Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-01-01 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  SENT RICETIAM SUA PRÆMIA LATE
VOL. IV.]
FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 1, 1808.
[NO. 72.
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS SIX DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYA- BLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION.
For Freight or Charter, To any Port in the West Indies, the Schooner VICTORIA, burthen 95 tons or 800 barrels. Apply to William Hull, Jun. December 21. tf Commerce-street.
FOR CHARTER, The fine new Ship PLUTARCH, George Bacon, master, burthen about 350 hogsheads. Moses Myers. Dec. 16. tf
For Sale, Freight, or Charter, The American Ship MINERVA, Henry Keele, master, burthen 406 hhds. tobacco will be ready to receive a cargo in ten days.—Apply to Alexander Leckie, or Thomas Willock.
Who have for Sale on board, 8000 bushels Liverpool SALT. December 4 tf
Scotch Coals and Empty Bottles. 100 tons of the former and 200 crates of the latter, imported in the ship Industry from Glasgow—For Sale by William Pentock. Who offers The said SHIP, burthen 260 tons, for Charter. October 7. tf
Liverpool SALT and COAL, For sale on board the ship Jane, William Colley, master.—Apply to the subscriber, William Pennock. Who offers said SHIP, burthen 420 tons, and the ship COURTNEY, burthen 290 tons for charter. October 5. tf
FLOUR—4-boat. 500 barrels superfine FLOUR, Richmond and Fredericksburg inspection. Rowland & Triplett. In Store. Family FLOUR of superior quality And a few firkins of good BUTTER. Dec. 21. 3
NOTICE. A meeting of the Pew-Holders and Members of Christ Church, is requested on Monday, the 4th day of January next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon at the Church. The Trustees. December 21. tdm
St. Mary's College Lottery of Baltimore. Will commence drawing on the 31st instant, when the price of Tickets will be advanced. It is recommended to those wishing to adventure to apply immediately—Tickets now selling rapidly at Eleven Dollars, and but few remaining for Sale by Rowland & Triplett. December 18. tf
Landing at Newton's wharf the Cargo of the sloop Dispatch, Samuel Hawley, master, from New-Haven, consisting of Pork, Beef, Cheese, Hay, and 10 dozen Brooms. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. December 18. tf
For RENT. The STORE, No. 86, Main-Street, with or without the house. Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf
For RENT, (Possession to be had the 1st of January,) The STORE-ROOM on Commerce and Water-streets, lately occupied by Mr. Edward Clarke, it may be had with or without a Room in the second story—it is very spacious, may be immediately accommodated for two stores, and will be rented in that manner if preferred. For terms apply to John Nivison. December 28. 6
For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store Apply to Niemeyer & Von Kapff. December 28. tf
Silk and Fancy GOODS. For Sale at the Store of Mr. Edwin Stark, Main-Street, a small assortment of Plain and plaid Silk; plain and figured Ribbons; black Mules and Sarsenet; Silk Damasked and Sered Shawls; Ladies' and Gentlemen's Silk Stockings; Thread Laces and Fancy Trimmings; a small parcel of Gold Combs, Ear-Rings, Breast-Pins, &c. &c. The above will be sold very low for cash if applied for immediately. December 28. 2*
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 30. tf
FROM THE RALEIGH MINERVA.
NORTH-CAROLINA LEGISLATURE.
HOUSE OF COMMONS,
Friday, Dec. 11.
Debate on the Address to the President of the United States.
The following speech of Mr. GASTON, of Newbern, was made after considerable debate; and with a view that the Address should lie on the table indefinitely and without order.
Mr. Speaker: —I very much regret the necessity which compels me to address you.—Cheerfully would I have declined tresspassing on your attention, if a sense of duty did not forbid me to be silent. I find myself constrained by the most imperious obligations to submit to you a motion different from any yet proposed, calculated to relieve us from the unpleasant embarrassments in which we are involved, and entitled by our rules to a priority of decision.
It will, I hope, sir, be distinctly remembered, that three weeks have now elapsed since the original resolution for addressing the President of the United States was introduced to our notice. At the request either of its author or of its patrons, its consideration has been postponed from day to day, from week to week. Whenever the period arrived which had been assigned for its discussion, some opportunity sickness has always occurred either of the mover or of his coadjutors to render a further postponement decent and necessary. Yet this unfortunate indisposition appears not to have prevented their attention to the other business of the session. In common with the rest of mankind, I have been accustomed to consider uniformity and consistency as strong proofs of design, and utterly at variance with accident. It was impossible therefore for me not to suspect that this procrastination was premeditated; the result of a fixed and concerted plan. For some time I charitably believed that the advocates of the address had become sensible of its impropriety; that the sickness which afflicted them was merely a sickness of the subject; and fondly hoped that after postponing it from day to day, they would at length consent to postpone it forever. I need not say, sir, how unfounded, how delusive was this hope. It has been succeeded by an apprehension to which my mind has reluctantly yielded. I now fear—I now believe, that the resolution was postponed because the temper of the house was for a long time, unfavourable to its adoption. It was perceived that their good sense revolted at the terms in which it was couched. It was deemed necessary to procure for passion, the ascendancy over reason; to blow the sparks of faction into a flame; to awaken the dormant animosities of party spirit by caucuses and other unwarrantable means, to get together a band of determined followers, who by their blind and well disciplined adherence to their leaders, should alarm the timid, drive away moderation, and enforce a victory. Such means have been used—I know they have been used. An opportunity will now be presented of ascertaining whether they have been used with success. The result of the motion which I shall now submit, will enable us to judge with certainty of the effect of these artifices.
Mr. Speaker: —I move that the original resolution and the amendments proposed to it, lie on the table indefinitely, and without order. Upon this motion, sir, I presume it would not be regular to examine either of the propositions with a minute scrutiny. I shall therefore forbear to enlarge on the submissive tone, the supplicating language of the original address*—language better calculated for the meridian of Turkey than of America—better suited to the trembling slave who falls prostrate at the feet of his despot, than to the legislature of a free, sovereign, and independent state. I shall not now animadvert on the fulsome adulation, the whining cant of the amendment proposed by the gentleman from Pasquotank, nor shall I notice its higher claims to distinction, the poetick genius with which it invents facts that have no existence—the calumniating audacity, which attributes to virtuous men, villainous conduct, villainous motives—and the puerile depravity of taste, which mistakes bombast for sublimity. Nor will I now point out all that I do not approve of, in the amendment proposed by my friend from Craven, an amendment which I must admit is infinitely less liable to objections, than either of the other propositions. It shall be my part to keep constantly in view the objects contemplated by them all, and to enquire whether for these objects the President ought to be addressed by this legislature.
They all have in view the expression of our decided approbation of the whole of Mr. Jefferson's publick conduct, and particularly of the measures he has taken relative to the unhappy dispute between the United States and Great-Britain.
It is incumbent on those, sir, who recommend a measure, to show its propriety and expediency. It is particularly incumbent on those who propose an extraordinary measure, to suggest a sufficient cause for its adoption. During the discussion which has already taken place, I have listened to the gentlemen with the most patient attention, to discover, if possible, the reasons on which the propriety of an address is attempted to be supported. Two only have been assigned, and it is not in my power to anticipate others. It has been said that Mr. Jefferson is an illustrious character, and it is fit that we should declare to him the admiration which we entertain of
his exalted talents and eminent virtues. It is certainly true that I do not entertain this extravagant admiration which one of the gentlemen has expressed. That the president possesses talents, that he is not without his virtues, it would be un candid in me to deny. But I am far, very far from believing that they merit the encomiums which have been poured forth with such unsparing profusion. I have seen something to approve, and much to censure during his administration. But it is not necessary to my present purpose, to enter into an investigation of his publick conduct. Be it admitted to give the argument its full force, that he is an illustrious man—that he has rendered his country great services; is the legislature of North-Carolina therefore bound to address him? Carry this mode of reasoning to its proper mark, and whither does it lead us?—We are to address Mr. Jefferson because he is illustrious. It must then be our duty to address every illustrious man. Mr. Monroe is said to be on his return home from a most important and delicate negotiation.—How as he has conducted it, and what is its result, we yet know not; but if fortunately it should prove that he has behaved with firmness and address, with diligence and zeal, and brought it to a prosperous and honourable issue, shall we not address him also? When members of Congress, secretaries of state, governors of our sister states, gain the splendid appellation of illustrious, will not they too prefer an equally well founded claim to our addresses? If this principle is adopted, I should humbly suggest a more economical mode of carrying it into execution. Instead of the legislature devoting themselves to the agreeable amusement of rounding phrases and polishing sentences that they may steal upon the tympanum of the ear with a musical suavity, let us at once appoint a Laureat who shall compose addresses for all our illustrious characters. We do it at an expense to the people little short of seven hundred dollars a-day. A less salary would induce many an ingenious young man, of servid fancy and apt talents for panegyric, to manufacture addresses by the wholesale. We should have them in abundance, always ready for use, of every size and every variety of colouring. In this age of economy, I hope this proposition will not be deemed unworthy of attention.
