Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-09-09 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER  INT HIC ETIAM SUA PRÆMIA LAUD
[VOL. V.]
FRIDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 9, 1808.
NO. 24.]
To Religious Denominations in general, but to the Methodist Episcopal Church in particular.
PROSPECTUS OF A WEEKLY PUBLICATION, TO BE ENTITLED THE RELIGIOUS REPOSITORY. BY W. A. RIND, Georgetown, District of Columbia.
THE EDITOR begs leave to offer this Work to the attention and patronage of the Methodist Society in particular, not only because it is thought proper to give it a decided character, but because the connection at present have no religious vehicle of the kind, nor have they had since the discontinuance of their magazine, which was published some years ago.
Both the Presbyterians and Episcopalians have under their patronage monthly publications, devoted to the same subjects proposed to be embraced by this work.
The Editor, however, flatters himself that this publication will possess some advantages over those that are only issued monthly, in furnishing earlier religious intelligence, and he hopes it will afford greater satisfaction to readers in general, as in such works the same subjects and accounts are contained in a series of numbers.
But since this work is to be devoted to the interest of religion, both in its doctrine and experience, and will likewise include the subject of morality, we think it entitled to the greater attention; and wish it to be distinctly understood, that it has for its object the diffusion of religious information, the subject of Politics will not be introduced.
In the Scripture sense of the term, RELIGION embraces not only what we are to believe, but more especially what we must experience of its great truths in our hearts. MORALITY implies not only that men should do no harm, but that they should be actively and zealously engaged in acts of benevolence and works of righteousness. It would then appear that religion consists in what we believe and experience, and morality in that faith and experience reduced into practice. True religion and morality go hand in hand, and mutually support each other: where there is not morality, there cannot be religion, and we are disposed to think likewise that there cannot be genuine morality without religion: instead then of drawing our ideas of morality from principles founded on natural right, let us look to a higher source—to RELIGION—and to that religion taught by our Lord Jesus Christ. Religion alone has power to persuade with celerity, because it excites passion while it informs the understanding—because it alone has the means of rendering obvious what it recommends—because it speaks in the name of God, and it is easy to inspire respect for him whose power is every where evident to the eyes of the simple and discerning—to the eyes of children and men of mature understanding.
It will be expected that the religious part of the community in particular will patronize a publication of this kind. It claims the attention and support of religious denominations of all descriptions, not only as subscribers, but as contributors of essays and communications on the subjects it proposes to embrace.—Almost every political publication has met with generous patronage—and such religious characters have not failed to contribute their part. But while they have thus aided in diffusing political information, they will not surely reflect on their profession, by withholding from this their influence and support.
But we think this work forcibly recommends itself to the attention of the enlightened politician. That man does not deserve the name of Politician, who is unconscious of the influence of Religion and Morality upon the good government and happiness of society.—Weak, indeed, are the restraints of human laws, and honour, unaided by the obligations and precepts of religion, upon the ambition and avarice of wicked men. Without the influence of religion, these passions may be expected to triumph over the law and every principle of justice.
The "Religious Repository" will be a collection of original and well selected pieces on Religion and Morality, and will serve likewise to record the revivals of Religion, particularly at Camp-Meetings, and also to preserve a short account of the Lives, Sayings, and Deaths, of eminently pious characters—and thus shall "gather up the fragments, and nothing will be lost."
In addition it will contain select and original pieces of Natural History, together with instructive and pleasing Anecdotes.
The Editor has already engaged the assistance of his religious friends, as well of the ministry as others; and he particularly requests the Travelling and Local Preachers of the Connexion, to forward to him, from time to time, such Communications as may be embraced within the general objects of the work.
CONDITIONS.
This work will be published weekly on a half sheet, in an octavo form, on good paper, with a new and handsome type. Subscribers in the Town and City will be served by a carrier, and those at a distance will receive it by mail, they paying the postage. But any other mode suggested by subscribers will be adopted, it does not occasion expense to the publisher.
The price to subscribers will be $2 per annum, payable half yearly by those in the district, and by those at a distance in advance. Any person sending 5 dollars, shall have three copies.
There will occasionally be added in the course of the year, (without charge) as many half sheets as will increase the work to a volume of at least five hundred pages.
The paper shall begin on the 1st of November, provided a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained to justify the editor in commencing the publication.
Subscriptions will be received by the Editor of the Ledger.
WE, whose names are underwritten, testify, that we know William A. Rind to be an acceptable and worthy member of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and feel no hesitation in recommending the above proposed publication to the patronage of our society in general, and to those of them in Boston, New-York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Charleston in particular.
THOMAS SARGENT. JOSHUA WELLS.
FOR SALE
On board the British ship Halliday, capt. Marshall, just arrived from Liverpool, 355 tons stowed SALT, 145 do. common do 100 crates well assorted Earthenware, and 12 dozen Malt—by September 5. C. & F. WHITTLE.
FOR SALE,
12,000 bushels fine Liverpool SALT, By Moses Myers. Who has now landing, and will continue to have a constant Supply of Superfine FLOUR, of new wheat for family use, from the Mav. Mill. September 2. tf
NOW LANDING
On our Wharf, and for Sale on a liberal credit, from on board the British Schooner Commerce, Capt. Collins, from Jamaica, A Cargo of high proof RUM. C. & F. Whittle. September 2. tf
WILLIAMSBURG, August 22, 1808.
To all whom it may concern, be it known, that the mercantile house of GREENHOW & COLE is this day dissolved. The subscriber will dispose of
His well assorted Stock in Trade,
on terms specified in the Enquirer, of Richmond, under this date; and if not Sold before the first day of October next by wholesale, they will be retailed (nothing preventing) at very reduced prices to CASH ONLY. 16t RO. GREENHOW.
At a Court held for Norfolk County,
the 19th day of July, 1808. Alexander Love, Plaintiff , Against Alexander Falconer, and John Hamill. Defendants .
The Defendant Falconer, not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of this Court that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth: on the motion of the Plaintiff by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of November next, and answer the bill of the Plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper of the Borough of Norfolk for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of this County.
A Copy, True, Wm. Wilson, Jun. C. N. C.
FOR RENT,
That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris.
Also, That commodious House on Catharine-street, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes, adjoining the subscriber: they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses.
Also, A very convenient Dwelling-House just finished, on Commerce-street. For terms apply to James Tucker.
Who has in Store,
A few thousand bushels Liverpool stowed SALT, loose and in sacks, that will be delivered in small or large quantities to suit the purchasers. August 15. tf
Fifty Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th December last, a Mulatto Man named TONY, a Blacksmith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on when he went away a dark cloth suit coat and pantaloons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 8th December last. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North-Carolina.
JOHN WALKER.
August 26. tf
Ten Dollars Reward.
Deserted from Gosport Navy Yard, July 28, 1808, BENJAMIN PHILLIPS, a Private in the Marine Service, 24 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high, dark hair, light eyes, and fair complexion.
Edward Hall, Lieut. M. C.
August 17. tf
NOTICE.
All persons indebted to the estate of WILLIAM DAVIS, deceased, are requested to come forward and make payment; those to whom said estate is indebted are desired to bring in their claims authenticated. William Dickson, Executor.
Portsmouth, July 22. tf
From the U. S. Gazette. DAY OF RECKONING.
The following is an extract of a letter addressed to the transcriber, from a respectable farmer of Delaware. I publish it, that the farmers generally may be induced to make their calculations. They have felt the embargo, and know partly its effects. Many however, have been lulled to repose by the delusion of democracy; and, though nothing can convince them of the prout of the measure, they are still easy under the deceptive assurance that they lose nothing by it! But let them calculate, and astonishment will succeed at the discovery of a slight of hand practised upon them that has robbed the agricultural interest of MILLIONS! Hardly a poor man but will feel he has lost the value of a cow, a horse, perhaps of a small piece of ground, where he might sit down at ease; all in consequence of a rancorous embargo, laid and continued by our democratick leaders without one solid reason for the measure, while the wealthier, more able to bear the burden imposed on them, will yet feel with a vengeance the iron paw of THIS "MAMMOTH SCOURGE." Think of it friends, and let your votes at the next election, speak a voice of thunder to the ears of the men who under a canting veneration for the people have betrayed them into this great national suffering.
PHILO AGRICOLA.
