Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1806-07-21 00:00:00

THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK, PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION
For Liverpool The Brig WHEELER, Will take thirty or forty hogsheads tobacco on freight, and as many bales cotton—also, a few passengers.
George Murray, & Co. New FLOUR in bbls. and half bbls. July 16. 2t 909
For LONDON, The fine new Ship MARIA, James Rowell, master, burthen about 400 hhds. on her second voyage, has good accommodations, will be ready for the reception of a cargo in ten days, half of which is already engaged.—For freight of the balance or passage, apply to Richard Bowden, & Co. July 16. tf 910
For Freight or Charter, The fast-sailing Brig ELIZABETH, Robert Barclay, master, burthen 1300 barrels, will be ready for the reception of a cargo in a few days. Apply to John Davis. Portsmouth, July 16. tf 908
MOSES MYERS Offers for Charter, The good Ship MEDFORD, Josiah Barnard, master, two years old, burthen 300 hogsheads, expected in a day or two from Boston. July 14. tf 903
For Freight or Charter, The New Schooner EAGLE, Daniel Havens, Master—she will carry about 750 barrels, and is a good vessel in every respect—A freight for Lisbon or Madeira would be preferred. For terms apply to Fisk & Catlett. Who have for SALE, received by said Vessel from Boston, 55 barrels No. 1 BEEF, 70 do. do. 2 do. 20 half do. do. 1 do. 80 do. Prime Boston Bay MACKAREL, of a superior quality. July 14. tf 904
A Freight Wanted For the Brig TRAVELLER, Stephen Devall, master, 138 tons or about 1300 barrels burthen, a staunch fast sailing vessel. Apply on board, or to Christopher Fry. July 14. tf 906
For Jamaica, The Brig CATHARINE, Thomas Callahan, Master, will sail in the course of ten days.—Three or four passengers can be well accommodated by applying to the master on board, or to ROBERT DICKSON. July 7. tf 878
FOR LONDON, The fine, strong, and fast-sailing SHIP RESOLUTION, Andrew W. Bell, master, fourteen months old, sheathed upon the stocks, and burthen 400 hhds. tobacco, has part of her cargo already on board, and a considerable quantity engaged.—For freight of the remainder, small light articles, or passage (having superior accommodations) apply to the captain on board, or N. Heron. July 7. tf 885
For Charter to Europe or the West-Indies, The fast-sailing sch't ELIZABETH MAR-GARET, James G. Mallory, Master, burthen 900 barrels—can be ready for the reception of a cargo in three days. For terms apply to Richard Bowden, & Co. Who offer for SALE, 19 Hhds. choice Antigua RUM. Imported in said schooner. July 7. tf 879
FOR SALE, A remarkable fine NEW BRIG, Now lying at Loyal's wharf, burthen about 180 tons, built and fitted with the best materials, and can be ready for the reception of a cargo in five days.—If there is no application for her in ten days, she will then take in freight for Philadelphia, on very low terms.—Apply to Richard Bowden, & Co. July 7. tf 888
For AMSTERDAM, The coppered Ship ALEXANDER, John Roach, master, can take three hundred hogsheads on freight. For terms apply to Moses Myers. June 20. tf 852
We have received by the brig Sumner, from Jamaica, 57 puncheons high proof RUM, 13 Hogsheads MOLASSES—which are offered for Sale on very liberal terms, by Redmon & Frith. ON HAND, A parcel of very good W. Island RUM. June 16. tf 834
FOR SALE, The CARGO of the Brig Hannah, Captain Knapp, from Port Cavanna—consisting of 214 hhds. & 60 tiers prime Molasses. T. & W. A. Armistead, June 11. 3w 830 Marsden's whar
For SALE—Afloat, 45 Hogsheads Richmond TOBACCO. A. Maclure. July 9. tf 894
SPRING GOODS. RICHARD TAYLOR, Has received by the Ship Dumfries, from London, a hand-some assortment of Spring and Summer GOODS, which he offers for Sale by wholesale and retail, for Cash or approved paper. April 25. 3m 65
FOR SALE, 200 bbls. new wheat sup. FLOUR, from Richmond, 600 boxes Mould CANDLES, 1000 pair Ladies' SHOES, fit for the West-Indies market, 10 pipes Country GIN, 20 barrels Apple BRANDY—and a few do. WHISKEY. John Marrast. July 18. 3t 1
FOR SALE, A TRACT OF LAND, late the property of Christopher Gardner, deceased, containing one hundred acres, situated on the west side of Broad-Creek, about three miles from Norfolk. It has on it a roomy comfortable Dwelling-House; one third of the land is cleared, the remainder is in woods of good timber. A long credit will be given for the greatest part of the purchase money. Sweepson Whitehead, Esq. July 18. 3w 2
NEW WHEAT FLOUR, in barrels and half barrels, just received and for SALE by Price & Waddey. Who have in Store, a small quantity of Pilot, Navy, and Ship BREAD, which they will barter for Jamaica Rum. July 16. 3t 911
FOR SALE, 850 Barrels whole HERRINGS, in excellent order for Shipping, 80 do. cut do. 130 do. SHAD; 750 bbls. TAR, 450 do. TURPENTINE. Richard Blow. July 14. tf 907
To Rent or Lease, for one or five years, A commodious BRICK-HOUSE, Situated on Smith's-Point, lately occupied by the Subscriber; to this tenement is annexed an excellent garden, &c. Apply to Thomas Price. Who has for Sale, A likely NEGRO MAN, about 22 years old; an excellent house servant, and has been accustomed to drive a carriage. July 11. tf 898
FOR SALE, A quantity of New-York and English SLATE, of superior quality. Really & Tunis. June 25. tf 857
We have for SALE, on our Wharf, Jamaica SUGAR; do. COFFEE, St. Domingo do. Jamaica RUM; Superfine & Fine FLOUR; White GINGER, PIMENTO; FRUITS preserved in BRANDY, HERMITAGE in cases of two dozen, CHARET in do. do. and in Hogsheads, A few cases Irish LINENS by the package, Prime PORK; Petersburg TOBACCO, &c. &c. C. & F. Whittle. June 25. 6t 861
20 Puncheons Grenada RUM, Landing this day from on board the schooner Harmony—For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. June 30. 4t 866
Landing this day from on board the sch'trs Iris and Virginia, from Teneriffe, 40 pipes choice Teneriffe WINE. For Sale by Moses Myers. June 27. tf 860
For Sale, or Rent, A PLANTATION, situated on Hampton-Creek, consisting of about 300 acres; being the property on which Mr. W. Brough has long resided. It possesses all the necessary buildings for the convenience of a family, or agricultural purposes. There are some valuable orchards, one particularly of Apples, is considered more productive than any other in that part of the country. There is also a Wind-Mill most eligibly situated.—For particulars, application may be made to Mr. G. Hope, Hampton, Mr. John Dunn, Norfolk, or the Subscriber in Richmond, who will give immediate possession. James D. M'Caw. June 25. 2m 860
WANTED, A quantity of Spars and Oak Plank, for which, if delivered immediately, a liberal price will be given by Alexander Maclure. June 18. tf 839
All persons indebted to the estate of the late WM. DAVIES, Esq. will please make payment, and those to whom the estate is indebted, will to please furnish their accounts properly attested, in order that provision may be made for their payment. Fortescue Whittle, Adm'r. June 18. 3m 838
I have for SALE, A Negro MAN, about 21 years of age, a Barber by trade. William Lindsay. June 16. tf 853
Landing at Murray's wharf, from on board the ship Caledonian, 1500 Liverpool filled Sacks of SALT, 109 Crates well assorted EARTHENWARE. For Sale by A. Maclure. June 9. tf 822
The Subscriber having retained half of his Lumber Yard on Calvert's wharf, will have constantly for SALE, Plank, Scantling, & Fire Wood, Frames for Houses, &c. cut and provided on the shortest notice. Thomas H. Parker. WHO HAS FOR SALE, Two excellent MULES. June 4. tf 797
FOR SALE, 73 punch. choice 4th proof RUM, Received by the brig Paragon, Captain Robertson, from Jamaica. Redmon & Frith. July 11. tf 899
Observations on the speech of the hon. John Randolph, Representative for the state of Virginia, in the general Congress of America, on a motion for the non-importation of British merchandise pending the present dispute between Great Britain and America. By the author of War in disguise. (London, printed.) New-York: re-printed for E. Sargeant, Wall-street, opposite the bank of the United States. 1806.
