The Patowmac guardian, and Berkeley advertiser (Shepherdstown, Va. [W. Va.]), 1794-06-02 00:00:00

The POTOMAC GUARDIAN, and BERKELEY ADVERTISER.
PRICE TWO DOLLARS PER ANN.]
MONDAY, JUNE 2, 1794.
[NUMBER 185—VOL. 4.]
WHERE LIBERTY DWELLS, THERE IS MY COUNTRY.
Franklin.
MILLS to be let, for a long time.
On the third Tuesday in JUNE, which is the 17th day of next month,
Will be rented on the premises, to the highest bidder, at Vendue for the term of Seventeen years, the time to commence and possession to be given on the tenth day of July next,
A valuable Merchant Mill,
Belonging to the estate of the late General Adam Stephen, adjoining the town of Martinsburg, situate on Tuscarora Creek, which is a stream that never fails, and has the advantage of a twenty foot fall, of course her seat is admirable; the house is of stone, pretty large and capacious, with a sufficiency of garners to contain four thousand bushels of grain; the now works two pair of stones, and has water enough for a third; a saw-mill can be conveniently added; the town is thriving, and of course a perpetual demand for plank and scantling. We think it unnecessary to comment on the many advantages which must necessarily flow from being so immediately situated at the town, and from being surrounded by so fine a grain country, as those advantages present themselves so forcibly that they cannot escape the notice of any.
We shall expect annual payments with punctuality, and in order to insure the same, a clause will be inserted in the lease, enabling us to oust the tenant and re-enter, in case of default.
ROBERT STEPHEN, EPHRAIM GAITHER, MOSES HUNTER, DAVID HUNTER. } Exec'rs.
May 22, 1794.
TAKEN up by the Subscriber, some time since, a bay Mare, 13 years old, branded O on each shoulder, dock'd, a crop off the right ear. She has been poled and app'd agreeable to law.
ROBERT BURNS.
May 22, 1794.
Six Pence Reward.
RAN away from the Subscriber, some time in April last, an indentured boy by the name of Robert Bennett, he is between 19 and 20 years old. Whoever apprehends said run-away, and commits him to goal, shall have the above reward, but no thanks.
LEDWICK FRYE.
May 22, 1794.
Eight Dollars Reward.
STRAYED or stolen out of the pasture of the subscriber, living in Sharpsburg, Washington County, Maryland, on the 24th day of April, in the night, a bay Horse, 5 years old this spring, about 14 hands high, the shoes taken off the same day, branded on his near shoulder G E, a natural pacer. Whoever will apprehend the thief, if stolen, so that he be brought to justice, and secure the horse, so that I may get him again, shall receive the above reward, or four dollars for the horse only, with all reasonable charges, if brought home, paid by,
WILLIAM WIDMEYER.
May 22, 1794.
A number of Journeymen Mill-wrights are wanted on hire, by the subscriber, to whom the highest wages will be given, adequate to their services in the business, by applying at Major Isaac Hite's store, on Cædar Creek, or at Capt. Thomas Buck's, Frontroyal town, Frederick County.
ADAM FRAILEY.
May 26, 1794.
Boarding House, sign of the SWAN, near the old bridge, BATH.
SHAFFNER AND HEATON,
RESPECTFULLY inform the Public, that they are preparing and will open a Boarding House at Bath, for the reception, entertainment, and comfort of those ladies and gentlemen who may attend these salutary waters, the approaching season.
They assure the public, that nothing in their power shall be wanting to render the accommodation in every respect agreeable to those who may deign to favour them with a visit.
BATH, May 21, 1794.
LA FAYETTE.
BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS,
MARCH 17.
(Continued from our last.)
MR. Pitt, in the view of the subject in which he saw it, and the single point which he conceived called for the consideration of the House, in order to their decision upon the present question, did not conceive it necessary to follow the Honorable General through a variety of topics which he had so ably and humanely urged, but which, in his opinion did not lead to that conclusion which it was necessary for them to look to. In narrowing, however, the view which he meant to take of the subject, he did not mean to be supposed to agree to many of the positions laid down by the hon. general. Of these topics, one was the character drawn of M. Fayette, which the laudable warmth of friendship had depicted so highly; but of which, as he entertained nearly the same opposite sentiments, he wished to decline saying any thing, but merely that he was by no means ready to admit the rectitude of his conduct upon many of those occasions which had been the subject of praise. Another point which he was not inclined to assent to, that those gentlemen were confined contrary to the law of war and of nations. It was admitted that the capture of M. Fayette was by an enemy, who could know nothing of him but as an enemy, and one who the day before actually commanded the hostile army which we were opposing; but it is said, that he was taken in a neutral country; admitting this to be true, the violation was only towards that power whose sovereignty was violated, and could not be complained of as between the two hostile armies. But the principal objection stated by the hon. general was, the treatment with which these unfortunate captives were oppressed by the king of Prussia. Whatever that treatment might be, it was a measure entirely of an independent sovereign, in which we could not be stated to have any interference, either in its commencement or continuance; and to interfere with whom, in what passed in his own dominions, would be to depart from the selected and well known rules established between independent states, and setting ourselves up as the guardians of the consciences of foreign states. But what were the special grounds upon which we were called upon to exert this interference? That the king of Prussia had asserted that those gentlemen were to be considered as the common prisoners of the allied powers, and that therefore their fate must depend upon common consent. For his part he had already, as he now again, denied, that this country had any hand in this business one way or the other, nor did he know upon what authority this declaration was attributed to the king of Prussia, other than as it was stated in that house. Admitting, however, the truth of the expression having been uttered, it did not appear to him that it could apply to this country at all, inasmuch as at the time of the capture, we formed no part of the alliance alluded to, but were perfectly neutral. The only other ground upon which the motion was grounded, was the similarity of the principles upon which M. Fayette was supposed to have acted, and those which we make the grounds of our interference. Suppose that true, how would the declaration issued by his majesty, to induce the French to join our arms apply to him? That only promised protection and support to those who joined us as friends hereafter. But had M. Fayette joined us at all, and could he be said, therefore, to have come within their promises therein contained? Upon the simple ground therefore, of the impropriety of our interference, and without attending to the other circumstances that did not apply, he found himself obliged to oppose the motion.
