Lynchburg star (Lynchburg [Va.]), 1806-05-29 00:00:00

LYNCHBURG STAR.
Virginia,
PUBLISHED BY JAMES GRAHAM.....AT THREE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(Payable in advance.)
No. XXXI.]
THURSDAY, MAY 29.....1806.
[Vol. I.]
Latest Foreign News.
[From London Papers.]
The Court of Munich, on the 27th Feb. received orders from Paris to keep the whole Bavarian army in readiness to March at a moment's notice. The French war office for the general government of the army in Germany is at Munich. Four messengers arrived there from Paris within 48 hours, and had occasioned the utmost activity throughout the department.
Anspach has been occupied by a French army of nearly 30,000 men, and the Prussian troops in the Margrave have been obliged to retire to Bayreuth. Some think that this occupation was made without the consent of Prussia; it is certain that it was not preceded by any orders or communications from Berlin, in reference to that measure; on the contrary the Prussian commander on the Frontiers made dispositions to resist the invasion, until he was informed of the magnitude of the force opposed to him, and the civil as well as military authorities of the principality have protested against this violation of their neutrality and have dispatched messengers to Berlin, with the details. The French levy the necessary supplies by military execution, and the seizure of the Prussian depot.
The French troops in Suabia and the western parts of Germany have broken up for the interior, and have re-occupied positions on the Inn and in Salzburg. The troops which were drawn from Wurzburg, Aichstadt, &c. have resumed their former quarters and are followed by re-inforcements from France. These extraordinary movements have excited the greatest alarm at Vienna, and we find by letters from thence, that a council of state had been held on the occasion, in which the emperor presided, and at which the Archduke Charles assisted as Vice-President. Couriers were immediately after dispatched to Petersburg, Berlin and Paris.
France is stated to have demanded a passage through the Austrian States for an army to be employed against the Turks, but which the Imperial Cabinet refused. Such indeed is said to have been the purport of the French dispatches which reached Vienna on the 25th ult. and their result. Sir A. Paget received a communication from the Austrian Minister soon after, and in consequence sent a messenger to London.
The French armies in Germany, on the 1st of the present month, comprised one hundred and forty-two thousand men, of whom twenty-seven thousand are conscripted, who passed the Rhine subsequent to the 1st of January.
General Berthier, after a short stay at Munich continued his route to Vienna. He was preceded by a messenger. Lindeau, Salzburg, and numerous other positions in Germany, which the French evacuated agreeably to the treaty of Presburg, have been re-occupied by them; and at the former places they are forming magazines, &c.
The politics of Prussia, continued involved in mystery. Nothing further has transpired in regard to her views on Hanover. It was reported at Hamburg on the 7th, that a Prussian garrison was to be sent to Cuxhaven.
Some movements of the Prussian troops towards the Eastern frontiers had occasioned various reports at Hamburg, as to the differences between the cabinets of Petersburg and Berlin. It is stated that Prussia, by desire of France, had demanded the evacuation of Silesia and Prussian Poland by the Russian troops; and had been answered by general Kutusow, that his orders did not admit of his compliance. The consequence, it is added, has been, that the Prussian corps in Silesia have been considerably strengthened, and all the fortresses not occupied by the Russians, ordered to be placed in a state of defence.
Count Haugwitz continued at Berlin on the 26th ult. waiting the return of a Messenger from Paris, when he was to set off to that capital with the king's ratification of the treaty of partition of Hanover, &c. The Count has received presents of great value from Napoleon.
It is said to be the intention of France to occupy the duchies of Hol-
stein, Schleswick and Mecklenburg, for the purpose of shutting the Sound against the commerce of Britain, and the passage of another Russian squadron fitting in the Baltic for the Mediterranean. Count Bernstorf's recent visit to Berlin is supposed to have been occasioned by some intimation from the French minister of the intentions of his master. Great activity prevails in the Danish marine; nineteen sail of the line are to be ready for sea in the course of the ensuing month.
The prince royal of Denmark, on the 7th instant continued with his army in Holstein; on the arrival of count Bernstorf at head quarters, his royal highness gave orders for some Norwegian corps to reinforce the garrisons in Zealand, Schleswick, &c.
The Emperor of Russia has ordered an army of observation to be established in the Beekowina. His armies already on the frontiers are computed at 300,000 men. The newly appointed levy is nearly completed, and it is stated from Welsna that the peasants in some districts pressed in such numbers for enrollment, that the restrictions in the quota would not admit of an hundredth part of them being received.—This circumstance is to be accounted for in the law of Russia, which emancipates all peasants on their becoming soldiers, and admitting them at the expiration of their military service, to all the advantages of citizens.
The best understanding continues to subsist between Russia and France, and the emperor Alexander has ordered provisions to the value of two millions of florins to be imported into Moravia, and the other distressed Austrian provinces.
The French troops in Holland increase daily, and the distresses of the inhabitants surpass all description. It has been reported at the Hague, that parts of Westphalia and of Hanover are to be given to the Batavian republic, in remuneration for its share in the war.
Admiral Verhuel has had several conferences with Bonaparte, on the subject of the new plan of Naval operations, in which the Texel fleet is to be employed.
The last accounts from Naples represent great preparations to have been made for the invasion of Sicily. The officers to be employed on the enterprise had been appointed. Joseph Bonaparte is to marry a princess of the house of Baden, by which he will become allied to the emperor of Russia, the king of Sweden, &c.
Domestic Summary.
Very important.....If true.
We give the following as a report, without meaning to authenticate it—indeed we know not how it originated, but it is said that as the United States' frigate Essex was returning home she met an English Sloop of War, and after making a variety of signals, none of which were answered, the Britons suddenly fired a broadside into her, which being returned by the American the other went instantly to the bottom. It is supposed the Sloop mistook the frigate for an Indian, and by this manoeuvre expected to capture her. (Alexandria Expeditator.)
We are favoured with the following account of the death of BOWLES, by a Friend who received it from a passenger, late from the Havannah.
The celebrated partisan Major Bowles, died in the cells of Moro Castle, Havannah, early in the last month. He was a brother to the famous Carrington Bowles, of Print Shop memory, on Ludgate Hill, London. The Major had lived so long among the Canadian tribes of Indians as to become more than half savage himself. Long employed by the American ministers, and their American governors, he had perpetrated a number of mischiefs and cruelties on the peaceful and defenceless frontier inhabitants of the United States; went to England for a few years, after the revolutionary war; was again noticed and employed, and but a few years back was landed out of a British sloop of war on the shores of the Bay of Mobile, made his way towards their southern frontier, and after alternately committing many excesses on the subjects of the United
States, urging the Savages to war, and committing open hostilities against the Spaniards, he was betrayed and taken up by a party of his fellow savages delivered to the Spanish commandant, who soon had him confined in the Moro Castle. He was there shut out from light or air, and fed upon bread and water only until being deprived of all hope of delivery, he refused all sustenance whatever, and died in April 1806.
From a New Orleans Paper.
SPIRIT OF THE TIMES.
We are indebted to the politeness of an esteemed friend, for a copy of the following spirited and patriotic Resolutions. We understand they have been entered into in the Tombigbee and Alabama Settlements, in consequence of the Spanish order for shutting up the river Mobile. They were agreed to by all who saw them, and were expected to be generally adopted.
Washington County, Mississippi Territory, March 14, 1806.
WHEREAS the officers of his Catholic Majesty, at Mobile, have, by an unprecedented and arbitrary regulation interdicted all direct commercial intercourse between this Country and New Orleans; have, in palpable violation of the treaty between the King of Spain and the U. States, stopped and detained vessels, bound from New Orleans to the Port of Fort Stoddart, and absolutely prohibited their proceeding to the place of their destination; and have in so doing, prevented our receiving those supplies which are necessary for our comfortable subsistence: We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, have mutually covenanted, and do solemnly bind ourselves one to another, and to all the people of the United States.
That we will not sell, nor in any manner furnish, to any of the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, any corn, pork, beef, or other provisions, whilst the said arbitrary regulations and restrictions are continued in force.
That we will not buy any merchandise or other articles of any subject of the King of Spain, or which we have reason to believe have been purchased at or brought from the Town of Mobile. That we shall regard any man, who holds any commercial intercourse with the subjects of the King of Spain, as indifferent to the welfare of the good people of Washington County, and as an enemy to his country. And we moreover, hereby call upon our fellow citizens, seriously to reflect, whether after the open manifestation of hostility, on the part of the agents and subjects of the King of Spain, any one owing allegiance to the American Government, will not be guilty of a high crime, in offering them aid and comfort, and justly expose himself to all the pains and penalties of high treason against the United States.
The National Intelligencer states that an association has been formed in Maryland, under the denomination of the North Carolina Gold Mine Company, and directors have been chosen to carry the objects of the association into effect. There is a probability of great success attending the company, as will appear by the following extract of a letter from Mr. Richard Raudon, of Concord, North Carolina.
