Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-10-24 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER
[VOL. V.
MONDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 24, 1808.
NO. 43.]
TURK'S-ISLAND SALT, FOR SALE,
On board the Swedish schooner Gustaf Adolph. Apply to Wilson & Cunningham. October 21. For SALE, on board the schooner Rising States, 40 casks, 20 boxes CHEESE, and 16 Pots BUTTER.
NOTICE is hereby given, That two runaway slaves were committed to the jail of Northampton county in the month of August last past; the one named GEORGE, 5 feet 7 inches high, of a dark complexion and full face, formerly belonging to Mr. John Wadley of the county of Northampton; he says he belongs to a Mr. John Trowers of Richmond county in Virginia; but it is understood that he has made other representations concerning the person to whom he belongs, and it was supposed that he belonged to some person in North Carolina or to the Southward. His clothing is of country manufacture and altogether of cotton. The other of the said two slaves is a woman named BETTY, passing for the wife of the said George, she is 4 feet 11 inches high, of a dark complexion, now far advanced in pregnancy, and presumably belonging to the same person with the said George; but she has always refused to make any disclosure concerning her master or his residence. She was almost destitute of clothing when committed to jail, so that no distinctive description can be given thereof, but has been since furnished with plain and warm clothing suitable to her condition. The owner is requested to come and, prove his property, pay the lawful charges and take the said slaves away; otherwise they will be disposed of, as the law directs. John Snead, Jailor of Accomack County. Oct. 21, 1808.
BURR'S TRIAL.
THE subscribers to the Report of BURR'S TRIAL, are respectfully informed, that the first volume has arrived from Philadelphia, and is now ready to be delivered at Petersburg and Richmond: A sufficient number of copies will be forwarded as speedily as possible to different parts of the country, and deposited at places convenient to subscribers, of which notice will be duly published. Gentlemen who have been so obliging as to take subscription papers, will confer a great favour on the Reporter, by transmitting them immediately to him at this place, or to Hopkins and Earle, booksellers at Philadelphia, as may be most convenient, in order that the books may be distributed accordingly. The second volume is in the press, and every exertion will be made to have it speedily ready for delivery. As the expenses and labour attendant on the publication, have been very great, the price to non-subscribers will be unavoidably raised. The moderate addition of fifty cents per volume will be required of them. David Robertson. Petersburg, October 21. For Charter, to the West-Indies. The fast sailing brig STRANGER, John Perkins, master, burthen about 1300 barrels, is ready to receive a cargo. Moses Myers. October 19.
For LIVERPOOL. The fast-sailing coppered ship CALEDONIAN, John Dickson, master, burthen about 500 hogheads of tobacco—will receive on board a cargo immediately, and sail on the ensuing being off. Also for Freight or Sale. The fast sailing coppered ship ARTH, Samuel Davis, master, Philadelphia built, burthen about 200 tons, seven years old, now ready to receive a cargo. Also for Freight or Sale. The brig EXPERIMENT, Henry Dickson, master, burthen 140 tons, and will carry 1100 barrels flour. For terms apply to William Dickson. October 7.
For Charter, The ship JANE, Burthen 420 tons. THE Ship INDUSTRY, Burthen 280 tons. AND THE Ship COURTNEY, Burthen 200 tons. These Ships will be ready to receive cargoes in 15 days, and may be chartered for any port where an American vessel can with safety go to—the freight to be settled when a clearance can be obtained. Apply to William Pennoek. October 5.
FOR SALE, A fine New SCHOONER of 125 tons burthen, will carry about 1000 barrels, now ready to launch, her cabin and joiner's work complete, built in Mathews. Also, A very handsome Pilot-Boat built SCHOONER, of 120 tons burthen, measures 81 feet on deck, complete, and can be launched in a few days. Also, One ditto of similar dimensions, can be launched in a month, the rigging of the two last is now fitting. Also, A new BRIG of 130 tons, completely fitted, now lying at Loyall's wharf. Also, A VESSEL of 185 tons, on the stocks, can be launched in a month. This vessel is of superior model and workmanship, and all her materials completely seasoned. For terms apply to Wilson & Cunningham. September 29.
FOR RENT, The HOUSE at Cedar Grove. Apply to William Cammack. October 17.
From the Raleigh Minerva, of October 13.
TO THE FREEMEN OF THE COUNTIES OF WAYNE, GREENE, LENOIR, JONES, CRAVEN AND CARTERET. Fellow-Citizens,
The period is fast approaching, when you will be called on to select some of your body as an Elector, to vote for a President and Vice-President of the United States. It has long since been announced that a very respectable gentleman, General Bryan Whitfield, was solicitous to receive this high and important trust. Deem me not presumptuous in expressing the wish that you would consider me also as a candidate for the appointment. Anxious that my conduct should be marked with that frankness, which is ever due to Freemen, but which ought more especially to be observed on occasions of great moment, I have to request your attention to an explicit declaration of the motives by which I am influenced in thus presenting myself to your notice—of the sentiments which I entertain in relation to the next Presidency of the Union—and of the course which, if honored by a majority of your suffrages, I shall deem it my duty to pursue. If the appointment in question were, like many others, a mere testimonial of personal esteem bestowed on one whom you delighted to honor, and whose merits and services presented a claim on your gratitude, far would it be from me to enter on this occasion, the lists of competition with Gen. Whitfield. But as its sole object is the selection of a person to declare in your names who ought to fill the two highest offices in the national government, it is obvious that your choice should fall upon him, whose suffrage will probably be given to the most fit characters—to those of whom you may approve. General Whitfield has pledged himself, if elected, to vote for James Madison, of Virginia, as President of the United States. If in your judgment, Mr. Madison be properly qualified for this all-important office; if you believe that his administration will tend to secure the peace, the honor, the harmony, and permanent welfare of your country, a sense of your duty as well as a proper regard for your own interests, ought undoubtedly to induce you to promote his elevation. If on the contrary, after deliberate reflection and the use of such means of information as are within your reach, you should be convinced, that he is destitute of some qualifications absolutely essential, and should seriously apprehend that his administration might not only jeopardize the best interests, but perhaps endanger the independent existence of the nation, it would be an act of treason against yourselves, to lend your aid in placing him in the presidential chair. I am one of those who conscientiously entertain the relief, and deeply feel the apprehension last expressed. I have avowed them to those around me, and discovered that they thought and felt with me. I have enquired into the general sentiment of the district, and found reason to believe it was not unlike my own. Under these circumstances, an opposition to the candidate, who, if chosen, would unquestionably vote for Mr. Madison, became the bounden duty of some individual amongst us. I could assign no reason for declining the task, which might not have been assigned by every other. Much therefore as I wished the part allotted to me of greater weight of character and of more personal influence, I have complied with the wishes of respectable friends, and resolved on this tender of my services.
That the office of President of the United States, is of high dignity and consequence, all of us know; perhaps, however, there are many who do not perceive the complete extent of its importance and active influence. A full examination of this subject is forbidden by the necessary limits of this address. One remark, however, may suffice to make even on the most thoughtless minds, a serious impression. The federal government has been in operation nineteen years, during which we have had three Presidents of very dissimilar characters:—Yet scarcely an instance can be pointed out, in which any important measure that the President, for the time being was known to have at heart, has not been adopted and carried into full effect. Whether it proceed from the very nature of the powers constitutionally vested in the Executive Magistrate—from his right of solely negotiating with foreign nations, and with the aid of the Senate, forming treaties which are to be the laws of the land—from his privilege of communicating to congress, information on the state of the union, and recommending to them such measures as he shall deem expedient and necessary—from his influence in nominating to every important national appointment, civil and military—or, whether it proceed from the great weight of character, which his elevation by the unbiased suffrages of millions of republicans to so prominent a station naturally confers, and from an excessive confidence naturally reposed in him by the members of the legislature, & by the people who have so recently elected him—certain it is that the President always hitherto has been, and it is probable will continue to be, the prime mover, the main spring of the government. His opinions, his views, his designs, pervade the mass, animate, direct, and almost control the whole. Whether these things should be so, it is not now necessary to enquire. This is the reflection which I wish them to enforce. How exalted, how perfect, should be the intellectual, the moral, the personal qualifications of the man chosen for this all-important office! What caution ought to be exercised by freemen, least they improperly confide a trust that so essentially involves all which can be dear to them on earth! To ascertain with exact precision Mr. Madison's claim to the Presidency, is an undertaking to which I advance no pretensions. Yet, I feel it a duty in-
cumbent on me, to avow the opinions which I have deliberately formed of his character, and which are at least entitled to the credit of exemption, from personal dislike or of strong party prejudice. With Mr. Madison as a writer, I have long been familiar, and to the productions of his pen have been accustomed to assign no small degree of commendation. They bespeak a mind of natural acuteness, conversant with theories of government, fraught with metaphysic learning, and stored with historical knowledge. His style is perspicuous, neat, often elegant, and not deficient in energy. That Mr. Madison, too, is a gentleman of mild temper, pleasing deportment, and personal integrity, I have always heard and believed. Such qualifications as these are certainly not lightly to be valued. They give him a claim to the respect and good will of his fellow-men. They fit him for many useful and honorable stations in life, for a professor in a University, a Co-adjutor in a political controversy, a writer of State Papers, or a framer of legislative resolutions.
