Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-12-09 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  INT HIC ETIAM, SUA, PRÆMIA LAURA
VOL. IV.]
WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 9, 1807.
[NO. 63]
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS SIX DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYA- BLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION.
For Sale, Freight, or Charter, The American Ship MINERVA, Henry Keele, master, burthen 400 bds. tobacco; will be ready to receive a cargo in ten days— Apply to
Alexander Leckie, or Thomas Willock.
Who have for Sale on board, 8000 bushels Liverpool SALT.
December 4.
A FREIGHT is Wanted For the Schooner JOHANNA, For New-York, now lying at Woodside's wharf. Apply to the master on board. December 4.
For LONDON. The Ship LIVE OAK, Gerrard Yarrell, mas- ter, will sail in 15 days. For passage only, apply to the master on board at my wharf at Gosport, or the subscriber
William Pennock.
Who wants to Charter, A fast sailing SCHOONER, of about 150 tons, to load for a southern port in Europe Nov. 20.
For Sale, Freight, or Charter, The fast-sailing brig ANN ELIZABETH, burthen 173 tons, in complete order for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to John Brown, Marsden's wharf November 13.
For Sale, Freight, or Charter, The Ship WILLIAM & MARY, burthen 230 tons, or 2100 barrels, now ready for the reception of a cargo. Apply to Solomon Bedinger. October 28.
Scotch Coals and Empty Bottles. 100 tons of the former and 200 crates of the latter, import- ed in the ship Industry from Glasgow—For Sale by William Pennock. Who offers The said SHIP, burthen 260 tons, for Charter. October 7.
Liverpool SALT and COAL, For sale on board the ship Jane, William Colley, master— Apply to the subscriber, William Pennock. Who offers said SHIP, burthen 420 tons, and the ship COURTNEY, burthen 200 tons for charter. October 5.
For Freight or Charter, The Ship THOMAS, captain Boush, will be ready immediately. GEO. MURRAY, & CO. Who have for Sale, Old Antigua, Jamaica, & W. I. Rum, Madeira, Port, and Cape Wine, Sugar in hogsheads and barrels, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware. September 23.
A few barrels and half barrels of supe- rior quality FLOUR, suitable for family use. For sale by A. Maclure. Nov. 30.
10,000 bushels coarse SALT, on board the Ship Eliza, for sale. Apply to C. & F. Whittle. In Store, A few puncheons Antigua RUM. November 30.
A. M'KINLEY. Silk, Cotton, and Woollen Dyer, No 13, Bank-Street, Respectfully informs the publick that he Cleans and Dyes all kinds of Silk and Satins, finishing them with neat- ness and dispatch; all kind of Gentlemen's Clothes cleaned and dyed; best standing blue upon Cotton, Linen, Carpets, and Blankets; Cleaned Straw and Chip Hats dyed, dressed, &c. &c.—All commands will be thankfully received, exe- cuted on the short notice and on the lowest terms. November 30.
For RENT, That Fire-Proof HOUSE in Wide Water-Street, at present occupied by Jennings & Roddey.— Possession given the 1st of January. Noble & Arbuthnott, & Co. November 30.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 50 hhds. and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 8 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffs; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 51 do. Ticklenburgs and Osnaburgs; 2 do. Heffans, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24.
Just received and for sale by the subscriber, from New-York, 4 half pipes 8 gr. casks old London particular Madeira WINE; 20 dozen Old Port do. 20 kegs Beef Tongues; 50 kegs Salmon; 50 do. Mackerel, 50 do. Tongues and Sounds; 20 do. Lard, 20 bbls. Whiskey; 10 hhds. N. E. Rum; 100 boxes Candles. Also—100 barrels Flour afloat. CARY SELDEN. December 2.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Nov. 27.
Debate on the reference of a memorial from sundry merchants and traders of the city of Philadelphia, praying for a repeal of the non-importation law.
(CONTINUED.)
Mr. J. Clay said, that whatever were his senti- ments as to the propriety of the measure in ques- tion, yet as the memorial was couched in moderate terms and drawn up with ability, he thought it would not be inconsistent with the dignity of con- gress to refer it; they did not grant the prayer of the memorial by referring it. It was proposed to be referred to the committee appointed to consider all subjects relating to commerce, and nothing could certainly be more important in relation to com- merce, than the existence of the act prohibiting the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchan- dize. He believed that every man in the communi- ty, who had considered the act in question, had found it deficient in all its details and perfectly nu- gatory in some of its provisions. He did not speak of the principle of the act, but of its deficiencies.— There was a doubt under that act whether a man could import an inkstand or a lock; or whether he might import a silver watch, though there was no doubt but he could import a gold one; and there were other defects in its provisions of a like nature. There was such inconsistency, that it might be con- sidered doubtful even on the ground of expediency, whether it should not be repealed.
Mr. Rhea (Ten.) was not one of those who wish- ed for war, with any nation on earth, but he should vote against the reference of this petition or any o- ther that prayed for the same object. It had been said by the gentleman who introduced it that they did not grant its prayer by referring it. That was true; but the very reference of it would give colour to the supposition that the house were now delibe- rating whether they should repeal the law or not. It would be reported across the Atlantic, and this very reference might have its effect on the differ- ences subsisting between the two countries. If the United States had taken this ground, why should they now give it up? He would not consent to it. It had also been said that the act was defective and nugatory. If this meant any thing, it was that it needed amendment; and if it were wished to amend it to be ready to do it, by adding other prohibiti- ons to those it already contained. If he recollected right, the memorial stated that the non-importation act bore hard on our own merchants; that might have been expected. They had notice of its going into operation; why did they after that give their orders for those articles which were prohibited by it. It, as had been stated, not an inkstand or lock or silver watch could be imported, the act could be im- proved or amended, without being repealed as the petitioners wished. It was stated in the memorial that the law was embarrassing to merchants and ir- ritating to Great-Britain, and would tend to pre- vent an arrangement of the existing difficulties.— These were ideas which ought to have no weight in favour of their prayer. Let Great-Britain be irrita- ted. Did she not irritate other nations? Had she shown any forbearance towards us? It was not ne- cessary for him to recapitulate the oppressions of that nation towards the United States: they were known to every member of the house. The United States had done every thing to secure peace that a nation impressed with a sense of its own dignity ought to do. Should these petitioners be indulged in their wish that the nation should depart from its dignity because they felt some inconvenience? Mr. R. believed that when the matter was fully consi- dered, and every thing taken into view, it would ap- pear that the United States had offered, in order to an accommodation of these differences, every thing which the most liberal policy warranted; if a simi- lar disposition had existed on the part of Britain, they would have been long since settled. Mr. R. concluded by hoping the house would not refer the petition, or give the world an opportunity to say they were now deliberating about the repeal of such a law.
Mr. Crowninshield held it to be an incontestible right of the citizens of this country to petition con- gress on any subject whatever; but he found on looking over the memorial these sentiments; they say that "their alarm and anxiety increased by reports (perhaps unfounded) of the nature and extent of the demands made by the government of the United States cannot but be great, while they are wholly destitute of information from official sources, calculated to direct their conduct." Nor could Mr. C. himself tell specifically what the go- vernment of the United States had demanded from Great-Britain? the president of the United States had informed the house that he would at a proper time lay before them such information; they were in expectation of such information, and this memo- rial asked them, before they had received such infor- mation to repeal the law prohibiting the importation of certain articles. Though there might be some doubt as to some provisions of that law, it should be no inducement for them now to repeal it. Under what circumstances was that act passed? The United States had made remonstrances to Great Britain on her aggressions for several years without effect; that act was passed to induce her to do us justice. Had she done it? No; the outrage on the Chesapeake had been since committed." This had
* This ought to convince Mr. Crowninshield that there is no efficacy in a non-importation act, and upon his own showing it ought to be repealed, for surely there cannot be a better reason for repeal- ing a law than when experiment has proved that it
been known to her several months, and the admiral under whose orders the act was committed had not been punished. Our government had done all that remained for it to do, by asking redress from Great Britain. To this no answer had been given. Should the petitioners ask the house in this situation to re- peal the act, or even to suspend it for a longer time? Was it grateful to their feelings? He thought not. He would not have objected to the reference of the petition, had it not been couched in such terms as those he had quoted; but as it was, he thought it his duty to object to the reference. The most deli- cate way of disposing of it would be to let it lie on the table. The suspension of this act expired in the next month; and they would of necessity consider the propriety of permitting it to go into operation, or of a further suspension. Mr. C. said he must confess for his own part, that he could not flatter himself from the rumors now afloat, and from what he thought he knew of the disposition of Great Bri- tain, that she would do us justice so far as was re- quired. He thought they were almost at war. From information which he had received, Great Britain was arming or at least intriguing with the Indians on our frontiers. Her vessels were arming on the Lakes; she had called out her militia in Canada and Nova Scotia; and this was done, he presumed, by express orders from the British government." She had manifested by her attack on Copenhagen that she would violate neutral rights without a pretence; she had outraged Denmark who never injured her, and had not attempted to justify it to the world but on the mere ground of necessity. He thought congress ought at this moment to arm the nation, and be prepared to meet the event. He could not sit still and hear such language as the petitioners had used: they were alarmed at the extent of our demands. What were they? It was not in the power of the house to say; but from the known character and conduct of the executive, they had no right to infer but that they were reasonable and just. He felt a confidence in the executive and had no wish prematurely to know what these demands were. These were the ideas which occurred to him at this moment; he could, therefore, see no good which could result from a reference of the petition.