In the widow Parker's mine they have picked up a pint of gold within three or four weeks. I saw the greater part of it myself, one piece of which weighing nearly two ounces and an half, perfectly clear of lead or dirt. Mrs. Parker will mention no price at which her land may be purchased.—From Parker's I travelled towards Mr. Read's mine, attentively examining every branch. They every one appeared to contain gold, and in my opinion some of them equal to Read's or Parker's. A Mr. Grey, in his route, informed me, that in an evening shortly before, he took his mattock and spade, went to a branch, and in a little time found the amount of several penny weights. The tract of country I was informed belonged to the estate of the late col. Thomas Carson, dec.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Washington, to his friend in Philadelphia, dated April 30, 1806.
"We have just received the intelligence from New-York, of the murder of PIERCE by a shot from the LEANDER.
It has produced a strong sensation here, and it is generally believed by those with whom I have conversed, that FIVE FRIGATES will be ordered immediately for New-York, and that every vessel that can carry a gun will immediately be got in readiness—and that congress will be summoned to meet as early as the middle of June."
We have lately noticed the destruction occasioned by the fire in the Great Dismal Swamp, which we are sorry to learn continues to rage with unabated violence, carrying destruction in every direction.
Intending if we can procure it, to publish a full and particular account of this conflagration, we shall not at this time state some facts relative to it, nor offer some reflections which they have suggested.
The consequences have been, and will continue to be very seriously felt by the inhabitants residing near the Swamp; the heated atmosphere occasioned from, such an immense body of fire, have rendered their habitations almost insupportable. These effects have been for some days past (though in a lesser degree) extended to this place and Portsmouth, and at this moment occasion much inconvenience, and are productive of all the disagreeable sensations which heat and smoke may be supposed to occasion.
At the moment we are writing, and for the last two days, the wind has been to the Southward, which setting the smoke directly on this place, the sun has been only at times visible, and the horizon contracted to not more than a mile distant, often not more than half a mile, and some times we have not been able to see three hundred yards.
The Captains who have lately arrived, inform us that on approaching the land, they experience great inconvenience, and were exposed to some dangers from the same circumstance, they state that it was at times so thick from the smoke, that they could not see a mile ahead.
The pilots also find difficulty in conducting the vessels up and down the river.
A change of wind will relieve the inhabitants of the town for the present, but nothing but rain, (which is so devoutly to be desired, for this and other reasons) can remedy the mischief effectually. (N. Ledger.)
Extract from a circular letter of Mr. A. Trigg member of congress from Virginia, to his constituents.
"Early in the session, the subject of our differences with Spain was taken up, & after a lengthy discussion with closed doors, a bill was passed, which has been lately made public, by a vote of the house on taking off the injunction of secrecy, by which an appropriation of two millions of dollars is made, and placed under the direction of the President to be applied towards the purchase of the Floridas. With respect to the propriety and policy of this measure, I think it necessary to give you a brief statement of our differences with Spain, in order to enable you to form a judgement. It will be recollected that when the U. States purchased Louisiana from France, it was ceded in its full extent as France formerly possessed it, and as it was retroceded by Spain to France by the treaty of Ildefonso. Previous to the year 1763, France claimed as Louisiana, both sides of the Mississippi river; on the west the boundary of that province appears never to have been accurately settled; but on the east, its acknowledged limits were to the river Perdido, a small river between Pensacola and the Mobile. In the year 1763, France ceded to Spain all Louisiana on the east side of the Mississippi, and to England all on the east of that river, excepting the island of New-Orleans. The British government incorporated the part ceded to them, which was south of the then province of Georgia, with a part of Florida, as far as the Chatahoochee or Apalachicola, under the name of West Florida. At the peace of 1783, the two provinces of Florida were ceded by Great Britain to Spain. Spain therefore, having acquired that part of the ancient province of Louisiana, which lies east of the Mississippi, with the exception of the island of Orleans, from Great Britain, insists that it is not comprehended under the term retrocede in the treaty
of St. Ildefonso; and consequently that the United States, succeeding only to the rights of France, could have no just claim to the territory in question. The United States, on the contrary, urged that France having acquired the whole of Louisiana, as it was formerly held by her, from Spain, and the eastern boundary extending at that time to the Perdido, we were entitled to the whole of the province as it was held by France before the year 1763. And in consequence of his construction of the treaty, a law was passed in the first session of the eighth Congress, to enable the President, whenever he should deem it proper, to erect the shores and waters of the bay and river of Mobile, into a district for the collection of duties on imports and tonage. Of this act Spain complained, explanations were made; but upon the principal point, the two governments were at issue.
During the war which was ended by the treaty of Amiens, spoliations were committed by the cruisers of France and Spain on American commerce. By the convention between the U. States and France, compensation was stipulated, not to exceed 3,750,000 dollars, for spoliations made by her cruisers, and for other claims on that government. Spain had also agreed to make compensation for the aggressions of her subjects; but the claim for those of French citizens committed in Spanish ports, was to be the subject of future negotiation. This treaty Spain afterwards refused to ratify, although concluded under the very eye of the Spanish monarch, unless the United States would give up this last claim. The reason of this refusal, is supposed to be the dissatisfaction of the government of Spain at our requiring the province of Louisiana.
Another ground of difference arose from a suspension of the right of deposit at New Orleans. By treaty with Spain, the citizens of the United States had a right to land at New Orleans, any produce which might be brought down the Mississippi. This right, as may well be remembered, was infringed by the Spanish intendant of that place. The indignation excited throughout our country on that occasion cannot be forgotten, and it was one of the principal causes of the negotiation, which ended in the purchase of Louisiana.—For this suspension our government demanded reparation.
Thus it appears that there were three points of difference between the U. States and Spain, namely, the boundaries of Louisiana, the spoliations upon our commerce, and the claim for the suspension of the right of deposit at New Orleans. For the adjustment of these differences, a special mission was sent to Madrid, and Mr. Monroe was appointed, in conjunction with Mr. Charles Pinckney, as envoy extraordinary, to conduct the negotiation.—After repeated delays equivoocations, and subterfuges on the part of Spain, the whole negotiation proved utterly futile, and Mr. Monroe quoted the court of Madrid without having succeeded in a single point of his mission.
In the mean time, a most outrageous violation was committed on our acknowledged territories, by certain inhabitants of the territory claimed by Spain, by carrying off some American citizens by force from the Mississippi Territory. These citizens were rescued while going down the river, by the troops in that quarter; and the Spanish governor of Florida thought proper to disavow the attempt. Some aggressions were also committed on the western frontier, as will be seen by the documents which were printed by order of the house of representatives; and it is believed, that under the impression which had been made on the Spanish government, they were proceeding to augment their military force at the island of Cuba.
This is a hasty view of our dispute with Spain as they stood at the opening of the session of congress. The language of the president you have seen is, therefore needless to repeat. On the sixth of March a message was sent to both houses; but being confident that it will be thought proper to refer the subject to a select committee, who brought in a report recommending a partial augmentation of the army, in order to enable the president to repel and chastise any roads or aggressions committed by

Spanish subjects.—This appeared to me as a necessary measure of defence, as the experience of all nations shews, that tamely bearing with one injury invites a repetition. The smallness of the number of persons in the Mississippi and Orleans' territories, renders a reliance on the militia of those territories impolitic, as it is not believed that they could be collected in sufficient force to repel an invader, while the distance of the more populous districts of the union precludes the practicability of resorting for any length of time to them for militia support. A small addition to the regular force appeared therefore to me, the most politic. It was however rejected by the house of representatives.
In conjunction with this measure, it was proposed to enter into an amicable negotiation with Spain, for the adjustment of our limits; a resolution to this effect passed the house. For this also, I voted. Thus wishing to hold out a prospect of accommodation, on terms mutually advantageous to both nations, while we at the same time were ready to repel any outrage. I wished to have peace upon honorable terms and in case of failure to be prepared for defensive war.
A third step was also brought forward;—and this was to appropriate a sum of money for the purchase of the Floridas. As the proposition for increasing the number of troops, had been rejected, I did not wish to place our sole reliance for the maintenance of peace on the employment of money. It had too much the appearance of purchasing peace, and looked too much like tribute. And if the government of Spain was willing to sell the Floridas, I thought it would be time enough to vote the money when the treaty should be concluded. I did not wish to pledge my vote for future appropriations, or to lose so large a sum of money, which in case of failure, we could but ill spare. I therefore voted against this proposition.
