The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg [Va.]), 1776-04-27 00:00:00

VIRGINIA
THE
GAZETTE.
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BOTH FOREIGN AND DOMESTICK.
IN CIVITATE LIBERA LINGUAM MENTEMQUE
LIBERAS ESSE DEBEKE.---Suet. in TIB. S. 28.
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And WILLIAM HUNTER.
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WILLIAMSBURG, APRIL 23, 1776.
AS GENERAL LEE must, in a great Measure, regulate the Motions of the Continental Troops under his Command, according to the internal Force of the Colony, the Committees of the different Counties are requested to send into Head Quarters a Return of their Minute-Men, with the State and Condition of their Arms.
From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL.
Mess. BRADFORDS,
HE manufacture of saltpetre has for many months past been an object of great attention among the inhabitants of the United Colonies. The necessity of manufacturing our own ammunition, and the many advantages that must arise from producing its chief ingredients among us, has induced many communities and private persons to make experiments, and publish to the colonies their process and success. Nothing perhaps has so much retarded the growth of this manufacture among families and planters (who have so great advantages for carrying it on) as the want of the description of the most simple and successful process: For the benefit, therefore, of those who have a disposition to serve themselves and their oppressed country, by making saltpetre, the following method is again published, and offers itself to the attention and practice of all Americans with the strongest of all recommendation, indisputable success. Many persons had laboured in vain to extract saltpetre from those earths, which all description determined to be impregnated with it, and others produced it in such small quantities as to discourage their proceeding; but it is incontestably evident, that immediately after the publication of the following method, that great numbers, by practising it, produced saltpetre from the same kind of earth from which before they could extract none. Large quantities in many of the towns of New England have been made during the season of the winter, from such earth as they could collect in that season. Public works are erected, and private families in great numbers find success from this simple method. It is hoped, therefore, that all who have convenience will immediately set about it, and communicate the knowledge of this method to those who otherwise would not be informed of it. The whole method, as drawn up by the author, is published for the satisfaction of the judicious, but it may easily be abridged for the benefit of those who will not inquire into the reason of it. The publisher hereof hath no predilection to this method from any other motive than the very great and unfeigned success that has attended it. If any person has discovered a method more simple, successful, or profitable, their love to the American cause will induce them to communicate it. To suppose the above method will admit of no improvements, would be inconsistent with the design of the publication. If the principle upon which it is founded be the true one, there may be many better methods of applying it. It is only wished that this method may be used till experiment (that touchstone of natural philosophy) has ascertained a better one.
The committee for propagating the manufacturing of saltpetre, in the colony of Massachusetts Bay, having been so happy as to discover an easy, simple, and successful method of making that article with earth from under old buildings, are sufficiently warranted (from their own experience) to recommend the following process as easy and infallible.
The subscriber has himself assisted in making fifty weight of good saltpetre in five days by this method, and that from forty bushels of earth only, taken from under one old house; and I know of no person who has tried the following method, but what have had nearly the same success; and whoever tries the experiment will meet with success greatly to his satisfaction, provided his earth be good. For that purpose take earth from under any old building (whether meeting-house, dwelling-house, barn, stable, or other building) where the earth has been long covered from the weather; dig not above six or eight inches deep, and a little experience will teach you to choose that which is loose, light, and crumbly, and has a bitterish or sourish allum-like taste upon the tongue; light sandy or loamy earth, such as water easily penetrates, works the kindest. Fill your leech tubs with those earths, observing to run all your liquor through three leeches, one after another, before you bail it, pouring water on the second and third leeches, until all the nitre is extracted, which you must judge of by the taste. When you have collected a sufficient quantity of this liquor for boiling, you must also have in readiness a quantity of common lie drawn from ashes, of the strength of gallons of lie drawn from a bushel of ashes; mix these together (in a proper vessel) in the proportion of three to one of the latter, and you will immediately turbidness to arise, and the liquor to look like new milk; let it stand quiet a few hours, and an earthen sediment to the bottom, leaving the liquor clear; remove this (carefully from the sediment) into your kettle, either by pouring it off at a tap three or four inches from the bottom of the tub, or by carefully dipping it off as you please; let this liquor until you find (by setting a little in a cool place) it shoots pretty full of chrysalis, then dip it out into a tub, and let it stand one or two hours to settle, then pour it off into a tub previously wet with cold water, and set them in a hot oven, and in 24 hours you may pour off the liquor from the chrysalis; the liquor you pour off (called the mother of saltpetre) you may either boil down again until it will chrysalis,
or (which is less trouble) you may mix it with your next liquor while it is settling. If you have a mind for a large crop from one boiling, you may continue to fill the kettle you intend to boil off in with hot liquor from your other kettle, and that with cold liquor from your settling tub until you think proper to bail off, observing all other directions as above, except you observe the liquor to look of a darkish colour; in that case dip it out into your settling tub, and after a proper time pour it off from the sediments into your kettle, and boil it down and chrysalis as above. It was in this way that I made fifty weight in five days. If you carefully observe the foregoing directions, your first chrysalis will be so clean, that (for further clarifying) they will need only to be put into a clean kettle; cover them about two inches with pure water; raise the heat until they are dissolved; remove them from the fire; let them stand about fifteen minutes to settle; pour it again into your coolers, and set it aside; when it will again shoot into chrysalis. The liquor you pour off you may boil down and chrysalis again and again, until all the water is evaporated. This method of clarifying saltpetre is very easy; and if you find once doing it not sufficient to render your saltpetre pure, you may repeat it as often as you please, and your saltpetre will lose nothing but its filth; and I think this method preferable to that hazardous one of fluxing the saltpetre with a vehement fire.
I have met with several Gentlemen who object to the foregoing method, on account of the large proportion of alkaline lie made use of. Supposing that the saltpetre, thus produced, may contain so much of the alkaline salt as to render it unfit for the important purpose for which it is designed: Therefore, lest this opinion should so far prevail as to prevent people from entering fully into the practice of this successful method, let it be observed, that nitre (properly so called) is a spirituous fluid matter, and will never become solid until it is fixed to, and blended with, some other substance, which must serve it as a basis, and becomes the cause of its solidity; and when it is imbibed by the above earths, it adheres to and becomes intimately blended with certain articles, which is called its terreous basis; and the only secret in making saltpetre (from these earths) consists in separating from the nitre this terreous basis, and in furnishing it with a vegetable alkaline basis; and thus is formed that neutral salt called saltpetre. This separation and addition is performed by mixing the two lies as above mentioned, upon which mixing, the nitre (having a greater fondness for the alkaline salts than for its former earthy basis) instantaneously forsakes its terreous basis, and unites with the alkaline salts, and this earthy matter (being thus forsaken of the nitre) subsides to the bottom of the vessel, in form of a light earthy substance; and when this separation is thus performed, there is nothing more needful but to concentrate the nitre, by evaporating the water to a proper degree, and (without the least difficulty) the whole of the nitre will shoot into saltpetre chrysalis, provided the lie had sufficiently furnished it with an alkaline basis; for it is absolutely certain that the nitre will forsake its terreous basis, and form into saltpetre as far as it finds this alkaline basis to form upon, and no further; and the want of a sufficient quantity of these alkaline salts has been the sole reason why great numbers of persons have either not been able to reduce their liquor to chrysalis at all, or else their chrysalis have been small in quantity, and very foul. Therefore, should your nitre lie be very strong, you may add one third as much lie instead, of one quarter. Should the proportion be a little overplus, it will not in the least injure your saltpetre. W. WHITING, chairman of the saltpetre committee.
It is evident that the above method relates only to the extracting saltpetre from earth already impregnated; but as that may soon be worked up, it is necessary to search out, and put in practice, the best methods of making compositions of materials the best adapted to produce saltpetre, which, by being properly placed and managed, may be much sooner fit to yield saltpetre than the common earth we find under buildings; this not being in its nature the best adapted, nor the best situated, to collect saltpetre, may be a long time before it is sufficiently impregnated. The method universally recommended seems to be this, viz. Take good earth (the earth from which saltpetre has been extracted is said to be best) dirt from under stables in which dung and urine is mixed, and from under hogsties, dung of fowls, all kind of herbs and weeds, especially the bitter ones, tobacco trash, and any thing that is putrefiable, rubbish of old buildings, sweepings of streets, a proportion of ashes and lime; these, or such of them as can be conveniently got. Let them be worked up together, and moistened well with urine of any sort, or with water if that cannot be got. Let this compost be laid loose in a bed under a shed, or in some place that is defended from the rain, but exposed to a free current of air, and once in a month let it be worked over, and always kept moist with urine or water. This, in a few months, will be rich of saltpetre; but it may be well to try some of it before you determine to work up the whole. The putrefiable matter must be well rotted before it will produce the least effect; and this compost, after the saltpetre is extracted from it, with a small addition of lime and ashes, is more suitable to collect saltpetre again than any new compost. In some places they make the above ingredients into walls or fences, wide enough at bottom to stand, and tapering to 4 or 5 inches on the top, and about 5 feet high, and placed along in rows at a convenient distance to pass between. This method is preferred by some, as a greater surface is exposed to the air, and they do not take so much room as if the same matter was laid in beds; but the top of the wall should be covered with a board, or a straw mat, to prevent the heavy rains from washing them; and the surface of them should be made as loose as may be, to give admission to the air, and should be wet frequently with urine or water. When these walls are found to be sufficiently impregnated (which is supposed to be in 5 or 6 months) the saltpetre is to be extracted as from other earth, either by raking down the whole of the wall, or by scraping off the thickness of an inch from the surfaces of them, and working that up and leaving the remainder of the wall, to be further impregnated. Experience will shew which is best, as it also may lead the careful observer to many conveniencies in making this valuable and necessary article, which as yet are not known.