But when these are advanced as just pretensions to the Chief Magistracy of the United States, I cannot but feel the vast insufficiency of the claim, nor easily repress my astonishment, at the extravagance of party zeal and indiscreet admiration. The momentary duties of that exalted station, require talents of a nature far different from those which would become a preceptor in his chair, an author in his closet, a chairman of a legislative committee, or even a Secretary of State. George Washington could not perhaps model a sentence to the same critical exactness, or write a controversial treatise with the same subtlety as James Madison. But he possessed that strong natural good sense, that commanding and comprehensive mind, that practical knowledge of men both in their individual and collective capacities, and that invincible firmness of nerves, which marked him as one destined by his creator to watch over the interests and to wield the strength of a nation. For all of these qualities we may look in vain in James Madison. Timid and irresolute, his administration would be destitute of that energy and decision, which should characterize the executive branch of government. Acquainted with mankind more from books than from observation, more conversant with the theories of political projectors than habituated to think and judge for himself, better fitted to engage in the contortions of party controversies, than to form liberal and practical plans of policy, he would often I fear, be the dupe of diplomatic finesse, often sacrifice the plain substantial interests of the nation, to visionary schemes of fancied good, and often be perplexed with refined speculations, till the moment of prompt and vigorous action was gone never to return.
Different however as I believe Mr. Madison in the great qualities that ought to be found in a President of the United States, it is not this deficiency which forms my strongest objection to his appointment. It is avowed by his supporters that he will steadily pursue the path which has been marked out by Mr. Jefferson, and that from him may confidently be expected a perseverance in that system of measures by which the present administration is distinguished. At these measures my heart and my judgement revolt. After resorting to such means of information, as the secrecy observed by our rulers will permit me to obtain, I have formed the deliberate judgement, that the evils of our present condition, have in no small degree resulted from the timid, time-serving and partial views of those entrusted with the management of our affairs, and that unless a radical change takes place, these evils will be aggravated into calamities, and our distress terminate in ruin. Whether they have been influenced by a blind antipathy to Britain, unworthy of statesmen, who should regard all foreign powers with an equal and impartial eye, or by an insinuating attachment to France, of which Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison are both naturalized citizens, and from the literary societies, of which they have both received marks of attention, not a little gratifying to their vanity; whether it be that they really entertained no jealousy but of British maritime superiority, or that they sought by every conciliatory art to propitiate the gigantic conqueror whom they dreaded to offend, and who already boasts that he "directs the interests of America;" their system appears to me distinctly marked by an unmanly spirit of irritation to the one nation, and a still more unmanly spirit of concession to the other. From the multitude of facts on which I found this opinion, let me bring to your recollection a few of the most prominent. Every wrong committed by the British cruisers on our commerce, and in truth too many have been committed, has been blazoned with all the arts of disingenuous rhetoric. Every claim advanced by us, and not assented to by the British government, on the subject of neutral privileges, has been magnified into fictitious importance, while the just complaints on their side, with respect to the lures held forth by us to tempt the desertion of their seamen, and the frauds of our covering carrying trade, have been heard with an obdurate ear. The treaty formed at London by Monroe and Pinckney, has been rejected by the President, upon bare inspection, without an opportunity afforded to the Senate, his constitutional council, to form an opinion of its merits. Mark the contrast in the executive conduct of France! In the session of 1805—1806, we were informed by the President that Spain, then notoriously the vassal of France, had sanctioned the most infamous depredations on our commerce, had refused to adjust the limits of Louisiana, and had entered with an armed force, the known territory of the United States, seized and carried off several of our citizens.—Congress sat for weeks with closed doors, and the public expectation was raised to the highest pitch. The secret session terminated, and what was its result? An appropriation of two mil-
lions of dollars, for the mysterious purposes of foreign intercourse! It was whispered that the object of this appropriation was the purchase of the Floridas. Such was the ostensible object; but if you wish to learn the main, the real, design of our rulers, listen to the language of Mr. Madison himself, as twice declared on the floor of Congress, and in the face of the world, by a gentleman of unquestionable veracity, Mr. John Randolph, and never contradicted either by Mr. Madison, or by any under his authority; "Mr. Madison told me," said Mr. R. "that France would not permit Spain to settle her differences with us. France wanted money, and we must give it to her, or take both a French and Spanish war." It was then to bribe France to bully Spain not to insult us, that the appropriation of two millions was asked for and voted, and this was the mode in which the national resentment was manifested!—In November, 1806, at Berlin, the capital of his late ally, but then subjugated foe, the king of Prussia, flushed with conquest, and disdainful of the semblance of moderation, Napoleon issued his insolent edict, proclaiming the British dominions in a state of blockade, and of consequence denouncing against every neutral ship going to or returning from them, those penalties of confiscation which rightfully attach to the violators of real blockades. The words of this edict were universal, without exception in favour of any neutral nation. And when it is considered that America was then the principal, and, with perhaps one exception, the sole commercial power disengaged in the war, and that on neutrals alone could the edict of blockade have a direct operation, it is apparent that its original aim was an attack on our national independence and acknowledged commercial rights. General Armstrong, our ambassador at Paris, in a few days afterwards, addressed a letter to the French minister of marine, requesting information whether the decree was designed to operate on American commerce.—To this letter an answer was returned, abounding with evasions and conjectures, and finally referring Mr. Armstrong to the minister of exterior relations, Talleyrand, the Prince of Benevento, for that explanation which the writer acknowledges himself unauthorized to give, but which the prince would be happy to communicate. It can scarcely be doubted but that Mr. Armstrong did accordingly apply to Talleyrand, and did obtain from him a development of the views of his government. Such a correspondence, however, if it did take place, has never been permitted by our executive to see the light.—In May, 1807, the ship Horizon, owned by Americans, navigated by Americans, and carrying only American property, was wrecked on the coast of France. Instead of meeting with that friendly and hospitable which was due of positive right, and enjoined by humanity, she was seized and sequestered by the officers of the French government, on the specific allegation of having infringed one of the articles of the Berlin decree.
This act unequivocally manifested the sense there entertained of the construction to be put on this decree—the same construction which was declared in the letter of the grand judge, Regnier, to the imperial attorney-general of the council of prizes, dated the 18th September, 1807, and published in the gazettes of the United States on the 12th of November following, to have been originally designed by the emperor, viz. that as no exception was expressed in the decree, none whatever was to be made in its execution. On the 16th of October, after various delays, followed the final condemnation of the cargo of the Horizon. During all this time, what were the vigorous and indignant proceedings of our rulers? In what terms did they express their resentment at these scandalous violations of our acknowledged and sacred rights? What measures did they adopt to manifest to the arrogant Napoleon and to the world, that we would not condescend to be thus trodden under foot? Nothing was done! Nothing was said! On the contrary, in the month of November last, the President declared in his public communication to Congress, after noticing the disastrous affair of the Chesapeake, and the unsettled nature of our differences with Spain, that with all the other powers of Europe the usual habits of harmony and friendship had been preserved inviolate.—Can it be imagined that an impartial and enlightened cabinet could really have been satisfied with the conjectural explanation of the Berlin decree (if explanation it might be called) given by the French minister of marine, in opposition to its emphatic words and evident designs? Can it be believed, that Mr. Armstrong, having failed to obtain from that minister the explicit information which he sought, neglected to apply to Talleyrand, from whom he was assured it might be procured? Who can doubt, but that upon making this application he learned the original design of Napoleon, afterwards so haughtily proclaimed, that it should be carried into strict and literal execution? But at all events, who can hesitate to declare that the seizure and sequestration of the Horizon, by the officers of the French government, in the month of May, was known to our government by the November following? He who can deliberately answer all these questions in the affirmative, may justly be extolled for a faith in our executive which no evidence can shake, for a confidence in their impartiality which unequivocal testimony of a contrary conduct is only calculated to rivet more effectually.
But to proceed with the history of executive measures. On the 30th of December 1806, our ambassadors at London were apprised by the British government, that, if contrary to every expectation, America should submit to the insolent mandates of Napoleon, and acquiesce in his flagrant usurpations, they might be compelled to adopt measures in retaliation of the Berlin decree. America, as we have seen, did submit. America did acquiesce, and by such submission and acquiescence virtually surren-

dered her independence, or at least abandoned her neutrality. Yet in December following, upon the bare rumour that Britain was about to pass retaliating orders, at the very moment when it was known that our minister Mr. Monroe had just arrived from London, and was on his way to the seat of government, and that an envoy extraordinary from the British court dispatched expressly to atone for our insulted honour, in the attack on the Chesapeake, was on the ocean, the president makes a confidential communication to congress—their doors are closed—and at his suggestion an unlimited embargo is laid. The act, either from the extreme haste or want of skill of its authors, being clumsily framed, supplement on supplement is added to it, till at length even the necessary and harmless coasting traffic of our country is so hampered with tyrannical restraints as to be nearly annihilated.
