Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1808-01-22 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 35 of VOLUME IX.]
FRIDAY, January 22, 1808.
[WHOLE No. 451.]
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. HOUSE OF DELEGATES. December 5.
Resolutions relative to the general Government.
Mr. Barbour from the select committee, to whom was referred Mr. Pope's resolutions, made the following report:
The General Assembly of Virginia taking into their most serious consideration the present crisis in our political affairs, and the circumstances which have tended to produce it, would be unparadigmatically negligent, were they to remain silent. They deeply regret that they have been disappointed in their ardent wish, that the United States might be forever exempt from those disastrous convulsions, which have been so long desolating Europe. In the strict and impartial neutrality practiced by the American government to all nations; in the inviolable regard which it has so scrupulously paid to justice and good faith, they fondly imagined they had a firm guarantee to the continuance of peace. But from the menacing aspect of affairs, it seems but too probable that this flattering anticipation is about to vanish, and that we shall have to act a part in the melancholy drama of the day. In reviewing the series of causes which are likely to terminate in this result, we derive great consolation from the reflection that the government of the United States has done every thing on its part which was calculated to preserve peace upon honorable terms, and that there is nothing with which it can with propriety be upbraided. The recapitulation in detail of the insults and injuries received, would be tiresome and disgusting.—Blockades established contrary to former usage, new and destructive principles interpolated in the laws of nations; our free born citizens impressed on board our own vessels, and torn from their friends and country, have been doomed to perpetual exile and captivity, whilst the cry of "I AM AN AMERICAN CITIZEN," has been treated with contempt and disdain; these are some of the outrages of which we complain and for which we had demanded reparation for the past, and security against, for the future. In the midst of amicable conference upon those subjects of complaint, arrived the 22d of June, 1807, a day which will be forever memorable in the annals of America.
History will record that on that day a ship of war belonging to Great Britain made an attack (attended with circumstances the most offensive) upon a national ship of the United States reposing upon the pledged security of public faith, and that amidst the groans of murdered citizens, the flag of the United States, the sacred emblem of our liberty and independence, was seen cowering beneath British audacity, and British violence.
The sensations arising from this daring outrage pervaded with the rapidity of lightning, this vast continent, and produced one uniform sentiment of indignation, under the influence of which, disappeared all party distinctions. We exhibited to the world the pleasing spectacle of a widely extended nation with one accord burying in the tomb of its slaughtered citizens all party differences, and with one voice demanding ample vengeance or honorable reparation. The General Assembly in reviewing the conduct of the government of the United States in this trying exigency, rejoice to reflect upon the dignified attitude by it assumed, one that was supported by firmness, tempered with moderation. It has been ascertained to the world, that if war ensue, the United States are innocent of the calamities inseparably incident to that state of things. And with confidence in that Providence which seems to have made these states so peculiarly its care, we firmly anticipate the aid of Heaven, and a propitious result. We should be wanting in frankness, were we to suppress our anxiety for the preservation of peace, but it must be a peace purchased with no sacrifice or honor. The honor of a nation, it is believed, on the part of the General Assembly, is a jewel of inestimable value to be maintained at every hazard—Inspired with this sentiment, we have weighed it against every sacrifice, and accept it as an equivalent. It is a duty we owe ourselves to declare,
that we submit with pleasure to the privations arising from the energetic measures recently adopted by the constituted authorities in laying an embargo.—We fell flattered by the confidence which they reposed in our patriotism and self-denial, and we hereby beg leave to assure the General Government, that this step meets our warm approbation.
Resolved unanimously , That the General Assembly penetrated with a most affectionate regard for the welfare of our common country, and viewing with indignation the insults and injuries which have been offered to us, hereby solemnly pledge the whole energies of this commonwealth to the support of such measures as may be adapted to produce an honorable peace, or avenge the injured honor of these states.
Resolved , That the Governor of this state be requested to transmit forthwith to the President of the U. States a copy of this resolution.
Mr. Noland moved that the report lay upon the table, that gentlemen might have an opportunity of examining it.
After some desultory remarks from different members,
Mr. Tucker hoped that these Resolutions would be laid upon the table, that the members might have time to deliberate upon the subject. There was a material difference between the resolutions first offered, and those which were now before the House. The former were general in their nature; but these were specific in one respect: They expressed an approbation of the embargo, which had lately been imposed. How then was it possible for gentlemen, who may have been able to pronounce on the first resolutions, to come to an immediate decision on those before the House? Mr. T. was willing to confess that he had neither the head nor the mind, as some gentlemen had expressed themselves, of determining at once upon the subject. The embargo was an energetic and most important measure. Congress had been engaged, God knows how long, in secret session deliberating on this subject. They had documents laid before them, which were not yet before this House. How then could gentlemen pretend to decide upon this measure, and without having the documents before them? Could the members of this Legislature pronounce the opinion of their constituents on the consequences of a measure, which had not been matured, at the time of their elections? Could gentlemen possibly say, what the people themselves might think of this measure? Or should they venture to say, that a system by which the farmer is losing 4 $ per barrel on his flour and the planter one half the worth of his tobacco, was in many respects the best calculated for the protection of this country?
Mr. Archer would be sorry, that these Resolutions should be laid upon the table. The Legislature had possessed time enough to determine upon them. Though Congress had decided upon the adoption of the embargo in closed doors, yet it was fair to infer from the large majority which had voted for it, that it was fortified by the strongest reasons. This was a crisis which peculiarly required a dignified expression of the national sentiment. On the other side of the water, the Resolutions which had been adopted by the people of this country, had been treated as the empty effusions of mobs. Was it not time for the Legislature to remove this idle supposition by giving to these sentiments the formal sanction of their approbation? Did not the times call upon them to express their full determination to support the rights of their country?