To the people of PENNSYLVANIA.
LETTER V.
IN my fourth letter some notice was taken of the dangerous proposition held up to us by the author of Common Sense, for having recourse to foreign assistance, and mixing the virtuous cause of these colonies with the ambitious views of France and Spain, even allowing that they are either able, or that we could make it their interest, to enter into a war with Great Britain and her allies, on our account. History will scarce give us an example of any people that ever recurred to an expedient of this kind without having their allies at last for their masters. The fatal consequences of hasty resolutions, in great questions, might be well illustrated by the conduct of the foolish Danes, who, to avenge themselves of their nobility, in one dreadful moment, made an irretrievable surrender of their own liberty, and that of their posterity, into the hands of a tyrant. And, had I been disposed to work upon the passions, rather than address the reason of my readers, the mention which was made in my last, of the arbitrary governments of France and Spain, their bloody massacres and unrelenting persecutions, gave me an opportunity of entering into descriptions which would have "harrowed up the very souls" of Protestants and freemen!
The Administration of Great Britain itself, daring as they seem to be, have not yet dared to recur to the desperate measure of calling in foreign aid. But some of our best friends intimate that an example of this kind, on either side, would justify the like conduct on the other. A great majority of the patriotic freeholders of the county of Berks, in England, nobly supporting our cause before the throne, compliment us upon this, that we have not thrown ourselves into the arms of other powers, and that "our petitions have yet appeared before no throne but that of Britain. Let not England (say they) set an example, which is but too easily copied, by drawing into a free country the insidious and mercenary aid of foreign forces, trained to the support of barbarous despotism. The moment that a great army of such, or of any foreigners, shall enter your territories, the liberties of your people are at an end. Strenuous as we are for the honour of our country, we cannot be forgetful of its peace and concord. It is therefore we abhor the idea of encouraging foreigners to make a prey of this nation and its dependencies, under the miserable and uncovered pretext of countenancing faction and sedition among ourselves."
It is but too reasonable, then, to conclude, that whichever side (Great Britain or America) shall first call in foreign assistance, will but force the other into the same desperate measure. In either case this devoted land would become one field of blood and carnage for a length of years; which, at last, it is to be apprehended, would only be dreadfully closed in our perpetual subjection and slavery to the victorious side, whether allies or foes! It is, indeed, impossible to describe the miseries of that country which is once made the seat of foreign wars. Torn in pieces by contending armies, subjected to the alternate ravages and oppressions of rival powers, the merchant, the farmer, the peasant has nothing to call his own. Even the wife of his bosom, and the daughter of his affection, are not safe from the unholy violence of mercenary soldiery, rioting through every corner of a land not their own, insolent in victory, and barbarous in defeat.
Although we now sadly bleed under the cruel hand of an unjust Administration, who have kindled up a most unnatural war among brethren in their own land, yet (God be thanked) that war hath not reached, and I trust will never be able to reach, much further than our sea shores. A nation cannot long continue totally blind to all its most essential interests. Our own vigor and virtue have already gone a great way to convince our oppressors of the inanity, as well as impracticability, of their schemes to govern a great and distant country by force. Perseverance on our side will speedily accomplish the rest. Our friends in Britain, unbounded by us, and uncorrupted by our foes, are yet of more worth to us than whole nations of foreigners, drawn in to our assistance by mercenary or interested views. If, by no precipitate or unnecessary measures, we forfeit the esteem of the former, and make them also enemies, we shall prevail by our united strength. The devices of those, who, for ambitious purposes, strive to divide a house against itself, will be finally confounded, and the whole family of Britons, on both sides of the Atlantic, may yet be bound together, by fresh ties of mutual love and interest, for many generations!
But, I repeat it once more; by the former measure of calling in foreigners to decide our quarrels, we shall bleed, not in a few parts only, but at every pore; and the present generation will not probably see the end of the contest. Would to Heaven, that they who press such a measure, as being preferable to reconciliation with our ancient friends, upon whatever terms, could but behold the face of Poland, and visit the scenes of havoc and desolation which mark the late footsteps of contending foreign powers in that country; or read the accounts of the like scenes in many parts of Germany! They would not then continue to urge such a measure, till they could clearly prove that the last necessary was come.
Let it not be said that I am here drawing a horrible picture to frighten this country into an absolute submission to Great Britain. No, I persevere in my belief, that on our present plan of resistance, Britain can never force us either into submission or reconciliation, but upon such terms as the united wisdom of the colonies shall deem safe and honourable. But upon the other plan, it is much to be feared, that submission as well as ruin might be our lot; and were I disposed to give bad names to any persons, who may perhaps be honestly inquiring after our true interest in this contest, they who advise such a plan, and not Cato, might be called inimical to these colonies. Nor let it be said, that the wished for assistance, is not that of armies, but of fleets for trade, and commercial protection. Even supposing that to be the case, will the fleets of any power, who can look those of Britain in the face, be content just to take a peep at our fruitful shores, give us their protection when called upon, and then return quietly home? But the author of Common Sense (and it is him I am now answering) makes no such distinction; and speaks of the "assisting"

tance of France and Spain " generally, and that for the purposes of a total separation from Great Britain. His words are these: "It is unreasonable to suppose that France or Spain will give us any kind of assistance , if we mean only to make use of that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and strengthening the connection between Britain and America ." That the assistance here meant, is not confined to mere naval assistance, in the idea of some, who are great advocates for this author's pamphlet, might have been easily gathered from their expressions, when we received the late accounts of the arrival of unusual numbers of troops in the neighbouring French West Indies.
But this only alarmed others the more; and I am well persuaded that this writer's idea is not yet adopted by many persons of much consideration in this country, much less by any public bodies. I consider it only as thrown out to collect the sentiments of America upon it, although I cannot but think it a dangerous as well as unseasonable question at this time, and could have been content that it had not been brought before the public. But since it hath been made a question, it ought now to be fairly discussed, for whatever we have left, worthy of our attention as free-men, is all involved in this stake; and when important questions are put upon the footing, that if they are not answered, they are to be taken for granted, it becomes absolutely necessary to examine them.
For my part, the more I consider the matter (and I have long considered it impartially) the more I am persuaded that our political salvation can only be worked out by our own united virtue, and upon our own foundation. When it shall clearly appear that we can no longer stand upon this ground; when we shall be generally convinced, by better arguments than declamation, and the abuse of things venerable and ancient, that future connection with Great Britain, is neither possible nor safe; then we shall be fully united and prepared, at every risk, to pursue whatever measures the sense of the community, fairly collected, shall think necessary to adopt. But even then, before we launch forth, many domestic concerns are to be adjusted.
Under what form of government are we to confederate? How much of our ancient constitution is to be preserved? Who is to settle our clashing territorial claims? In what cases are the jurisdiction and expenses of these colonies to be joint or separate? On what terms are we to engage foreign alliances, and yet to secure our liberties in connection with them? Are the colonies to vote equally in determining these grand concerns; or is a new representation to be formed, in proportion to numbers and consequence? I might propose more questions of this kind, and when the necessity comes they will rise thick enough upon us, and we must then encounter them all, for the sake of AMERICAN LIBERTY, which I never would desert, but with my life. But I am sure the author of Common Sense , who labours to prove that the necessity is already come, offers nothing on this head, that can give much satisfaction to the public in general. Trusting, however, that in the preceding part of his work, he has levelled the English constitution to the dust, together with all our American constitutions, which are formed on similar models, and that he has hereby 'led us past the rubicon', he may flatter himself that he will the more readily follow his future direction, and adopt what plans he may offer. But I choose to examine for myself, and having despatched his main argument for independence, which he founds on the necessity of foreign assistance, I proceed to consider some others parts of his work.