Review these facts, and then pronounce whether they do not justify the remark, that the imprudent conduct of our administration (not to give it a harsher epithet) has contributed to, if not brought upon us, the evils which we now endure? Had they manifested a becoming spirit of resistance to the Berlin decree; had they but declared to Napoleon, "so long as you forbid us to trade with your enemy, so long we will have no commercial intercourse with any of your subjects," the decree itself would in all probability, have been repealed or at least favourably modified. At all events, such a resistance was due to the honour of the American name; it would effectually have prevented the retaliating orders of Britain, and thus rendered a recourse to the tremendous expedient of an embargo, unnecessary. Never was there a sounder maxim than that contained in the farewell address of the illustrious Washington: "The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave." What indeed have we gained by an abandonment of that open, manly, direct and impartial policy of which we gave the example, and which our condition, as a neutral and independent people, so obviously required? What have we gained by all our concessions to France? or by all our hectoring towards Great Britain? We have increased the overbearing insolence of the one, and have irritated into intractable stubbornness the haughtiness of the other. To punish this insolence, and to subdue this pride, are now said to have been the ends contemplated by the embargo. How futile the measure, all must see! Ten months nearly has it been in operation, and not the slightest indication is manifested by either of the belligerents to recede from the position it has taken. What effects it has produced on ourselves, it is needless to describe. My head is sick and my heart is sad at the sight of the distress which every day forces into observation—at the sight of industry, unable to procure its accustomed rewards, and enterprise, languishing for an opportunity of exertion. But what are the inconveniences now felt, compared with the calamities which must be encountered if the embargo is to be prolonged another—and another year? The farmer with the crops of two seasons on hand, unable to pay his debts and ashamed to look his creditor in the face—the merchant embarrassed, or reduced to insolvency, from a failure in the accustomed punctuality of his customers—the mechanic in vain soliciting for employment, or attempting to procure payment for his past labour—and the mariner compelled to abandon his occupation, or wander to some foreign country where he may be permitted to exercise it. These are a few specimens of the general wretchedness that will in a greater or less degree overwhelm all. But beside all this, there will be an empty treasury, which the people must fill, in order to pay off those philosophic statesmen who speak so eloquently and recommend with so persuasive a grace "a dignified self-retirement."—Will the embargo be continued another year? It is not for me to presume to reply to this question. But if James Madison is to be elected President of the United States, you can obtain an answer to it from indisputable authority.—Consult the ministerial and official prints; attend to Mr. Jefferson's recent answer to the address of the New-Hampshire Legislature, and you will find that a PERPETUAL EMBARGO or a BRITISH WAR are the only alternatives in the system of our rulers, unless Napoleon will relieve us in the revocation of his edict. If Britain were to repeal her orders to-morrow, expect not that your commerce with her is to be renewed. Napoleon has vowed that his stubborn foes, "those proud Islanders" shall be extirpated, and has denounced vengeance against all who presume, by an intercourse with them, to counteract or retard the execution of his fell resolve. Other nerves, I fear, than those of Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison are wanted to encounter with firmness his menaces and his frowns.
Such at least is my sincere conviction.—Such are the apprehensions which actually oppress my mind. To express them candidly and without disguise, I consider it to be a duty which it would be criminal to decline. You will decide for yourselves how far they are warranted by the facts already stated, and what corroboration they receive from the portentous secrecy observed by our executive and his partisans in Congress on the subject of French affairs. Why have the efforts to procure information respecting them, when the just anxiety of the nation was so highly and painfully excited, been treated with obstinate and sullen disdain?—What reason can be assigned for conduct so indecorous and anti-republican, but the fear lest the people might know too much—might know with certainty what now can only be inferred from circumstantial evidence? To my mind this secrecy speaks a dreadful language. Every thing relative to Great-Britain has been permitted to be made public—with respect to France we are scarcely permitted to know any thing.
But, fellow-citizens, if these fears could be shown to be visionary, and these opinions proven to be unfounded; if all the objections I have yet declared to Mr. Madison could be removed to our entire satisfaction; yet should he not have my vote for President, while I could find another individual equally qualified for the office. The manner in which he has been obtruded upon the people of the United States, is so revolting to every sentiment of propriety, so repugnant to the principles of our sacred constitution, and so fraught with danger to our most valuable rights, that let this obtrusion be sanctioned by his appointment, and a precedent is established which the rational friends of liberty will long have occasion to deplore. Towards the close of the last session of Congress, under the eye, and unquestionably with the approbation of Mr. Madison himself,
a caucus of members of the national legislature was assembled in pursuance of a formal summons from one of their body, styling himself President of the Republican Convention, to ascertain for the people who ought to be their next president and vice-president. This caucus, consisting almost exclusively of the devoted friends of Mr. Madison, balloted for a chief magistrate of the union, and having elected him as far as their votes could accomplish it, proceeded to recommend to the people to give to this appointment the formality of their suffrages. And that it might be known, in case of any unexpected difficulty occurring, what would best meet the wishes of the caucus, a committee of two members of Congress for each State was appointed, through whom the requisite orders and instructions might regularly be transmitted from the very commanders in chief to the lowest subalterns. What ever attempts may be made to give to this caucus a different appearance, and to assign to it other views, its real object and character are too apparent to be hidden from any one who wishes to see. None but the wilfully blind can fail to discover in it, an illicit combination of members of Congress to influence the popular sentiment, to dictate under the semblance of a recommendation. The indecency of the attempt is so obvious, that in other times than these, when party is too generally the arbiter of right and wrong, it would be superfluous to point it out. The constitution of the United States defines the powers and privileges of members of the national legislature, and any assumption by them in that character , of powers not given, is an act of usurpation. It is idle to allege that this convention was called in their capacity of individuals.—The answer is ready.—Why are members of Congress alone invited to it, and alone admitted? But it an assumption of undelegated power is in every instance an act of usurpation, by what epithet shall such an assumption be characterised when the spirit, if not the words, of the constitution, has explicitly forbidden it? That venerated character of the federal union, has provided, "that no senator or member of the house of representatives, shall be appointed an elector." If we desire the reasons of this prohibition, let us recur to that admirable work, "The Federalist," written by Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Madison and Mr. Jay, in conjunction, and we shall find them ably and perspicuously stated. These expositors of the constitution inform us, "It was desirable that the sense of the people should operate in the choice of the person to whom so important a trust was to be confided. This end will be answered by committing the right of making it, not to any pre-established body, but to men chosen by the people for the special purpose, and at the particular conjuncture."—Vol. 2. chap. 68. page 141. "Nothing was more to be desired, than that every practicable obstacle should be opposed to cabal, intrigue and corruption. The convention have guarded against all dangers of this kind, with the most provident and judicious attention. They have not made the appointment of president to depend on pre-existing bodies of men, who might be tampered with beforehand to prostitute their votes; but they have referred it in the first instance, to an immediate act of the people of America, to be exerted in the choice of persons for the temporary and sole purpose of making the appointment. And they have excluded from eligibility to this trust, all those who from situation might be suspected of too great devotion to the president in office."—Page 142. "Another and no less important desideratum was, that the executive should be independent for his continuance in office, on all but the people themselves. He might otherwise be tempted to sacrifice his duty to his complaisance to those whose favour was necessary to the duration of his official consequence. This advantage will also be secured by making his re-election to depend on a special body of representatives deputed by the people for the single purpose of making the important choice."—Page 143.—These were the sentiments of Mr. Madison at the time when he was one of the champions of the constitution, when he so ably advocated its adoption, when he was proud, and justly proud of the title of federalist. How melancholy a dereliction of principle is manifested by his acquiescence in the scheme of a congressional caucus! If the reasons already cited, are convincing to show that the national legislature should be precluded from the appointment of a president, do not the same reasons demonstrate that they should not control or interfere with the appointment? The recommendation of the legislative caucus was designed to influence the people in the choice of a chief magistrate, otherwise it was ridiculous and nugatory. It designed to affect the choice of the people, then it is completely exposed to the invincible force of the arguments taken from that celebrated commentary on the federal compact. And if this design be effectuated, you may for a while preserve the forms of a popular election, but the real choice of a President will thenceforth belong to Congress.