But, sir, another reason has been assigned. We have been told that in consequence of the late outrage committed by a British ship of war on a frigate of the United States, addresses have been poured upon the president from all quarters, fraught with fervid expressions of attachment, and of the most unequivocal approbation of his publick conduct. Has North-Carolina been backward on this occasion? Has she been wanting either in declarations of her just resentment at the insult to the nation, or in commendations of the virtues of the president? Is there a corner of the state from which he has not been addressed? Is there a gentleman among the advocates of either of these resolutions, who has not already had an opportunity of joining, who has not actually joined in such an address as was perfectly suited to his feelings and his taste? If the people then have already declared their sentiments, whence arises the necessity of a repetition by us? Must the tale be again told? Must the musical strain be repeated? Is there a Da-Capo which it is the province of the legislature to perform? And here permit me to observe, that in this state the electors of the president are chosen by the people, not by the legislature. Chosen by the people, responsible to them at another election, there is a propriety in his constituents expressing on suitable occasions and in a suitable manner their approbation or censure of his conduct. But by us he is not chosen—to us he is not responsible.
Here, sir, perhaps I might safely stop. If the reasons assigned for the proposed measure are unfounded, and its propriety can not be made appear, no order should be passed upon it. But I will proceed further. I will attempt to shew, and I believe it may be done, that for this legislature to vote any address to the president for the objects comprised in the resolution or its amendments, would be an unauthorized departure from their proper business; a precedent likely to be followed by pernicious consequences, and at the present moment peculiarly inexpedient. It is a fundamental principle of our government, that all power is originally derived from the people, and that the exercise of any authority not delegated by them, is a violation of their rights, an odious usurpation of their rights. Our grant, though extensive, is sufficiently specific. To us is delegated the legislative authority over the state of North-Carolina, and the power of appointing its principal officers. Within this province let us confine ourselves—it affords ample scope for the exercise of our best talents. The moment we step beyond its bounds, we are lost in infinity—we are unable to say thus far we shall go and no farther. The federal constitution adds to our duties and to our powers the obligation of appointing senators to congress, and of directing the mode in which electors of president and vice-president shall be chosen. Whence then comes the prerogative we are about to assume of sitting in judgment on the conduct of the supreme executive of the union? Where is the clause in our state constitution, or in the federal compact, which invests us with this privilege? Can it by any species of approved logic be inferred from the nature of this compact?—Sir, the government of the union is not, like the Lilliputian tie, by which the people of America were once connected, a mere confederacy of states, but to most purposes a national government. By the people, not by the states, was it ordained and established. It was to secure their liberty, to provide for their defence, to insure their tranquility, to establish justice among them, and to unite them more perfectly, that it was framed and ratified. Its objects are national—its revenue is national—its public force is national.
But if this idea be incorrect, and the legislature of North-Carolina be authorized as a constituent part of the union to sit in judgment on the conduct of the national executive, but a little reflection is necessary to shew that this right should be exercised only in cases of great emergency. The precedent we are about to make is fraught with danger. If we are to address the President for the purpose of expressing to him our sentiments on his conduct, I presume we are to express the sentiments we entertain, whether favourable or unfavourable. If we have the right to approve, we must also have the right to disapprove. The privileges of the other legislatures are so extensive with ours. Let the practice of addressing be sanctioned; let it grow into frequent usage, (and every precedent carries another in its train) and the period is not distant when we shall see the legislature of one state arrayed against the legislature of another; one approving, the other censuring; one commending with injudicious zeal, the other reprobating with passionate violence; one pledging decisive support, the other menacing determined resistance. The people of each state will take a part with their legislature; the most dreadful animosities will follow these dissensions; the operations of the general government will be embarrassed and their councils distracted; the bands of union will be weakened—a disseverance of the empire, universal confusion, and civil wars complete the catastrophe. As we regard our own interests and those of our own posterity; as we love our country and view the federal compact as the ark of safety, let us not adopt a practice so teeming with mischief, till necessity permit us not to decline it.
There are, sir, peculiar reasons which render the adoption of any of the proposed addresses highly inexpedient. We are called on in all them to declare our unequivocal approbation of the measures which have been taken by the president in relation to our unhappy misunderstanding with Great-Britain.—Will some gentleman be good enough to inform us what these measures are? It is understood that soon after the disgraceful outrage off the Capes of Virginia, that dispatches were sent from the executive to Mr. Monroe, and it is further understood that these dispatches contained instructions as to the nature of the reparation demanded on our part. But who will inform us, who can inform us what these instructions were? Who can tell us whether they were consistent with the honour, and yet not regardless of the interests of our country? That they were spirited, yet not blustering, dignified, yet not imprudent? Whether they expressed the sentiments of an insulted, yet not enraged nation—of a calm valour that fears no danger necessarily incurred in the vindication of its rights, and not of an insolent temerity that may irritate, may inflame, but will never obtain atonement, and will evaporate when atonement is refused? Was the requisition of reparation for the outrage made a distinct object, or was it blended with the various subjects of the negotiation so long in train between the two countries? Is there any one who can communicate this desired intelligence? No, sir—all is yet a mystery, a profound state secret. And are we to declare our approbation of measures of which we know nothing? Dare we give our sanction, and pledge that of our constituents to what both they and we are utterly ignorant of? I hope for the honour of the legislature and the state we will forbear this premature anticipated approbation.
If the emergency be such as to justify a departure from our proper business, and to demand of us a declaration of our confidence in the general government, it ought to be made in such terms that no honest man, no American, can refuse to join in it.—Could it have been expected that either of the proposed addresses would receive this united support? Could it be believed that a portion of this house, who if not numerous, are respectable, if not influential, are honest, if prejudiced, are not deficient in intelligence, would belie their avowed opinions, abandon their fixed principles and incur the stigma of disingenuousness by concurring in an address which commends in toto Mr. Jefferson's administration? Can it be wise, can it be expedient in this national crisis to throw amongst us the firebrand of discord, to awaken those animosities which it was hoped by every friend to his country were forever buried? Shall we add to the dissensions which have agitated the legislature on the subject of the judiciary system, those more violent dissensions which arise from national politics? The session approaches to its close, and we have yet done nothing. We have wasted much of our time, let us waste no more—let us apply ourselves to the discharge of our proper duties. Much has been expected of us; much ought to be done by us; there remain but a few days to do it in. I fear that, however industrious we may be, on our return home, we shall render but a beggarly account to those who sent us here. In the words of the ritual we shall be compelled to acknowledge that we have left undone the things which we ought to have done. I trust we shall not vote an address that we may be enabled to add we have done the things which we ought not to have done.
These observations, sir, come from one who belongs to the proscribed sect of federalists. This circumstance alone may be with some a sufficient reason why they should be disregarded. Already has the gentleman from Pasquotank admonished the house in classical language, to beware of those Greeks who bring them presents. To these, and such as these I do not address myself. These, and such as these, it would have been madness to entertain a hope of convincing. They are welcome, perfectly welcome, to their mean jealousies and illiberal suspicions. Let no man envy their enjoyment. It is to those, whose minds are not cased with prejudice, whose understandings are not impervious to
* In the original address was contained this sentence — "The general assembly beg leave to solicit you to permit your name to be held up as a candidate at the next presidential election."
† In the amendment here alluded to, it was declared "that the safety of the nation was endangered by the machinations of a party who seek to subvert because they cannot direct the government." The phrase was afterwards altered as it appears in our last number.

truth, who admit that some good may come out of Nazareth that my remarks are directed. They will not consider whether the man entertains heretical or orthodox tenets. They will reflect whether his positions are well founded, his inferences correctly deduced. If his arguments have weight, they will be attended to; if they have not, let them be disregarded.
After the motion of Mr. Gaston was rejected, Mr. Porter of Rutherford, moved that the address be referred to a select joint committee, in order that it might be so modified as to meet with the approbation of a greater portion of the members. This motion was also rejected. The question then recurring on the final passage of the address proposed by Mr. Hamilton,
Mr. Henderson, of Salisbury, made the following speech in opposition.