His first sections on the origin of government and monarchy appear to be the strangest medley of inconsistencies and contradictions, which were perhaps ever offered to the Common Sense of any people, and calculated only to mislead those superficial readers who are content to believe as they go, without comparing one part of a writer's doctrine with another.
"Society (says he) is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively, by uniting our affections; the latter negatively, by restraining our vices. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of Kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of Paradise."
If the author meant only by this to tell us, that if all men were perfectly virtuous, and followed the pure dictates of right reason, human government would have been unnecessary, then I could subscribe to his doctrine, and might have paid him a compliment for clothing an old truth in a spruce metaphor. But if he meant to prove that monarchies were any more founded on the ruins of Paradise than republics, he ought in consistency with himself, to have shown us, that after Adam was expelled from Paradise, he and his descendants, as soon as they were "four or five" strong, and "able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the wilderness," were found erecting some sort of palace for him as their King; and that, after this example, all future governments were Kings, in the first ages. But our author shows us no such thing. On the contrary, when he speaks of the manner of "peopling the world," and frames a government out of the state of nature, the first idea he presents us with is that of a pure republic.
"Some convenient tree (says he) affords a State House, under the branches of which the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on public matters." They proceed, as their numbers increase, to improve this constitution, and devise checks, that, "the elected may not form to themselves an interest separate from the electors." On these checks ("not on the unmeaning name King") depends the strength of government and happiness of the governed."
How can this be reconciled to what follows? The author has told us that all government, "being at best but a necessary evil, promotes happiness only negatively, by restraining (viz. checking) our vices;" and in erecting his early republic, he contrives his checks accordingly; but ( risum teneatis! ) directly forgets himself, and says that no "power which needs checking can be from God." Thus, by his own argument, God has as little to do with the powers of government in the republican as in mixed forms. But further, least his readers should also forget themselves, and be carried away by his first affection, that "the palaces of Kings were built on the ruins of Paradise;" he takes care to tell us, and backs it with the authority of "scripture, chronology; that in the early ages of the world there were no Kings;" that the devil himself, in those ancient times, was but a dull fellow; and that, although "government by Kings was his most prosperous invention for the promotion of idolatry," he was a long while in hammering it out; which is but a poor compliment to Satan's cunning! For being a King himself from the beginning, he might have hit upon it sooner. But I leave our author to make his own apology to his infernal Majesty, if he be of his councils; for I have no business to interfere between them.
It is sufficient to show what use he makes of his common sense , at the very outset, in refusing his own first doctrine, and proving to demonstration, that instead of palaces for Kings, State Houses for whole colonies were built on the ruins of Paradise; nay more, that these ruins, in the case of the Jews, were near three thousand years tossed up and down into various forms, before they were converted into royal edifices! That I have not misrepresented our author in this argument, his own words will show. "Near three thousand years passed away, from the Mosaic account of the creation, till the Jews, under a national delusion, requested a King. Till then their form of government (except in extraordinary cases, where the Almighty interposed) was a kind of republic, &c. He proceeds, in the next place, to persuade us that he is as well acquainted with the secrets of Heaven as the devices of Hell, concerning the origin of Kingly governments; and that the Al-
mighty consented at last to this "most prosperous invention of Satan," in mere wrath and vengeance against the Jews, as a greater punishment for their ingratitude, than could have been inflicted upon them by any other human form of government. There never was a greater perversion of scripture than our author has been guilty of in his endeavours to establish this part of his argument, as every man of common understanding, who has his bible in his hand, may easily perceive.
The bounds prescribed for this letter will not suffer me, at present, to point out his misrepresentations, and to show how he sets himself up, not only against the plain letter of scripture, but the universal sense of wise and holy men of every age. It is not consistent with my principles to say one word in favour of the divine right of Kings; nor do I believe a word of what others have said in its favour. As little do I believe what has been said concerning the divine right of republics, or any other human forms of government. But the question is, whether God hath particularly reprobated any of them? For my part, as the author has set me the example of examining scripture on this head, I cannot find any modern Kings particularly rejected by Heaven, but MOUNTSEIR the KING OF FRANCE. It is in the 35th chapter of Ezekiel; and I am sure our author, who is deeply versed in scripture, could not have overlooked it, if it had not been for the treaty he proposes with this King. The reader will readily allow that the application is much more natural than that which he has made of the 8th chapter of the first book of Samuel.
Son of man, set thy face against MOUNTSEIR [Heb. MOUNTSEIR, or MONSEIR] and prophesy against it [Heb. Him] and say unto him, thus saith the Lord God: Behold O Mountseir [or Mounseir] I am against thee, because thou hast had a perpetual hatred, and hast shed the blood of the children of Israel [that is the French Protestants] by the force of the sword. Therefore, as I live, saith the Lord God, I will prepare thee unto blood, and blood shall pursue thee: Sith thou hast not hated blood, even blood shall pursue thee. Thus will I make MOUNTSEIR [or MONSEIR] most desolate, because thou hast said these two nations, and these two countries [here Britain and America are clearly pointed out] shall be mine, and we will possess it—whereas the Lord was there—as much as to say, you shall not have these two countries Monsieur! the Lord intends them for his own use;—they shall be free Protestant countries.]
The reader may peruse and apply the remainder of the chapter, which he may do as well as the author of Common Sense ; and, some may say, perhaps as well as
C A T O.
To Mess. DIXON & HUNTER.
IN my last I endeavoured to show, that a constitutional independence, founded on the ancient charters and original contracts of the colonies, and warranted by the laws of nature, ought to have been the object of our wishes from the beginning of the dispute: I mean such an independence as would have given us a total exemption from parliamentary government, under the allegiance of the Crown of England. I will now proceed to show why we ought still to have in view this great object of a constitutional independence, and that the necessity of a total separation from Britain does not yet arise.
Those who cry out incessantly for an immediate subversion of our ancient political system would do well to consider the subject in all its points of view, and look forward into the probable consequences. They will find, from a thorough knowledge of the history of mankind, that the British constitution, when conducted on its pure and true principles, is the most perfect form of government which ever yet has been invented by the wit of man. Every writer on politics agrees in this point, all nations acknowledge the truth of the assertion. This beautiful system of legislation, which so equally tempers and combines the different forms of democracy, aristocracy, and monarchy, secures a sufficient degree of liberty to the people, while it curbs the ambitious strides of their rulers. It is free from those numerous evils which arise out of either of the other forms, and ought for ever to be the object of a wise people. We should remember, that the primary object of the dispute was a restoration of this constitution; and, when reduced to the dire necessity of taking up arms in defence of our invaded rights, it is our duty to avoid fulfilling so fair a cause by an unjustifiable subversion of the whole system, with the determined purpose of never sheathing the sword till we have recovered our rights. We should deem the re-establishment of our original, our constitutional independence, a sufficient fruit of our victory. Let us revolve in our minds all the benefits which we have derived from our original country: She hath ever been to us an outwork of defence against the ambitious and potent nations of Europe. She hath served us as a guide and a governor, to prevent and to heal those civil dissensions which mutual jealousy and emulation are too apt to excite in colonies growing up in each other's neighbourhood. To the influence of her excellent constitution we are indebted for that peace and prosperity which we have formerly enjoyed; and while we continue to live in the full possession of our rights, under the gentle rule of the Crown of England, we must go on progressively in that boundless career (of which there is no other instance in history) until the seat of empire shall be transferred from Britain to America.
Such is the prospect on one side. Let us now see what the opposite view will present us. A public declaration of absolute independence will exclude us for ever from terms with Great Britain, and either create us a perpetual enemy, who will have it in her power to check our prosperity, or reduce us to the most abject state of slavery. The events of war are uncertain; and, however much we may be elated with our present successes, every wise politician will keep within his own grasp the means of promoting a continuance of success, or of securing the best terms on a reverse of fortune. The people of England have manifested an early inclination to do us justice, while we contend for our constitutional liberties, and the Ministry have found it difficult to recruit their armies; but the moment a declaration of independency comes out every man in England will become our enemy. Numbers in America too, who have been foremost in their opposition to unconstitutional oppressions, will conscientiously stand forth against the idea of innovation. Already the evil has begun. Pennsylvania and the Jerseys have declared for a constitutional connexion, the two Carolinas for a total separation. What the event will be let those reflect who have thrown the deadly cause of disunion among us. Why say any thing about it? If we are victorious, we shall have it in our power to command our own terms; but if the battle goes against us, what terms can we then expect, or where can the evil end?
