Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1809-01-25 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER.  SINT HIC ETIAM SUA PREMIALAUDA
[VOL. V.]
WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 25, 1809.
NO. 82.]
THEATRE.
On Wednesday Evening next, the 25th instant, the Theopian Society, will perform the justly celebrated Drama, of the
POINT OF HONOUR;
OR, SCHOOL FOR SOLDIERS.
In act 4th, a solemn Military Procession, accompanying the Deserter to the place of Execution, with New Scenery, painted for the occasion by some of the members of the society.
To conclude with the humorous Entertainment of the WRANGLING LOVERS.
Doors will be opened at half past four, and the performance commence at half past five o'clock.
Tickets at One Dollar, to be had at Mr. Klein's store; at the Ledger and Herald offices; and at the Theatre.
FOR BOSTON,
The FINE NEW BRIG FRANKLIN, Capt. Tallman, to sail in a few days. For passage only, apply to the captain on board at Commerce Street Wharf. January 18.
Dr. Tissot's celebrated Gout and Rheumatick Drops.
The Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, and the various disorders of the same nature, are so exquisitely painful, and so difficult to be cured, that they have justly excited the utmost stretch of medical investigation. Some professional gentlemen have excelled in one department of the sciences; others in another. Dr. Tissot particularly has long been renowned for the superiority of his prescription in chronic diseases, and the length of time which elapsed during his sole attention to the nature and effects and cure of these affections, render the medicines which he recommended of invaluable importance. The beneficial effects of these drops, have been so often experienced, and their extraordinary efficacy has been attested by witnesses so numerous and so unimpeachably credible, that incredulity itself cannot doubt the virtue of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops. Large quantities have already been vendored, and the sale is now become so general, and their certainty in curing the disorders of a chronic nature is so completely ascertained, that certificates of their unbounded utility are now unnecessary. Testimonies of their value, and a volume of attested cases performed by them, may be seen upon application at T. W. Dyott's genuine Drug and Patent Medicine Warehouse, No. 37, South Second-street, Philadelphia.
The price of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, is only two dollars per bottle, with copious directions.
Generous allowances made to those who buy to sell again. Of the many respectable testimonies of the effects of the above Drops, which have been received by the proprietor, we beg leave to annex the following:
Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton.
I certify that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply to Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the directions, they effected a perfect cure. Another time my wrist was affected with rheumatism to such a degree, as to render my hand for the time useless, when on application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder in the course of twenty-four hours was entirely removed.
I therefore, from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it a benificent act to recommend it in similar cases to others.
(Signed) C. RIDGELY, of Hampton.
Certificate of John Gibson, Esq. one of the Directors of the Farmer's Bank of Maryland.
I certify that about a year since, my foot received an injury by a fall; in a few hours after it was affected with a most excruciating pain, so that I was unable to walk, with crutches. I was apprehensive that this accident would induce a severe fit of the gout, with which I had been frequently attacked. In this situation one of my friends highly recommended and earnestly advised me to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops; I immediately procured them and made the application; in less than three hours the pain entirely abated, which had been so severe, as to deprive me of sleep for several nights. By a few further applications, a perfect cure succeeded. I have frequently since in other cases, both used them myself, and recommended them to others with invariable success.
(Signed) JOHN GIBSON.
Certificate of Mrs. Mary Taylor.
I, Mary Taylor, No. 135, Plum Street, Philadelphia, aged upwards of seventy years, having been afflicted with very violent rheumatick pains for more than eight years, being recommended to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, on only using half a bottle every rheumatick affection was completely removed, and I have continued free from all pain ever since; as witness my hand.
MARY TAYLOR.
The above drops are sold wholesale and retail only by BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co. Norfolk.
ALSO, DR. ROBERTSON'S Patent Stomachick Wine Bitters.
Celebrated and well known for their superior qualities in restoring weak constitutions, destroying Worms, cleansing and strengthening, giving a proper tone to the stomach, and increasing the appetite—a frequent use of them is a certain preventative against those complaints so common in the spring and fall. Such as intermitting fevers, agues, autumnal fevers, dysenteries, &c. &c. They are particularly serviceable to those who make long sea voyages, and are exposed to unhealthy climates, as a powerful preservative against contagious disorders.
PRO BONO PUBLICO.
Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Blacking, prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beautifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but by experience; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recommended to sportsmen and gentlemen who are exposed much to the wet—Also for cleaning Harness, as it will effectually prevent the water from penetrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the touch, giving it also a beautiful jet black gloss, a proof of which may be seen at the warehouse.
The above Blacking is prepared and sold only by T. W. DYOTT,
at his Medical Warehouse, No. 11, North Second Street, Philadelphia; sold also by his appointment, at BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co's Book Store, Norfolk; and at BOMKIRK & CONRAD'S, Petersburg.
The IMPERIAL WASH,
And new invented LIQUID, For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots. May 80.
[The following is the Answer of Mr. Pinkney (referred to in our last) to Mr. Canning's letter, published in the Ledger of Friday.]
To Mr. CANNING.
Great Cumberland Place, October 10, 1808.
SIR, If my reply to the letter, which you did me the honour to address to me on the 23d of last month, should be of greater length than the occasion may be thought to require, you will, I am sure, impute it to the real cause, an earnest desire on my part, arising from a feeling of sincere respect for you, that the statement, which I am to give of facts deemed by you to be important, should be full as well as accurate.
I will not fatigue you, sir, with assurances that no person could be less disposed than I am, to find fault with the object of your letter, which appears to be to guard against all misrepresentation of "what has passed in our last interviews, beyond what I find recorded in my note." You have told me, that I have, personally, no concern in that object, and I did not require to be told that my government has as little. I understand, indeed, that the circumstance, which has suggested a peculiar motive for this proceeding, was one of those newspaper misrepresentations, which every day produces where the press is free, which find no credit and beget no consequence, and for which it is greatly to be feared your expedient will provide no remedy. Of my conduct, when that circumstance occurred, in giving you unsolicited proofs that I had transmitted to Mr. Secretary Madison, a faithful report of our conferences, mistaken by publick rumour or private conjecture, it is not necessary for me to speak; for you have yourself done justice to it.
The motive, to which I am indebted for the honour of your letter, appears to have been instrumental in producing another effect equally unexceptionable. But you will allow me to say, that, until the receipt of that letter, I had not been apprised, by the slightest intimation, that it was in any degree owing to such a cause that you declined, on the part of his majesty's government, after two conferences, in which I had been suffered, if not encouraged, to unfold myself, individually as well as officially, at great length and with perfect frankness, to give an answer to my verbal overture.
At our first interview (on the 29th of June) verbal communication was not discountenanced, but commenced:—For, after I had made myself understood as to the purpose for which the interview had been requested, you asked me if I thought of taking a more formal course; but immediately added that you presumed I did not; for that the course I had adopted was well suited to the occasion. My reply was in substance, that the freedom of conversation was better adapted to our subject, and more likely to conduct us to an advantageous conclusion, than the constraint and formality of written intercourse, and that I had not intended to present a note. At the second interview (on the 22d of July) it did not occur to me that I had any reason to conclude, and certainly I did not conclude, that verbal communication had not continued to be acceptable as a preparatory course; and it was not until the third interview (on the 29th of July) that it was rejected as inadmissible. But even then I was not told, and had not the smallest suspicion, that this rejection was to be ascribed, either wholly or partially, to the motive which your letter has since announced to me. That this motive had, nevertheless, all the influence now imputed to it, I am entirely confident, and I take notice of it only because, as I have not mentioned it to my government in my official account of our conferences, I can no otherwise justify the omission, either to it or to you, than by shewing that I had in truth no knowledge of the fact when that account was transmitted.
I may take occasion to set forth, in the present letter, the import of all that can be material of our several conversations, according to my recollection of them; but there are some points to which I ought to pay a more particular attention, because you have thought them entitled to it; although I should myself, perhaps, have been inclined to think that they had lost much of their importance by the presentation of my note, and the receipt of your written answer; both of which are perfectly intelligible, upon these points at least, without the aid of the conferences that preceded them.
You observe, that "the principal points, in which the suggestions, brought forward by me in personal conference, appear to you to have differed in some degree from the proposal stated by me in writing, are two; the first, that in conversation the proposal itself was not distinctly stated as an overture authorised by my government; the second, that the beneficial consequences, likely to result to this country
from the acceptance of that proposal, were "pursued" through more ample "illustrations."