I regret extremely that the resolution which is the subject of debate, was introduced to the consideration of this house. I see no possible good it can answer, and I fear it will excite feelings and rouse passions which I had fondly hoped would be suffered to sleep in lasting oblivion. But it hath seemed good to gentlemen to pursue this course. They have for reasons no doubt satisfactory and perfectly justifiable to themselves, called the attention of the house to an object entirely different from the duty which our legislative character imposes upon us—A duty which our constituents did not require of us; and as far as I know, entirely unauthorised by them. But the resolution is now on your table, and must be disposed of in some way or other. It speaks a language which in my conscience I cannot approve, because I believe it is not true. It in the most unqualified manner approves the whole of Mr. Jefferson's administration; and every man in this house who votes for its adoption, declares to his constituents and to the world, that no single act of the president meets his disapprobation.
I do not feel disposed to go thus far. I do not believe that his conduct merits this unbounded applause. Those gentlemen who really believe that the whole of the president's administration has been founded in the most enlightened policy, and has guarded the honour and promoted the interest of the nation, will vote for the adoption of the resolution: those gentlemen, on the contrary, who think that there are objections to some part of his conduct, and though they may approve of other parts, will, I apprehend, be compelled to give their negative to the measure proposed. We are therefore forced, Mr. Speaker, by the very nature of the question, to examine the general features of Mr. Jefferson's administration. It will be recollected that this necessity has been imposed on us much against our wishes: every mode in our power has been attempted to avoid this unpleasant discussion. If the motion of my friend from Newbern, (Mr. Gaston) to postpone the farther consideration of the whole of the resolutions had prevailed, the house would have been relieved from much trouble, and the debate we are now engaged in avoided. But gentlemen, conscious of a majority, and proudly determined not to listen for a moment to the voice of the minority, are resolved to force us to swallow the loathsome and sickening draught which they have proposed. I hope, Mr. Speaker, I shall be indulged for a moment, while I briefly, and as distinctly as I can, point out some of the reasons which influence me not to lend my name to carry into effect the resolution on your table. I know, full well I know, that what I am about to observe, will not be pleasing to a number of gentlemen on this floor: But when imperious duty points the way which I should tread, and timid policy directs another, I hope I shall always have firmness enough not to hesitate for a moment what course to pursue; regardless of the frowns of the majority here, or the tumultuous cries of a deluded populace out of doors.
One of the greatest blessings which a nation can enjoy, is an able, upright and independent judiciary. This judiciary, sir, we had in its utmost purity when Mr. Jefferson was called on by the voice of his country to fill the presidential chair. Scarcely had he taken the reins of government into his hands; scarcely had the members of congress taken their seats at their first session after his election, when the chief magistrate of the nation, in terms too unequivocal to be mistaken, recommends a repeal of a law under which judges had been appointed, and had actually performed judicial duties. The doctrine was new in America. Before this period it was believed that a judge, once appointed, was secure in his office as long as he behaved well, and that no power on earth could deprive him of it. I will not now enter into an argument to show the gross absurdity of construing the words during good behaviour to mean at the will of the legislature. Enough on this subject has already been said; and to that understanding which can yield assent to the miserable arguments which have been used to prove the power of congress to displace their judges by the repeal of a law, I am sure it is useless at this day to say a single word. But I must be permitted to say, that the time will come, of necessity it must come, when the bitter effects of this passionate act of the president and of congress, will be severely felt and deeply lamented by the American people. Their judiciary is now prostrated at the feet of the legislature: The independence of their judges is gone, I fear forever: A great department of government is destroyed; a department which engaged the anxious attention of the convention which framed our constitution, and which ought to be more dear to the people than any other; because in times of faction and tumult, it is the only one on which they can rely with confidence and safety. I think it unnecessary to press this subject farther on the house, for I conscientiously believe this legislature could not be induced by any consideration to pass a law which should deprive their judges of their offices.—So deeply rooted is the opinion that our judges are independent of the legislature as long as they behave well. I ask gentlemen if they approve of this act of the chief magistrate? I implore them calmly and dispassionately to give their opinion. Is it their wish that their rights should be tried by men perfectly free from bias? Can that man be supposed to be free from bias who holds his seat at the will of another? We know it is natural for man to be indisposed to thwart the views of those on whom he is dependant. Whatever may be the conduct of others, I for one will never give my confidence or express my attachment to a man who has been the great cause of producing an evil more extensively mischievous to the American people, and which is to entail upon them more lasting misery than any act of the bitterest enemy of this nation.
When Mr. Jefferson came into power, we had a
flourishing navy, and the means were provided for making it respectable. What has become of our vessels? Either sold for a sum far less than they cost, or suffered to rot in your harbours. It is confidently believed at this day, few men can be found, possessing the smallest share of political information, and not blinded by party spirit, who do not see the necessity of keeping up a navy, sufficient at least to protect our coast. It is childish to suppose that our rights will be respected by foreign nations, unless we are prepared to protect them by other means than proclamations. Is it believed that we should be insulted in our ports and harbours by almost every nation with whom we have connections, if we were prepared to repel force by force? Let every candid man in this house answer the question, and if he will suffer his understanding, unclouded by passion or prejudice to make the answer I do not fear the result.
Mr. Speaker, I have other objections to Mr. Jefferson's administration, which it is difficult to delineate, because they do not arise from any particular act of his, but from the general cast and complexion of his whole conduct. I have ever held it to be the first duty of a great magistrate, to instil into the people, a pride of character, a dignity of sentiment, an inviolable attachment to the honour as well as the interests of the nation. It ought to be impressed on them that a wholesome, energetic government is the greatest blessing which providence in his mercy has given to man; and that it ought to command their reverence and excite their attachment. They ought to be told in a bold, manly and open language, that taxes are indispensably necessary to support their government, and secure to them the inestimable blessings flowing from order and legitimate power. I appeal to the wise and dispassionate of this house, and ask them if the general character of the President's administration has not been to corrupt and demoralize the publick mind. By corruption, I do not mean that he has made them thieves or robbers: I mean to say that he has suffered to evaporate that manly pride and spirit of independence which conducted us thro' the revolutionary war, and at last gave us rank among the nations of the world. The people have become impatient of governmental restraint, and have lost all reverence for established usages and the settled order of things. Honour, virtue, and talents give no claim to publick confidence. Few men can get into power who do not devote themselves to the caprice of the people; and, Mr. Speaker, here is a laxity in government which is truly alarming, and threatens, if not corrected, to destroy the publick fabric. There is also a wretched thirst for gain, which has absorbed every other passion, and bids fair to make us what foreigners have said we are—"a nation of shop-keepers." Go into any company, the enquiry is not—has our honour and character been protected? Has reparation been made for insult and injury? Are our ports and harbours protected? But the question is—Has our national debt been diminished? These symptoms, Sir, are the sure presages of impending ruin; they evidence a general debility, which if not soon corrected, must end in a premature death. I am not disposed to assert that all these evils have been produced by Mr. Jefferson, but I do say his general conduct has had a tendency to produce them.
I am of opinion, Mr. Speaker, that the President has been highly blameable in not endeavouring to discover the true interest of the country, and pursuing that with inflexible perseverance. But we know he has almost invariably waited to discover the temper and disposition of the people, and then shape his measures according to their wishes. So that instead of being guided by wisdom and enlightened policy, he has been governed by town meetings and popular assemblies.
It has been said by a gentleman whom I do not see in his seat, (Mr. Hamilton) that the President has purchased Louisiana, to obtain which the federalists were anxious to go to war. Permit me, Sir, to correct that gentleman. When the king of Spain withheld the right of deposit at New Orleans which had been solemnly granted to us by treaty, the federalists were willing to seize by force that island and compel a performance of that stipulation which had been guaranteed by compact; they saw in the conduct of the Spanish court, a determined hostility to this country; and if justice could not be obtained by friendly means, they thought that the character and interest of the nation so deeply concerned that they were anxious to enforce it by an appeal to arms. But, sir, it was the right of deposit alone which they claimed. We then had no right to Louisiana, nor do I believe it was their wish to obtain it on any terms. I have ever viewed the purchase of that territory highly pernicious to this country, and a damning evidence of the disposition of Mr. Jefferson to please the multitude, though he should sacrifice the permanent interest of the nation. Our country was sufficiently extensive before the acquisition of that boundless wilderness. The best informed statesmen were fearful that our empire would ere long be dismembered; but when this new world is added, that which we supposed doubtful before is reduced almost to a certainty. When this territory shall be settled, disunion must be the consequence. It is fanciful and against experience to suppose that people residing beyond the Mississippi will send their representatives to Washington to make laws for them; they will establish a government for themselves; and two great republics in the neighbourhood of each other, living in peace, is what no age or nation ever witnessed. I shall not trouble you, sir, further on this delicate subject.—The consequence of a separation of these United States is big with calamities, easily foreseen, but difficult and perhaps improper to describe.