I will venture to go further. Were we this moment triumphant in all the success of victory, I should still think it for the interest and happiness of America to enjoy the benefits and advantage of a free trade, and a constitutional independence, under the allegiance of the British Crown. A system of absolute independence would burst asunder the bands of religion, of oaths, of laws, of language, of blood, of interest, of commerce; of all those habits, in fine, which hold us united among ourselves, under the influence of the common parent. Who sees not that such a rending to pieces must reach the entrails, the heart, the very life of the colonies? Should they have the good fortune to escape the fatal extremity of civil wars, will it be an easy matter for them to agree on a new form of government? Is it probable that they will establish a form on the same salutary principles as the old one; or is it practicable? If they should incline to do so, who among us has pretensions to the throne? But if (as is
most probable) democracies, or aristocracies, should be the modes, who does not feel himself a considerable loser by the change? Was every colony to become a distinct and separate state, what endless divisions among them! Should such a number of little commonwealths, where the diversity of laws, the inequality of riches, the variety of possessions, must sow in secret the seeds of opposition in interests, be disposed to form a confederated union, how adjust the rank which each should hold in it, and the influence which each should possess, in proportion to their respective risks and importance? Jealousy, and a hundred other passions, which so early divided the wise states of Greece would spread discord through a multitude of colonies, rather alienated by resentment and indignation against Britain, which are but transitory and galling ties, than by the sober and well-weighed principles of a natural and permanent union. Their confederacy will continue no longer than the necessity of opposing the common enemy. When that necessity ceases, the turbulent spirit of conquest will break loose; the strong will over-run the weak, and they will mourn for the peaceful influence of the parent country. All these considerations seem to evince that an eternal divorce from Britain would be a great and grievous misfortune to these colonies.
But (say the friends of innovation) it is both unnatural and inconvenient for the Sovereign of America to reside at three thousand miles distance. This I look on to be one of our greatest blessings. A King at a distance can never have that personal influence which we find to be the cause of every subversion of the rights of the people; and although some inconveniences may arise from his distant situation, the good by far overbalances the evil. Others have asked, how can we again be reconciled to a people who hath declared us rebels; or acknowledge allegiance to a King who has violated the rights of the subject, and broke through the barriers of the constitution? I answer, that I care but little for their declarations, for as long as we have the power of retaliation in our hands, they will not dare to treat us as rebels; and although I detest the principles of George III. and shall think it my duty at all times to oppose his unjust encroachments, yet I mean to preserve the constitution by restraining the King. All men are intoxicated with power, and it is the duty of the people to watch over those who must of necessity be invested with supreme command. The same caution holds good in monarchies, aristocracies, and republics. But I am told your scheme is merely visionary. The people of England will never agree to such a reconciliation as renders the Crown independent of Parliament. Let us beat them into compliance; they will be glad to receive us on these terms, rather than lose us altogether. And while we acknowledge allegiance to the Crown of England, let us assert our natural, our constitutional rights to a free government, and oppose an invincible resistance to every shadow of parliamentary supremacy over these colonies.
With much more of reason, it is alleged, that necessity, and our common safety, call out aloud upon us to separate for ever. The advocates for this doctrine tell us, that as long as we continue under the allegiance of the Crown of England the nations of Europe will not lend us any assistance. And have we then so bad an opinion of our own strength as in despair to call in the assistance of foreigners? No (say they) but surely an alliance with foreigners will be an advantage to us, by enabling them to supply us with the necessaries for carrying on the war; that on a declaration of independence, and not before, our seas and rivers will be crowded with French and Spaniards, a ready market will be had for our produce, and gold and silver will pour in apace. Alas! I fear it will prove but a golden dream, out of which we shall awake restless, dissatisfied, and in despair. The very reverse appears to me to be the most probable. While Britain remains Mistress of the Seas, and blocks up every inlet into our country, how are the French and Spaniards to get in amongst us? Have we not seen her an over-match for France and Spain united? And while she continues in alliance with Russia and Holland, is it not probable that she will beat the rest of the united world on that element? But I will suppose France and Spain able to lend effectual assistance to America; yet I affirm that it is neither their interest to give it, nor our interest to accept of it, with a view to absolute independency. Cut the knot which ties old England to the new, and soon would the northern colonies alone possess more force than they now have united with Britain. This vast continent, let loose from every connexion in Europe, would enjoy the liberty, the command of all her own movements. It would then become a measure of equal importance and facility for her to seize those lands whose treasures might supply what the mediocrity of her own productions denies her. Her independent position would enable her to complete the preparations for invasion before the rumour of them could reach the European climates. She might choose her enemy, the field, and the moment of her victories. Her thunder would always discharge itself on coasts where it was least expected, on seas but feebly guarded by distant states. Those countries, for the defence of which forces were sent over, would be conquered before they could be succoured. They could neither be recovered by treaty, without great sacrifices, nor prevented from falling again under that yoke from which an enfeebled hand had delivered them. The colonies of these states would hasten to acknowledge a master who would offer them no conditions so vexatious as that of their own government; or else, animated by the example of the English provinces, they would break the chain which fastens them so shamefully to Europe. Sound policy then will prevent the rival nations of England from precipitating, by their secret councils, by clandestine succours, or by open assistance, the total independence of America, which can only deliver them from a neighbouring rival, by giving them a conqueror at a distance. I will go further, and assert, however paradoxical it may appear, that although the other nations of Europe will not assist in bringing about a total separation, it will be their true interest to join the Americans in that constitutional independence which gives them a free trade under the allegiance of the Crown of England. England, it is true, derives the influence she is mistress of, especially in the new world, from the extent and population of her northern colonies. It is they who put it in her power to attack at all times, with advantage, the isles and the continent of other nations, to conquer their lands, and to ruin their commerce. But let it be considered, that this Crown hath, in the other quarters of the globe, interests which may run counter to her progress in America, which may hamper or retard her enterprizes there, which may annihilate her conquests by the necessity of restitutions. France and Spain have nothing more to gain from a total separation of the colonies, but what they will receive from their independent trade under the Crown of England. They have a great deal more to lose. This reasoning, it is said, may hold good with respect to Spain, but the French territories in America are so insignificant that an extensive commerce with the continent, and the prospect of a powerful fleet, will vastly overbalance the other considerations. And can we be serious in our wishes to aggrandize the power of France? That nation who lately aspired at universal empire, and only wanted a fleet to carry her scheme into execution. Shall we be such short-sighted politicians as to furnish her with that fleet? Soon would she give laws to the whole American continent. Or suppose the power of France should be only an equal match for Britain, what shall we gain by the conflict? A diversion of the British forces perhaps in our favour. But is it not more probable that the contending powers, being wearied with their mutual losses, would join to divide the colonies between them? Thus every great and powerful motive combines to mark the line of American politics—the rights of a free trade under the Crown of England, and the power of grant-

Mess. DIXON & HUNTER.
GENTLEMEN,
IN times of distraction and trouble, it may naturally be expected that the prints will be filled with advice to the multitude how to act in a situation so dangerous and difficult. At such a season, to mislead the unwary, or misinform the ignorant, ought to be regarded as the highest crime. During some months your papers have teemed with exhortations to independence, war, defiance, free trade, and foreign alliances. It appears, the writers were often too sanguine, and that they more frequently proceeded on mistaken principles; yet I bore all with some degree of patience, till I lately met with a piece signed a Planter . This writer promises such exorbitant gain from a free trade as might readily engage the people to aim at it by every means in their power, and to form an accommodation with Great Britain, as the highest injustice and oppression. It is necessary they should be undeceived, and I shall endeavour briefly to do it. The first assertion in which the Planter seems wrong is this; that the British merchants have it in their power to impose what prices they please on their own commodities and ours. This is in some measure the case, but it may easily be shown that we cannot be much injured by it. The trade from Britain to America is general, and not confined to any particular class or company. Where extravagant profits are expected, numbers will naturally engage in the same pursuit, and the rivalry natural to all men employed in one business will induce every merchant, or company of merchants, to go a step beyond their opponents, in favour of those with whom they deal; and by these means the price of commodities on both sides must soon be fixed at such a rate as will afford a moderate advantage to both. I am confident the Virginia trade, during many years, has been conducted in a manner which can raise no reasonable complaint against the merchants settled amongst us. We have been chiefly hurt by their great expedient to make themselves popular, allowing long and extensive credit; and if we do not comply with our engagements, and pay our debts, they are not to blame. What the Planter affirms, concerning the price of British commodities in the northern colonies, is too ridiculous to be listened to, and cannot be true. He considers it as a mighty evil, that all our merchants are not natives. If we have not industry, or ability, to conduct our own commerce, we are certainly obliged to those who will; and we are surely not prohibited from being traders for ourselves, and carrying our commodities where we please, after touching at England! Besides, it appears evident that we are not yet prepared for an extensive commerce. The first and most natural employment of men, in a new country, is agriculture. Manufactures of any kind are seldom carried to any degree of perfection till the number of people exceeds what is necessary to cultivate the land. The same may be said of all mechanical trades. We always find, whenever a tradesman can afford to purchase a spot of ground, he quits his business, and turns farmer. Whilst this disposition, so natural to all men, continues to prevail among us, we cannot expect that such numbers as the Planter imagines will be employed in ship-building, sail-making, or manufactures of any kind.
