore the indispensable duty of his majesty.
In the execution of this duty, so far as related to the Danish fleet, his majesty has commanded us to assure you, that it was with the deepest reluctance that his majesty found himself compelled, after his earnest endeavours to open a negotiation with the Danish government had failed, to authorise his commanders to resort to the extremity of force, but that he has the greatest satisfaction in congratulating you upon the successful execution of this painful, but necessary service.
"We are further commanded to acquaint you, that the course which his majesty had to pursue with respect to Portugal, was happily of a nature more congenial to his majesty's feelings. The timely and unreserved communication by the court of Lisbon of the demands and designs of France, while it confirmed to his majesty the authenticity of the advices from other quarters, entitled that court to his majesty's confidence in the sincerity of the assurances by which that communication was accompanied.
"The fleet of Portugal was destined by France to be employed as an instrument of vengeance against Great Britain. That fleet has been secured from the grasp of France, and is now employed in conveying to its American dominions the hopes and fortunes of the Portuguese monarchy. His majesty implores the protection of Divine Providence upon that enterprising, rejoicing in the preservation of a power so long the friend and ally of Great Britain; and in the prospect of its establishment in the new world with augmented strength and splendour.
"We have it in command from his majesty to inform you, that the determination of the enemy to excite hostilities between his majesty and his late allies, the emperor of Russia and Austria, and the king of Prussia has been but too successful; and that the ministers from those powers have demanded and received their passports.
"This measure on the part of Russia, has been attempted to be justified by a statement of wrongs and grievances which have no foundation. The Emperor of Russia had indeed proffered his mediation between his Majesty and France. —His majesty did not refuse that mediation, but he is confident you will feel the propriety of its not having been accepted until his majesty should have been enabled to ascertain that Russia was in a condition to mediate impartially, and until the principles of the basis on which France was ready to negotiate were made known to his majesty.
"No pretence of justification has been alledged for the hostile conduct of the Emperor of Austria, or for that of his Prussian majesty. His majesty has not given the slightest ground of complaint to either of those sovereigns, nor even at the moment when they have respectively withdrawn their ministers, have they assigned to his majesty any distinct cause for that proceeding.
"His majesty has directed that copies of the correspondence between his majesty's ambassador and the minister of foreign affairs of his imperial majesty the emperor of Russia, during the negotiations at Tilsit, and the official note of the Russian minister at this court, containing the offer of his imperial majesty's mediation between his majesty and France, together with the answer returned to that note by his majesty's command; and also copies of the official notes, presented by the Austrian ministers at this court, and of the answers which his majesty commanded to be returned to them should be laid before you.
"It is with concern that his majesty commands us to inform you, that notwithstanding his earnest wishes to terminate the war in which he is engaged with the Ottoman Porte, his majesty's endeavours, unhappily for the Turkish empire, not less defeated by the machinations of France, no less the enemy of the Porte than of Great Britain.
"But while the influence of France has been unfortunately successful in preventing the termination of existing hostilities, and in exciting new war against this country, his majesty commands us to inform you that the king of Sweden has resisted every attempt to induce him to abandon his alliance with Great Britain; and that his majesty entertains no doubt that you will feel with him the sacredness of the duty which the firmness and fidelity of the king of Sweden impose upon his majesty; and that you will concur in enabling his majesty to discharge it in a manner worthy of this country.
"It remains for us, according to his majesty's command, to state to you that the treaty of commerce and amity between his majesty and the United States of America which was concluded and signed by commissioners duly authorised for that purpose, on the 31st of December, 1806, has not taken effect, in consequence of the refusal of the president of the United States to ratify that instrument.
"For an unauthorised act of force committed against an American ship of war his majesty did not hesitate to offer immediate and spontaneous reparation. But an attempt has been made by the American government to connect with the question which has arisen out of this act, pretensions inconsistent with the maritime rights of Great Britain; such pretensions his majesty is determined never to admit. His majesty, nevertheless, hopes that the American government will be actuated by the same desire to preserve the relations of peace and friendship between the two countries which has ever influenced his majesty's conduct, and that any difficulties in the discussion now pending may be effectually removed.
"His majesty has commanded me to state to you, that in consequence of the decree by which France declared the whole of his majesty's dominions to be in a state of blockade, and subjected to seizure and confiscation, the produce and manufactures of his kingdom, to a measure of mitigated retaliation; and that this measure having proved ineffectual for his object, his majesty has since found it necessary to adopt others and greater vigour, which, he commands us to state to you, will require the aid of parliament to give them complete and effectual operation.
"His majesty has directed copies of the orders which he has issued with the advice of his privy council upon this subject to be laid before you, and he commands us to recommend them to your early attention.
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"His majesty has directed the estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you, in the fullest confidence that your loyalty and publick spirit will induce you to make such provisions for the publick service as the urgency of the affair may require.
"His majesty has great satisfaction in informing you, that, notwithstanding the difficulties which the enemy has endeavoured to impose upon the commerce of his subjects and upon their intercourse with other nations, the resources of the country have continued in the last year to be so abundant, as to have produced, both from the permanent and temporary revenues, a receipt considerably larger than that of the preceding year.
"The satisfaction which his majesty feels assured you will derive, in common with his majesty, from this proof of the solidity of these resources, cannot but be greatly increased, if, as his majesty confidently hopes, it shall be found possible to raise the necessary supplies for the present year without any material addition to the public burdens.
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"We are especially commanded to say to you, in the name of his majesty, that, if ever there was a just and national war, it is that which his majesty is now compelled to prosecute. This war is in its principle purely defensive. His majesty looks but to the attainment of a secure and honourable peace; but such a peace can only be negotiated upon a footing of perfect equality.