ADVERTISEMENT. The author of the observations offers as an apology for defects in its style and its inadequacy to its very important subject, the extreme haste in which it has been composed, through an apprehension that the great question discussed in it, is on the point of decision by his majesty's ministers. The speech of Mr. Randolph arrived from America on the 30th of last month, and this morning, the last page of the observations has gone to press. May 2, 1806.
OBSERVATIONS, &c. Six months had elapsed since the pamphlet called "War in Disguise" was first given to the publick, without any opponent having entered the lists, to dispute before British judges, either the justice or the policy of its views.
The editor of the Parisian Argus indeed, who degrades the English language by prostituting it to the service of a tyrant, had favoured that work by an early and honourable censure; but at home, it had been noticed with uniform assent to the truth and importance of those practical conclusions to which the author had reasoned; and in neutral countries it had been encountered only by such vague clamours, as scarcely admitted of, much less deserved a reply.
I therefore have no inducement to invoke again the attention of the publick on the great subject of our maritime right. Much, very much, of new argument was offered to me by the awful changes in the state of the war, which the treaty of Presburg had occasioned; but I had reason to believe that enough had been said to satisfy Englishmen at least; and I hoped that if other nations had objections to offer, they would not be admitted by our government so precipitately, as to preclude a volunteer in the cause of his country from sustaining against them the arguments he had advanced.
On a sudden, some of these circumstances are unexpectedly reversed. Within a few days, a pamphlet has been put into my hands, which under a more comprehensive title, discussed the subject of our present dispute with America; and which without professing to be an answer to the work called "War in Disguise," controverts its most important conclusions.
Before I had found time to give this antagonist deliberate attention, another has taken up the gauntlet under the formidable armour of the reviewer; and at the same moment, a third, who has not yet issued from the press, menaces me with declared hostility in the form of legitimate war.
But alas at this moment a rumour has reached my ears, far more alarming than the united attacks of the ablest controversial opponents. It is said that his majesty's ministers are on the point of giving way to the injudicious claims and menance of America, and renouncing forever the maritime rights in dispute. May the report prove to be erroneous. It is due to the high characters which compose the present cabinet, to believe that it will be found so; and in that case I will joyfully apologise to them for having one moment listened to the tale.
But if there be indeed a yet unexpected purpose of this nature in the mind of any British minister—if all the recent triumphs of our flag, and the majestic ascendancy of our navy, have not precluded the thought of this truckling to the invaders of maritime rights, then indeed it is high time for every Englishman who foresees the consequences, to lift up a warning voice, while there is yet a chance of being heard, and of averting the impending midnight.
Impressed with this anxious reflection, I feel that to arrest decision, is now the first and most urgent object, in this great national cause. To reply to those opponents whose arguments I have seen, would be no difficult task; but before I return their broadsides, I must run hastily upon deck, and beseech the commanding officer not yet to strike the colours.
A few hours only have elapsed since I took up my pen for this purpose, but with great difficulty how to reconcile the magnitude of the considerations which pressed upon me, with the urgent call for dispatch, when the arrival of a mail from America, quite accidentally, but most seasonably, placed in my possession the following important speech.
I perceived it at once a most desirable substitute for those arguments which I was on the point of composing. My object was not to fortify former positions of right, much less to enter at large into the new relations of the American controversy; but only to deprecate premature determinations, and obtain time for further discussion. What then could be more abundantly sufficient for my purpose than this speech of Mr. Randolph?
It cannot be supposed that his majesty's ministers can wish precipitately to relinquish our belligerent rights or pretensions at this most delicate crisis, unless from the fear that an immediate rupture with America must be the consequence of further delay; but surely no reflecting mind after attending to this speech, published, as well as spoken by an American political leader of the first eminence, can retain that idle apprehension.
The occasion of Mr. Randolph's argument, was a motion made by the most zealous of the French party, for a general non-importation bill; i. e. for the prohibition of importing any British manufactures, while the disputes between the two countries are unsettled; and the event of this motion was a decision in the negative, by a majority of 70 to 47.—It appears therefore that Mr. Randolph's very powerful and eloquent arguments, were assented to by a large majority.
Afterwards on the 17th of March, a limited non-importation resolution was brought in by the same party, and carried on a division of 87 to 33, in the house of representatives; but by the latest accounts there is reason to believe it was rejected by the upper house the senate.
The opposition headed by Mr. Randolph, had defeated, in former instances, the violent proposals of the government party, or rather of the French faction, by which the government party itself was pushed on to violent passions. Yet the government, and even the French faction, did not venture to propose immediate war. When therefore we are instructed by this able and interesting speech, in the principles and views of the American opposition; and perceive that a war with this country would be most powerfully opposed, even a case of strong and acknowledged provocation, it seems absolutely impossible to apprehend that the congress would resort to that extremity, or to such offensive measures as must inevitably lead to a war, rather than admit of a deliberate or even a tedious discussion.
I wish the patience of the neutralizing agents in this country, who, under the specious name of British American merchants may be secretly importuning government for a decision favourable to their private views, could be as surely relied upon. It is not only in America, I fear, that the spirit of avaricious traffic, to use the words of Mr. Randolph, is opposed to the national welfare.
If the people of the United States could in any case be brought to submit to the burthens of a maritime war. For the sake, of what this gentleman justly represents as an ephemeral and precarious commerce, it must be at least on an ultimate refusal of redress for wrongs, which had been most fully investigated, and incontestably established.
The authority of Mr. Randolph is the more satisfactory on this point, because he does not directly dispute the justice of those complaints which the clamours of the neutralizers had for a moment made popular in America. It is indeed easy to perceive, that this candid and enlightened patriot, saw the intended endeavour to involve his country. But he was too wise, needlessly to oppose himself to those prejudices, the force of which it was better to elude. He avoids therefore the question of right, and admitting for the sake of argument at least, that the pretended injuries are real, asserts in terms of the most absolute assurance, that the people of America will not consent to avenge them by war.
"I will agree (says he) to pass for an idiot, if this is not the publick sentiment, and you will find it to your cost, begin the war when you will."
It is not, however solely, or chiefly in regard to the question I have now in view, or the safety of further discussion, that the speech of Mr. Randolph is important.
I invoke the declarations of this American leader, made in the hearing of congress, to attest, that the strictures on the colonial traders of that country contained in my former publication, were in no degree unfounded. I appeal to his sentiments on the true interests of his fellow-citizens at large, that they are on the same side of this controversy with our own. I rely on his opinion, and still more on his irrefragable arguments, in proof that a war between that country and this, would be but in a slight degree noxious to the commerce of Great-Britain; while its consequences would be ruinous to America, and such as her citizens would not even for a brief period, be brought patiently to endure.
In a word, I quote this respectable authority, not only as a caution against precipitate declaration, but to show that timid and ruinous concessions, may be safely and finally avoided.
But what makes this very intelligent speech more encouraging to the friends of peace and justice, as well as highly deserving profound attention in both countries, is the correctness of its views as to the power and policy of France. I rejoice for the sake of America and Europe, that there are statesmen in the new world, capable of so clearly discerning, and so eloquently exposing, its dangers from French ambition, and its interests in the navy of England.
And here let it be observed, that when Mr. Randolph addressed such considerations to the American congress, the humiliation and ruin of Austria, and the other recent disasters of Europe were but imperfectly known beyond the Atlantic. The peace of Presburg, and the consequent mutilations of the Germanic empire, seem not to have reached the ears of this antipodal patriot, much less could he know or foresee the perfidious conduct of Prussia, the enrollment of that power, hitherto neutral, under the banners of French ambition, and the exclusion of British merchandise from every country, hostile or neutral in which the behests of Buonaparte can by violence or terror be enforced.