Mr. Walker had not expected an unanimous vote on this occasion. He knew that there was a party in this House who were decided in their opposition to the best interests of their country, and another party who were wavering in their politics. He did not wish the support of such men. Did not the motion to lay these resolutions upon the table imply a disapprobation of them? Gentlemen had declared themselves in favor of the other parts of these resolutions, while they avowed their doubts about the embargo. But was it not inconsistent in them to say to the government, "We will support you in the war, while we disapprove that measure, which may
produce it?"—An appeal had been made to the interests and feelings of the agricultural people. No doubt, this measure, would subject them to many evils; but they were prepared to submit to all privations for the good of their country. In June, when war was deemed extremely probable, did they coldly calculate on its evils? No: there was a general burst of indignation through this continent; and he seriously believed, that if the government had then declared war, the spirit of the times would have completely borne them out. Mr. W. observed, that the sooner the House acted upon these resolutions, the better would it be for their country. If they deliberated too long, they would seem to doubt.
Mr. Parker was in favor of the resolutions, yet he was anxious to lay them upon the table. If gentlemen desired time to deliberate calmly on any subject, he was always disposed to indulge them. He agreed with the advocates of these resolutions that the embargo had been dictated by prudence, if not by necessity. Many would certainly be injured in their private affairs, but they would support it for the honor and dignity of their country. If however there were some gentlemen who felt any doubts on this subject, could any harm result from postponing it until to-morrow?—Could the embargo be considered as a war-measure, or as a measure that would be productive of war? By no means. It would have a very different effect, and this was one of the greatest advantages which accompanied it. How then could the gentleman last up assert that it was inconsistent to pledge themselves to the support of a war and yet to refuse voting for the embargo? If the House takes a single day for deliberation, will foreign nations suppose that we are not an united people? Does it comport with the dignity of this House to decide without mature reflection? If the house came to a hasty decision, it will but produce an effect directly opposite to what these resolutions contemplate.
Mr. Smith (King & Queen) was opposed to laying these resolutions on the table. He conceived that this address had been so framed as to exclude all party considerations, and that on this subject at least party spirit would have been buried in the tomb of their slaughtered countrymen. He had hoped that these resolutions had been so constructed as to unite all parties; and believing that there was no ground for reasonable opposition on this principle, he should move for an immediate decision on the subject. In reply to the gentleman from Frederick (Mr. Tucker) he would simply observe, that without arrogating to himself any degree of intuition, he presumed he should be able to decide on this question without the assistance of that elaborate discussion which was maintained before Congress relative to the embargo. This House were not to erect themselves into a national Legislature, for the purpose of passing this law; but they were simply called upon to pronounce a plain sentiment on a national measure which had been already adopted. The gentleman also says, that this house is travelling out of their Legislative jurisdiction. But is not this the very objection, which has been urged by the opponents of every resolution, which this House have adopted? When the celebrated resolutions were offered in '99, what said its opponents? "Shall we attempt to controul the power of Congress? Can we transcend our local powers? Did members yield to such insinuations? No: they adopted resolutions which crowned them with immortal honour.—When Congress recommended to the people to express their regret over the ashes of the illustrious Washington, did any man ever object to this exercise of power? Did any man pretend, that they had transcended their authority? It is true, added Mr. S. that I have received no particular instructions from my constituents in regard to this measure, yet I pronounce from the spirit which they have already displayed, that they will resolutely support it.
Mr. Pope observed that he should call for the Ayes and Noes on this question. Time forsooth must be given to gentlemen, from to-morrow and to-morrow, and he really believed it would be to all
eternity.—Why do gentlemen waver on these resolutions? There shall be no neutrality in our age. People must either declare for the general government or against it. They must either say, that this embargo is an excellent measure, or that it is a very bad one. I shall call upon them, said Mr. Pope to know, whether or not they have a confidence in the wisdom of Congress.—What! when it is declared by a nation of pirates, by an island of bears and fools, that the people of this country are a mob, is it not high time for us to be speaking by towns, by cities, by states and ultimately by the Congress of the U. States. Whether gentlemen doubt about the Non-Importation act or the embargo or the illustrious President of the U. States, surely they will rally around Congress. When I saw other states had acted upon this subject, I drew up my resolutions. I thought we ought not to be silent when they was thus speaking: And I thought the sentiments in my resolutions as well as in these, would have been congenial to every American bosom.
Dr. Foushee trusted that the Ayes and Noes would not be called at present. Might it not be time enough to call them on the adoption of this address?
Mr. Pope. I shall call for them, from the beginning to the end.
Mr. Strother protested against the doctrine, which inculcated a blind confidence in the wisdom of Congress. He was not yet completely satisfied, that the embargo was a wise measure. But if he had not yet the materials for forming a decision, should he not have time to enquire? He deprecated war. It was the most awful crisis that could occur. He would avoid it, if it could be done without dishonour. Will not the house then suffer him to enquire, whether this measure was really correct; whether it was consistent with the policy and interests of this country? The house would permit him to remark, that the word "administration" was grown too forcible in this country. While he admired the men who administer our affairs, should he be tied down to a tame acquiescence in all the measures of government? He might be willing to admit, as a man, that all the measures of government on this subject were correct, but as a representative of Virginia, was it not binding on him to deliberate with calmness, that he might decide with dignity? The embargo was not one of those measures, which was to be comprehended in a moment; nor was it to be expected from men, whose devotion to their private business precluded any elaborate researches, that they should immediately be able to embrace such a question in all its ramifications. The question, of peace or war, was the most important on which any nation could deliberate. War was the greatest calamity which could befall them. But all its miseries he was prepared to meet, all its sacrifices he was willing to encounter, if it would only relieve his country. Shall the house plunge blindly into questions of this great magnitude? Ought they not to allow some time to receive information from the north? The House should act as the official agents of this commonwealth: and they should consider, that the world would not fail to scan their measures, and the manner in which they were pursued.
Mr. Semple was for laying these resolutions on the table. Was not this a new subject before the house. Was not the dress which it had assumed so completely different from its original shape, that the human mind could not have conceived that the one had grown out of the other? Is it customary, under these circumstances, for gentlemen to press an immediate decision upon the house? But it has been said, that those who are for laying them on the table, are opposed to these resolutions. This was not however the fact. He had already expressed much stronger sentiments than these Resolutions embraced. As to an Embargo, it had always been a favorite measure with him. Long since he had expected such a measure. It had been also said, that the English nation had stigmatised us under the character of a mob; but if these important Resolutions were decided in the hurry of the moment and without due deliberation, would it not in some measure tend to
Mr. Wilson

countenance this base aspersion? Why not indulge members? Does it not sometimes happen, that members are prompted to vote immediately for a resolution, with the words or spirit of which they find themselves displeased upon calm subsequent reflection? He had regretted, that this body was already too numerous; he had believed the constitution, ought to be amended for remedying this evil. If the present measure was adopted, it would certainly not change these impressions.