Mr. Milnor said that all the arguments of the gen- tlemen from Massachusetts went to show that a re- ference of the memorial would involve an inquiry into the expediency of repealing the law. If he thought the reference of the petition rested on that question, he should entertain the same opinion as had been expressed by that gentleman; but he had yet heard nothing which could convince him of the impropriety of referring this memorial. It would be no more than a proper respect to the petitioners to give it a reference; as far as he had heard the names of the subscribers to the memorial read he knew them to be men of consideration; he was not personally acquainted with them, but knew them by character. They had addressed the house in re- spectful language, and had requested them to consi- der the propriety of repealing a certain law. What impropriety was there in this? The gentleman from Massachusetts had admitted that it was a question which required consideration, whether the law should go into operation or be repealed; and from the observations he had uttered, it appeared to be his desire to enter into more violent measures than those contemplated by that law. Mr. M. had never thought that law judicious, or that a partial prohi- bition of importation would have a good effect on our foreign relations, but that it would merely tend to irritate; and, he would rather have seen a law passed to prohibit all importation, than one of so fin- tile a nature. If the situation of the country was such as to require strong measures, that law would not be such as ought to be adopted. He thought strong measures were required, that they had been sleeping at their posts; that from the present as- pect of our political differences with Great Britain, they should have taken measures for defence, and not have remained so long idle. The memorial had been caused by the uncertain language of the law, as his colleague had informed the house, by which some persons had suffered considerable losses; some had considered it as safe, and some as unsafe to im- port certain articles. He hoped the memorial would be referred to a committee, who need not report till the probable issue of events were ascertained. If it were a question whether that law should be repeal- ed or not, as had been admitted by the gentleman from Massachusetts, surely there would be no im- propriety in the petition going to that committee whose duty it would be to consider of the propriety of the repeal.
Mr. W. Alston said he thought it at this time ex- tremely improper to refer the petition, as was pro- posed. If any step were to be taken in regard to the prayer of the petition it should be done in com- mittee of the whole house. If the expediency of repealing the law alluded to in the petition was to be considered, it was a plain question which would present itself to every member of the house, and could be decided without any previous reference to any inferior committee. The petition said some- thing about instructions given to our ministers, they might think themselves authorised to call upon the did not produce the effect intended. Our Congress folk reason deeply. They insist that a law ought to be continued in force because it will not produce the effect that was expected.
* And pray Mr. C. what are you and your as- sociates about, that you do not put this country in a posture of defence? you might benefit from the ex- ample of your enemy. But proclamations and non- importation acts are your weapons. They cost no- thing but ink, and shew a wonderful degree of spunk.
Secretary of State for information; it had there- fore better be at once brought before the house, and not go to a committee; for though he felt perfect confidence in that committee, he was not willing at this crisis to entrust them with the power of call- ing for information which it might not be proper to communicate. In the committee of the whole a resolution might be brought forward which would determine the principle at once; he therefore mov- ed that it be referred to the committee of the whole house.
The Speaker said the motion made by Mr. Al- ston would supersede the motion for reference to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Mr. Basset amended the motion as to refer it to a committee of the whole on the state of the union.
Mr. Smith was sorry this motion was made, for it was certainly giving the memorial more impor- tance than was attached to it by the motion of his colleague, who had introduced it. He considered the matter in a serious point of view. That there was in this country a party in favour of the British government, he had no doubt; nor did he doubt but that this memorial was intended to embarrass the operations of our government, and strengthen the British government in their measures. This was his opinion; and if other gentlemen also thought so, they would manifest it by their votes.
Mr. Basset said it would be recollected by the house, that, urged by the same feelings which had actuated the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Row- an) he had arisen to offer his sentiments on the sub- ject; but had been prevented by the preference given to another gentleman. He considered the sub- ject in a different light from the gentleman last up, and did not view it merely as it affected the petiti- oners. Their proceedings on this memorial would go forward to the publick, and shew to the world their opinions on the subject. Should they not now rouse from the slumbers into which the gentle- man from Pennsylvania had said they had fallen? Should they not show that they would be roused when the occasion called for it. He wished it re- ferred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, because the nation was particularly in- terested in it; not to give peculiar consequence to the petition, but because he wished the full sense of the house to be obtained on it. He had prepared a resolution before the gentleman from N. C. made his motion, declaring that the law ought not to be repealed. He thought this would have been the pro- per course; but as the affair now stood it was his wish to go into a committee of the whole instanter ; not out of respect to the petitioners, but to the com- munity, who had been long waiting for an expres- sion of their sentiments. What have we said, ask- ed Mr. B.? That we will support the government and its measures? No; we have said nothing. He was for giving to the world their opinion, that as far as those measures were correct and proper, they would support them in their full extent. This was his reason for wishing it referred to the committee of the whole house on the state of the union.
Mr. Chandler said he could not say whether the subscribers to the petition were American citizens or British subjects residing in our cities." If he were to judge from the language and terms which it conveyed, he should strongly suspect that they were of the latter class of people. If he were cer- tain of that, he should wish the petition not to be noticed at all; but as he was not perfectly convin- ced of it, he wished it to lie on the table. If it were necessary to take up the subject they could at any time go into a committee of the whole on the state of the union, without the assistance of the petition.
Mr. Southard said that the language of the peti- tioners was decent, but their object, the time of their application, and the observations which they had made, he thought extremely improper. The petition contained insinuations that the executive had taken too high ground, and demanded things that were improper; he therefore thought the me- morial was not entitled to that countenance from the house which it would appear to receive by a reference to a committee of the whole. He differ- ed in opinion with the gentleman from Virginia just sat down, who thought this memorial should rouse their feelings; he thought it should stand on its own merits.
The subject was in the hands of a committee, who would soon make a report, and they might then dis- play their feelings. When the law in question was passed, he thought some steps were necessary to be taken to convince the British government, that they would not calmly put up with all their injuries, but would resent them. He had believed this law would have that effect, and that congress ought to pass it; and having taken this ground he would not retreat— this was no time for retreating; he would much ra- ther advance. The petitioners had chosen a very unfortunate time for their prayer, when a negotiati- on was actually pending. What would be the effect of a reference of the memorial? It would strengthen the measures of the British government; they would suppose that the house repented of its conduct.— This would be the effect as respected Great-Britain. What would be its effect as respected our own go- vernment? It would, as a necessary consequence weaken their hands. He was willing to treat the petitioners with respect, as he did not know whether they were British agents or American citizens; but he trusted the motion for reference to a committee of the whole would not prevail, as he could see no one reason for it.
* Then Mr. Chandler, as you profess yourself ig- norant of a fact, what right have you (your privi- ledge notwithstanding) to insult persons, that for aught you know, are as respectable as yourself, and as firm friends to their country.

Mr. J. Clay said that the petition was signed generally by ship holders, men of respectability; and with respect to the insinuation that it was the offspring of a British party, there was signed to that memorial the name of a man, who could no more be supposed a British partizan, than could her greatest enemy; but he would not now enter into an enquiry into the character of these men. The gentleman from Massachusetts first up, (Mr. Crowninshield) had made a long harangue on the state of the nation, and said that no difficulties arose under this law. The custom-house of Philadelphia, in answer to an enquiry by a deputation from a body of merchants, declined giving an opinion as to the operation of some of its provisions. Every person knew how the bill originated; when the gentleman from Maryland who was not now on the floor (Mr. Nicholson) brought forward the resolution, it was general as all other resolutions were, and merely declared the principle; when it was agreed to and referred to a committee to bring in a bill, instead of going into the necessary details, they took the mere words of the resolution. As to some observations from the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Rhea) one of which was that the law did not embarrass the merchants, he should only observe that it appeared to be the privilege of a member of congress to speak on every subject that occurred, whether he knew any thing about it or not. He should say no more, but that his feelings had been excessively wounded by the observation of the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smith) when he knew that the memorialists whose all was now at stake, were honest men though of different politics from himself.