Mr. Fox observing that the right hon. gentleman who spoke last, had purposely avoided many of the arguments used by his hon. friend, he had contented himself with simply urging his motion to be an improper one. He had therefore left the arguments of his friend unanswered, and they appeared to him still to stand with the same force and weight as at first. For his part, he would not think of supporting the motion, by stating any thing personal with respect to the unfortunate M. Fayette; although he had some personal knowledge of him, but content himself with observing, that if ever there was one of a firm mind, temperate in times the most perilous, and acting to the last under the impression of one original and uniform principle, this was the man! But if we refused our interference, we became accessaries and participators in the most diabolical and disgraceful infamy that ever tyranny exhibited. These unfortunate gentlemen were exposed to a degree of savage refinement in barbarity hitherto unprecedented. Distributed into different jails to deprive them of the comfort of being even under the same roof, immersed in subterraneous dungeons where the only view they could have was the horrid executions, which not law, but tyranny inflicted
within their sight and hearing. This he affirmed, positively to have taken place at Magdeburg; where M. Fayette earnestly intreated, in vain to be indulged in the melancholly satisfaction of being at least under the same roof with the companions of his misfortunes; but which the barbarous inhumanity of his jailors refused, and they were actually dispersed into different jails. It will be said, what has the British nation to do with all this? He asked, did custom prevent this interference of one nation with another in cases of humanity; or was there no precedent of this kind to justify us in the present instance. It was not so long ago but to be within the memory of most gentlemen upon the unfortunate situation of captain, now Sir C. Algill, when this court applied, and succeeded too, for the interference of the court of France to save his life. What then was there to prevent our following one of those few good examples which the old government of this devoted country afforded us? But if there existed no instance of this kind to unite us, were there wanting motives to induce us to the adoption of the present proposition? Is the declaration of the king of Prussia of no weight? Does not the right hon. gentleman know it was made? Was it not made frequently and in the most public manner? But he had said the king of Prussia, in using those words must mean other allies. The fact is, his majesty wished to divide the odium which must ever attach itself to this transaction among the combined powers, and they must, if they wished to shake it off, deny one by one; and it was not enough that a minister should deny it in that house, but in such terms as might hereafter perhaps be denied or done away; but it should flow from the king himself, that so, by such a public renunciation, such of his nation, who might hereafter be upbraided with it, might be enabled to refute it. But is this the only ground upon which we are called upon to interfere? The hon. gentleman said, that his majesty's declaration to the people of France could not apply to M. Fayette. He on the contrary maintained, that he must be expressly included in it, inasmuch as the framing of it, had express reference to the transactions at Toulon, and there expressly guaranteed that constitution, which M. Fayette had a principal hand in establishing. But he had made a distinction in dates, and asked, whether it followed that promising protection to those who should hereafter join them, they should also protect those who had acted a certain part. To which he answered most certainly it did, or the declaration must be considered as a mere quibble—for if we were ready to accept of promises as a good ground of protection, how much stronger were we bound to those who had actually performed eminent services in the cause we undertook to support, and as in the present instance had sacrificed so much to his attachment to it. Suppose, for instance, M. Fayette could not have made his escape out of France, but was wandering and concealed, as many others were said to be, he would ask, whether in consequence of our declaration he had contrived to join us, whether or not we were bound to protect him? Nay more, suppose him to be immured by French instead of Prussian tyranny, and within the reach of our arms, should we not, if possible, liberate him by force, and shall we then hesitate to endeavour to do so by entreaty? When the arguments that humanity and justice dictated, were so many and so strong, he was ashamed to mention that which policy suggested; but could any one doubt, even in this point of view, the propriety of our interference. To prove this, he stated the use M. Fayette might have been to the cause at Toulon, or may hereafter be in any future attempt on France, as one whom they would naturally look up to; the injury it would be if they saw those who opposed the present powers in France so treated, by flying from one captivity to a still worse; and the necessity of our remonstrating to the allied powers against so imprudent a conduct, if they pursued the same objects which we professed to do.
The mode likewise of the capture of this unfortunate gentleman and his associates, he shewed was of a piece with all that followed, and was equally worthy such actors, namely by downright treachery. At the time of his flight there were about forty persons of them; these were met by a few, of whom it was demanded, whether they might have safe passage into Holland? this was promised, and in violation of this promise they were afterwards made captives, and exposed to all the subsequent brutality. Upon the subject of the right by which they were to be considered as captives, he contended that either they were to be considered as prisoners of war, and as such entitled to be treated with the lenity which custom has indulged to such; or else, as indeed they were, called prisoners of state. As such then, he would call upon any man to shew by what law of nations it could be held, that a man is to be punished by those in whose power he was, for crimes supposed to be committed, not in the territory of him in whose hands he is, but in his own

be traced to that savage and unjustifiable law, the law of violence, and the will of an individual. Upon the whole, the question resolved itself into this simple and narrow consideration, to those who think the treatment of these unfortunate men no injury to the common cause, they would vote against the motion. On the contrary, those who saw in those cruelties a violation of every principle of justice, humanity and prudence, they would give it their support. If ministry have done any thing on the subject, then they would only have to consider, whether what was done was rightly done; if they meant to interfere, then it would be proper to wait; if neither of these was the case, it behoved that house to consider, whether they were not called upon to consult their own feelings, and the success of that cause which they professed to support. Upon these grounds, therefore, he declared his assent to the motion of his hon. friend.
Mr. Burke, with his usual warmth, commented on the affairs and misfortunes attendant on the events of France; the miseries of which he principally attributed to M. Fayette, contending that we were not called on in any manner to interfere in his favor, and declaring that when he contemplated the numerous and aggravated series of misery which desolate that unhappy country, all compassion for the individual was swallowed up in the general calamity.