DEAR SIR, This ruin to which the farmer is subjected in consequence of the embargo, is almost impossible for you, or any one resident in the city to have a just conception of. You will probably recollect the size of the farm I occupy, on which, with indefatigable industry, I have been able for the few past years, to average 800 bushels of wheat, 500 of corn, and 100 of rye. Taking this sketch as my guide, I shall offer you a rough statement of the loss I sustain in my own person, from an EMBARGO, that during one year's visit has done more injury to the farmer than all the mildews, locusts, blasts and vermin, that wielded destruction, and destroyed the fair fruits of industry, in any one country since the days of Pharaoh!
Bus. corn, wheat, rye.
  From 1806, a surplus of produce remains. Say, 460 40 60   Last year's crop neatly entire, 500 700   Present year at least, 800 100   So that I have on hand of corn 700 bushels, wheat 1540, rye 100, which estimated at the prices of the past and present year, stand thus,   In 1807.   760 corn, at 75 cts. $ 570   1540 wheat 1 80 277 2   100 Rye at 1 20 192   3,534 
In 1808.
  760 corn, at 43 326 80   1540 wheat, at 93 1,432 20   100 Rye, at 50 80   1,839 
The value, therefore, of the grain in my hands at the rate of sale in 1807, being 3534 dollars, and now only 1,839 dollars, a depreciation results of one thousand six hundred and ninety-five dollars on my own farm alone, all in consequence of this embargo, which the folly or corruption of the administration has imposed upon us and from which, for aught I can see, no good has, or ever will result. All the land taxes, stamp acts, &c. &c. against which I once joined in the hue and cry, foolishly enough, I acknowledged, shrink into nothing before this mammoth scourge. Then, because a mere atom of my income was required by a tax which I knew was temporary, and which I since have perceived under the blessing of Heaven, was the only means of averting the scourge of French fraternity—I murmured. Now that almost half my property is taken to please, perhaps, the whim whims of a speculator, and indulge the mandates of the terrible Napoleon, you sarcastically tell me to chant songs of gratitude to the author of this mischief! No, Sir, my eyes are open, I can trace now all the wiles by which our rulers have supplanted the disciples of Washington, and I rejoice to find that the embargo has at least one good effect, that of awakening the people to a sense of their own interests. The effect of the elections which approach, I trust will have a commanding influence in our affairs; but even then, after the men are removed from office, who have brought this evil upon us, a stagnating effect will still attend your commerce, while property being pushed out, will be sacrificed for nothing, and the continuance of a glut in foreign markets by every successive crop, will so keep down the prices of our produce, that for years the farmer counting up his annual profit, will say, "But for that embargo I should have been a wealthy man." The policy then of the people is to rise in their majesty, and by a change of men, ensure a change of measures—the more speedily the more will their interests be subserved, while there is no question that all the difficulties and privations we are now suffering, would in all probability be removed or adjusted on terms compatible with the honour and interest of our country.
AGRICOLA.
"France has ships and we have men."—It has been repeatedly denied in the democratick prints that Mr. Jefferson, in a conversation with two respectable gentlemen, declared that the people of this country wished for a war with England, and upon being asked by what means we should be able to carry on such a war, replied in the words which we have
placed at the head of this article. It is however, a fact that such a conversation really took place, and we are now enabled to state the substance of it upon the authority of a gentleman who cannot be mistaken, and who is incapable of intentional misrepresentation. We believe that the very words of the President are preserved, and confidently challenge any of his champions to deny the accuracy of the statement. Both the gentlemen who were concerned in the conversation have related it in the same manner: both are known to the editor of this Gazette: and the character of both are such that no one will venture to call in question the veracity of either.
The statement is as follows.
In July 1807, soon after the unfortunate, and to us disgraceful affair of the Chesapeake, a citizen of Georgetown, and a friend of his, a merchant from London paid a morning visit to the president of the United States. The latter was introduced by the former as a gentleman residing in England; and a partner in a mercantile house in Philadelphia; and a native American, extensively engaged in the American trade. The president introduced a conversation by complaining bitterly of the recent outrage upon the Chesapeake; and the general conduct of the British government towards this country.—"What is to be done?" asked the citizen of Georgetown, who was an old acquaintance of Mr. Jefferson, and had served with him many years ago in the legislature of Virginia: "What can we do sir?"—"The people of this country," replied the president—"the people, sir, will fight the English most severely. They are roused, and there will be no difficulty in prevailing on them to take up arms to wipe off this stain."
The merchant, who felt chagrined at this gross violation of decorum and the rights of hospitality, observed, perhaps too tartly for the irritated nerves of the philosopher: "But sir, what will you fight the English with? You have no ships—you cannot get at them. They will not come here. How will your fighting people meet these offenders?"—This was too much for presidential patience to bear. "FRANCE HAVE SHIPS AND WE HAVE MEN," exclaimed the man of the people, with evident marks of angry irritation.
Let this statement, which may be implicitly relied upon with Mr. Madison's declaration that France wants money and we must give it . Some interesting particulars relative to that declaration, and the facts which led to it will be found in this day's Gazette. They are derived from a source which may be relied upon, as the democrats themselves would acknowledge were we to mention names. Ibid.
[We think indeed, and almost certain, that the conversation alluded to was before the affair of the Chesapeake.]
FROM THE LONDON COURIER.
May the cause of Spain triumph!—May patriotism make her more than a match for the discipline of her adversaries!—May the courage of despair enable her to contend with success against the veteran troops that will be brought against her!—Whatever this country can do, will be done cheerfully and instantly. We are no longer at war with Spain from the moment she manifests a determination to throw off the yoke of France. In what a post of honor and dignity are we placed! Spain speaks the wishes and feelings of the continent—She tells us that the continent casts an anxious and imploring eye to England—that England is the only bulwark, the only barrier between France and universal tyranny—that she is the last stay and hope of the world—"I was the faithful ally of France," says Spain—"I was her fastest friend—my blood and my treasures flowed at her call—Her enemies were mine, her friends were mine—whilst I reposed in the fancied security of this alliance, she has stolen into my capital, attacked and butchered my people, dragged the Royal Family into slavery, and called upon me to sacrifice to her my rights, my happiness, and my independence—In this misery and oppression I turn to you my enemy—I know the noble nature of the British character—I know your love of freedom, your hatred of tyranny—I know that in England the weapons are to be found that can enable us to break our chains upon the heads of our oppressors; assist me in this sad extremity of my fortune—I implore your succours to rescue me from this galling oppression." This is the language of Spain—What a lesson does it afford to Europe! in what deep and legible characters does it display this truth to all nations—that there is no hope for Europe but in resistance to France! What! can Austria entertain a doubt that the fate of Spain is reserved for her. She, who was the enemy, not the ally of France! Can Russia be blind to the ruin that awaits her, a ruin half prepared by the degradation to which she has already submitted? Do they think the devouring flame will pause? that it will consume so much and then stop? Never! The destruction of nations is the food upon which that restless and insatiable tyrant feeds. He devotes every ancient establishment to ruin, every ancient family to disgrace and misery. If Austria and Russia and Germany felt as they ought, there might yet be some chance, whilst so large a portion of the French troops are occupied in Spain. To Great-Britain however, Spain will not look in vain. It were impossible to suppose that any petty ideas of interest or ambition should mix with our assistance to her. It must be given with a large and liberal hand. No interference in her internal affairs—no attempts to procure indemnities for the succors we may afford her—no demand of territorial cessions or commercial advantages—our principle must be this and this alone—"You desire to throw off the yoke of France; Great Britain is willing and ready to assist you."

ELECTIONS...We have nothing so late as published in our last relative to the New-Hampshire election, in that paper we gave the result of majorities for 42 towns, leaving the free-trade, anti embargo ticket, about 1150 a-head. We have seen a detailed account of this election in part, and observe that in Portsmouth and four other towns, the embargo ticket was 784—a majority, so that in the other 37 towns (for Portsmouth and those four were included in the 42) the free trade ticket must have gained about 1950 votes. Without being confident, we anticipate a pleasing result.
The Rhode Island election we feel more confident in, and have little doubt of its having determined, as well as the state elections, in favor of commerce, and federalism.
The Vermont elections took place on the 6th instant.
WAR OR THE EMBARGO...We find this sentiment becoming very prevalent, in those circles, and those papers, most in the favor and confidence of the administration. It requires but little penetration to discover the object of this political jungle.