With regard to the first of these supposed differences, I feel persuaded, sir, that upon further recollection, it will occur to you, that, at our first conference, I told you explicitly that the substance of what I then suggested, that is to say, that your orders being repealed as to us, we would suspend the embargo as to Great Britain, was from my government; but that the manner of conducting and illustrating the subject, upon which I had no precise orders, was my own. I even repeated to you the words of my instructions as they were upon my memory; and I did not understand, either then or afterwards, that there was any doubt as to their existence or their sufficiency, or any desire to have a more exact or formal communication of them while the result of our discussions was distant and uncertain. I said undoubtably that I had been directed to require the revocation of the British orders in council; but I said also that, although the government of the United States, still supposed itself to be authorised to expect their repeal upon the ground of right as it existed from the first, (a subject, however, which I informed you I did not wish at that time to agitate), I was notwithstanding empowered to give you the abovementioned assurances, which would, as I presumed, hold out inducements to Great Britain, as well on the score of policy as on that of justice, to fulfil that expectation. I should scarcely have undertaken to offer such assurances as from myself, or upon my own "conviction," that the president would act in conformity with them.—And I should still less (if that were possible) have ventured to ask of you that you would make them, in that form, the subject of repeated conferences, and even of reference to others, as placing the question of a recall, or continuance of the orders in council, upon new grounds of prudence and equity.
If it is merely intended (as I doubt not it is) to say that I did not make, or declare my intention to make, my overture in writing, before I had endeavoured to prepare for it by personal explanations such a reception as I felt it deserved, and before I could ascertain what shape it would be most proper to give to it, or how it would be met by this government, nothing can be more correct.
It was my sincere wish that my proposal, which I believed to be advantageous to Great Britain, as well as honourable to the United States, should be accepted; and accordingly, I preferred a mode of proceeding which, while it was calculated to avoid unprofitable discussions, upon topics of some delicacy and great difficulty, would furnish opportunities for frank and friendly communication upon all the bearings of my proposal, and lead to the result at which I aimed, if that result should be practicable, in such way as, upon mature reflection, and after a liberal interchange of sentiments, should be found to be most for the honour of our respective governments. These views were laid before you without reserve, and seemed to be approved; and I confess to you sir, that when I was afterwards informed that, if I would obtain an answer to my overture, I must make it in writing, and that I must not look for any previous intimation of the nature of that answer, I did not allow myself any longer to anticipate with much confidence such an issue as I desired.
The second difference which your letter supposes to exist between my note and verbal suggestions, cannot, I think, in any view be very material, I will say something upon it, however.
My note declares that if I forbear to pursue certain ideas through all the illustrations of which they are susceptible, it is because our personal conferences, as well as the obvious nature of the idea, themselves, render it unnecessary. This implies undoubtably, that more had been said in our conferences explanatory of those ideas, than is to be found in the note itself; and that implication can scarcely be otherwise than true, if I "expatiated largely," as you very justly say I did, "upon the consequences of a suspension of the embargo as to Great Britain, while it still continued to be enforced against France."
The general idea to which the note refers is that justice and interest conspired to recommend that you should take advantage of my proposal. The particular positions are, that, if your orders and our embargo should be rescinded in the manner suggested, our commercial intercourse would be immediately revived; that, if France followed your example and retracted her decrees, the avowed purpose of your orders would be accomplished; that, if France refused to retract, the American embargo, continuing as to her, would occupy the place of your orders, and perform their office, even better than they could perform it themselves, without any of the disadvantages inseparable from such a system.
It is certain that in our conversations I en-
deavoured to prove that these general and particular notions were founded in truth, by a variety of arguments, thrown out in a very desultory way, with more zeal than precision, and with that entire freedom which unlimited confidence in your candour, and a firm opinion that the views of my government would derive new titles to respect from a full examination, were calculated to produce.
I should not deal ingeniously with you, sir, if I were to pretend that I think myself able to recapitulate these disjointed arguments as they were actually delivered. And I am quite sure that I shall consult your gratification, as well as my own credit, by declining such an undertaking. But I think I can state, in a condensed form, what I intended you should understand; and I presume that what I did say was not very wide of my real impressions.
Upon the footing on which my overture would place the justice of the British orders, I did not go into much detail, at any one of the three interviews mentioned in your letter. But, combining my unconnected and occasional observations on that point as they were made at different times, and more especially as they were afterwards given and enlarged upon when I had the honour to see you on the 26th of August, (of which, however, it is proper to say I have only a very scanty memorandum) their import will not, perhaps, be found to be much if at all mistaken in such parts of the following statement as relate to that branch of the subject.
I meant to suggest then, that upon your own principles it would be extremely difficult to decline my proposal, that your orders inculcate, as the duty of neutral nations, resistance to the maritime decrees of France, as overturning the publick law of the world, and professedly rely upon that duty, and an imputed abandonment of it, for their inducement and their justification; that, of these orders, that of the 7th of January, 1807, (of which the subsequent orders of November are said, in your official reply to my note of the 23d of August, to be only "an extension in operation, not in principle,) was promulgated and carried into effect a few weeks only after the Berlin decree had made its appearance, when the American government could not possibly know that such a decree existed, when there had been no attempt to enforce it, and when it had become probable that it would not be enforced at all to the prejudice of neutral rights, that the other orders were issued before the American government, with reference to any practical violation of its rights, by an attempt to execute the Berlin decree, in a sense different from the stipulations of the treaty subsisting between the United States and France, and from the explanations given to general Armstrong by the French minister of marine, and afterwards impliedly confirmed by general Champagne, as well as by a correspondent practice, had any sufficient opportunity of opposing that decree otherwise than it did oppose it; that your orders, thus proceeding upon an assumed acquiescence not existing in fact, retaliated prematurely, and retaliated a thousand-fold, through the rights of the United States, wrongs rather threatened than felt, which you were not authorised to presume the United States would not themselves repel, as their honour and their interests required; that orders, so issued, were, to say the least of them, an unseasonable interposition between the injuring and the injured party, in a way the most fatal to the latter; that by taking justice into your own hands, before you were entitled to do so, at the expence of every thing like neutral rights, and even at the expence of other rights, justly the objects of yet greater sensibility, and by inflicting upon neutral nations, or rather upon the United States, the only neutral nation—injuries infinitely more severe and extensive than it was in the power of France to inflict, you embarrassed and confounded, and rendered impracticable, that very resistance which you demanded of us; that my proposal destroyed all imaginable motives for continuing, whatever might have been the motives for adopting this new scheme of warfare; that it enabled you to withdraw, with dignity and even with advantage, what should not have come between France and us; that its necessary tendency was to place us at issue with that power, or, in other words, in the precise situation in which you have maintained we ought to be placed, if it should persist in its obnoxious edicts; that the continuance of our embargo, so modified, would be at least equivalent to your orders; for that, in their most efficient state, your orders could do no more, as regards the United States, than cut off their trade with France and the countries connected with her; and that our embargo, remaining as to France and those countries, would do exactly the same; that if the two courses were barely, or even nearly upon a level, in point of expediency, Great Britain ought to be forward to adopt that which was consistent with the rights and respectful to the feelings of others; that my proposal, how-

The Mail again.—There were no papers received by last night's mail.
Our readers will find in this day's paper, the answer of Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Canning's letter, in which the objections of the latter, are very fully and satisfactorily answered.
The publication of that letter on the part of the British government in an American Gazette, (for we presume it must have come through some agent of that government) was neither decorous, nor according to diplomatic usage; unless, indeed, Mr. Erskine has taken as examples the Genets, Fauchets, and Adets of France, and D'Yrujo of Spain, who were in the practice of sending their notes to the Secretary of State, with a copy to their printers at the same time.
This conduct of the British minister does not excuse our government in withholding Mr. Canning's letter from the legislature, especially after Mr. Pinkney's reply was received. The suppression has given Mr. Canning's letter an interest and importance, which it would not otherwise have acquired, and if it had been voluntarily communicated.
From Mr. Pinkney's letter, we think it may be discovered that our disputes with Great Britain are not likely to be soon accommodated, and except exterior civility and affected confidence between these ministers, there is nothing but jealousy and suspicion. We do not undertake to say, from what cause it proceeds, that so much difficulty exists at this time in adjusting our differences with that nation.
From the magnitude of the matters in discussion, we presume it does not proceed, because under a federal administration, differences of more importance, and more in number, were adjusted with that nation, in fewer months, than years, which have been employed by the present administration, and its agents.