Mr. Grey observed, that the right hon. gentleman who spoke last, had declared loudly against the cruelties and atrocities of the French. He did not mean to argue on the irrelevancy of the various topics which he had introduced, but he conceived we may draw a lesson from their cruelties, by abstaining from that injustice, which cruelly confined the unfortunate Marquis la Fayette in a loathsome dungeon.
He maintained that, as we had no right to interfere with the internal government of France, so it was not just to inflict a punishment on that unfortunate gentleman, for whatever constitution he may with to have established. He trusted that the unfortunate queen in her dying moments, esteemed La Fayette for his assiduities, and the part which he had taken in behalf of the royal family. He observed, by the declaration of Lord Hood to the Toulonese, they were promised the constitution of 1789, which was the very constitution for which the wretched Marquis La Fayette was an advocate.—If therefore it was the objects of the confederates to restore the ancient monarchy, in preference to the constitution of 1789, he affirmed that Great-Britain would be justified in withdrawing herself from the present alliance to make a separate peace. Principles of justice and policy should induce this country, he insisted, to interfere for the enlargement of these unfortunate gentlemen, whose chief crime was, in supporting that constitution which Lord Hood offered to the Toulonese.
(To be concluded in our next.)
BRUSSELS, March 15.
ALL the motions and preparations which the combined armies have made on the frontiers are only defensive, occasioned by the enemy drawing their troops together. It is known from good authority, that in the councils of war held here and at Mons, it has been agreed upon, that the combined armies shall not begin to act until the great reinforcements which are expected from Germany and England shall have arrived. It will therefore certainly be half April before we can act on the offensive.
The French in the mean time seem to be determined to open the campaign with a general attack, which is to be made from the furthest frontiers of Luxembourg until the sea shore at the same time; our Generals therefore take all the necessary precautions to cover our frontiers.
The greatest part of the French army of the Moselle, drawing itself towards Diedenhofen; a corps of Austrians has been detached from the county of Namur, in order to reinforce the small army of General Beaulieu, who has taken his head quarters at Arlon. The greatest part of the English army marched on the 10th inst. from Cortyk to Menin, because this place is threatened with an attack from the French, who draw together near Lincelles. The Duke of York held lately a general review of the English army, and gave orders to change its position. According to appearance, the English army is to occupy a post of consequence, behind the river Lys.
L O N D O N,
March 17. Intelligence is received, that the French have for the present changed their intentions of visiting Great-Britain, first intending the conquest of the island of Jersey. The force is collected at St. Maloes; and the number announced is 10 000 men. The force at Jersey consists of the 63d regiment, which is 600 strong; about 800 royalists in British pay; five companies of invalids; and about 4000 militia.
By an American gentleman who left Brest on Friday last, we learn, that there were thirty-one sail, besides a great number of frigates, lying at single anchor, ready to put to sea at the shortest warning. They were all apparently in excellent condition.
Their supposed object is for the present to intercept, if possible, the Gibraltar homeward bound fleet, which consists of 170 sail, and having, it is thought, a very strong convoy. It is to be hoped Lord Howe's appearance will cool the ardor of their expectations. They are out, and, as long as they keep the sea, the public anxiety is not likely to be abated.
counts had arrived there from France, of the following fleet having sailed from Brest, for the purpose of making a descent on some part of this kingdom, or Ireland, viz. 22 sail of the line, 15 frigates, and 117 transports, having 65,000 troops on board. We cannot, however, give the least credit to this rumour at present.
UNITED STATES.
PORTSMOUTH (N. H.) May 10.
Arrived here on Wednesday last, the Brig Betsy, John Salter, jun. master, in 48 days from Dartmouth (England). Capt. Salter communicates the following interesting particulars: That, two days previous to his leaving Dartmouth, it was currently reported that the French had taken Jersey and Guernsey; that the day he sailed, other corroborating accounts of the same fact had been received—much credit was given to the intelligence by many in Dartmouth; that there was a very hot press in most of the British ports, and that orders had been issued to double the militia; that about 25 sail of the line had sailed from Brest—a variety of conjectures were formed of their destination, among some of which, that they had gone to the West-Indies, with a view to re-capture some of their islands, was the most prevailing.
BOSTON, May 18.
We hear that a vessel is arrived at Salem from Lisbon, which brings news of the conflagration at Ferrol, and the destruction of the immense magazines in that place. The Spanish government will lose 12 millions of dollars by this event.
AUGUSTA, May 2.
We have it from good authority, that Mr. Seagrave arrived at Fort-Fidius, on the 25th ult. from the Creek nation, and that he has established peace between the United States and said nation; but the particulars we have not been able to learn.
CHARLESTON, (S. C.) May 5.
Yesterday evening the ship Major Pinckney, Capt. Grice, arrived off the bar, in 6 weeks passage from Falmouth.
Capt. Finlay, from Gonaives, touched at Cape-Nicola-Mole, where he saw a letter from a merchant in Jamaica to his correspondent there—which mentioned that he was sorry to inform him, that the Spaniards had withdrawn, from the confederacy of the powers of Europe, engaged in war against the French. In corroboration of this information, Capt. Finlay says, 8 Spanish ships of the line, with other armed vessels, had lain inactive at a port near Gonaives for some time past, supposed to be in conformity to orders received from the Spanish government, and the French and Spanish in St. Domingo were on the most friendly footing.
That the French inhabitants, who had lately submitted themselves to the British arms, had arose in opposition to their new masters, planted the National standard in sight of Cape-Nicola-Mole, and completely invest that place.
NEW-YORK, May 19.
By the brig Mary, Capt. Haley, in 48 days from Brest, we have received the following important intelligence:—
About the 20th March, an engagement took place between the French and Prussian armies, which ended in a signal victory on the side of the republicans. In this action, glorious for the cause of liberty, upwards of 6000 of the slaves of the despotic Prussian monarch bit the dust.
Valenciennes and Conde were actually retaken some time before Capt. Haley sailed.