It will be recollected, Mr. Speaker, that Aaron Burr has lately been tried in the circuit court of the district of Virginia, for high treason, and after the most patient and able investigation which was ever made in this, or perhaps any other country, acquitted under the direction of the chief justice. It was expected that the transcendent talents, the unclouded fame, the spotless virtue of this distinguished man, would have shielded his name from the shafts even of jacobinick fury; his able and luminous exposition of the law of treason, and of evidence will remain a lasting and imperishable monument of the correctness of his understanding and the purity of his heart.—What, sir, has been the conduct of the Chief Magistrate? Congress has been called on to review this decision, and to ascertain whether there is a defect in the evidence, in the law, or the administration of the law. Is it possible to suppose that Mr. Jefferson really believed that congress has
a power to correct the decisions of the courts of the United States? No, sir, he knows they have no such power, and that they cannot interfere except there is ground to impeach the judge. The papers which he has laid before congress, cannot furnish matter even to institute an inquiry. I have understood that these papers contain nothing more than the documents and evidence which were offered to the court and jury on the trial of Burr. It is impossible from them to collect anything which might justify a criminal prosecution: At most they could only prove that the chief justice had mistaken the force of the evidence, or had drawn from it incorrect legal deductions; and we all know that this furnishes no just cause of impeachment.—Then I ask, what was the object in making his communication? Was it to give weight to the vile calumnies which had been heaped upon him by the publick prints? What ever was the object, I will venture to say it strikes a deadly blow at the independence of your courts. If every judicial opinion which is not pleasing to the president, is to be brought under the revision of congress, and the judge in effect denounced who gives the opinion, we may bid a long farewell to an independent judiciary. No man who is worthy to fill the important office of a judge, will hold it on terms so humiliating to his character and feelings.
These, Mr. Speaker are some of the reasons which compel me to give my negative to the resolution on your table: they have been offered to the house with freedom, and I hope will be received with candour. I have no wish to wound the feelings of any man on this floor—I hope no member will believe I have. The advocates of the resolution have bestowed the most unbounded encomiums on Mr. Jefferson—I have taken the liberty of painting out what I believe to be his defects. The spirit of party distracts publick opinion too much at this day to expect a correct decision on his conduct: but posterity will sit in awful judgment on his character: the fulsome adulation of his friends will not rescue his name one moment from that just sentence which awaits him. If he has really been the benefactor of man, this impartial tribunal will do him justice. I will trouble the house no farther—I fear I have already tresspassed too much on their patience.
From the National Intelligencer.
A rapid view was taken in our last paper of the nature and effects of the embargo. As it is the strongest measure yet taken by the government, and from its very nature will be productive of interesting consequences not only on the foreign world, but likewise on ourselves, it is of the first importance that the publick should receive correct impressions upon it. For a time it will materially reduce the price of our produce, and enhance that of many foreign commodities. The latter circumstance will operate as some indemnity to our merchants for the suspension of their business: the former will, in a considerable degree, affect the interests of the farmer and planter. Fortunately, in this country it is the latter class of citizens, who from their numbers as well as their wealth are the most able to bear a pressure. The season at which the embargo is laid, is favourable to them. They will already have supplied themselves with most of the goods they will want for the ensuing winter, the crops of the autumn will, to a great extent have already found a market, and the principal exertions requisite for the next harvest will not be called for until the ensuing spring. This will alleviate, though it certainly will not supersede the effects of the measure. There will still remain occasion for much fortitude, perhaps for great patience.
Is the state of our affairs such as requires this sacrifice? Might not a resort to milder measures do as well? We confidently answer no; not only for the reasons assigned in our last, but for other reasons.
A crisis has arrived, that calls for some decided step. The national spirit is up. That spirit is invaluable. In case of a war it is to lead us to conquest. By vigor with which it shall wield the physical force of the country, it is to inspire us with unshaken confidence in our strength, and to appal our enemy. In our solemn appeal to the world, it is to silence forever the idle hope that flatters itself with the phantom, either that we are a divided people, or that our republican institutions have not energy enough to defend us, much less to inflict serious injury on our enemies. To dispel this illusion, in such an event there must cease to exist an inch of British ground on this continent.
The people having shown their spirit, the season has arrived for the government to sustain, second and direct it. To delay any longer to do this would be to jeopardize its existence. The crisis not requiring war, still hoping, if not expecting peace, an embargo is the next best measure for maintaining the national tone. It will do more. It will arm the executive government. It is an unequivocal, and efficient expression of confidence in the executive; and gives the president a new weapon of negotiation—we say weapon of negotiation, for, in the present state of the world, even negotiation has ceased to be pacific. Without being backed by force it is an empty sound.
The embargo furnishes this weapon. The sword is not drawn from the scabbard, but it may be drawn at a moment's warning. By it, every member of the community will be sensibly impressed with the solemnity of the crisis, and will be prepared for events. The publick will be impatient for a decision of the great interests depending. All will be anxious for a restoration of their ordinary pursuits. Our negotiator will be armed with the publick sensibility. He will be constrained to require a definitive answer, and the whole nation will call upon him with one voice to require that this answer be prompt. The negotiator of a foreign nation, if his instructions be amicable, will himself perceive the necessity of a prompt and candid answer, and give it; and if hostile, the sooner the truth comes out the better.
This is exactly the result so long impatiently expected by the nation, a result, whose further protraction might be ruinous to our interests and derogatory to our character.
There are those who suppose that this step will be productive of incalculable commercial losses. It will certainly produce much inconvenience to the mercantile world. But it will not be unaccompanied with benefits. It will separate the wheat from the chaff. It will coerce the settlement of long standing and complicated accounts. The merchant, who has been fraudulently trading on another's capital, may sink. And will not this be just? Is the
man an object of commiseration who, at such a moment, when all our resources ought to be carefully husbanded for the day of danger, is base enough to risk, not his own property, for he has none to risk, but that of another more cautious than himself, and that too, which if lost, is so much lost to the nation, and so much gained by our enemy?
Can any measures be too strong for such a man, one, who to personal dishonesty adds a total destitution of patriotism; one, who to promote his own interest, can behold with indifference the wick of his friend's fortune, and the disgrace or ruin of his country? If there is in the United States such a class of men, the sooner that they are called to account the better, and the sooner that they are arrested in their injustice the happier for the honest part of the community. As to the solid, honest traders, it is a fact that the greater part of them have long contemplated the lowering aspect of the horizon, and have wisely and honourably, by withdrawing their property from the ocean, determined to await the issue of events. This body of men, and we hope it includes a great majority of our merchants, will approve the embargo.
We believe it will be a popular measure with all classes. We are certain that the farmer, the planter and the mechanic will approve it from the security it offers to the publick interests; and if the merchants be as honest and enlightened, as we trust they are, they will perceive the indissoluble connexion between their solid and permanent prosperity and the general welfare. Facts too attest the general expectation that this measure would be resorted to by the government; no sooner was the late news received than the publick prints of different political characters and in different parts of the union demanded an embargo; and no sooner were the doors of congress closed, than it became the universal impression that this measure was about to be taken. In proof of this take the following extract from the Gazette of the United States, a paper decidedly federal, of the 21st inst.
"This is, therefore, no time to stand upon punctilio, or to adopt provoking and enfeebling regulations. The necessity of the case points out its remedy. We have it in our hands. Let an embargo be laid upon all our shipping, till they can venture out with safety. Who knows but that both our enemies (for such I reckon them both) would agree to except us from their tyrannical interdicts, for the general benefits of indirect communication; and that mutual privilege be thus obtained, by fair means, which we are utterly incompetent to force."
"An embargo is a measure that will give the government an opportunity of feeling the pulse of the people, before they commit themselves; and that will manifest our determination not to submit to every belligerent imposition as unequivocally as our boldest efforts at retaliation."
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THE SECRET SESSION.
FRIDAY, December 18.
A message in writing was received from the president of the United States, as followeth:
[See message and documents in our last.]
On motion of Mr. Holland and seconded by Mr. Clay,
The said message and documents accompanying it were severally read:
Ordered, That the letters referred to in said message be returned to the president of the United States agreeably to his request.