The friends of the administration think, and think correctly, that the federalists are generally opposed to war. The reader understands us as speaking of a war with Great-Britain, for a war with France we have never thought of...Among those who are most generally opposed to the embargo, are the federalists, tho' by no means are they the exclusive opposers, as the various town-meetings, and some elections have demonstrated, and as others of both, will we trust hereafter demonstrate. These things have not escaped the notice of the ministerialists, nor failed to excite their apprehensions. An union of sentiment between persons, heretofore differing, must have taken place, or there would have been no changes in elections. To avert the progress of this union, the cry of war is raised, and an appeal to the interests and wishes of the federalists, is solemnly made. We do not, we cannot believe, that the same men who one year ago, could have carried the nation into war, and carried it unanimously, when various circumstances (which we shall hereafter notice) promised a more successful result, and yet did not go to war, will do so at this time, and under circumstances so very different, and unfavorable.
The affair of the Chesapeake excited a sensation in the nation, that declared for war.
The prudence of the administration on that occasion (and for which we give all credit) saved the nation from a war. The administration justly considered the outrage, as one too monstrous, to have been authorized. Although this attack upon the honor of the nation has not been satisfactorily atoned for, yet much of its atrociousness has been diminished, first by an immediate and voluntary disavowal, and promise of reparation, next by a formal disavowal to all the world, and lastly by sending a special envoy to offer reparation. It is true that this reparation was not made in words by the British envoy, but in substance it was to a considerable extent.—An old nation, accustomed to conduct her negotiations with the highest regard to her national honour, on one side, and on the other hand, a young and high spirited nation, resolved not to commence its political career by surrendering any portion of its honour, produced difficulties which could not be overcome. As a cause of war, the affair of the Chesapeake is a matter of feeling; the orders in council a consideration of interest or policy; searching our merchant ships and taking out their seamen is another cause of complaint on our part. These are the three principal pretexts or causes of war on our part. Let us examine the probability of war on these grounds.
The affair of the Chesapeake—If it had been intended to have gone to war on that ground, it should have been done the moment that Mr. Rose departed, or sooner. The orders in council having been issued in consequence of the Berlin decree, and depending for their duration, on the continuance of that and the Milan decree, and the decrees and orders, being equally injurious to the United States, it becomes a matter of policy, against which nation we ought to declare war. But there remains no more reason for a war on this ground now, than there did seven months ago.
Lastly, the seamen—this is the oldest cause of complaint, and the most serious, not so much in principle as in practice. We presume no American would hesitate one moment, if Great Britain assumed a right to take American seamen. As to the principle, every maritime nation of Europe avows the right of claiming and taking their own seamen from neutral merchant ships, and the commanders of the ships of war of the United States have avowed the same right. But if this is to be the cause of war, surely it is not more so now than it has been for years past.
Upon the whole then, we do not believe that a war has been determined on, as a substitute for the embargo, or that it will be substituted. We consider this as an alarm, calculated to arrest, the mighty efforts, which are every where making, to relieve the country from the cruel oppression produced by the embargo. We trust, and believe, that it will fail in its object, and that the people will not relax
in their exertions, if even a war should take place... Those who make it, will be responsible for its consequences, and we think better of those who are in power, than to believe that they would sacrifice their country's good, to be revenged upon their political opponents, not their enemies we know.
SPAIN is now to France, in her glorious struggle for national independence, what France was to Prussia, to Spain, to Germany, and to England, at the commencement of her bloody revolution.—France was, as an independent nation, to be "blotted from the map of Europe." Spain is now menaced by the world's tyrant with the same ignominious oblivion.
For France, when she was so threatened with extinction by the "coalition of crowned heads," and when it was fondly but delusively hoped that she was contending for freedom, the patriots of every country, and none more than those of the United States, felt and manifested the liveliest interest.
But what is now the conduct of some of our citizens with respect to Spain; of those too who plume themselves on being friends of freedom?—What is now their conduct when the patriots of Spain, animated by the noblest passions, are contending, not indeed for right of putting down one form of government and setting up another, but against the insolent pretensions of a foreign power to impose upon her, by force of arms, by deluding their country with blood, a foreign prince? Are they now the same friends of freedom? Do they not look on, do they not view the outrage which is attempted by Napoleon with approbation? France, alas! is privileged to overthrow, to plunder, to kill.
The editor of the National Intelligencer, anxious, it would seem, for the subjugation of Spain by France, sneeringly remarks that Spain is fighting for that "phantom, the balance of power."
Is then the balance of power in Europe a phantom? To us, as a neutral and commercial nation, the preservation of the ancient balance of power is of the utmost consequence.
Fomerly the European continent was divided among many nations, the whole, however, by connective arrangements, holding each in check and preserving its sovereignty. If France was at war with Spain; to Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Prussia, Hamburg, Portugal, Spain, the Italian States, England, &c. our commerce was accessible, even though excluded from France by her decrees. But the balance of power on the European continent is now destroyed; there is now but one nation, and what is the consequence? France, master of the continent, interdicts by decrees our trade with England; England, to preserve herself in this tremendous conflict, retorts the measure, and we, the only neutral, the only unconquered nation, but England are either forced from the ocean, or deem it prudent to withdraw from its dangers. Thus, the balance of power on the European continent being destroyed; France being master of the land and England of the ocean, the world is divided between them.—Our present situation is in a great measure the necessary effect of the destruction of the balance of power on the European continent, which Mr. Smith terms a phantom, but which we feel is real. We can now trade to Sweden, if we please, because Sweden is not as yet merged in France. We may trade to Spain, if we think fit, for Spain having revolted from the yoke of Napoleon, neither the decrees of France nor the orders of England are applicable to her enfranchised condition; and so to every nation on the continent which, nation by nation, shall be lucky enough to escape from the clutches of the tyrant. As the balance of power is restored, our commerce, as is evident, will become free; and free commerce, I can assure Mr. Smith, is something more than a phantom. For this, amongst many other reasons, I most heartily wish complete success to the arms of the Spanish patriots.
But, in behalf of France, it is farther objected to the Spanish patriots by our new friends of freedom, that a republic is not the object of the Spanish revolution; and they are so kind as to add, with admirable sagacity, that as Spain is contending for a king, the kingship may as well be filled by don Joseph Napoleon, as by don Ferdinand, don Charles, arch duke of Austria, or any other don.
To talk of a republic in Spain, is really to talk of a "phantom." France having struck off the heads of Louis and his queen, set out for a republic; but where, having for ten years "waded through blood and slaughter," where is her republic now? Gone. Napoleon has trampled his foot upon it. Has Spain more of the elements of a republic than France had? If Spain could erect, could she maintain a republic? In a republic, like ours, the power of a nation, I mean the suffrage of the nation, must be in the hands of the people; and note, for it may be received as a maxim, that if power and intelligence, in a republic so constituted, do not go hand in hand together, the power, in the absence of the intelligence, will overthrow the republic. France and Spain, and every other nation in Europe, have enlightened men, but are the people, into whose hands suffrage on the supposition of a republic is to be placed, sufficiently informed to maintain it? I think not. France is an example of favouring my opinion, and Spain would be another. With me, it is not problematical whether or no any nation in Europe could preserve a republic.
But let me tell the editors of the National Intelligencer and of the Monitor, who either do not know, or who for certain mystical purposes choose as far as they can to conceal, that the freedom of an independent nation mainly consists of the right which it inherently has of choosing that form of government which it likes best. From this principle, which is universally acknowledged, and which the two gentlemen will not, as yet, deem as expedient to disclaim, it follows, "as the day the night," that if Spain prefers don Joseph Napoleon, she has, as a free and independent nation, an indubitable right to do so, and that for a foreign nation to attempt to impose upon her, contrary to her clearly expressed will, a foreign prince, would be a tyranny which, 'fore God and man, it is most noble, virtuous and patriotic to resist.
To bring the thing home to our "business and bosoms."—Suppose, what I trust in God will never be, that the United States, tired of contention, denunciation, and proscription, should prefer a monarchical to our republican form of government; that we are all for a "king to rule over us," and that England, seeing that we will have a king, should send out her fleets and armies to force upon
us one from "a line of kings;" what should we say, what do? Would we say that it makes no difference whether our king be our own choosing, and from amongst ourselves, or a FOREIGNER, forced upon us by foreign arms?—Would we not resist the attempt to rob us of the element of freedom, the freedom of choice? Should we not be contemptuously basely and cowardly if we did not. American Citizen.
SPAIN—Checked in his career of conquest by the noble resistance of the Spanish patriots, Bonaparte, unused to insuperable obstacles, and to prevent that reaction which may occasion his overthrow, will make an effort greater than any one of those by which he has already subjugated nearly the whole of the European continent. Blood therefore must again flow in copious streams to gratify a monarch's ambition. Spain, rifled of her freedom, is doomed, I fear, to be desolated by fire and sword. Nothing can save her but a prompt and powerful coalition of her terrified neighbouring nations, and such a coalition, by dividing the force of France, may save Spain, save, perhaps, the world.