Having thus communicated to you my sentiments on the claims of Mr. Madison to the presidency, it is proper that I should notice those of the other candidates for that high office. These candidates, as far as I have yet heard, are George Clinton of New York, James Monroe also of Virginia, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina. Gen. Clinton and Mr. Monroe are both exempt from some of the strongest objections urged against Mr. Madison, but they are nevertheless liable to objections of no trivial nature. Gen. Clinton was originally a warm and decided enemy to the Federal constitution, and it is not certain that this enmity has been succeeded by as warm and decided an attachment. Many years since, he declined the appointment of governor of New York on account of his advanced years and infirmities, and I have yet to learn that his constitution has been re-established, or his years renewed. He is at the head of a numerous and factious family, who under the sanction of his name, have engrossed most of the lucrative offices in New York, and manifested in too many instances, a dangerous aristocracy of disposition, and utter want of principle. Mr. Monroe, was also originally an opposer of the Constitution. When ambassador to France, under the administration of Washington, he evinced such intemperate zeal for the revolutionary phrensy then prevailing, as betrayed him into a neglect, of the substantial interests of his country, and compelled Washington to recall him. Indeed I have my doubts whether, independently of all other consideration, Mr. Monroe's talents are of that pre-eminent kind as ought to be desired in a chief magistrate of the Union. Of Gen. Pinckney, who is also presented to
the notice of the American people at this interesting crisis, I cheerfully avow my decided approbation. I have traced him through a long and active life and have ever found him distinguished for inflexible integrity, and unswerving honour; zealously devoted to the interest of his country, and blessed with the intelligence to discern, and the spirit to defend them; invariably true to his principles of right, but superior to the intemperance of faction; the brave soldier, the practical statesman, and the virtuous citizen. —From the period when he commenced to call himself man, up to this moment, when he is in the vigorous autumn of his days, he has been engaged in scenes eminently calculated to exhibit him to the world such as he really was. To his singular honour, he it recorded that the tongue of obloquy has never dared to attach reproach to his name. At the commencement of the revolutionary war, he abandoned his books for the profession of arms, as a volunteer in his country's cause. In June 1775, he was appointed the first captain in the first regiment of infantry, levied in South Carolina. He was regularly promoted in the course of that arduous struggle, during which he yielded to none in patriotism, activity and gallantry, till in November 1783, he was raised by the vote of the continental congress to the rank of brigadier general. Called at different times since the peace, to almost every distinguished station in the government of his native state, he was ever found equal to their duties, and always commanded the reverence and love of those around him. As a distinguished member of that band of worthies who framed the federal constitution, he was well known to Washington, and was selected by that eminent judge of worth and talents to succeed Mr. Monroe, as our minister at France. At the head of the embassy sent to that arrogant government under the administration of Mr. Adams, he succeeded in union with his colleagues in rendering the American character illustrious for wisdom, moderation and firmness. When applied to by the agents of the executive directory for large sums of money as a preliminary to negotiation, he replied in the language becoming the representatives of a great and free people, "my countrymen are ready to expend millions in the defence of their rights but they will never give a cent for tribute." Strongly attached to that charter of our political union which he assisted to frame, solicited to see it expounded with candor, and acted upon with energy, he has never abandoned the title of Federalist, by which its first friends were distinguished. Early in life, inspired with an ardent love for the principles of freedom, and having drawn his sword in their defence, he has manifested by his subsequent conduct, that this attachment "grew with his growth, and strengthened with his strength," and that he is justly entitled to the appellation of a republican.—I am happy to discover that those, who know him best, esteem him most; and that the citizens of South Carolina, however divided by party politics, are likely to unite their efforts to place him in the Presidential Chair. With general Pinckney for our president, we may hope to see our national character characterized by wisdom, moderation, impartiality, and decision. He, who has with equal success combated British arms and French arts, may well be expected to present to both nations, that firm and undaunted front, which commands respect and secures peace. He, who comes forward at the spontaneous choice of the People, will naturally consider himself as the chief of the nation, and not the leader of a party. He, who has been educated in the school of Washington, and distinguished by the favor of that illustrious sage, it may justly be hoped, will be found to observe his precepts, and to walk in his foot-steps.
If however, the war-whoop of faction should be raised against this man, great and good as he unquestionably is, be not surprised. Since his revolutionary chief, and political father has been traduced and vilified, it will not be strange if General Pinckney should not escape the same fate. The calumniator of Washington—he who insolently called on the citizens of America to celebrate as a jubilee, the day on which Washington retired from office, and prostituting the words of inspiration, impiously exclaimed—"Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation"—William Duane yet lives. Lives, did I say? For some services, (are not conjecture what) he has recently been raised over the heads of revolutionary merit, and native talents, to the appointment of lieutenant-colonel in the new army! A horde of retainers in the train of this chieftain of slander, imported patriots, who undertake to teach Americans the principles of republicanism, are ready at the word of command to discharge the shafts of falsehood and abuse, and to denounce as monarchists and tories, men and the sons of men, who have bled in the cause of liberty. The senseless yell once raised, may be reverberated by some from interest, by others from prejudice, and by many from ignorance. If I did not believe you had the good sense to despise unmeaning clamor, I had not appeared before you as a candidate. Yet it may not be amiss to caution you against the base artifices too frequently and successfully practiced in the work of deception. Be on your guard, against whomsoever they may be circulated, of all general charges, vague rumors and opprobrious insinuations. Always enquire for facts and authorities, and you will bring to shame the authors and propagators of calumny. To the arguments of men of honesty and information, of whatever side, addressed to your understanding and apparently founded in truth, listen with candor and attention, for on your decision may depend your country's fate.
Fellow-Citizens, you have now before you a candid exposition of my sentiments on the very interesting subjects which called for this address. It is scarcely necessary to add, that if appointed an Elector, I purpose to vote for Charles Cotesworth Pinckney as President, unless some unexpected events should occur to convince me that a different suffrage would be more beneficial to my country. Of the Vice-President, I have said nothing—indeed, as the office is comparatively unimportant, I have scarcely thought of the individual to whom it should be confided. If, however, I should be placed by you in such a situation as to render it necessary for me to make a selection, it will be my endeavor to fix upon some character, who would preside with dignity in the national senate, and in the melancholy event of an accidental vacancy in the executive chair, fill it not unworthily, until a new choice could be made. I have trespassed perhaps too long on your attention. If so, you will forgive me on account of my anxiety to unbosom myself completely to you. Necessary attention to professional and private en-
gagements, will not probably permit me to see many of you. This, therefore, was the only sure mode I could adopt of rendering you thoroughly acquainted with my views and opinions. To do this explicitly and without reserve, I have considered it as a duty. May I hope, that in complying with this duty, I have been so fortunate as to avoid all unnecessary severity of animadversion. No man deprecates more sincerely than myself, the violence of party spirit. No one can be more ready to extend the hand of fraternal charity to those who honestly differ from him in political sentiments. None can more ardently wish the period arrived, when the only enquiries into the merits of a candidate for public confidence shall be, "is he honest—is he capable—is he faithful to the constitution." In the number of the supporters of the present administration, I have many friends, all of whom I respect for their worth, and many for their intelligence. They will reflect that, believing as I do believe, and having that stake in the community, which forbids me to be inattentive to its concerns, I was under the strongest of obligations to avow my conviction. They will then consider whether it was possible to make this avowal, and to assign with clearness and energy the principles on which it was founded, in language more temperate, or less irritating than has been used.
Fellow-citizens! You will examine these observations dispassionately, weigh them deliberately, compare them with those of others, and finally act according to the best conclusions of your judgement. God grant that your determination may be correct! Enlivened with that hope, none will acquiesce in it more cheerfully than myself.
WILLIAM GASTON.
Newbern, Sept. 19. 1808.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, OCT. 24 1808.
We would earnestly invite the attention of the reader to the address of Mr. GASTON, to which we have devoted a large portion of our paper of this day.
Dispatches have, we understand, been received by our government from Mr. Pinckney as late as the 6th of Sept. At that time our affairs with England were nearly the same aspect as on the departure of the St. Michael. A definitive answer was soon expected from the British government to the proposition made on our part to suspend the embargo so far as respects England on her rescinding her orders in council, so far as they respect us. As the Hope was daily looked for in England on her return from France, she may be soon expected with the answer. There is, however, one circumstance that may produce some doubt of an early accommodation, to wit: the recent appearance of a pamphlet, attributed to a ministerial member of parliament, in which it is maintained to be the interest of Great-Britain still to continue her orders, notwithstanding France should repeal her decrees.—Nat. Intelligencer.
We understand from a respectable source, that the crops in England are likely to prove extremely short of the demand for grain. The crops were not originally abundant, and a long spell of rain caused a mildew, which has lessened the quantity alarmingly. Monitor.
We place the two preceding articles from the government papers in the most conspicuous part of our paper; the first may be considered as receiving an appropriate answer by an article which we extract from the United States' Gazette. The latter we shall answer by an appeal to facts. Before us are files of London papers to the 10th of September, from which we extract the prices of wheat in the two principal markets in England, as published by authority.
LIVERPOOL, Sept. 6.
Wheat English, 12s. 9d. a 13s. per 70 pounds.
—American, 12s. 6d. a 12s. 8d. do.
—Quebec, 11s. 2d. a 11s. 6d. do.
LONDON, Sept. 8.
Wheat, 75s. a 90s. per quarter of 8 bushels of 70 pounds each.
DIED—On Saturday last, Mrs. MARY THOMPSON, consort of Mr. James Thompson, cabinet-maker.
COMMUNICATED.
At York-Town, after a short illness, WILLIAM ARTHURS, jr. of London.—The many good qualities of this young man, endeared him to his acquaintances—His conduct while here was marked with probity and honesty—His deportment, mild and decorous—His manners friendly and urbane; and the surest test of his merit, is the sincerity with which the friends he acquired in the country, lament his death.
Since the arrival of the St. Michael, some very extraordinary publications have appeared in the government papers at Washington, relative to the propositions made by our government to that of Great-Britain. In the last National Intelligencer it is asserted that this was the language addressed, by the last despatch, to the British court.
"Rescind your orders, and we will remove the embargo as far as it regards you, while we will continue it as far as it regards France, until she revokes her decrees. If France still persists in her decrees, we will have no trade with her; and if she rescinds them, our whole trade will be restored to its wonted freedom, and every ground on your part for your orders will be taken away."