On the subject of our differences with Great Britain, much time has also been spent, and much difficulty experienced. Many propositions were laid on the tables of Congress.—That of Mr. Nicholson for prohibiting the importation of certain manufactures of Great Britain into this country was at length adopted; and a bill founded on it, passed the house of representatives some time ago, but has not yet passed the Senate. The object of this bill is to exclude from our commerce certain articles, manufactured in Great Britain and her dependencies, which it is believed we can either procure from other countries, without material injury to our revenue, or which can be manufactured within the United States. This measure did not meet my approbation, because I thought that as almost the whole of the revenue of the United States is drawn from duties on importations, and as those importations were principally from the British dominions, it was impossible for me to foresee the influence of such a measure on our financial operations. A treaty was depending at the very time and as this appeared to me a hostile step, I was unwilling to risk its effects, on the negotiation. Our differences with Spain being unsettled, I was averse to creating another enemy; nor could I vote for any step which in its consequences might lead to a naval war, for the protection of a disputed commercial right.
Some propositions were made for improving the present militia system, but were not adopted; neither is any addition made to the regular army. An attempt was made (as before stated) to augment our regular force for the defence of our territories on the Mississippi, but failed. Considering the present precarious state of our affairs with Spain, and the weak condition of our territories adjoining her colonies, I was impressed with the propriety of strengthening that quarter, and voted in favour of the proposition, but I regret that nothing has been done to afford greater security there. A bill was introduced into the senate for appropriating one million of acres of land, as bounties to persons who would remove to and settle in the territory of Orleans before a certain day, and continue to reside there, for a stipulated time, and render military service if called on; but the advocates of the measure, having reason to believe the bill would not pass, postponed it until the next session of congress.
In our revenues no material change have taken place. They continue copious.—They will, during the present year, exceed the permanent expenditures, by a sum of more than one million of dollars. I find by the reports of the treasury made early in the year, that during the four years commencing on the 1st day of April, 1801, ending on the 31st day of May, 1805, there have been paid into the treasury, the sum of fifty millions, six hundred and sixty-seven thousand four hundred and seventy dollars and one cent; above eighteen millions of this sum have been paid on account of the principal of the public debt, and above
sixteen millions on account of interest. No doubt remains, if our resources are not diverted by some unfortunate event, the whole of the public debt will be discharged within the time heretofore contemplated."
LYNCHBURG.
THURSDAY, MAY 29, 1806.
Amherst.
The Quarterly Term of that County commenced on Monday the 19th instant. The session continued five days, and with the accustomed diligence and dispatch. Under existing arrangements the Court, it is believed, will never be able to get through the business. On the first day of the term (2 magistrates present) was decided a question of considerable magnitude.—The manner in which the people of Amherst have been agitated for years, and the petitions for a division that have been presented to the Legislature for upwards of 24, are facts sufficiently known throughout all Virginia.
The public buildings being for a considerable time, in a ruinous condition, by a decree of Court, assessments were made, and monies collected for the purpose of erecting a new Court House, Prison, &c. &c. The question was taken whether the buildings should be erected on the old spot. On this question the members of the court were divided equally: of course it was lost. The Court then ordered that the money collected for this purpose, should be immediately given back to the people. From these circumstances, and from the lively interest and solicitude manifested on the decision, it is presumed that the division question will be again undertaken, and prosecuted, with renovated vigor.
It is a difficult thing to disarm the tongue of calumny, and the hand of persecution. There are few persons who think—for a majority of mankind are averse to exertion, and indolently admit any absurdity, regardless of its enormity.
It has been asserted that we refused the punishment of pieces written against the division of Amherst County—and the authority of the reporters, in certain cases, began instant belief. For the honor of humanity we hope there are but few persons who would voluntarily become the unprovoked instruments of injustice, and fetch away a name without provocation, or motive.
The assertion is false—'Tis a fib: that such pieces were ever offered, or ever refused.
To draw forth explanations from the representatives of Amherst, with a view to gratify public curiosity, the Editor wrote the article signed "Subscriber" which appeared in the Star soon after the close of the last session of the General Assembly, and might, perhaps, with persons of feeble intellects, have given origin to the rumor under consideration.
Persons of consequence should be cautious how they permit their names to become the pawns of groundless rumor, misrepresentation and injustice.
This Bug-a-boo of a report was converted into a Mountain, a kind of raw-head-and-bloody-bones on the memorable Gallery Night—the first of April.
The Duke of Brunswick, and his mighty men. Went up the hill, and—then came down again.
The Lynchburg Gallery, —OR— April Festival of Fancily.
By the short article under this head, in the last week's Star, to Folly's hollow roar, has been superadded the piercing yell of prejudice and misrepresentation. He must be an incorrigible dunce, or something worse, who could misapprehend the "Gallery." The word "dozen" was the magic which gave the Capellatity or stretcher —which is sufficient to hit the Corporation, but such construction was an act of violence.
The number of which the "Gallery" was composed is considerably reduced of late. Upwards of one third of the group admit, we hear, that they have been the victims of Dupery , and were carried to the caucus, without being previously made acquainted with the dark design. This is perfectly probable: as the hints for attendance, generally, were as obscure and questionable (many say) as the object was inhuman and abusive.
The very best men are most liable to deception and imposture. Guileless themselves, and un suspicious, they make their own hearts the test, and measure, by which they estimate the principles and ostensible motives of others. Good men have been incautiously encouraged. This we know, and we also know that some of them are heartily ashamed of the faux pas . Nevertheless, may it please your Reverences, measure for measure, we must and will laugh, and who can complain? "What's fause for the goose, must be fause for the gander."
One Guinea is hereby offered for a true Copy of the "Lynchburg Gallery" resolutions of the first of April last.
The following extract of a letter, alluded to in our last, from Samuel Shaw agent for the owners of the ship Empress of China (dated 19th May, 1785) was addressed to John Jay, Esq. then in Congress.— The Empress sailed from New York 22d February, 1784. This was
the first effort of the citizens of America to establish a direct trade with China.
While we deprecate the execrable perfidy and hypocrisy by which the British supercargo was seized and confined in jail, until the gunner was given up, we cannot but applaud the lively sensibility, the indignation, & the firmness with which the Chinese felt and resented their fellow subject slaughtered, and their rights and usages violated and insulted. Although the Chinese in this instance acted under an erroneous impression, they have exhibited a thorough manifestation (their commercial habits and avarice notwithstanding) of temper, firmness, and spirit. The affair happened at Canton.
"On the 25th of November, an English ship, in saluting some company that had dined on board, killed a Chinese, and wounded two others, in the mandarin's boat along side.—It is a maxim of the Chinese law, that blood must answer for blood: in pursuance of which, they demanded the unfortunate gunner. To give up the poor man, was to consign him to certain death. Humanity pleaded powerfully against the measure. After repeated conferences between the English and the Chinese, the latter declared themselves satisfied, and the affair was supposed to be entirely settled. Notwithstanding this, on the morning after the last conference (the 27th), the supercargo of the ship was seized while attending his business, thrown into a sedan chair, hurried into the city, and committed to prison."
"Such an outrage on personal liberty spread a general alarm: and the Europeans unanimously agreed to send for their boats, with armed men from their shipping, for the security of themselves and property, until the matter should be brought to a conclusion. The boats accordingly came, and ours among the number; one of which was fired on, and a man wounded. All trade was stopped, and the Chinese men of war drawn up opposite the factories. The Europeans demanded the restoration of Mr. Smith, which the Chinese refused until the gunner should be given up. In the mean time, the troops of the province were collecting in the neighbourhood of Canton—the Chinese servants were ordered by the magistrates to leave the factories—the gates of the suburbs were shut—all intercourse was at an end—the naval force was increased—many troops were embarked in boats, ready for landing—and every thing wore the appearance of war. To what extremities matters might have been carried, had not a negotiation taken place, no one can say. The Chinese asked a conference with all the nations, except the English. A deputation (in which I was included for America) met the suen, who is the head magistrate of Canton, with the principal officers of the province. After setting forth by an interpreter, the power of the emperor, and his own determination to support the laws, he demanded that the gunner should be given up, within three days, declaring that he should have an impartial examination before their tribunal, and if it appeared that the affair was accidental, he should be released unhurt. In the mean time, he gave permission for the trade, (excepting that of the English) to go on as usual; and dismissed us with a present of two pieces of silk to each, as a mark of his friendly disposition. The other nations, one after another, sent away their boats, under protection of a Chinese flag, and pursued their business as before. The English were obliged to submit—the gunner was given up—Mr. Smith was released—and the English, after being obliged to ask pardon of the Magistrate of Canton , in the presence of the other nations, had their commerce restored."
"The unhappy people stimulated by want, and inflamed to madness, had pilaged the house of the intendant, had with difficulty escaped from their fury. To check their progress, it was necessary to summon to the support of government a body of regular troops. Yet the hungry insurgents for some time maintained their ground against the disciplined valor of their adversaries; and it was until near five hundred of these miserable wretches
had fallen, that the scenes of blood were closed."
"A temporary calm being thus restored to France, the king had time to direct his attention to the island of Corsica, which had been lately annexed to his dominions, where the people still endeavored to regain their native independence. And in order to justify the blood which was spilt, in the execution of their designs, the court of France circulated a report, with great industry, that a dark and dangerous conspiracy had been discovered. But as no plan was ever published, it is believed that the report was only a temporary expedient, to prevent the public indignation. The fate of Corsica and the sanguinary punishment or rather immolation of the innocent inhabitants spoke in language, too strong to be misunderstood, that ambition and power were the darling passions of the king."