But whatever may be the fate of old Spain, the resistance which has already been made to the force and artifice of the French emperor, is exceedingly advantageous to the United States. That resistance is perhaps the pivot on which our independence as a nation turned.
The Spanish American possessions, urged and animated by the example of old Spain, have declared against Napoleon: they are therefore safe, for they are beyond the reach of his arm. The navy of England stands between them and the tyrant. Thus protected, they have nothing to fear. In this inevitable separation of the possessions from France, we have cause to rejoice. France as a neighbor—in Mexico, in Cuba, in the Floridas, &c. would have poisoned the minds of our citizens, gradually undermined our government, and eventually overthrown it. ibid.
Now is the time for our government to take possession of the Floridas, for which, as a "bribe" to France to bully Spain out of her property, we have offered two millions of dollars. We have a just title to a moiety of the Floridas, and if by conquering the other we provoke France, to whom they are transferred by "deed of gift," or England, who in some measure is the protector of Spain, let us meet the consequences. We should risk much to prevent the occupation of the Floridas by a dangerous neighbor.
At a Town Meeting legally warned and holden in New Haven, on the 29th day of August.
The hon. Elizur Goodrich was chosen moderator. VOTED, That Elias Shipman, Noah Webster, David Daggett, Jonathan Ingersoll and Thomas Painter, Esqrs. be a committee to prepare an Address to be presented to the President of the United States, praying for Modification or suspension of the Embargo laws—After a short recess the foregoing committee reported as follows, viz.
To Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States. the Memorial of the town of Newhaven, in legal meeting assembled, respectfully represents,—
That your memorialists, uniformly attached to the principles of a free republican government, and firmly persuaded of the necessity and propriety of submitting to all measures adopted in the exercise of its constitutional powers, have yielded a faithful obedience to the several laws imposing an embargo on the commerce of the United States. Although some of us have questioned the necessity, the policy and even the constitutionality of the measure, yet in confidence that the prohibition would not be of long duration, we have submitted to severe privations and numerous embarrassments, with that spirit of patience and subordination, which ever characterize good citizens. Belonging to a state whose ardent patriotism is attested by her uncommon exertions, during the struggle for independence, and whose publick spirit has ever been manifested by a prompt compliance with all the laws and requisitions of the National government; whose love of freedom is instinctive, and whose subordination to constitutional laws is as cheerful, as it is habitual; we cannot be suspected of any indisposition to make every necessary sacrifice of private interest, to vindicate the honor, and maintain the independence of the United States.
But in the present condition of the United States, when most distressing private sufferings are aggravated by the prospect of augmented evils and public calamities, we believe it the duty of the citizens of this country to avail themselves of their constitutional right to petition for a redress of grievances.—Even admitting the policy of a temporary embargo, for the purpose of collecting the property and seamen of the United States, into our own ports, and apprizing the merchants of the hazard to which their property must be exposed, under the unwarrantable decrees of France and Great Britain, we are not satisfied that reasons now exist to justify a continuance of this restraint. To many parts of the world, commerce may now be carried on with as much safety as at any time within the last fifteen years—a period in which the trade of the United States has been unusually profitable. It is not easy to understand, why the peculiar hazards, to which our trade to some part of Europe is exposed, should operate to justify an improper restraint of our commerce with OTHER COUNTRIES, in which no such hazard is incurred—still more difficult is it to comprehend, why the protection of our seamen and property on the ocean, should be alleged as a reason for a total prohibition of our inland trade, to neighbouring states, which is exposed to no hazard at all.
It is the unquestionable right and duty of government, to protect the property of its citizens, whenever this can be done, without a sacrifice of more important public interests; but when the risk of voyages is known, we suppose it far more expedient to leave the merchant and underwriter to estimate the risk, than for government to interfere. But whatever may be the risk, we are persuaded that the losses to be incurred by a free trade, would be an incomparably less public evil, than a total prohibition of foreign commerce. The business of this country was suddenly arrested, during a state of prosperity. Contracts of various kinds had been made for the purchase and sale of commodities, in expectation that the customary business of our citizens would be continued, and enable the contracting parties to fulfil their engagements. The sudden interruption of trade has disabled many of our citizens to perform their contracts. Numerous bankruptcies in every part of the country, the ruin of honest industrious men, the distress of families, the loss of shipping, the want of occupation among many classes of people, followed by idleness and immoral habits, and furnishing excuses for neglect-
ing to fulfil contracts, thus impairing the sense of moral obligation, with private embarrassments too numerous to be recited in detail, constitute a mass of evils, which, in our opinion, claim from government a speedy relaxation of the present restraints on commerce.
Nor can we forbear to mention the extreme rigor of the laws imposing these restraints, which not only subject our coasting trade to unusual perplexities, but expose our citizens to enormous forfeitures, for trivial violations of law, and even for unintentional offences. The powers vested in officers of the customs, of seizing vessel and boats on mere suspicion of being engaged in illegal trade, are highly alarming to a free people; as such powers are liable to enormous abuses, and are, in our opinion, utterly repugnant to the spirit of a free constitution.
To all these evils, which are now felt by our citizens, we may add most extensive future prejudice and losses, by a diversion of the trade of foreign nations from its usual channels. Nations accustomed to receive supplies of commodities from the U. S. will be compelled to open a trade with other nations, which can furnish the same articles; and in some instances, such treaties and commercial regulations will be formed with our rivals, as hereafter to deprive us of some of our best markets. In such cases the continuance of the embargo may occasion an irreparable injury to the commerce of the U. S.
Nor can we, in justice to ourselves, overlook the condition of Spain, Portugal and their dependencies, which now offer an interesting spectacle to the real friends of National Independence. Recollecting the sufferings of the American people, while contending for their rights and a free government, and comparing the perilous condition of this country in 1775, with that of Spain and Portugal at this moment, rising in mass to resist the power of the mighty conqueror of France, we feel, and we think it a duty to express, a lively interest in the success of their efforts. Their struggles may check the enormous strides of that conqueror, whose gigantic grasp has already embraced the greatest portion of Europe, and may, if unrestrained, extend to other parts of the globe. It is impossible, as it would be unnatural, for freemen, who duly appreciate the advantages of self government, not to wish that the citizens of those countries may have the benefit of supplies from the U. S. Nor can we see any reasonable objection to a restoration of our trade to Spain and Portugal, since the rescinding of the British orders, with regard to those countries, has varied the state of things, and removed a great part of the hazard, which existed when the embargo was laid.
We are disposed to foster the growth of manufactures in this country, as the means of rendering our citizens less dependent on foreign nations for articles of consumption. But in a country containing immense tracts of uncultivated land, we cannot help questioning the policy of attempting to force into existence manufacturing establishments, which are less congenial to the habits of our people than agricultural pursuits. As far as such establishments are necessary, and adapted to our state of society, we apprehend they will best thrive with an unrestricted commerce, which will furnish capital for the purpose, and open a free channels for exporting our surplus productions.
Another consideration, in our apprehension, of serious moment, is, that a continuance of the embargo, will be inevitably followed by smuggling to an unlimited extent. A frontier of more than two thousand miles in length, a great part of which is unguarded, present opportunities to evade the laws, which no vigilance of government can prevent; and the temptations which the high price of foreign commodities, and the power of introducing them without the payment of duties, will offer, will, we apprehend, defeat every effort of government to render the embargo, for any length of time, effectual.
We highly applaud the policy which seeks to preserve the peace of the United States, and prevent the desolating calamities of war, which the people of Europe are so frequently doomed to suffer: but the ocean is the common highway of nations, evidently intended for the free indiscriminate use of all which choose to occupy it for an interchange of commodities; and it becomes a question of serious importance, whether any nation ought to surrender the use of this right, whenever other nations see fit to lay it under illegal restraints. The history of man evinces that a nation which does not respect itself, is never respected; and that nation is doubly exposed to aggression, which wants the will or the power to repel them. To shrink from danger is to create or increase it; as weakness never fails to invite, and timidity, to encourage insults; while every improper concession of rights, offers a new incentive to further encroachments. We confidently hope that the mutual surrender of unimportant claims by the governments of both continents, and a spirit of conciliation, will still preserve peace between nations which have every motive for peace, and whose interest demand an unrestrained freedom of commerce. Nor can we at present see any reason to believe that a removal of the embargo, and a consequent free trade from the United States, will give a just cause of offence to any foreign nation, or tend, in the least, to expose our country to the calamities of war.