If any reliance can be placed upon this, it is not merely an electioneering trick, it is a frank acknowledgement on the part of our government, that they have subjected the country to all the evils of the embargo for ten months, to the actual loss of about forty millions of dollars to no purpose whatever.—That they have now voluntarily offered to do the very thing which Great-Britain asked them to do upon the first publication of the Berlin decree. All that Great-Britain demanded was, that we should resist the execution of the Berlin decree against our commerce; and she waited twelve months before the orders in council were issued, to see whether we would maintain our neutral rights against the mandates of Napoleon. She waited in vain. Our government

made no resistance; issued no proclamation; passed no non-intercourse law to bring France to terms. It is now proper to remove the embargo so far as regards England, provided she will rescind her orders, and to continue it so far as regards France until she revokes her decrees, was it not equally proper to lay it on in regard to France as soon as she issued those decrees and before Great-Britain issued her orders in council? Had this been done, the British orders would never have been issued. We should have enjoyed a lucrative commerce with Great-Britain, her allies, and her numerous dependencies, instead of being oppressed by a useless embargo; and Napoleon, seeing that his decrees, instead of cutting off our commerce with his enemy, had given her a monopoly of it, would soon have revoked them, and our prosperity would have been uninterrupted. According to this representation, therefore, all that we have gained by a ten months' embargo is simply this: it has brought our administration to a sense of their own errors, and induced them voluntarily to offer to Great-Britain the very same terms, to induce her orders, which they refused to comply with, to prevent those orders from being issued.
(U.S. Gaz.)
According to the National Intelligencer, so indifferent are the British government to the existence of our embargo, or rather, so well pleased are they with a measure which gives them a monopoly of the trade of the world, that they refuse to take any steps whatever to obtain a removal of it. This is another striking proof of the political sagacity of the French party in this country, all of whom, from the President of the United States down to the editor of the Aurora, have been constantly predicting that this embargo would force Great-Britain to yield to us whatever we might think proper to demand. (ib.)
From a London Paper. CATCHING A TARTAR! "There are the English—behind them is the Sea—drive them into it." JUNOT'S harrangue to his soldiers. By the Wags of JOE MILLER 'tis well understood, That an Irishman once holla'd out from a wood—"Och! a Tartar I've caught!" "Why then bring along!" Parachly replied—"By the Pow'rs he's too strong!" Thus JUNOT exclaim'd—"Come, the contest begin; 'There's the Sea, and the English—push—drive 'em all in!'" His Troops then advanc'd, and severely beset us— But 'twas all a Hounding, For they cried with a shrug—"Drive 'em into the Sea! Ventre bleu!—THEY WON'T LET US!" NIPPERKIN.
Gazette Marine Memoranda. ARRIVED. Ship William P. Johnston, Le Breton, 4 days from Newburyport, Ballast, Christopher Fry. Brig Agnes, Appleton, 8 days from Boston. Nexcomb's Packet will sail for New York on Thursday next, wind and weather permitting. Oct. 24.
POSTPONED SALE. The CARGO of the Sch'r Trimmer, 2000 buckets FINE ISLAND SALT, advertised to be sold on Saturday last, will positively be sold without reserve, at eleven o'clock on Wednesday the 28th inst. on Marden's wharf—To be put up in lots to suit the purchasers. William H. Thompson.
October 24 FOR SALE, On board the British ship John, capt. Gilmer, just arrived from Liverpool, 250 Tons STOVE SALT, loose and in sacks 50 crates QUEEN'S WARE—By C. & F. Whittle. October 24
FOR SALE, Low for Cash, or approved paper at 60 days, The CARGO of the brig Agnes, CONSISTING OF 50 hhds New-England RUM, 20 barrels BEEF, 60 do. PORK, 250 coals LIME, 220 boxes SOAP, 50 do. CANDLES, 25 do. Smoked HERRINGS, 30 barrels POTATOES Edward Clarke.
Oct. 24 I WANT A few Thousand Bushels of CORN— The Yellow preferred. MOSES MYERS. October 24
FOR BOSTON, The Schooner BEAVER, Will take Freight for Boston, and will sail with all convenient dispatch. For particular enquiry of Edward Clarke, WHO OFFERS FOR SALE, The CARGO of said Schooner, Consisting of SPARS, SCANTLING, & PLANK. October 24
JAMES CHRISTIE, Marble & Stone Cutter, INFORMS the citizens of Norfolk he has just arrived in this Borough, and commenced business at the place formerly occupied by Mr. Mitchell, where all orders in his line will be strictly attended to. October 24
For SALE, or will be Bartered, in part for Tobacco, Flour, or Naval Stores. 150,000wt. Muscovado SUGAR, 200 hhds MOLASSES, 500 sacks Liverpool SALT, 5000 bushels COLD SALT, superior quality, 25 crates QUEEN'S WARE. James Young. October 21.
For SALE, or will be Bartered for Tobacco, 78 puns. choice Old Demarara RUM. James Young. October 19.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, OCT. 24, 1808.
By Vergison's Packet , in 23 hours from Baltimore, we received papers of Saturday, and an extra of the "Federal Gazette" of yesterday, whose important contents are given without comment.
Extract of a letter from New-York, dated 21st Oct. "It may be important for you to know, that we have an arrival here in 28 days from Liverpool, bringing the important information that France had declared war against the United States of America; and that accounts had reached London the 17th September, which state, that all Americans in France were imprisoned."
"The barque Richard has brought on the despatches of the Hope, which vessel Mr. Pinckney detained for further important communication. All this is believed here—We have not yet got the letters on shore—The captain is gone to the custom house with despatches for the executive."
France has declared WAR AGAINST AMERICA!
Office of the FEDERAL GAZETTE, Sunday Morning, October 23. We have just received the following letter from our correspondent, dated
New-York, Oct. 21, 1808.
(Tactee d'och.)
WAR WITH FRANCE.
SIR, Arrived, ship Richard, Odiorne, 28 days from Liverpool—London dates to the evening of the 17th September.
Capt. Odiorne informs, that on the 21st of September, when beating down the Channel, Mr. Maury, American consul at Liverpool, sent one of his clerks on board the Richard, with news of the arrival at Liverpool of an express from London, advising of a declaration of War by France against the United States of America, and desired him to come to anchor, and insure his vessel, in consequence thereof. Capt. O. has despatches for government, which were ordered to be sent off by express to Washington, immediately on his arrival here; and he had also directions to charter a pilot-out on the coast, put the despatches on board, and run her into the Chesapeake.
Capt. O. also informs that Mr. Pinckney had sent the above despatches to Mr. Murray, and offered a handsome reward to the captain of any American vessel at Liverpool, if he would sail in 8 hours with the despatches, that the Hope was ready but Mr. P. was not prepared to send her.
Capt. O. in consequence of the importance of the despatches, beat out of the Channel, wind ahead. Accounts were received in London the 17th Sept. that all the Americans in France were imprisoned.
The official accounts of the surrender of Junot and the Russian fleet in the Tagus, the terms have given universal dissatisfaction in England; and it is said gen. Dalrymple has been tried for his life.
Important European NEWS.
SIX DAYS LATER. From a Postscript to the Boston Gazette of Monday last.
SUNDAY EVENING, 5 o'clock.
We stop the press to announce the arrival of the brig Constance, in 28 days from Liverpool, bringing London accounts to September 16. Though our perusal of them has been necessarily a rapid one, still we find they contain the relation of many events of consequence. The following minutes are however all that we can now give of their contents:
CAPTURE OF LISBON and RUSSIAN Fleet.
LONDON, September 15.
Star Office, second edition —We stop the press to state, that this afternoon, at half past four o'clock a son of Sir H. Dalrymple, together with capt. H. I. Steel, captain of the fleet under admiral sir Charles Cotton, arrived at the admiralty, and at the secretary of state's office, with the important information, that Junot and his whole army are prisoners of war. That Lisbon is occupied by the British troops; and that the Russian fleet has surrendered to admiral sir Charles Cotton. Some French frigates were found amongst them—the whole taken amount to 27 sail.
Considerable discontent has been manifested at the conditions granted to the French and Russians at Lisbon. An unconditional surrender was expected, instead of allowing the French army to march out with the honors of war, and the Russian fleet to be retained only for six months after a definitive settlement of peace, instead of being seized as prizes, and applied to the use of government. The lower guns were however fired on the promulgation of the news; but the attempt of illumination could not be brought to bear. The candles would not burn, or the inhabitants did not choose to light them.
Important from Spain.
The Spanish accounts to the 9th inst. have been received. They advise, that the French have retreated from Burgos, and fallen back as far as Pampelona, where, it is said, they have been again defeated by the gallant Palafox. The Spanish forces are all pouring in that direction.
The Austrian and Russian ambassadors remain at Madrid, and carry on their diplomatic correspondence with their respective courts through Trieste.
In the battle near Pampelona, Gen. Palafox killed 5000 of the enemy, and took 1000 prisoners. A letter from the magistrates of Tudela, to Gen. Palafox, dated 20th August, announces the evacuation of the French from that city, after a residence of nearly three months. The hero of Saragossa, in his answer, accuses the inhabitants of a want of firmness, or patriotism, in suffering the enemy to remain for a month amongst them.
General Blake has advanced from Leon to Rio Sequillo.
The French Senate has been summoned to meet to take the affairs of Spain into consideration.