Let those who believe, that different motives and passions induced the king of France to aid the Americans in their revolution, examine and try him by the fate of the virtuous and brave Corsicans, from whom he neither had received nor could possibly fear the smallest injury or molestation. Brave, happy, contented, virtuous and independent, they were satisfied with their humble lot. They meddled not with the affairs of nor disturbed other nations, and deserved, instead of a sanguinary and predatory invasion and destruction, to be protected by those who had the power. If the admirers and eulogists of Lewis the 16th, expect to canonize him among the virtuous or to elevate him among the most meritorious—and can find pretexts in other respects, still they will fail in this instance. The blood and the chains of Corsica, will continue to speak in the language of thunder and vengeance, and will forever assist in unveiling a character whose pretensions to virtue were veiled by hypocrisy. But let us turn to another and very different subject."
"From 1775 to 1778, the French court gave all the secret assistance, which they could, to the Americans. Franklin and Deane, though not publicly acknowledged, were permitted to reside at Paris as the known commissioners of America. The marquis La Fayette, and other distinguished characters, were allowed to enter into the American service. Caron de Beaumarchais was permitted to lead a public ship, from the public stores, with arms and ammunition, and to send them to America. The ship arrived at York in Virginia. The supply was important, not only in its extent, but in its consequences. In this way things passed on between the two countries, until general Burgoyne and his army surrendered to the Americans. Then, and not until then, did the cautious Lewis think proper to acknowledge the independence of America and to receive the American commissioners as Ambassadors."
"This being an act of public notoriety, war was immediately declared by Great Britain against France, which was carried on until the peace of 1783, when the independence of America was acknowledged and guaranteed. Facts too notorious to require repetition, prove, that the United States obtained great & important services from the French both in arms and money; but at the same time, the reverse of the picture will shew, that the services which France received from the United States, by the successful issue of the conflict, whereby the British empire was so much weakened, was equally important, and that neither nation ever owed any thing to the other on the score of gratitude; each pursued and obtained its own ends by the means which offered; and each might very justly and fairly commence a new era, without any other retrospection, than such as were secured by positive engagement, or were invited by future interests."
"Let those who have entertained different notions, examine the foregoing arrangement of facts, and the consequent arguments; let them strip themselves of the erroneous feelings which are the concomitants of gratitude; let the reciprocal benefits, in aid of the different objects be considered; and if these will not suffice, let them again remember the melancholy fate and dreadful punishments which were inflicted on the unoffending Corsicans, or behold the bloated and mercenary about to exercise on the helpless peasant, the sentence of his own vindictive and sanguinary heart."
Mr. Calonne, the Comptroller, recommends the calling of the Assembly of Notables.
"In 1787, the Notables arrived in Paris; the attention of the whole kingdom was directed towards them and their proceedings. Their first meeting was held on the 22d February. Mr. Calonne recommended a territorial land tax, from which the clergy and the nobility should not be exempted; that there should be an enquiry into the possessions of the clergy, which had heretofore paid nothing. Just and reasonable as this plan was, the minister was opposed. The proposition having failed, there was no other expedient which an honest man could safely offer. Every thing had been taxed to the most oppressive degree. The parliament had refused to register the Edict for the loan. The Notables rendered no service.—They ended their session and returned to their homes, and Mr. Calonne, finding that he could do nothing which would serve the nation and promote his own honor, resigned, and withdrew to England, carrying with him the execrations of the nobles and priests, and the regret, of the wife and the good."
After describing the King's expulsion of the parliament from Paris by military force, and other outrages, our author thus remarks.—
"At last public wants and popular discontent every day increasing, the states general were convoked. After much altercation and debate, the king opened the assembly on the 5th May, 1789; which,
in a few days after, assumed the name of National Assembly."
"The nobility and clergy insisted upon debating and voting by their respective orders, so that these two would have it in their power to control the commons. The commons, or as they were called the third order, opposed these measures, and resolved to proceed to business. Then it was that the eloquence of count Mirabeau distinguished him. He and several other nobles and clergy among whom Talleyrand and Perigord distinguished himself, having deserted their respective orders, joined the commons and assumed the name of NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. The other nobles and clergy with a few exceptions, soon followed."
"Lewis would have dissolved and dispersed this assembly if he could; but the spirit and enthusiasm of the nation was roused. The people every where looked to them as the guardians of their rights and protectors against the usurpations of the throne, which, as they believed, had occasioned so many disputes with the parliament of Paris. After a while, a constitution was formed, to which the king subscribed, but it was generally believed, and so the event proved, not with good faith. The king and his friends were desirous that the assembly should dissolve or disperse, no doubt intending to make a violent effort to regain what he had surrendered—but the assembly and the nation had lost confidence in him. They continued their session. The public enthusiasm, every day increased. They saw that the whole nation were ready to rise in their defence; they therefore disregarded the vengeance of the court."
"Lewis being fearful that his person was in danger, made an attempt to escape, and reached the confines of France before he was discovered and arrested. He was brought back, and shortly after dethroned, which was succeeded by his trial and execution."
Having given a brief sketch of English princes, from the Norman Conquest to the present time, with a view of contrasting and shewing their relative enormities, and merits, if such they had, and the several tyrants who have wielded the British and French sceptres from the days of William, and from the commencement of the Bourbon dynasty, the author thus notices the present French Imperial Monarch, and the British Heir apparent.
After recounting some of the enormous atrocities perpetrated by the execrable monster Maximilian Robespierre, he thus remarks.—
"From this man, and those events, let us turn our eyes to other and very different events, and to a man who seems to have been predestined to ornament the pages of his history by achievements which have no equal; and to restore France to order, confidence, greatness, and to unrivalled tranquility.—A man who astonishes the present race and overleaps all former examples, not less by his political wisdom than by his military glory. The reader will anticipate the name of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE."
Of the British heir apparent, he thus speaks.—
"If the sentiments of the Prince of Wales are not misunderstood, it may be considered as a public misfortune, not only to Great Britain, but to all the world, that he has not the power to restore the great family or mankind to peace and tranquility: Nor is it likely, that he would see any thing in the projects and conduct of Bonaparte which can justify an exterminating coalition, or an implacable never-ceasing war. Europe might then be permitted once more to take breath.—Arts would every where flourish and the empire of the sword would yield to the empire of science, morals and reason."
After the brief view taken of the first part of the work before us one important question presents itself, and claims peculiar consideration. Whence has arisen the ardent attachment of the parliaments of France to the cause of freedom and independence during the whole term of the Bourbon dynasty? Our author very properly and justly denies that the revolution in France was a consequence of the establishment of American Independence, yet he notices not, nor does he attempt to account for the rights of the people being so well understood, and so tenaciously and ably maintained, throughout the kingdom, in despite of despotism, and the ceaseless encroachments of the Prince.
During the three centuries immediately preceding this period Literature in its various departments was in an especial manner cherished and cultivated, and had acquired vast influence on the continent of Europe. The abuses and encroachments in Church and State had now become enormous, while the parties severally, making common cause and common plunder of the public, reciprocally supported and maintained the corruptions and profligacy of each other. Such outrage, and such encroachments upon the rights and privileges of the great bulk of the people, called into action, ( tho' covertly, for a time ,) the genius and the talents of the country, and France abounded with learned men. Books were written at the worst of all possible hazards, and read in contempt of anathemas, interdicts, torture, and the gibbet. The writings of Helvetius, Rousseau, D'Alembert, Diderot, Voltaire, the moral, the enlightened and elegantly pathetic Fenelon, Archbishop of Cambrai, with a host more, contributed eminently to produce the wonderful explosion in France, which has astonished the whole world during the last 15 years.
FOR THE STAR.
Doctor Graham, I observed among other useful matter.

contained in your valuable paper, some excellent speeches; and having lately heard a very interesting one—"THE CALL OF A CONVENTION"—read in a manner so injurious to the nature of the subject, occasioned through a neglect of attending to the rules of pronunciation , I have taken the liberty to offer a few observations relative to that subject. These , if you deem them worthy of a place in the "Star," you are welcome to publish, for the benefit of those persons, who have been neglected in that useful part of education.
PRONUNCIATION , or utterance of speech, may be defined, "the proper management of the voice and gestures in speaking, whether extempore, or by form."
From the preceding definition it is obvious, that no man can pronounce well, unless he either memorize the matter, and thereby make it his own, or examine it so carefully as to discover the author's drift.
First then, and principally, examine the piece you are about to read for the information of others. Search your Dictionary for every word that you do not perfectly know the meaning or pronunciation of—I would recommend Jones's pronouncing Dictionary to those who are unprovided with one, which may be had for a dollar. And who, that knows his letters, would be without one for a dollar? Attention must also be paid to the pau- ses or stops , that you do not confound one clause or sentence with another.