"The eyes of Europe and of the world are fixed upon the British Parliament.
"If as his majesty confidently trusts, you display in this crisis of the fate of the country the characteristic spirit of the British nation, and face unappalled the unnatural combination which is gathered around us, his majesty bids us to assure you of his firm persuasion, that, under the blessing of Divine Providence, the struggle will prove successful and glorious to Great Britain.
"We are lastly commanded to assure you, that in this awful and momentous contest, you may rely on the firmness of his majesty, who has no cause but that of his people, and that his majesty reciprocally relies on the wisdom, the constancy, and the affectionate support of his parliament."
HIGHLY INTERESTING PAPER.
A LETTER
From the hon. Timothy Pickering, a Senator of the United States from the state of Massachusetts, exhibiting to his constituents a view of the imminent danger of unnecessary and ruinous War.—
Addressed to his excellency James Sullivan, governor of the said state.
City of Washington, Feb. 16.
SIR, In the even current of ordinary times, an address from a Senator in Congress to his constituents might be dispensed with. In such times, the proceedings of the executive and legislature of the United States exhibited in their Publick Acts, might be sufficient. But the present singular condition of our country, when its most interesting concerns, wrapt up in mystery, excite universal alarm, requires me to be no longer silent.
Perhaps I am liable to censure, at such a crisis, for not sooner presenting, to you and them, such a view of our national affairs as my official situation has placed in my power. I now address it to you, Sir, as the proper organ of communication to the legislature.
The statement of Truth is ever desirable; and I cannot permit myself to doubt that the statement I now make must be acceptable to all who have an agency in directing the affairs, and who are guardians of our commonwealth, which so materially depend on the measures of the government of the nation. At the same time, I am aware of the jealousy with which in these unhappy days of party dissention, my communications may, by some of my constituents be received. Of this I will not complain: while I earnestly wish the same jealousy to be extended towards all publick men. Yet I may claim some share of attention and credit—that share which is due to the man who desires the world to point, in the whole course of a long and publick life at one instance of deception, at a single departure from truth .
The EMBARGO demands the first notice. For perhaps no act of the national government has ever produced so much solicitude, or spread such universal alarm. Because all naturally conclude, that a measure pregnant with incalculable mischief to all classes of our fellow-citizens, would not have been proposed by the President, and adopted by congress, but for causes deeply affecting the interests and safety of the nation. It must have been under the influence of this opinion that the legislative bodies of some states have expressed their approbation of the embargo, either explicitly, or by implication.
The following were all the papers laid by the President before Congress as the grounds of the embargo.
1. The proclamation of the king of Great Britain requiring the return of his subjects, the seamen especially, from foreign countries, to aid, in this hour of peculiar danger, in the defence of their own. But it being an acknowledged principle, that every nation has a right to the service of its subjects in time of war, that proclamation could not furnish the slightest ground for an embargo.
2. The extract of a letter from the grand judge Regnier to the French attorney general for the council of prizes. This contained a partial interpretation of the imperial blocking decree of November 21, 1806. This decree, indeed, and its interpretation, present flagrant violations of our neutral rights, and of the existing treaty between the United States and France: but still, the execution of that decree could not (from the small number of French cruizers) extensively interrupt our trade.—Those two papers were publick.
3. The letter from our minister, Mr. Armstrong, to Mr. Champagny, the French minister of foreign affairs: and
4. Mr. Champagny's answer. Both these ought, in form or substance, also to have been made publick. The latter would have furnished to our nation some idea of the views and expectations of France. But both were withdrawn by the president, to be deposited among other executive secrets; while neither presented any new ground to justify an embargo.
In the senate, these papers were referred to a committee. The committee quickly reported a bill for laying an embargo, agreeably to the president's proposal. This was read a first, a second, and a third time, and passed; and all in the short compass of about four hours! A little time was repeatedly asked, to obtain further information, and to consider a measure of such moment, of such universal concern: but these requests were denied.—We were hurried into the passage of the bill, as if there were danger of its being rejected, if we were allowed time to obtain further information, and deliberately consider the subject. For to that time our vessels were freely sailing on foreign voyages; and in a national point of view, the departure of half a dozen or a dozen more, while we were inquiring into the necessity or expediency of the embargo, was of little moment. Or if the danger to our vessels, seamen and merchandise, had been so extreme as not to admit of one day's delay, ought not that extreme danger to have been exhibited to congress? The constitution which requires the president "to give to congress information of the state of the union," certainly meant, not partial , but complete information on the subject of a communication, so far as he possessed it. And when it enjoins him "to recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient," it is certainly intended that those recommendations should be bottomed on information communicated ; not on facts withheld , ad locked up in the executive cabinet. Had the publick safety been at stake, or any great publick good been presented to our view, but which would be lost by a moment's delay; there would have been some apology for dispatch , though none for acting without due information . In truth, the measure appeared to me then, as it still appears to the publick, without a sufficient motive, without a legitimate object. Hence the general enquiry, "For what is the embargo laid?" And I challenge any man not in the secrets of the executive to tell. I know, Sir, that the president said the papers above-mentioned "showed that great and increasing dangers threatened our vessels, our seamen, and our merchandise;" but I also know that they exhibited no new dangers ; none of which our merchants and seamen had not been well apprized. The British proclamation had many days before been published in the newspapers [the copy laid before us had been cut out of a newspaper]; and so had the substance, if not the words of Regnier's letter. Yet they had excited little concern among the merchants and seamen, the preservation of whose persons and property was the professed object of the president's recommendation of an embargo. The merchants and seamen could accurately estimate the dangers of continuing their commercial operations; of which dangers, indeed, the actual premiums of insurance were a satisfactory gauge. Those premiums had very little increased: by the British proclamation not a cent: and by the French decree so little as not to stop commercial enterprises. The great numbers of vessels loading or loaded, and prepared for sea; the exertions every where made, on the first rumour of the embargo, to dispatch them: demonstrate the president's dangers to be imaginary —to have been assumed . Or if great and real dangers, unknown to commercial men, were depending, or sure to fall, how desirous was it to have them officially declared and published! This would have produced a voluntary embargo, and prevented every complaint. Besides, the dangers clearly defined and understood, the publick mind would not have been disquieted with imaginary fears, the more tormenting, because uncertain.