Victory has also crown'd their efforts against Spain and many of her towns are now in their possession. In addition to all this, we are positively assured, not a vestage of the rebel army is left; having, almost to a man, paid the forfeit of their heinous crimes.
At sea success has equally favored their struggles; several of the Cork fleet, and 29 valuable ships from the Straits, bound to London, had changed their course, and entered different French ports with inverted colours.
We further learn, that the Portuguese have sent a fleet to the mouth of the Straits, to check the Algerines.
May 21. The Aurora, Hovey, arrived yesterday from London, brought but few papers. She left the Downs, March 21, and her London accounts are only to the 20th.
They write from London, by the Aurora, that the channel is full of French cruisers; that one of them, a frigate, went so close in, that she was fired at from the fort at Falmouth; that they take many prizes; and, to crown all, that Lord Hood's fleet is safe moored at Torbay!
PHILADELPHIA, May 20.
Yesterday in the house of representatives of the United States, Mr. Sedgwick called up the bill, some time since reported by him, pursuant to orders of the house, for raising, organizing, and equipping an additional provisional military force, the first section of which specifies the number of men thus to be raised, viz. 25000.—This section, after some debate, was struck out—Mr. Sedgwick then moved the following as a substitute for the first section—That there shall be raised, upon the terms and
conditions herein after mentioned, an additional provisional military force, to consist of non-commissioned officers, privates and musicians, together with a proper proportion of commissioned officers. After further debate, this motion was likewise negatived, and the whole bill fell of course.
The house sat till a late hour, debating on the bill for laying duties on snuff, tobacco, and leaf sugar—a motion to reject the bill, on its first reading, was at length negatived, and the bill referred to the committee of the whole this day.
Accounts from the Mississippi mention the capture of 22 Kentucky boats loaded with flour. They were stoop at the first Spanish post below the junction of the Ohio and Mississippi—by the Indians;—so New-Orleans accounts give it.
May 21. Capt. Flinn of the snow Hebe, in 36 days from Oporto, brings the following very pleasing intelligence:
"PORTUGAL HAD DECLARED WAR AGAINST ALGIERS."
The sloop Independence, Capt. Young from Bermuda, brings information, that the Privateers of that island continue capturing and condemning American vessels. Instance, the sloop Sally, Haynes, of Philadelphia, was condemned on the 6th inst. A brig, Capt. Smith of Rhode-Island, on her passage from Jaquemel, homeward bound with a cargo of coffee, was captured and sent into Bermuda, where both vessel and cargo were condemned, first taking in cash 7000 dollars. Capt. Smith purchased the brig back for 600 dollars, and sailed home 2 days before Capt. Young left that place.
The following Bermudian privateers were ordered on the coasts of America, to cruise after the American coasters laden with flour, viz. Goodrich's 3 masted schooner, called the Experiment, Captain Morgan of 14 guns; the privateer schooner duke of York, of 14 guns; the sloop Britannia, Seamore, of 12 guns; and sloop Hope, Tucker, of 2 guns.
Capt. Young further says, that 4 sail of American vessels were sent in there during his stay. Flour got up to 18 dollars a barrel in consequence of the embargo.
In consequence of the above unfavorable intelligence, from Bermuda, the premium of insurance on vessels loading for the West-Indies, has risen to 50 per cent.
May 23.
Extract of a letter from St. Eustatius, May 4.
"American property now goes unmolested, and every encouragement given them. Guadaloupe is taken, and the British fleet sails to-morrow for England."
An express arrived yesterday at the war-office from the Indian frontier with intelligence of the first importance. Various reports as to its real import have circulated; but from all we can collect it appears that the English are busy in establishing a post within our territory, in order to serve as a convenient rallying point to their Indian allies. Presqu'ille was, by some, said to be the post, Sandusky by others. The nature of the dispatches will, this day be understood with more precision, as it is probable they will be communicated to Congress by the executive.
The encroachments of the English on our territory in the Western country, some may foolishly imagine will rouze this country to retaliate for past injuries, but our wise men will no doubt find for them an additional reason for negotiation, and a sufficient motive for the appointment of another Envoy Extraordinary.
MAY 24.
The following very interesting Letters were read in the House of Representatives of the United States, on Wednesday and Yesterday.
No. I.
Philadelphia, May 20, 1794.
SIR,
IT cannot be unknown to you, that a speech, said to be addressed, on the 10th of February, 1794, to several Indian nations, and ascribed to the governor general of his Britannic majesty at Quebec, has appeared in most of the public prints in the United States; with so many circumstances of authenticity, after remaining so long without contradiction, it might have justified us in inquiring from you, whether it was really delivered under British authority. Our forbearance thus to inquire is conformable with the moderation which has directed the conduct of our government towards Great-Britain; and indicates, at the same time, our hope, from the declarations of yours, that its views would prove ultimately pacific, and that it would discountenance every measure of its officers having a contrary tendency.
Even now, sir, while I entertain a firm persuasion that in assuming this speech to be genuine, I cannot well err, I shall be ready to retract the comments which I am about to make, if you shall think proper to deny its authenticity.
At the very moment when the British ministry were forwarding assurances of good-will, does lord Dorchester foster and encourage, in the Indians, hostile dispositions towards the United States. If it was a part of the American character to indulge suspicion, what might not be conjectured as to the influence by which our treaty was defeated in the last year, from the assembling of deputies from all the nations who were at the late general council on the Miami, and whose enmity against us cannot be doubted! How nearly would that suspicion approach to proof, were we to recollect, that so high an officer, as himself, would not hazard this expression,—"I should not be surprised, if we are at war with the United States in the course of the present year; and if we are, a line must then be drawn by the warriors."
But this speech only forebodes hostility; the in-

intelligence which has been received this morning is, it true, HOSTILITY ITSELF. The President of the United States has understood, through channels of real confidence, that governor Simcoe has gone to the foot of the Rapids of the Miami, followed by three companies of a British regiment, in order to build a fort there.