Mr. Pope was not surprised at the opposition made by the gentleman from Williamsburg (Mr. Semple .) It was that very gentleman, who had opposed his resolutions on their introduction, because he said he wanted a different dress for them. The sentiments were congenial, but he wanted a different dress for them. I was told, said Mr. P. that I was a young member; that I ought to have gone to some of the leading members of the house; that I ought to have consulted them; and that I might have so dressed them up as to make them palatable to all parties. I was willing to submit. My resolutions were referred to a select committee. The gentlemen on that committee are as good patriots as any in this country. But four weeks have already been whirled off; and nothing is yet done. For my own part, I think it best to act on the spur of the occasion, having regard to a little consideration. I believe, that those who are for laying them on the table, are opposed to the resolutions. And I must say, that those who are not for me, are against me.
Mr. Semple admitted that he had first doubted whether it was proper to act on the gentleman's resolution at all, and therefore had moved that they should lie on the table. Further than that, he denied having any thing to do in this business. As to the embargo, he had approved of such a measure before it was passed. It was not more than 24 hours after the attack on the Chesapeake, that he had believed, if Congress could be convened, that such a measure would have been proper.
Mr. Powhee (Henrico) did not see the necessity of an immediate decision. He had been one of the select committee, and could not therefore be suspected of any anxiety to obtain time for deliberation. The committee had attempted to produce an unanimity in that house. They had only taken a view of our foreign concerns. As to our internal affairs, though they might very properly have entered into the discussion, they had been dismissed for the sake of unanimity. As to himself he regarded this as a feeble measure, considering the situation of our country. He had sacrificed his opinion however, to the spirit of unanimity. And when he now saw members continually coming into the house and asking the chair to report the resolutions, he could not but think that some little time ought to be allowed for their consideration.
Mr. Barbour observed, that these resolutions had been drawn up in the spirit of the most liberal accommodation; that they were drawn to exhibit to foreign nations a splendid spectacle of our spirit; and that they were intended to convince our adversary that we would be contented with nothing but honorable reparation or honorable war. Had he supposed that a postponement of this question would be favorable to unanimity, he should vote for it. But when it was avowed, that no unanimity was to be expected; not one further step would be towards an immediate decision. Why postpone it? The great body of the Preamble contains facts which no one will deny, and sentiments which all ought to feel. We narrate the injuries which we have received from the British government, until we arrive at the climax, in the attack on the Chesapeake. We state the general sentiment which pervaded the Union on that occasion. "Give us, cried our country, honorable peace or honorable reparation." Do gentlemen require until to-morrow to ascertain whether these facts have existed, whether those sentiments have been felt? Surely they cannot: for they are impressed on every American mind. On what then, do gentlemen require time to deliberate? Is it on the embargo? That is certainly a great national measure. If the question was now, whether the Virginia Legislature would adopt this measure, then indeed there would have been need for deliberation. But the real question is, whether we will cheerfully submit to the privations it imposes; and how long will gentlemen require before they can make up
their minds on this point? But it is said that the price of flour has fallen. Are gentlemen then prepared to tell the General Government that they will go all lengths with them in supporting the honour of our country; and yet do they hesitate on the very first step that is taken? Gentlemen say, they are unacquainted with the sentiments of their constituents. But is one solitary ray expected by to-morrow? Is not every man acquainted with the sentiments of the people?—While our impressed seamen are shaking the chains of their captivity; whilst the ghosts of our slaughtered countrymen are walking unrevenged among us, shall we riggle about the price of our flour? What! when two of the strongest nations of the ancient hemisphere have determined to invade your property; when you cannot shew your face on the ocean, unless piracy makes lawful capture of your vessels; what better can we do, than to draw ourselves in our own jurisdiction, and perhaps re-act upon our opponent?
Mr. Tucker would avail himself of his right to answer observations, when the house proceeded to the discussion of the main question. He was willing that the Ayes and Noes should be taken, that the people might perceive who they were that precipitated the decision of questions before they were prepared for a mature discussion.
Mr. Otey should have wished to have made some sacrifices for the sake of unanimity. The gentleman from Orange, (Mr. Barbour ) should have recollected that these resolutions had been a whole week before him? And should not the house be indulged with a single moment? At a time too, when they were about to pledge their constituents to support the measures of the Federal Government?
The question was then taken and lost, —Ayes 76—Noes 98.
Mr. Noland then moved to commit the resolution. Lost—Ayes 79—Noes 90.
Mr. Breckenridge then moved to amend the first resolution by striking out the words, "the whole energies of this Commonwealth," and substituting the word "ourselves."
Lost without a division.
Mr. Noland then moved to substitute the word "unanimously" in place of "therefore" in the first resolution.—Carried.
The question was then put on the preamble.
Mr. Murdaugh had uniformly determined to vote against all addresses, which were merely complimentary; and had such an occasion occurred at the present moment, he should have pursued his former course. But he viewed these resolutions as expressive of great national sentiments. This was a great and portentous crisis. The time may come, when the seeds now sown may spring up in the ruins of the liberties of his country. He had felt the indignities and aggressions of Great Britain. He had felt shocked by the extravagant principles which she had interpolated into the laws of nations. He had felt for his countrymen confined in chains. He had been wounded by piratical encroachments upon our commerce. And he had not failed to feel for that insult, which had topped the climax of her injustice, the attack on the Chesapeake. He would not consent to expunge that passage which relates to the embargo. That feature appeared to him the most beautiful in these resolutions. He had in some respects dissented from the policy which our government had pursued towards Great Britain.—Perhaps the executive had pursued the cool course of wisdom, in preference to the ardent career of feeling. He should cheerfully submit to their wisdom. He considered the measure, which he spoke of as a war-measure. He would go hand in hand in every effort which may be pursued to heal the wound inflicted upon his country, or to wash out its injuries in the blood of the enemy.