If these new circumstances of the war had been known to Mr. Randolph how much would his just apprehensions from the preponderance of French power have been aggravated; how much greater would the impolicy of contributing to the ruin of England have appeared to him; how greatly would that sense of justice of our cause which may be inferred from his language, have been fortified.
And here let me notice, with such brief generality as the urgent necessity of dispatch, under the sense of which I now write, prescribes to me; a new foundation of right which arises from the recent conduct of the enemy.
Let it be supposed that all the arguments which have been hitherto offered by my own, and far abler pens, in defence of the rule of the war of 1756 are utterly inconclusive; and that though unanswerable (except by the grossest misrepresentations of notorious fact,) they are capable of being clearly refuted; still we have a new case, on which it seems impossible that two different opinions should be held.
What! is Buonaparte to exclude British sugar & coffee, from the continent, and is America to enable him to do so, by supplying it with French and Spanish sugar and coffee, in their stead? are neutral markets even, to be shut by violence against our planters, that our enemies may establish there a monopoly against them? Are the merchants of neutral states to be laid under an interdiction as to the carriages of British manufactures or merchandise to friendly ports; while submitting as they do to that interdiction, can they assert nevertheless against us, a right to carry the manufacture of our enemies to the colonies of France and Spain? Are neutrals, in a word, to give effect to a system avowedly adopted for the destruction of English commerce, yet found on their amity with England, a right to prevent or frustrate a retaliation on our part against the commerce of our enemies.
Yet this is, in truth, but a part of the enormous case. By what means has France acquired the power of enforcing her prohibition? By the same foul means which have enabled her to overthrow Austria, to break up the foundation of the Germanic empire, and add all Italy to her usurpations; by the most audacious violations of neutral rights, that ever disgraced the page of history, or subverted the security of nations.
Here, we have no controverted principles to assume, in maintaining the obnoxious charge. It is not, that on the ocean, and in the interruption of a commercial intercourse with a belligerent, neutral pretensions are opposed; but, it is that into the heart of peaceful cities, and among the villages of a harmless peacable people, armies are sent to levy contributions, or pursue their desolating march by a power which does not allege against the hapless sufferers either the rights of war, or the provocation of a wrong. Anapatch, Hanover, Switzerland, Hamburg, Frankfort, even Rome itself, where a reconciled apostate might have been restored by recent respect to the superstition he has profaned to resume, these, and many other places, need but be

Our professional readers will find the conclusion of the opinion of the Judges, in the case of Lord Melville's witnesses, in this day's paper.
It would appear extraordinary, that at this time, a point of such importance, should not have been settled in England. The great majority of judges in favour of compelling the witnesses to answer, would seem now to settle the law in that country.
Our papers by last mail from Charleston, being silent, as to the news from New Providence stated to be received there, and noticed in our last, we are induced to believe the account to be premature. But that something like what was attributed to Mr. Fox, will be said, we have no doubt.
In the first page of this day's paper, our readers will find the commencement of an interesting pamphlet, written by the author of "War in Disguise." We have not the whole of this new work by us, but shall present it to our readers, as soon as we receive it, and until which we shall defer making any remarks upon it. We can infer from what we now publish, that the negotiations with Mr. Monroe, were in a favourable train, but what our prohibitory bill will produce, we shall see hereafter.
Interesting—The following is an extract from a letter received in New-York, from a gentleman in Nantes, dated May 24, 1806.
"Negotiations are going on in Paris, relative to the purchase of the Floridas. Mr. Skipwith brought with him three and a half millions of guilders, which, with seven millions of dollars, claims of the American merchants on Spain, will, if all consumed in the purchase, be paying dearly enough for these provinces."
"The appointment of gen. Armstrong, as joint minister, shews the strength of party attachment & party spirit in the American government. For certainly no minister was ever more disliked by his own countrymen or by the people of the country to which he has been sent—Nor has any official character even gone out, who so much sought to advance his own selfish views, or to gratify private spite. He is a bitter enemy, and I believe a friend to none but himself. N. Y. Com. Adv."
MARQUIS DE CASA YRUJO.
[The ensuing letters, which were handed to us last evening, have a strong claim to the attention, not only of our readers, but every citizen of the United States. Notwithstanding the dishonourable treatment which Major Jackson experienced in fresh in our recollection, and the numerous little intrigues with which the public prints have charged the representative of the king of Spain, we did not imagine that the Marquis de Casa Yrujo could be so destitute of every sense of honour, as to be capable of making a proposal so infamous as that contained in his letter to Col. Smith's friend. The reply of Col. S. is such as might have been expected from a gentleman, whose high sense of honour is paramount to every other consideration.]
To the Editor of the Daily Advertiser. The following is a letter received from a valuable friend, with my answer thereto, which you will be good enough to give a place in your paper. W. S. SMITH. Philadelphia, 28th June, 1806.
Sir, I have just received from Caracas a list of the names of the Americans taken by the Spaniards on board of Miranda's schooner—The name of Smith is twice found in it. I suspect the last to be the son of Col. Smith, and grandson of Mr. Adams. Altho' I had some political differences with him when he was president, this circumstance has not deprived me of that particular regard and respect towards such a distinguished character, and particular consideration for his family. Not the least doubt exists but the greatest part of the prisoners will be put to death as pirates, and I would be very happy to be able, by a timely and immediate interference, to save the life of the unfortunate youth, grandson to the venerable Mr. Adams and his worthy spouse.—But, to render my intercession effectual, I would require, as the only condition, that Col. Smith would disclose to me, through you, on his word of honour, all the knowledge he has of Miranda's plans, of his intended points of attack, of the persons with whom he had connexions in Caracas, and of the name of a Spaniard in this country, who shared in his scheme and expedition; in fact, all the material information, he may be possessed of, the knowledge of which may be useful to my government, and for the preservation and the tranquillity of the provinces Miranda had in view to revolutionize.
As I remember your attachment for Mr. Adams, I take the liberty to make this suggestion to you, who no doubt will employ all the means to relieve from affliction a worthy and disconsolate family. At all events, I expect from you a prompt and decisive answer on this head. I remain, Sir, with particular regard and consideration, your obedient servant, (Signed) MARQUIS DE CASA YRUJO.
New-York, June 30, 1806.
DEAR SIR, Accept my warmest acknowledgment for your very interesting communication of this date, presented by your son, accompanied with the letter addressed to you from the Marquis De Casa Yrujo, which after maturely considering, I return agreeable to your request.
I am sure I shall do justice to the feelings of Mr. and Mrs. Adams, if in their name I thank the Marquis for his very polite attentions in a case, no doubt dear, interesting, and affecting. I am sure, when I do him the justice to communicate his tender solicitudes for the protection of their grand son, it will not fail of exciting those sensibilities and acknowledgments, which from them the Marquis is highly entitled to.
For myself, not having the honour of his acquaintance, I had no right to expect any other attention to feelings or dignity of character, than what would naturally spring from his own mind when making so interesting a communication.