Permit me then to ask, whether these things be so? It has been usual, for each party to a negotiation, to pay such a deference to the pretensions of the other, as to keep their affairs in the same posture, until the negotiation was concluded. On this principle, you complained, in your letter of the 5th of July, 1792, of the jurisdiction attempted to be exercised, under the state of Vermont, within the district occupied by the troops of your king; and demanded, that our government should suppress it, from respect to the discussion which was pending. On this principle, you were assured, that proper measures should be adopted. On the same principle, you renew, on the 19th of March, 1794, a similar application; and are assured, that the measures of the government should correspond with its assurances. Accordingly, although the forts, garrisons and districts, to which your letters relate, are confessedly within the limits of the United States, yet have our citizens been forbidden to interrupt you in the occupancy of them. What return then have we a right to expect?
But you will not suppose that I put the impropriety of the present aggression upon the pendency of the negotiation. I quote this only to shew the contrast between the temper observed on your part towards us, and on our part towards you. This possession of our acknowledged territory, has not the pretext of statu quo on its side; it has no pretext at all. It is an act, the hostility of which cannot be palliated by any connection with that negotiation. It is calculated to support an enemy whom we are seeking to bring to peace.
A late mission of the United States to Great Britain, is an unequivocal proof, after all that has happened, of the sincere will of our government to preserve peace, and a good understanding with your nation. But our honor and safety require that an invasion shall be repelled.
Let me therefore inform you, Sir, that I have it in charge from the President of the United States, to request and urge you, to take immediate and effectual measures, as far as in you lies, to suppress these hostile movements; to call to mind, that the army of the United States, in their march against the enemy, will not be able to distinguish between them and any other people, associated in the war; to compare these encroachments with the candour of our conduct, and the doctrines which you have maintained; and to admonish those who shall throw obstacles in the way of negotiation, and tranquility, that they will be responsible for all the unhappy consequences.
I have the honor to be,
With respect,
Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
(Signed) EDM. RANDOLPH.
Mr. HAMMOND, Minister Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty.
No. II.
Philadelphia, 22d May, 1794.
SIR,
IN answer to your letter of the 20th current, which I did not receive until late in the afternoon of yesterday, it is necessary for me to premise that, whatever may be my personal opinion, with respect to the style and manner in which you have thought it proper to address me, upon the present occasion, it is not my intention to offer any animadversion upon them, but to proceed with temper and candour to the examination of the subjects of your letter.
Though I never can acknowledge the right of this government to require from me so categorical-ly, as you have required it, an explanation of any measure emanating from the Governors of Canada, over whose actions, I have no controul, and for whose conduct I am not responsible; I am willing to admit the authenticity of the speech to certain Indian nations, to which you have alluded, and which you have ascribed to the Governor-General of his Majesty's possessions in North-America. But in order to ascertain the precise sense of the only passage of that speech, to which you have referred, and of which you have given merely a partial citation, I shall quote the passage at length:
"Children,
"Since my return, I find no appearance of a line remains, and from the manner in which the people of the States pass on, and act, and talk, on this side, and from what I can learn of their conduct towards the sea, I shall not be surprised if we are at war with them in the course of the present year; and if so, a line must then be drawn by the warriors." From the context of this whole passage, it is manifest that Lord Dorchester was persuaded, that the aggression which might eventually lead to a state of hostility, had proceeded from the United States; and so far as the state of Vermont, to which I presume his Lordship principally alluded, was implicated, I am convinced that the persuasion was not ill founded. For notwithstanding the positive assurances, which I received from your predecessor, on the 6th of July, 1792, in answer to my letter of the 5th of the same month, of the determination of the general government to discourage and repress the encroachments, which individuals of Vermont had committed, with confidence, that not only those
encroachments have never been in any manner expressed, but that recent infringements in that quarter, and on the territory in its vicinity, have been committed. Indeed, if this assertion of mine could require any corroboration, I would remark, that though the space of fifty days elapsed between my letter of the 10th of March, 1794, upon this subject, and your answer, of the 29th of April, 1794, you did not attempt to deny the facts which I then stated, and which I now explicitly repeat.
In regard to your declaration that "governor Simcoe has gone to the foot of the rapids of the Miami, followed by three companies of a British regiment, in order to build a fort there," I have no intelligence that such an event has actually occurred. But even admitting your information to be accurate, much will depend on the place, in which you assert the fort is intended to be erected, and whether it be for the purpose of protecting subjects of his majesty residing in districts depending on the fort of Detroit, or of preventing that fortress from being straitened by the approach of the American army; to either of which cases I imagine that the principle of the statu quo , until the final arrangement of the points in discussion between the two countries shall be concluded, will strictly apply. — In order, however, to correct any inaccurate information you may have received, or to avoid any ambiguity relative to this circumstance, I shall immediately transmit copies of your letter, and of this answer, as well to the governor general of his majesty's possessions in North-America, and the governor of Upper Canada, as to his Majesty's ministers in England, for their respective information.
Before I conclude this letter, I must be permitted to observe that I have confined to the unrepresented and continued aggressions of the state of Vermont, alone, the persuasion of Lord Dorchester, that they were indicative of an existing hostile disposition in the United States against Great-Britain, and might ultimately produce an actual state of war on their part. If I had been desirous of recurring to other sources of disquietude, I might from the allusion of his Lordship to the conduct of this government towards "the sea," have deduced other motives of apprehension, on which, from the solicitude you evince to establish a "contrast between the temper observed on your part towards us, and our part towards you," I might have conceived myself justified in dilating. I might have adverted to the privateers originally fitted out at Charleston, at the commencement of the present hostilities, and which were allowed to depart from that port, not only with the consent, but under the express permission of the governor of South-Carolina.