It is true that considerable numbers of vessels were collected in our ports, and many held in suspense; not, however, from any new dangers which appeared ; but from the mysterious conduct of our affairs, after the attack on the Chesapeake; and from the painful apprehension that the course the president was pursuing would terminate in war.—The National Intelligencer (usually considered as the executive newspaper) gave the alarm; and it was echoed through the United States. War, probable or inevitable war, was the constant theme of the newspapers, and of the conversations, as was reported, of persons supposed to be best informed of executive designs. Yet amid this din of war, no adequate preparations were seen making to meet it. The order to detach a hundred thousand militia to fight the British navy (for there was no appearance of an enemy in any other shape) was so completely absurd, as to excite, with men of common sense, no other emotion than ridicule. Not the shadow of a reason that could operate on the mind of a man of common understanding can be offered in its justification. The refusal of the British officer to receive the frigate Chesapeake as a prize , when tendered by her commander, is a demonstration that the attack upon her was exclusively for the purpose of taking their deserters; and not intended as the commencement of a war between the two nations. The president knew that the British had no invading army to land on our shores; and the detached militia would be useless, except against land forces. Why then was this order for the militia given?—The nature of the case, and the actual state of things, authorize the inference, that

its immediate, if not its only object, was to increase the publick alarm, to aggravate the publick resentment against Great-Britain, to excite a war pulse; and in the height of this artificial fever of the publick mind, which was to be made known in Great-Britain, to renew the demands on her government; in the poor expectation of extorting, in that state of things, concessions of points which she had always considered as her rights, and which at all times and under all circumstances, she had uniformly refused to relinquish. The result of the subsequent negotiation at London has shown how utterly unfounded was the president's expectation, how perfectly useless all this bluster of war. While no well informed man doubted that the British government would make suitable reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake. The president himself, in his proclamation, had placed the affair on that footing. A rupture between the two countries, said he, "is equally opposed to the interests of both, as it is to assurances of the most friendly dispositions on the part of the British government, in the midst of which this outrage was committed. In this light the subject cannot but present itself to that government, and strengthen the motives to an honourable reparation for the wrong which has been done." And it is now well known that such reparation might have been promptly obtained in London, had the president's instructions to Mr. Monroe been compatible with such adjustment. He was required not to negotiate on this single, transient act (which when once adjusted was forever settled) but in connection with another claim of long standing, and, to say the least, of doubtful right; to wit, the exemption from impressment of British seamen found on board American merchant vessels. To remedy the evil arising from its exercise, by which our own citizens were sometimes impressed, the attention of our government, under every administration, had been earnestly engaged; but no practicable plan has yet been contrived; while no man who regards the truth, will question the disposition of the British government to adopt any arrangement that will secure to Great Britain the services of her own subjects. And now, when the unexampled situation of that country (left alone to maintain the conflict with France and her numerous dependent states—left alone to withstand the power which menaces the liberties of the world) rendered the aid of all her subjects more than ever needful; there was no reasonable ground to expect that she would yield the right to take them when found on board the merchant vessels of any nation. Thus to insist on her yielding this point, and inseparably to connect it with the affair of the Chesapeake, was tantamount to a determination not to negotiate at all.
I write, Sir, with freedom; for the times are too perilous to allow those who are placed in high and responsible situations to be silent or reserved. The peace and safety of our country are suspended on a thread. The course we have seen pursued leads on to a war—to a war with Great Britain—a war absolutely without necessity—a war which whether disastrous or successful, must bring misery and ruin to the United States; misery by the destruction of our navigation and commerce (perhaps also of our fairest seaport towns and cities) the loss of markets for our produce, the want of foreign goods and manufactures, and the other evils incident to a state of war: ruin, by the loss of our liberty and independence. For if with the aid of our arms Great Britain were subdued—from that moment (though flattered perhaps with the name of allies) we should become the provinces of France—This is a result so obvious, that I must crave your pardon for noticing it. Some advocates of executive measures admit it. They acknowledge that the navy of Britain is our shield against the overwhelming power of France.—Why then do they persist in a course of conduct tending to a rupture with Great Britain? Will it be believed that it is principally or solely to procure inviolability to the Merchant Flag of the United States? In other words, to protect all seamen, British subjects, as well as our own citizens, on board our merchant vessels! It is a fact that this has been made the greatest obstacle to an amicable settlement with Great Britain. Yet (I repeat) it is perfectly well known that she desires to obtain only her own subjects, and that American citizens, impressed by mistake, are delivered up on duly authenticated proof. The evil we complain of arises from the impossibility of always distinguishing the persons of two nations who a few years since were one people, who exhibit the same manners, speak the same language, and possess similar features. But seeing that we seldom hear complaints in the great navigating states, how happens there to be such extreme sympathy for American seamen at Washington? Especially in gentlemen from the interior states, which have no seamen, or from those Atlantic states whose native seamen, bear a very small proportion to those of New England? Is fact, the causes of complaint are much fewer than are pretended. They rarely occur in those states whose seamen are chiefly natives. The first merchant in the United States, in answering my late inquiry about British impressments, says, "Since the Chesapeake affair, we have had no cause of complaint. I cannot find one single instance where they have taken one man out of a merchant vessel. I have had more than twenty vessels arrived in that time, without one instance of a man being taken by them. Three Swedes were taken out by a French frigate. I have made inquiry of all the masters that have arrived in this vicinity, and cannot find any complaints against the British cruisers."