In May 1794, Mr. Jay embarked for London, in order to settle our differences with England, which were neither few in number, nor without importance in principle and fact. The treaty of 1783, was not executed in many of its parts. Great Britain still held our Western Posts, including a considerable portion of our territory, which was productive of serious injury to this country, on account of the war with the Indians, which if the British agents did not encourage, the means for restraining the Indians, were greatly limited as long as those posts were kept from us. Our northern and eastern boundaries, were yet undefined, the impediments to the recovery of British debts, were another source of complaint, the intercourse between the people of these states, with the British subjects of her North American colonies, was placed on no certain footing, some other minor objects of dispute existed, but to crown all, there were the orders of November 1793, and January 1794, no less objectionable, in principle, than they had been, and were, injurious in practice.
With this load of difficulties, an enlightened minister, acting under the orders of an upright administration, went forward, and in less than three months all matters were settled, our posts given up, and ample compensation for unjust captures secured, and the other interior causes of complaint removed: from that period, until the present administration came into power, our commerce flourished, our wealth increased beyond all example or expectation. With whom did Mr. Jay negotiate? With the haughty administration of Pitt, and England at that time, allied to all the great potentates of Europe. Now mark the contrast.
Mr. Jefferson came into the government, when the situation of our foreign relations were as pleasing, as the condition of our internal affairs were prosperous, and happy. With every power, with whom we could have relations, we have been involved in disputes, not one of which is yet adjusted. Mr. Jefferson's ministers had not the talents and haughtiness of Pitt to contend with—they did not find England in alliance with all the continent of Europe—they have negotiated with the administration of Fox, undeniably friendly to this country, and they have negotiated with England, when single-handed she was contending with all Europe—and under such favourable circumstances, what we ask, has been effected, to the advantage of our nation? Nothing we can answer.
Instead of seeing any prospect of an adjustment of our difficulties with any of the belligerents, we hear of war, or war measures with all. Surely there must be a singular coincidence in this instance between nations, who agree in nothing else, all conspiring to be unjust towards us, in order to ruin Mr. Jefferson's reputation! Or must we suppose that a want of talents or disposition in our government exists? We state the facts, but offer no conclusion.
MARRIED, at Plymouth (N.C.) on Tuesday evening the 10th inst. Mr. REUBEN CARNAL to the amiable Miss SALLY F. ARMISTEAD.
We are authorised to state, (says the Philadelphia Gazette) that the following correspondence is genuine:
M. de Beauvoir is charged by the plenipotentiary of France to communicate to the Cevallos de Miranda, the constitution of Spain. He takes ad-
ever, had powerful recommendations which the orders in council had not; that it would re-establish without the hazard of any disadvantage, before new habits had rendered it difficult if not impossible, a traffic which nourished your most essential manufactures, and various other important sources of your prosperity; that it would not only restore a connection, valuable in all its views, but prepare the way for the return of mutual kindness, for adjustments greatly to be desired, and in a word for all those consequences which follow in the train of magnanimity and conciliation, associated with prudence and justice.
Among the observations intended to illustrate my opinion of the certain, probable, and possible effects of the concurrent acts which my proposal had in view, were those to which you allude in the 6th paragraph of your letter. Having stated that renewed commercial intercourse between Great Britain and the United States, would be the first effect, I remarked, in the progress of the conversation, that the edicts of France could not prevent that intercourse, even if France should adhere to them, although Great Britain, by her superior naval means, might be able to prevent the converse of it; that the power of France upon the seas was in no degree adequate to such a purpose, and if it were otherwise, that it was not to be supposed that the United States resuming their lawful commerce with this country, after a recital of the British orders in council, would take no measures against systematic interruptions of that commerce by force and violence, if such should be attempted.
If, when I was honoured with the different interviews before mentioned, I had been able to conjecture the nature of the arguments which were to have an influence against my proposal as I now find them stated in your answer to my note, I should probably have ventured to suggest, in addition to the remarks actually submitted to your consideration, that, "if the blockade of the European continent, by France and the powers subservient to or in combination with her, to which your orders as a temperate but determined retaliation, were opposed, has been raised even before it had been well established, and if that system, so opposed, of which extent and continuity were the vital principles, has been broken up into fragments utterly harmless and contemptible," there seems scarcely to be left, in your own view of the subject, any intelligible justification for perseverance in such of the retaliatory measures of Great Britain, as operate through the acknowledged rights of a power confessedly no party to that combination, and ready to fulfil her fair neutral obligations, if you will suffer her to do so. Under such circumstances, to abandon what is admitted to have lost its only legitimate object, is not "concession;" it is simple justice. To France, indeed, it might be concession. But it is not France, it is the government of America, neither subservient to France, nor combined with France, a third party, whose rights and interests your orders deeply affect, without any adequate necessity according to your own showing, that requires their recall; and that too upon terms which cannot but promote the declared purposes of these orders, if any remain to be promoted. I say "without any adequate necessity according to your own showing; for I am persuaded, sir, you do not mean to tell us, as upon a hasty perusal of your answer to my note, might be supposed that those rights and interests are to be set at nought, lest "a doubt should remain to distant times of the determination and the ability of Great Britain to have continued her resistance," or that your orders may, indefinitely, give a new law to the ocean, lest the motive to their repeal should be mistaken by your enemy. If this might indeed be so, you will perhaps permit me to say, that highly as we may be disposed to prize the firm attitude and vast means of your country at this eventful moment, it would possibly suggest to some minds a reluctant doubt on the subject of your observation, "that the strength and power of Great Britain are not for herself only, but for the world."
I might also have been led to intimate that my proposal could apparently lose nothing by admitting that "by some unfortunate occurrence of circumstances, without any hostile intention, the American embargo did come in aid of "the before mentioned" blockade of the European continent, precisely at the very moment when, if that blockade could have succeeded at all, this interposition of the American government would most effectually have contributed to its success." Yet I should probably have brought myself bound to return you that, whatever may be the truth of this speculation, the same embargo withheld our tonnage and our productions from that communication with the colonies of your enemies and with the European continent, which you had asserted your right to prevent; which as a direct communication (with the continent) you had in fact prohibited; which, even thro' British ports or in other qualified forms, you had professed to tolerate, not as that which could be claimed, but as an indulgence that could at any time be withdrawn; which, as a traffic for the United States to engage in, you had at least discouraged, not only by checks and difficulties in the way of its prosecution, but by manifesting your intention to mould it into all the shapes which the belligerent, fiscal or other peculiar policy of Great Britain might require, and subject it to the exclusive jurisdiction of her municipal code, armed with all the prerogatives of that universal law to which nations are accustomed to look for the rights of neutral commerce.
In giving an account of our second conference, you say, "that, though not stating myself to be authorised by my government formally to offer the suspension of the embargo, as an immediate consequence of the repeal of the orders in council, yet I did profess my readiness to take upon myself to make that offer, provided that you would give me before hand "a unofficial assurance that, coupled with that offer, so made, the demand of the repeal of the orders would be favourably received; that you, of course, declined to give any such previous assurance; but, as I appeared to attach great importance to this suggestion, and you were led to think that a compliance with it might relieve me from a difficulty in executing the instructions of my government, you consented to take a few days to consider of it, and to reserve your definitive answer until you should see me again." You then observe that you "never doubted, in your own mind, as to the inexpediency and impropriety of encouraging me to take an unauthorised step, by an unofficial promise that it should be well received." I am sure you did not, sir; but I must take the liberty to say that I am equally sure that I never thought of ask-
ing you to give me encouragement to take an unauthorised step of any kind. I am, indeed, truly mortified, that my conduct has appeared to you in that light; and I should not be readily consoled, if I did not reflect that, in condescending to listen, even for a moment, to what must have struck you as an irregularity, as vain and negative in its purpose as reprehensible in its principle, you must at least have given me credit for good intentions, and for a strong desire, sincerely felt although erroneously obeyed, that our countries should find themselves in that relative position which suits the interests and tends to the happiness of both.
When I professed a readiness to make my proposal in writing, it was, as you state, provisionally; but I did not intimate that I was acting without authority, nor did I comprehend that such was, as I now know it to have been, your impression.—The provisional nature of my offer arose out of circumstances, and was afterwards pressed upon conviction that, if it was meant to adopt the views of the President, nothing more could be necessary. I understood you to be desirous of ascertaining, whether I was empowered and disposed, with a view to a final arrangement, to present, what I had suggested, in a written form, as an overture originating with my government? I said, of course, that, every thing being first matured, a note should be presented, but that I would, with your permission, take a little time to consider of the manner and terms. I did not at that time suppose that we were conversing about a written proposal, which was to be made only to be rejected, or even for the purpose of deliberation, and consequently, in professing my willingness to make it as soon as we were prepared for it, I presumed that I had done all that you had desired. And I was confirmed in this opinion, not only by your saying nothing, as I supposed, to the contrary, but by your requesting me, as I was about to leave the room, to employ myself, before the next interview, upon such a note as we had been talking of, and then retracting that request by observing, that I would doubtless first desire to know what were your ideas and intentions upon the subject of it, with which I was given to understand I should be made acquainted at another conference.