I might have adverted to the prizes made by those privateers, of which the legality was in some measure admitted, by the refusal of this government to restore such as were made antecedently to the 5th of June 1793. I might have adverted to the permission granted by this government to the commanders of French ships of war, and of privateers, to dispose of their prizes by sale, in ports of the United States. I might have adverted to the two privateers, le petit Democrat (now la Cornelia ) and le Carmagnole , both which were illegally fitted out in the river Delaware, and which, in consequence of my remonstrances and of the assurances I received, I concluded would have been dismantled; but which have remained during the whole winter in the port of New-York armed, and now are, as I am informed, in a condition to proceed immediately to sea. I might have adverted to the conduct which this government has observed towards the powers combined against France in the enforcement of the embargo. — For while the vessels of the former are subjected to the restrictions of that measure those of the latter have been permitted to depart from Hampton Road, though three weeks had elapsed subsequently to the imposition of the embargo, though they were amenable to its operation, and though they were chiefly laden with articles "calculated to support an enemy which we are seeking to bring to peace." — I might have adverted to the uniformly unfriendly treatment, which his Majesty's ships of war, and officers in his Majesty's service, have, since the commencement of the present hostilities, experienced in the American ports; and lastly, I might have adverted to the unparalleled insult, which has been recently offered at New-port, Rhode-Island (not by a lawless collection of the people but) by the governor and council of that state, to the British flag, in the violent measures pursued towards his Majesty's sloop of war Nautilus ; and in the forcible detention of the officers by whom she was commanded. I have however forborne to expatiate upon these points, because I am not disposed to consider them, as I have before stated, as necessary elucidations of the immediate object of your letter, and much less to urge them in their present form, as general topics of recrimination.
I have the honor to be with great respect, Sir; Your most obedient Humble Servant
(Signed) GEORGE HAMMOND.
NORFOLK, May 19.
On Tuesday arrived in Chesapeake Bay, the ship St. Ann, Capt. Juan Mathias de Leredo, in 55 days from Cadiz, by whom we learn, that there were dead and sick, 18,000 of the Spanish army, on the frontiers of France, with the plague.
BALTIMORE, May 26.
By two resolutions passed the 21st inst. in the house of representatives, congress are to rise on the 3d of June, and meet on the 1st Monday, of November.
Extract of a letter from Washington, June 2, 1794, to a gentleman in New York.
"Our ports have been declared open to your vessels, for the importation of all kinds of provisions and lumber of every description, for 7 months; previous to their being that, 6 months notice will be given."
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, to a gentleman in this town, dated May 22.
"It is said that Simcoe is fortifying all the rapids of the Miami. The invasion of the Spanish dominions is still meditated by the wrongheads to the South and Southwest. Possibly this movement of Simcoe may be accounted for from an alarm which Sedgwick's motion, for an addition of auxiliary force may have made about ten weeks since, on the news of a certain person. For though I cannot doubt that the British Cabinet intended war at the period of the 6th of November, yet it appears to me they thought better of it by the 8th of January; — and then the Canadian politics must have gone through a change corresponding with their second thoughts."
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, dated the 21st inst.
"Mr. Fitzsimons's despatch boat has returned from Bermuda, where they continue condemning as usual. From the account of General Simcoe's having taken post at the rapids of the Miami, it is thought that Congress will again lay on the embargo; it being now generally thought that it will be unsafe to trust our property to sea."
MARTINSBURG, JUNE 2, 1794.
The latest accounts from our army to the Westward mention, that General Wayne was preparing to march, with 900 picked men, to some Indian towns on a branch of the Miami, where he understood a number of warriors were assembled.
The Indians have lately been troublesome on the Ohio; a man going down in a boat of the contractors, was killed, and a family of four persons were killed a short distance below Muskingum, about 3 weeks ago.
His Excellency governor Mifflin, by letter dated the 21st ult. to the Adjutant-general of the state of Pennsylvania, has ordered out 10,768 men, to hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment's warning; said to be with a view of preventing the British from establishing additional posts within the territory of the United States.
By an arrival at Newbury-port, from Oporto, an account was received, that the Portuguese had invited America and Hamburg to join them in equipping a fleet for repelling and chastising those lawless desperadoes the Algerines.
The bill imposing duties on snuff and refined sugars, passed the House of Representatives of the U. S. the 24th ult. by a great majority.
A late New-York paper says, several British frigates and a Bermudean privateer were in their offing, waiting the expiration of the embargo, and seeking objects of adjudication under neutral colours!
A letter from St. Pierre (Martinique) dated May 1, says, "All the American vessels, seized in this port, were yesterday condemned in gross; for having acted contrary to the instructions of the 6th of November and 8th of January, and having been found here supplying bad men in a bad cause, and as enemies to Great Britain."
A letter, from a gentleman in London to his correspondent in Boston, received by the Mary, dated February 24, 1794, mentions that Mr. Pinckney, our minister at the court of St. James's, assured him that the Portugal Minister had given him satisfactory information, that the truce with the Algerines, by the crown of Portugal was made and negotiated by the English Ambassador!
NOTICE TO DISTILLERS.
WHEREAS it is probable that some of the Distillers of Spirits in this District may not be acquainted with the law respecting entries of stills, I take this method to inform all concerned, that the law requires that every owner or possessor of any still or stills shall make entry with the collector in writing, from under their hands, some time in the month of June, describing the marks and numbers, and the capacity thereof; any owner or possessor of a still or stills failing to make such entry, or working such a still or stills after the last day of June, without making entry thereof, shall forfeit and pay the sum of two hundred and fifty dollars, and be liable to pay the yearly duty on such still or stills so neglected to be entered. As I am instructed by the Inspector to adhere strictly to the letter of the law in this respect, it is hoped that all owners or possessors of stills, will make due entry, to prevent the disagreeable consequences which will arise from neglect. I have to notify distillers also, to prepare for the payment of the next half yearly duty which will become due on the first day of July next, as no indulgence can be given after the fifteenth of the same month, at which time the law impowers the Collector to enforce payment by distress and sale of property, which he is determined to do, without respect to persons.
NICHOLAS ORRICK, Collector.
May 31, 1794.