Mr. Nicholas said it was urged by the memorialists as one reason in favour of their prayer, that the law needed amendment; another was, their fear of irritating Great Britain. He wished to God the United States might remain at peace with every nation on earth; but hoped they would only accept of it upon honourable terms. He did believe, that while acts of hostility were committed, while the armed vessels of Great Britain still floated in the waters of the United States, in defiance of an interdictory proclamation, it would never be determined by the representatives of the great body of the American people, that it became them to take any measures to conciliate. The executive had sent no supplication; he hoped it had made a demand; that must be complied with, or they must appeal to arms, or make a total sacrifice of the national character. He felt no disposition to reject the memorial, but he would not vote for its reference to any committee; and would submit it to his friend from Virginia (Mr. Basset) whether it would not be acting more for the interest of their country, to spend their time in making preparations for events, than in discussing such a question as this memorial involved, and whether his purpose would not be equally answered by a discussion of what had for its object the defence of the country.
Mr. Elliot said, if it were true that there did exist in our country a British party, it was a subject which ought to excite no inconsiderable alarm; but he had seen no reasons for an apprehension of this kind. If there were in the country a British party possessing talents, property and influence, how unfortunate was our citizens? If, said Mr. E. after the outrages which have been committed, by violations of our rights, and jurisdiction, there be a party ready to advocate that cause, we are unfortunate: If there be a British party, I hope it is the only foreign party in the country. But how was the question of a British or any other party now before them?—A petition had been presented to the house, and a motion made for its reference to a committee, to give it the only course which a petition ever took. Was there any reason why this petition should not be referred? It regarded an important subject, a national concern. Was it couched in insulting or disrespectful language? He was not in the house when it was read, but understood it was perfectly respectful. The emperor Napoleon, when opposed by Alexander, heading a column of 500,000 men, if a petition were offered to him by the meanest of his subjects, would at least smile on the petitioner, and put the paper in his pocket. Whither were the house going? He was apprehensive that there were two cabalistic words, either of which were sufficient to silence a petitioner or a member. British party was one. Was a petition presented, and a motion made to refer it, some one rose and told them the petition ought not to be referred; it came from a British party. Was a motion, on the face of it unexceptionable, proposed, they were told the mover had no confidence in the executive, and must be voted down. No confidence in the executive! Vote him down! Were they to reject petitions because they expressed no confidence in the executive? He understood some allusion to be made in the petition to demands made by our government. In turning to the message of the president, he found no mention of such demands. After noticing the interdiction of our waters, the president says, "An armed vessel of the United States was dispatched with instructions to our ministers at London to call on that government for the satisfaction and security required by the outrage.—A very short interval ought now to bring the answer, &c." No intimation was given of the demand which was here mentioned being connected with any other demand. But did the petitioners intimate anything which did not arise from the general understanding that this demand had been connected with other demands, regarding perhaps questions of still greater importance. Such was the general understanding of the country; he did not undertake to question the policy of such demands. He did not want confidence in the executive himself, but would not reject a petition because it did not express the same sentiment.
Mr. Nelson could not tell how the gentleman from Vermont had got into the argument about a British party in the country, except it was because Mr. N. himself had called for the reading of the names subscribed to the memorial. He had no idea in doing this of enquiring whether there were a British party in the country or not. He merely wished to know whether the memorial was signed by the community at large or by merchants only; because he knew that the interest of the great body and the mercantile interest were very different, and if the latter were to have its way the country would be plunged into a war for its commerce, at the expense of the resources of the community.—But the gentleman had said that if the greatest monarch on earth were presented with a petition from his meanest subject, he would at least smile on the petitioner. Mr. N. hoped this would never be the case here; that this house would not, courtier-like, smile, but boldly and like a republican frown in the
face of a man whose petition they did not like and not put in their pockets, when they did not mean to attend to it. If the petitioners asked for what ought not to be done, the respectability of their characters should have no weight with the house in favour of it. Circumstances had much changed since the adoption of the law. Did they not recollect that previous to its adoption it was proclaimed throughout the country, that it was more than the United States dared to do, to pass such a law? The law had been passed; they were now on the eve of a war, and the British nation had said to them, if you persist in this law, we will consider it a declaration of war. Ought they under these circumstances to refer applications made for the repeal of that law? Was it not time mspent even to consider whether they would refer the memorial or not? He confessed he did not much like the law when it passed, but he voted for it, because he thought something ought to be done. But should they now refer it? He hoped not. He hoped the petition would neither be referred to any committee, or lie on the table; he wished it to receive no consideration what ever.
Mr. Basset withdrew his motion for referring the memorial to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, not that he was perfectly convinced his proposition was incorrect; as it was made with a view to the subject and not to the petition; but he was not one of those who wished a question taken on a motion merely because he made it himself. Another reason was that he understood that it was contemplated to take up a report of the committee of aggression to day, when the house could go into a general discussion.
Mr. W. Alston withdrew his motion for a reference to a committee of the whole, as he did not wish to shew any particular complaisance to the petition.
The Speaker said the question now recurred on the reference to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Mr. Rhea (T.) should not have risen again but for the considerations of the mover of the reference, (Mr. J. Clay) who understood him to say that the law would not embarrass the merchants. The gentleman had misunderstood him; he did not think it would embarrass any merchants who considered the honour and dignity of the United States. Mr. R. admitted that he knew nothing of commerce, for he was no commercial man; but this he knew, that the act prohibited the importation of certain articles, and was passed to support the honour of the United States. He also knew that the subject matter of the petition, so far as it went to the repeal of the act alluded to, went to lower the dignity of the United States, and in order to induce an amicable termination, wished them to depart from the ground they had taken. Mr. R. said he should never be one of those who would refuse to consider a petition of a private nature, which did not include a national subject; but this required them to do an act which would derogate from the national honour. If he might refer to British publications, was it now said that there ought to be a total prohibition of neutral commerce? The petitioners had every reason to suppose that our government was doing every thing which it could do to procure an amicable adjustment of existing differences. Why then bring these things forward to impede its operations? Mr. R. felt all possible confidence in the executive. He believed the instructions which had been sent, though he did not precisely know what they were, were proper and dignified. But the policy of the British government would not admit any principle that would impair her absolute sovereignty of the ocean; and so long as that disposition existed so long our remonstrances would be unheard, as they were before the revolution. If he mistook not, our remonstrances at that time were thrown under the table. And would gentlemen insist that this petition should be referred, when it might commit the honour of the United States? He knew nothing of the petitioners, not even their names; but the subject matter of their petition is abroad. He had no objection when the proper time came round, to assist in the repeal of the law. When all our differences were settled, then these provisions might be set aside. He hoped the house, in the present situation, would not only hold on the law, but go still farther.
Mr. Sloan rose to say that his sentiments as to this memorial were exactly similar in one respect with those expressed by the gentleman from Virginia. He thought with him that the purport of the petition was such as to arouse their feelings and inquiries too. He had no right to arraign the motives of the petitioners, but he had a right to express his opinion of the matter of that or any other petition presented to the house; and he would say he considered it as embracing the interests of Great Britain. Taking it in this point of view, he thought they should not notice it farther than to reject it.
Mr. D. R. Williams felt differently from most gentlemen on this subject. If he could consider its effects as the gentleman from Tennessee had done, he should vote with him—but he could not see how that effect could be produced. If he could conceive that it had originated from a British party in Philadelphia, he should feel differently, but not feeling thus, he hoped he should not be denounced as one of a British party, if he voted in favour of its reference to the committee of commerce and manufactures. Giving to this memorial all the importance with which every gentleman had clothed it, he would ask the house to recur to a correct principle guaranteed to the people by the constitution. The right peaceably to petition for a redress of grievances. If they suffered foreign relations to influence them in considering constitutional questions, any corrupt executive might hereafter turn the very means to their destruction which were guaranteed to them to secure their safety. This was not the day when the right of petition was the most sacred under the constitution; but that day might arrive, and the tendency of such conduct as had been recommended is directly calculated to produce it. Suppose the object of the petitioners was to produce in Great Britain the same opinion which the circular letter of the American Commercial Society of Liverpool had in this country; is a contemptuous silence best calculated to defeat the object? I say no. The petition is now in the power of every man interested in its circulation; it ought not to be suffered to go abroad without the antidote accompanying it; refer it then to the committee of commerce and manufactures, and if there was not talents enough in that committee to send them a Rowland for their Oliver, he trusted there was in this house.