At the third interview, after speaking of a transaction upon the Lakes, of which your traders complained, and of another occurrence in the Bay of Passamaquoddy, you observed that you had thought long and anxiously upon what I had suggested to you; that the subject had at first struck you as being much more simple than upon careful examination it had been found to be; that, in the actual state of the world, it behoved both you and me to move in this affair with every possible degree of circumspection; that, without some explicit proposal on my part in writing, upon which the British government could deliberate and act, nothing could be done; and, finally, that you must leave me to consult my own discretion whether I would make such a proposal.
It appeared to me, that if this determination should be persisted in, my overture was not likely to be successful, and I urged, accordingly, the propriety of going on in a course which would lead us to a better issue. That course was, that we should understand one another as to our respective views, and that a concise note, which I had in fact prepared since the last meeting, should then be presented and acted upon. You informed me that my wish in this particular could not be acceded to; that, if I presented a note you must be left at perfect liberty to decide upon what it proposed; that you could not give me even an intimation of the probable consequences of it; and in a word, that you would neither invite nor discourage such a proceeding. You added that there were some points, belonging to the subject, which it would be proper to discuss in writing; one of which was the connection between our embargo and your orders of November, supposed to be implied by my proposal. I remarked that, with an actual result in view, and with a wish to arrive at that result without delay, it could not be advisable to entangle ourselves in a written correspondence, indefinite as to its scope and duration, upon topics upon which we were not likely to agree; and that, if I were to frame my note, with a knowledge that it was to provoke argument, instead of finding at this crisis to a salutary change in the state of the world, you must be conscious that I too must argue. And where would this end? To what wholesome consequence would it conduct us? At the close of the interview I observed that, as the footing, upon which the subject was now placed, made delay of no importance, I should take time to prepare such further proceeding as the occasion required.
On the 26th of August I had the honour to see you again, and, after entering more at large, than I had before believed to be proper, into a consideration of the effect of my proposal on the equity of adhering to your orders in council, and, after reading to you parts of my instructions, I delivered to you an official note, in which the proposal was made in the form required.
Something was said at this interview of the affair of the Chesapeake, and the President's proclamation, which, it is not, I presume, necessary to repeat. It will be sufficient to state, that you asked me what was to be done with these subjects? And that my reply was, that they had no connection with the present; but that I could say, with confidence, that my government had every disposition to attend to them, with a view to such an adjustment as would be honourable to both parties. I did not suppose (as it was expected (for you did not intimate such an expectation) that renewed negotiation upon these points should, as well as the repeal, upon terms, of your orders in council, be insinuated by a formal overture from the government of America.
I will not trouble you with many observations more. You state in your letter that "there was one point upon which you were particularly anxious to receive precise information, and upon which, from my candour and frankness, you were fortunate enough to obtain it." This was "whether in fact the orders in council of November, had been known to the government of the United States previous to the message of the President proposing the embargo, so as to be a moving consideration to that message." I quote this passage, principally, or as being authorized, or furnished, by any communication from my government, or in answer to any direct enquiries on your part. They were very briefly made, near the close, as I think, of our third interview, in consequence of your intimation, intended perhaps to amount to an enquiry, that my proposal implied, that the embargo had been produced by the orders of
November; to which you added that this could not be admitted, and (as I comprehended what you said) that it even required to be made the subject of some notice of discussion in writing as intimately connected with my proposal, if it should be brought forward in that shape; and I understood you to assign this as one of the reasons why a written overture was indispensable. In replying to that intimation, and the remarks which followed it, I professed to speak, as I did in fact speak from general information only, and disclaimed, as it was my duty to do, all authority to say more, upon the nature and origin of the embargo, than I had some time before communicated to you, in obedience to the orders of the president. The purpose of my observations was chiefly to shew that there was no inducement for embarking in formal discussions upon this point; and I assured you that it was not in my power, either as respected instructions from my government, or knowledge of facts, to do so. My opinion was, and I spoke accordingly, that it was one of those questions which might be left completely at rest, without the least injury to the wisdom or the justice of our conclusions, upon the great object of our conferences. There could be no objection, however, to my giving you on this head such conjectural information as I was able. On the contrary, by fully disclosing to you my own materials for forming an opinion upon it, you would be enabled more distinctly to see that I could take no part in any discussion which you might propose to apply to it, and I could not but be assured, that any anxiety you might feel to obtain a knowledge of the facts in question, sprung from considerations which had every claim to my respect; for I knew that your mind was far above the reach of prejudices which would ascribe the American embargo to participation in the councils or views of your adversary, or of any foreign power whatsoever.
My suggestions were to the following effect: that I believed that no copy of your orders of November had arrived in the United States, at the date of the President's message; that a recent change in the conduct of France to our prejudice had been received, and a belief entertained, of your intention to adopt some further measure, as a measure of retaliation against France, by which our commerce and our rights would be affected; that there was reason to conclude that you had actually adopted such a measure; that (as I collected from American newspapers) this had appeared from private letters, and the newspapers of this country, received in the United States some days before the message of the President, and probably known to the government; that, in a word, various information concurred to shew that our trade was likely to be assailed by the combined efforts of both the belligerent parties; and that the embargo was a measure of wise and peaceful precaution, adopted under this view of reasonably anticipated peril.
You observe, in another part of your letter, "that you have always rather wished to defer the argumentative discussion of the subject of the orders in council to the official correspondence which you have more than once been taught to expect me to open upon it." If I should object to any part of this statement, of which the substance is undoubtedly correct, it would be to the words "more than once." Your wish has always appeared to be such as you now represent it, and you had reason to expect that I would commence a written discussion of the orders of November, soon after their publication. I had told you that I should do so, and you had said that there could be no objection to it. But you were afterwards informed that, upon reflection, I had determined to leave the subject where it was until I should know the pleasure of my government.
The orders had been officially communicated, not to me, but to Mr. Madison, through the British minister at Washington. It seemed, therefore, to be proper (unless my instructions should make it otherwise) that the view, which the government of the United States took of them, should find its way to you through the same channel; and, accordingly, the letters of Mr. Madison, to which I have referred in my note of the 25th of August, did open, at great length, a discussion, which I could have no inducement to shun, although I did not continue to think myself authorised to commence it.
It only remains to add that your share in our several conversations was, what you represent it to have been, not considerable, and that your manner, although reserved, was, as it always is, perfectly friendly. I need not say that, if in this letter, written under the influence of sincere concern, that the proposal I had the honour to lay before you has been unsuccessful, any thing is to be found which you could wish to be otherwise than it is, I shall be the first to regret, that I have not been able to do justice to my own feelings and intentions.
I have the honour to be, With the highest consideration, Sir, Your most obt. huml. Servt. WM. PINKNEY.
MACKINDER & WHITE, OFFER FOR SALE, FOR CASH or APPROVED NOTES, 2000 barrels NAVAL STORES, 100 bales Georgia Upland COTTON, 28 bales New Orleans do. 62 barrels APPLE BRANDY, 8 hds. Richmond TOBACCO, 20 hogsheads York-River, do. 24 hds. Petersburg, do. 100 barrels Smithfield and Carolina PORK, 22 pipes HOLLAND GIN, 9 pipes COUNTRY GIN, 100 boxes FRESH IMPERIAL } TEAS. 40 boxes YOUNG HYSON } And 500 bbls. Fresh Alexandria Superfine FLOUR ALSO, A General Assortment of DRY GOODS, suitable to the Season. Nov. 14. eM
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-Street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt-Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 12 and 14 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Liniments, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from America, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual.

antage of this opportunity to assure the Chevalier his most distinguished consideration.
Philadelphia, January 14, 1809.