In every view of this subject, your memorialists conceive a continuance of the embargo to be as distressing as it is impolitic, and far more injurious to our own people than to any other nation. We therefore request, that in pursuance of the powers vested in the president of the United States, by an act of congress for that purpose, the operation of the several laws imposing embargo, may be immediately suspended.
(Signed) Elias Shipman, Noah Webster, Jonathan Ingersoll, David Daggett, Thomas Painter, Committee. New-Haven, Aug. 29, 1808.
PETITION.
To the President of the United States. The inhabitants of the town of Bradford in legal town meeting assembled—Respectfully represent,
That notwithstanding this town is but a small section of the union, we probably have experienced the embarrassments and distresses, occasioned (as we believe) by laying and enforcing the embargo law, in an equal if not greater degree (in proportion to our numbers) than most of our fellow citizens in the inland towns. Being situated at the head of tide waters on the river Merrimack, we have been indulged with the privilege and long been in the habit of building, and disposing of vessels to the citizens of commercial towns. But we now have the

gloomy prospect of viewing their frames on the stocks, and other materials in the yards, rapidly decaying by the influence of the seasons on their perishable nature, and the industrious builder with many other useful mechanics with downcast faces going about the streets seeking employment.
We likewise with much anxiety, observe the surplus produce of our farms, which we have cultivated with our own hands, perishing for want of a market.
We, however, having imbibed from our ancestors, principles of subordination to the laws of our country, have hitherto mourned in secret the privation of the usual employment, and lacks of market for the fruits of agricultural industry.
But to remain longer silent and not petition the constituted authority for relief, would be a neglect of duty we owe to ourselves, our posterity, and our country.
We therefore with sincere hearts, join our voices, with many seaport and inland towns, and private citizens, to petition your excellency to suspend, in whole or in part, the Embargo, if consistent with the authority vested by congress in the executive of the United States. If any doubt exists relative to the competence of that power we would humbly request that the other branches of the government may be convened as early as possible for the purpose of taking the subject into consideration.
As in duty bound will ever pray.
FROM THE UNITED STATES GAZETTE.
Worse than the Berlin Decree. It is but a short time since we were obliged to enforce conviction on the minds of our Frenchified editors, and their readers, that Bonaparte's Berlin Decree was not a dead letter, as they termed it, but an efficient law to the citizens of the U. States, and rigorously executed on them. The partizans of our meek administration could not for their souls believe that the benevolent mind of their beloved hero, would carry into effect such threatened severities against the country of Jefferson and Madison. It was only intended as an admonition to whip us into place. What will those good love bestowing creatures now say, when they find that the agents and consignees of the American merchants were at the time invoking the humane provisions of the said decree, and praying that the property of our fellow-citizens might not be subjected to a harder fate by the mere dictum of Bonaparte, which great boon, it seems was, out of sheer good will no doubt, denied them.—Read the following authentic documents:
TRANSLATION
Of sundry documents addressed by —, of Hamburg, to Smith and Buchanan, and C. T. Kalkman, of Baltimore, respecting the ships Julius Henry, and Juniata and their cargoes.
Yesterday I received verbal information from the French custom house that the emperor had condemned all goods without exception, seized from the time the Custom House arrived here, until the end of 1807; among these are all the goods, which in that period coming to me have been stopped, so that there is no chance of a release for the cargoes of the Julius Henry and Juniata. This is against all expectations; no one had an idea of it. These innocent goods share the same fate with the English, against which the French emperor's decrees are directed. According to these decrees the court of prizes at Paris had to pronounce the sentence; but I have received no such sentence from that tribunal. As early as the latter part of January the emperor has pronounced the confiscation. This came entirely unexpected to the American consul here, the more so, as he had a letter from gen. Armstrong at Paris as late as the 1st of March, stating that for a while no decision would take place respecting American property under seizure.—They have Legon transporting the coffee and sugars by land to France.
How much these unfortunate occurrences have affected me, you may easily imagine. I have used every effort, and tried every way to prove the clear and fair standing of these cargoes; saved no expense, and have engaged an eminent lawyer to conduct the claims before the court of prizes, and had well grounded reasons to expect a favorable decision; but now every hope is frustrated; all is done in vain.
Hamburg, April 12, 1808.
Julius Henry arrived 22d October, 1807, and was seized on immediately.
Juniata arrived 3d December, 1807.
Memorial of the above-mentioned counsel addressed to the minister of foreign relations at Paris.
MY LORD!
Founded on the 9th article of the decree rendered by his majesty the emperor and king, on the 21st November, 1806, for the invariable rule of commerce, the merchants of Hamburg, consignees of the cargoes seized, altho' actually coming from different ports of the U. States of America, have deputed me here to present to the court of prizes the claims they were exclusively compelled to submit to its definitive judgment, in conformity to that inviolable law which orders: (article 9th.)— "Our court of prizes at Paris is charged to render definitive judgment of all controversies which may take place in our empire or in the countries occupied by the French armies, relative to the execution of the present decree."
Relying with respect and confidence on this legal provision which was to have decided the fate of the claimants as well as that of the shippers and underwriters of the cargoes, I have already commenced a process before the court of prizes, when it pleased his majesty to render on the 27th January last a particular decision which pronouncing a general confiscation, orders that the greater part of the goods, such as cotton in wool or spun, sugar, coffee, and leaf tobacco, shall be transported to France and there sold and consumed.
Altho' respectfully submitting to the inversion of the order of judiciary proceedings, by which I am unexpectedly struck by the legislator himself, who becomes judge and party without hearing me in the causes, the cognizance, and definitive judgment of which he had deigned to attribute to his court of prizes to make the application of his laws, I have presented additional petitions in support of the certificates of origin, and other documents peremptorily efficacious to solicit from his majesty some modifications of his decision of the 27th January last; but I am informed that the court has received sovereign prohibitions from taking cognizance of them as well as of all other claims of the same nature.
This new effect of the supreme authority which I am bound to revere, interdicting me all private solicitation, I take the liberty of having recourse to your excellency's intercession to inform his majesty the emperor that his particular decision of January 27th, and March last, not being legislatively known in all four parts of the globe where they affect through a retrogression tacitly abrogatory of the 9th article of the decree of the 21st November, 1806, they cannot extend there the same effects of omnipotence on commerce and insurances which they possess in the French empire as well as in the countries occupied by her armies, that consequently the suspension of the attribution to the court of prizes it would seem ought to be completely raised; but if on the contrary it should please his majesty to maintain the same, his majesty will deign at least to order its authentic promulgation to give it throughout the world the regular characteristics of a law suspensive of the recited decree.
I have the honor, &c.
Paris, 1st April, 1808.
NOTE.
We find no doubt existing here of the efficacy of the Berlin Decree, but it could not be made to cover these cases.
From the Virginia Argus.
MR. PLEASANTS,
By an unanimous resolution of the grand jury, for the district of Richmond, &c. I transmit to you for publication, the copy of a charge, delivered to that body by the hon. JAMES TYLER, on Monday the 29th ult.
ROBERT GOODE, Foreman.
Gentlemen of the Grand Jury,
You are this day convened together to execute an office of the highest trust and confidence; an office, derived from our ancestors, which has stood the test of long experience, by them and us, and whose principles and objects are the peace, liberty and happiness of society.
For whomsoever have violated the laws, in any animadversion, whether it respects the publick at large, or the individual, and whether it relates to his civil, political or religious rights. For in the eye of the law, every man is equal, and equally entitled to its protection, so long as he refrains from acts, which may, by the commission of them, deprive him of that protection.
In the execution of this important duty, I am persuaded you will be governed in the spirit of the oath you have taken (which is a most admirable charge, and greatly supercedes the necessity of my saying much to you on this occasion,) suffering no one to escape your censure, by a mistaken idea of mercy, nor yet presenting any against whom the clearest evidence is not adduced; as before you, but one side of every case is brought into view.
Every subject, therefore, which may be offered to your consideration, try by the evidence and the law, and let your decision be the result of a sound and dispassionate enquiry.
At all times and under all circumstances, your country has an indubitable right to your most faithful services, and even your very sentiments, whensoever they can be beneficial to it; nor can be stand excused in the eye of moral or political justice, who withhold them from it whenever called on to assist in the great business of the publick happiness.
Even in your private walks and avocations, you have duties to perform, in setting examples of good manners and sound morals, among your neighbors and fellow citizens; inspiring the love of justice, charity and benevolence, and above all, the love of country, which includes every sentiment of honor & virtue.