Mr. Fish considered the right of petitioning in all
cases a constitutional right; but he did not consider it necessary at the same time to act on all petitions. This petition had been presented, and he thought the question of considering the petition of more importance than the subject itself involved in it. He was so unfortunate as to conceive that although the language was good, the sentiments it conveyed were improper and disrespectful. He considered them improper as exciting alarm; the petitioners had said they were extremely alarmed from rumour at the extent of the demands made by our executive on the British government. Where did they get their information? What these demands were they had not stated; were rumours to authorize them to come forward in this manner? One object of their petition was the repeal of the non-importation act, because it was necessary for a further adjustment of our differences with Great Britain, and because it might irritate her.—Whence this great respect for Great Britain? Was it due to her conduct? Was it due to the impressment of our seamen, whom she had retained for 7 years? Was it due to the principle she had interpolated into the law of nations, to the destruction of neutral commerce? Was it due to the blood of Americans which she had spilt, and the outrages committed on our publick and other vessels? Is she, said he, entitled to respect from us for these? And yet gentlemen tell us this memorial contains respectful language! They no doubt felt the effects which might result from war, and he also wished for peace to his country; but would never purchase it by stooping to Great Britain or any other power. Had not congress a right to regulate our commerce without consulting her? Had she been so complaisant to us? Was her justice so great as to call upon us to repeal this law? These questions needed no answer: he hoped the petition would be rejected.
Mr. G. W. Campbell said, he rose with much reluctance to submit to the house a very few remarks, on this subject. The real question now to be decided was, whether the subject of the petition under consideration was such as ought, at this time to claim the serious deliberation of the house in order to decide on its merits. Was the prayer of it such as they should deliberate about granting? If it was doubtful what the decision on the merits of this petition ought to be, then it should be referred; but if on the first glance of its prominent features, its object was evidently inconsistent with the honour and dignity of the nation; If there could be no doubt with regard to the final decision that ought to be made upon it; this house ought not to refer it to any committee whatever. It was in this point of view he considered this petition. It appeared to him as little less than an insult on the understanding of the house; and when all the facts relating to the subject were taken into consideration, he was convinced the house would be of opinion that this application was, if not a direct, at least an indirect insult on their dignity. It was said the people had a constitutional right to petition, and this house ought to hear their petitions. This right, he said, was not denied; the petition had been received and read in this house; and the question now was, how it should be disposed of; which must be decided according to the subject matter of the petition, and will in no manner interfere with the right of the people to petition. In this petition, said Mr. C. the petitioners state they are alarmed, in consequence of the high demands made by this government on G. Britain, and that their alarms are increased by publick rumour. How, asked Mr. C. do these petitioners know the nature of these demands which have been made, and with what propriety do they state to this house their alarms on account of demands made by government for redress, at a time when the whole nation feel with indignation, the insult which had rendered these demands necessary; but suppose the house should refer this petition; it would be essentially necessary, before they could act on it, or remove those alarms complained of, that they should know what these demands were that occasioned them. They could not decide on the subject without knowing them; and how were they to obtain the information. Negotiations on the subject were now pending; the petitioners could not therefore expect that an enquiry into the nature of those demands would be made by this house, and it would not be consistent with the interest or policy of the nation to make such enquiry, until the result of those negotiations was known.—What benefit could therefore result to the petitioners in regard to the pretended ground of their alarms from referring their petition? none. But the object of the petitioners is to obtain a repeal of the non-importation act; and they state as the reasons for wishing this repeal, that the act is calculated to embarrass the merchants of this country and irritate the people and government of Great Britain. If gentlemen would reflect a moment on this subject, they would be convinced that if the petitioners had paid a proper respect to the interest of their country or the dignity of this house, they would not, at this time, have made this application. The passage of that act was the first step which had been taken by the American government, declaratory of their determination to resist aggressions which had been long continued on their commerce and citizens. It was passed by a very large majority of this house, after a full discussion of its merits. At a subsequent session its operation was suspended, and on what ground? On this express ground, which was officially made known to this house—that G. Britain had manifested a friendly disposition towards this country, and that our differences with that nation were in a fair train of amicable adjustment—and even with this information before them, Mr. C. said, they had only suspended the operation of the act, but had not repealed it. This was done with a view to meet in a proper manner, those friendly advances on the part of that nation. Had any thing since taken place, calculated to conciliate the affections of this country, or which ought to induce the government to abandon the ground of resistance which they had taken, or shrink from a perseverance in those measures first determined on, and still deemed necessary for the attainment of justice—on the contrary had not the conduct of G. Britain, since, been a tissue of aggravated insults? Had not one aggression been committed after another, in regular succession, and with increasing atrocity, until the climax of aggravated injury was completed by the attack on the Chesapeake? Was it necessary to repeat the circumstances of this outrage, which for cowardly arrogance and deliberate insult, exceeded any thing of the kind ever known among civilized nations. The universal indignation which it excited throughout the union still remains unabated and would continue to do so while the
crime was unatoned for—and yet, under these circumstances, said Mr. C. we are called upon to retreat from the ground we had previously occupied—to relinquish the only measure of resistance we had taken. After the murder of Pierce, and the still more barbarous murder of his fellow-citizens in the Chesapeake (since the passage of that law, and its suspension) you are called upon to retrace your steps, to decline all resistance—to shrink from the contest—and virtually say to Great Britain—we feel your chastisement—and we regret we have taken any step which may irritate your people or government. The people of America said Mr. C. would frown with indignant contempt on a conduct of this kind—and even the people of Great Britain, if they possessed the spirit of freemen, would feel a contempt for a conduct so pusillanimous, so inconsistent with the dignity of a nation. They could not do otherwise (however they might seem to approve the measure) than despise the measures of a people, who would make a shew of resistance in defence of their injured rights, and after repeated insults, relinquish the contest, without reparation, and tamely submit to the most aggravated aggressions. If we were to deliberate on pursuing such a conduct—if we expressed a doubt on the propriety of rejecting with indignation such a proposition, we would justly merit and receive the universal execration of the people of America.—Mr. C. concluded by declaring his determination to vote against the reference of the petition to any committee—and expressing his hope that such reference would not be agreed to by the house.
(Debate to be continued.)
WASHINGTON-CITY, November 30.
When the senate was about convening on Friday, Mr. Smith of Ohio, entered their chamber. Having exhibited a record from the circuit court of Virginia, attesting that a nolle prosequi had been entered on the indictments for treason and misdemeanor against him, and expressed a purpose to take his seat, it was intimated to him by Dr. Mitchell, that it was the opinion of some members of the body that an enquiry ought previously to be made with respect to his implication in any transactions hostile to the peace of the union. This induced him to wave taking his seat that day, to allow any measures to be taken which the senate might see fit.
When the senate had formed, Mr. Maclay offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire and report to the senate their opinion whether John Smith, a senator from the state of Ohio, ought not to be expelled from the senate in consequence of the part which he took in the conspiracy of Aaron Burr against the peace and prosperity of the United States, or what other steps in their opinion it may be necessary and proper under the present circumstances for the senate to adopt.
Mr. Pope moved to amend this resolution; to make way for which amendment Mr. Maclay withdrew his resolution.
Mr. Thruston moved the following resolution as an amendment, omitting that part in Italics , which Dr. Jones moved as an amendment to the amendment:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether it be compatible with the honour and privileges of this house, that John Smith, a senator from the state of Ohio, against whom bills of indictment were found at the circuit court of Virginia, held at Richmond in August last, for treason and misdemeanor, should be permitted any longer to have a seat therein, and that the committee do enquire into all the facts regarding the conduct of Mr. Smith, as an alleged associate of Aaron Burr, and report the same to the senate.
In this stage of the business we entered the senate chamber.
Mr. Hillhouse objected to the resolution on the ground of allowing the committee too wide a latitude.
Mr. Adams vindicated the resolution from this objection.
Mr. Pope moved an adjournment to allow further time for reflecting on the most correct course to be pursued.
Mr. Thruston advocated the powers given by the resolution to the committee; and in reply to some observations, previously made, remarked that a very different species of testimony from that required by a court of law, would constitute sufficient ground for the senate to act on in a case where the effect might be the expulsion of a member.
The motion to adjourn was lost; only four members rising in favour of it.
Mr. Hillhouse replied to the observations of Mr. Thruston, on the score of testimony. He viewed those observations as extremely dangerous. Should they be carried into effect, the character of a man, however innocent, might be blasted. He thought the case called for great circumspection. He wished the enquiry to be made, and had prepared a resolution, which he read as follows, as expressive of his opinion of the most proper course:
Resolved, That the message of the president of the United States of November 23d, 1807, together with the documents which accompanied the same, be referred to a committee to enquire how far John Smith, a member of this Senate, has been connected with or concerned in the transactions therein referred to, and report whether any and what proceedings ought to be had by this Senate in relation to said John Smith, and to send for persons, papers and records.