Mr. Breckenridge called for the Ayes and Noes.
Mr. Tucker spoke to the following effect:
I stand here in a situation not very enviable; compelled by the decision of the House to express a prompt opinion on a subject not in the ordinary course of Legislation, and in which I do not pretend to be informed. In this situation I am threatened with the denunciations of those with whom I have ever had the honor to vote and to act. I am told that on this occasion, there shall be no neutrals. The House is addressed in a language that leads to a belief that we were not a deliberative body, but that a war of extermination was to be waged against the opposers of any part of the proposition before it. When I accepted the trust reposed in me by the people, I
determined when not shackled by particular instructions, to consult the dictates of my own bosom alone, and never to express a sentiment of approbation which did not animate my breast. However disagreeable they may be, I shall disregard the anathemas that have been thrown out on this occasion. I shall pursue that course which my own honor and duty prescribes. Tho' a friend to the resolution, and though I shall unite in a vote for most of the preamble, I have objections to a part of it.
I shall offer to the house a few remarks which considering my own age, the peculiar situation in which I stand & the precipitate manner in which the subject has been brought before the house, must necessarily be desultory. I have promised when this subject arrived at this stage to answer some of the remarks of my friends with respect to the attack on the Chesapeake. My opinions on that subject had already been expressed in the public prints. With the rest of my countrymen, I thought our country insulted and abused: I believed redress was necessary; and though I am not now a decided advocate of that measure ( the Embargo .) it is not therefore to be supposed, that I am an advocate for that nation, whose conduct towards this country had ever been marked by Carthaginian faith. Because I doubt the propriety of voting with Congress, I would not therefore, (to use the favorite expression of the preamble) cover beneath G. Britain. What times are these? When we hear gentlemen declaring that though we had no right to legislate on this subject, we must express the opinion of our constituents on its propriety—though there is no time to deliberate, yet must we decidedly and promptly approve without deliberation. These times are hard indeed. They threaten every man standing here as an independent representative, with the vengeance of their former friends. They have declared there shall be no neutrality, that I must unite in all these measures, or abandon all the measures of the administration. I shall do neither. I shall side with those who generally wisely administer the government of the U. States, but I will vote against any specific measures 'till its wisdom has been proved. The question before the House, relates to the embargo. To so much of the preamble I shall object, as expresses a firm conviction of its propriety. I do not mean to express a decided opinion on the subject; but merely to suggest my doubts. If there are doubts, how can we express this decided approbation: and who, without an enquiry which shall remove every doubt, can believe that measure to be without doubt, from which so many of that wise body, (Congress) dissented?
To develop clearly my sentiments on this subject, I must take a view somewhat retrospective of our situation when this injury was done. What was our situation? We were in profound peace when a dastardly attack was made on us. What sentiments were expressed? Was there not one universal sentiment of execration of our enemies? In these sentiments I concurred. What was the general sentiment in another respect? That Congress would be immediately called. Among others believed it the wisest policy to collect the sentiments of the country and to concentrate their force. Believing that our honour called for war, I wished that body to be called which alone had the power of declaring it. There is a tide in human affairs which taken at the flood leads to honour and advantage. I thought it improper to wait the ebb. The government however thought (perhaps wisely) that it was best and not dishonourable to wait the event of negotiation.
My opinion is that when government determined to pursue that line of policy, they should have continued it; and I hesitate about the policy of this measure at the moment that an envoy was expected on our shores. An embargo should not have been laid on the principles of this embargo until the door of negotiation was closed. The measure is perhaps worse than war, because the embargo has stopped up every pore of our country. No vessel whether English, French, Danish, or of any other nation can trade with us. Every market for our produce is cut off. I have doubted whether an embargo of a different sort or on different principles would not have been better—have placed our own vessels in security, yet left us some market for our produce. It is objected that this would throw our commerce into the hands of G. B. and be to her advantage. I feel no desire to give her any advantages and if it has become necessary I would shut G. Britain out of, as well as ourselves within our ports. But
I would not extend the provision to every other nation. For these reasons I have doubted the policy of this specific measure, and I thought it perhaps improper and adopted at an improper time. But I express little more than my doubts on the subject. These are the opinions of a man who feels no other interest than for his country's welfare and independence.
Mr. Smith observed that after so many excellent speeches which had been delivered, he had but a few observations to offer. He rose only to explain some of his remarks, which had been misunderstood by his friend from Frederick. He was sorry that gentleman should think that he ever intended to denounce him, for any of the opinions which he had expressed. He had never entertained the idea which that gentleman had ascribed to him, that the measures of government were too sacred to be the fit subjects for investigation. As citizens, as members of a deliberative body, they could not be too vigilant in their observations; nor could they too zealously attempt to examine the measures adopted by the government. This was his idea; that they were not now sitting as the legislature of the U. S. they were not laying an embargo: they were not enumerating all the grievances which they had sustained from G. Britain. They were merely called on to pronounce their sentiments on a measure, which had been already adopted by the U. S. and which had been so frequently canvassed in this state for the last eighteen months. They were not now called upon to discuss this measure again, but merely to express their previous sentiments. He had always thought the conduct of one branch of this legislature during the last winter to be censurable, in having so elaborately discussed the specific measures adopted by Congress. Mr. S. observed that it never was his temper or disposition to hurl denunciations at any man. He was too deeply conscious of his own imbecilities to pursue that course. But he should ever think himself at liberty to denounce those measures which he deemed inexpedient and to approve those which were proper. The gentleman from Frederick had taken a very wide latitude in his objections to the embargo. It was not his intention to follow him thro' all of them. But he should say, that while the embargo opens an ample door for negotiation, it provides ample means for the prevention of future controversies. Mr. S. hoped that this House would not suppose the address to contain one particle of party spirit. It called on them merely to rise in the defence of their common country. And he hoped that not one member would be found to oppose it.