I own, gentlemen, that some of these principles which I recommend to your notice, are such as are called imperfect obligations, to wit: charity and benevolence, but nevertheless, are moral and social duties, and therefore, can only be enforced by example, as the law has fixed no scale by which those can be punished who refuse to observe them. Yet we find that the ancient Germans and other nations, less enlightened than we are, punished severely, those who neglected them.
By inculcating these sublime maxims and principles, you fix your government upon a rock, as durable as time itself, and will establish a monument to expose the folly and wickedness of those who endeavour to teach this degrading sentiment, that a free republick is not suited to mans capacity or virtue, and therefore the people ought not to govern themselves. These sentiments, however, are the offspring of the highest pride and folly, and are seldom nourished by any but those who wish or expect to rule over their fellow men. And for the proof of such an unfounded doctrine, where will its advocates go? In what region of civilized man? Will it be found in the annals of aristocracy or monarchy, either ancient or modern, that the most wise and virtuous have always ruled, and still do rule? That in such governments, merit and abilities have been always preferred? I scarcely think it can. Yet if we examine into the history of past ages, and present times, we shall easily discover that almost all the great achievements, and wise discoveries, which reflect so much honour and glory on the character of man, originated and were brought to perfection, in the spirit of liberty. Nor is it easy to conceive how it could be otherwise. For how can a slave aspire to acts of glory, wisdom and renown, under the abject state in which he breathes? Before he can be brought to such a standard as liberty and law can place him on, must he not break assunder his chains and stand erect like his God?
It is very true that under a despotism, men have been taught, mechanically, to perform considerable acts of bravery, and often, by a mistaken zeal, arising from a profound state of ignorance, have followed some Cæsar or Alexander, in the perpetration of acts, both sanguinary and venal, and yet have been signalized as great, because they were crowned with success, and by thus blindly following a leader, in hopes of some change in their condition of life for the better, have, at length, more strongly riveted their own chains for a long series of time, till the spirit of liberty is at last roused by severe oppression; and then what comparison is there between the contending parties? Under this divine spirit, we find Leonidas bleeding at the straits of Thermopylæ. Under the influence of the love
of country, we read of Aristides and Themistocles, laying aside their severest hatred and animosity, and consulting and uniting for their country's safety when invaded by a powerful, inexorable and vindictive foe, whom they vanquished. Thus you perceive, that with the love of country, and the true spirit of liberty, nothing is too arduous for man to accomplish. But to attain so exalted a station as human nature is capable of enjoying, those who are entrusted with the management of public affairs, should pursue all proper methods, by a right education and discipline of our citizens, and a due execution of the law, to cause justice and wisdom to flourish among us. It is the "duty of prudent magistrates," said Isocrates, not to multiply laws, but to teach "among the citizens, the love of justice"—a sentiment which ought to be engraven on the heart of every one, and written on the tables of our laws, in letters of gold; for sure I am, that no government can long exist without it, for where justice and benevolence end, there will discord commence. A right education, therefore, in morals and principles, every one acknowledges the necessity of, to make a people happy and free; yet how truly to be lamented, that it is so much neglected in this state. I cannot, however, forbear hoping, that my country will soon see this subject in a more favorable light, and supply the means for establishing so desirable an end.
"Train up your children in the way they should walk, and they will not depart from it when they grow old."—Apply this wise maxim to our political situation.
Teach your fellow-citizens to revere their neighbor's rights, to love them as themselves, to do as they would be done by, and not to love themselves exclusively: and under such a system of morals, what would induce any one to injure his neighbor or violate his country's laws? Would he not rather be inclined to heal the wounds of misfortune; to feel another's woe, to soften down his distresses, and be guile all his sufferings. These noble and sublime principles ought to be the foundation of all governments, nor ought any to be of any obligation without them. But wise and virtuous as this system may be, nothing good can flow from it unless it is also wisely and honestly executed.
Nor is it sufficient that our laws should be the best suited to our constitution, unless every citizen, being a subject of them, holds himself bound by them, and not to set himself up as a judge how far he is to obey them.—No wise and good man will ever assume the privilege of subverting the laws, and then to claim the right to judge in such a case. It Caligula or Nero had been subject to no other judgment than their own, how easily could they have subverted the liberties of their country.
There can be no doubt but that man is capable of attaining a great degree of happiness under a well constituted and regulated republic. All the able writers on government prove it by arguments as irresistible as the rays of light, and by comparison of governments one with another. Of the ancients are Plato, Aristotle, Polybius, Cicero, and many others of this opinion, and of the moderns are Locke, Harrington, Sidney, and others, whose names reflect honor on the character of man, so long as virtue, wisdom, and philosophy, shall be held in esteem among them.
A well formed government includes virtue, and the path of honour and virtue in it. It is the horn of Amalthea—The horn of plenty and felicity—and that government is best which is capable of the best administration, and most effectually guards against corruption.
Good orders and pure examples make good citizens. Here the fruits of social life grow up and flourish. Here the laws direct and impel to their proper end and reason; virtue and authority will have their highest vigour and splendour. "He therefore who wishes to be as happy as his nature is capable of, should all his life live in a free republick, well organized and regulated—and should constantly yield his portion of services to the attainment of that end, and see that no danger happen to it."
These duties and obligations every citizen is bound to perform, as he expects to be protected by his country. On the contrary, view a man wholly and solely engaged in the love of himself, he acquires wealth on any terms, next power, then dominion, and hence are derived so many evils in society, which time will not suffer me to develope.—Yet a laudable industry and frugality are virtues highly to be commended in every one, as they tend to make him independent, and afford the means of charity and benevolence; nor can a people be well happy without them. So intimately connected are all the virtues, that a neglect of the one will eventually prove destructive to the others.
Having premised thus much, gentlemen, on general principles, I now remind you [as the law directs] of the act to prevent excessive gambling.
You well know the evils that often flow from the indulgence of this vicious habit, which urges a man to seek his neighbour's goods without an equivalent, which hardens the heart, destroys every sentiment of brotherly love, injuries and often ruins many a friend unguardedly seduced; induces the commission of acts detestable in virtue's eye, causes many to drink of the bitter cup of affliction, and at length in a fit of despair, the unhappy victim to this disease inflicts his own punishment by the guilty hand of violence.
And is it possible, gentlemen, that the most successful in this deluded pursuit can derive consolation from such a scene? He who thus deprives his friend, companion, or fellow-citizen, of the means of support, independent of the mischiefs which are often brought on those who at all times are eminently entitled to our tenderest sympathies and care. Can he, I say, derive any pleasure from such a scene? He must be hardened indeed, if he can, even in the height of what he calls his good fortune. To a virtuous and feeling heart, nothing is more distressing.—To a noble and exalted mind, nothing is more abominable. These passions are the effects of bad examples and worse morals, too often countenanced and practised by those from whom society has a right to expect better modes of life.—Aid your legislature, therefore, gentlemen, in the suppression of this evil, and suffer no one to exceed a reasonable amusement in this respect, and he will in all probability, employ his time more to his country's good and his own honour. As to the formal parts of your office, you are, I am sure, well acquainted with them, having often performed them before; I therefore suffer you to retire under a full conviction that you will have the pleasing satisfaction of saying, whatever be the result of your enquiries, you have done your duty.
New-York, Sept. 5. ELECTION FOR MEMBERS OF CONGRESS.
New-Hampshire. —The Boston papers of Friday, which were received yesterday at this office, give a statement of the votes from 80 towns in New-Hampshire, by which it appears, that the federal candidates had 7698, and the democratic 5558, leaving a federal majority of 1832. The net federal gain in 72 of these towns, compared with the votes of 1804 (the last contested election) is said to be 3246. The Portsmouth Intelligencer of Thursday is of opinion that the federal candidate will be chosen by a majority of between three and six thousand.
Rhode-Island. —The whole number of votes given in this state for members of congress, it is expected, will be about 6,000; of which the ultimate federal majority is calculated at near 450. The election of state representatives took place at the same time; and it was spoken of as probable that there would be a federal majority of 7 or 8 in the Rhode Island Assembly.
Vermont. —The election in this state takes place to-morrow.
Rhode Island Election. —By a letter from Providence, dated the 2nd inst., the news of the favourable result of the election in Rhode Island is confirmed. The letter states that "Potter and Jackson are elected" for the next congress, and Jackson "for the remaining session of the present congress." The majority is ascertained to be upwards of 400. "It is also certain that there is a co federal majority elected for the state legislature, which is of great importance, as a Senator of the United States is to be chosen at the session to be holden "in October."
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Sloop First Consul, Robinson, 48 hours from New-York.