Letters from Holland state, that Bonaparte is col-
lecting an immense force, for the purpose of renewing his designs on Spain. It is further said, that nearly 300,000 French were already assembled on the Spanish frontiers; and that Bonaparte was determined to send his whole force in that direction, if necessary to the attainment of his object. [This is evidently a new and spurious coinage from the Paris mint. The disposable military force of France does not amount to half this number.]
Bonaparte appears at length thoroughly roused to a sense of his danger from the unexpected and glorious efforts of Spain. French detachments are marching from Silesia, from Brandenburg, and indeed from every part of Prussia, as well as other quarters, towards the Pyrenees. Marshal Ney has already passed through Bayonne, on his way to Burgos, where he is to assume the command of the French armies in Spain. The continent is now beginning to assume a new and terrible aspect. It will present a field for the exercise of patriotism and bravery almost beyond any that has ever been exhibited on the page of history. To resist the torrent of force which is now preparing to overwhelm the Spanish nation, will require all the resources of courage and conduct, fortified by invincible perseverance, and prepared for every sacrifice. If the Spaniards shall signalize triumph, in this glorious cause, they will present the most august spectacle to the world, which has been exhibited since the invasion of Greece, by the monarchs of Persia.
Our latest Paris Journals, which are to the 9th September, present a number of official documents of great interest. They give the message of the emperor to the Senate, and the expose of the several ministers of the administration, in respect to Spain, and their relations with other powers. In the message, Bonaparte says: I am determined to carry on the war with Spain, with the utmost activity, and destroy the armies which England has disembarked in that country. The future security of my subjects, the prosperity of commerce, and maritime peace, must alike depend on these important operations.
The conduct of the English in assisting the escape of the Spaniards in Holstein, has drawn forth the warmest acknowledgments from the magistrates of Oviedo. The following is the concluding part of their address:
"Noble and generous English, your extraordinary activity in all parts of the globe, and the services which you lavish on the Spaniards to deliver them from a tyrant, will be engraved on our hearts, and serve as a model in the history of nations. Glory to Great Britain! Glory to Spain! and death to Tyrants!"
The troops sent and to be embarked for Spain from this country, will amount to nearly 70,000 men; they are the flower of our troops, and will compose a greater force than was ever before sent abroad at one time.
Dupont appears not likely to escape from Spain. The manifold infractions of the convention, by which alone his own life, as well as that of his army, were saved, are considered as atrocious and dishonourable, as to release the Spaniards from every obligation which they entered into in that instrument.
The Dutch papers continue to be filled with the movements of the troops in Germany.
Insurrections are stated to have broken out in those parts of France, which border on Spain.
Although Austria continues to augment her military forces, still it is believed, that she will not hazard, at present, any direct hostility against France. Policy seems to dictate this measure, so long as the best generals and armies of France are hanging upon her frontiers. We confidently expect that Austria will rise against her most dangerous foe; but the time for her interference in the great struggle of nations seems not to have arrived.
Accounts from Holland advise, that Bonaparte has determined not to allow any vessel whatever to depart from a French port, without special permission. The Hope, an American vessel, which was loaded and on the point of sailing, has been ordered to return and unload.
The French official paper has at length proposed to publish a genuine narrative of the present campaign in Spain; in which the French armies are represented as having been everywhere victorious. This one specimen of French veracity, will show what dependence is to be placed on their official accounts of Spanish affairs.
The Russians have a fleet of 13 sail of the line, and an equal number of frigates lying in the port of Hango Bay, in Swedish Finland. Their object appears to be an attack on the Swedish fleet, while the British squadron on the Baltic station remain scattered as they now are. We are happy, however, to learn, that the Swedish flotilla have retreated to Harester Bay, the navigation of which is too intricate for the Russians to attempt entering. In the mean time the British are concentrating their naval force with a view of attacking the Russian fleet, and great hopes are entertained of a new and splendid naval victory.
The expedition against the Bey of Tunis, by the Dey of Algiers, has failed through the treachery of some of his principal officers who had conspired against the life and government of the Dey. The insurrection was however finally suppressed, and the ringleaders, among whom was the brother-in-law of the Dey, executed.
The United States' dispatch schooner Hope, has just returned to this country from France. Haley is on board. She will take despatches from Mr. Pinckney, and return immediately to the United States.
IMPORTANT EXTRACTS.
Extracts from the French Expose, Sept. 1808.
The court of Vienna has constantly testified to your majesty the most amicable intentions; indignant at the policy of England, she has recalled her minister from London, sent back the minister who was at Vienna; shot her ports against England, and placed herself in a state of hostility with that power. She has added to these measures an interdiction in her ports against the admission of vessels, which, under a neutral flag, are only the carriers of English produce and merchandise. Latterly, however, this power has carried its armament beyond measure—its military force is out of all proportion to its population and finances. Your ministers, sire, only wish to remark this, in order that your majesty may perceive the necessity of augmenting your force, for the purpose of still preserving the relative superiority which exists between the power and the population of the two empires.
The Americans, a people who involve their for-
tune, their prosperity, and almost their existence in commerce, have given the example of a great and courageous sacrifice. They have suspended, by a general embargo, all commerce and all navigation, rather than shamefully submit to that tribute which the English impose on the navigation of all nations. Germany, Italy, Switzerland, and Holland, are peaceable, and wait only for a maritime peace to exert all their industry.
* How insolent in a nation, whose extravagant blockading decrees against England, were the cause of the issuing, and are the cause of the continuing of the Orders of Council—The French seizures and condemnations are to give no offence.
Extract from the message of the emperor to the senate.
I am determined to carry on the war with Spain with the utmost activity, and destroy the armies which England has disembarked in that country. The future security of my subjects, the prosperity of commerce, and a maritime peace, must alike depend on these important operations.
My alliance with the emperor of Russia extinguishes every hope which England can entertain from her projects. I have no doubt respecting the peace of the continent, but I neither will nor ought to rely upon the false calculations and the errors of other courts, and since my neighbours increase their armies, it is a duty incumbent on me to increase mine.
The empire of Constantinople is struggling with the most violent convulsions; Sultan Selim, the best emperor the Ottomans have had for a length of time, has just fallen by the hands of his own nephews. This catastrophe has deeply affected me.
The Russian fleet which surrendered to the British, consisted of nine sail of the line, and one frigate.
It is reported that Sir Hew Dalrymple is to be recalled, and that a fast sailing vessel is to be despatched, to prevent the execution of the convention, but this is probably thrown out to reconcile the public to the result.
Sir A. Wellesley is mentioned as being extremely dissatisfied with the proceedings which have taken place in Portugal, since he was superceded in the command, and it has been said even that he was about to return home again.
The report of an insurrection having broken out in that part of France bordering on Spain, was reported on the authority of the captain of a ship from Bordeaux, at which city gen. Ney had arrived.
Advices have been received from Corunna, to the 6th inst. We understand they state that the French have retreated from Burgos. Gen. Blake had broken up from Astorga, and advanced as far as Rio Sequillo, on his march to Burgos. Gen. Castanos was also approaching, with a considerable force. These movements hastened the departure of the French from Burgos.
The Spanish Grandee, Cevallos, refused to accept an office under Joseph Bonaparte; and is said to be in favor of the patriots.
Capt. Gernier, of the French privateer Fondroyant, sent into Portsmouth by the Lannet, says, there are few French privateers now in the channel, an astonishing number having sailed from all the ports in France, with provisions for the supply of Goudaloupe. He left St. Maloes about ten days since. So ignorant are the people of France kept of the transactions of their country, that he would not believe, when told that Bonaparte's intentions in Spain had been defeated by the Spanish people, and that they had beaten the French troops. He said that they had learnt that there had been insurrections in one or two places, but Bonaparte had quelled them. When the English newspapers which contain the surrender of the French squadron, were shown him, his incredulity in a degree forsook him. This disbelief equally prevailed as to our success at Lisbon, among the prisoners at this port, till the prisoners which arrived from Junot's army, yesterday, mentioned their adventures to them.
At four o'clock this morning, capt. Evans arrived at the admiralty with despatches from Sir J. Saumarez. We understand they state, that at the departure of capt. Evans, the Russian and English fleets in the Baltic were in sight of each other. Another officer is hourly expected with an account of an action.
Bonaparte, in a recent order, says he "cannot permit any neutral vessel whatever to enter or depart from his ports, consistently with the arrangements he has made with his great ally the emperor of Russia." [But the emperor of Russia has permitted vessels to sail from his ports lately.]
The French have five sail of the line and seven frigates ready for sea at L'Orient. Three corvettes lately sailed for Martinique, one of which has been captured.
While the French editors, to serve a purpose, insinuate that the British have caused the revolution in Spain, there is in that country such a jealousy of the English, that they had hitherto declined to permit their troops to land to aid them. This jealousy, however, will probably be allayed.
STOCKHOLM, Aug. 31.
We are in momentary expectation of great news from the fleets. Baron Major Dalrymple, and some others, whose names are not known, arrived yesterday. They left Cronstadt on the 25th Aug., and on the following day, off Port Baltic, fell in with the Swedish frigate Camilla, which informed them that the Russians had fled thither, with 9 sail of the line, besides smaller vessels. They were blockaded by the Swedes, with ten sail of the line, and admiral Hood, with two sail; and were in hourly expectation of sir James Saumarez, with four more.