Can gentlemen of known hostility to foreign commerce in our own vessels—who are even willing to annihilate it (and such there are)—can these gentlemen plead the cause of our seamen because they really wish to protect them? Can those desire to protect our seamen, who, by laying an unnecessary embargo, expose them by thousands to starve or beg?—One gentleman has said (and I believe he does not stand alone) that sooner than admit the principle that Great Britain has the right to take her own subjects from our merchant vessels, he would abandon commerce altogether! To what will every man in New England and of the other navigating states, ascribe such a sentiment? A sentiment which, to prevent the temporary loss of five men, by impress, would reduce fifty thousand to beggary? But for the embargo, thousands depending on the ordinary operations of commerce would now be employed. Even under the restraints of the British orders of government, retaliating the French imperial decree, very large portions of the world remain open to the commerce of the United States. We may yet pursue our trade with the British dominions in every part of the globe; with Africa, with China, and with the colonies of France, Spain and Holland. And let me ask, whether in the midst of a profound peace, when the powers of Europe possessing colonies would, as formerly, confine the trade with them to their own bottoms, or admit us, as foreigners, only under great limitations, we could enjoy a commerce much more extensive than is practicable at this moment, if the embargo were not in the way? Why then should it be continued? Why rather was it ever laid? Can these be legitimate reasons for the embargo which are concealed from congress, at the moment when they are required to impose it? Are the reasons to be found in the dispatches from Paris? These have been moved for; and the motion was quashed by the advocates for the embargo. Why are these dispatches withheld by the executive? Why when all classes of citizens anxiously inquire "For what is the embargo laid?" is a satisfactory answer denied? Why is not Congress made acquainted with the actual situation of the United States in relation to France? Why, in this dangerous crisis, are Mr. Armstrong's letters to the secretary of state absolutely withheld, so that a line of them cannot be seen? Did they contain no information of the demands and intentions of the French emperor? Did the Revenge sail from England to France, and there wait three or four weeks for dispatches of no importance? If so, why, regardless of the publick solicitude, are their contents so carefully concealed? It really unimportant, what harm can arise from telling congress and the nation, officially, that they contain nothing of moment to the safety, the liberty, the honour, or the interests of the United States? On the contrary, are they so closely locked up because they will not bear the light? Would their disclosure rouse the spirit of the people, still slumbering in blind confidence in the executive? Has the French emperor declared that he will have no neutrals? Has he required that our ports, like those of his vassal states in Europe, be shut against British commerce? Is the embargo a substitute, a milder form of compliance with that harsh demand, which if exhibited in its naked and insulting aspect, the American spirit might yet resent? Are we still to be kept profoundly ignorant of the declarations and avowed designs of the French emperor, although these may strike at our liberty and independence? and in the mean time, are we, by a thousand irritations, by cherishing prejudices, and by exciting fresh resentments, to be drawn gradually into a war with Great Britain? Why amidst the extreme anxiety of the publick mind, is it still kept on the rack of fearful expectation, by the President's portentous silence respecting his French dispatches? In this concealment there is danger. In this concealment must be wrapt up the real cause of the embargo. On any other supposition it is inexplicable. I am alarmed, sir, at this perilous state of things. I cannot repress my suspicions; or forbear thus to exhibit to you the grounds on which they rest. The people are advised to repose implicit confidence in the national government; in that unbounded confidence lies our danger. Armed with that confidence, the executive may procure the adoption of measures which may overwhelm us with ruin, as surely as if he had an army at his heels. By false policy, or by inordinate fears, our country may be betrayed and subjugated to France, as surely as by corruption. I trust, sir, that no one who knows me will charge it to vanity when I say, that I have some knowledge of publick men and publick affairs; and on that knowledge, and with solemnity, I declare to you, that I have no confidence in the wisdom or correctness of our publick measures: that our country is in imminent danger: that it is essential to the publick safety that the blind confidence in our rulers should cease; that the state legislatures should know the facts and reasons on which important general laws are founded; and especially that those states whose farms are on the ocean, and whose harvests are gathered in every sea, should immediately and seriously consider how to preserve them. In all the branches of government, commercial information is wanting; and in "this desert," called a city, that want cannot be supplied. Nothing but the sense of the commercial states, clearly and emphatically expressed, will save them from ruin. Are our thousands of ships and vessels to rot in our harbours? Are our sixty thousand seamen and fishermen to be deprived of employment, and, with their families, reduced to want and beggary? Are our hundreds of thousands of farmers to be compelled to suffer their millions in surplus produce to perish on their hands; that the president may make an experiment on our patience and fortitude, and on the towering pride, the boundless ambition, and unyielding perseverance of the conqueror of Europe? Sir, I have reason to believe that the president contemplates the continuance of the embargo until the French emperor repeals his decrees violating as well his treaty with the United States as every neutral right; and until Britain thereupon renews her retaliating orders!—By that time we may have neither ships nor seamen: and this is precisely the point to which some men wish to reduce us. To see the imprudence of this project (to call it by no harsher name, and without advertizing to ulterior views) let us look back to former years. Notwithstanding the well-founded complaints of some individuals, and the murmurs of others; notwithstanding the frequent executive declarations of maritime aggressions committed by Great Britain; notwithstanding the outrageous decrees of France and Spain, and the wanton spoliations practised and executed by their cruisers and tribunals, of which we sometimes hear a faint whisper;—the commerce of the United States has hitherto prospered beyond all example. Our citizens have accumulated wealth; and the publick revenue, annually increasing has been the president's annual boast. The facts demonstrate, that although Great Britain, with her thousand ships of war, could have destroyed our commerce, she has really done it no essential injury; and that the other belligerents heretofore restrained by some regard to national law, and limited by the small number of their cruisers, have not inflicted upon it any deep wound.