Mr. Tiffin rose merely to state that he had seen attested copies of the record in the case of Mr. Smith, and to communicate to the Senate the contents of a letter which he had just received from him. The letter follows:
Washington, Nov. 27, 1807.
DEAR SIR,
Just having heard that a motion is pending in the Senate to appoint a committee to enquire into certain charges exhibited against me at Richmond, by the late Grand Jury, I beg you, sir, to assure the Senate, in my name, that nothing will afford me more pleasure than to have a publick investigation of the said charges, and an opportunity to vindicate my innocence, and I beg you from your seat to make this statement.
I am, dear Sir, respectfully yours, &c. JOHN SMITH.
Hon. Mr. Tiffin. Mr. S. Smith said, that however unpleasant it might be, it was the duty of the Senate to meet the proposed enquiry. It did not follow that such an investigation would go to criminate Mr. Smith. It might, on the contrary, issue in his exculpation.—He understood that that gentleman had expressed

his conviction that a full investigation would completely exculpate him from the charges which had been preferred against him. Be this as it might, Mr. S. thought there were circumstances which had been disclosed at Richmond, which called upon the Senate to go into the enquiry. He alluded to the testimony of Blannerhasset's gardener and lieut. Jackson. He had, however, heard that Mr. S. thought it in his power to do away the charges flowing from these statements. Why an opportunity to do this should be refused, he could not understand. He added that he perceived no objection to an examination of two of the grand jury, who held seats in the other house, with regard to the grounds on which the bills of indictment had been found, from which examination it would appear whether there was any necessity for sending for other testimony. These considerations would induce him to vote for the resolution, at the same time that he was little solicitous as to the particular resolution which should be adopted.
Mr. Mitchell stated that Mr. Smith had expressed to him his regret at not having been tried at Richmond on both the charges preferred against him, as he was confident that he could have established his innocence. What was the object of the resolution? To give him this opportunity; to allow him the only resource that remained; to allow him to be tried here by his peers. Therefore, so far as related to the character of Mr. Smith, or to the dignity of the Senate, the enquiry seemed a proper one; and he should consequently vote for the resolution.
Mr. Thruston said that he felt some delicacy in having hazarded an opinion, on the subject of testimony, which seemed in some respects to militate against the provisions of the constitution. What he had uttered on this point had been the result of momentary impressions, and might, possibly, on further reflection, be considered even by himself as erroneous. But as the remark had dropped from him, he would briefly state the grounds on which he had made it, which he still felt to be satisfactory. He was still of opinion that the senate in such a case were not bound by the technical rules of law as rigidly observed in courts. Various considerations compelled them to pay particular regard to their character and convenience. Hence the constitution had conferred upon them an unlimited power to expel a member. In such a case they were constituted both accusers and judges, in direct violation of the common principles of law. A member might be expelled for acts, which would not render him amenable to a court of justice. He was, therefore, of opinion that in this case the senate might decide upon what appeared to them credible testimony, although it should not be of such a character as would be admitted in a court of law.
The question was then taken on the resolution, offered by Mr. Thruston, and amended by Mr. Jones, and carried without a division; and Messrs. Adams, Maclay, Franklin, Smith, of Maryland, Pope, Thruston and Anderson appointed to the committee.
In the course of the proceedings, Mr. White read the following resolution, as such an one as he thought it most expedient to adopt:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire whether any, and what proceedings should be had against John Smith, a Senator from the State of Ohio, in relation to any connexion he may be supposed to have had with the conspiracy or any illegal enterprise of Aaron Burr, and that the said committee have power to send for persons, papers and records, on the subject committed to them, and to report the facts to the senate.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
November 30. Mr. Adams from the committee appointed in the case of Mr. Smith, made a report, recommending the adoption of the following resolutions, which were agreed to:
Resolved, that the committee appointed on the 27th instant, to enquire and report the facts, respecting the conduct of John Smith, a senator from the state of Ohio, as an alleged associate of Aaron Burr, be authorised to extend their enquiries to any other facts, which in their opinion would be incompatible with his duty as a senator of the United States, and that they be authorised to send for persons, papers and records.
Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before the senate such information as may be in his possession, in relation to the conduct of John Smith, a senator from the state of Ohio, as an alleged associate of Aaron Burr.
December 1. The bill reported by Mr. Adams "for the preservation of peace and maintenance of the authority of the United States, in the ports, harbours, and waters under their jurisdiction," after undergoing a slight amendment, was ordered to a third reading without a division. The question was taken on striking out the 5th section, which interdicts the entrance of all British armed vessels into the ports and waters of the United States, and vests the president with power to take off the prohibition whenever, in his opinion, due reparation shall be made, and lost, yeas 3—nays 26. Messrs. Pickering, Hillhouse and Goodrich, voting in the affirmative; and Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Bradley, Coddington, Franklin, Gaillard, Gilman, Gregg, Howland, Kitchell, Maclay, Mathewson, Millidge, Mitchell, Moore, Parker, Pope, Robinson, Smith, of Maryland, Smith, of New-York, Smith, of Tennessee, Sumpter, Thurston, Tiffin, Turner, and White, voting in the negative.
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7.
Ten Dollars Reward. Runaway from the subscriber on the 18th November, a Negro Woman named LUCE, about thirty years of age, an impediment when spoken to; she has been seen several times about the borough since her absconding, and has told several that she works out by the day, others that she is free. The above reward will be given on bringing her home to me. Christopher Williams, No. 7. Bouh's Lane December 4.
PALMER'S Packet will sail for Alexandria To-morrow. Dec. 9.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIMES, HIS TORN AND PRESSURE. WEDNESDAY EVENING, DEC. 9, 1807.
We have devoted a large proportion of our paper of this day to the debate on the Philadelphia memorial. The expediency of granting the prayer of the memorial, is a subject on which we mean to offer no opinion, but the manner in which the memorial was treated, and the illiberal insinuations cast on the signers, are subjects upon which there can be no difference of opinion in liberal minds. The merchants and traders of the metropolis of the United States, have been rudely assailed by the representatives of the people, for presuming to exercise a right that Buonaparte would not deny. Yet these men are republicans, and bow before the majesty of the people!
CAPTAIN EVANS, in the ship Jane, arrived in Hampton Roads from Rotterdam, which place he left the 23d of October, brings no news—he says that an embargo was expected in Holland, in consequence of which the American consul had advised the masters of American vessels to hasten their departure. No reason was assigned for this expectation.
We must have an interview with an old correspondent, A SHIP CARPENTER, before we consent to comply with his wishes.
GENERAL MOREAU's movements appear to excite much sensation. Accounts from the westward state, that a number of Frenchmen have lately gone the same route to New-Orleans.
IMPARTIALIS is received; for reasons which at a future day we shall assign, we wish to decline inserting his remarks.
[The following article gives us some idea of matters in a part of the country with which we have little connection, but serve to shew that the conduct of the Spanish government has not ceased to be oppressive and unjust, any thing told at Washington to the contrary notwithstanding.]
NEW ORLEANS, October 19. At a Supreme Court, begun and held at the Town of Alexandria, in the County of Rapides, within and for the 4th Superior Court District of the Territory of Orleans, (including the Counties of Rapides, Ouachita, and Natchitoches) on the third Monday of September, in the year of our Lord, 1807.
The grand jurors within and for the said district, in addition to the bills of indictment found, consider it a duty which they owe to themselves, to their fellow citizens, and to the government of their country, to present the numerous outrages, and the repeated violations of all the principles of amity and good neighbourhood, committed by the Spanish government or its agents, at the post of Nacogdoches, by encouraging the slaves of this district to desert from their masters, and protecting them after they have escaped without the limits of this territory. This encouragement and protection of slaves, even after they have added to the offence of desertion, the crimes of theft and robbery has been of long continuance.
The citizens of this district, firmly attached to the government under which they live, and ready at all times to sacrifice their lives and fortunes in its defence, have hitherto waited with a patient forbearance, in expectation of that protection to which they are entitled. But instead of protection every day brings fresh proofs of the impunity with which wrongs are committed upon us under the mask of friendship and peace, by those who as neighbours have experienced on our part, a sacred observance of their rights, and towards whom we have ever extended all the good offices in our power. After repeated and unavailing reclamations made by our fellow citizens upon the officers of the Spanish government, for slaves who have made their escape into the Spanish territory, we have at length received for answer, an avowal of their resolution (with an assertion that this resolution is founded on the express orders of their government) not to restore them, but to continue to extend towards them their protection and support. In this situation the citizens of this district look to their government for its immediate interposition to put an end to this unprovoked system of injury, intolerable in its immediate effects, but infinitely more dreadful in its future consequences. It is interesting, not to the inhabitants of this district only, but to the whole territory—and is, as we conceive, one of those audacious aggressions upon our rights which most deeply affect the honour of the government and the nation.