The Planter next proceeds to reckon all the profits of the British merchants as so much clear loss to us, because it frequently happens that factors, after having saved a competent fortune, remove to England, and there live upon it. We need give ourselves little concern about this, since they do not carry with them our fields, our people, and seldom our money. Nor have we any right to complain, for if our trade is productive of such immense advantages, we can certainly as well afford to send factors to manage it in England as the English can afford to send them here, and it is our own fault if we do not. With a due degree of industry and enterprise, we might, by these means, reap all the profits which now fall to their share, if we did not think that we could employ ourselves to more advantage at home.
What the Planter affirms concerning the price of our staple in foreign markets is more insufferable than all his other assertions, and fully as void of foundation. He gravely tells us, that tobacco pays a duty of seven-pence halfpenny per pound when it is landed in England, all clear loss to us. This affirmation must either proceed from wilful misrepresentation, or the most shameful ignorance. Every one, with the least knowledge of trade, knows, that when tobacco is exported from England to other countries, the duty of seven-pence halfpenny per pound is drawn back. I have conversed with many sensible merchants, who could have no interest in deceiving me, and was always told that two-pence halfpenny or three-pence per pound from the French agents was reckoned an excellent price. Particular circumstances may sometimes raise it higher, and it very often sinks lower. It is notorious, that in the year 1772, after many bankruptcies had happened in Britain, the French were with difficulty prevailed on to give two-pence. The case is nearly the same in exportations to Spain, Portugal, Italy, Holland, and Germany.
The Planter seems to think we lie under great disadvantages in the sale of our wheat and flour. He certainly knows that we have not hitherto been obliged to send either directly to England. For the most part they have been disposed of in the West Indies, or on the continent of Europe. If our account for sales some years past is impartially examined, we shall perhaps find that we could not much have mended it by going any where else. The Planter mentions hemp and flax likewise, as articles, from the culture of which we must reap an extravagant profit. The management of the first is now well understood in some parts of the colony; and notwithstanding all the advantages of our soil, climate, situation, and a bounty (till lately) upon it from England, we never yet could afford to undersell the Russians. How then can we expect to do it in opposition to Great Britain, and when we must be at the charge of protecting our own trade? The raising of flax is in a great measure untried, and no good opinion can yet be formed of what may reasonably be expected from it. It must, Gentlemen, appear plain to my countrymen that the Planter is wrong in all his calculations, and what must be heaviest upon us, in case of a separation from Britain, he takes not the least notice of. If we declare ourselves an independent state, the practice of other nations will lay us under a necessity of keeping a standing army, and a powerful fleet. It is ridiculous to expect that other powers will undertake to protect us without being paid for it. If we employ them for that purpose, we tacitly reign ourselves to their direction, and come within their power. How far France and Spain (countries under the most despotic government in Church and State) may heartily or effectually aid us in our present glorious struggle for liberty, let others determine. Such as are well acquainted with human nature, and the maxims of nations, might readily guess; and I heartily wish we may not trust them too far. If we must support our fleets and armies ourselves, I am not sufficiently acquainted with those matters to know what the expense must amount to; but I am greatly mistaken, was a fair calculation to be made on that side, if it would not overbalance the profits of commerce fixed by the Planter , admitting they are true. I have no intention, Gentlemen, of entering the lists as a controversial writer; I only wish to put facts into a true point of view, which have been plainly misrepresented. Whether or not it may be necessary to break off all connection with Great Britain, must soon appear from the deliberations of those wise and respectable Assemblies, our Congresses and Conventions. I should
deem it an insult my offering advice to bodies of such worthy and capable men. I cannot conclude without declaring, that I have felt the utmost satisfaction in perusing a late piece in your paper signed Cato . It is perspicuous, elegant, and forcible. I wait with impatience to see its other letters.
I am, Gentlemen,
Your most obedient servant,
A VIRGINIAN.
PHILADELPHIA, April 15.
IN CONGRESS, April 13, 1776. WHEREAS by the third article of the association, entered into by the late Continental Congress, at Philadelphia, on the 24th day of October, in the year of our Lord 1774, it was agreed that from that day the inhabitants of the United Colonies "would not purchase or use any tea, imported on account of the East India Company, or any on which a duty had been or should be paid, and from and after the first day of March, then next following, they would not purchase or use any East India tea whatever." And whereas it has been represented to this Congress, that the time as aforesaid limited, for the consumption of the tea then on hand, was too short, whereby many zealous friends to the American cause, who had imported large quantities of that commodity, with design not merely to advance their fortunes, but to counteract the plan then pursued by the Ministry and India Company, to introduce and sell in these colonies, tea subject to duty, are like to become great sufferers; the greater part of the estates of many of them being vested in that article; and they by that means rendered incapable, not only of paying their debts and maintaining their families, but also of vigorously exerting themselves in the service of their country. And whereas it was originally the design of Congress, that all India tea, which had been imported agreeable to the tenor of the said association, might be sold and consumed, but the time limited for that purpose proving too short, Resolved, that all India tea imported as aforesaid, expressly excepting all teas imported by, or on account of the East India Company, now remaining on hand in these colonies, be sold and used.
And whereas from the future importation of tea being prohibited, some tea-holders may be tempted to avail themselves of the scarcity which will be occasioned by it, and exact exorbitant prices for an article of little real value of itself, and which owes its worth to a habit in many respects pernicious to the inhabitants of these colonies,
Resolved therefore, that bohea tea ought not to be sold in the smallest quantities at a higher price in any colony than at the rate of three fourth parts of a dollar per pound; and other teas at such price as shall be regulated by the committees of the town or county, where the tea is sold; and that all persons who shall either give or take a greater price for it ought to be considered as enemies to the American cause and treated accordingly. And it is earnestly recommended to all committees of inspection and observation as well to be vigilant in carrying this Resolve into execution, as those which prohibit the importation of India tea from any part of the world; it being the desire of Congress to exclude all teas except such as may make part of the cargoes of prizes taken by the ships of war or privateers belonging to these colonies.
Extract from the minutes,
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
WILLIAMSBURG, April 27.
CAPTAIN John Dixon, in a vessel from Gloucester, bound to the West Indies, who was lately taken by a man of war, and carried into Antigua, has returned from St Eustatia, and landed a cargo in this colony consisting of four thousand pounds sterling worth of linens, sail duck, &c. The Captain informs, that the Argo sloop of war had chased a vessel among the islands, but was prevented from taking her by a French frigate, who exchanged a few shot with the Argo, took the vessel under convoy, and carried her safe into a French island.
Thirty eight sail of the men of war and transports destined for North Carolina, from England, are said to be arrived at Cape Fear, and that they took on the passage a large French ship with arms and ammunition.
We have authentic information, that the General Assembly of South Carolina have resolved not to enter into any treaty or correspondence with the Court of Great Britain, or any persons under that authority, but through the medium of the Continental Congress.
The prisoners lately taken in North Carolina are to be sent to this colony, Maryland, and Philadelphia; 14 are to come here. Mr. John Goodrich and Mr. George Blair are amongst them.
We received Mr. Wormeley's letter too late to be inserted this week.
EDENTON (North Carolina) April 12. A most unnatural murder was committed last Friday, near Roanoke island. A stranger came to Nixenton about the 1st. instant, and finding that Capt. George Oaks, late of the town of Marblehead, in New England, intended, in a small boat, to go to Tar river, begged a passage with him, which was given. The murderer, whose name is Joseph Evans, late of Salem county, in the province of New Jersey, before he went off, bought for his horrid purpose a carving knife. The villain, the first night they were in the boat, whilst the unhappy man was asleep, stabbed him. The boat being near the shore, the lamentations of the Captain were heard by the inhabitants, who secured the villain. He has left, for the use of his family (a widow and seven children) in money and goods, to the amount of about 300l. which is in the hands of the widow Todd of Nixenton, in Pasquotank county.
WATERTOWN, April 8. Last Wednesday Capt. Manly took and sent into Beverly a large brig, after some resistance. This vessel was purchased by a William Jackson, at the Brazen Head, who, with Clean Brush and a number of others, women and children, were on board, besides a serjeant and 12 privates of the 4th or King's own regiment, who are made prisoners. She was bound for Halifax, and has on board a variety of articles. She is estimated to be worth about 35,000l. sterling.
NEW YORK, April 10. Last night General Sullivan arrived here with six regiments. On Sunday last Admiral Hopkins's fleet fell in with the Glasgow, a good twenty gun ship, the bomb brig that has done so much damage at Rhode Island and that neighbourhood, and three tenders. The brig commanded by Capt. Hopkins first came up with the Glasgow; they soon exchanged the compliments of a broadside, and continued engaged till the Admiral came up, when the Glasgow, finding it too hot for her, ran off. The brig followed, but the Admiral being unable to keep up with her, the man of war got off from them.