Mr. Barbour observed that it was honourable to every man, to express his sentiments with independence. And he should never dream of denouncing any man, merely because that man did not come within his sphere of opinions. He believed that a difference of opinion was absolutely necessary to elicit truth; and last of all he should ever have tho't of denouncing and suspecting the motives of the gentleman from Frederick—That gentleman had declared that he would have called Congress together, after the attack on the Chesapeake. But the policy of the administration displays that superior wisdom, which uniformly characterises their proceedings. The feelings of America were then agitated. We were ready at once to unsheathe the sword and plunge into the calamities of war. The policy of the administration was the best. "We will inhibit the entrance of her armed vessels into our ports. We will send off dispatches to enquire whether this outrage was countenanced by the British government.—Perhaps it was an unauthorised act.—Shall two nations be plunged into a war for the misbehaviour of such officers?" But when the government found that the same system was continued, they then adopted a stronger measure. The time is now arrived to convince the world, that however slow we may be to anger, whenever we discover a propensity in any nation to withhold from us our just rights, that we are prepared to make every sacrifice. It had been told in Europe, that we were a sordid, mercenary people; that our feelings may be outraged, but that we might be indemnified and satisfied by pecuniary considerations.
Mr. Tucker moved to strike out the last sentence of the preamble.
Mr. Barbour called for the Ayes and Noes.
The whole preamble was finally adopted.—Ayes 157—Noes 13.

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, January 7.
Mr. Burwell submitted the following order: Ordered, that Mr. John Randolph, representative in congress from the state of Virginia, and Mr. Daniel Clark, delegate from the New-Orleans Territory be requested to lay on the Clerk's table all the papers in their possession relative to the conduct of Brigadier general James Wilkinson, while in the service of the United States, in corruptly receiving money from the government, or agents of Spain.
Mr. Randolph moved to amend the resolution, by adding, after the word "papers" the words "or other information." He believed that the delegate from New-Orleans was possessed of information which perhaps he had not on paper.
The resolution gave rise to a long and interesting debate, which principally related to the character and conduct of gen. Wilkinson.
The question was taken by ayes and noes on agreeing to the above order, and it was carried, ayes 90, noes 19.
Before the question was taken on the original resolution of Mr. Randolph, an adjournment was called for, which prevailed.
Friday, January 8.
The house this day took up Mr. Randolph's resolution (respecting an inquiry into the conduct of gen. Wilkinson.)
A motion was made by Mr. Taylor that the resolution lie on the table.
This occasioned considerable debate. Mr. Rowan (of Kentucky) made a most impressive speech against the motion, and in favor of making an inquiry. In the course of his remarks, he observed, that he had it in his power to name persons who could give very important information on this subject. He then moved the following resolution: Resolved, That a special committee be appointed to enquire into the conduct of brigadier general Wilkinson, in relation to his having at any time corruptly received money from the government or agents of Spain; and that the committee have power to send for persons or papers, and to force the attendance and production, and that they report the result thereof to this house. Mr. Rowan then read the deposition of Judge Innes, of Kentucky, respecting the conspiracy. He (Mr. R.) scouted the idea of a commander in chief being tried by subaltern officers; and enforced the necessity of the house making the inquiry. He said the house ought to feel no improper delicacy in this subject; and observed, that the president of the United States had himself set the example of making such inquiries, by an indirect though strong implication in his message, charging a co-ordinate branch of the government with an improper and corrupt administration of the law. Mr. R. also read an extract from the proceedings of a special committee of the Kentucky legislature, who declared, that it appeared that judge Sebastian had been in the habit of receiving an annual pension of two thousand dollars from the Spanish government, and of corresponding with its agents. He expressed his belief that unless vigorous measures were soon taken by the government, we might, notwithstanding all our vigilance, ere long hear unpleasant news from Louisiana.
Mr. Smilie expressed his surprise that the proceedings before the Kentucky legislature had not been communicated to the government.
Mr. Rowan stated that he himself, as secretary to the state of Kentucky, HAD immediately transmitted an account of them to the president of the United States.
Mr. Smilie spoke at length against the resolution, denying the power of the house to make the inquiry.
Mr. Clark observed that he was willing to give any information in his power to the house; but he wished to do it in writing to prevent misrepresentation.
Mr. Holland inquired when the gentleman would be ready to give the information?
Mr. Clark replied, that he would be ready by Monday next.
The house then ordered the resolution to lie on the table.
Monday, January 11.
The house proceeded to consider the resolution of Mr. Randolph (respecting the inquiry into the conduct of General Wilkinson.)
Mr. Daniel Clarke then laid on the Clerk's table the statement in writing which he promised on Friday last. This
statement is very long. It principally relates to his knowledge of Gen. Wilkinson's being absolutely engaged in a conspiracy with the Spanish government to separate the western states from the union. These states when thus separated, were to form an independent government, under the protection and in alliance with Spain; the port of New-Orleans was to be open to them, and they were to have a free trade with Spain and its colonies. The statement of Mr. Clark also mentions, his knowledge of the fact that Gen. Wilkinson had actually been in the habit of receiving a pension from the Spanish government, &c. &c. This statement was sworn to before Judge Cranch, chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia.
Mr. Rowan offered the following resolution as a substitute to Mr. Randolph's: Resolved, That a special committee be appointed to inquire into the conduct of Brigadier General Wilkinson, in relation to his having at any time while in the service of the U. States, corruptly received money from the government of Spain or its agents, and that the said committee have power to send for persons and papers, and to compel their attendance and production; and that they report the result of their inquiries to this house.
Mr. Randolph withdrew his resolution, in order to make way for it.
Mr. Bacon spoke at length against the resolution, contending that the house had no power to make the inquiry.
Mr. Randolph spoke in favor of the resolution. In the course of his remarks, he observed, that while on the grand jury at Richmond he had taken a copy of the famous cyphered letter from Burr to Wilkinson; that he had by means of the key furnished by the latter, transcribed it; that he had compared the letter, so transcribed, with that given by Gen. Wilkinson, as a true transcript of the letter, and transmitted by him as such to the president. He then read the two letters, and noted some striking differences. Among them are, the omission in the letter published by Gen. W. of the words "our" when speaking of "the project," and the words "my dear friends, &c."
Mr. Smilie inquired whether a motion had not been made in the grand jury at Richmond to find a bill against Gen. W. and, if so, what was its fate?
Mr. Randolph replied, that there was a motion made to find a bill against Gen. W. for misprision of treason, but that it was overruled on the ground that he had a legal exception; but Mr. R. said he never heard one of the grand jury express an opinion, that Gen. W. was not morally, if not legally guilty.