The above note was received at 11 o'clock in the morning of Saturday last, and at 12, the following answer was dispatched:
The charge des affaires of his catholic majesty Ferdinand VII. the beloved, has received the note which the chevalier Beaujour sent him by order of the minister of France, enclosing what is entitled the constitution of Spain and the Indies, by which appears that Joseph Napoleon is king of Spain and the Indies. But being informed that Spain and her American possessions (excepting only that part of the Peninsula, which French bayonets have deprived of the liberty of choice) demand with the greatest affection that their beloved king Ferdinand may be restored to Madrid, to whom they have sworn fidelity and offer to sacrifice their tranquility, property and lives, for the purpose of restoring him to the throne of his predecessors; and strongly reprobating what is called at Bayonne, the constitution of Spain and the Indies, the charge des affaires of his catholic majesty, returns it to the chevalier de Beaujour, because to accept it would be an act of high treason to the Spanish nation. He avails himself of this opportunity of tendering his respectful consideration.
Philadelphia, January 14, 1809.
Embargo or War. —The passage of the non-intercourse bill will be a thing of course, whenever the majority shall be prepared to pass it. The measures of national defence which are contemplated, will be of a feeble and indecisive character. It is not probable that much more business of importance will be done by the present congress. The new president and congress are to come together in May, to decide between a continued embargo and war, which the people will be told is the only alternative.—Notwithstanding the severe satire of Mr. Quincy, they still deal in nothing but alternatives. They have no system, because they have no firmness.—Mr. Jefferson and his friends, however, display some little ingenuity—and an abominable sort of ingenuity it is—in getting themselves out of difficulty for the moment, by plunging their devoted country deeper and deeper in the dark gulph of degradation and ruin.
Confusion Confounded! The republicans (Virginians we mean) in the house of representatives, having carried, by a very small majority, the first amendment proposed by the senate to the navy bill, providing for equipping and manning the frigates and gun boats, are extremely apprehensive that they have gone too far, and they are preparing to retrace their path. Caucus after caucus is held, but every thing becomes more and more perplexed. The northern democrats insist upon a naval force, "more or less;" the Virginians wish nothing of the kind, but are fearful of losing every atom of their influence in the north.—Hence the attempts at a compromise. Some object to an increase of the navy as leading directly to war. On Wednesday, Mr. D. R. Williams said "when the amendment was adopted yesterday, I thought I saw war with all its ruins stalking through this once peaceful and happy land." But you had only a majority of five. You cannot get along in this manner. At this crisis, your measures, to be effective, must be supported by something like an overwhelming majority." Never were wise, virtuous, energetic legislators, in such a miserable situation. They have no resource left but the organization of a PERMANENT CAUCUS, and an unqualified surrender at the opinions of the majority. Messrs. Macon, Williams, and Stapler, are too honest for a measure of this sort, and Messrs. Story and Bacon will not risk the universal indignation of the people of New England. Our leaders have long been plunging and floundering in the mud and mire of disgrace and ruin, and as there is not a single particle of magnanimity or manliness in their whole composition, they have nothing to do but plunge and flounder on. The people have but one consolation—that those POLITICIANS WHO ARE DOOMED TO DESTRUCTION ARE FIRST MADE MAD. Ibid.
The Peace Party. It is dull times at Washington. A peace party is forming in the very bosom of democracy. Mr. Madison and Mr. D. R. Williams take the lead of this party, and, as independent and honest men, which they really are, though very great and very erroneous theorists, they are utterly excluded from the ministerial caucuses. Indeed it is probable that they are opposed to caucusing upon principle. But they are still violently in love with the embargo, which they think is excellently calculated to keep us "whole and at peace." When they shall be convinced that this favorite measure of theirs is ineffective, which it would seem that they must be, as men of sense, at no very distant day, their whole weight will be thrown in opposition to the "hostile propensities" of the administration. Mr. Macon said last session that we were already in a state of QUASI WAR, but quasi of every sort is now out of fashion, and he is decidedly opposed to any war at all.— Ibid.
Col. Read, one of the senators of this state has, we learn, separated from the majority, whilst they persevered in the measures which have produced so much suffering and discontent. We have noticed his vote on the side of the minority, respecting Mr. Lloyd's motion for a communication of the information negotiated with Mr. Rose, and we are told he has given others.
The reception of Mr. Lloyd's motion, is characteristic of the degraded and manly resort of party to the end, a confidence, to the end of which they find themselves approaching, at full gallop. Mr. Giles asserted, in the senate, that it had been disclosed in an informal negotiation with Mr. Rose, that the British had in reserve other terms and demands, than those which were signified in the conversations and correspondence held with Mr. Madison, and that they were of a nature to preclude an accommodation, if the point of revoking the President's proclamation had even been yielded by the executive.
In order to test the truth of this, Mr. Lloyd made a number of judicious observations, tending to show the propriety of the people, or at least of the senate, being correctly informed concerning the points upon which the negotiation had substantially turned, and moved for a communication of the informal conferences. The motion having been laid upon the table, when it was called up, Mr. Giles
thought proper to declare he had not obtained his information from the administration, but from some inferior source, opposed the call, and obliged his party to vote against it. If Mr. Giles had been warranted in his assertion, his zeal would not have permitted such facts to want the confirmation called for.
Such proceedings as these have disgusted Colonel Read and other reflecting men, who have hitherto gone with the majority.— Balt. North American.
There is not a man among the advocates of administration who can reconcile its outrageous conduct of our government with its duties. It was formed for purposes directly the reverse from those which it has now executed, and have swerved from the object of its creation, and become the oppressor instead of the guardian of the people, the basis of the compact is dissolved, and without a doubt, every state that chooses to consider its obligation of allegiance annulled, has a perfect right so to do. And much as a dissolution of the union is to be deprecated, we do not fear censure, nor feel apprehensive of a dissentient voice, among the worthy and patriotic part of the community, when we say that such an event is infinitely to be preferred to a consummation of the measures and policy, which are now resolved upon.
We do not invite nor urge to ARMS. There is a course more expedient. A course dictated by duty, safe and promising. Notwithstanding the unfeeling, insulting and tyrannous spirit of those who have assailed our liberties and threatened us with total destruction, they would tremble at being left without the strong arm of the Eastern states to defend them from dangers which they well understand. It is for those devoted states to take just, honourable and firm ground;—to make unitedly a statement of their grievances, and a solemn declaration of the conditions on which the union must be preserved. Let them do it under the most sacred pledges to await all the consequences, if our voice and our sufferings are disregarded, and so far from endangering the integrity of the nation, we do firmly believe that those measures, which have brought destruction to our doors would be abandoned—the people be again restored to their natural rights and habitual occupations—and the federative compact be perfected, and rendered more secure by this crisis, than ever.
The embargo laws we confess are evaded here and every where. They will be evaded in spite of the multiplied schemes which are now to take place.—Though the most outrageous acts which have been perpetrated against those laws have been the acts of democrats, professed friends of the administration, yet we candidly own that federalists, too, have in some instances yielded to imperious necessity. But though the public calumny may thus be diminished and individuals partially relieved, the system as it respects the nation tends, to speedy and certain ruin. Clansdestine commerce gives no aid to the revenue, while the thousands employed by government as spies, informers, and to be employed as such, will increase the necessity of public funds. While some people will keep themselves from starving by illicit trade, the community will be impoverished and direct taxation, to an enormous amount, to which the means of the citizen will be unequal, must and will ensue.
But why should we enter into the fatal consequences of perseverance in the embargo and non-intercourse system, when the policy is abandoned, and not a man of sense in the country acquainted with our situation, but knows it to be impracticable? Good men will not be wanting their ingenuity to invent modes of evasion, if it must be, preparing their minds for the sacrifices which are now to be performed. We cannot, in different parts of the state, do our duty in regard to appealing to the state legislature for its interference. This plan is so prudent, so proper, and so conformable to the nature of our state governments and their relation to that of the nation, we hope and presume it will be adopted throughout New-England, at least. The greater the number of states willing to unite with us in a well regulated and patriotic attempt to save our peace and our country, the better. The more certain of a happy issue and a speedy relief.
God save the Commonwealth. Boston Repertory.
The Chronicle of yesterday contains the following remark, said to be extracted from Cobbett's Register. "If I, or any one most dear to me were to lose my or his life in just war, I know of no case in which that life would be lost with so little regret as on my part, as in demolishing the towns of America, and in burying their unprincipled inhabitants under the ruins."
It this is really an extract from Cobbett's Register, why did not the editor of the Chronicle, tell his readers, that Cobbett is a violent antiministerialist, and has been more inveterate than any man in England, against the policy and measures of the present British administration?
Their picklock temper towards this country has been severely censured by him, so that this paragraph, instead of characterizing the spirit of the government of Great Britain, may be considered as the very reverse; and indeed it is proved so, by the whole of their conduct towards us.