—Yet in this full tide of success, our commerce is suddenly arrested: an alarm of war is raised: fearful apprehensions are excited: the merchants, in particular, thrown into a state of consternation, are advised, by a voluntary embargo, to keep their vessels at home. And what is the cause of this mighty but mischievous alarm? We know it in its whole extent. It was the unauthorised attack of a British naval officer on the American frigate Chesapeake, to search for and take some deserters known to have been received on board, who had been often demanded, and as often refused to be delivered up. As was expected by all considerate men, and by the president himself (as I have before observed) the British government, on the first information of the unfortunate event (and without waiting for application) disavowed the act of its officer—disclaiming the principle of searching national armed vessels—and declared its readiness to make suitable reparation, as soon as the state of the case should be fully known. Under these circumstances, who can justify this alarm of war? An alarm which greatly disquieted the publick mind, and occasioned an interruption of commerce extremely injurious to our merchants and sea-faring citizens. I will close this long letter by stating all the existing pretences—for there are no causes—for a war with Great Britain. 1. The British ships of war, agreeably to a right claimed and exercised for ages—a right claimed and exercised during the whole of the administrations of Washington, of Adams, and of Jefferson—continue to take some of the British seamen found on board our merchant vessels, and with them a small number of ours, from the impossibility of always distinguishing Englishmen from citizens of the United States. On this point our government well knew that Great Britain is perfectly willing to adopt any arrangement that can be devised which will secure to her service the seamen who are her own subjects; and at the same time exempt ours from impressment. 2. The merchant vessels of France, Spain and Holland, being driven from the ocean or destroyed, the commerce of those countries with one another, and with their colonies, could no longer be carried on by themselves. Here the vessels of neutral nations came in to their aid, and carried on nearly the whole commerce of those nations. With their seamen thus liberated from the merchant service, those nations, in the present and preceding wars, were enabled to man their ships of war, and the neutral vessels and seamen supplying their places, became in fact, though not in name, auxiliaries in war. The commerce of those nations, without one armed ship on the sea appropriated for its protection, was intended thus to be secured under neutral flags—while the merchant vessels of Great Britain, with its numerous armed ships to guard them, were exposed to occasional captures. Such a course of things Great Britain has resisted, not in the present only, but in former wars; at least as far back as that of 1756. And she has claimed and maintained a right to impose on this commerce some limits and restraints, because it was a commerce which was denied by those nations to neutrals in time of peace, because it was a commerce of immense value to the subjects of her enemies, and because it filled their treasuries with money to enable them to carry on their wars with Great Britain. 3. The third and only remaining pretence for war with Great Britain, is the unfortunate affair of the Chesapeake; which having been already stated and explained, I will only remark here, that it is not to be believed that the British government, after being defeated, as before mentioned, in its endeavours to make reparation in London, for the wrong done by its servant, would have sent hither a special envoy to give honourable satisfaction, but from its sincere desire to close this wound, if our government would suffer it to be healed. Permit me now to ask, what man impartially viewing the subject, will have the boldness to say, that there exists any cause for plunging the United States into a war with Great Britain? Who that respects his reputation as a man of common discernment, will say it? Who then can justify, who can find an excuse for a course of conduct which has brought our country into its present state of alarm, embarrassment and distress? For myself, sir, I must declare the opinion, that no free country was ever before so carelessly, and so blindly, thrown from the height of prosperity, and plunged into a state of dreadful anxiety and suffering. But from this degraded and wretched situation, it is not yet too late to escape. Let the dispatches from our minister in France be no longer concealed. Let the President perform the duty required of him by the constitution; by giving to Congress full information of the state of the union in respect to foreign nations—Above all let him unfold our actual situation with France. Let him tell us what are the demands and proposals of her ruler. Had these been honourable to the United States, would not the president have been eager to disclose them? That they are of an entirely different nature, that they are dishonourable, that they are ruinous to our commercial interests, and dangerous to our liberty and independence, we are left to infer. I hope, sir, that the nature and magnitude of the subject will furnish a sufficient apology for the length and style of this letter. Perhaps some may deem it presumptuous thus to question the correctness of the proceedings of our government. A strong sense of duty, and distressing apprehensions of national ruin, have forced the task upon me. To some the sentiments which, in the sincerity of my heart, I have expressed, may give offence; for often nothing offends a man as much as TRUTH. But I do not desire to offend any man. But when I see the dangerous extent of executive influence; when I see the great council of the nation called to enact laws, deeply affecting the interests of all classes of citizens, without adequate information of the real state of that call; when I observe the deceptive glosses with which the mischiefs of the embargo are attempted to be palliated; and posterior events adduced as reasons to justify the measure; when I know that the risks of continuing their commercial pursuit against all known dangers can and will be more accurately calculated by our merchants than by our government; when any new danger to commerce were impending, of which our merchants were uninformed, but of which the government obtained the knowledge through its minister at Paris or elsewhere, it was plainly the duty of the executive to make those dangers known to Congress and the nation; and since if so made