On motion of Mr. Randolph, and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution:
"Resolved, That an embargo be laid on all shipping, the property of citizens of the United States, now in port or which shall hereafter arrive."
And the question being put that the house do agree to the said resolution, and on the question thereupon, the yeas and nays being demanded by one fifth of the members present, and debate arising, a motion was made by Mr. Macon, and seconded, that the resolution do lie on the table.
It was resolved in the affirmative.
A message from the senate by Mr. Otis, their Secretary; Mr. Speaker, the senate have in confidence directed me to inform this honourable house, that they have passed a bill entitled "an act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States," in which bill they desire the concurrence of this house, and then he withdrew.
The said bill was received and read the first time. On motion the said bill was read the second time, and ordered to be committed to a committee of the whole house on the state of the union on this day.
On motion of Mr. Crowninshield and seconded, Resolved, that the house will immediately resolve itself into a committee of the whole house on the said bill.
The house accordingly resolved into the said committee.
And after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Masters reported, that the committee had according to order, had the said bill under consideration, but not having time to go through the same, had directed him to ask for leave to sit again.
Resolved, That this house will to-morrow again resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the bill entitled "an act laying an embargo," &c. And the house adjourned until to-morrow morning 11 o'clock.
Saturday, December 19.
On motion of Mr. Stanford and seconded, that the committee of the whole house to whom was referred the bill entitled "an act laying an embargo," &c. be discharged from the further consideration thereof, and after debate on the said motion, the question was taken thereupon, and passed in the negative.
The house according to the order of the day resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the said bill, and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Masters reported that the committee had according to order had the said bill under consideration, and directed him to ask leave to sit again.
Resolved, That this house will on Monday morning again resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the bill entitled "an act laying an embargo," &c. And then the house adjourned until Monday morning 11 o'clock.
Monday, December 21.
The house, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole

house on the bill from the senate, entitled "an act laying an embargo," &c. and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Masters reported that the committee had according to order had the said bill under consideration, and directed him to report the same to the house, with several amendments, which he delivered in at the clerk's table, where the same were twice read, and on the question severally put thereupon, agreed to by the house.
A motion being made by Mr. Crowninshield and seconded, to amend the amendment reported by the committee of the whole house, by striking out the words "letters of marque excepted," and the word "retained" in the 12th line, and insert the word "relaxed," whereupon it was resolved in the affirmative.
Ordered, That the said bill, with the amendments, be read a third time this day.
Whereupon the question was stated, that the bill sent from the senate, entitled "an act laying an embargo," &c. together with the amendments agreed to do pass.
A motion being made by Mr. Quincy and seconded to amend the said bill by adding a new section thereto, in the words following: And be it further enacted , That nothing in this act shall be construed to prohibit the sailing of any ship or vessel duly enrolled or licensed for carrying on the fisheries with the usual tackle, apparel, and supplies customary on a fishing voyage: Provided , that bond with sufficient security be previously given that such ship or vessel shall not directly or indirectly carry on any commerce whatsoever during the voyage, and shall return with her fishing fare to some port or place within the United States. And on the question thereupon it passed in the negative—Ayes 45, Nays 52.
Yea—Messrs. W. Alston, Bacon, Barker, Carlton, Champion, Chandler, Chittenden, Cook, Crowninshield, Culpepper, Cutts, Dana, Davenport, Deane, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Gardenier, Gardner, Green, Hoge, Humphreys, Isley, Kirkpatrick, Knight, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Lyon, Marion, Jer. Morrow, Mosely, Pitken, Quincy, Russell, Seaver, Stedman, Sturges, Saggart, Talimadge, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Rensselaer, Wilbour.—45.
Nays—Messrs. L. J. Alston, Bard, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, J. Campbell, M. Clay, Clopton, Cobb, Dawson, Desha, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Garnett, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Gray, Harris, Heister, Helms, Howard, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Key, Love, Macon, Masters, McCreery, Milner, J. Montgomery, N. L. Moore, T. Moore, Jno. Morrow, Mumford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Randolph, Rea of Penn. Rhea of Ten. J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Rowan, Sawyer, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, S. Smith, Jno. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Storer, Swart, Taylor, Thompson, Trigg, Troup, Van Horne, Wharton, Whitehill, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Witherell.—52.
On motion of Mr. Gardenier and seconded that the doors be now opened, that the injunction of secrecy imposed on the members of this house respecting the bill now before them be taken off, and that all further proceedings relative to the said bill be had with open doors: and the question being put thereon, it passed in the negative—Ayes 36, Nays 92.
Yea—Messrs. L. J. Alston, J. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Elliot, Ely, Gardenier, Garnett, Goldsborough, Gray, Hoge, Kelly, Key, Kirkpatrick, Livermore, Lyon, Macon, Mosely, Pitken, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, Russell, Smelt, S. Smith, Stedman, Sturges, Taggart, Talimadge, Upham, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer.—36.
Nays—Messrs. W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Carlton, Chandler, M. Clay, Clopton, Cobb, Cook, Crowninshield, Cutts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Durell, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gardner, Goodwyn, Green, Harris, Heister, Helms, Holland, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Knight, Lambert, Love, Marion, Masters, McCreery, Milner, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Mumford, Nelson, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rea of Penn. Rhea of Ten. J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Sawyer, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Jno. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Storer, Swart, Taylor, Thomas, Thompson, Trigg, Troup, Van Cortlandt, Wharton, Whitehill, 92.
On motion of Mr. Mumford and seconded, to amend the first section of the bill, by inserting after the word "laid" the words "for and during the term of 60 days," and the question being put thereupon, it passed in the negative—Ayes 40, Nays 82.
On motion of Mr. Quincy, and seconded, to amend the said bill by adding a new section thereto in the following words: "And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act shall be construed to contravene any rights or privileges arising out of any treaty or treaties between any foreign nation and the United States, the question being taken thereupon, it passed in the negative, Ayes 52—Nays 75.
On motion of Mr. Gardenier, and seconded, that the house now adjourn; the question being taken thereupon, it passed in the negative—Ayes 40—Nays 81.
The question again recurring on the bill with the amendments, whereupon the question was stated, that the said bill with the amendments do pass, it was resolved in the affirmative, as stated in our last.
Ordered, That the clerk of this house do carry the said bill, as amended to the senate, and desire their concurrence.
And the house adjourned until 11 o'clock to-morrow morning.
TUESDAY, December 22. A message from the Senate by Mr. Otis their Secretary:
"Mr. Speaker, the Senate have agreed to the amendments made by the house to the bill entitled, "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States:" and then he withdrew,
Mr. Bacon from the joint committee for enrolled bills, reported that the committee had examined an enrolled bill, entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and had found the same to be
truly enrolled: Whereupon Mr. Speaker signed the said enrolled bill.
Mr. Bacon from the committee also reported that the committee had presented to the President of the U. States for his approbation of the enrolled bill, before mentioned.
A message from the senate by Mr. Otis their secretary:
"Mr. Speaker: The President of the United States has approved and signed an act which originated in the senate entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States:" and then he withdrew.
On motion of Mr. Rowan and seconded, that the house do come to the following resolution:
Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy attached to the passage of a bill imposing or laying an embargo on the vessels within our ports and harbours be taken off, and that the secret journal relative to that subject be published.
A division of the question was called for by Mr. Bibb, and
On the question that the House do agree to the first member of the said resolution contained in the words following, to wit:
Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy attached to the passage of a bill imposing or laying an embargo on the vessels within our ports and harbours be taken off.
It was resolved in the affirmative. The question was then taken that the House do agree to the second member of the said resolution contained in the words following, (to wit:) "and that the secret journal on that subject be published." And resolved in the affirmative.
WEDNESDAY, December 23. The House was almost exclusively engaged on the report of the committee of elections on the contested election of Mr. McCreery, on which no final decision was made.
THURSDAY, December 24. After much debate, the definitive vote was taken in the case of Mr. McCreery, and the following resolution adopted—yeas 89—nays 18.
Resolved, That William McCreery is entitled to his seat in this house.
(No other business of importance was transacted these days. A detailed statement in our next.)
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 1, 1808.
While it is our principle, and will ever be our practice, to express ourselves freely upon all political subjects, which may involve the honour, independence, and interests of our country, we shall at the same time make it a part of our duty to submit to our readers opinions in opposition to our own, with which latter view principally, we republish in this day's paper from the National Intelligencer, a second exposition of the motives which have produced the Embargo.