After a debate of about two hours, a motion was made and carried, that the further consideration of the subject be postponed until to-morrow. And then the house adjourned.
PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 18.
From Washington, Jan. 10.
Aaron Burr, it is said, will forfeit his recognizance at the Ohio Court, and means to repair to this city: where the Supreme Court sets the 1st of Feb. In this court he means to appeal to try the constitutionality of the late proceedings against him. He was seen last week at Williamsport, Md. in very humble attire.
Extract of a letter to the Editor of the Journal dated Lancaster, Jan. 9.
"The house of representatives was this day engaged in a most interesting debate on the proposition to Congress to make the judges removable at will. Mr. Sergeant was up nearly two hours, and was answered by Leib in a strain of irony, invective and sarcasm, that equalled any other of his efforts to gain a point. Mr. Sergeant was uncommonly eloquent and correct, and the Constitutional party was victorious. The resolution was thrown out, the Jacobins discomfited, and the good cause assumes fresh vigour."
WASHINGTON CITY, January 13.
The following motion was submitted by Mr. Adams for consideration, in the Senate, on Monday last.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed with leave to report by bill or otherwise—and instructed to enquire, at what period the present embargo can, consistently with the public interest, be removed; and whether, in what manner, and to what extent, upon its removal, the merchant vessels of the U. States, shall be permitted, in defence of their lawful commerce, to be armed against and to resist foreign aggression.
On this motion no order has been yet taken.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Marietta, dated Dec. 28.
"Blanchett came in town last week, tarried a few days, and went off in a boat privately, late in the night. While here he was afraid of being poisoned in the tavern. I understand that neither he nor Burr will attend their trial at Chillicothe."
MARTINSBURG, January 22.
To make room for the debate in the Legislature of this state, on resolutions relative to the General Government, and for the other interesting matter contained in this paper, we have been obliged to omit a number of advertisements, for which we ask the indulgence of our advertising friends—Their favours shall be attended to next week.
Mr. Rose has at length arrived at Washington; he took his passage, with his suite, on board the packet Montezuma, Capt. Palmer, who left Hampton Roads on Sunday last, bound to Alexandria, notice of his route having arrived at Washington; Government dispatched a barge down the river to meet the Minister; the barge fell in with the packet in Washington's reach, on board of which Mr. Rose and suite immediately embarked.
Mr. Giles, the senator from Virginia, has intimated, very publicly at Washington, that Mr. Rose will pay a very short visit to America!
The court of inquiry, on General Wilkinson, met on Monday last and after talking over the matter came to the following order—
Ordered that the court stand adjourned till Wednesday at ten o'clock A. M.; that the judge Advocate inform the secretary of war, that the court were met, and had nothing before them: and that he likewise inform general Wilkinson that they were assembled and were ready to receive any thing he might have to offer.
The legislature of Georgia, in their great wisdom, have sent Gen. Wilkinson an address thanking him for all his faithful services. From present appearances we strongly suspect that this is the last address the General will receive from any legislative body, though the President may shortly address him with a "right about."
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.
The following resolution was moved in the House of Delegates on Saturday last, by Alexander S. Hooe, Esq. a member from the county of King George. On the resolution being read from the chair, a motion was made for the previous question being taken whether it should be received, which produced an animated discussion till very late in the evening: when a motion was made that the house should adjourn which being carried, no decision was had on the resolution and it lies over to be taken up again. Most of the gentlemen who spoke, were in favor of the resolution, with some trifling amendment.
"At an important crisis like the present when we are threatened with war by the rival powers of Europe, it is of the highest importance that we should have, at the head of our army, a man of the most unblemished reputation, who instead of exciting doubts, should inspire confidence. The present commander is not that man—he has been suspected (and with too much cause) of being engaged in treason at home, and treachery abroad:
"Resolved, therefore, That the federal executive be requested to cause an immediate enquiry to be made into the conduct of brigadier general James Wilkinson, commander in chief of the armies of the U. S."
The Chamber of Commerce of N. York have called a meeting of the merchants of that city, to take into consideration the situation of the poor sailors, and in conjunction with the Corporation to afford them relief.
Cheetham, the editor of the American Citizen, says, that "Bonaparte told General Armstrong, that if we received a minister from England we should incur his displeasure!"—The editor remarks that he does not assert this on the authority of news-paper report.
Fruits of the Embargo.—A letter from a respectable house in Providence,
received by yesterday's mail, says—
"We are sorry for the situation of our country, and deplore the many failures that have, and must, take place in our sea-ports and commercial cities. We have this evening received private advices of more than 30 capital failures in the single town of Portland, in the Province of Maine."
I am informed that a gentleman of distinguished talents intends to bring forward an impeachment in the house of representatives. Let the wicked tremble. [U. S. Gaz.]
The following letter of Gen. Wilkinson, should have accompanied his correspondence with Mr. Randolph, in last week's Intelligencer, but through inadvertence, was then omitted.
Washington, Dec. 28, 1807.
Sir,
I have received your letter of the 25th inst. by mail, in which you violate truth and honor, to indulge the inherent malignity and rancor of your soul. On what "level," pray, sir, shall we find the wretch, who to masquerade his cowardice, fabricates falsehoods and heaps unprovoked insults upon unmerited injuries? You, John Randolph, are this man and your own breast can best solve the proposition. You "cannot descend to my level," vain equivocal thing! And do you believe this dastardly subterfuge will avail you, or that your lion's skin will longer conceal your true character? Embrace the alternative still within your reach, and ascend to the "level" of a gentleman, if possible; act like A MAN, if you can, and spare me the pain of publishing you to the world, for an insolent, slanderous, prevaricating poltroon.
JAS. WILKINSON.
John Randolph, Esq.
N. B. The first idea suggested by the indecency of your response to my letter, was the chastisement of my cane, from which the sacred respect I owe to the station you occupy in the councils of the nation has alone protected you; and to the consequent conflict of feeling and duty must be ascribed the delay of this note.
JAS. WILKINSON.
John Randolph, Esq.
"HECTOR UNMASKED!!"