We can only add that in the last resort, self preservation must point out to us our remedy for wrongs, which if persisted in without redress, would expose our property to continual depredations, and ourselves and families to all the horrors of the most dreadful of insurrections, that of slaves against their masters.
The grand jury request that this presentation be made publick by being published in the Orleans newspapers. (Signed) WILLIAM MILLER, Foreman. October 26.
Extract from a "Declaration of the American citizens on the MOBILE with relation to British aggressions." "We have likewise suffered multiplied injuries inflicted upon us in a regular system, by the agents of the Spanish government. But if we have ever thought ourselves neglected; such thoughts, at the present momentous crisis in our national affairs, shall no longer find a harbour in our breasts. If when we have been the objects of incessant oppression from his catholic majesty, for a series of years; if when the produce of our lands before it could reach a market in even our own territories has been subjected to a duty of 12 per centum ad valorem to a foreign market; if when we have been constantly the
sport of vexatious searches and arbitrary seizures; if when we have been compelled to pay 12 per centum to the king of Spain on every thing which we have imported, even from the next town within the American limits; if when through the joint operation of the revenue systems of Spain and of the United States, we have frequently been obliged to pay from 42 to 47 per centum ad valorem on the price when first imported into the United States, of the most essential articles for family comfort: if when suffering, not yesterday or to-day only, but every day and every year, for a length of time, this series of oppressions, without hearing one clear and decided expression of national indignation, we have sometimes in the spirit of despondency, been ready to fear we never should be thought worthy of enjoying the rights and protection of American citizens."
The visit of general Moreau to the westward, and the expedition of his travelling, has excited a variety of conjecture in the political world. A friend of the general has handed us the following account of the motives of his journey, which will fully satisfy the curiosity and allay the suspicions of those who are always watching the movements of great characters:
"The general had, some time ago, the misfortune of losing his only son—his lady has also been under the necessity of returning to France, in order finally to settle some family concerns. Such painful separation, added to the dreadful loss which he had just experienced, have rendered his house so totally disagreeable to him, that in order to divert his griefs, he has determined to undertake this excursion, and visit the Ohio and Mississippi, as far down as New-Orleans. His intention is only to remain a few days at the latter place, as he wishes to be in Charleston next February, and in New-York the following month."
"The season being so far advanced, made it necessary for him to travel with some rapidity, and it was only a few days before he left New-York, that he was informed a passage could be procured."
"This explanation was, perhaps, unnecessary, for no person of common sense will imagine, that one of the greatest generals of the age, should be willing to exchange his high fame for that of an adventurer." Bull. Am.
WASHINGTON CITY, December 2. We have received the following as the purport of Mr. Canning's answer to Mr. Monroe. As this statement is altogether derived from publick rumour, we should decline inserting it, but for the great importance of the subject, and from the right of our readers to be informed even of rumours so interesting, especially when credited by intelligent men.
The note is said to state—that the British government has always claimed and exercised the right to take British seamen wherever found—That according to the modern usage of civilized nations, national vessels were not liable to search—that Great-Britain will conform to this usage—that for the affair of the Chesapeake reparation will be made, and a minister sent to the United States for that purpose—no hint is given as to the nature or extent of the reparation—on the contrary it is expressly stated, that the claim of the American government to reparation is lessened by the refusal to deliver up their men, and by the president's proclamation, both of which are considered as acts of hostility on our part—that the minister sent to the United States would be expressly instructed not to blend with the affair of the Chesapeake either the impressment of seamen, or any other subject of difference between the two countries—the letter is in a style more haughty than conciliatory, and calculated rather to increase than lessen the sentiment of indignation so generally excited by the unprincipled conduct of Great-Britain towards neutrals generally, and particularly towards the United States.
PHILADELPHIA, November 28. NEW-YORK, Nov. 27.—"All the letters from New-Orleans, received at the Post-Office yesterday, BY MAIL, were opened! What does this mean?" N. Y. Gaz.
Or what connexion has it with the alarm sounded in the National Intelligencer of Wednesday last, respecting gen. Moreau, which we published in yesterday's REGISTER?
The Washington Expositor of the 11th inst. says, "Messrs. Thruston, Cutts, Barlow, Clay, Moreton, and A. Wolcott, are spoken of as likely to succeed Mr. Grainger as Post-Master-General." Pol. Reg.
NEW-YORK, Nov. 28. A gentleman of this city has favoured us with a letter from a friend at Marblehead, who came out in the sch'r. Spring-Bird from Nantz, which place she left about the 12th of October. This letter states—that there was to be another levy of 200,000 men in France—that Buonaparte intended to march an army of 70,000 men through Persia to India, and that the king of Persia was to furnish all the necessary supplies for the French army—that Russia and Germany were to be the mediators for a general peace—that the king of Denmark had furnished men to man nine French ships of war that were at Flushing—and that legionary honours had been conferred on General Lanuiers for his able defence of Buenos Ayres.—[This is the latest news from France, and coming from a respectable source, is entitled to consideration.]
Communicated for the Philadelphia Gazette.
Observations on the increasing practice of seamen smuggling goods from on board American vessels in British ports.
The seamen, and sometimes the officers of American vessels, have been in the practice of bringing with them from America, tobacco, snuff, coffee, chocolate, rum, pepper, tea, and various other articles, with the view of smuggling them on shore on their arrival at this port. Of late this practice has been carried on to a considerable extent, and the revenue officers are so vigilant, that such goods: frequently detected, and many vessels have in consequence been seized, whereby the owners have sustained considerable loss.
We therefore think it desirable to recommend our friends, who are owners of vessels, to take every precaution in their power to prevent any contraband articles being taken on board either by the seamen or officers; and we take the liberty of suggesting the propriety of their causing a notice to be placed in some conspicuous part of the vessel, offering a
reward to any person who may give information of any goods on board, intended to be smuggled; and also of their delivering written instructions to the captain and other officers to be constantly on the watch to detect any practice of this kind, both whilst the vessel is taking on board her cargo, and during the voyage. We further recommend that, the captain and officers be directed to make a diligent search through every part of the vessel previous to her arrival at the port of discharge; and if any contraband goods be discovered, that they be immediately destroyed, and that a minute of such search be made at the time in the ship's log-book.
If, after all these precautions, a vessel should be seized for having contraband goods on board, and a satisfactory proof be given that these, or similar measures have been taken, we conceive her release would thereby be materially facilitated.
Although vessels have been frequently seized for having contraband goods on board, we do not know of any one which has been finally condemned; as, after their seizure, applications have always been made by the consignees to our government for relief, and they have hitherto been successful in procuring the restoration, in consequence of their being able to shew that the owners were not implicated, and that the quantity of goods intended to be smuggled was not great. But these applications, altho' made in the most effectual manner, have always been attended with considerable delay and expence.
When the captain or any of the officers have been concerned, the procuring of relief has been attended with more difficulty, delay, and expence; and as an example of this, we shall state a case which came under our own notice.
About 115 gallons of spirits, 18lbs of snuff and 5lbs tobacco, exceeding the quantity allowed by law*, were discovered by the excise officers in this port on board an American schooner of about 170 tons burthen, which proved to be the property of the officers and some of the seamen of the vessel, and to have been secreted for the purpose of being smuggled on shore. The vessel was in consequence seized: the usual petition was immediately made for her release, but was rejected. This was followed up by several other petitions, which shared the same fate. At length, however, after the vessel had suffered a detention of nearly four months, she was offered to be restored to the owners on paying 300l. to the seizing officers, with the various expenses, which amounted to about 160l. more; and as less would not be accepted the sum of about 400l. was thus given to obtain her release.
We trust that these remarks may prove of service to our friends who may be owners of vessels.
* The quantities allowed are, two gallons of liquors, and two pounds of tobacco per man, and of the other articles reasonable quantities for the present consumption of the crew, at the discretion of the revenue officers.
OBSERVATIONS, Respecting an alteration in the mode of reporting the cargoes of foreign vessels.
In cases where masters of vessels have, through error, made inaccurate reports of their inward cargoes, they have until lately been afterwards permitted to correct such reports. This was an indulgence beyond what British vessels enjoy, as the act respecting the report of foreign vessels was not then clearly understood; and it was considered reasonable that the most favourable construction should be put upon it, as foreigners are not supposed to be equally well acquainted as British masters with our custom house laws. A legal opinion has, however, been lately taken upon this act, and it is now determined that as far as relates to the mode of reporting the cargo, foreign ships shall be put on the same footing with British ships.