known, the merchants and sea-faring citizens would for their own interests and safety, have taken due precautions to guard against them: and hence it appears certain that an embargo was not necessary to the safety of "our seamen, our vessels, or our merchandise"—when, sir, I see and consider these things, and their evil tendency: in a word, when I observe a course of proceeding which to me appears calculated to mislead the publick mind to publick ruin; I cannot be silent. Regardless, therefore, of personal consequences, I have undertaken to communicate these details; with the view to dissipate dangerous illusions; to give to my constituents correct information; to excite inquiry; and to rouse that vigilant jealousy which is characteristic of REPUBLICANS, and essential to the preservation of their rights, their liberties, and their independence. I have the honour to be, very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, TIMOTHY PICKERING. His Excellency JAMES SULLIVAN, Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. By virtue of a Deed in Trust from Thomas H. Parker to Lattimore Halstead, will be Sold on the premises at Publick Auction, for ready money, on Saturday the 2d day of April next, All that Tract of LAND and appurtenances, in the County of Norfolk, near the Borough, which David Pierce sold and conveyed to the said Thomas H. Parker, containing seventy-five acres more or less, and which is now in the occupancy of Thomas Williamson and L. Simon. THE TRUSTEE. March 7. tds NOTICE. On Wednesday the 6th of April, at 12 o'Clock, will be Sold at Publick Auction, on the premises for ready money, A HOUSE and LOT, pleasantly situated on Botetourt and Thomas Streets, Smith's Point, by virtue of a Deed in Trust executed by James Abbott, to secure the payment of four hundred dollars due William Plume & Co. with interest from the 30th March, 1803. THE TRUSTEES. March 16. tds WANTED, A convenient Dwelling-House for a small family, situated in an agreeable part of the town. Apply to the Printer. March 16. THE PUBLICK LEDGER. WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 23, 1803 IMPORTANT.—We can state from good authority, that Mr. Rose will certainly leave Washington in a few days, if he has not already left it. Letters received in town this morning by a gentleman who travelled a-head of the mail, state that Mr. Rose received dispatches by the British government brig that arrived in Lynhaven Bay the 16th instant.—These letters further state, that war is not apprehended, but that things will remain status quo . We are of opinion that our government do not expect war, having laid up the gun-boats, and as we see no preparations made for defence more than in times of the most profound peace. We can see no cause of war on the part of Great-Britain, for if we chuse to embargo ourselves, it is our own affair, and no nation can call us to account for it. Captain Avery of the ship Franklin, from Mar-seilles, arrived at New-York on the 14th instant. On the 10th, in lat 36, 30, long. 74, was boarded from the British frigate Eurydice, captain Bolton, in company with five sail of the line, [the fleet under admiral Dnckworth] in chase of six French ships of war, which captain Avery saw on the 4th of March in lat. 27, 18, long. 69, steering N. by W. It was reported this morning that the fleet under Sir Richard Strachan is also on this coast, but for the accuracy of the report we do not vouch. This may be the fleet seen by captain Avery on the 4th of this month. Letters from the West-Indies to the 26th of February say, that the Rochefort squadron, had not been seen in those seas. By the barque Circle, from Newburyport, we received papers, and the letter of Mr. PICKERING to GOVERNOR SULLIVAN, which letter will be found in this day's paper, and which we have given in exclusion to a great mass of foreign intelligence. Mr. Pickering will be called a federalist, and that will be enough for many—but remember that from 1776 to 1808, this gentleman has been in the service of his country as a soldier, a minister, a legislator, and a judge; he possessed and never lost the confidence of Washington. The Newburyport Herald speaking of Mr. P. says, "It must be a proud and grateful reflection to the people of Massachusetts, that in these times of actual danger, they have in the councils of the nation a man like Timothy Pickering. Their interests were never committed to the keeping of a better man, a more profound and able statesman, or a more vigilant, zealous, and faithful patriot. With the plainness and honesty of a farmer he unites the wisdom and prescience of a sage, with the firmness and integrity of a Spartan, the honour and frankness of a real American. He disclaims the feelings of a partizan, and with openness and truth advises all his constituents, whether republicans or federalists, of their imminent danger." ARRIVED. Barque Circle, Haskell, 6 days from Newburyport. Sch'r Richmond, Scaman, 4 days from New York. Brig Potowomack, Lee, 5 days from New York. In Hampton Roads brig Adherball, M c Meal, from Baltimore bound to New Orleans. By virtue of a Decree of the Worshipful Court of Princess Anne County, setting as a Court of Chancery, for the County aforesaid, in the suit of JOHN READE, Complainant, vs. WM L KEELING, and Mary his wife, and ELIZABETH HAYNES, Defendants. WILL BE SOLD at Publick Sale, to the highest bidder, on THURSDAY the 28th day of April next, on the premises, in the Town of Kempville, in the county aforesaid, The Lot or Lots of LAND, with the Houses and appurtenances belonging thereto, having been the former residence of Mr. Wm White, deceased. This Property is eligibly situated, and the Dwelling-House is large, excellent and commodious, with good out houses, a fine garden and nature. The terms of Sale will be Cash, to be paid on the ratification thereof by the Court. William Bishop, William Dale Woodhouse, Thomas Cornick, Arthur S. Woodhouse, Charles Sawyer. Com rs . March 23. 1m By virtue of a Deed in Trust from William Hartsborne to Margaret Fyre, for the purposes therein mentioned, will be Sold to Cash, without reserve, on MONDAY the 28th March, at 12 o'Clock on the premises, A Lot of GROUND, on Bermuda-freet, with the improvements thereon. R. B. TAYLOR, Trustee. March 23. 2 NOTICE. A meeting of the creditors of JOHN MOORE, of Princess Anne County, is requested by him on Saturday the 26th instant, at 10 o'Clock, at the house of Captain Thomas Halliday, for the purpose of suggesting some plan by which he may be enabled to satisfy them. March 23. 2 FOR SALE, 186 barrels new PORK, 44 kegs Lard; 10 bales Sacking and Oznaburgs, 8 hogheads old Jamaica Rum; 3 do. Jamaica Sugar. Richard & John Taylor. March 23. 6 FOR SALE. Just received by the barque Circle, from Newburyport, 19,000 Northern BOARDS, 1000 clear Boards; 11 casks New-England Rum, 40 tons Plaster Paris; 4 barrels Mackerel. Apply to the master at Newton's wharf, or to C. FRY. March 23. 3

For CHARLESTON, The Schooner PLOUGHBOY, Capt. Hall, will sail in ten days. For passage only, apply to Daniel R. Waddey, & Co. March 16.