It was the intention of the combined fleets to attack the Russians, in Port Baltic. Admiral Saumarez was off the Gulph on Sunday, and had the needful information; consequently ere this business is decided. From Finland we have good news. Near Cronstadt the Swedes have again been victorious in a pitched battle, but have suffered very materially.
The Sloop Venus, Capt. Boush, is now loading for New-York. For passage apply on board. Oct. 24.
Palmer's Packet will sail for Alexandria on Wednesday next. Oct. 24.
NOTES OF HAND,
according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.

FALL GOODS.
WOOD & HASTINGS,
Have just received a general assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS, Which will be sold at very reduced prices for CASH, by Wholesale and Retail, at No. 76, Main-street. October 19.
CASH
For 30 or 40 Negro BOYS, From 7 to 12 years old. The title must be indisputable. Samuel Coleman. October 19.
Landing on Commerce-Street,
The CARGO of the Brig Fame, Capt Stone, from Havana—Consisting of Prime Muscovado SUGARS in hogs-heads and barrels, Best Green COFFEE in bags and barrels, Clayed SUGAR in boxes, ORANGES and LIMES. For Sale by MOSES MYERS. October 12.
The Publick are respectfully informed, that there are a few PEWS for Sale or Rent in the Presbyterian Church. Enquire of William K. Mackinder. October 12.
For SALE,
3000 bushels Liverpool SALT, a-float. In Store, At their establishment near Campbell's wharf, 100 pieces Russia Canvas, 50 do. Raven's Duck, 300 do. English do. 1 to 7. With a general and extensive assortment of SHIP CHANDLERY, on liberal terms by Noble & Arbuthnott, & Co. October 7.
GEORGE WILSON,
Has removed his Counting-Room to the end of Campbell's Wharf, where he offers for Sale, 30 puncheons Grenada RUM, 17 do. Old Antigua do. 10,000 wt. prime Green Coffee in pieces and barrels, 3 chests Souchong Tea, 2000 bushel back-eyed Peas in puncheons, 20 boxes Havana Sugars, 27 kegs Lard. Wanted, 8 or 10 likely NEGRO BOYS, from 10 to 12 years of age, for which Cash will be given. October 7.
FOR RENT,
That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also,
That commodious House on Catharine-street, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes, adjoining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses. Also,
A very convenient Dwelling-House, just finished, on Commerce-street. For terms apply to James Tucker. Who has in Store,
A few thousand bushels Liverpool stowed SALT, loose and in sacks, that will be delivered in small or large quantities to suit the purchasers. August 19.
MOROCCO,
MEGGESON & LAPLANTE, Are now opening a handsome assortment of MOROCCO, assorted colours, of their own manufacture, viz. Cochineal Red, common do. Blue, Yellow, Green, Purple, and Black, Which can be seen at Mr. Theo. Armistead's Warehouse on Campbell's Wharf, or at their factory near Mr. Theo. Armistead's Tan-Yard. October 14.
Wanted to Purchase or Hire,
A steady aged WOMAN, who has been used to the care of children; it is expected none will apply but what can bring an unexceptionable character. Enquire at the Ledger Office. October 12.
NOW LANDING
On our Wharf, and for Sale on a liberal credit, from on board the British Schooner Commerce, Capt. Collins, from Jamaica, A Cargo of high proof RUM. C. & F. Whittle. September 2.
Turk's-Island SALT,
For Sale on board the Brig Experiment, at G-sport, by William Dickson. September 21.
FALL GOODS.
Richard and John Taylor,
Have received by the Ship Hero, from Liverpool, part of their FALL SUPPLY, and are in daily expectation of the remainder by the next arrivals, to complete their assortment, consisting of
Kendal Cottons, Kerseys, Rose and Striped Blankets, Flannels, Baizes, Yorkshire Plaids, Half-thicks, 5-4 and 6-4 Cloths, do. Coatings, Beavers and Fri-zes, Carpets and Carpeting, Pipes, Copperas, Nails, Spikes, Powder and Shot. Also, an extensive assortment of
Fine and Fancy Goods, Manchester, Cutlery and Hardware, all of which they will sell by the package, piece, or retail, on very low terms for Cash or approved Paper. They have likewise for Sale,
Prime Carolina Pork and Lard, Old Jamaica Rum, and a few bales of Twilled Sacking. September 15.
Mackinder & White,
Have just received from on board the Schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO,
A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ticklenburgs, superior Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for Cash or approved Notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS FORK. April 15.
LOTTERY OFFICE.
LOTTERY TICKETS FOR SALE
IN THE Philadelphia Grand Lotteries, BY R. H. HUGHES, No. 69, CHESTNUT-STREET.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY For the Universalist Church, Authorized by an Act of the General Assembly of the State of Pennsylvania, passed the first day of February, 1808. Table with 3 columns: Prize, Number, Amount. Total prizes: 107,592. 6 Stationary.
3,714 First drawn blank first day's drawing 1,000. Do. when 1,500 tickets shall be drawn 1,000. Do. 3,000 do. 1,000. Do. 5,000 do. 2,000. Do. 8,000 do. 2,000. First drawn blank on the last day's drawing 10,000. 12,460 tickets at 10 dollars 124,600. Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. Tickets at $11.
THE SECOND CLASS OF THE Holy Trinity Church Lottery. State of the Wheel.
Table with 3 columns: Prize, Number, Amount. 1 prize of 10,000 dollars is 10,000. 2 do. of 5,000 5,000. 1 do. of 4,000 4,000. 1 do. of 2,000 2,000. 8 do. of 1,000 8,000. 4 do. of 500 2,000. 8 do. of 300 2,400. 16 do. of 200 3,200. 26 do. of 100 2,600. 75 do. of 50 3,750. 155 do. of 20 3,100. And a proportionate number of smaller prizes. Tickets $3.
Bustleton and Smithfield Turnpike Road Company. Scheme on an improved plan entirely different from any other.
HENRY PRATT, Esq. President. Table with 3 columns: Prize, Number, Amount. 1 prize of 15,000 dollars is 15,000. 1 5,000 5,000. 1 2,000 2,000. 2 1,000 2,000. 11 500 5,500. 20 250 5,000. 40 200 8,000. 70 100 7,000. 100 50 5,000. 100 30 3,000. 100 20 2,000. 102 10 1,020. 864 5 4,320. 12,950.
7,500 Tickets at 10 dollars each, is 75,000. Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. For the convenience of the publick, half tickets will be provided by the manager, and signed as the whole tickets. Prizes payable in Cash at the Bank of the United States, on the next day after each drawing day. The whole Lottery will be drawn in fourteen days; and to save expense, only as many numbers will be drawn as there are prizes; the residue will of course be blanks.
USEFUL ARTS LOTTERY.
CASH PRIZES. 1 Prize of 10,000 dollars is 10,000. 2 do. of 5,000 10,000. 5 do. of 1,000 5,000. 10 do. of 500 5,000. 10 do. of 200 2,000. 40 do. of 100 4,000. 100 do. of 50 5,000. 200 do. of 20 4,000. 500 do. of 10 5,000. Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent.
This Lottery offers one of the best opportunities for adventurers, that may ever occur again, as all the large prizes are yet in the wheel, and only fourteen days to draw—and tickets at the low price of 2 dollars, but will soon advance to 3. N. B. All the above Lotteries will be finished this fall. Persons wishing to become adventurers, shall receive the greatest encouragement at this office. Letters post paid, enclosing bank notes of any state, shall be punctually attended to, directed to No. 69, Chestnut-Street. R. H. HUGHES. Good endorsed notes at 60 days, will be taken in payment for tickets, and cash given for prizes the day after they are drawn, at the usual discount. Philadelphia, September 12.
FOR SALE In our Ware-House, where the largest vessels can come alongside,
15,000 bushels of CORN, 2000 do. do. white, 30 bales Cotton. Also,
4000 bushels coarse SALT, 130 sacks Ground Alum do. 45 hogsheads Old Antigua Rum, do. Jamaica do. 40 hogsheads Sugar, 80 barrels do. A few casks excellent Port Wine, Coffee in hogsheads, Madeira Wine, 45 crates Earthenware, Tobacco from several inspections. GEO. MURRAY, & Co. September 9.
For SALE by the Subscriber, 10,000 bushels coarse SALT, 17,000 pounds Green Coffee in hds. and bags, 4 pipes and 5 hds. choice Old Madeira Wine, A few hogsheads St. Kitt's Old Rum, New-York Anchor Gin in pipes—and Hibbert's best London bottled Porter, in casks of 6 1-2 dozen each. Robert Maitland. September 28.
The Norfolk & Portsmouth Races,
OVER THE NEW DITCHED-IN COURSE, WILL commence on Tuesday, the 1st of November, free for any horse, &c. except those which B. Wilke may be interested in. New-Market Weights. FIRST DAY,
A Sweepstake, one mile heats, for all ages, by Horses in the adjoining counties. SECOND DAY,
A Purse of 400 dollars, four mile heats, entrance 50 dollars. THIRD DAY,
A Purse of 100 dollars, one mile heats, with catch riders, the best 3 in 5, Entrance 10 dollars. FOURTH DAY,
A Sweepstake for three years old colts and fillies, carrying 86 lbs. on each, two mile heats, 100 dollars entrance, to close the evening of the first day's running. There are four or five expected to enter on this race. The expectation of completing the amount of the Jockey Club Subscription, has prevented the advertising these races earlier; it has, however, been generally understood when they would be, and as that subscription expresses particularly that the races shall be on the above days, the prospects are such as to induce a belief it will be made up by the time. The Gentlemen Sportsmen are informed, that the Purses will amount to the same in either case, and the money hung up before starting. Good Stables and Litter near the ground found gratis, and every kind of forage at the lowest price. The ground is considerably improved since the Spring, and it will be made equal to any course on the continent. Racers and their Horses will be free of tolls. Entrance to be made with col. Kemp, at the Exchange, in the usual way. R. H. COOKE, & Co. October 6, 1808.