It is now therefore requisite that a regular and correct manifest be produced by the master on arrival in this kingdom, which must contain an exact list of the cargo, specifying each article, with the marks, numbers and packages, &c. as per the proforma list annexed.
Should any article which is not mentioned in the manifest be found on board, or should the quantity exceed that mentioned in the manifest, it would then be liable to seizure, with the exception of grain, pig iron, lathwood and dyewoods, on which a post entry is still allowed.
To the article of timber we are particularly desirous of calling your attention, as the mode hitherto practised specifying the quantity in the manifest has been in tons and feet; it is now, however, requisite to mention the number of pieces of the logs, boards and planks separately, without reference to the number of tons or feet. Liverpool, Oct. 1, 1807.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Ship Jane, Evans, 46 days from Rotterdam, Ballast, C. & F. Whittle.
The Packet Venus, Capt. Boash, will sail for New-York on Friday next. Dec. 9.
On Tuesday the 22d instant, opposite the Court-House in the Town of Portsmouth, Will be Sold.
Two Houses and Lots of Land, Living in said Town—£150, All my moveable PROPERTY. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, by GEORGE BUTLER. December 9.
NOTICE.
I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceased, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admr'x. December 9.
WANTED for the Ship Sheffield,
A CARPENTER; also, two young LADS, from 14 to 15 years of age, as apprentices, not to go in the cabin or to cook. Apply to Josiah Cowper. December 9.
Wanted to Purchase,
A NEGRO BOY, about 15 or 16 years of age; one that has been brought up to wait in a private family, and can be recommended for his honesty, would be preferred, for which, a generous price will be given in cash. Apply at this office. Nov. 23.

Wood and Hastings, No. 76, Main Street, Have received from London and Liverpool, via Baltimore, 60 packages composing a complete assortment of Fall and Winter GOODS;
Amongst which are Best blue, black, bottle green, and olive broad Cloths; fashionable Cassimeres; coarse Cloths; coarse and fine Coatings; Flannels and Baizes; Kendal Cottons; blue and white Kerseys and Halfblacks; blue and drab Plains; Flusings; Rose and Striped Baizes; Carpets; Swans- down; Bennett's Cord and Toilette; Vesting; Durants; Calimancoes; Ruffles and Bumbazette; Manchester Cords and Velvets; silver Cords and Tabby Velvets; Irish Linens; Sheetings; Diapers and bed Ticks; Calicoes; Dimities; Cambric Muslins; Ginghams; fancy Muslins; Hosiery; Pins; Thread, &c. &c.
Also, an assortment of French Lutestrings; silk Velvets; black and white silk Hose; silk Gloves, assorted colours; fancy silk Handkerchiefs; white kid Gloves; leather do.; Crapes; silk Cords and Taffets; Gants and Cotton Trimmings, &c.
LIKEWISE, 10 bales India Cottons, 2 do. Coarse Linens; 1 cheft white Rolls. October 5.
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter, and Nabby, from Liverpool, their
Fall and Winter GOODS.
The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths, Cassimeres, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; Ladies' Trufafur, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Children's beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Hoffman and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epaulets; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin for dresses; Calicoes, Chambrays, and Ginghams; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cottons; strong white Plains; mix- ed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plains; Dimities and Mouselines; 4-4 Irish Linens; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheetings; Hosiery; Cuteness in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c.
The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper. September 25.
German Winter GOODS.
65 dozen Men's Thick Filled Stockings, 50 do. Children's do. do. 50 do. Men's half do. do. 110 do. Men's and Boys' Gloves, 25 do. do. Caps and Mitts, 25 do. Traveling Sacks 10 do. Ladies' House Socks.—Just received and for sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. November 20.
For SALE, 75 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 50,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4.
200 barrels FLOUR, of superior quality for family use, 10 hogsheads Tobacco, suitable for the West-India Markets, 100 barrels New-York Pork, city inspection, 50 do. Carolina do. 50 hds. 25 barrels Antigua Sugars, 40,000 wt Green Coffee, Madeira Wine, London Brown Stout, Philadelphia Porter, Claret, Hermitage, Burgundy, &c. &c.—For sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. November 11.
FOR SALE, 50,000 white oak hogshead draw Staves 50,000 red do. 30,000 rough do. 20,000 Cypress Pales 2,000 Cedar and Chinquepin Posts 50,000 building Shingles. Proby, Harman & Co. March 2.
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune, captain Norton, from Te- neriffe, 100 pipes and 90 hds. L. P. Tenc- rifle WINE, of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. September 23.
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. Who has on hand, Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16.
FANCY FURNITURE.
Japanned and Gilt—viz. Cain Seat, Rush and Windsor Chairs; Re- cess Seats; Settees and Window Stools; Card, Pier, and Tea Tables; Work, Wash, and Candle Stands; Bedstead, Bed, and Window Cornice Likewise, Pictures framed and reguilt, and articles in fancy line made to order. Also, Coach, Sign, and Ornamental Painting; Freema- sonry and Military Flags done in the best manner, by J. & W. Cook, No. 60, Church-Street. Nov. 25.
The Subscriber offers for Sale at his Store in Market- Square, 20 hogsheads W. I. RUM, 10 pipes Cognac Brandy; 5 do. Country Gin, Sugar—Brown and Loaf, by the barrel or hogshead, Tea—Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson.—Also, A parcel of DRY GOODS, Consisting of Woollens, Calicoes, Hats, and Hardware. In addition to the above, he intends keeping a constant supply of PORK and BEEF. Bread—Pilot, Navy, and Ship, of the first quality—Fami- lies may be supplied with small quantities of Pilot Bread, of a superior quality. Cordage of any size or description for negotiable notes or West-India produce. Any orders for the above articles, will be complied with at the shortest notice. Cary Selden. Nov. 23.
Baltimore Baker's FLOUR, superior quality, for family use, for sale by T. & W. A. Armistead, Campbell's wharf. Nov. 18.
SAMUEL COLEMAN,
Opposite the Market, (westward) offers for Sale, Warranted New-York SHOES, and will return the money when Shoes are bought upon his partic- ular recommendation, if they should not wear well. He thinks he has exerted himself as much to get the best and handsomest Shoes and Boots of the manufacture of the Unit- ed States as any man in them, and has the assurance of the manufacturers in New-York, Philadelphia, Newark, and Baltimore, where the Shoes and Boots are made purposely for this market , that they shall be in all cases customers' work; and the report of a great number of those who have purchas- ed Shoes, confirms their being so.
He has now on hand, A general assortment of fresh New-York SHOES. For Ladies there are a variety of new Kid Patterns; Velvet Slippers, different colours, neat workmanship, of Silk & Tab- by Velvet; Morocco Boots, Bootees, and Walking Shoes, to tie and not to tie, with cork soles and without, &c. For gentlemen, Bollen's well known stout and light seal leather Shoes and Morocco Pumps, with several other kinds; For Misses, a variety of Morocco and Leather. For Boys, very fine for dancing, common, strong, lined and bound, and coarse. For Children, Morocco Bootees, different colours, sized from 3 to 1, leather Pumps, Shoes and Bootees; and for Servants, such as appear to be of very superior quality. There is attached to the Store a very comfortable back room, where Ladies may retire for the purpose of trying on Shoes or Boots.
He has a great variety of English Kid Shoes, some of which having been long on hand, will be sold at 7s. 6d.; and a quantity of the most fashionable Embellishments, quite fresh at reduced prices.
He has on hand, SHOES made by a very faithful workman in this vicinity, of the best wax-leather, in a shape to suit old gen- tlemen, with which he will be regularly supplied.
Vernon's elegant Baltimore BOOTS, kept in such quantity as to give a probability of fitting any person; sold at the prices in Baltimore.
New-York Pilots' BOOTS, an improvement up- on the plan of Fishermen's Boots.
A considerable quantity of Boston SHOES and BOOTS, kept for the purpose of supplying those who must have what they think cheap, not appearing to know, that the best things, are generally, cheapest; these will be sold low. He is in expectation of a quantity of the most elegant Philadelphia KID SLIPPERS, by the first vessel.
With due encouragement, he is perfectly confident he can supply handsomer and better Shoes and Boots, than has been furnished by any person in this place heretofore; and if bet- ter, ultimately cheaper—but without it, it is impossible to keep a good assortment.
He has also, A quantity of India COTTONS; a few tons of BAR IRON; and Pennsylvania BUTTER in small kegs, nicely pickled, at 20 cents.