He informs you, he has just received from Caracas, a list of the names of Americans taken by the Spaniards on board of Miranda's schooner, that the name of Smith is twice found in it, he suspects the last to be my son, and grand son to Mr. Adams, and says, that he should be very happy by a timely and immediate interference to save the life of the unfortunate youth, grand son to the venerable Mr. Adams and his worthy spouse; he having no doubt that the greatest part of the Americans will be put to death.
eyes, and yet demonstrably of real probability, I am losing sight of my intended limits, and forgetting that I must not delay to give Mr. Randolph's important speech to the public at this very critical juncture. Without therefore extending further these views of colonial usurpation, I would ask the citizens of America seriously to reflect, that the maritime power of England could alone avert from them such evils, if France were disposed to realise them. Would armies be sacrificed in the work? What then—Did the waste of human life beget remorse at St. Domingo? The tyrant has besides a horrible interest, in the dreadful character of his Trans-Atlantic enterprises. Be it remembered that in the European countries which he has subjugated, and in those which he still means to subdue, there are myriads of ardent spirits whom their conqueror would be happy to dispose of in distant military service just as he basely sent the patriot Polishlegions, to do his murderous work, and perish in St. Domingo. How copiously might the untractable spirit of this free country, if it were conquered, add to the miserable numbers of high minded victims. Brethren of America, the idea, though strange and dreadful, is not beyond the range of possible events, that the volunteers of England may be sent to reduce the Spanish colonies, and to shed your kindred blood. But America might fall even before her parent. A brief period of peace would suffice to restore the maritime force of France, enormously as she has now extended her means of multiplying ships; for she has found that soldiers may soon be taught nautical skill enough to man her fleets, at least as well as they have been lately manned with French and Spanish sailors. In our own service a landsman is soon converted into an ordinary seaman, and there is no motive so strong with Buonaparte for desiring that peace for which he is now busily angling, as the present impossibility of sending the soldiers to sea for education, without requiring their captivity, and the loss of the ships that carry them. But for such an enterprise as the conquest of the Spanish colonies, a large naval force would not be wanting; armies might be landed there without resistance, large enough to maintain, as well as to accomplish the easy work. The mother country far from protecting, durst not encourage them to resist, and I am persuaded that at this moment nothing averts a French yoke from the colonies both of Spain and Portugal, but the impervious barrier of our navy: nay, that nothing suspends the fate of those mother countries themselves, but the fear that their colonies would be lost, from the want of a fleet to secure them. Does America then hope that we shall sustain the war forever, under all the discouragements which her injudicious conduct adds to its other evils—that we shall protect her in spite of herself, and let her bear away all the best fruits of our naval empire, while we are at all the charge of its defence. Such conduct indeed, were there no other alternative except that of peace with France, at the present most disadvantageous moment, might be wise and necessary, for nothing can be more infallibly self-destructive, than our now throwing open the sea to Buonaparte. But every Englishman does not concur with the great majority of the nation in this opinion. There are writers among us, who never seem to regard the enormous aggrandizement of France by land, as a good argument for opening to her boundless ambition, and implacable hostility, the important passes of the ocean; who even magnify our danger from her recent territorial acquisitions, as reasons for allowing her to reap the full and immediate benefit of their commerce, and to combine with her former immense resources, the new means which they copiously afford for the restoration of her navy; who, because we cannot give back to the right owners, the territories she has ravished from other nations, would advise us to endanger our own, and who think that as kings have been the victims of our quarrel, our most honourable course is to ratify without delay, their constrained renunciations, and shake hands with the usurper over the ruins of their thrones. Such opinions too boast, though falsely I admit, of popularity, nay even of ministerial patronage. Let not then Am...a, seeing perhaps our obvious interest better than these British politicians, suppose herself perfectly secure from that fatal event, a speedy peace between England and France; but let her beware lest by further discouraging our navy, ruining our colonies, and baffling all our remaining hopes in the war, she should at length dispose us to that desperate expedient, to her ruin as well as our own. But I am forgetting that to the people of England, and to the British cabinet, if necessary, not to the people of America, these pages are more immediately addressed. I am also forgetting, that the purpose of this publication is urgent, and that my present object is only to deprecate a hasty and fatal decision. (To be continued.)
plan is perfectly rational, and cannot fail of final success. Behold then a new prodigy of this extraordinary age, the utmost maritime strength is impotent to protect commercial navigation; and a power that is driven from the ocean, can destroy the trade of the enemy! But the paradox is of easy solution.—The plain key to it, is, the new and compendious principle that the rights of neutrality, are nothing on shore, but every thing at sea. If this doctrine is to prevail, let us beseech the people of the United States, to relieve us from the burden of those 800 men of war, which Mr. Randolph, with but a small exaggeration, supposes us at present to possess—to take also off our hands this island, which we cannot long hope to defend, and give us a district beyond the blue mountains, in exchange. At present we have no such distant retreat, as Mr. R. speaks of, from the arms of an invader; no alternative to that naval war, which he wisely declines. Surely such new and forcible considerations as the present conjuncture affords, cannot fail to have an influence on the minds of the American people. It is true, they might have been suggested in some degree, by the conduct of France, at an earlier period of the war; but the exclusion of our commerce from the continent, though partially and faintly attempted before, is now the first time distinctly avowed by Buonaparte, as the grand offensive project which is to enforce our submission; and in the execution of which, neutral nations, as he acuples not to threaten, will be constrained to concur. Neither till the defection of Prussia from the standard of neutrality, was the or so capable of extensive effect. Mr. Randolph, in one passage of his speech, seems to consider the excuse of necessity, as the chief argument relied upon in the pamphlet, which he does me the honour to quote; but on a reference to the word, it will be found that this was but one, among many foundations of right, on which the rule of the war of 1756 was placed, and to the chief part of which no answer has hitherto been given; and it will further be found that the author did not profess to argue the question at large, even in respect of the colonial trade, much less to define and defend the whole extent of our maritime rights in the present and unparalleled contest. There are other views, still more comprehensive and important, upon which it would be much easier to justify the severest war that possibly could be waged against the commerce of our enemy, and the maritime intercourse of his usurped dominions, than to excuse the concessions that have been hitherto made in favour of neutral trade. But neither these, nor the considerations here briefly suggested, have yet been submitted to the candour of the American people. A magnanimous, but not very prudent contempt of the popular voice in foreign countries, or at least of the means of obtaining its suffrage, has been long displayed by the cabinet of England. We fight, we pay, we negotiate, but except in a formal manifesto, we do not reason to the European or American public. We abandon to our enemies, the influence of every foreign press, even where the fear of French arms does not preclude a competition. It is perhaps a natural, though accidental consequence, of our peculiar form of government—the rights and the interests of the nation, the grounds of its wars, and its treaties, are copiously discussed in Parliament; and we forget that foreign politicians do not always read our debates. The grand subject of our maritime rights, at least, has every where, out of England, been left to private and self-interested pens, and these have almost universally been in the service of neutralizing traders. Our enemies therefore have walked over the course in America, as well as in other neutral countries; and the people hearing of nothing but British violence and injustice, have condemned us without trial. I am led to these remarks by a passage in Mr. Randolph's speech, in which he adopts an opinion currently received in America, that "War in Disguise," was written under the eye of Mr. Pitt. The same has also been affirmed confidently in all the newspapers of that country as a known fact, and has been hitherto uncontradicted. Let the author therefore do justice to the independence and freedom of his pen, at the expense of the credit which it might derive from the choice of our late celebrated minister. "War in Disguise," was not written under the eye, nor at the instigation of Mr. Pitt, or any other member of administration; nor was it honoured by his perusal till after it was given to the public. Whatever be the weakness or the strength of the arguments it contains, they were spontaneous and sincere, the result of uninfluenced, and, as their author believes, of impartial opinion. But to return from this digression—if new considerations of justice now arise to satisfy the people of the United States, that their demands are groundless in point of right; new and more powerful motives of policy, have also been furnished by the late changes in Europe, to reinforce the arguments of Mr. Randolph. What hopes, let me ask, can they now retain, of the moderation of France, and how truly alarming to them ought to be the prospect of a maritime peace in Europe. While a hope remained of a continental balance of power in the old world being restored, it was natural for the people of the United States to suppose themselves neutral in point of interest, in the event of the war, as well as in their actual relations. But which of their politicians will now be hardy enough to dispute the opinion of Mr. Randolph, that the navy of England is the sole bulwark of American commerce, and that our ruin would insure their own. This enlightened patriot (for though as an American addressing a republican audience, he says some things which an Englishman cannot approve, he fairly deserves that name) will I doubt not now farther extend his views, and discover more clearly the trans-Atlantic projects of French ambition which the war alone suspends. Colonies are one of the favourite and avowed objects of Napoleon's views, and where are rich colonies to be obtained, so easily and so speedily, as in Spanish America? What! will the conscience of Buonaparte shrink from the guilt of despoiling another branch of his murdered master's family? or is it the patient character of his policy to wait for the slow restitution of agriculture in St. Domingo, when finally regained by exterminating war, rather than possess himself at once of all the existing wealth and all the commerce of Cuba? His measures during the last peace furnish no argument to the contrary. They were suggested by gross ignorance of the true state of St. Domingo, and he therefore began where he would otherwise have ended. Besides, he was then kept a little in check by the yet unbroken power of his late enemies, and by the difficulties of his domestic situation; but the next opportunity of sending armies without obstruction to the new world, will be better improved. Hayti may serve a feint, or seen perhaps for a genuine, though secondary object; but Cuba will be occupied and ceded, and some of the feeble continental colonies of Spain will be next reduced. Louisiana will be resumed, and the southern states of the American union will soon experience the effects of their interior system, when opposed to the hostility of an insidious and unprincipled neighbour. But in these prospects, new perhaps to English
A request to the Benevolent and Humane.