Those who have been instructed by careless teachers seldom know the proper pauses or rests:—I would recommend to such, Louth's Essay on punctuation, which is contained in the Dictionary before mentioned.
Cadence and Emphasis demand particular attention also.— Cadence is the falling of the voice, which generally takes place at the end of a sentence; unless the sentence close with an emphatical word.
Emphasis is the force or stress of the voice laid on some significant word, or member of a sentence... e.g....Henry was a florery writer; Newton was a great philosopher; Washington was a prudent general.—Here the words, florery — great — prudent , are to be spoken emphatically.
It is worthy of remark to notice how the sense of a sentence may be changed by placing the emphasis on different words, —as for example—"Will you ride to town to day?"—This question may be varied four different ways, and the answers agree accordingly. If the emphasis be placed on the word you , the answer may be— no : I will send a boy. If the emphasis be placed on the word ride , the answer may be— no : I shall walk. If it be laid on the words to town , the answer may be— no : I shall ride to mill. If it be put on the words to day , the answer may still be— no : I shall go to-morrow.
Those words which require an emphatic voice are to be marked by a dash underneath in manuscript writings; which words are generally printed in italics: so that a good reader may deliver a piece exactly correspondent with the mind of the author, though a thousand miles apart, or written years before.
In the management of the voice it is proper to avoid pronouncing too loud: This is not only an inconvenience to the speaker, and disgusting to an audience; but it prevents an elevation of the voice when emphatical words require it.
Nor should the voice be too low: This defeats the intention of informing those whom we wish to hear, and it renders the reading inkling, dry, and insipid.
Beware of pronouncing too quick: rapidity of speech destroys the force, perspicuity, and utility of the subject. This method may do in the perusal of deeds, leases, and the preambles of legislative acts, which contain little useful matter; but it is very improper in the examination of any serious or important subject, which demands attention.
An irregular or uneven voice, that is rising and falling suddenly without regard to cadence, emphasis, pauses, or even the sense of the subject, should be carefully avoided or corrected.
Hoping that the above observations may prove beneficial to some of my fellow citizens, I subscribe myself the public's most obedient, and real friend.
Philanthropos.
Virginia, 30th year of Independence.
The Appeal
OF THE PEOPLE OF TOMBIGBEE TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
A people inconsiderable in number and in wealth, detached from every other portion of the American population, known only by the rumors of our wrongs, in the council of the nation; we cannot command your attention by the weight of political influence, but we are entitled to it, on the broad basis of justice and the general good.—When duties on American produce were demanded by Spain on the Mississippi, the whole continent was in a flame—not merely on account of the injury done to the people of the western country, but because it inflicted a mortal wound on the dignity and honor of the nation. That wound is as great when inflicted on us, as when inflicted on our fellow citizens of the Ohio.—Though not equal in numbers and political importance, we are in proportion to our population, infinitely more injured by it. Situated on tide waters, nature has not taught us, as she has not taught our brethren in Kentucky, to cultivate habits of independence of other countries. Our existence depends upon commerce. Our products are valuable; but they are of no use at home:—we must exchange them for other articles which are ab-
solutely necessary for our subsistence. If we continue to be deprived of this advantage, we must abandon our country. The measure will be afflictive to us;—to many of us it may be ruinous: but its consequences will not be confined to ourselves: they will have a wide spreading influence on the weal of American republic. A country which under better auspices may become flourishing and populous, will be converted into a wide waste, and from the frontiers of Georgia to the waters of the Mississippi, no check will be left to the influence of foreign powers on the numerous tribes of Indians that inhabit that extensive territory. We have sworn allegiance to the American government and we expect protection. We ask the free navigation of the Mobile river not as a favor, but as a right. We appeal to the law of nations, to a law, which, at all times independent of the arbitrary encroachments of the powerful and the mean submissions of the weak, stands firm and unchanged on the immutable basis of justice. The common sense of men revolts at the idea, that when nature created rivers watering extensive territories, she meant to confine the benefits of them to those who should possess the country where they discharge themselves into the ocean. They were intended for the common good—and those who possess their mouths can have no more right to bar the use of them, than those who possess their sources can have a right to divert their currents into other channels. If this doctrine be abandoned, no other can be substituted in its place which is founded on the principles of justice. Power may trample on this, as it has done on all other rights, and weakness may sink under the usurpation: but no successful exercise of lawless power can contravene the unalterable rules of rectitude.—The waters of the Mobile pass through the territory of the United States from north to south for a space of at least 400 miles.—Shall Spain, who holds not 40 miles on its banks, say that this river was created for her alone?
Were we, through a diffident distrust of our own conceptions of natural justice, solicitous to fortify our cause with the opinions of others, we could easily quote in our favor the decisions of a writer on the law of nations, whose opinions have always been treated with respect in similar controversies.* But we feel satisfied in relying our cause on an appeal to that law of rectitude which is written on the heart of every man by the finger of his maker. Nor let it be said, that oppressions similar to those which are exercised on us were formerly practiced on our western fellow citizens, that a formal treaty with the king of Spain was necessary to confer on the people of the U. States a right to navigate the Mississippi, and that they acquired by an act of grace from his catholic majesty a privilege to which nature had given them no title. The idea is false: the doctrine is alike groundless and disgraceful to the United States. There is no clause in the treaty alluded to which admits the rights of the King of Spain to monopolize the use of the Mississippi river. The spirit of the treaty presumes a collateral right on the part of the United States—and the only express provisions contained on the subject are, that a similar right shall not be assumed by other nations, and that it shall be rendered practically useful to the United States, by their having a place of deposit within the dominions of the king of Spain. The mere right of navigation on the Mobile and Mississippi remained the same, therefore, under the treaty. The United States did not deign to accept in either case from the favor of the king of Spain, but presuming that they possessed it under the law of nations , procured the establishment of regulations, which though needless on the Mobile, were on the Mississippi absolutely necessary for rendering the right of navigation productive of its full advantage to the people of America.
It is a circumstance not a little surprising that the different Spanish agents in this country, disavow the charge of having been originally the cause of our being burthened with duties at Mobile. When in October last Governor Claiborne, with a patriotic zeal for our interests, applied to the intendant Morales for a suspension of the order; Morales, as we have been informed, replied that he was entirely without information in the case referred to, that his order concerning the Mississippi, was entirely unconnected with the navigation of the river Tombigbee, and could not have been the basis of the proceedings at the Mobile:—that the arrangements must have been made by Governor Folch—but when reinstated in the exercise of his office, he would as far as should be compatible with his duties, comply with the desires of Governor Claiborne.
On the other hand when Gov. Folch was applied to about the same time; he as we have reason to believe, assured the Governor of Orleans, that the
* See Vattel—B. 1. c. 9.
duty of 12 per cent. was established when he took possession of the government—that the order for this purpose had been issued by Morales, and had been approved by the king.
Nor is there any foundation for the pretence that the exaction was sanctioned by principles of reciprocity, on the ground that similar duties were demanded of Spanish subjects passing up and down the Mississippi. No such fact exists. No Spanish vessel ever has been stopped on its passage between Baton Rouge and the ocean, nor is the collector of the port of New Orleans authorised to demand duties on goods aboard Spanish vessels really and bona fide destined for that settlement.
When Governor Folch in November last, assured Governor Claiborne, that the order for the collection of duties at Mobile should be suspended, provided that Spanish vessels were subject to no detention or payment of duties at New Orleans, when going to or returning from Baton Rouge, he was assured by Governor Claiborne,—an assurance he has not designed to notice—that no hindrance was offered to the passage of Spanish vessels up the Mississippi, and that the existing regulations at the custom house did not subject a vessel to detention or the payment of duties in passing New Orleans whether going to or returning from Baton Rouge, or other port or place on the river possessed by Spain,—the cargo being destined for such port and not for New Orleans.
This is precisely the situation in which we claim the right of being placed. We ask no more from the Spanish government than our own government grants to subjects of Spain. Is there any other section of the union where American citizens, after paying all the duties on imports demanded by their government, are obliged to pay twelve per centum into the coffers of a foreign treasury. Is it thus that the freemen of America are to be oppressed by the agents of a foreign monarchy? Is it possible that such conduct can be viewed with apathy and cold neglect by any man who values the principle of independence, or who has really at heart the interest, the honor, and the character of his country.
But our injuries do not end here. Heretofore we were burthened with duties.—We are now prohibited from navigating our own rivers. The U. S. have established a port of entry and delivery at Fort Stoddert;—but the Spaniards have declared that no American vessel shall sail to Fort Stoddert. From the declaration of Morales, when not exercising his office of intendant, we had hoped that upon being recognized as such, he would certainly do us that justice, of which he had given solemn assurance to Governor Claiborne.—Judge then our surprise and indignation upon being informed that Mr. Morales when personally applied to for this purpose by Mr. Graham in December last, though he still denies having authorised the collection of duties, added that the only order he had ever given which could be considered as bearing upon the subject, so far from directing the collection of duties on the cargoes of American vessels, passing the Mobile, would, if it has been executed, altogether have prohibited the passage of such vessels or the entrance into the port , and that from the instructions of his court he concluded that he could not permit them to enjoy the navigation of the Mobile.