The language of Cobbett therefore goes to confirm what the friends of peace and accommodation with England have ever said of the desire of the present ministry, and instead of incensing our citizens against that government, will add to the ample evidence already before us, that though Cobbett, Jefferson, Madison, &c. wish to see the two nations embroiled in the borrowings of war, the British ministry have in view and sincerely desire to restore peace and friendship. Ibid.
Three months after the burning of our ships last spring, by the squadron under commodore Baudin was known here, Mr. Madison directs, in faint terms, that application should be made for redress, and Mr. Armstrong some months after gently enquires whether commodore Baudin was justified by the French government. There has been no reply to this question—an insulting silence is preserved—But is this surprising? The writer of this article knows, that in the winter of 1805—6, more than 20 neutral ships, among which were five American ships, were burnt by the Rochefort squadron.—The captains and crews were held prisoners in France for some time.—One of them wrote to Mr. Lee, the consul, who forwarded his complaint to gen. Armstrong.—Have these ships been paid for? Why was not the point then settled, whether the emperor did or did not authorise such acts of piracy? And why
since the new principle of burning ships to avoid discovery, is now settled to be a part of the Napoleon code, did not Mr. Madison report this to the president as one of the belligerent acts affecting neutral commerce, as well as a British decree against certain Indies ships , which had been seized, and in which we had no concern? Or is it more important to us to know how Great Britain treats other nations, than in what a savage and insulting manner Napoleon treats US?—Boston Gazette.
In this moment of suffering and dismay, when every heart trembles and every face gathers paleness, it is a consolation to learn from Mr. Jefferson, by an elaborate message to congress, twice as long and as eloquent as that which recommended the embargo, "that an errantick tribe of Alabama Indians, consisting of about a dozen families," have at last manifested a sincere wish to quit their hunting habits, and become fixed like their white brethren.
By a telegraphick despatch from governor Claiborne, his excellency the president assures congress, that he is well advised "that this tribe of a dozen families of errantick Indians, have exhibited an extraordinary disposition to transfer about from place to place, according to their convenience, without having any fixed habitation whatsoever."
He recommends their case to the attention of congress.—Nero fiddled while Rome was burning—and our philosophick head, after having involved unnecessary in a state of ruin and extreme suffering, mocks their sufferings by calling their attention to "an errantick tribe of a dozen families of Indians on the banks of the Alabama."—I had rather a man would fiddle than insult us.— Ibid.
From the New-York Public Advertiser.
DEMOCRATICK DENUNCIATIONS!
A CAUTION AGAINST SURPRISE.
An abominable intrigue is said to be in contemplation to place Mr. De Witt Clinton in the chair of the intended republican meeting.
A measure so obnoxious to the republicans would destroy the harmony of the meeting. If De Witt Clinton should be offered, he will be opposed and rejected with disdain.
There can be no possible objection to Mr. Clinton's supporting the general government, provided he has renounced his errors; but he must inspire more confidence before he can expect to attain the honourable station of a republican chairman.
A more uniform character ought to be selected. Before Mr. Clinton is received he must unequivocally renounce his connection with Cheetum, Masters, Mumford, and Van Cortland.
It is hoped there is not a member of the general committee that will for a moment think of a measure which would be decisively opposed and viewed as an insult to the publick understanding.
Let it be remembered that Mr. Clinton, officiated as the chairman of a general meeting which censured the conduct of James Cheetum, that his consenting to serve, appears to have been a mere cover, for since that period he has been as intimate with Cheetum as he ever was.
Republican proceedings should be open, frank and dignified. The people cannot be deceived by the little tricks and stratagems of petit politicians.
Brother Ben is said to have declared that Mr. Clinton dares not to offend his brother. Beware of intrigues.
The gentlemen whose names are in Italick , are Republican members of Congress for New York, but who do not go all lengths, or as we say in Virginia, are not "up to the hub."
FROM THE NEW-YORK GAZETTE.
Messrs. Lang & Turner.
A copy of the "Federalist" is now in the City Library, in which, with his own hand, Gen. Hamilton (whose loss the Federal party, particularly in this city, has now more than ever deep reason to deplore) has designated the parts of that celebrated work written by himself, as well as those by Mr. Jay and Mr. Madison. As the doctrines there advanced by the latter gentleman are completely at variance in many essential points of national policy, with the practices of the liberticide and hypocritical "friends of the people," whose wayward and oppressive policy, has degraded and ruined our once flourishing and happy country. I subjoin the following key for publication in the New York Gazette.
Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, 54, by Mr. Jay. Nos. 10, 14, 37, to 48 inclusive—by Mr. Madison. Nos. 18, 19, 20—Mr. Madison and Mr. Hamilton jointly. All the rest by Gen. Hamilton.
Yours, &c. A. SUBSCRIBER.
NEW-YORK, January 16. The brig arrived at New-London, sailed from Cadiz the 17th November. Mr. Lawrence is the bearer of dispatches for government, which have been forwarded. The ship Bordeaux, Law, had arrived at Cadiz from Havannah. There had been no general battle in Spain.
ALBANY, January 12. The patriotic citizens of Albany, are invited to attend a GENERAL MEETING, at the Assembly Room, at Gregory's Eagle Tavern, in Court-Street, TO-MORROW EVENING, at 6 o'clock, to take into consideration the present alarming state of public affairs, and the proposed measure for forcing the embargo.
Thursday, January 12, 1809.
From the Hampshire Federalist.
SPRINGFIELD, (Mass.) January 12.
NOTICE.—A meeting of the inhabitants of this town has been called, upon application of several of the inhabitants to be held at the town house on the 20th instant, at two o'clock in the afternoon—to take into consideration the present alarming situation of our country, and adopt any measures which may be thought expedient for the preservation of the lives, liberties and property of the citizens of New-England. To consider the propriety of petitioning the legislature of this state to take effectual means to relieve the people of this commonwealth from the grievous embarrassments and vexatious restrictions under which they labour, and to secure to them the enjoyment of the rights and privileges which have been transmitted to
them from their ancestors. To instruct their representatives to the general court on any subject which the town may consider expedient. To see if the town will choose delegates from this town to meet those from other towns in the county, for the purpose of conferring together on the perilous situation of our common country, and to devise means for the maintenance of our common rights; and to choose any committee or committees for the purpose of carrying into effect the objects of said meeting, and to transact any business which may then be before the town.
The Subscribers to the Social Assemblies are desired to call at the Bar of the Exchange Coffee-House for Tickets of Admittance for Friday evening January 25.
FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, The CARGO of the Ship Lowden from Liverpool, viz. 7,000 bushels STOVED SALT, 7,000 dq. COARSE do. 1,000 Sacks FINE do. A. MACLURE. January 25.
75 barrels Rye WHISKEY, Landing this day from Walker's Packet. In STORE,
Coarse SALT, Brown dut, loose and in Sacks, St. Kitt's SUGAR in hds and bbls. dito MOLASSES, Prime Green COFFEE, Havana MOLASSES, EARTHENWARE, well assorted. CLARET of superior quality in cases, MADEIRA WINE, DEMJOHNS, Philadelphia PORTER—in wood. RICE in tierces and half tierces, Prime PORK—city inspection, Richmond TOBACCO, Petersburg do. TAR, PITCH, &c. &c. &c.
All of which we will dispose of on liberal terms. C. & F. Whittle. Jan. 25.
FOR SALE, 100 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, First and second qualities. Donaldson, Thorburn & Co, January 25.
By virtue of a deed in trust, from Bartholomew Yates to James Henderson, WILL BE SOLD in the City of Williamsburg, on Monday the 13th February, being James City court day,
Two Houses & Lots, in the said city, lately in the occupancy of the said Bartholomew Yates, and situated opposite to the Lot of James Sample, esq. Terms ready money.
The Trustee. Williamsburg, January 9.
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, VIRGINIA BANK STOCK,
For which Cash will be given. Application to be made to the SECRETARY of the MARINE INSURANCE COMPANY.
JOHN GRANBERY, President. Office of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, Dec. 14.
WANTED ON HIRE, BY THE MONTH,
A Young Negro Man. Enquire at the Ledger Office. Jan. 25.
SOCIAL ASSEMBLIES.
The Subscribers to the Social Assemblies, are notified that their next Assembly will be held at the Exchange Coffee House, on Friday evening next, 27th January. January 25.
To Masters, Mates, and Mariners.
INFORMATION WANTED.