WHEREAS, in September last, I took JOHN JONES, son of Mary Jones, a lady then about 12 years of age, from the Berkeley Spring to this city, under a mistaken notion that his mother had a right (since she actually exercised it) to bind her son to me; and whereas, the said John Jones, getting probably informed of the nullity of the indenture, did on the 21st or 22nd of October, (after my setting out for Alexandria,) leave my house, and staid several days at a Mr. Albert's, a baker, on Shockoe hill, by whom he was brought back, but left my house a second time, on the same or the next day, (as I have been informed on my return,) saying that he wished to go back to his mother, that he knew every step of the road, and should find in Fredericksburg plenty of wagons to carry him to Winchester: And whereas, I learned lately to my great surprise, from Captain John Hunter, at the Berkeley Springs, to whom I had occasion to write, that the said John Jones had neither been seen nor heard of, which has been confirmed since by a letter from his mother to me; I therefore request by this publick notice, all and every person or persons, who may harbour the before named John Jones, or know of his place of abode, or what has become of him, to communicate their intelligence to his disconsolate mother at the Berkeley Springs, or the subscriber in Richmond. June 21st, 1806. G. S. STRAS.
The said John Jones is rather tall for his age, slender but well made, has a fair complexion, blue eyes, light hair, a number of freckles in the face, he is sprightly and active, rides well on horseback, and can drive a waggon. The Printers in the different parts of this state are humbly solicited by a distressed mother to give the following a place in their papers.
FOR SALE,
The HOUSE and appurtenances adjoining Mr. Robert Boush's, and at present occupied by Mr. Alexander Wilson—Part of the purchase money must be paid down, and the remainder secured by a deed of trust upon the property, payable at 6, 9, and 12 months. The House is under lease to the present proprietor until April next. Theo. Armistead. June 9. 2w 820
STRAYED,
A LIGHT BAY HORSE, 7 years old, 16 hands high, black mane and tail, cross nicked, carries an elegant saddle, and is foxed; paces, trots, and canters well; has been accustomed to drawing in a gig; ragged hips, has a lump on his back, occasioned by the saddle, and is in low order.—A generous reward will be paid to any person who will deliver him to Lewis Armistead, June 11. 896 At the Livery Stables.
up abhorrence of the usurpers max- to shew his utter contempt for the most acknowledged and sacred of neutral rights, whenever he has power to invade them. Even bed chambers are unsafe for princes in the bosom of a neutral court. But are other nations responsible for these outrages? not directly so, I admit. Whether it be not a duty of neutral powers to unite in controlling them, and protecting those sacred principles by which the community of nations is bound together, from further violation, is a question not hard to decide. But all I contend for here, is the very moderate position, that neutral nations ought not actively to assist in giving effect to a system, which is planted, sustained and expanded by these invasions of neutral rights. If they will tamely permit Buonaparte to exclude ships when laden with our merchandise from Hamburg, and such other maritime places, yet permitted to be called neutral, as the terror of his arms has already shut against us; and to extend as he now threatens, the same system to Portugal and Denmark; it is not neutral, it is not equal, to deny a like latitude to us; and they would have no right to complain, if we should apply the same interdiction as generally to the merchandise of our enemies, wherever our power extends; that is, to every maritime part of the globe. Colonial produce and supplies alone, are the subject now in dispute with America; but here is a principle, on which we might fairly interdict the carriage of French, Spanish, and Dutch goods in general, whether colonial or European; and not in particular voyages alone, but in any part of the ocean. If not, then the rights and duties of neutrality are all on one side, and Buonaparte has already obtained some of the legal effects of that sovereignty, to which he now openly aspires over the kings and kingdoms of the earth. He has imperial prerogatives in the courts of nations, in which a British monarch has no right to participate. Hitherto it is a principle of natural reason, to which no writer on the law of nations has objected, and which most of them have expressly affirmed, that impartiality is one of the duties of neutral states; and a branch of this duty is, that what they permit to one belligerent, they must be ready to permit to the other. Even the king of Prussia, acknowledged this obligation, when he gave passage to the Russian army, on hearing the violation of Anspach; nor has the French despot himself, had the assurance openly to find fault with the act. But America, it may be said perhaps, has not yet been prevented by France, from carrying any goods whatever to the ports of this country, or our colonies. France, I admit, has not extended her commercial interdiction, where she had not power to extend it. She has no naval arms, and therefore can bolt the door against commerce on the inside only, not lock it from without: nor can she prevent importations into countries, into which her battalions cannot advance. But if she has not prevented importation by neutral vessels, into England, she has done more much more for the purpose of my argument, by excluding them from neutral ports. America is prevented from importing British goods into Hamburg for instance, not because it is the will of the senate of Hamburg, but because it is the mandate of France; and America will submit to this prohibition, as she has done to other injuries of the same species, from the same unprincipled power. On what consistent pretence then could she complain, if we should forbid her carrying French goods, whether colonial or European, to Copenhagen or Lisbon? How otherwise are we to obtain equality, in respect of neutral commerce. We may blockade, it is true, the ports from which our goods are excluded; but this is often an ineffectual resort, as well as always an expensive one, and a diversion of our naval force from more active service. Neither can it be expected, that we can spread our blockades over every harbour or accessible coast, to which Buonaparte can extend his exclusive system by land. Besides it would be absurd to maintain that we may lawfully blockade neutral ports as a rightful defence against this unprecedented system of war, and yet have no right to retaliate on the trade of the enemies, ports, lest neutral interests should suffer. The blockade too, however completely enforced, would be obviously ineffectual, to prevent the mediated injury to our colonies and our commerce. Our sugars are shut out from Hamburg, and we exclude French and Spanish sugars in return by our blockade. What then? If we allow the latter to be carried to Embden, to Antwerp, or any other blocked port, the same continental markets are effectually supplied, by means of interior navigation, with the French or Spanish article, which Hamburg before supplied with the British. If, by a just and necessary retaliation, we should prevent the supply generally in neutral bottoms, the growing dearth of the article, would soon frustrate the hostile prohibition, or oblige the enemy to recall it; but while French and Spanish produce, can be plentifully obtained from neighbouring ports, this natural remedy cannot operate; and our blockade rather tends in a commercial view to increase, than diminish the evil. The partiality therefore in the acquiescence and the resistance of neutral states, amounts not merely to passive injustice, but to an active and pernicious co-operation with the enemy in his efforts to destroy our commerce; yet though he tramples for that end on the most indisputable rights of neutrals, their extreme, abstract, and most doubtful rights, are strangely set up against us, to effectuate his injurious purpose. The main though preposterous defence of the frustration of our hostilities against the enemy's colonial trade, is his right to open his own ports; but has he a right to shut all neutral ports, as well as to open his own? Here at least the land right, will not bear out the sea wrong. Besides, America has now shrunk from this favourite principle of hers, when she had to deal with a power that would not be bullied. She has not suffered France to take her ships when trading to St. Domingo, but at the imperious mandate of that power has passed a law to forbid the trade to her subjects. Is it because Dessalines has not as good a title to Hayti, as Buonaparte to Naples? I should deny the proposition—even as to Paris: but at least Dessalines has as good a right to make laws in Hayti, as Buonaparte at Hamburg. If the nation which is called on to submit to such injurious inequality of treatment, were feeble or moribund at sea, the too common disposition in the strong to oppress the weak, might account for the unjust demand. But what in the present case may well excite astonishment, as well as indignation, is, that this injustice is offered to a nation, whose power to resist it, is as indisputable, as her right to do so—whose invincible and magnificent navy rides triumphant on every sea; who, to use the words of Mr. Randolph, "has annihilated the marine of her enemies," and might boldly defy the combined hostility of all the maritime nations on the globe, to snatch the trident from her hand. That France, an exile from the ocean, should under such circumstances, have the assurance to wage with us a war of commercial exclusions, is singular enough. But if neutrals will persevere in their present conduct, and if England timidly submit to it, the

But, to render this intercession effectual, he requires as the only condition, that I disclose to him, through you, on my word of honour, all the knowledge I have of Miranda's plans, of his intended points of attack, of the persons with whom he has connexions in Caracas, and the names of the Spaniards in this country who shared in his schemes and expedition, in fact all the material information I may be possessed of, the knowledge of which may be useful to the Spanish government, for the preservation and tranquillity of the provinces Miranda has in view to revolutionize.