From the observations of the intendant it clearly appears that the recent order concerning the navigation of the Mobile had no connection with the order for the removal of Spanish officers from the territory of Orleans. It is in fact nothing more than a confirmation of an order issued by the intendant soon after the cession of Louisiana, and which upon being re-enacted in his office he appears to have embraced the first opportunity of enforcing.—And let it be remembered that the declarations of the intendant, which afforded us strong reasons to anticipate the entire suspension of American commerce on the waters of the Mobile were made previously to the order of Governor Claiborne of January 10th, requesting that all persons holding commissions or remaining in the service of his Catholic Majesty should quit the territory of Orleans...a measure referred to as a precaution rendered more expedient by the rejection at the court of Spain of proposals for an amicable adjustment of differences, by reinforcements then lately landed at Pensylvania, and by similar movements and recent aggressions on the western frontier. And yet certain Spanish agents have had the audacity to propagate the tale, that we are robbed of our ri. his because the Marquis of Casa Calvo's presence is no longer acceptable at New Orleans, though it is a fact notorious that the intendant had made the declaration above alluded to, before any thing had been said about the retirement of Spanish officers. At one blow therefore, and without provocation, has this officer utterly paralyzed our country. Our products are valuable. No part of the Mississippi country produces better cotton. The whole of
last year's crop, and a portion of that of the preceding year was still on hand, just ready for the market. It was destined to purchase our cloathing, our flour, our sugar, our coffee, our liquors, our iron and our salt. We are deprived of the means of becoming purchasers...and if we had them, we should be prohibited from the only practicable means of having them brought to our place of residence. We are doomed to suffer; we will do it with the fortitude of men; we cease not to have confidence in our government; our President knows our situation and is anxious to relieve us; let our fellow citizens emulate the patriotism of their chief, and they shall ever have at their devotion our gratitude, our fortunes, and our valor.
A letter from New York mentions, that a French minister had arrived at Dover with two secretaries of legation, for the purpose, as is supposed of treating for peace. [Balt. Tel.]
Mr. PITT born in France. —The Journal d'Angers states, in a paragraph upon Mr. Pitt's death, that he was born at Angers, and was nursed there for some months, during the day which his father, the earl of Chatham, made in that town. [Paris Argus.]
MUNGO PARKER , the celebrated African traveller, with his retinue, consisting of 100 armed men, has arrived at Fayal, where preparations were making for his departure to explore, according to his original plan, the interior of the African coast.
Communicated for publication by Dr. Emanuel Franz, of Washington County.
A WICK THAT WILL NOT COST A MAN A CENT. !!
Take a leaf of Mullien; let it get half dry; cut from its sides a quarter and half a quarter of an inch in breadth put it in your Lamp, and it will burn equally as well as a cotton wick, and it will suit to read and write by better than a candle, which will be often snuff d.
The printers throughout the U. S. will render a service to the community by inserting the above in their respective papers. [Maryland Herald.]
Death !!!
On the morning of the 21st instant after a lingering indisposition in the 34th year of his age died ANDREW DONALD, Esquire, a native of Scotland, at his residence near the Peaks of Otter, in Bedford County, Virginia.
This Gentleman was possessed of a solid understanding—a warm, sincere, and benevolent heart—an amiable disposition—and of a deportment mild, manly, and conciliating, which endeared him eminently to all who knew him. In his intercourse with the world he was distinguished for honor, candor, and rigid rectitude.—His premature fate will be long lamented, and remembered by all who were acquainted with his virtues, and his worth.—Mr. Donald has left a widow, and two children by a former wife to deplore his loss. May, 1806.
Notice,
IS hereby given to all whom it may concern, that a Petition will be presented to the next General Assembly of Virginia, praying that body to form a new District of judicature; to be composed of the Counties of Montgomery, Botetourt, and Bedford; and to erect the Court-house for the same in the healthy and growing Town of Salem, in the county of Botetourt, on the great Stage road leading from Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Richmond, to the western country.—This place will be near the centre of the district, with five roads to it from almost every direction. May 20,—1806. G.W.
Charlotte Court, 6th May, 1806. Charles Haraway, Plf. } IN AGAINST } Chancery. Luke Hazlewood, } & Josiah Jackson, Dfts. }
THE defendant Hazlewood not having entered his appearance according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not inhabitant of this State.—On the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered that he appear here on the first day of August Court next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and give security to the satisfaction of the court for performing the decree of the said court.—That a copy of this order be inserted in one of the Virginia Gazettes for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of the said county.
A Copy—Teste Thomas Read, C. C. C.
FOR SALE, A Tract of LAND,
CONTAINING One Hundred and Fifty Acres, lying on the main Road leading from Lynchburg to two public Berries on Stanton river, in the county of Campbell, three miles from the Court house.—This place is considered to be an excellent stand for a Tavern or other public business—The Land lies well, in a pleasant situation, and a considerable quantity of it good for Tobacco. There are eighteen acres cleared last winter and now under a good inclosure.—In case I do not sell privately prior to the first day of August next—on that day I will offer it at Public Sale on the premises—One half Cash will be required, the balance in twelve months—Otherwise I will Rent it for the term of Three years, together with Two likely
NEGROES:
ONE a Woman now in the prime of life, an excellent Cook and capable of any other sort of house business—the other a Boy sixteen years of age,—I will give liberty to clear such a quantity of Tobacco ground as shall be agreed on.—I shall shortly have necessary buildings for the convenience of a family, completed on the place.
Those in either case above mentioned, wishing to trade, are requested to apply to the proprietor residing on the premises.
FRANCIS MILLER. 28th April, 1806. TF.
Coaches and fashionable Gigs.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public that he has just commenced the coach making business in all its various branches in the Town of Lynchburg, where fashionable pleasure carriages of all descriptions will be neatly and faithfully executed on the shortest notice. He has on hand a large quantity of well prepared, and seasoned materials for the above purposes—Orders from any part of the country will be thankfully received and executed with fidelity as despatch. MILBY COTTINGHAM. Lynchburg, April 15, 1806. 8t
Land for Sale.
BY virtue of a Decree of the county Court of Campbell pronounced at their February Term last, I shall proceed on the premises to expose to sale by way of public auction for ready money, a tract of land situated in the county of Campbell, being the same tract purchased by Daniel Gray of Samuel Galbraith, situate or lying near the waters of Falling river. The Sale will take place on Saturday the 7th day of June next. THOMAS ROBINSON, D. S. FOR WILLIAM ANDERSON. May 13, 1806. 3W
NOTICE,
IS hereby given, that on the tenth day of June in the year of our Lord 1806, will be exposed to public sale on the several premises, in Bedford county the following Lands, Mills, and Slaves, to wit:—
ONE TRACT OF LAND,
about two hundred and twenty three acres purchased by Joseph Nichols from L. Woodward.—ALSO— One hundred acres of land, lying near the Ivy Mills conveyed by Jos. Poindexter to said county to Joseph Nichols by Deed bearing date 23d. July, 1803, and also on the same day on the premises, will be exposed to like sale the Ivy Mills and one acre of land, on which the same are built, in said county, by said Poindexter to said Nichols by Deed bearing date the day and year last aforesaid also on the same day at the said Ivy Mills will be exposed to like sale the following Slaves, to wit: Caesar, Isaac, Clary, Jude, Milly, & Rachael the property of Joseph Nichols, and by him conveyed to the subscriber by Deed bearing date the 23d day of July last to secure the payment of sundry bonds executed to said Joseph Poindexter, in the same shall become due and payable and more particularly described in said Deed, or to much of the same as shall be necessary to raise the sum of four hundred and fifty-four pounds, thirteen shillings and ten pence, with interest and costs of sale, &c. The sale to begin at 10 o'clock, at the Ivy Mills, and continue according to the provisions of said Deed, until so much of said lands and slaves shall be sold as shall amount to monies aforesaid. THOMAS WIATT, Trustee. October 28th, 1805. tf

Miscellany.
From the BOSTON REPERTORY.
The political sky has seldom remained long unclouded. But it may be doubted whether it was ever charged with a blacker tempest than that we have lately seen burst upon Europe. France has accomplished, in twelve years, as much as Rome did, in five hundred. The Samnites, who occupied a little province that is now a part of the kingdom of Naples, resisted the Roman arms for half a century, and it was not until after four and twenty Roman triumphs and twice that number of pitched battles, that they were subdued.
King Pyrrhus landed in Italy too late, after the Samnites had lost their spirit no less than their force. He proved an enemy worthy of Roman discipline and courage, yet he was unsuccessful.