Sloop Unity, Hand, 4 days from Philadelphia.
Sch'r Sally, Burns, 9 days from Salem. On Wednesday morning to the northward of Cape Henry, was spoke by a British brig of 20 guns, two frigates at the same time in sight.
Schooner Feronia, Block, 50 hours from New-York.
The Brig Generous Friend, Capt.
Clark, will sail for New-York the first fair wind. For freight or passage apply on board at Whittle's wharf. Sept. 9.
The Sloop Venus, Capt. Boush, will sail for New-York the first fair wind—For passage only, apply to the Captain on board. Sept. 9.
FOR SALE
In our Ware-House, where the largest vessel can come alongside,
15,000 bushels of CORN, 2,000 do. do. white, 30 bales Cotton.
Also,
4000 bushels coarse SALT, 150 sacks Ground Allum do. 45 hogsheads old Antigua Rum, do. Jamaica do. 40 hogsheads Sugar, 8. barrels do. A few casks excellent Port Wine, Coffee in hogsheads, Madeira Wine, 45 crates Catherwark, Tobacco from several inspectors.
GEO. MURRAY, & Co. September 9.
FRESH GOODS.
WOOD AND HASTINGS,
Have just received
Cambricks and Common Callicoes, Cotton Shirtings, Cotton Cambricks, Irish Linens, Long Lawns, Linen Cambricks, &c.
Also,
A few pieces of best
London Superfine Broad BLOTHS, and most fashionable Coat BUTTONS, which with their Goods on hand, will be sold at very low prices for Cash. September 9.
WANTED TO CHARTER,
A VESSEL
from one to three hundred tons, to carry small timber, to Washington City. Apply to the subscriber living in Brewer-street, near the foot of the Bridge leading from the United States Bank. William Smith. September 9.
LIBERAL PRICES FOR NEGRO BOYS,
From 7 to 12 years old.
ROBERT BARR of Kentucky, near Lexington, is desirous of purchasing from forty to fifty Boys; he is now on a trip to Philadelphia, but intends to return to this place about the first of next month—mean-time, those who are disposed to sell, will give Mr. SAMUEL COLEMAN, of Norfolk, information thereof, who, upon seeing the Boys in Norfolk, and being satisfied with the title, is authorised to purchase, conditionally.
New Baltimore and Norfolk Packet.
The Sloop William & Mary,
will sail from Newton's wharf for Baltimore the first fair wind.
This vessel is intended as a regular Packet, has a large and elegant cabin, containing twenty beds, with four state rooms, perfectly retired for the accommodation of families. The table will be handsomely supplied, and the beds neat and clean. Ladies and Gentlemen who intend to visit Baltimore by water, will please to call at Newton's wharf, and examine the accommodations, where passages may be taken. Freight will be received on the usual terms. Sept. 7.
FOR SALE.
5000 sacks Liverpool fine SALT, 5000 bushel Cadiz do. best quality, 36 crates Queen's Ware, consisting chiefly of Plates and Dishes; 5,000 wt. German Steel. JAMES YOUNG. September 7.
Twenty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the Subscriber on the 27th of August last, from Halifax County, N. C. two Negro Women; ROSE about 45 years of age, stout and well made, of yellow complexion; ALICE about 19 years, tall and very slender made, with long hair, both dressed in coarse call dark grounded; no particular marks recollected on either. They are well acquainted ab ut Norfolk and the Great-Bridge. All masters of vessels and other persons are cautioned against harbouring said Negroes—The above reward will be paid to any person that will secure them in goal so that I get them again, or Ten Dollars for either. NORMAN MORRISON. September 7.

TRIAL OF COMMODORE BARRON.
As soon as a sufficient number of Subscriptions are procured, to defray the cost of the Paper, WILL BE PUBLISHED, AT THE LEDGER OFFICE,
NORFOLK, THE WHOLE PROCEEDINGS IN THE TRIALS OF Commodore JAMES BARRON, Capt.
CHARLES GORDON, Commandant of the United States' frigate Chesapeake, JOHN HALL, Esq. Captain of Marines, and WILLIAM HOOK, Gunner.
These Trials will be found highly interesting to the public in general, and to the Officers of the United States' Navy in particular. Every circumstance relative to the important affair, which gave occasion for these Trials, will be found detailed with great exactness; and many official documents which have not yet been published will appear with this work. The interest which the nation has taken in this affair, and the circumstances connected with it, render it unnecessary that the Publisher should offer any remarks upon the value of the work. Officers of the Navy will be greatly interested in having the proceedings of the most important Trials that have occurred in the service.
The Publisher has been favoured with a record of the proceedings; he will pay particular attention to the correct execution of the work, which it is expected will contain from two hundred and fifty to three hundred pages, octavo.
CONDITIONS.
 The work will be printed on a good fair type, and on good paper.  The price to Subscribers will be One Dollar and Seventy-five Cents, in boards, delivered at any place where Subscriptions are received, according to order.  The amount of Subscription to be paid on delivery of the Work.  The usual allowance to the trade.  Subscription Papers will be sent in a few days to the principal towns in the United States, of which notice will be given in the papers of those towns. To the Editors of Papers who will give this advertisement a few insertions, the Publisher will be much obliged, and reciprocate whenever they may request it. 
The Editor of the Publick Ledger.
At a Court held for Northampton County, the 11th day of July, 1808.
Thomas D. Sinkins and William Sinkins, an infant by Thomas D. Sinkins, his guardian, Plaintiffs. Against Coventon Sinkins, John Sinkins, John Brickhouse, Junior, and George Lewis, Defendants. The complainants having filed their bill more than three months, and the court being satisfied that Coventon Sinkins one of the defendants, is out of this commonwealth, it is ordered, that the said Coventon Sinkins do enter his appearance to this suit on the first day of November Court next, and give security for performing the decree that may be made in this case, or the Court will on that day proceed in the suit in like manner as if an appearance had been entered; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order be posted at the front door of the Court-House of this County, and published in the Publick Ledger for two months successively. Thomas L. Savage, Clerk.
NORFOLK BOROUGH. At a Hustings Court continued and held the 24th day of May, 1808.
Thomas Jones, Compt. Against Thomas Wright, administrator with the will annexed of Thomas Newton, deceased, Defendant. The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth, on motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of the said Borough. A Copy, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808.
Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs. Against Mary Slater, widow and devisee for life of John Slater, deceased, Richard and William S. Slater, sons and devisees of the said John Slater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb an infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Slater, deceased, and as executor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Slater, deceased, Defendants. On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
ADVERTISEMENT.
To a Gentleman who has not been seen or heard of by his friends in his native country since March, 1806.
This gentleman may with perfect safety, both as to publick and private concerns, impart his situation and place of residence to THE EDITOR OF THIS PAPER, who can give him any information about his family. This advertisement is made by those most interested in him, and the reference may be confided in. The gentleman to whom it is addressed, will know it by these circumstances. He left his native country in March 1806. He was the only surviving son of his father, whose name was Thomas, born 1740 and married M. E. His brother John who was older than him, had died before. His twin sisters were C. & A. of whom the former was dead before 1806. He was born in the parish of B. where the estate of his ancestors is. Educated at L. in the county of R and taken care of by his aunt Cecilia. July 15.
NOTICE.
The partnership of Wilson, Cunningham, Ham & Co. having been dissolved by mutual consent—all those indebted, as well as those who have claims against them, are requested to settle the same with Alexander Wilson or J. B. Cunningham, who are fully authorised to liquidate the business of said concern.
William Pennock, Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
Norfolk, July 15, 1808. The business heretofore carried on by the above firm will be continued by the Subscribers, under the firm of Wilson & Cunningham.
Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
DR. ROBERTSON'S Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health.
Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Gravel, and Wind in the Stomach: also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, Fevere, Gripings, and all other diseases of the bowels, a dose never fails to remove a cold taken from after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, removing habitual costiveness, sickness at the Stomach, severe head aches, &c. &c.
The full wing certificates are selected from the many respectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession.
Certificate of Mr. William Julion, carpenter and builder, No. 69, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will lay my case before the publick, as an incontestible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robertson's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health. I do hereby certify, that I was seized with violent pain in the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me to such a state that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained. I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by taking Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business. I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance from the country, where assistance cannot be immediately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world. I have freely recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person with to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure explain it to them by applying to me. I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM JULION.
MR. DYO TT, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807.
Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, of the most essential service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my stomach, and continual head aches, attended with a sickness at the stomach, which brought on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before. As I consider your medicines to have been the means of saving my life, I solicit you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by abiding by the directions given with your invaluable medicines, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES.