THE Gentlemen of Berkeley, who have associated, with a view of forming a troop of Militia Light Dragoons, in said County, are requested to assemble at the house of Mr. C. Wykoop, in Schenectady-Town, on Saturday the 14th of June next (agreeable to appointment) at the hour of 10 o'clock, A. M. — As a late communication from the Lieut. Governor of this State, respecting said troop, has come to hand, it is expected they will generally attend.
GEORGE NORTH.
Berkeley, 26th May, 1794.

SEAT OF THE MUSES.
A new translation of that celebrated French Air THE MARSELLOIS HYMN, Written as nearly in imitation of the original as possible.
R ISE, patriot sons, the morn appears, The dawn of glory gilds the world, 'Gainst us, dark Kings, the source of tears, Their bloody standards have unfurl'd. Hark, Shepherds, how the demons roar, The shouts of ghastly slaves arise; They come like fiends before your eyes, To quaff your wives' and infants' gore. To arms my country, form your matchless bands, March, march, that despot's blood may drench your native land.
What mean those slaves that throng our plains, Those Kings combin'd of sanguine cast? For whom are those infernal chains Prepar'd for man in ages past? On us brave Gauls what tempests lour, What tripple wrath should Patriots feel? To ancient glooms, in clanking steel, They'd chain the victims of their pow'r.
To arms, &c. Good Heav'ns! and would a foreign band Ordain for us domestic laws? Would menial foes with stern command Abase our heroes and our cause? Great Gov! must we with fetter'd arms Beneath the yoke of Tyrants bend! Would their dark fiat prove our end, And fate decree such dread alarms.
To arms, &c. No! tremble, dastards, with dismay, The curst reproach of all mankind; Your impious deeds that shun'd the day, Shall feel our utmost wrath combin'd; Our sons are heroes, miscreants yield! And should those patriot sons expire, From earth shall spring a race more dire Prepar'd to cruth you in the field.
To arms, &c. Inrepid Gauls, let wrath inspire, Let vengeance flame, withhold your rage, Ah! spare those victims of your ire, Whose hands reluctant conflicts wage: But smite those sanguinary Kings, And Bouille's dark detested brood, Those fiends that drink their mother's blood— Those monsters with envenom'd stings.
To arms, &c. Thou sacred patriotic flame, Be thou th' intrepid patriot's shield: Oh, virtuous Liberty proclaim Thy armies victors in the field, Where thy triumphant standard flies May bright plum'd victory repose, May thy relentless dying foes, Behold thy infant glory rise.
To arms, &c.
From a late London paper.
The Conspiracy which has lately been discovered at Wareham, in Kent, as mentioned in our paper of Thursday last, and which certainly was intended to give the French assistance when a landing should have been attempted, will, in all probability, bring the vengeance of the law on a number of poor ignorant and deluded people. It appears, that the principle ring-leaders in the business are some disaffected dissenters, who have been exceedingly active for some time past in stirring up a spirit of rebellion amongst the poor labourers in that part of the country; who have been led to suppose, that they are dreadfully oppressed, in being obliged to work for their living; and that the only means of bettering their condition would be by uniting together to effect a revolution, and then dividing the property of the country; and their imaginations have been so worked upon, that they were persuaded such a measure would be acceptable in the sight of God.—At the time the plot was discovered, it appears that a person who had been in the army was to teach them the use of arms—and a blacksmith was to convert their scythes into swords and other offensive weapons. It is generally supposed that some French emissaries have likewise been active in fanning this spirit of revolt. We hear the combination was brought to light by a servant of Mr. Kingsnorth's, who had honesty enough to withstand the overtures that were made to him to become a party in the rascally undertaking, and by the joint efforts of Mr. Hodges and Mr. Kingsnorth, the business was soon fully unravelled.
There are 3 persons committed, and many more are now in search of. We are sorry to hear that many of these conspirators have very large families.
Cash given for clean Cotton and Linen RAGS, at the Printing-Office.
NOTICE.
HAS absconded out of the Subscriber's employment, without his consent, in Hardy County, and State of Virginia, within twelve miles of Moorefields, an apprentice boy of the name of REUBEN BROUGHTON, who lives now in the town of Martinsburg. I do hereby forewarn all persons from dealing with the said apprentice, or harbouring of him. Any person acting contrary to this notice, may expect to be dealt with hereafter as the law directs.
Given under my hand. PETER KERAN. MAY 26, 1794.
THE above advertisement, under the signature of "PETER KERAN," purporting my being his apprentice, having eloped from him, &c. &c. and cautioning against having any connexion with, or entertaining me, &c. &c.—to all which I should not have condescended to have paid the smallest attention, had the equally impotent as malicious machinations been confined to the circle where the parties were particularly known, as also the transaction: but, as this mischievously disposed as base persecutor, has made so public a thrust at me, and where, under all the disadvantages of an unknown and unprotected stranger, in order the more effectually to give the most fatal stab to my character, my interest, and my peace not only with respect to those friendly strangers amongst whom I now reside—but the world!—at least so far as his little, but infamous active power could extend, it is become an indispensable duty to defend myself with equal notoriety, but perfect truth—however disagreeable to appear in print, to trouble the Public, or uninteresting it may prove to them:—but however I may, the treatment I have received, and the principle and right I contend for, cannot prove uninteresting to them. The Public is too generous, too just, not to become a party with any, in a claim on equal justice—for the unmolished enjoyment of their desirable fruits of a fair name—and an unmolished character. But not to trespass further. I now beg leave, the most briefly, to relate the whole transaction on which Mr. Keran founds his claim on me, &c.
In March, 1793 I agreed to keep store for him in Hardy County (of this State Virginia) a memorandum was executed agreeably, and lodged in his hands; with which I should have fully complied, had it been possible for me to have submitted to the flagrantly immoral, as well as shamefully circumstantial drudgery I was constantly a witness of—hourly exposed to. Had I wished to have been initiated into a system of imposition, fraud, and knavery, secret, open, and by every means, Mr. Keran was my preceptor; or to have been honorably dubb'd the nurse, the attendant on a base hourly intoxicated sot—the glossy faced cook—the snarled shoe boy—servile stirrup holder (for set a beggar on horseback, he'll not only ride to the d—l himself, but he'll ride all he can drive there also) every character that was either wicked or degrading, it was with and by Mr. Keran, that I should have been knil'd.