THE SCHOONER EXPERIMENT, ROBERT LAWRENCE, Master,
Sailed from Norfolk, in Virginia, some time in the month of February, 1806, bound on a voyage to RIO JANARIO, and RIVER DE PLATE, in South-America. Information has been lately received that the said Schooner was at the Island of Goyes on the Coast of Africa, some time in April of the same year, from which she departed the day after her arrival there, and has not been heard of since, by information that can be relied on. Various reports have been received, that the said Schooner did arrive at the River of Plate, and was there trading.—It is presumed that the vessel went from Goyes to Rio Janario, and from thence to River of Plate, that there are many persons in the United States, who have seen the said Schooner, or master, at one or both of those places.
The Schooner was on her first voyage, Virginia built, of about 95 tons, coppered to light water mark, and had the appearance of a remarkable fast sailing vessel. Robert Lawrence is an Englishman by birth, born in the Isle of Thanet in the County of Kent, about 47 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, a stout man, inclined to be fat, of a ruddy complexion, and talks much.
Any person who can give information respecting the above vessel and master, or either, will do a singular service in communicating it to THOMAS FITZSIMMONS, Esq. President of the Delaware Insurance Company, of Philadelphia; JOHN COTTIN JONES, Esq. of Boston, or to the Subscriber. JOHN GRANBERY, President of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk. Norfolk, November 28, 1808.
MOR RENT.
That convenient BRICK HOUSE in Market Square, at present occupied in part by Mr. Fabre—it is well calculated for two Grocery Stores below, and will be neatly fitted above for the residence of families—possession given the first of January. Apply to William A. Armistead.
DEAGLE'S PACKET, will sail for Baltimore in a few days. For passage apply on board at New-ton's wharf. January 23.

FOR SALE. The CARGO of the Schooner Cervo , D. Mourande, Master, from St. Jago de Cuba , COFFEE , in barrels and bags, of the first quality. SEGARS , in boxes— Now Landing at Commerce-Street Wharf . John Granbery. January 23.
SPANISH HIDES. One Thousand SPANISH HIDES ,—For Sale, by Wm. Plume, & Co. January 23.
FOR SALE. By virtue of four separate deeds in trust from Bart. Yates , to satisfy sundry claims, will be sold at Gloucester Courthouse , on Saturday the 4th February next, for ready money. Four likely young NEGRO MEN , two of them are very excellent Blacksmiths, the third a Carpenter, and the fourth accustomed to different sorts of labour.—These negroes are under most excellent characters William Jones, Exr. of John Catlett, dec'd. The Sale of the above Negroes was postponed on the 24th December, on account of the badness of the weather. W. J.
Valuable Property, for Sale. On Friday the 3d day of February , Will be Sold to the highest bidder at the Exchange in Norfolk , the following PROPERTY , belonging to the estate of Phinehas Dana, deceased . That elegant three story fire-proof DWELLING HOUSE , at the lower end of Main-Street, commanding a beautiful view of the river (calculated for the accommodation of two families) and the adjoining LOTS on which are Two Stables and Two Carriage Houses. A well finished two-story dwelling-house on Bermuda Street .
A fire-proof three story Warehouse on Commerce Street . Two small Tenements on Broad-water Street . And one half of the WHARF , lately occupied by Allison Gorman . One fourth of the purchase money must be paid on the day of sale, and for the balance approved negotiable endorsed notes will be required, payable at three, six, nine and twelve months, and a deed in trust on the property to secure the payment. And at the same time will be sold for ready money, the following property, belonging to said estate: 60 SHARES of NORFOLK MARINE STOCK , 25 do. Bridge Stock . A FEW in the Presbyterian Church . A CANAL SHARE and a SHARE in the Norfolk Theatre . James Young, Adm'r. to the estate of P. Dana, dec'd. Jan. 4.
Phoenix Fire-Office, Norfolk. NOTICE. The following Policies issued from this Office expire in the month of January, 1809 , viz:  283067 283187 283196 283205  69 188 197 206  73 189 198 207  179 190 199 208  181 191 200 209  183 192 201 210  184 193 202 211  185 194 203 247  186 195 204 248  Richard Taylor, Agent. January 11.
REMOVAL. THE SUBSCRIBERS have removed to the end of Newton's Wharf , to the house lately occupied by Mr. Myers . JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 11.
Norfolk Draw Bridge Company. At an annual Meeting of the Stockholders held at the Exchange Coffee House on Monday the 9th instant , the Members declared a dividend of forty-five cents on each Share on the Capital Stock of the said Company, which will be paid to the Stockholders, or their legal representatives, on or at any time after the first of February next. Wm. Cammack, Treasurer. January 11.
ADVERTISEMENT. The GLEBE LAND in the Parish of Portsmouth being without an incumbent, the same will be Sold on Monday the 6th day of February next, on the premises, at 12 o'clock. This Tract of Land contains about 173 acres, and is pleasantly situated at the mouth of Elizabeth River , a proportion of which is cleared, and the balance abounds with good Timber. It is situated about two miles from the Towns of Norfolk and Portsmouth , by land, or water, which renders it a desirable situation. A credit of 12 months will be allowed the purchaser, agreeable to the Act of Assembly, upon giving bond and approved security to The Overseers of the Poor Norfolk County. Jan. 4.
For NEW-ORLEANS , The American Ship ELIZABETH , 300 tons burthen, Timothy Tufts, Master , in complete order, will be ready to depart the 25th inst. For freight or passage apply to the captain on board, or to C. & F. Whittle, Who are Landing per Gould's packet , a parcel of Choice Baltimore WHISKEY . NEGROES will be taken in the above vessel at a moderate freight. Jan. 4.
JOHN PENDRED'S Boot and Shoe Manufactory, No. 70, MAIN-STREET. The public are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity , and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands. N. B. Orders for Double Backstraps , single do. Cosmacks , executed with the greatest despatch. August 11.
FOR RENT. A Convenient Dwelling House on the Main-Street , near the Bridge , next door to Mrs. Archer . Also, That commodious House on Catharine-street , at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes , and joining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses. Also, A very convenient Dwelling-House, just finished, on Commerce-street . For terms apply to James Tucker . August 15.
AT PRIVATE SALE. 4,000 bushels Turk's-Island SALT , 20 bhd. LOAF SUGAR . By Sol: Marks, jr. Dec. 30.
FOR RENT. That delightful little FARM , Belonging to the estate of David Patterson, deceased , SITUATED on Elizabeth River and Tanner's Creek , adjoining the land of the quarantine house, containing about 65 acres, the greatest part of which is cleared and fit for immediate culture; has on it a good comfortable dwelling-house, kitchen, &c. for a small family, a most excellent garden, apple and peach orchard, and its convenience to the best fish, oysters, and Norfolk market , must render it desirable and valuable. For terms apply to D. R. Waddy .
ALSO, FOR RENT, A TRACT OF LAND , Containing about 360 acres, in the county of Princess Anne , adjoining the tract now advertised for sale by Mr. Tully Robinson . This tract is well timbered and well worth the attention of a good farmer, who might in a short time put it in a state of high cultivation. And for Hire, A Valuable BLACKSMITH , With a complete set of Tools. For terms apply as above, or to Capt. Thomas Calvert , near Kempsville . Dec. 12.
NOTICE. All persons indebted to the estate of David Patterson, deceased , are desired to make immediate payment; and those having claims to render them properly attested, to D. R. WADDEY, Adm'r. Nov. 16.
TO HIRE, A Negro Man Accustomed to plantation work. Apply to the Printer . Dec. 28.
A BARGAIN OFFERED, In a fine and Valuable FARM , in the County of Princess Anne . THE Subscriber is disposed to sell his Plantation called LEVEL GREEN , situated in the county of Princess Anne . It contains about 900 acres; and, as it may be advantageously divided into two or three Farms, the subscriber will accommodate a purchaser, in selling either the whole or a part. He will also give a long credit. This tract of Land is certainly the most desirable in the county, lying on the Eastern branch of Elizabeth River , and distant from Norfolk Market only five or six miles by water, and 8 or 9 by land.—The soil is excellent, about one half of the tract being cleared land, and fit for immediate culture; the other heavily timbered with Oak, Pine, Ash, and Hickory .—It has also the advantage of several good landings.—Any one disposed to view the land, and to purchase, may apply, in the absence of the subscriber, to JAMES ROBINSON , or JOHN READ , who reside in the neighbourhood. Tully Robinson. Dec. 7.