"In justice to my character, I denounce to the world, JOHN RANDOLPH, "member of Congress, a prevaricating, "base, calumniating scoundrel, poltroon "and coward."
"JAS. WILKINSON."
Land for sale.
THE subscriber offers for sale that beautiful small FARM, where Jacob Miller, deceased, formerly lived, lying in Jefferson County, Virginia, on the road leading from Shepherd's Town to Charles-Town, five miles from each place; this tract contains one hundred acres of limestone Land, about two-thirds cleared, and the balance clothed with good timber, with a stream of water running through the same; the improvements are two dwelling houses, barn and stable, Blacksmith shop, and a very convenient Distillery, with overhead water; there is also, about eight acres of meadow and about one hundred fruit-trees; the farm and buildings are in good repair. For terms apply to the subscriber living on the premises.
HENRY MILLER. Jefferson County, Jan. 22, 1808.
Public Sale.
WILL be sold at public vendue, on Tuesday the 9th day of February next, at the late dwelling plantation of John Dust, dec. five miles from Shepherd's Town, and about six miles from Keys' Ferry, in Jefferson County—The personal estate of the said deceased, consisting of one Negro Man, Two new Road Waggons and Gears—Six Waggon Horses, one colt, a number of Milch Cows and Young Cattle, Sheep and Hogs—A set of Smith's Tools, a Weaver's Loom and Tackling—Wheat, Rye, Corn, Oats and Buckwheat, and a quantity of Flour in barrels—An Eight day Clock, a variety of Household and Kitchen Furniture, Farming Utensils, and many other articles too numerous to mention. Nine months credit will be given on bond with approved security. The sale to begin at 9 o'clock and continue from day to day until all is sold.
VALENTINE DUST, CONRAD LEECHLITOR, } m. January 22, 1808.

EXTRAORDINARY PHENOMENON.
The following letter, detailing the particulars of a very extraordinary phenomenon, will be highly interesting to all classes of our readers—but more especially to men of literature and science.
[Com. Adv.] GREENFIELD, Dec. 19.
Dear Sir,
On Monday morning last, the 14th inst, in the vicinity of this place, several bodies of stone were discovered, which appeared to have descended from the regions above. Several pieces of this stone were shewn me by different persons, by whom the fact was so well attested as to make it impossible altogether to disbelieve it. But being resolved to get the best of evidence of such an extraordinary occurrence, which the nature of the case could admit, I devoted this day, in company with the rev. Mr. Holly, in visiting the different places where the stones had fallen. Presuming it may afford you some gratification to know the result of our enquiries, I take the liberty of minutely relating the facts we have collected.
The first place we visited is about 3 1/2 miles in a northeasterly direction from my house, in a lot firmly covered with grass, about 25 rods from the house of Elijah Seely. The breach here made in the ground was about 4 feet in diameter, and nearly the same depth, in a rather sloping direction, which was occasioned by the stone striking a shelly rock & glancing. The rock on which the stone fell was much shattered, and the stone itself very much broken, the largest pieces weighing not more than 6 or 8 pounds; the quantity altogether about a bushel. A quart or two of these fragments we gathered here; the greater part having been previously carried away by the inhabitants. By the fall and glancing of the stone, the dirt and sod were strewed two or three rods round the breach and several pieces of sod carried before the fragments to the lowest depth to which they sunk into the earth, and were removed by myself. Mr. Seely and his wife say that just after day light, they saw vivid flashes of light in rapid succession for five or six seconds; and in about a minute afterwards it was followed with a dreadful explosion resembling somewhat three cannon fired in quick succession ending in a cracking rumbling noise; that about ten o'clock the same morning, going into this lot just back of his house, to see after his cattle, he discovered the breach in the ground above described, and conceiving it to have been caused by something discharged from above, at the time he heard the explosion, he called his wife out to witness the facts; and in the course of the day it was visited by all the neighborhood.—Mr. Seely and his wife are sober, discreet, and intelligent persons, implicitly to be relied on.
The next place we went to view was about four miles N. E. from the first, in the court yard of Mr. William Prince, a respectable and wealthy farmer. The court yard is a grass plat, smooth as a carpet, and firmly trodden. Here we found a hole, about the size of a post hole, two feet two inches in depth, from which had been taken, on the evening of the aforesaid Monday, a stone weighing thirty five pounds, the texture and appearance of which resembled exactly the one which fell at Seely's. Mr. Prince and his wife and sons (if ea grown) give the same account of the flashes and explosion as was given above, with this further particular, that they heard about a minute after the explosion, the fall of the stone, at the noise of which they were much alarmed, but could not discover the cause. After it was light, Mr. Prince went out to feed his hogs, and passing cross his door and discovered a hole in the grass plat, only twenty-seven feet from his house, and enquired of his family if they knew who had made it—The ground appeared fresh broken, and no dirt thrown out. He looked into it, but could see nothing, and no further discovery was made until evening, when his sons returned from a town meeting at Weston where they heard of the fall of the stone at Seely's. This induced them to examine further the hole in the court yard. On hauling out the dirt which lay loosely over the stone, they soon discovered it, and took it out entire, except some small pieces that were broken off by stones in the ground. We examined this hole, and found the sod and grass as in the other case, driven before the stone to the bottom of the hole, which we took up with pieces of the stone that had not before been found. The hole was perpendicular in the earth, and in diameter no larger than the stone. A Mr. David Hubbell, a man of undoubted veracity, was passing
in the street about twenty-five rods from this stone when it fell; who saw a ball of fire emitting sparks, with a tail about four feet long, shoot along the horizon in a southerly direction, which went out, he said nearly at the place where the sun is, at one of the clock in summer time; and in about a minute or two afterwards, he heard the explosion, which he described as the others had done, and a minute or two after that, he heard a loud whistling through the air which made a noise like a hurricane. The same appearances and explosions were witnessed by judge Wheeler and Russell Tumlinton, who were ten miles distant from each other; men of great candor and careful observation; but being distant from the places where these stones fell, neither of them heard the whistling just mentioned. The largest piece of the stone taken out of Prince's yard, which remains entire, weighs about eleven pounds and is now in my possession; the rest of it has been broken into small parts, and scattered amongst the inhabitants.