The Romans after five hundred years of incessant war with the petty nations around them, who were their equals in valour, inferior only in discipline, at length aspired to extend their dominion beyond the bounds of Italy. First Sicily and then Spain were disputed, in arms, with the Carthaginians. Fifty years were passed in battles and alarms before this great controversy was decided in favor of Rome.
When Carthage had fallen, Greece, the mistress of Rome in arts, her rival in arms and renown, fell an almost unresisting prey to Roman ambition. She fell with all her confederated republics, as ours will certainly fall, if France should continue to wield our factions, and our factions to dispose of our government. For factions in a democracy are sincere only in their hatred and fear of each other. Whether the Jeffersons and Madisons stand, or the Randolphs and Monroes should rise in their stead, our rulers can have no patriotism. Their emulation is no fierce, and their objects of ambition too legitimate and too personal to allow them to take the views, still less to cherish the sentiments of statesmen. Old Rome had patriots, but who would expect to find them in the amphitheatre among the gladiators. Those who love power will seek it in the contests of party. The lovers of their country will be found nursing their griefs and their despair, among the discarded disciples of Washington. To return from this seeming digression, Rome availed herself of the divisions of the Grecian republics to subjugate them all. Affecting a zeal for their liberty, she offered her alliance, and the masters of Rome, like those of France, were SLAVES. The Greeks joyfully aided Rome to conquer Macedonia, and Philip, the Macedonian king, was employed against Antiochus, called the Great, the Syrian Monarch. Egypt was too bale to make any resistance, but submitted to tribute, as quietly as we do.
Thus every independent republic and powerful prince fell a prey to Rome. Beyond the Euphrates, the Parthians at length formed a mighty empire, which the distance and the deserts rendered like the modern Russia, inaccessible to the Roman arms. It was remarkable that Rome seldom had more than one enemy to fight at a time. They fell in succession, and their servitude was concealed, though it was embittered by the title of allies.
France has achieved her purpose—the struggles of liberty are over, and the continental nations of Europe are now sleeping in their chains. If France possessed the British navy, those chains would be adamant, which no human force could break. French tyranny, like the great dragon, would have wings, and the remoted regions of the civilized world would be near enough to catch pestilence from his breath.
Yet we are infatuated enough to think America a hiding place for liberty, where her assassins will not seek her life, or an impregnable fortress that would protect it.
On what reasonable foundation do these presumptuous expectations rest? When France is master of both land and sea, will distance preserve us? With eight hundred ships in the department of the Thames, distance would be nothing to Bonaparte. He could transport an army of sixty thousand men to occupy New York, which could not make one hour's resistance. He could transport them with more expedition and ease, than Mr. Jefferson could assemble our STANDING ARMY of two regiments from the frontiers, to oppose them. Yet this standing army, so potent to command the types, the exclamations and the silly fears of the democrats, though it assisted as a bug bear to make Mr. Jefferson president, would no better protect his house, at Monticello, from a French squadron of horse, than the army of the Imperial Virginia formerly defended its assembly from Colonel Tarleton.
But our myriads of militia might defy the world in arms. Excellent hopes these! When Austria in vain opposes two hundred thousand veterans to the progress of Bonaparte, when Russia is repelled in the pitched battle of Austerlitz, when Prussia with its armies, complete in numbers discipline, stands still, not daring to and waiting to acknowledge Bonaparte conqueror; or to come more plainly to the point, when we see half a million of English volunteers, as formidable and as fit in buckram as it is in the power of tailors to make uniforms, padding the coasts of Sussex, Essex and Kent, and yet trusting only to the vigilance of the British navy to hinder the French from crossing the channel—surely, when we see these things, we must be unwilling to reflect, or utterly incapable of reflection, if we can suppose that the array of the militia in the secretary's office would transplant fear from Mr. Jefferson's bosom into Bonaparte's.
To say nothing of the improbability of the militia obeying the call for actual service, or, if they should appear promptly and in sufficient numbers, of the impossibility of detaining them in service long enough to make their arms of the least imaginable use, diuturnal experience has at length instructed nations, that when they are in danger, they are to be preferred from it by their real soldiers. These are made, not in a tailor's shop, by facing blue cloth with red or yellow, but by learning in the field, that subordination of mind that will make men do and endure their doing all that men possibly can do.
Old Rome did not outnumber her enemies. Two legions each, of less than six thousand men, and as many of the Latin or other Italian allies made a complete consular army. Such an army routed the numberless forces of Mithridates and Antiochus. It cost the Romans more exertions to subdue Persius, king of Macedonia, than to conquer all the east. His phalanx, of sixteen thousand men, was harder to break than all the million militia of the other successors of Alexander. Rome, by the perfection of her discipline, became mistress of the world.
Would Bonaparte calculate on the vigor of our government, as an insuperable obstacle to his military attempt on the United States? Would the Congress majority like a Roman Senate create means & employ them, with a spirit that would prefer death to servitude or tribute?—The French Hannibal surely, with our 17 millions of tribute money already in his treasury, would have no discouraging fear of this sort. When he reads our treaty with Tripoli, by which it appears that we chose tribute when victory was within our reach, when he sees that the Bey of Tunis presumes to say by his minister at Washington, pay or fight, what can Bonaparte conclude but that honor is a name, and in America an empty one, and that our national spirit can never be roused to a higher pitch, than to make a calculation. With us honor is a coin, whose very baseness confines it at home for a currency. Such a people, he will say, are degraded before they are subdued. They are too abject to be classed or employed among my martial slaves. Let them toil to feed their masters and to replenish my treasury with tribute.
Is there a spirit in our people that would supply the want of it in our rulers? Our total unpreparedness both by land and sea, to make even the shew of resistance against an attack, is certainly not from the want of military means in the United States, but from a dread of the loss of popularity if they should call them forth.
Why is it unpopular? Because the progress of French domination is not seen at all, or is seen with a fatal complacency, because we love our money better than our country; because we enjoy our ease almost as much as we love our money, & because by shutting our eyes to our public dangers, we escape the insupportable terror of their approach, and the toils of an efficient preparation to resist them.
It is a thing incomprehensible, that even the childish babble of the Chronicle is not dumb. Admitting the stupidity, admitting the baseness of the democrats, yet without admitting that they are both stupid and base in a miraculous degree, it is unaccountable that they should not see, in the victories of Bonaparte, the stride and almost feel the gripe of a master. If a form should think, or a fire ship burn the British navy, we should feel that gripe in a month. Gen. Turreau would quietly exercise all the authorities at Washington. Considering how tamely we give up our millions, no less than seventeen in two years, while that navy still renders America inaccessible to France, is any man alive so absurd, as to suppose that our subjugation to French despotism would cost the great nation a single flask of powder. Take away the British navy, or give it to France, and we, free Americans, so vaunt of tongue, tie up in our stalls as tamely as our oxen. The pen of Talleyrand would be found a sharper weapon than General Varnum's sword. It is preposterous to suppose that a military resistance to France would be attempted. Her faction in this country would revive, the clubs and the maxims of 1794, and Genet would again summon the enemies of British Influence , to rally under his banner. We should be called the allies of France and our royal address would accompany our tribute to conciliate the friendship of the great nation, and to claim a share in its glories. The men who could be nothing without France would be invested with the titles and powers of magistracy, and property would be made to shift hands till it rested with those who would be really interested to support France, that France might support them in keeping it. Thus she would avoid the odium of a violent revolution and yet would reap all the advantage of it, to rivet our dependence on her power. The distance of the Roman provinces at length favored their emancipation from her yoke. But with the sole possession of a navy, the transatlantic provinces of France would not be distant.
With these irrefragable proofs of the fatal certainty with which the power of France would reach us, and of the unresisting tameness with which we should endure it, if France should ruin the British naval power, what comments shall we make on the sense or spirit of the non importation project of Congress, which though ineffectual for its purpose, is intended to impair the force and resources of that navy? How deep and considerate will be our scorn and execration of the Armstrongs and Livingstons and Monroes, who, to make their dastardly welcome to a tyrant's ear, have blended it with American invectives against that navy.
We seem to be envious of the spirit of slavery before we descend to its condition; as if we were resolved to merit their contempt, by an earlier claim and even by a juster title than their yoke. For as long as the British navy may triumph that yoke is not inevitable.
The most successful way to prevent our servitude is faithfully to expose our dangers. So far as our fate may depend on our wisdom or our choice, it is proper to call the attention of our citizens to the fact that Bonaparte, though he has done much, has done it in vain, unless he can do one thing more. Give him the British navy, and he will govern the United States as absolutely, and certainly with as little mercy, as if our territory were a French department, and actually lay between the Seine and the Loire. Let our scribblers then extol the long foreseeing wisdom of the Jeffersonian administration.—Let them boast of their devotedness to the cause of the people. The man whose chief merit is grounded on his having penne the declaration of independence, has done more than any other man to undo it. He has made conventions to pour the fullness of our treasury into the coffers of Bonaparte, he has dictated laws in aid and to carry into effect French authority, over the blacks of St. Domingo—a degree of servile condescension beneath the independent spirit of those blacks; and now his minions in Congress have begun a war against the British trade, as if without our own active co-operation to cripple the maritime resources of England, Bonaparte might meet with too great obstructions and delay in subverting the independence and liberty of our country.