Norfolk and Portsmouth Races
Commences on Tuesday the first of November, over Christian's Race Course. First Day, a Sweepstake for Horses belonging to Norfolk County only, except otherwise agreed on by those gentlemen who have already entered horses—Entrance 10 dollars—the proprietor to put up 40 dollars—each horse to carry 100 pounds. Second Day, 4 mile heats, Purse 400 dollars—entrance 50 dollars—New-Market rules to govern—free for any horse except the celebrated horse Potowmack, belonging to Mr. Purwell Wilkes. Third Day, the Ladies' Purse of 100 dollars—mile heats—carrying a feather—the winner to win three heats—entrance 10 dollars—distance 50 yards. Fourth Day, two mile heats—Purse 200 dollars—entrance 20 dollars. Fifth Day, a give and take Sweepstake, mile heats—entrance 30 dollars. EDWARD NEWMAN, Proprietor. September 12.
Phoenix Fire-Office, Norfolk.
NOTICE. The following Policies issued from this Office expire in the month of October next viz.
Table with 3 columns: Policy, Amount, Amount. 283,003 283,142 283,149. 6 143 150. 10 144 151. 12 145 152. 17 146 153. 140 147 154. 141 148. Richard Taylor, Agent. September 28.
Fifty Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th December last, a Mulatto Man named TOMMY, a Blacksmith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on which he went away a dark cloth suit coat and pantaloons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th December last. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North-Carolina. JOHN WALKER. August 26.
FOR SALE,
3000 bushels Turk's-Island SALT, Now on board the Sloop Juliana, Capt. Stowe. Also,
21,000 feet MAHOGANY,
A few puncheons Old Antigua Rum, New do. Molasses, Sugars, Indian Meal in barrels. John Granbery. September 21.
Y. & W. SOUTHGATE,
OFFER FOR SALE, For Cash or short credit, at their Store, No. 1, corner of Commerce and Main-Streets,
A General Assortment of GOODS,
suitable to the present and approaching season; Among which are,
Superfine Cloths and Cassimeres,
5-4 and 7-4 coarse Cloths, Flannels, Baizes, Coatings, Thickets, Corduys, Blankets, Plaids, Half-thicks, Scarf Cardinals, &c. &c. Kendal Cottons in assorted bales, Coarse Hats in assorted boxes, Nails and Spikes of all sizes, F and FF glazed Powder and Shot—ALSO,
200 good Bacon Hams, 30 kegs Lard, 50 barrels Smithfield Apple Brandy, 100 sacks Liverpool fine Salt, 60 barrels very white Alum Salt, 60 barrels good Coffee, Likewise,
2 grand and 6 small fine toned PIANO FORTES.
And a handsome English made GHG and HARNESS, almost new. September 21.
THE SUBSCRIBER
Wishes to Sell, and will Sell or Rent on moderate terms
That very excellent Wharf and Lot,
in the town of Gosport, at present occupied by William Smith; the Wharf, Ware Houses, and Dwelling-House are all in good repair.
Thirteen Lots in the Town of Suffolk;
And the following Property in Norfolk,
Two good Fire-Proof Warehouses
on the Eastern side of Commerce-Street, Nos. 4 and 6. Two Dwelling-Houses and Lots on Boush-street, in good repair, and very pleasantly situated. Apply to John Granbery. September 14.
FRESH GOODS.
WOOD AND HASTINGS,
Have just received, Cambricks and Common Callicoes, Cotton Shirtings, Cotton Cambricks, Irish Linens, Long Lawns, Linen Cambricks, &c. ALSO,
A few pieces of best
London Superfine Broad CLOTHS,
and most fashionable Coat BUTTONS, which with their Goods on hand, will be sold at very low prices for Cash. September 9.
MACKINDER & WHITE,
Will give CASH for 5000 bushels good White CORN. And offer for Sale, Hollands Gin, Country do. Murcavado Sugar, Prime Smithfield and Carolina Pork, Fresh Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson Teas, Also,
A general assortment of Dry Goods, which they will sell on the lowest terms, for Cash or approved Notes. WANTED, About eight likely HANDS, to whom liberal wages will be given. Apply as above. September 12.
FOR SALE
On board the British ship Holiday, capt. Marshall, just arrived from Liverpool,
355 tons stowed SALT,
145 do. common do. 100 crates well assorted Earthenware, and 12 dozen Mats—by C. & F. WHITTLE. September 5.
NOTICE
Is hereby given to all persons having claims against the estate of THOMAS BARK, deceased, that they must be brought forward for settlement previous to the 1st of December next, properly attested; all those indebted to said estate will make immediate payment, or suits will be brought indiscriminately—the above notice will be plead in bar against delinquent creditors, by Peter Foster, Executor. August 24.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar.
The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only.
Theo. Armistead,
He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
We have for SALE on our Wharf,
200 hogheads MOLASSES,
53 do. superior quality Muscovado Sugars, 37 do. inferior do. 238 bags Gualdoni Coffee; 10 puncheons Rum, 60,000 wt. Jamaica Coffee, in hds. barrels and bags, 10,000 do. Laqua do. 30 kegs Raisins, 20 cases superior quality Chert, 6000 bushels Rye, 8500 do. St. Ubes, 2500 do. Turks-Island, and 5,000 do. coarse Liverpool Salt, 10 pipes Old Madeira Wine; 4 do. Country Gin, 50 barrels Rye Whiskey; 50 hds. Philadelphia Porter, 1 new 14 inch Cable 120 fathoms. C. & F. Whittle. July 13.
FOR SALE at my Brew-House,
Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by
the hoghead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store,
Wines, Liquors, and Groceries,
wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 12.
Boot and shoe Manufactory.
SAMUEL COLEMAN,
Opposite the Market, (westward) has received by captain Hand, from Philadelphia, a quantity of the
Highest Priced Boot Legs, Vamps,
Tops, and other Materials, for his Factory—He has also Seal Leather, which has been in use for seven years; with these, the best workmen he can get, and the greatest care and punctuality, he believes the people of this place and its vicinity, may be as well served as by any factory in the union. His Stock at present is as good as this country can furnish, and he intends to use no other kind, the price of course must be higher, and when the Boots go the money must come, having found in a number of instances that a few days means six or twelve months, and an application even then for the money is ample cause of cumbry. He has on hand a large assortment of
BOOTS AND SHOES.
SALT, LONDON PORTER, &c. &c.
Fresh SHOES from New-York for Ladies, of red, green, and black Morocco, with 1, 2, and 3 tiers.
JOURNEMEN WANTED.
The best Boot and Shoe Makers, not only such as can, but such as will do the best work in all cases, may meet with as much encouragement in my factory, as in any in this state, or any state in the union north of this. October 3.
SAMUEL J. DYCHER,
FROM LONDON, Informs the Inhabitants of this Borough and its vicinity, that he intends carrying on the following
Branches of Carving and Gilding,
viz.
Looking Glass and Picture Frames made to
any pattern; as it is reasonable to expect that there is a number of Looking-Glass, Picture Frames, Ornaments, &c. wanting repair and re-gilding, and a risk of sending such articles to the northward, the disadvantage of not being present to have such work executed to suit any particular fancy, the artist flatters himself a liberal publick will encourage him in his profession. Orders from any part of the Borough or Country will be attended to. Prints, Needle Work, and Drawings, framed in burnish gold; black and gilt Edge Frames, with glasses plain or enamelled; and gilt, oval, or square Prints and Paintings cleaned. D. has on hand PATENT PERPETUAL ALMANACKS, the utility of these Almanacks to every description of persons in ascertaining the day of every month for 2500 years to come in a second of time, also to give the day that any person was born on; there is upwards of ten thousand already sold, the third plate is now engraving in New-York; they may be had in sheets, or framed and glazed to any price or pattern—they have been put in frames from 2, 6, and 8 dollars—Country Merchants or traders supplied upon liberal terms, purchasers will be taught their use in a few minutes. The likeness of GEN. JACKSON, handsomely coloured; also, the likeness of the Rev. HENRY HOLCOMBE; the number of Subscribers in the different States to the above likenesses, it is hoped will induce a liberal publick to encourage the artist in his profession. Red and White CORNICE made to any pattern. N. B. One of the persons in the business is in possession of finally eradicating that dreadful malady the GRAVEL; the stone is dissolved let the magnitude of it be ever so great, by a decoction of simple roots; many valuable lives are lost by the operation of cutting. The Poor cured gratis, and persons at a distance supplied with directions. Orders sent to No. 53, Main-street, opposite Mrs. Street's, will be attended to. September 12.
NORFOLK:
PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.