FOR ALEXANDRIA, The Sloop MATTAPONY, Captain Read, will sail in a few days. For freight or passage, apply to the master on board at March 21. Daniel R. Waddey, & Co.
THE BRIG CAROLINE, Will sail in a few days for RICHMOND—a few passengers may be accommodated by application at this office, or to Shadrack Hill, Master. March 21.
WHARFAGE at half price during the Embargo. WILLIAM CAMMACK. March 21.
60,000 wt. prime Jamaica COFFEE, landing this day on our wharf from on board the British Schooner Commerce, from Kingston, and for Sale by C. & F. WHITTLE. March 21.
JAMAICA RUM. For Sale by the Subscribers, 40 pipes and 30 puncheons high proof and fine flavoured Jamaica RUM, on liberal credit for approved paper, and a few puncheons for cash Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. March 21.
LADIES' KID SLIPPERS, E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main-Street, Has received per the Schooner Polly and Eliza, and is now opening a variety of Ladies' Kid and other SLIPPERS. March 21.
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Machure. March 2.
The Subscriber offers for Sale, 78 puncheons well flavoured RUM, A few pipes Old Brandy Brandy, and 22 hogsheads choice retailing Molasses. Phinehas Dana. March 2.
THE COTTAGE, A small Farm handsomely improved in the neighbourhood of Portsmouth, commanding a beautiful view of Norfolk harbour is offered for Rent—and the HOUSE lately occupied by Doctor Leigh, pleasantly situated near the Ferry Wharf, in Portsmouth. Apply to Mr. William Pritchard, or JAMES YOUNG. March 2.
AT PRIVATE SALE, BY S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2.
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the Estate of DANIEL COOK, deceased, of Nansemond County, are requested to bring them in on or before the first day of May next; those indebted to the estate, are requested to make immediate payment, wishing to settle the estate as soon as possible. Mary Cook, Admr'x.
N. B. Whereas Bartholomew Redmon, of Norfolk Borough, having a bond in his possession, which was given by Daniel Cook and Edward Frith, jointly, for the sum of 3000 dollars or thereabouts; Edw. Frith being exonerated, and the said Redmon refusing to give me up the bond, although there is not one shilling due on account of it, I caution all persons from receiving the said bond in any way whatever, as this notice will be plead in bar against it. Western Branch, Nansemond County, February 17, 1808.
The sum mentioned in the above should be as follows:—two Bonds dated 11th day of July, 1804, the one payable the 11th day of January, and the other on the 11th day of July, 1805—each in the penal sum of two thousand dollars, conditioned for the payment of one thousand dollars each, both given jointly as above specified; which bonds or either of them, I again caution all persons from receiving in any way whatever, as this notice will be plead in bar against the payment thereof. Mary Cook. March 2.
Council Chamber, February 25, 1808. THE EXECUTIVE will receive on the 25th of March next, Proposals for constructing sufficient and proper Carriages for mounting all the pieces of Artillery belonging to this Commonwealth, at which time drafts of the most approved models, in conformity to which, the said carriages are to be constructed, will be submitted to the inspection of all persons disposed to contract for the same. The Executive will probably furnish all the necessary timber, and will have the iron work done at the Penitentiary—Subjoined is a list of the pieces intended to be mounted. Daniel L. Hylton, Clerk of the Council.
6 Brass Cannon 32 pounders, 9 Iron do. 24 do. 1 do. do. 18 do. 1 do. do. 12 do. 1 do. do. 6 do. 4 do. do. 4 do. 2 do. do. 3 do. 10 or 15 others of different sizes.
Received per Schooner Traveller, from Boston, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18.
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5.
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Messrs. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store Apply to Niemeyer & Von Kapff. December 28.
Just received for Sale, 25 qr. casks Gordon's old Sherry Wine, 20 boxes Hyson Tea, 30 do. superior quality Young Hyson, 12 pipes Holland Gin, 20 do. Country do. Mackinder & White.
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Navy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambric Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gula Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woollens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assortment of WOOLLEN GOODS.
Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c. On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; Ladies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Men's coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for CASH, or under 100 credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11.
Now landing from on board the Schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castile Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12.
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc. Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Sept 25.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hds. and 6 bbls Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Macéira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31.
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 60,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4.