When the Marquis De Casa Yrujo takes a dispassionate view of the circumstances connected with general Miranda's visit to Washington, his subsequent conduct here, and clearly ascertains that the persons accompanying him in the Leander, were not informed of his projects and plans, he will permit his benevolence to expand and shelter all those taken in the schooner, from harsh treatment and unmerited punishment, he will induce the government of his country to view the question in other lights than those which may tend to expose it to more severe animadversions than have hitherto been made, or to the rousing of that spirit of indignation and resentment, which if once permitted to burst forth, cannot fail of being attended with strong marks of revenge.
With respect to my son, he was not made acquainted with the plans of general Miranda, he went with him as a young companion, to share his fortunes and his fare. He was accompanied by some of his friends capable of deeds of hardihood and valour—Worthy their leader—worthy his cause.
Whatever may be the situation and fate of the persons taken on board the schooner, I can never tacitly sanction the lash of tyranny on his associates, and snatch my son from a participation in their fate, whatever it may be. Nothing but the Marquis's want of an acquaintance with me, can plead in excuse for the indefelicacy of his propositions. Do me the favour my friend to assure him, that were I in my son's situation I would not comply with his proposal to save myself, and I would not cast such an indignity upon my son, my family and myself, as to shelter him under the shield of infamy and disgrace. I have no doubt the Marquis will give such advice to the governor of Caracas, and make such a statement to his king, (by whom I may have the honor to be personally recollected) as will induce them not to tarnish the dignified character of the Spanish nation by any acts of passion and barbarity connected with the present case.
I am, dear sir, With great respect, Your obedient friend and Humble servant. W. S. SMITH.
A letter from a friend in Amsterdam, received by the ship Dart, which arrived here on Friday evening, says that the Dutch are, to a man, discontented; the war is unpopular, the French are detested; and yet Buonaparte will demand of the Dutch their grateful acknowledgments for the benefits they have derived from his alliance, and tells them he gives them a further mark of his grace and favour in placing them under the mild sway of a Member of his illustrious House.
Our correspondent adds, that it was expected that Schimmelpennick [the Pensionary] would resign, and, to screen himself from the just indignation of his countrymen, retire to France, on a pension.
The English pamphlet, entitled "An Inquiry into the State of the Nation," which is said to have been written by Lord Holland, and read, with approbation, by Mr. Fox, is thus noticed in a late number of the TRAVELLER. To suppose that the illustrious nephew should write, and the sage statesman could approve of a party pamphlet, which, hastily written, abounds with false English, is fraught with contemptible political reasoning, and common place intelligence; a pamphlet the author of which triumphs in the success of our enemy; depreciates and slights the assistance of Russia; represents our condition in such a state of humiliation, as to induce deep despair; who, in a word, raises France to the highest pinnacle of grandeur, and sinks England to the lowest stage of depression; requires a degree of credulity and blindness, that could, it should seem, be only founded in the most profound ignorance. We have thought it necessary thus promptly to expose this imposition, because it is calculated to be extremely injurious to administration."
From the N. Y. American Citizen.
DEFENCE OF NEW-YORK.
It is a subject of gratulation to our fellow-citizens, that a system of defence is now in operation for the city and harbour of New-York. The survey made by col. Williams has for some time been under consideration at the war-office. A plan of repairs for the works at Fort Jay has been agreed upon, and contracts have been made under the direction of general Deaborn by capt. Whitley, for the stone and other materials necessary for the work. A large quantity has already been delivered on Nutten Island. The undertaker of the masonry and his labourers are expected to begin their labours within a few weeks. It is understood that the whole of the ramparts and parapets are to be faced with brick and stone. New ravelines and curtain are to be added to the salient angles of the fort. The original design of the engineer is to be completed or improved upon, and every additional repair and enlargement made that skill and labour can give it. In consequence of these defensive operations, it is affirmed by competent judges that both the east and west sides of the city will be protected by the cannon of the fort so effectually, that an hostile fleet will find it impossible to lie at anchor in either of the rivers. Fort Jay will thus be made a very formidable work; capable of giving security to the city and of destroying the ships of an enemy.
Orders are now in execution at Washington, Philadelphia, and New-York for mounting many pieces of heavy cannon.—At Mr. Foxall's foundery at Georgetown and at other manufactories in the nation, the casting and boring of cannon for the public service has long been going on.—These home-made guns are of the most excellent quality, and when mounted will be at the disposal of the executive for the general defence. The mountings are to be of the best materials, and the cannon and carriages when finished to be transported to New-York, or to any other place where they may be wanted.
Proposals for contracts are likewise in circulation from the navy department, for the construction of a number of gun boats upon the most modern and improved plan, at the city of New-York. Mr. Smith's agent has for some weeks been engaged in receiving proposals for building these powerful engines of offence to an enemy. As soon as the bargains can be made, the business will progress. A marine guard, has likewise been sent to the navy yard at the Wallabout. Measures are taking for the housing, storing and preserving the timber. And it is expected the public ground will soon be enclosed and put into a handsome fence.
With such rapid and auspicious beginnings, we may expect that in the course of a few years, our city, under the auspices of a wise and provident administration, will be placed in such a state of security that no one need be afraid of hostile invasion—but all the inhabitants pursue their occupations in peace, under an assurance that there is nought to make them afraid.
From a London Paper.
NEW INVENTED HATS—In consequence of the very great complaints of late of the bad quality of hats, it has induced Mr. Hare, of No. 71, Strand, who resided there these 20 years, to try the experiment of mixing Moles fur with Beaver, and which he found to answer his most ardent expectations, not only for their durability, which on trial, will be found to wear out near two such hats as are made in the usual way, the mole fur making the same much finer and a closer texture than the various coarse furs that are generally made use of in the manufacturing of hats; and, with other good qualities, the fur will not come off, which has been so much complained of of late, as well as their taking a most beautiful black, which will retain its colour.
From the Connecticut Gazette.
We feel ourselves indebted to the author of the following well written communication.
MR. JOHN RANDOLPH.
There are three ways by which men, in publick life, most usually attract the attention of mankind: By the extent of their talents, and the soundness of their judgment—by extreme timidity, and a want of political knowledge; by such eccentricities, in their career, as to manifest shining qualities, rather than deep erudition; and a specious, rather than a sound policy. To this last trait, the political character of Mr. Randolph must be circumscribed. His first step on the publick theatre was marked by imprudence and self-conceit. In his progress he has added much to his shrewdness, but not to his argumentative penetration; much to his pertinacity, but not to his vigour of intellect. He never descends to vulgarity, and seldom rises above mediocrity. He is neither an indifferent dauber, nor yet touches with the hand of a master.