But for such, neither nature, religion, nor yet spirit had form'd me. I spurned both at it and him; and signified my disgust, and intention to leave him; to free myself at all events, from a connexion so tainting—so dishonorable a dependency. Accordingly, be agreed I should "on condition I would first post up his" ragged "books," which I effected the 13th of December last; when he himself did burn the above-mentioned memorandum; and we parted apparently mutually agreed and pleased—at least for myself I can say so truly.
Thus have I given the Public a faithful and concise statement of the whole transaction; on the merit of which I shall leave them to judge, after just observing, without an indenture, I am post'd as an apprentice, under the most perfect dissolution of the simple obligation that had existed, and too by his free and full consent, as the destroying it must evince; I am called a run-away! but to say more is certainly needless, for they must be as blind and prejudiced, as the head and heart of my contemptible would be—master is both weak and wicked, who will not be more than convinced by what has been shown above, that I am none of his barely-acquired property, that he can have no right in or over, no claim to my services, my person, time, or liberty.
But, if this just, though far from perfect exposure of the pest's pernicious principles and scandalous practices, may but prevent a single innocent or unary person, much more so, if the Public at large, from falling a prey to his iniquitous and rapacious schemes and conduct, I shall esteem his attempt to traduce and injure me, however disagreeable in the first instance, well repaid, by thus proving a benefit to the public, whose excuse I hope for this trouble (but the last on this occasion) and whose I am most respectfully.
REUBEN BROUGHTON. P. S. I had determined to leave this town, previous to Mr. Keran's advertisement, therefore hope it will not be construed I left it in consequence of his publication. MARTINSBURG, MAY 26, 1794.
Notice is hereby given that the Claimants of the Soldiers' Rights to the Sandy-Creek Lands, granted in the year 1754, being surveys of 28,000 acres, or more, intend to petition the General Assembly at their next session, that the division made May 10, 1775, and begun at S. Creek may be established. MAY 26, 1794.
S I C K L E S.
Warranted of the best quality, are made and sold by WILLIAM WORLEY, At his factory the east end of Market-Street, Shepherd's Town. Any number will be furnished on short notice and most reasonable terms. Allowance will be made to store-keepers who purchase a quantity.
DRUMS AND FIFES.
JOHN FAUST,
IN MARTINSBURG,
INFORMS the Officers of Militia in this and the neighbouring Counties, that he carries on the Drum and Fife making, at the following reasonable prices. Drums 6 dollars, and Fifes one Dollar, warranted equal to any made in the State. May 19, 1794.
FOR SALE,
A HOUSE and lot in this town, the conveniences are thus: The house contains a neat room with a kitchen and fire place, has a convenient and pleasant garden; it lays contiguous to the part of the lot lately purchased by Mr. Henry Line from Michael Angel: The premises will be sold cheap for ready money, as the subscriber wishes to leave this town on account of her young family, and retire into the country, where she apprehends they can be raised with the same industry and less expence.—This is the only motive of
ELIZABETH HOWE.
Shepherd's Town, May 12, '94.
YOUNG TRAVELLER,
WILL stand the present season, at the plantation of the subscriber, upon the Winchester road, three miles from Shepherd's Town, adjoining Capt. James Kearney's, on Thursdays, Fridays and Saturdays, in each week; and at Paul Verdier's, in Martinsburg, on Mondays, Tuesdays and Wednesdays, in each week, at the moderate price of Three Dollars the season, Five Dollars to insure a colt, or eight shillings the single leap, cash to be paid at the time of covering. The money for the season to be paid by the 1st day of September next.
Young Traveller is a beautiful dark brown, full seventeen hands high, rising five years old next grass, was bred in the State of New-Jersey, out of the noted horse called Ajax; Ajax was got by an imported dray horse, out of a full blooded imported mare, both of which were imported from England by William Allen, late of Philadelphia; his dam was got by a full blooded imported Hunter called Hector, and her dam was a full blooded mare, both of which were imported from England by Governor Reed, late of Philadelphia.
The season to close on the 1st of July.
JAMES VERDIER.
May 1, 1794.
THE Subscriber returns his thanks to the Public, for exceeding his most sanguine expectations in sending cloth to be fulled, since his late commencement of business at Edward Brizon's fulling-mill: He also hopes that those pieces already returned have rendered general satisfaction. He also will have against the approaching season a quantity of dyes for to accommodate his customers in almost every colour.
I am, with due respect, the Public's friend.
WILLIAM RALEY.
N. B. An active boy, about 15 years old, would be taken as an apprentice to the above business.
NATHAN SHUGERT,
SADDLER and HARNESS MAKER.
HAS removed from Martinsburg to Middletown, where he carries on his business, in all its branches. Those who may please to encourage him, may depend on having their work executed in a masterly manner, on short notice, and moderate charges.
May 12, 179.
D R U M S.
THE Subscriber having employed a person who is a good Drum-Maker, the Militia Officers in this or the neighbouring Counties may now be supplied on short notice, with Drums warranted good, by applying to
JACOB SMURR.
Shepherd's Town, May 10, 1794.
THE Editor of this paper has frequently though with reluctance, called on his Subscribers, who are indebted to him to make payment, but that notice has not had the desired effect;—the rise of paper, expence of post-riders, &c. places him in a situation which will not admit of his continuing the business unless the means are furnished him, he therefore is obliged in the most pressing terms to request all persons to settle their several arrearages to the 7th of November last, at which time the 3d year of the Guardian expired. Necessity requires him to repeat the original terms of subscription, and which must in future be comply'd with, viz. one half year to be paid on subscribing, and the remainder at the end of the year—and advertisements to be accompanied with the cash.
April 28, 1794.