A review of our remarks in the last Ledger, has made us sensible of what we have but two often experienced. The rapid manner in which editorial articles are frequently from necessity written, subjects them to a greater want of perspicuity than would naturally occur. Hence we feel that it may be imputed to us, that under any circumstance we should be opposed to an embargo. We wish to be distinctly understood, when we say that it is not the measure, but the ostensible motive which has produced it, that we object to.
We clearly understand, that as France has determined to enforce (or rather to threaten to enforce) the decree of the 21st November, 1806, it is apprehended by our government that Great-Britain (if she already has not) certainly will retaliate, by declaring France and her dependencies in blockade, and that therefore we were driven from necessity to the measure. We candidly believe, that Great-Britain will take the step which is contemplated, perceiving that the United States would take no measure to oppose this decree. Here we meet the question, and feel no hesitation to say, that putting our disputes with Great-Britain out of the question, our government without necessity has imposed on the people of this country a measure calculated to produce mischiefs and evils, which we tremble even to think of, and which we fear will be greater than we can even imagine.
Whatever indignation this decree of Buonaparte's has always excited in our mind, we have always believed that his determination to execute it (as far as he was able) would, instead of injury, produce positive benefit to our commerce, provided it was met in a proper manner on our part. For years past our commerce has been exposed to piratical depredations from small French vessels, that deserve not the name of armed vessels, yet were sufficiently so, to capture those who were without any means of defence. The mischief done to the commerce of the United States by vessels of this description is more extensive than can be imagined by those who have not examined the subject: A capture of this sort is attended with certain and total loss, because the American citizen is without redress, from the insufficiency of these pirates to make compensation, whereas in many instances of capture by the publick ships of England, the injured party finds redress by appeal, and a chance is always afforded of obtaining it by negotiation, as was the case in Mr. Jay's treaty by which the citizens of this country obtained not less than six millions of dollars. If the French government therefore had determined to include American vessels in this decree, our government had nothing to do but to grant convoys, and allow our merchant vessels to arm, which would at once have rescued them from the pirates we have described.—Our commerce would have been infinitely more se-
cure than it has been since the present war. That which has happened under circumstances less favourable, might have been expected to occur again, under those more favourable. During the former war, France, in violation of another treaty with us, took some severe measures against our commerce, and her cruizers were committing extensive depredations on it in every sea. After fruitless, and we are sorry to add, humiliating efforts to obtain redress by appealing to her justice, our government determined to defend itself, the immediate consequence of which was security to our commerce, and unequalled prosperity. Before that, insurance, which had been at 25 per cent. fell in a few months to 5 per cent. At that time France had a powerful marine, the fatal battles of St. Vincent, Aboukir, Trafalgar, St. Domingo, with many others of minor note, had not been fought, France was not, as she now is, annihilated from the ocean. The federal administration of that day, did not contemplate a policy, which whatever effect it might produce on others, was certain to bring down ruin upon ourselves.
The considerations which we have stated, forcing themselves irresistibly upon our mind, we cannot prevail upon ourselves to believe that the decree of the Emperor Napoleon, has had in reality any more effect in producing the embargo, than a similar decree of the Emperor of China would have had.
We shall bestow a few remarks upon this second exposition, the writer of which appears to know, (or if he does know, attempts to deceive,) but little of the internal commerce of our country. The writer says by way of consolation to the farmer and planter "the crops of the last autumn will to a great extent have already found a market." Heaven defend us, that the people of this country are to submit to such insults on their understandings!
Let us examine our principal productions. Indian corn, of this not one bushel of the last crop has yet been shipped, the season for shipping that article and wheat not having arrived, and with the exception of a few small parcels of flour to the West-Indies, nearly the whole of the crop of wheat, as well as the entire crop of Indian corn is in the country. Salted provisions—the beef has perhaps been put up about two months, from the discouraging markets in the West-Indies, occasioned by the arrival of the Cork fleet, but little has been shipped off; the pork is not yet salted. Tobacco—our grand staple, every one knows, that not one hogshead of the last crop has been shipped, the season for shipping it commencing about the middle of May. We are not conversant in the rice and cotton crops, but believe that they are both, particularly the latter now in the country. Thus instead of nearly the whole of the last crop having found a market, it turns out that of most of the articles the whole is on hand, and of others nearly the whole. And shall such ignorance, or what is worse deception, claim the confidence of the people, and shall he who raises his voice to expose it, be branded as an enemy to his country?
The next thing we notice is the conquest of Canada and Nova Scotia in the event of a war with Britain, for it is evident a war with no other nation is contemplated, and which our readers will no doubt attend to; the writer in his zeal was put off his guard. Of our means to make these conquests, we shall bestow some notice hereafter; at present we shall only observe, that we hope the blood of our countrymen will never be shed in attaining what would prove a curse when attained. It requires all our gravity to be serious, when we hear men bluster, and talk of conquering a hardy and numerous people, aided by veteran legions, who have suffered the feeble Spaniard to invade and retain for years a part of the territory of the United States.
We shall dismiss this expose from further notice at present, leaving the writer to the enjoyment of that pleasure which he appears to contemplate in the ruin of the mercantile world.
It was not our intention to have noticed a circumstance of some embarrassment in regard to Mr. Rose, the British Envoy, but as we find impressions have been made, which in the present moment excite unnecessary alarm, we deem it our duty to state what has occurred, as far as we are informed.
On the arrival of the Statira, the British Consul addressed letters to the Collector of this Port, the naval and civil authorities, informing them of the arrival of this ship, and that Mr. Rose, the Envoy extraordinary from Great Britain was on board, desiring to know if this ship would be received in the United States, with the same hospitality, that the ships of any other nation in amity with the United States would be received. Our readers will recollect that altho' the act of Congress and the President's proclamation contain provisions in favour of British ships of war coming with dispatches, in distress, &c. they are nevertheless subjected to some other regulations as to supplies, stay, and intercourse. On these latter points explanation, we presume, was required. The Collector whose province it is, answered that every attention in his power, consistent with his duty, should be shewed to this ship, at the same time that he was not authorized to make any exceptions to the Statira particularly. Mr. Rose has been, we believe, perfectly satisfied with the politeness of the Collector and the other gentlemen applied to, at the same time for reasons that we are not acquainted with, has thought proper to remain on board until advices are received from Washington. This affair
which has an unpleasant aspect, will be attended with no other publick inconvenience than what may arise from the delay to the Minister at this juncture. It is presumed that every difficulty will be removed, and we have no doubt that the omission of the government has been accidental. The Statira was expected at Annapolis, where it is probable the necessary orders are lodged.
On Wednesday last a British ship of war, anchored in the Bay, which we are sorry for, and must confess that such a step is highly improper at this moment. There can be no object in view now, the French ships having departed, we therefore feel, in common with every American, this act, as an insult upon the government of our country, as the ship is not stated to be in distress.
We take pleasure in putting upon our files, the handsome display of talents in the legislature of a sister state, contained in the speeches of Messrs. Gaston and Henderson, commenced in our first page.
After our paper went to press, and a part of the impression was worked off, we were informed that the British ship in the Bay was the Triumph, Sir Thomas Hardy, and that she went to sea again yesterday, having called, as we are further informed, for dispatches by the Statira.
MARRIED on Wednesday evening, by the Rev'd. Mr. Grigsby, Doct. ROBERT HOLMES of Petersburg, to Miss LOUISA MAXWELL, of this Borough.
BY JAMES TAYLOR, Jun. To-Morrow the 2d instant, at eleven o'clock, at the New-Market for ready money, 30 hogsheds Jamaica RUM, 2 do. Molasses, 33 bags Pimento, 24 do. Ginger—part of the cargo of the brig Thetis, of New York, George W. Burbank, master, on a voyage from Kingston, Jam. to New-York, sold to pay for repairs. At the same place, 6 hlds. Sugar; 6000 bushels Lisbon Salt, in lots to suit purchasers—CASH. January 1.
For SALE, A likely Negro GIRL, about 16 years of age, has been brought up in the house, and sold for no fault. Apply to the printer. January 1. 3
REMOVAL. The Subscriber has removed to the large Fire-Proof Ware-House at the head of Maxwell's wharf, in Wide Water Street, where he offers for SALE, 7 pipes Country GIN, 20 barrels Whiskey. 30 do. N. E. Rum, 15 hds. do. do. 50 do. Mackerel, 30 do. Shad, 150 kegs Salmon, 150 kegs Tongues and Sausages, 50 boxes Soap, 60 boxes Mould Candles, 50 do. Spermaceti do. 25 do. Chocolate, 20 do. assorted Cotton Cards, 4 chests Hyson Tea, 150 reams Writing Paper, 1 case Diapers, 150 sacks Liverpool Salt, 7 tons assorted Swedish Iron, 50 bundles Nail Rods, A quantity of coarse Woollen Goods—low for Cash. Edward Clark. Who transacts business on Commission, as usual. Jan. 1.