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune, captain Norton, from Teneriffe, 100 pipes and 90 hds. L. P. Teneriffe WINE, of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. September 28.
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. Who has on hand, Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16.
Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A FANCY OF Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. September 28.
NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceased, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admr'x. December 9.
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.  At a Hustings' Court, continued and held the 24th day of July, 1805. John Dixon and Sarah his wife, John Allen and Francis Keeling his wife, and Anne Moore Valentine, an infant under the age of twenty-one years by the said John Dixon her guardian and next friend, Complainants. Against Jacob Valentine, administrator of the goods and chattels of John Valentine, deceased, unadministered by Amsa Valentine, the former administratrix, Defendant. This suit abates as to the complainant John Dixon, by his death—the attachment awarded against the defendant being returned executed, and he having failed to file his answer; on the motion of the complainants, it is decreed and ordered, that Master Commissioner Cowper, examine, state, and settle an account of the Slaves and other personal estate of John Valentine, deceased, which came into the hands of the defendant Jacob Valentine, and report any matters specially that either party may require. A Copy, Teste, WM. SHARP, C. C. Master Commissioner's Office, Norfolk Borough, March 18, 1808.
The parties named in the above order are hereby notified, that I have appointed Thursday, the 24th instant, to proceed to the examination of the papers submitted me in this cause, on which day at 10 o'clock in the forenoon of the said 24th instant, the parties are desired to attend with their books and accounts at my office. JOHN COWPER, M. C.
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones.—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never failing stream; although she works at present only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abundant supply for ten pair—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's Mills) about two miles farther, now in complete order, running one pair of stones and two faws—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not superior to any in that part of the country—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently believes, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia.—Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any number of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz. 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2d lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d Sheathing, do. 7 1-2d 6d. Sprigs, 4s. 6d per M. 4d. do. 2s. 9d 2d. and 3d. do. 2s. 3d He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
For SALE, A Tract of LAND lying on Pagan Creek, in the County of Isle of Wight, two miles above Smithfield by water, the whole about 1000 acres—it is so situated that it may conveniently be sold in different parcels: about 450 acres of it is bounded for near two miles by Pagan Creek, with a valuable marsh, and three convenient landings accessible to any vessel that can go to Smithfield; this piece lying between Pagan Creek and a large branch thereof, may be inclosed to itself by a fence of about half a mile; separated from this tract by the branch above mentioned is about 100 acres, part of which is well timbered, with a good landing for vessels. It is unnecessary to describe all the advantages and conveniences of this Land, as it is presumed no person will purchase without viewing it. It may be seen by applying to Mr. George Braswell, living on the premises, and the terms made known by Thomas Pierce, Esq. of Smithfield. South Quay, February 24, 1808. John Dorlon. Lawlow.
Also, a Tract containing 537 acres, within two miles of South Quay, in Nansemond County; this Tract is good Corn Land, and well adapted for raising stock; with it may be had one half of a Saw and Grist Mill now in operation, about a mile from it, which will render the timber valuable, as there is a ready market for all that can be sawed. For terms, &c. apply to the Subscriber.—For the greater part of the above property young Negroes will be taken at a generous price. John Dorlon. Lawlow.
For SALE, 75 tierces prime green Jam. Coffee, And a few puncheons 5 and 6 years old Antigua Rum; Loaf and Brown Sugar in hogsheads and barrels: a few sets Table China; fine and superfine Flour, &c. Harrison Allmand. January 4.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lances, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, fuitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5.
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation.—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26.
7500 bushels coarse Liverpool SALT, a-float, being the cargo of the ship Susan, from Liverpool. For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. IN STORE, 100 barrels RYE WHISKEY. March 14.
COCKE & SANFORD, Have received eighteen hogsheads and eighteen barrels Loaf and Lump SUGAR, which they offer for Sale on very moderate terms. On hand of their last importation, 2 bales flaxen OZNABURGS, 2000 wt. Seine Twine; 1 bale assorted Blue Cloths, 1 bale superfine Navy Blue Cloth, 2 boxes well assorted Irish Linens, Irish and Dutch Sheetings and Dowlas, 2 Trunks Cotton Hosiery; 1 case Dummies, 2 do. assorted Nankeens and Grandells, 3 do. Callicoes; 2 do. Cotton Cambricks, 1 box French Cambricks and Handkerchiefs, 2 cases Mens' and 1 do. Childrens' fashionable Beaver Hats. Feb. 24.
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Matras Tickling, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26.
BOOTS. Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS, Just received and for Sale by Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market Square. Feb. 8.
6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat. IN STORE, 35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 100 hogsheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 30 tierces London Brown Stout, 20 hogsheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Madeira Wine; fit for use 600 ready-made Check Shirts; 20 hds. Petersburg Tobacco, 50 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Hermage For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. February 6.
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
Cognac Brandy, Hollands Gin, Country do. in pipes, Rice in tierces and half tierces—For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. February 24.
All persons to whom the Subscriber is indebted, are requested to make known the amount of their claims immediately. Wm. Hartshorne, Jun. January 13.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb 13.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th December last, a Mulatto Man named TONEY, a Blacksmith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on when he went away a dark cloth surcoat and pantaloons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th ult. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North Carolina. JOHN WALKER. January 8.
For SALE, 45,000* wt. good COFFEE in bags 94 puncheons old St. Kitts RUM. MOSES MYERS. January 8.
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Warehouse, No 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
For RENT, The DWELLING-HOUSE on Granby-street, belonging to captain Vickery, next door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of January next. For terms apply to Alexander Wilson. December 18.
First quality Jamaica COFFEE, Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 28.
NORFOLK. PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.