Two events in his political life, serve to unfold his character; the impeachment of judge Chase, and the attack on the present administration.
While the subject of impeachment was under consideration, he manifested a rancour and bitterness unworthy a statesman: he seemed to want that steady decorum, that propriety of demeanour, always expected in publick debate. As a manager of that impeachment, before the senate, he disappointed his friends, and afforded to his antagonists a theme of ridicule. He neither understood the laws of his own state, nor the judicial practice under them—much less was he acquainted with the common law of the land, on which the issue mostly depended. On this subject, the persecuted judge and his counsel assumed and maintained an elevated ground, at which Randolph aspired, but could not occupy; and he felt himself humbled at the disparity. He was neither able to meet them on the subject of legal disquisition, nor was the cause he espoused capable of support. This is evident of his want of judgment in the first instance; and he will probably derive instruction from the result.
His philippics against the present administration are the more extraordinary, as he was always considered the leader of the democratic party in congress. Only three motives can be assigned for this dereliction of conduct: Either that he found his own friends solicitous for another leader, and to counteract their views, he endeavoured to render them unpopular; or that, to preserve his influence in the house, he had it in contemplation to form a third party; or that, from a sense of duty to his country, about to be degraded, as he believed by the ineffectual and pusillanimous measures of the executive, he so far seceded from the democratic party as to aim at the revival of the steady attitude and enlightened policy of antecedent administrations. Although, from experience, it be difficult to admit, that a conviction of error can possibly work a change in the political conduct of a democrat; yet I think we must allow Mr. Randolph the praise of sincerity. Whether he will pursue a steady or an eccentric course in the political hemisphere, cannot easily be conjectured.
Of his reasoning powers it may be said, that they are much inferior to those of a Griswold—much less exercised on foreign jurisprudence and the laws of nations: He argues less from fixed and well digested principles than from the suggestions of a lively fancy, and from an un pardonable irascibility of temper. Although his eloquence is not so varied, nor so copious and impressive as that of Ames—yet it possesses some intrinsic beauties, and on certain occasions the effect of it is considerable. His figures & allusions are always happy, and are generally so arranged as to afford the greatest effect. His asperity and bitter sarcasm have been severely felt; and their application, like the caustic, has caused our political dunces, and back stairs gentry, to wince and writhe on their seats. His speech on Gregg's resolution, and the one on publication of the secret message, are admirable specimens of their kind.
In fine—Mr. Randolph is a blazing comet; rather portentous in appearance. Other comets, of greater magnitude, though more opaque, revolve around and over him; but as they are now and then precipitated from their orbits, they furnish matter to supply his waste of elementary fire: We have seldom witnessed a greater conflict of those powers denominated centrifugal and centripetal.
WASHINGTON CITY, July 16.
The United States' brig Argus, captain Hull, arrived on Saturday in 39 days from Gibraltar—She brings no news of importance.
Yesterday the President of the United States attended by the heads of departments, visited the Argus, which was dressed on the occasion. A salute was fired on their going on board, and another on their departure. The state of this vessel indicated the utmost order and cleanliness, which is further evinced by her not having a sick man on board although directly from the Mediterranean.
We understand that appearances in the Mediterranean are perfectly pacific towards the United States, who are invariably treated with respect on all publick occasions. As an evidence of this, it is said that commodore Rodgers was admitted by the dey of Algiers to his presence with a sword by his side, a mark of respect hitherto unpaid to the representative of any foreign power.
The following gentlemen were on Monday last elected trustees of the Washington Academy by the City Council on their part.—The remaining six are to be chosen by the contributors on Monday next.
Thomas Jefferson, William Cranch, Nicholas King, Abraham Beadley, William Brent, Frederick May, Samuel Hanson of Samuel.
BOSTON, July 8.
DECEPTION.
It is remarkable that all seasons and all climates have been favourable to the wiles of deception. When practised in others, it may afford us some short gratification, but on ourselves, confusion and chagrin. We are unwilling to seem deficient in understanding, and this very unwillingness frequently precipitates us into extravagant mistakes. We are seldom more sensible of intellectual pain, than when others of inferior capacities have escaped the same deception by which we have been deluded. It is then mankind invariably commend society, and sigh for its absent joys. Deceptions are practised on all the scenes
with wonderful success: but on the sight, assisted by the reasoning faculties, they are perhaps less frequent. To this class, however, belongs the unaccountable, and I have a singular deception, which occurred last week; I refer to an animal exhibited in this town, termed a non-descript biped, and which had it not been for the interposition of common sense, would probably still have been a source of admiration to the learned of the present day. This animal was sought with avidity by some gentlemen, who have lately become naturalists, and who were profuse in expressing the gratification they received at a sight so novel and interesting. Some considered it as a lusus naturae .
Quale portentinum neque militaris Dantia in latis alia esculetis, Nec libea Tellus generat.
Others, however, ranked it under the genus of Sorer . Gentlemen repeated their visits more frequently, and several descriptions, I am informed, were nearly completed, when, to the great disappointment of the naturalists, it proved to be a BEAR, taken in the woods of Vermont !! Some individuals, who very fortunately could view it through no other medium than that of the most humble understanding, were the authors of this discovery, which conferred little honour on themselves, but less on the lovers of nature.
The bear which was exhibited in this town last week, as an extraordinary animal from the Last Indies , we understand was purchased at New York . The owner there shaved, dressed and disciplined him, and gave him the name of " Poulton ." He was shewn in that city for two or three weeks, and had a crowded company every day. At length the imposture was discovered, and the mayor obliged the master and his bear to quit the city.
NEW-YORK, July 13.
Capt. Arnold in 16 days from Martinique, was boarded July 9, in lat. 33, 40, long. 71, by the British frigates Mermaid and Cleopatra, detained a few hours and dismissed. They had with them a brig bound from Baltimore to Bordeaux, which they were sending in for adjudication. Capt. Arnold informs that four French ships of the line, a frigate and a brig had arrived at Port Royal, viz. the Veteran, on board of which was Jerome Buonaparte; the Imperieux, the Ecole, the Foudroyant, Admiral Willaumez, the frigate Valereuse, and a brig; and that there were four British ships of the line and one frigate cruising in the channel of St. Lucea, frequently in sight of the enemy.
The day the Amanda sailed, it was reported that two ships of the line had arrived at Guadalupe, supposed to be part of Jerome's squadron.
PHILADELPHIA, July 13.
O'Connor, 58 days from Hamburg, by whom we have received Dutch papers to the 15th of May, from which we have the following translations:—
TRIESTE, April 10.
The Russian system, according to which all ports on the Adriatic occupied by the French are blockaded, is very detrimental to trade. Insurance has risen from 2 to 6 per cent. All expeditions are now making to Sinagaglia instead of Ancona.
April 21.
On the 17th arrived here a Russian ship of the line conveying 6 ships loaded with oil from Bocchia di Cataro.
VENICE, April 20.
The day before yesterday a Russian frigate stop'd and carried away a merchantman near the island Murano belonging to Venice, which sailed under Austrian colours from Trieste to Venice.
The circulation of the new coin throughout Italy commences the 1st of May, and is equal to the ancient fine standard of Milan.
ON THE MAYN, May 3.
Letters from Switzerland mention that the French government has given orders to deliver up all British merchandise in this country to France, and in case of refusal a French army will enter their territory.
In the year 1803, it was calculated that Prussia had about 2100 ships man'd with 10,900 sailors, since that period the Prussian navigation has been considerably augmented to the great advantage of that country. The chief articles of export from Prussia are grain for 20 millions, and linen for 1 millions of dollars.
HAMBURGH, May 9.
It is now confirmed that the navigation of the Jhade is free.