While the Admiral and Capt. Hopkins were foul of the Glasgow, the rest of the fleet were busy with the bomb brig, and the three tenders, all of which are taken, and carried into New London, where they had arrived before Gen. Sullivan left it. A Gentleman, from Newport, informs, that on the inhabitants hearing the engagement, they got down some eighteen pounders, and began to fire upon Wallace and Ayscough, on which they weighed and stood out of the harbour; at which time the Glasgow hove in sight, firing signal guns, on which they stood out to sea, and the Glasgow with them. Where they are gone is not known.
Our fleet is from New Providence. They have brought from thence sixty twenty four pounders, a large quantity of shot and shells, some other military stores, and some Tories. The Asia is moved down the harbour two or three miles. Our people have taken post, the night before last, on Governor's Island, and
on Red Hook, both of which are now secure, and all communication with the ships and their dearly beloved Governor is cut off, which measure gives great umbrage to some."
PHILADELPHIA, April 11. This morning arrived a sloop mounting 6 three pounders, and eight or ten swivels, late a tender belonging to the Liverpool man of war, and commanded by a Lieutenant Boucher, of said sloop, having 35 picked men on board, who on Saturday last off the capes of Virginia, fell in with Capt. Barry of the continental brig called the Lexington. A battle ensued, which was continued desperately for one hour and twenty minutes, when the tender struck. Capt. Barry lost two men killed, and had four wounded. The other, one man killed, and one wounded."
Extract of a letter from a Gentleman belonging to this province, now in London, Dec. 23.
"It is dangerous to say any thing on politics. I can only inform you, that a BLACK CLOUD HANGS OVER AMERICA." [For more news see the fourth page.]
TREASURY OFFICE, April 26, 1776.
MAJOR George Lyne, formerly appointed to sign the Treasury Notes of the Denomination of 20s. 12/6. 10s. 7/6. and 5s. being unable, through Sickness, to prosecute that Business, I have, pursuant to the Authority to me given by the General Convention, appointed Col. John Dixon to sign the said Notes. RO. C. NICHOLAS, Treasurer.
THE following Counties have hitherto returned Lists of the Number of their People; and as the Colony may receive Injury from the Want of a Return being soon made to Congress, it is hoped the Committees will procure the Lists, to be taken and sent by the Delegates to the next Convention.
Accomack, Albemarle, Amelia, Augusta, Bedford, Botetourt, Brunswick, Buckingham, Berkeley, Caroline, Charles City, Charlotte, Chesterfield, Culpeper, Cumberland, Dunmore, Essex, Fauquier, Frederick, Fincastle, Goochland, Hampshire, Hanover, Henrico, Isle of Wight, King & Queen, Loudoun, Louisa, Lunenburg, Middlesex, Mecklenburg, Nansemond, Norfolk, Northampton, Orange, Pittsylvania, Prince Edward, Princess Anne, Southampton, Stafford, Surry, Sussex, and Warwick. EDMUND PENDLETON.
AS an Army without Cavalry is in all Countries a very defective Machine, but in this Province, circumstanced as it is, it is impossible to carry on the Service with any tolerable Degree of Credit, without a certain Proportion of this Species of Troops, General Lee begs Leave to address himself to the young Gentlemen of the different Counties, entreating that they will form themselves into Companies of LIGHT DRAGOONS, consisting of one Captain, one Lieutenant, one Cornet, two Serjeants, two Corporals, and a Trumpet, or Horn-sounder. As it is intended, and hoped, that the Whole will be composed of Gentlemen Volunteers, it will not be expected that they should receive any Pay; but at the same Time, as it is not reasonable that they should put themselves to the Expence of maintaining their Horses, they are to be allowed Rations for them, as well as for themselves. Their Arms should be a short Rifle Carbine, a light Pike of eight Feet long, and a Tomhawk. General Lee is confident, if the young Gentlemen approve, and adopt this Scheme, they will not only do very great Honour to themselves, but very important Service to their Country.
HALIFAX (North Carolina) April 12, 1776.
ALL Persons indebted to the Estate of Joseph Montfort, deceased, are desired to make immediate Payment, or give Bonds for their respective Balances. All those who have Demands against the said Estate are desired to make them known to HENRY MONTFORT, Executor.
HAMPDEN-SIDNEY, April 16, 1776.
THE Students at the Academy increase so fast, that I cannot pretend to furnish Beds for any considerable Number more. Those Gentlemen who send their Sons hereafter will do me, and perhaps themselves, a Favour by sending Beds with them. It can be no great Trouble to them, if two Gentlemen will agree to send their Children together, to furnish and convey a Bed at their common Expence. I find it will be too chargeable for me to provide this Article at the Rate I have hitherto done, as young Persons are less disposed to be careful of the Property of another than of their own.
PHIL. HOLCOMBE, Steward.
N. B. I will give good Encouragement to a Man who understands cooking, and managing the Business of the Kitchen and Table in such a large Family.
FOR SALE, SEVEN Hundred and fifty five Acres of LAND in Buckingham, lying on both Sides of Bridle Creek, which is remarkably good for Tobacco and Hemp, affords good Meadow Ground, and has about 50 Acres cleared, under a good Fence. The Terms may be known by applying to the Subscriber, about five Miles below the Head of Appomattox River. PETER PATTESON.
STRAYED from the Subscriber, in Williamsburg, about the 10th of April, two HORSES, viz. a large dark Bay, about 7 Years old, with a hanging Mane and Switch Tail, has had a Fistula, the Marks of which are very plain to be seen, and seemed inclinable to rise again, as the Place was a little swelled on one Side the Shoulder; he is branded on the Buttock A. The other is a small Sorrel, 10 or 11 Years old, with a hanging Mane and Switch Tail, has had a Fistula some Years ago, which is very discolourable, is crest fallen, and branded on the Buttock C, or a Horse Shoe, but very faint. (tf) BENJAMIN BUCKTROUT.
STRAYED from the Subscriber, on Rappahannock River, in the upper End of Carolina, the 24th of January, a BAY HORSE four Years old, about 4 feet 10 Inches high, branded IT, shed all-fours, and paces when rode. He was bred in the upper End of Culpeper near Thorn's Gap. I have been informed such a Horse was seen following a Waggon that was going over the Mountains. Whoever brings me the said Horse shall have forty Shillings Reward. HANNAH BATTAILE.
April 25, 1776.
STRAYED, or STOLEN, from Williamsburg, about three Weeks ago, a DARK BAY MARE about 4 Feet 6 Inches high, branded on the near Buttock I G. She has got a Fistula on her Withers, and has a long Mane and Switch Tail. Whoever conveys the said Mare to Mr. Richard Charlton in Williamsburg, or to my Plantation in King William, shall be handsomely rewarded by THOMAS ELLIOTE.
STOLEN, from the Subscriber, the 7th of March, a black HORSE about 4 Feet 10 Inches high, 6 Years old this Spring, paces slow, and branded on the off Buttock X. I will give a Reward of 50s. for the Horse, and 5l. on Conviction of the Thief. (2||) HENRY HAYES.

CAMBRIDGE, April 4.
A FAVOURITE toast in the best companies is, "May the INDEPENDENT principles of COMMON SENSE be confirmed throughout the United Colonies."
We hear that ten or twelve transport vessels, supposed to be from England, arrived last Thursday in Nantasket road, where four or five of the enemy's ships of war remain.
NEW YORK, April 10.
MONDAY night one thousand of the continental troops, stationed here, went over and took possession of Governor's island, and began to fortify it; the same night a regiment went over to Red-Hook, and fortified that place likewise.
On Saturday last the continental fleet fell in with the Glasgow man of war, off Montauk Point, at the east end of Long Island, when Admiral Hopkins, being the foremost ship, attacked the Glasgow, upon which a hot engagement ensued, but before another ship could come up, the Glasgow sheered off with considerable damage. The fleet afterwards took a bomb brig and three tenders, all which they carried safe into New London on Sunday morning.
This morning arrived in the harbour, twenty three transports, from the eastward, having on board the brigade commanded by General Sullivan.