Just received by Ferguson's Packet from Baltimore, a fresh supply of Vernon's Winter BOOTS. November 27.
Just got to Hand, 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18.
For SALE, or will be bartered for Staves, Corn, or Flour, 5000 bushels Liverpool SALT, loose and in sacks, 1 ton Shot, assorted; 2 ton German Steel. James Young. November 13.
For SALE, by the Subscriber, 34 hogsheads WHISKEY, 50 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do. 65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 16 gross Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castile Soap, 1 hog-head and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 10 hds. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York Ri- ver Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton, 58 whole and 9 half tierces Rice. A. Maclure. November 13.
For SALE, 80 hds. choice retailing Molasses, 34 tierces Currants; 20 kegs Capers, in very fine order. James Young. November 11.
Wanted on Hire, A NEGRO MAN, accustomed to wait in a house; and a NEGRO WOMAN, who can cook, wash, and iron. Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Nov. 9.
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones.—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and fi- tuated on a never failing stream; although she works at pre- sent only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abun- dant supply for ten pair.—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's-Mills) about two miles farther, now in com- plete order, running one pair of stones and two faws.—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not su- perior to any in that part of the country.—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 500 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently be- lieves, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia.— Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reedswamp within three miles of it, in which any num- ber of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5.
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly fi- tuated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5.
For RENT, The STORE, No. 86, Main-Street, with or without the house. Thomas Blanchard. September 28.
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
For RENT, That commodious Dwelling-House, adjoining the Subscriber's, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes; also a convenient Dwelling-House near the Bridge, adjoining Mrs. Archer's, at present occupied by Mr. Nichol- son; also that pleasant retired House on Brewer-street, oc- cupied by Stephen Harris; and some Ware-Houses on my wharf, with or without the wharf. For further particulars apply to James Tucker. October 12.
St. Mary's College.
GRAND LOTTERY,
BALTIMORE. Authorised by the General Assembly of the State of Mary- land; the Scheme of which Lottery is the most brilliant ever offered to the citizens of the United States, containing be- sides a large number of other good prizes, 1 prize of - - 30,000 Dollars, 1 do. of - - 15,000 3 do. of - - 10,000 2 do. of - - 5,000 5 do. of - - 1,500 7 do. of - - 1,000 Not two blanks to a prize, and the lowest prize twelve dol- lars. The Scheme contains only 21,500 Tickets; 10,000 of which are actually sold to a company of gentlemen in New-York, to whom the managers have obligated themselves to commence the drawing in the City of Bal- timore, on THURSDAY, the 31st day of December next and to draw 500 tickets per day. Tickets and Shares are now selling in a variety of numbers, and very rapidly at Ten Dollars and an half each, for a very short time, at G. & R. WAITE's truly fortunate Lottery Of- fice, corner of Market-street and Charles-street, Baltimore. The grandeur of the Scheme of the above Lottery, toge- ther with an assurance from the managers that it will positive- ly commence drawing on the 31st day of December next, have been a sufficient inducement for the subscribers to come to the city of Baltimore, for the express purpose of facilitat- ing the sale of the Tickets. G. & R. Waite.
One of the above firm will personally attend the drawing daily to take down the numbers correctly, as will also one of their clerks. The next New-York Lottery will not commence drawing till April next. Tickets of which Lottery may be had at Waite's Offices, in Maiden Lane, New-York. N. B. Distant adventurers accompanying their orders with Bank Notes of any description, to either of Waite's Offices in Baltimore or New-York, may have Tickets and Shares forwarded to any amount with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent them of their success. All prizes sold by G. & R. Waite will be paid by them. A list of all prizes drawn will be sent to the Printer of this Paper, for the in- spection of adventurers. October 14.
We want to Purchase, A few Shares of STOCK in the Vir- ginia Bank. Campbell & Wheeler. May 22.
St. Mary's College Lottery of Balti- more. TICKETS for Sale by Rowland & Triplett. October 16.
REMOVAL.
WOOD & HASTINGS, Have removed to No. 76, Main-street, opposite Market- square, (lately occupied by CATON & VEALE) They have on hand a general assortment of English, India and French Goods. September 11.
Forty Dollars Reward,
Will be given to any person who will apprehend and deliver to Warren Ashley, Esq., of Norfolk, or the subscri- ber, two runaway Negro Men, named JEMMY and JEF- FERY, purchased a short time since as part of the Glebe property in Hampton. Jemmy is about 22 years of age, very strong and well built, and about 5 feet 9 inches high.— Jeffery is at least 6 feet high, about 21 years of age, very black and likely. These Negroes absconded from the sub- scriber with a wish to be sold in Norfolk or Hampton, where they have been seen frequently since their having quitted my plantation. All captains and masters of vessels are her- by cautioned against receiving them on board, or employing them in any way. Henry Heffernan. Glebe, Middlesex, July 4.
400 barrels Tar, 20,000 pipe Staves, 30,000 White Oak Hogshead do. 50,000 Red do. do. 100 Barrels Flour.—For Sale by L. Mansfield. Portsmouth, May 8.
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolese CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castile Marble Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12.
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse— For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc. Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Of- fice of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25.
To RENT, That commodious TAVERN oppo- site the Borough Court-House, at present occupied by Mr. Thomas Holliday, and possession given the 15th of next month. Also for Lease, That vacant LOT on Commerce and Little Water-Streets. For terms apply to James Tucker. July 22.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. Feb. 20.
He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
For RENT, And possession given the 1st of Jan. next, that commodious three story brick DWELLING HOUSE in Church-street, at present occupied by Mr. Barth. Redman. And a convenient two story DWELLING HOUSE, with a fine extensive garden, in the Fields near Smith's Point, at present occupied by Mr. Stratton, possession of which may be had the 1st of January—Application to be made to Wm. Plume & Co. Nov. 18.
Landing this day at Commerce-Street, Gallego's Superfine FLOUR. James Herron. November 30.
Received per schooner Traveller, from Bos- ton, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Camp- bell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide St. after- street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his as- sortment of
Groceries and Ship Chandlery,
Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hds. and 6 bbls Rye Whiskey, 4 bars Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes.
Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31.
Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A PARCEL OF
Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. September 28.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just re- ceived from London, per the ship Planter,
An assortment of MEDICINES,
of the first quality Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound cannisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evans's best Crown Lances, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiv- ing from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5.
200 boxes Mould CANDLES,
30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 bags Coffee, 5 tierces do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks old Sherry Wine, 2 hds old L. P. Madeira do. 3 hds. Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hds. and pipes—For Sale by Phinehas Dana. June 8.
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No 1, Commerce-street to William Hull, Jun. October 15.
GERMAN LINENS, &c.
16 bales coarse Linen, 450 pieces Paper Hangings, 4 do. Ruffa Sheetings, 80 boxes Window Glass, 3 boxes German Rolls, 100 do. Short Pipes, 2 do. Rouans Sheeting, 120 do. Spanish Segars, 1 do. fine Flanders do. from 8 to 20 dollars per box, 5 do. Platislas, 300 doz. empty Bottles, 1 do. fine Dowlas, 200 wt. nealed bottling Wire, 2 do. Table Cloth, 800 do. Gin, 1 do. common Shirt Lin- 11,000 best Coffee bags, nen, 4,500 cheap Gunny Bags, 1 do. extra fine do. 5 boxes Tumblers, Decan- 1 do. Bed Tick 2 yards ters, &c. wide, Also, 6 elegant Terefrial Globes, A large invoice of Lace, 3 pair large Looking Glasses, Jewellery and Dice, in gilt frames, of the first Elegance, Elegance Chessmen, Elegant marble Statues, Flascos and Clarinets, Urns and Vases, Violins, Bows, and Fifes, Liquor Casks, Oil Cloth, Flutes with four and six keys, Water and Waffle Irons, do. patent lined, Coffee Mills and Toasters, Ladies' Dressing Boxes, Velvet Ribbons, Toilet Looking Glasses, Fine Thread Stockings, Shaving Casks, Elegant Cutlery, Elegant Writing Desks, An invoice of Watches, Scarlet Plush for Saddles, Watch Crystals and Beads, Seine and Sewing Twine. For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. September 11.
NOTICE.
Those who have claims against the es- tate of CHARLES WILLETT, deceased, are requested to bring their accounts properly authenticated; and those who are indebted are particularly requested to make payment as no indulgence can be given. William Storrs, } Executors. Thomas Davis, } lawson September 30.
NOTES OF HAND,
according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office. ALSO, NOTES for the Virginia Bank;
Checks; Bills of Lading, and of Exchange, printed on pa- per of superior quality; and Shipping Articles on large pa- per, and approved form. LEDGER OFFICE.
NORFOLK:
PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.