Norfolk Borough, At a quarterly session court held the 28th day of November, 1808 . The Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk , Against Felix Corran, Michael Corran, Noble and Arbuthnott, & co. and Theodorick Armistead . In Chancery. The defendant Felix Corran not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant Felix Corran do appear here on the fourth Monday in February next and answer the bill of the Plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough; and it is further ordered that the defendants Michael Corran, Noble and Arbuthnott, & co. and Theodorick Armistead , who have effects of the said Felix Corran in their hands do not pay, convey away or secrete such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, (Teste,) Wm. Sharp, c. c. Dec. 2.
NOTICE. The Partnership of T. & W. A. ARMISTEAD is this day dissolved by consent of parties. The settlement of its concerns devolve on W. A. ARMISTEAD , who is authorised to grant discharges, and on whom all persons having claims against the Firm, are requested to call. January 5.
W. A. Armistead and George Kelly, have entered into Co-partnership. Their business will be conducted under the Firm of ARMISTEAD & KELLY. January 16.
Boot and Shoe Manufactory. SAMUEL COLEMAN, Opposite the Market, (westward) has received by captain Hand , from Philadelphia , a quantity of the Highest Priced Boot Legs, Vamps, Tops , and other Materials, for his Factory—He has also Soal Leather , which has been in tan seven years; with these, the best workmen he can get, and the greatest care and punctuality, he believes the people of this place and its vicinity, may be as well served as by any factory in the union. His Stock at present is as good as this country can furnish, and he intends to use no other kind, the price of course must be higher, and when the Boots go the money must come, having found in a number of instances that a few days means six or twelve months, and an application even then for the money is ample cause of equity. He has on hand a large assortment of BOOTS and SHOES . ALSO, SALT, LONDON PORTER, &c. &c. Fresh SHOES from New-York for Ladies, of red, green, and black Morocco , with 1, 2, and 3 ties. JOURNEYMEN WANTED. The best Boot and Shoe Makers , not only such as can, but such as will do the best work in all cases, may meet with as much encouragement in my factory, as in any in this state, for any state in the union north of this. October 3.
Phenix Fire Office No. 13, MARKET-SQUARE, NORFOLK. INSURANCE UPON SHIPS. NOTICE is hereby given that the following premiums only, will henceforward be charged by this company for insurance from fire upon Ships, Vessels, and all Water Crafts, and also upon Cargo on board, in the seaports and rivers of Virginia and North-Carolina .  One month 12 1/2 cents per $100  Two do. 30 do. do.  Three do. 25 do. do.  Four do. 30 do. do.  Five do. 35 do. do.  Six do. 40 do. do.  Seven do. 45 do. do.  Eight do. 50 do. do.  Nine do. 55 do. do.  Ten do. 60 do. do.  Eleven do. 65 do. do.  Twelve do. 70 do. do.  The above premiums will be charged for any sum not exceeding 40,000 dollars in one risk; but a separate sum must in all cases be specified on the ship and another on the cargo. Richard Taylor, Agent. Dec. 19.
DR. ROBERTSON'S Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health . Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the stomach; also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, severe Gripings, and all other diseases of the bowels, a dose never fails to remove a cold if taken soon after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, removing habitual costiveness, sickens at the stomach, severe head aches, &c. &c. The following certificates are selected from the many respectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession. Certificate of Mr. William Julion, carpenter and builder, No. 69, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will pay my calls before the publick, as an incontrovertible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robertson's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health . I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me so much that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained, I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by taking Dr. Robertson's  Stomachick Elixir of Health , and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business. I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance in the country, where assistance cannot be immediately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's  Stomachick Elixir of Health , is the most effectual remedy in the world, I have since recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person with to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure explain it to them by applying to me. I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM. JULION. MR. DYOTT, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807.
Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water Street, Philadelphia. SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's  Elixir of Health , has been to me, of the most effectual service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my stomach, and continual head-ache, attended with a sickness at the stomach, which brought on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's  Elixir of Health , which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robertson's  Stomachick Wine Bitters , which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before.—As I consider your medicines to have been the means of saving my life, I solicit you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by abiding by the directions given with your invaluable medicines, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES. MR. DYOTT, Philadelphia, August 1, 1807.
ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES. Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pains in my breast and side, and a sickness at my stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's  Stomachick Elixir of Health , and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expectorated a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and that certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint. I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON. MR. T. W. DYOTT. August 22.
Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia. DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's  Elixir of Health , and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I wish you to publish the following: About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which ended on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption must soon have followed, had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's  Elixir of Health , which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is impossible to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most effectual remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint. I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE. MR. DYOTT. November 11.
The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the proprietor, T. W. DYOTT , No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; and by appointment at BONSAL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk ; and at SOMERVILLE & CONRAD'S , Peterburg. May 23. lawly
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.
THIRTY PIECES RUSSIA CANVASS, OF THE FIRST QUALITY, For Sale for Cash, by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. January 13. 6
LOST, Certificates for Stock in the Bank of Virginia , as follows: 4 SHARES in the name of William Pennock , 2 do. in the name of Sarah C. Pennock , 2 do. in the name of Courtney Pennock , 2 do. in the name of William H. Pennock . TEN SHARES; for which ten shares application will be made for renewals, according to law. William Pennock. January 9. 2m
COWPER & GRAY HAVE A LARGE TRACT OF PRIME JUNIPER SWAMP, Adjoining the Lake—which they wish to lease for the term of five years. Terms will be made known on application to G. Gray in Suffolk , or W. Cowper , in Gates . Suffolk, Jan. 9. 7*
FOR SALE In our Ware-House, where the largest vessel can come along side, 15,000 bushels of CORN , 2600 do. do. white, 30 bales Cotton. Also, 4000 bushels coarse SALT , 150 sacks Ground Allum do. 45 hogsheads old Antigua Rum , do. Jamaica do. 40 hogsheads Sugar , 80 barrels do. A few casks excellent Port Wine , Coffee in hogsheads, Madeira Wine , 45 crates Earthenware , Tobacco from several inspections. GEO. MURRAY, & Co. September 9.
FOR SALE, 3000 bushels Turk's-Island SALT , Now on board the Sloop Juliana , Capt. Stowe . Also, 21,000 feet MAHOGANY , A few puncheons Old Antigua Rum , New do. Molasses , Sugars , Indian Meal in barrels. John Granbery. September 21.
TURKS ISLAND SALT. 3000 bushels Turks Island Salt now on board the brig Alert , captain Hatchard , from Turks Island , for sale by William Pennock. Dec. 21.
German Linen for Exportation. NIEMEYER & VON KAPFF, OFFER FOR SALE At their Warehouse in Water-Street , at the corner of Maxwell's wharf , for cash, or approved paper only. 54 packages of German Linen , consisting of 140 pieces Oznabrige , 60 pieces Ticklenburgs , 500 pieces White Rolls , 900 Headens , 80 pieces Hessians , Enlisted to Dreubend . 1 case Platillas , 1 case Shirt Linen , 1 case Sheetings , 1 case Table Cloths , 1 case Bed-Ticking . ALSO, 40 pieces best Russia Canvass , 65 do. Topgallant Duck , 8000 Coffee Bags , 3,500 Gunny Bags , 90 boxes best Spanish Segars , 50 boxes English Pipes , 700 Straws 1-2 pt. Tubblers , 30 doz. do. Deanters , 950 pieces excellent Oil Cloth , 350 pieces Paper Hanging , 3 cases Port-Wine . And at their Store in Main-Street , a great variety of Cutlery and Fancy Articles . Apply as above. Nov. 9.
FLOUR. FOR SALE, BY JOHN GRANBERY, AT HIS WARE-HOUSE ON COMMERCE-STREET , A small quantity of very excellent New Flour , in barrels and half barrels, now on hand, fit for family use, and a regular supply expected from the Columbian Mills —Richmond inspection. CASH given for good new flour barrels and half-barrels. Nov. 9.
THE SUBSCRIBER Wishes to Sell, and will Sell or Rent on moderate terms, That very excellent Wharf and Lot , in the town of Gosport , at present occupied by William Smith ; the Wharf , Ware-Houses , and Dwelling-House are all in good repair. Thirteen Lots in the Town of Suffolk ; And the following Property in Norfolk , Two good Fire-Proof Warehouses on the Eastern side of Commerce-Street , Nos. 4 and 6 Two Dwelling-Houses and Lots on Boush-street , in good repair, and very pleasantly situated. Apply to John Granbery. September 14.
WANTED ON RENT, A HOUSE, in a convenient part of the Town, for a small family. Apply to the Printer . January 15.
FOR RENT, And possession given the 1st day of January , The HOUSE at present occupied by Mr. Argote , near the Virginia Bank .—Apply to Edward Roberts . December 9.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House . Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.