April 11. By a Gentleman who was present last Lord's day on Staten Island, about 9 miles from this city, we are informed, that the riflemen, who were stationed on that island to guard it against the depredations of the ministerial robbers on board the King's ships in the bay, had received intelligence that the Savage sloop of war and a tender had come as near the shore as they could with safety, and had sent on shore two of their boats and a number of men, who had placed a sentinel with his musket and colours on an eminence. When our riflemen appeared, the sentinel fired, struck his colours, and ran for the shore with all his speed; in the mean time the ship began firing to cover the embarkation of her men, who were all flying to their boats, but our brave riflemen, with unparalleled agility, out-ran them, and notwithstanding the fire from the ship, surrounded the men, took ten of them prisoners, and secured one of their boats; the other pushed off with two men in it. One of the riflemen ran after it in the water, but missing his grasp, fired and killed one of the men, who fell overboard; the other, lying on his back, rowed to the vessel. The Savage kept up a continual fire for some hours, without the least hurt to any of our men, who lay snug behind the rocks, and defied their thunder, and at lucid intervals fired at the ship. One man was seen to tumble off the quarter deck into the water, whom they took to be an officer. More, it is thought, were killed. In a few hours there was not a man on board the ship appeared on deck; the tender slipped her cable, the ship cut her's, and both fell down with the tide, which proved kinder to them than the riflemen. They left behind them one standard, one musket, twenty seven iron bound casks, a cable and anchor, a speaking trumpet, watch coats, &c.
PHILADELPHIA, April 11.
"In sight of the capes of Virginia, April 7, 1776."
"Gentlemen, I HAVE the pleasure to acquaint you, that at one P.M. this day, I fell in with the sloop Edward, belonging to the Liverpool frigate. She engaged us near two glasses. They killed two of our men and wounded two more. We shattered her in a terrible manner, as you will see. We killed and wounded several of her crew. I shall give you a particular account of the powder and arms taken out of her, as well as my proceedings in general. I have the happiness to acquaint you that all our officers and men behaved with much courage."
I am, Gentlemen, your humble servant, JOHN BARRY."
To the Hon. John Hancock, Esq; or any of the Marine Committee.
General Putnam, commander in chief at New York, has given positive orders that the ministerial fleet there shall no longer be supplied with provisions, and that all communication between them and the shore be entirely stopped.
April 13. From Sussex county, on Delaware, we learn, that a small schooner, the property of Mr. Nehemiah Field, of Lewis town, returning from St. Eustatia with some stores, and having information of the Roebuck man of war being in the road, came to anchor a few miles southward of the lighthouse, and sent a messenger to Lewis, desiring assistance to discharge the cargo: A company of continental troops (of the Delaware battalion) stationed at Lewis, were immediately ordered to march to the assistance of the schooner; in the mean time the schooner perceiving the man of war's tender bearing down upon her, endeavoured to get into Indian river, but not effecting it, she ran a shore near to Mr. Henry Fisher's pilot boat, which some time since had been run ashore by the 3d Lieutenant of the man of war and three hands, who were all taken prisoners. The company having arrived, got behind the vessels on shore, and waited for the tender, which when within 200 yards distance fired a broadside; a hot fire from both sides ensued, which lasted near two hours, and the tender was finally obliged to sheer off without having effected her purpose, but on the contrary with the loss of several men, as many were seen to fall. The cargo was safely landed from the schooner and secured, without the loss of a man, either killed or wounded. The militia officers at Lewis behaved with that courage and magnanimity which does honour to their country.
PEOPLE OF AMERICA.
BRETHREN, COUNTRYMEN, and FELLOW FREEMEN, REMEMBER the words of your illustrious and disinterested advocate, that great citizen of the world, the BISHOP of ST. ASAPH:
"The endeavours to separate the interest of the colonies from that of Great Britain should be received with the indignation that is due to the artifices of factious men, who wish to grow eminent by the misfortunes of their country. Even in that future state of independency, which some among them ignorantly wish for, but which for their true interest can never be too long delayed, the old and prudent will often look back on their present happiness with regret, and consider the peace and security, the state of visible improvement, and brotherly equality, which they enjoyed under their mother country, as the true golden age of America."
ADVERTISEMENTS.
WILLIAMSBURG, April 19, 1776.
THE Visitors and Governors of the College, are desired to meet on the 2d Monday in next Month, at 10 o'Clock in the Morning: By Order of the Rector, (2) M. DAVENPORT, Cl. Visit.
A COMPLETE FULLING-MILL is now finishing on Lansdown Mill-Dam, in Richmond County, where all manner of Fulling, Shearing, Pressing, and Dying, will be performed, on the most reasonable Terms, by LAWRENCE M'KINNY.
STOLEN from the Subscriber, the 14th
Inft. (April) in the Night, a large LIGHT GREY HORSE, seven Years old this Spring, about 4 feet 9 Inches high, has a Switch Tail, roached Mane, about Half grown, wall-eyed, one scarcely perceivable, remarkable flat Feet, and very thick about his Withers, with three or four small Scars thereon; paces, trots, and gallops, and works exceeding well. From several corroborating Circumstances, the said Horse was stolen, by a Person who had been lurking in the Neighbourhood two or three Days, and said his Name was Samuel Flanagan. He is rather larger than the Middle Size, of a swarthy Complexion, dark Hair, and has a large Ringworm on his Face. Whoever delivers the said Horse to me in Surry County, near the Courthouse, shall have forty Shillings Reward, and five Pounds on Conviction of the Thief. (2) ROBERT PYLAND.
SUNDRY GOODS, imported contrary to the Continental Association, will be sold at Mr. Humphrey Billings's, in Gloucester, for ready Money, on Monday the 29th Instant. April 16, 1776. (2||)
TO BE SOLD,
A VERY valuable TRACT of LAND in the County of Brunswick, containing about 900 Acres, has on it an exceeding good and elegant Dwelling-House, quite new, and all convenient Outhouses. It is situated within 7 Miles of the Courthouse, within 3 of Church, and within 35 of Petersburg. There is a valuable Orchard on the said Land, with a Stream, well calculated for a Mill, on which one is already begun. The Purchaser may enter on it immediately, if he inclines, and the Terms will be made easy to him. (2) BENJAMIN SIMMONS.
WHEREAS the Bonds taken on the
Sale of the Estate of Samuel Swann, late of Nansemond, deceased, will become due the 24th of May next, and the Executor being desirous to make up his Administration as soon as possible, he begs the Favour of all Creditors and Debtors to the said Estate to meet him in Suffolk at that Time, in Order to settle their respective Accounts. As he lives at a considerable Distance from that Place, he hopes Gentlemen concerned will not disappoint him; and as it may be inconvenient to some concerned to meet at any particular Day, he proposes attending till the Middle of June. JOHN SWANN, Executor.
GLOUCESTER, April 10, 1776.
For SALE, for ready Money only.
NARROW Hoes, Bar Iron, Iron Spice Mortars, Door Hinges and Bolts, Saw Rests, Gouges, Augers, Sheep Shears, Hand Saws, Table Butts, &c. Dovetail Hinges, Desk and Cupboard Locks, Chair Nails, Tobacco and Snuff Boxes, Tailors Shears, Women's Scissors, Silver and Brass Thimbles, Watch Seals, Stock, Shoe, and Knee Buckles, Lancets, Cork-Screws, Pencils, Taper and Center Bits, Watch Keys, Spectacles, Knitting Pins, Awl Blades, Inkpowder, Nuns' and coloured Thread, Knee Garters, plain and Diaper Tape, Sewing Silk, Pewter Porringers and Dishes, Tin Cullenders, Egg Slicers, Iron Candlesticks, Copper Tea-Kettles, Lustrung, Persian Taffeta, Waistcoat Stuff, English Persian, Velvet Hoods, Bombazine, black Silk Gloves, Chintz, printed Linens and Calicoes, thick and Book Mullin, Marbled Quilting, Mullin Handkerchiefs, spotted Gauze, Cambric, Men's, Women's, and Girls Gloves, Women's Cotton Hole, Men's Worsted and Silk ditto, black Gimp, Cloth Mantlet, flowered Silk Capuchins, Blond and Silk Lace, Common Prayer Books, Bibles, Watt's Hymns & Psalms, Testaments, Plasters, Spelling Books, Histories, Children's Books, Pocket Books, Playing Cards, Horn and Ivory Combs, Fans, Dutch Pretties, Gartering, Quality Binding, Silk Ferreting, Stone Water Pitchers, Porringers, Cups, &c. Wine Glasses, Tumblers, Glass and China Bowls, Mustard Pots, Rings and Castors, Punch Lades, Stone and Delf Plates, Queen's China Dishes, black Leather and Seal Skin Trunks, Riband, Collarings, Necklaces, Women's and Girls Bonnets, Hand-Saws, Trowels, Dripping-Pans, Girths, Bridles, Stirrup Leathers and Irons, Bridle Bits, Whips, Men's coarse and fine Hats, Youths ditto, Shot Belts, Needles, Silk Twill, Buttons, Crewel, Bugles, Gold Rings, common and Bristol Stone Sleeve Buttons, Thimbles, Razor Straps, Violin, Shalloons, Calimancoes, Durants, Cambric, Dr. Norris's Antimonial Drops, Glass of Antimony, Salt of Amber, Cinnamon, Ingredients for Bitters, Reap Hooks, Ginger, Men's and Women's Leather Shoes, Women's Calimanco ditto, Children's Morocco ditto, Shirt Buttons, Waistcoat do. common Laces, Fishing Tackle, Snuff, Chewing Tobacco, Coffee, Soap Leather, Harness ditto, Calf Skins, Loaf Sugar, Soap, Candles, Leather Breeches, Hair Sifters, Wool Cards, Writing Paper, Wires and Brushes for Muskets, and many other trifling Articles too tedious to mention. MATTHEW ANDERSON.