MR. DYO TT, Philadelphia, August 1, 1807.
ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES. Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pains in my breath and side, and a fullness at my stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and shall certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most effectual medicine in the above complaint. I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON.
MR. T. W. DYO TT, August 22.
Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia.
DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I wish you to publish the following: About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which settled on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption must soon have followed, had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is impossible to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most effectual remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint. I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE.
MR. DYO TT, November 11.
The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the proprietor, T. W. DYO TT, No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; and by appointment at BONSAL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVILL & CONRAD'S, Petersburg. May 23. Iawly
WILLIAM PENNOCK
Has removed his Counting-Room to No. 4, on his own wharf. July 29. tf
NORFOLK BOROUGH. At a Hustings Court continued and held the 25th day of May, 1808.
Cornelius Cruywaygan, Compt. Against Maritzitz Boztells and Moses Myers, Defendants. The defendant Maritzitz Boztells not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth, on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is now ordered that the said defendant Maritzitz Boztells, do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of said Borough; and it is further ordered, that the defendant Moses Myers who hath effects of the said Maritzitz Boztells in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
Two thousand Spanish HIDES, For Sale by William Plume, & Co.
June 6. tf
Dr. Tissot's celebrated Gout and Rheumatism Drops.
The Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, and the various disorders of the same nature, are so exquisitely painful, as to be difficult to be cured, that they have justly excited the attention of the medical profession. Some professional gentlemen have excelled in one department of the sciences; others in another. Dr. Tissot particularly has long been renowned for the superiority of his prescriptions in chronic diseases, and the length of time which elapsed during his sole attention to the nature and effects of these affections, render the medicines which he recommended of invaluable importance. The beneficial effects of these drops, have been so often experienced, and their extraordinary efficacy has been attested by witnesses so numerous and so unimpeachable, that credibility itself cannot doubt the truth of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops. Large quantities have already been vendued, and the sale is now become so general, and their certainty in curing the disorders of a chronic nature is so completely ascertained, that certificates of their unbounded utility are now unnecessary. Testimonies of their value, and a volume of attached cases performed by them, may be seen upon application at T. W. DYO TT's genuine Drug and Patent Medicine Warehouse, No. 57, South Second-Street, Philadelphia.
The price of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops, is only two dollars per bottle, with copious directions.
Generous allowances made to those who buy to sell again. Of the many respectable testimonies of the effects of the above Drops, which have been received by the proprietor, we beg leave to annex the following:
Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton.
I certify that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply to Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the directions, they effected a perfect cure. Another time my wife was afflicted with rheumatism to such a degree, as to render my hand for the time useless, when on application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder in the course of twenty-four hours was entirely removed.
Therefore, from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it a beneficial act to recommend it in similar cases to others. (Signed) C. RIDGELY, of Hampton.
Certificate of John Gibson, Esq. one of the Directors of the Farmers' Bank of Maryland.
I certify that about a year since, my foot received an injury by a fall; in a few hours after it was affected with a most excruciating pain, so that I was unable to walk, with crutches I was able to move, but that accident would induce a severe fit of the gout, with which I had been frequently attacked. In this situation one of my friends strongly recommended and earnestly advised me to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops; I immediately procured them, and made the application; in less than three hours the pain entirely abated, which had been so severe, as to deprive me of sleep for several nights. By a few further applications, a perfect cure was effected. I have frequently since in other cases, bathed them myself, and recommended them to others with invariable success. (Signed) JOHN GIBSON.
Certificate of Mrs. Mary Taylor.
I, Mary Taylor, No. 135, Plumb Street, Philadelphia, aged upwards of seventy years, having been afflicted with very violent rheumatism pains for more than eight years, being recommended to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatism Drops, on only using half a bottle every rheumatism affection was completely removed, and I have continued free from all pain ever since; as witness my hand. MARY TAYLOR
The above drops are sold wholesale and retail only by BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co. Norfolk.
DR. ROBERTSON'S Patent Stomachick Wine Bitters.
Celebrated and well known for their superior qualities in restoring weak constitutions, destroying Worms, cleansing and strengthening, giving a proper tone to the stomach, and increasing the appetite—a frequent use of them is a certain preventative against those complaints so common in the spring and fall. Such as intermitting fevers, agues, autumnal fevers, dysenteries, &c. &c. They are particularly serviceable to those who make long sea voyages, and are exposed to unhealthful climates, as a powerful preservative against contagious disorders.
PRO BONO PUBLICO. Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Blacking.
prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beautifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but by experience; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recommended to gentlemen and gentlemen who are much exposed to the wet—Also for cleaning Harness, as it will effectually prevent the water from penetrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the very last, giving it also a beautiful jet black gloss, a proof of which may be seen at the warehouse. The above Blacking is prepared and sold only by T. W. DYO TT, at his Medical Warehouse, No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; sold also by his appointment at BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co's Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVILL & CONRAD'S, Petersburg.
THE IMPERIAL WASH, And new invented LIQUID,
For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots. May 20. Iawly
NOTICE.
All persons are forewarned from crediting my Wife CATHARINE IVES, on my account, as I am determined to pay no debts of her contracting from this date. The utmost rigour of the law will be enforced against any one who is detected in harbouring her. Robert Ives. August 24. 7*
NOTICE
Is hereby given to all persons having claims against the estate of THOMAS BARK, deceased, that they must be brought forward for settlement previous to the 1st of December next, properly attested; all those indebted to said estate will make immediate payment, or suits will be brought indiscriminately—the above notice will be plead in bar against delinquent creditors, by Peter Foster, Executor. August 24. tf
Ten Dollars Reward
For Negro ALECK, purchased of Mr. Hubbard of this place, of a very dark complexion, has lost his upper fore teeth; had on when he went away a coarse check shirt and cassimere pantaloons, long coat and white hat; he was seen near Tappahannock's Ferry, York, where I suspect he is still lurking, or at Williamsburg where he has a wife. George Veale. August 22. tf
JOHN PENDRED'S Boot and Shoe Manufactory,
No. 70, MAIN-STREET.
The publick are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands. N. B. Orders for Double Backstraps, single do. and Cosacks, executed with the greatest dispatch. August 1. tf
NOTICE.
The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Perkins' money in fact, Robert Gilson, Colin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
Norfolk Drawbridge.
The Directors have declared a dividend of Fifty Six Cents on the Stock of this Company, for the half year ending the 10th inst. which will be paid to the Stockholders or their legal representatives after the 10th August next. William Cammack, Treasurer. July 13. tf
LANDING
This Day from the Schooner Adventure and brig Eliza,
55 hhds. sup. qual. Muscovado Sugar
34 do. and 40 quarter casks particular Teneriffe
WINE—For Sale by Moses Myers. July 6. tf
W E have for SALE on our Wharf,
200 hogsheads MOLASSES,
53 do. superior quality Muscovado Sugars,
37 do. inferior do. do.
258 bags Guadalupe Coffee; 10 puncheons Rum,
60,000 wt. Java Coffee, in hhds. barrels and bags,
10,000 do. La Guayra do. 30 kegs Raisins,
20 cases superior quality Claret,
6000 bushels Iva, 8500 do. St. Ubes, 2500 do. Turks-Isl,
and 5000 do. coarse Liver Oil Salt,
10 pipes old Madeira Wine; 4 do. Country Gin,
50 barrels Rye Whiskey; 90 hhds. Philadelphia Porter,
1 new 14 inch Cable 120 fathoms. C. & F. Whittle. July 13. tf
NOTICE.
The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2. tf
NOTICE.
The Subscribers have removed to the Warehouse, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8. tf
For SALE at my Brew-House,
Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by
the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—at a constant supply
of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Mayes. Feb. 9. tf
Mackinder & White,
Have just received from on board the Schooner Liberty,
Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia,
150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson
TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN,
Ticklenburgs, superior Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats,
Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest
terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 15. tf
For RENT,
The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar,
at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90,
Main-Street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar.
The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale
at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles,
of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or
on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
Fresh Imperial TEA.
Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present
year's importation—Also on Hand,
25 tons assorted BAR IRON,
80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar,
40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hhds. old Antigua Rum,
20 hhds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy,
10 crates assorted Queen's Ware,
2 quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine,
Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar,
New-York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese,
A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26. tf
Phœnix Fire Office.
The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX
ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia,
begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully
empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property
against Fire throughout the United States of America, in
conformity to the Proposals herewith subjoined. N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured
in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships
and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases
where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agree-
ment must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8. 137
FOR SALE,