The third and last place where these stones have been discovered to have fallen, is about five miles north-east of Mr. Prince and seven below Newtown, near the turnpike road which leads from thence to Bridgeport.
The stone which fell here was small, and falling upon the top of a rock, that projected two feet above the ground, was dashed into small fragments, none of which weighed more than 4 or 5 ounces; and it was judged that the whole of these collected would not more than have filled a quart measure. This stone fell about 30 yards from the house of Mr. Merwin Burr; he and his wife being up both ran to the door the moment they discovered the flashes of light, and in a minute or two heard the same explosion as heretofore described; and about a minute after the explosion they heard something fall near by them which made quite a loud report; and in quick succession three or four other noises at a greater distance, which they thought to be something falling in a swamp, 20 or 30 rods in front of the house. Mr. B. took a candle and with his wife went out immediately, to see if they could find any thing in the direction where they heard the loudest report, but found nothing; when it grew lighter, and before sun rise, Mr. Burr went again, and found the fragments of the stone which had been dashed to pieces against the rock and which have precisely the same appearance as those found at the two former places; the swamp being full of water has not been explored. Besides the large pieces, I have many smaller ones collected at these three different places by Mr. Holly and myself, exactly resembling each other; and from the mouths of all these witnesses I have named (except Mr. Burr who happened to be from home) we have taken the facts just as I have here related them. The ball of fire and explosion were witnessed by hundreds in this and the neighboring towns; and I myself, as I was returning from New-York in the stage, a little on this side of Rye, at the same hour in the morning, saw vivid flashes of light, which lasted four or five seconds of time; and though the curtains were down, the stage was perfectly illuminated; but we heard no report.
This stone, I presume possessed considerable iron; as it is strongly attracted by the needle, and I judge it is one-fourth heavier than the common granite. The outside is covered with a smooth glazed, sooty crust, about as thick as a sootscap, looking like the back of a chimney; the broken surfaces are of a blueish lead color, the whole appearing to have undergone the action of intense heat. The body of stone which fell at Seely's must have weighed more than one hundred pounds.
You will please to excuse the trouble of so long a letter on so novel a subject, and believe me,
With great respect, Your affectionate friend, and Humble servant, J. BRONSON.
The following articles on the same subject, appeared in the last Bridgeport and Wardsbridge papers:
BRIDGEPORT, Dec. 24.
Terrestrial Comet. —On the morning of the 14th instant, at about 6 o'clock a terrestrial comet exploded nearly over the town of Weston, about nine miles from this place. The atmosphere was foggy. From a great number of spectators in different positions, different accounts of size, the length of its train of fire, its course and altitude have been reported.
Its course was probably about one point west of south—or south by west—proceeding from the north. Its altitude from one to five miles. The length of
its train three feet. The size of its solid body about three feet in diameter. The cause of its explosion was probably the dampness and density of our atmosphere. The stones fell in all directions and have been found as much as six miles apart and of the astonishing size of thirty five pounds, and some pieces which fell on rocks, are supposed to have weighed 150 pounds.
At New Milford, more than 20 miles from the point of explosion, the shaking of the houses was more severe than nearer the place of its discharge. The stone appears to have been dissolved and concreted again, and is supposed to be strongly impregnated with iron. We understand the intention of the learned faculty of Yale College is excited to this remarkable phenomenon, and it will afford something new and interesting if pursued extensively, which we presume it will be. Mr. Edward King, of London, has published remarks on the falling of stones from our atmosphere, both in ancient and modern times. Mr. King's enquiry was excited by the remarkable dispositions which took place in Tuscany, on the 16th of June, 1794, which comet appeared with an atmosphere of its own, and continued its discharge of stones of a large size for some time.
Berkeley, ss. November Court, 1807. James Horton & John M. Read, Comp'ts, AGAINST Alexander Porterfield and James Wilson, } Defendants, In CHANCERY.
THE defendant, Alexander Porterfield, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the complainants by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said Alexander Porterfield do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, to answer the bill of the complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, c.b.c.
Berkeley, ss. December Court, 1807. Luke Pentoney and wife, Comp'ts, AGAINST Denis Cahill, executor of James Quinn, deceased, Luke Teirnan and Joseph Minghini, Def'ts. In CHANCERY.
THE defendants, Denis Cahill and Luke Teirnan, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the complainants, by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said Denis Cahill and Luke Teirnan do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, to answer the bill of the complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, c.b.c.
Berkeley, ss. December Court, 1807. Albert Stephen, Complainant, AGAINST Denis Cahill, executor of James Quinn, deceased, Luke Teirnan and Joseph Minghini, Def'ts. In CHANCERY.
THE defendants, Denis Cahill and Luke Teirnan, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the complainant, by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said Denis Cahill and Luke Teirnan do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, to answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, c.b.c.
Berkeley, ss. December Court, 1807. Philemon Chenoweth, Complainant, AGAINST Richard Chenoweth, Defendant. In CHANCERY.
THE defendant, Richard Chenoweth, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said Richard Chenoweth do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, to answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, c.b.c.
Berkeley, ss. December Court, 1807. Luke Teirnan, Complainant, AGAINST William Hylton, William Alexander and John Smith, Def'ts, In CHANCERY.
THE defendant William Hylton, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the complainant, by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said William Hylton do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, to answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, c.b.c.
Berkeley, ss. October Court, 1807. Amos Nichols, Complainant, AGAINST James Kennedy, Defendant, In CHANCERY.
THE defendant, James Kennedy, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant by his Counsel, it is ordered, that said James Kennedy, do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, to answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, c.b.c.
Berkeley, ss. February Court, 1805. Michael M'Kewan, Complainant, AGAINST Abraham Davenport, } Defendants, and Adrian Davenport, } In CHANCERY.
THE defendant, Adrian Davenport, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant by his Counsel, it is ordered, that said Adrian Davenport, do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in February next, to answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of said County.
A Copy. Teste, DAVID HUNTER, c.b.c.
ANY person wishing to send Flour down the Potomac to market, may have it speedily conveyed whenever the river will admit boats to pass, by applying to the subscriber, at the mouth of Opeckon.
JAMES FOREMAN. December 18, 1807.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia: Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.