Head Quarters, WILLIAMSBURG, April 19, 1776.
DESERTED from the Halifax regular Company (now in this City) on Wednesday the 16th Instant, three Soldiers, viz. JOSEPH MITCHELL BLAIR, about 23 Years of Age, 5 Feet 8 or 9 Inches high, has a wide Mouth, blue Eyes, black Hair, and freckled Face. He carried with him a dark coloured new Hunting Shirt. His inside Clothing I do not remember. JAMES TROOP, about the Age of Blair, about 5 Feet 10 Inches high, has blue Eyes, dark curling Hair, stoops in his Shoulders, but otherwise well made. He carried with him a dark coloured Hunting Shirt. What other Clothes he had I do not know. WILLIAM HILL, 19 Years of Age, 5 Feet 8 or 9 Inches high, spare made, of a dark Complexion, with black Hair and black Eyes. He had with him a striped Virginia Cloth Hunting Shirt, which he has dyed almost black, a Snuff coloured Coat, blue Duffel Waistcoat, and Leather Breeches. The above Deserters carried away three of the Country's Rifles. They were enlisted in Halifax County, to which I expect they will endeavour to return. Any Person or Persons who will deliver the above Deserters to the Company to which they belong, or secure them so that I may get them, shall be handsomely rewarded by NATHANIEL COCKE, Captain.
FALMOUTH, April 8, 1776,
We intend to leave the Colony soon. ANDREW ROBERTSON. GEORGE CUNINGHAM. DUGALD BANNATYNE.
FREDERICKSBURG, April 10, 1776.
We intend to leave the Colony soon. JAMES BLAIR. JAMES GALLAWAY. JAMES DOUGLAS.
STRAYED, from Burwell's Ferry, on
Tuesday the 9th Instant (April) a BAY HORSE, shod All-Fours, had on his Saddle and Bridle, and branded on the near Buttock thus O. Whoever brings the said Horse to me, in Williamsburg, shall be handsomely rewarded for their Trouble. JONATHAN PROSSER.
TAKEN up, in Charlotte, a BAY HORSE, branded on the near Buttock O, and appears to be very old. Potted, and appraised to five Pounds ten Shillings. FRANCIS M. PITTY.
THE People called Quakers, and several charitable Persons not of their Society, commiserating the Sufferings of many of the late Inhabitants of Norfolk, who are reduced to Poverty and Want by the Destruction of that Town, and having collected some Provisions for their Relief, were sending them down by Water, with Persons deputed to distribute them, but finding it disagreeable to General Lee, hereby give Notice, that these Provisions will be stored at some safe Place up James River, for the Use of such poor Inhabitants as may stand in Need, at the Disposition of Joseph Scott in Nansemond, Anselm Bailey in Surry, John Crew in Charles City, Robert Pleasants in Henrico, the Rev. William Harrison, and Edward Stabler, in Petersburg. PETERSBURG, April 8, 1776.
THE Subscriber has on Hand a few
Quarter Casks of fine old LISBON WINE, which he will dispose of on very reasonable Terms, for ready Money. EDWARD STABLER.
TO BE SOLD,
THE Houses and Lots wherein the Subscriber now lives, in the Town of Petersburg, consisting of a large Dwelling-House, Storehouse, and all convenient Outhouses, in good Repair; a large Garden and Pasture adjoining, and the Situation equal to any in the Colony for Business. It is so well known, that a particular Description is unnecessary. Also a few House Servants, Household Furniture, &c. A Lot in the Town of Petersburg, and 400 Acres of good Tobacco Land in Charlotte. The Purchasers may have Possession immediately, and the Payment made easy by giving approved Security. As I intend leaving the Colony, those who have any Demands against me are desired to apply for Payment; and all Persons indebted, it is hoped, will either discharge their Accounts, or think it reasonable to give Security.
As the Purchasers of the Land in Ward's Fork, belonging to John Lidderdale, Esq; of London, are in some doubt of their having a Right, this is to inform them, that the Deeds will be sent, properly executed, with an Acknowledgment of Mrs. Lidderdale's Right of Dower, when the Times will admit of an Opportunity, and may be assured of having a most undoubted Title made them. They will likewise please to observe, that the Deeds will not be recorded till the Money is paid, agreeable to the Terms of Sale. And if any of the Purchasers are in Doubt of my being properly authorised to make Sale of the Lands, they may be fully satisfied at the Secretary's Office, where the Power of Attorney is recorded. RICHARD HANSON.
THE NOTED HORSE
REGULUS,
Late the Property of WILLIAM FITZHUGH, Esq; of Chatham, NOW stands at the Falls Plantation, in Chesterfield, in high Perfection, and will cover Mares this Season at 30s. the Leap ready Money, or Merchants Notes, and 41. the Season, for which Notes on Demand, or Merchants Orders, will be expected before the Mares are taken away, when a Discount of 15 per Cent. may be had on prompt Payment. Endurance 61. The Mares by the Season will run in as fine Pasture as any in the Colony, and all possible Care will be taken of them; but I will not be answerable for Escapes, or any that may be stolen.
REGULUS is a beautiful Bay, full sized, well marked, and remarkable for getting fine Foals, both as to Beauty and Size. He was bred by the late Col. Baylor, and got by his Horse FRANKNOUGHT, out of JENNY DISMAL, who was got by old DISMAL; he won 1000 Guineas Sweepstakes, and five King's Plates, without ever being once beaten. His Sire was the GODOLPHIN ARABIAN. JENNY DISMAL's Dam was got by Lord Godolphin's WHITEFOOT.
REGULUS, while the Property of Mr. Fitzhugh, won 501. at Port Royal, at Annapolis two 50 pounds (where he beat the famous running Horse APOLLO, and the first Rate Horses of Maryland) at Upper Marlborough 501. at Leeds Town 601. and at Fredericksburg the Jockey Club of 100 Guineas, at which Time he carried 10 Stone; and, although a covering Horse, he beat Mr. Page's Horse DAMON, Mr. Brent's Horse FIGURE, Mr. Spotswood's Horse ECLIPSE, and several others. WILLIAM BLACK.
It was, in some Measure, necessary to be thus particular, to distinguish this Horse from one of the same Name who lately stood in this Neighbourhood.
STRAYED from Williamsburg, the first
of this Instant (April) a rusty black Mare about 13 Hands and a Half high, with a hanging Mane and Switch Tail, paces slowly, and branded on the near Buttock WW in a Piece. It is expected she will make for Hanover, where she was bred. Whoever delivers her to George Dabney, Junior, in Hanover, shall have a Reward of 20s.
WILLIAMSBURG, April 13, 1776.
THOSE Gentlemen who are still indebted to the Estate of Mrs. Clementina Rind, deceased, and Mr. John Pinkney, for Gazettes, &c. are desired to be so obliging as to send their respective Balances by the Hands of those Gentlemen who are chosen Delegates for the respective Counties, as they are expected to meet here the Beginning of next Month. This will be acknowledged as a particular Favour, as there are many large Debts still due from the said Estate. Proper Accounts and Receipts will be delivered to the Persons who settle with Their very humble Servant, JACOB BRUCE, For the Administrator.
Thirteen Months Gazette due Mrs. Rind's Estate, 13/6; sixteen Ditto due Mr. John Pinkney, 16/8.
STOLEN from the Subscriber, on his
March from Augusta to Williamsburg, at New Kent Courthouse, on Monday the 9th Instant, a very neat RIFLE GUN, the Stock of Sugar Tree curled, made pretty dark by Aquafortis, a Brass Box and Brass wire, flourished in the Breech, and 7 th Grattan on the Barrel, below the hind Sight. I hereby forewarn any Person from purchasing the said Gun, and will give any Person 20s. who will deliver her to the Printers hereof, and I promise that no Questions shall be asked. JOHN GRATTAN.
STRAYED, or STOLEN, from Mr.
James Hunter's Pasture in King George, a large BAY MARE, 5 Years old, not branded, shod all Fours, has a Star in her Forehead, both hind Feet white, and a hanging Mane, and Switch Tail. Whoever delivers her to the Subscriber, in Fredericksburg, shall have 20s. Reward, and reasonable Charges. JAMES HUNTER, Junior.