The copartnership of ROBERT MAITLAND, & Co. expires this day—ROBERT MAITLAND is fully authorised to adjust the concern. Robert Maitland, J. Lenox & William Maitland. December 31. 3
LOST, On the 30th December last, between the end of Maxwell's wharf, and the Store of Wm. Plume, & Co. a BAG, containing TWO HUNDRED AND FORTY DOLLARS in Silver; also a POCKET BOOK, containing a Bank Note of Ten Dollars, and sundry other papers—Any person finding the same, shall be rewarded with FIFTY DOLLARS, and no questions asked, by leaving them at this Office. January 1. 3*
NOTICE. There will be a Charitable Sermon preached in the Episcopal Church on Sunday morning next, by the Rev. Thomas Davis, for the benefit of the Children under the care of the Female Charitable Society. The solicitors for some time past have declined making personal application for fear of being troublesome, although the number of distressed Orphans under their care have increased—they flatter themselves, on this occasion, to receive from a generous publick a sufficient supply to answer their present demands. Mary Chandler, Sec'y. December 30.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2d lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 1d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d Sheathing, 7 1-2d 6d. Sprigs, 4s. 6d per M. 6d. do. 2s. 9d 2d. and 3d. do. 2s. 3d He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
Phoenix Fire-Office. The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals herewith subjoined. N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8. 157
NORFOLK BLUES, You are desired to attend a Muster on Saturday afternoon, at 4 o'clock, on the usual parade ground. Dec. 30.

St. Mary's College.
GRAND LOTTERY,
BALTIMORE.
Authorized by the General Assembly of the State of Maryland; the Scheme of which Lottery is the most brilliant ever offered to the citizens of the United States, containing besides a large number of other good prizes,
 1 prize of - - - 30,000 Dollars,  1 do. of - - - 15,000  3 do. of - - - 10,000  2 do. of - - - 5,000  8 do. of - - - 1 500  7 do. of - - - 1,000 
Not two blanks to a prize, and the lowest prize twelve dollars. The Scheme contains only 21,500 Tickets; 10,000 of which are actually sold to a company of gentlemen in New-York, to whom the managers have obligated themselves to commence the drawing in the City of Baltimore, on THURSDAY, the 31st day of December next, and to draw 500 tickets per day.
Tickets and Shares are now selling in a variety of numbers, and very rapidly at Ten Dollars and an half each, for a very short time, at G. & R. WAITE'S truly Estimate Lottery Office, corner of Market-Street and Charles-Street, Baltimore.
The grandeur of the Scheme of the above Lottery, together with an assurance from the managers that it will positively commence drawing on the 31st day of December next, have been a sufficient inducement for the subscribers to come to the city of Baltimore, for the express purpose of facilitating the sale of the Tickets.
G. & R. Waite.
One of the above firm will personally attend the drawing daily to take down the numbers correctly, as will also one of their clerks.
The next New-York Lottery will not commence drawing till April next. Tickets of which Lottery may be had at Waite's Offices, in Maiden Lane, New-York.
N. B. Distant adventurers accompanying their orders with Bank Notes of any description, to either of Waite's Offices in Baltimore or New-York, may have Tickets and Shares forwarded to any amount with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent them of their success. All prizes sold by G. & R. Waite will be paid by them. A list of all prizes drawn will be sent to the Printer of this Paper, for the inspection of adventurers.
October 14. 3m
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary , from New-York,
 17 hhds. first quality SUGARS,  54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection,  70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hhds. double refined Sugar,  5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper,  2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-Street to William Hull, Jun. 
October 16. tf
Just got to Hand.
22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash.
George Wilson.
Nov. 18. tf
For SALE, or will be bartered for Staves, Corn, or Flour,
5000 bushels Liverpool SALT, loose and in sacks, 1 ton Shot, assorted; 2 ton German Steel. James Young.
November 13. tf
For SALE, by the Subscriber,
 34 hogsheads WHISKEY,  50 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do.  65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass,  16 groce Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castile Soap,  1 hogshead and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar,  10 hhds. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York River Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton,  38 whole and 9 half tiers Rice. 
A. Maclure.
November 13. tf
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk , Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn,
 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET,  96 casks Roll Brimstone,  100 boxes Castile Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron,  5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black,  8 hhds. shelled Almonds,  100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks,  100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each,  3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. 
October 12. tf
For SALE,
2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc. Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25. tf
A. M'KINLEY, Silk, Cotton, and Woollen Dyer, No. 13, Bank-Street.
Respectfully informs the publick that he Cleans and Dyes all kinds of Silk and Sattins, finishing them with neatness and dispatch; all kind of Gentlemen's Clothes cleaned and dyed; best standing blue upon Cotton, Linen, Carpets, and Blankets; Cleaned Straw and Chip Hats dyed, dressed, &c. &c.—All commands will be thankfully received, executed on the short notice and on the lowest terms. November 30. tf
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of
Groceries and Ship Chandlery,
 Among which are  14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR,  1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do.  6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum,  3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hhds. and 6 bbls. Rye Whiskey,  4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 hds. Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas,  Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs,  Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines,  London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese,  Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods,  German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine,  Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish,  Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. 
 Also just received,  20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues,  20 kgs. Tongues and Sounds, 40 kgs. and 2 bbls. Salmon,  5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants,  10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies,  6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers,  80 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles,  80 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. 
John D. Haldane.
July 31. tf
For RENT,
And possession given the 1st of Jan. next, that commodious three story brick DWELLING HOUSE in Church-street, at present occupied by Mr. Barth. Redman. And a convenient two story DWELLING HOUSE, with a fine extensive garden, in the Fields near Smith's Point, at present occupied by Mr. Stratton, possession of which may be had the 1st of January—Application to be made to Wm. Plumbe & Co.
Nov. 18. tf
SAMUEL COLEMAN,
Opposite the Market, (westward) offers for Sale, Warranted New-York SHOES, and
will return the money when Shoes are bought upon his particular recommendation, if they should not wear well. He thinks he has exerted himself as much to get the best and handsomest Shoes and Boots of the manufacture of the United States as any man in them, and has the assurance of the manufacturers in New-York, Philadelphia, Newark, and Baltimore, where the Shoes and Boots are made purposely for this market, that they shall be in all cases customers' work; and the report of a great number of those who have purchased Shoes, confirms their being so.
He has now on hand, A general assortment of fresh New-York SHOES. For Ladies there are a variety of new Kid Patterns; Velvet Slippers, different colours, neat workmanship; of Silk & Tabby Velvet; Morocco Boots, Bootees, and Walking Shoes, to tie and not to tie, with cork soles and without, &c. For gentlemen, Bollen's well known stout and light fine seal leather Shoes and Morocco Pumps, with several other kinds; For Misses, a variety of Morocco and Leather. For Boys, very fine for dancing, common, strong, lined and bound, and coarse. For Children, Morocco Bootees, different colours, sized from 3 to 1, leather Pumps, Shoes and Bootees; and for Servants, such as appear to be of very superior quality. There is attached to the Store a very comfortable back room, where Ladies may retire for the purpose of trying on Shoes or Boots.
He has a great variety of English Kid Shoes, some of which having been long on hand, will be sold at 7. 6d.; and a quantity of the most fashionable Embellishments, quite fresh at reduced prices.
He has on hand,
SHOES made by a very faithful workman in this vicinity, of the best wax-leather, in a shape to suit old gentlemen, with which he will be regularly supplied.
Vernon's elegant Baltimore BOOTS, kept in such quantity as to give a probability of fitting any person; sold at the prices in Baltimore.
New-York Pilots' BOOTS, an improvement upon the plan of Fishermens' Boots.
A considerable quantity of Boston SHOES and BOOTS, kept for the purpose of supplying those who must have what they think cheap, not appearing to know, that the best things, are generally, cheapest; these will be sold low.
He is in expectation of a quantity of the most elegant Philadelphia KID SLIPPERS, by the first vessel.
With due encouragement, he is perfectly confident he can supply handsomer and better Shoes and Boots, than has been furnished by any person in this place heretofore; and if better, ultimately cheaper—but without it, it is impossible to keep a good assortment.
He has also,
A quantity of India COTTONS; a few tons of BAR IRON; and Pennsylvania BUTTER in small kegs, nicely pickled, at 20 cents.