If we love our country as we ought, we cannot but wish that the conquered nations of Europe break their chains. We cannot but wish that Great Britain may courageously and triumphantly maintain her independence against France. But on this point what are we to expect? A military opposition on the continent of Europe has proved unavailing. With France, now mistress of the land, become mistress of the sea also, and establish her iron dominion over the civilized world? This is a question of life or death to American Independence, and the awful decision is near.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to us by William Harris, late of the county of Bedford, to secure certain debts due to William Brown, Esq. and Brown, M'Credie, & Co. We shall on Saturday the 14th of June next, proceed to sell by way of public auction, a tract of
LAND,
Situated in Bedford county, on Elk creek, containing Two Hundred and Twenty Five Acres, more or less, adjoining and bounded by the lands of Joseph Slaughter, John North, Waddy Cobb, Jesse Tair's Estate, and down Elk creek to the said Slaughter's line; the same being a part of a tract purchased of David Wright. Also the following
SLAVES, to wit:
Rachel, Hannah, Rose, Harriet, Phoebe, Jude, Joanna, Linda, Sukey, Lett, Wallis and Pope. —The sale will take place on the Land, and for Ready Money.—A description of the Land is deemed to be unnecessary, as it is presumed that those who are disposed to purchase will make themselves acquainted with it.
William Callaway, } Trustees. Christopher Clark, } John Dabney. May 10, 1806. (3w.)
FOR SALE.
A Valuable Estate in Henry County on the Horse Pasture Creek known by the name of Jordan's Choice containing 1000 acres of the old survey, all of which is of prime quality; adjoining is a new survey of 86 acres well timbered, and on the opposite side of the plantation, 500 acres which tho' it does not join, is sufficiently near and convenient to furnish the necessary supplies of wood for fencing and fuel.
This plantation for 30 years last past has never rented for less than 7,500 lbs. of Lynchburg crop inspected Tobacco, weighing 1250 or upwards per Hoghead—and during that period the rent was 500 dollars per annum. At present, only one half of the cleared land is under lease for 5,250 lbs. of Tobacco.—Immediate possession of the residue will be given, and further particulars made known by the subscriber, who has also for sale ONE tract of land on Otter about 6 miles below Leftwich's Mill, at present occupied by Mrs. Vannerion, and containing about 320 acres.
ONE tract of land on Jennings creek in Botetourt, containing 800 acres—occupied by John Johnson.
ONE Ditto.—Ditto—occupied by William Young, jun.—containing 200 acres.
ONE Ditto.—Ditto unimproved, containing 400 acres.
ANDREW DONALD. Bedford County, Feb. 24.—1806. 1f
RAN away from the subscriber living in Campbell County on Otter river, on Sunday night last, a NEGRO MAN by the name of JAMES, and a Girl named SALLEY, the man about thirty-five or forty years of age, of low stature, has a scar over his right eye, bald headed.—The girl thirteen or fourteen years of age, yellow complexion. It is likely he has a pass—any person that will deliver them to me, or Thomas Jones near Lynchburg, or secure them so that I get them again shall be handsomely rewarded. WIAT ARNOLD. April 29,—1806. 4t
400 Dollars Reward.
THE above reward of 400 dollars is hereby offered for the detection and prosecution to conviction of the Villain or Villains who, on Saturday night last, set fire to the house of Dr. Waddy Tate, on the back street in the town of Lynchburg, now occupied by Paxton & Houston Cabinet-Makers.
On behalf of the citizens of Lynchburg and in pursuance of their subscription, JOHN WIATT, Mayor. April 9, 1806.
A Gold Watch Lost.
LOST on Thursday, the 11th of July, in the Town of Carter'sville, an ELEGANT GOLD WATCH, half capped and jewelled; horizontally constructed; Makers name, MARGETTS, London. No. 1. Gold chain, key, and Cornelian seal, set in gold. Whoever will deliver the said Watch, &c. to Mr. Samuel Irvine, of Lynchburg, or Mr. Edmund W. Rootes, of Richmond, or to the subscriber, in Amherst, shall receive thirty dollars reward. ALEXANDER B. ROSE. September 23, 1805.
10 Dollars Reward
WILL be given to any person who will deliver me my POCKET BOOK containing a bond for 520 dollars, due 8th September next, from Burgess Griffin for Thomas Jefferson to Vernon Metcalf and assigned to the subscriber; also a bond from William Laine (waggoner) for seventeen pounds sixteen shillings and six pence to Dillard and Cabell, and one other bond from Richard Herndon to Elihu Edwards of Kentucky, due the 1st day of March 1807,—with some other papers not recollected. Said pocket book was lost on Easter Monday last, on the road (it is expected) from Jacob Wood's Mill in the county of Amherst to Mr. Seaton M. Penns of said County.
The obligors in the bonds above mentioned, are hereby requested, to guard against any fraud which the holder of the above pocket book may attempt to practise, to withhold payment until applied to by the subscriber.
WILLIAM PENN. Amherst Ct. House, 25th April. 1806.
I wish to hire 8 or 10 prime Hands,
FOR one month only, and will give liberal wages for them, payable in Bar Iron delivered at New London, Lynchburg or Liberty, at a moderate price, or Cash.
Jeremiah Callaway. Burkford Otter, May 16, 1806.
To be Rented,
THE HOUSES & LOT
OF excellent ground in Fincastle, Botetourt County, Virginia, about 23 miles from the Sweet Springs; where Messrs. Trigg & Wilson lately kept a Tavern. The dwelling-house is two story high, large and commodious, with a number of rooms on each floor; the Kitchen is also two story high, with two large apartments below, one of which was finished for the accommodation of a private family; there is a Lumber-House and Stable; a Yard and Garden neatly inclosed; a large Ice-House carefully filled with Ice, and now in fine preservation, in short all the buildings and improvements on the premises are in good order and admirably calculated to suit a Tavern Keeper.
Possession may be had at any time, and the terms known by applying to Mr. Robert Harvey or Maj. Matthew Harvey in Fincastle.
Mary Trigg. May 7th, 1806. 4w.
CHASE'S TRIAL.
This day is published BY SAMUEL H. SMITH.
TRIAL OF SAMUEL CHASE.
An ASSOCIATE JUSTICE of the Supreme Court of the United States, IMPEACHED By the House of Representatives, for HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS, before the Senate of the United States.
Taken in short hand By SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS LLOYD.
In two large Octavo Volumes—in Boards, price—to subscribers four dollars and a half—and to non-subscribers five dollars.
A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this trial than the Editor contemplated. He has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the public at an earlier period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the Managers and Counsel. The publication might long since have been made in a less perfect dress; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be a precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the public with the expectation of the Editor that it will be considered as meriting the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised, and inserted at length, in connection with whatever else formed a part of the trial. Federal City, March 24, 1806.
WILL BE SOLD
AT the plantation formerly owned by Dr. Charles D. Jones, on Saturday the 31st day of May—Three likely saddle Horses—one Bed and Furniture—one Bureau—one Trunk of Books, among which are a number of Medical Authors—and a number of other articles too tedious to mention.—The terms of the sale will be made known on that day.
Jesse Anderson, Adm. May 20th, 1806. 4w.
HYMNS.
Just published and for sale at the Star-Office.
(Price, Twenty-Five Cents.)
A choice selection of Hymns:
This first part, contains the newest and so much admired Spiritual Songs practised with such beneficial effects, during the late Camp, and other Meetings, in the counties of Amherst, and Bedford, and in the vicinity of Lynchburg.
GAMUTS
Also For Sale at this Office.
NOTICE.
THOSE persons who have business with the subscriber, as Administrator of the estate of Doctor Charles D. Jones dec'd, are informed, that he has constituted and appointed Josiah Leake attorney at law of Lynchburg, his agent to adjust the business of said estate. Provision will, as early as the nature of the case will admit, be made for liquidating every legal claim in the order of its dignity. It is desired that the claims against the estate may be brought in legally authenticated, as early as convenient, in order that the necessary arrangements may be made, by the sale of property or otherwise, to discharge them. Law suits being both expensive and troublesome, he trusts they will but in few instances be resorted to, as prompt measures will be pursued, to meet all just claims by a much shorter and more certain route. JESSE ANDERSON. May 9, 1806.
Those who have business to settle in relation to the above mentioned estate, are requested to make early arrangements for that purpose. So soon as the May terms are over I shall be at leisure to take up the business. JOSIAH LEAKE. 2t
ANY person, having in possession my 3d and 4th Vols. of Moore's Tour through Italy, will please to return them immediately. CHARLES HOYLE, junr. 1st April, 1806.