MAY 10.—Letters from Danzig and Koningsburg of the 2d May, mention that an embargo has been laid there on all Swedish vessels.
FREYBURG, in Brisgau, May 2.
In consequence of an order of the senate of Basle, ten of the first merchants of that place were arrested on the 28th April, upon account of British goods seized at Neufchatel; in future foreign merchandise can be imported only by 3 different roads into Switzerland. The public consternation is very great. A printed proclamation has been circulated thro' the whole canton of Basle prohibiting all imports and trade with English goods under heavy penalties and personal punishments in some cases extending even to the privation of life.
(Concluded from the Ledger of the 14th inst.)
The judges who had not delivered their opinions on the case of Lord Melville's witness indemnity bill, on the question, "whether witnesses were bound to answer questions, if their answers subjected them to civil process," were heard seriatim .
Mr. Baron Thompson, at great length stated his opinion, that witnesses were not compellible to answer such questions.
Mr. Justice Heath and the lord chief baron were of opinion, that witnesses in such cases were compellible to answer such questions.
Sir James Mansfield, chief justice of the common pleas, stated his sentiments to be the same with Mr. Baron Thompson, that they were not compellible.
Earl Stanhope then rose, and expressed his regret there should be such a difference of opinion amongst the learned judges. In order, however, to get at the evidence of witnesses in that situation, he suggested the propriety of a bill, by which the whole evidence of such a witness might be obtained and enacting that the creditor should be precluded from taking advantage of any answers to the interrogatories he should give under such circumstances. He read the bill as part of his speech, and the titles was immediately after read pro forma from the wool-sack.
Lord Eldon did not rise to give any opposition to a bill the object of which was to set at rest a question, which after the opinion delivered from such high authorities, must be attended with considerable difficulty and uncertainty. The whole of his life has been devoted to the labours of his profession, and in the long experience the exercise of his duties had supplied, he did not recollect a single instance in which he had heard the objection stated by a witness or for a witness, that the effect of his answer would be that it would render him responsible in a civil suit. Whatever concurrence he might feel with a noble lord, in the object of the bill, he was by no means satisfied that the form of it would answer the design the noble mover intended. The witness ought to be rescued from any civil consequences of his own evidence, from any quarter whatever, by which that
evidence might be converted to his disadvantage. The only depositions given by the person himself in court would be brought against him, but every other spectator who attended might render him liable by giving evidence to the testimony so delivered. The matter would require long and attentive deliberation. The personal exertions of no one man in the history of British jurisprudence, furnished him with such abundant means of information, as those of the noble lord now on the wool-sack; and he (Lord Eldon) would venture to anticipate that this noble lord had never known any instance during the protracted period of his practice, when such an objection had been taken on behalf of a witness.
The Lord Chancellor left the wool-sack. He felt it his duty to communicate his sentiments on a subject of so much consequence to the proceedings in courts of law. He had been for seven and twenty years engaged in the duties of a laborious profession, and while he was so employed, he had the opportunity of a more extensive experience in the courts than any other individual of his time. It was true, that in the profession there had been, and there now were, men of much more learning and ability, than he would ever pretend to, but success in life often depended more upon accident and certain physical advantages, than upon the most brilliant talents and profound erudition. It was very singular, that during these 27 years, he had not for a single day been prevented in his attendance in the courts by any indisposition or corporeal infirmity. Within much the greater part of this period, he had been honoured by gown precedence, and in consequence of this privilege, had not only been engaged in every important cause, but had conducted causes of this description during that period in the court of king's bench. But with the history of his professional life their lordships had no concern, otherwise than it was connected with the present inquiry. For that purpose it was material to declare that although his experience was equal not only to any individual judge on the bench, but to all the judges, with their collective practice; yet that he never knew a single objection to have been taken to an interrogatory proposed, because the reply to it would render the witness responsible in a civil suit. It was true, that in Mr. Peell's book which had been frequently cited on the present occasion, there was a note by which it should appear that an objection of this kind had been taken by the late chief justice Kenyon; but notwithstanding his opinion of the minute accuracy and great learning of that reporter, he thought he had in this instance been guilty of a mistake on two grounds; 1st because he himself had been counsel in the cause, and had no recollection of the circumstances; 2dly, because, if that note were correct, lord Kenyon must have been guilty of an obvious contradiction of his own principles and sentiments, as they appeared even on the face of the same report. His lordship was of opinion, that the bill now proposed would not effectually answer the purpose intended by the noble mover; he most heartily concurred in the object, but most materially differed from him on the means of effecting it. Notwithstanding some difference of opinion among high authorities, among persons for whom he had the greatest veneration, yet he could not help thinking that the law itself was unembarrassed from these contradictions. He considered it so far precise, clear, & perspicuous. That it was necessary no new law should be promulgated, other than in the form of a declaratory law, by which it should be announced what had been the law, what should be the law, and what ought to be the law, and what should be the law of the land as to this important particular. On these grounds he could not give his assent to the bill now suggested; and if no other noble lord more competent than himself, would undertake the business, he should himself move a legislative regulation, with the view to place the question for ever in repose.
Ld. Ellenborough perfectly coincided with the sentiments of his noble and learned friend on the wool-sack. The labours of his existence has also been devoted to the same arduous duties, and he had attended a circuit the largest in extent, and the most comprehensive in the variety of its business; but neither in the course of his experience on his itinerant duties nor during his constant application at Westminster Hall, where he might say he had been engaged in almost every important cause, nor since he had been called by his majesty's pleasure to the bench where he now had the honor to preside, did he recollect a single instance where the objection had been taken, that the answer of the witness would place the deponent in a situation of responsibility to a civil suit. It was true, that where the reply to the question would expose the witness to the consequences of a criminal prosecution, his lordship always felt it his duty to caution him from the bench; but even in that case, partial communications must not be made, the testimony must not be garbled, if a portion were imparted the whole evidence must be disclosed, and so it was held by the noble and learned lord whom he had the honour to succeed, with much inferior powers. Although he perfectly agreed with the noble mover on the necessity of some legislative measure, yet he thought the bill now read would be inadequate to the object proposed; it therefore would not receive his support.
Earl Stanhope considered his bill capable of comprising every object suggested by the noble lords who had opposed it, and said that he should move for the second reading on Tuesday next. In the mean time it was ordered to be printed. Adjourned.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Sch'r Welcome Return, Hurst, 25 days from Jamaica, Rum, Molasses & Fruit, Proby, Harman & Co. The ship Emily, Welch, of New-York, had just arrived from Wilmington, N. C. The homeward bound Jamaica fleet sailed the 22d June, consisting of 163 sail, under convoy of 3 frigates—July 3, off Colorado fell in with the fleet—they had captured a French privateer—parted on Tuesday last, in lat. 29, 30, long. 79.
Brig Lucy, Dixey, 12 days from Boston.
The sch'r Father and Sons, Hopkins of this port was spoken off the Texel on the 15th of May from Tommingen bound to Amsterdam.
The ships Juno, Ritson, and from this port, and the Globe, Howland, from this port, arrived at Rotterdam the 16th of May.
The ship Three Sisters, of this port from Trieste bound to Liverpool, is taken by the Spaniards, carried into Algesiras and there condemned.
The brig Sea Flower, from this port to Jamaica, was spoke on the 27th June, out 20 days.
Gray's Packet will sail for Baltimore TO-MORROW. July 21.
Herbert's Packet will sail for Alexandria on Friday next. July 21.
By virtue of a Deed in Trust, Will be Sold, on FRIDAY, the first day of August, on the premises for ready money,
THE TRACT OF LAND,
called Paradise, whereon William Raincock, now resides, situate within one mile and a half of the town of Portsmouth, containing 563 acres.—The road to the Canal, and that running from the New Bridge to Bunting's Ordinary, runs through this land; there is on the premises a comfortable Dwelling-House and the necessary out-houses, and the land is as well timbered as any in that part of the country, and an excellent range for stock.
The Trustees.
July 11.