Just received by Ferguson's Packet from Baltimore, a fresh supply of Vernon's Winter BOOTS.
November 27. tf
GERMAN LINENS, &c.
 16 bales coarse Linen,  40 pieces Paper Hangings,  3 boxes German Rolls,  80 boxes Window Glass,  2 do. Rouans Sheeting,  100 do. Short Pipes,  1 do. fine Flanders do.  120 do. Spanish Segars,  3 do. Plaillass,  from 8 to 20 dollars, per box,  1 do. fine Dowlas,  900 doz. empty Bottles,  2 do. Table Cloth,  500 wt. nealed bottling Wire,  1 do. common Shirt Linen,  800 do. Glue,  1 do. extra fine do.  11,000 best Coffee bags,  1 do. Bed Tick 2 yards wide,  4,500 cheap Gunny Bags,  5 boxes Tumblers, Decanters, &c. 
 Also,  6 elegant Terrestrial Globes,  3 pair large Looking Glasses,  in gilt frames, of the first elegance,  Elegant marble Statues, Urns and Vases,  Liquor Cafes, Oil Cloth, Water and Waffle Irons,  Coffee Mills and Toasters, Velvet Ribbons,  Fine Thread Stockings, Elegant Cutlery,  An invoice of Watches, Watch Crystals and Beads,  A large invoice of Lace, Jewellery and Dice, Elegant Chessmen, Flageolets and Clarinets, Violins, Bows, and Fifes, Flutes with four and six keys, do. patent lined, Ladies' Dressing Boxes, Toilet Looking Glasses, Shaving Cafes, Elegant Writing Decks, Scarlet Plush for Saddles, Seine and Sewing Twine. For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. 
September 11. tf
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street,
 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM,  30 hhds. and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin,  8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles,  9 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales fringed Blankets,  3 bales Blue Duffs; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains,  2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts,  54 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Heffans,  1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. 
October 24. tf
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter ,
An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality.
 Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre,  Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters,  Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap,  Evans's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. 
They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries.
MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. tf
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter , and Nabby, from Liverpool, their
Fall and Winter GOODS.
The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths, Calfmans, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; Ladies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Children's beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epaulets; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin for dresses; Callicoes, Chambrays, and Ginghams; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cottons; strong white Plains; mixed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plains; Dimities and Marseilles; 4-4 Irish Linens; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheeting; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c.
The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper. September 23. tf
For RENT,
That commodious Dwelling-House, adjoining the Subscriber's, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes;—also a convenient Dwelling-House near the Bridge, adjoining Mrs. Archer's, at present occupied by Mr. Nicholson;—also that pleasant retired House on Brewer-street, occupied by Stephen Harris; and some Ware-Houses on my wharf, with or without the wharf. For further particulars apply to James Tucker.
October 12. tf
For SALE, 5 cases only of superior PIGEON-EYE CHAMPAIGN. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Dec. 16. tf
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS,
 Among which are  Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Navy Buttons; fashionable Crat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambric Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woollens. 
They have also on hand a general and extensive assortment of WOOLLEN GOODS.
Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c.
On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; Ladies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats.
The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for CASH, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11. tf
Baltimore Baker's FLOUR, of superior quality, for family use, for sale by T. & W. A. Armistead, Nov. 18. tf Campbell's wharf
The Subscriber offers for Sale at his Store in Market-Square,
20 hogsheads W. I. RUM, 10 pipes Cognac Brandy; 5 do. Country Gin, Sugar—Brown and Loaf, by the barrel or hogshead, Tea—Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson—Also,
A parcel of DRY GOODS, Consisting of Woollens, Callicoes, Hats, and Hardware. In addition to the above, he intends keeping a constant supply of
PORK and BEEF. Bread—Pilot, Navy, and Ship, of the first quality—Families may be supplied with small quantities of Pilot Bread, of a superior quality. Cordage of any size or description for negotiable notes or West-India produce. Any orders for the above articles, will be complied with at the shortest notice. Cary Selden. Nov. 23. tf
Norfolk Drawbridge Company.
An annual meeting of the Stockholders in the Norfolk Drawbridge Company, will be held at the Exchange Coffee-House on Monday the 11th of next month, at 10 o'clock. William Cammack, Treasurer. December 14. tdm
For RENT, That commodious Dwelling-House on Catharine-Street, now in the occupancy of John D. Haldane—possession to be had the 1st day of January next ensuing—Terms made known by application to John Camp. December 11. tf
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do., 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4. tf
For SALE, 50,000 white oak hogshead drawr Staves 50,000 red do. 50,000 rough do. 20,000 Cypress Pales 2,000 Cedar and Chinquepin Posts 50,000 building Shingles. Proby, Harmanson & Co. March 2. tf
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune , captain Norton, from Tenerife, 100 pipes and 90 hhds. L. P. Tenc-rifle WINE, of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. September 28. tf
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the ship Courtesy , capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. Who has on hand, Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16. tf
Landing from the ship Planter , and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A PARCEL OF Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf
NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceased, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admrx. December 9. tf
WANTED for the ship Sheffield , A CARPENTER; also, two young LADS, from 14 to 15 years of age, as apprentices, not to go in the cabin or to cook. Apply to Josiah Cowper. December 9. tf
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
Just received and for sale by the subscriber, from New-York,
 4 half pipes 8 qr. casks old London particular Madeira WINE; 20 dozen Old Port do.  20 kgs. Beef Tongues; 50 kgs. Salmon; 50 do. Mackerel,  50 do. Tongues and Sounds; 20 do. Lard,  20 bbls. Whiskey; 10 hhds. N. E. Rum; 100 boxes Candles.  Also—100 barrels Flour a-float. 
CARY SELDEN. December 2. tf
German Winter GOODS.
 65 dozen Men's Thick Filled Stockings,  40 do. Children's do. do.  50 do. Men's half do. do.  110 do. Mens' and Boys' Gloves,  25 do. do. Caps and Mitts,  25 do. do. Traveling Socks,  10 do. Ladies' House Socks—Just received and for sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. 
November 20. tf
For SALE, 80 hhds. choice retailing Molasses, 34 tiers Currants; 20 kgs. Capers, in very fine order. James Young. November 11. tf
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store,
Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13. tf
For RENT, The DWELLING-HOUSE on Granby-street, belonging to captain Vickery, in xt door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of January next. For terms apply to Alexander Wilson. December 18. tf
New Mode of Swindling.
Two Hundred Dollars Reward For apprehending the chief actor, RICHARD HARDEN,
Late of Pratt-street, in the city of Baltimore, Grocer, who left said city on or about the 24th day of October last. The publick would confer an obligation on a person from whom he purchased a large quantity of goods, which together with others purchased from different persons, he sold to many others, chiefly to a Mr. Shawway, to whom he sold upwards of 600 dollars worth; (Shawway had been his clerk), and likewise on whom he prevailed to endorse notes to a considerable amount, if they would forward a few lines, mentioning where he may be found, to E. F. care of the Editor of the Federal Gazette. The said R. Harden is about 28 years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, stout figure, black complexion, a mark on his jaw like that of an evil, down look, and is a tailor by trade. When in Baltimore he was dressed in black, with a cape on his hat; he seems to have a general knowledge of business, and of the country; is a native of New-England. He formerly lived in Charleston, S. C. and in Newbern, N. C. The person he has taken in as above stated, is a man with a large family, from whom he has taken nearly the whole means of support for them and himself, and thereby claims the assistance of the publick in detecting him. Should the person giving information (so that he can be arrested) require it, the above reward will be given by the writer of this, who may be known on an application to the Editor of the Baltimore Federal Gazette; and his name never be mentioned. N. B. It is supposed that Harden has gone to New-York, followed by several of his associates, at which place he will probably resume a trade to which he is no stranger. December 16. 4t
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Bridge MILL,
newly fitted up to run two pair of stones—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never failing stream: although she works at present only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abundant supply for ten pair—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's Mills) about two miles farther, now in complete order, running one pair of stones and two faws—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not superior to any in that part of the country—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently believes, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia.—Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any number of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5. tf
Received per schooner Traveller , from Boston, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18. tf
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 bags Coffee, 5 tiers do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks old Sherry Wine, 2 hhds old L. P. Madeira do. 3 hhds. Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hhds and pipes—For Sale by Phinehas Dana. June 8. tf
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5. tf
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 20, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
A few barrels and half barrels of superior quality FLOUR, suitable for family use. For sale by A. Maclure. Nov. 30. tf
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS,AVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.