Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-07-08 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  INT HIC ETIAM SUA PREMIA LAUDIS
[VOL. IV
FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 8, 1808.
NO. 149.]
From the Albany Gazette.
The following sentence is extracted from a publication that appears in the National Intelligencer of the 8th inst. a vehicle of the administration, and bears strong internal evidence of flowing from the pen of President Jefferson.
"It is obvious that the ostensible causes of the measure (the embargo) to wit, the British and French decrees, necessarily limit the duration of the embargo to their continuance, and that consequently, so far as they operate, its removal will be contemporaneous with their abrogation."
Thus we have direct and positive information, through the channel of a paper published under the immediate influence of the executive, that a removal of the all-crippling, palsying, impoverishing embargo, by the operation of which, all ranks, all classes, and all descriptions of our citizens are so grievously oppressed, is made by our government, to depend, not on any consequence or effects however insupportable, that may be experienced by our citizens, but on circumstances and events totally beyond our influence or control; on the continuance and issue of the strife between France and England; the former striving for the mastery of the world, for universal dominion; the latter for self-preservation, for national existence. This contest may continue, not only for three years as has been predicted by Mr. Macon, on the floor of congress, but possibly for three times three years, or even longer; for as the power of Buonaparte has already encroached to a height almost unbounded, so will his exertion be animated and increased by every new disappointment or delay in effecting the accomplishment of his object; and England fighting for her national existence, will make a desperate defence—she will not fall without a long and dreadful struggle—and during all this must we, from all present appearances, continue to groan and suffer under the death-like gripe of President Jefferson's favourite energetic measure, the general embargo—unless a speedy and a radical change takes place in our general representation and measures.
This embargo, it is openly avowed, is intended by our administration to bring England to a state of humiliation; be it so. I feel no disposition to advocate the cause of England in any controversy with my own country, nor will I presume to divine what may be the immediate or eventual effect of this measure on the interests of that country, or whether she will experience less benefit from the possession of all the remaining commerce of the world, than injury from the want of intercourse with us. I shall only take the liberty to ask, how far it is consistent with the dearest interests of the American people, and with the permanent security of American independence and freedom, that the only nation on earth, besides our own, that possesses one particle of freedom in her principles of government, the only nation of any essential weight or respectability that dares to lift up her solitary head in defiance of the universal tyranny of France, should fall a sacrifice, and in that event the only bar to the all destructive grasp of French power and influence be effectually, and for us fatally removed? and leave every free-born American to answer the question.
When President Jefferson was placed in the chair of government, he found this country in a state of freedom and prosperity, such as no nation before had ever enjoyed; at peace with and respected by all the nations of Europe, though with some of them contests had previously arisen, which led to acts of direct warfare on our part; prosperous and happy in all our concerns, foreign as well as domestic, our commerce extended to all parts of the globe, through the enterprising spirit of our respectable merchants, aided and protected by the fostering hand of a wise, a virtuous and an energetic federal administration, abundant wealth flowed spontaneously into the coffers of the state, and into the purses of the merchant, the farmer, the mechanic, and every class of our citizens—all was freedom—all was prosperity, and President Jefferson himself, in his inaugural speech, was compelled to declare, that he found the affairs of our country "in the full tide of successful experiment."
Supported with uncontrolled power, and in fact, dictatorial authority, and aided with a revenue perpetually increasing, out of which actual increase, he was enabled to discharge some part of the national debt, how has President Jefferson executed his official trust? What account is he prepared to give of his stewardship? In what state and condition is he now about to leave us? to turn his back upon us. In a state of internal discord and distraction among his own partisans, verging rapidly to anarchy and confusion—in a state of hostility and variance with nearly all the nations of Europe; writhing under the lashes of some, under the robberies of others, and under the most contemptuous insults of all, and though he has uniformly made a regular annual boast of having reduced the amount of the national debt, and of possessing an overflowing treasury, produced by the agency of the unprotected and insulted merchants of our country, under a system of finance created and organized by his wise and virtuous predecessors in office—we are left with but one ship of any force or respectability afloat or in commission, or one seaport in any state of defence; confiding for the sole protection and defence of the United States on the seaboard, in 50 or 100 contemptible gun-boats.
And to crown the whole, he has not only effected a rigid permanent embargo on the whole foreign trade, through the channel of which unbounded wealth was flowing in upon us from the four quarters of the globe, but a grievous interdiction of all intercourse by land and by water with every part of the world, not excepting our nearest neighbours, and in many instances between one state in the union and another, under a monopoly of special licences to be granted to particular favourites; declaring,
in a circular letter, directed to the several governors of New Orleans, Georgia, Massachusetts and New Hampshire, in language which cannot be misunderstood, the merchants of our country to be "the most worthless part of society."
Fellow-citizens, view these two pictures, the one of the United States of America, as she was under the federal administrations of Washington and of Adams; the other, as she now is under the democratic administration and absolute control of President Jefferson—are they not correctly delineated?—they not justly represented—are not all the blessings and benefits which we formerly enjoyed, justly attributable, under the sanction of Divine Providence, to the wise, the energetic and patriotic measures pursued by the former—and are not all the evils and calamities which we are now actually suffering, as justly attributable to the philosophick dreams, the political delusions, the whimsical experiments, and the pusillanimous measures of the latter?
It has for many years past been a consoling reflection to the sincere and rational friends of freedom, and of our happy republican institutions, that amidst the persecution, the violence, and all the depravity of democracy, every city, county and town in our union contained many virtuous, discreet and well-informed citizens who kept out of that destructive vortex, whose minds were invulnerable to its impressions, and who would always be in readiness, whenever its madness had arisen to a pitch destructive to all order and peaceable government, and verging to a state of confusion, then to step forward and offer their agency to their deluded fellow-citizens to effect a re-establishment of order and harmony, and a maintenance of republican freedom; that this alarming period is fast approaching, no one can doubt that a dread of its evils being so corrected is sensibly felt by the partisans of democracy is evident, from the malignant abuse, the foul and unfounded slander against federal principles and views which are daily repeated and ushered to the publick through the channel of the democratick presses.
That federalists are enemies to the principles of free government, they are Tories, they are aristocrats, they are monarchists, that they wish to form a treaty of alliance offensive, and defensive with Great-Britain, to return again to a state of colonies, that had they retained the reins of government, they would long since have changed our republican institutions to that of a monarchy, and were they to recover their standing and influence, they would do the same now—are items in the feudlike catalogue.
That slanders like these have for a series of years past been introduced into free circulation throughout this state and the United States, by many profligate unprincipled characters, who are agents and tools to the demon of democracy, is too well known: that they are still appearing from day to day in many of the democratick prints is notorious, and that they should be sincerely believed by many, very many honest and well meaning, though uninformed American citizens, is, from the zeal and activity of such agents, perhaps unavoidable, but that one rational man can be found, who has had the opportunity of understanding the principles, and knowing the proceedings of either of the federal administrations of the United States, and of this state, and of their supporters generally, who will candidly declare that he does believe them to be founded in truth, I cannot conceive to be possible. No, the man who presumes to declare them as truths, must deserve either to be pitied for egregious ignorance, or censured for his atrocious depravity, for they are basely unjust, false and unfounded.
Was George Washington in principle a monarchist, an aristocrat, a tory, or a British adherent? If he was, then might federalists with some plausibility be so called; for the principles of that great and good man, who is so justly styled the father of his country, and friend of mankind, are what the federalists have rigidly and faithfully maintained, and while they stand ready to unite in a manly hostility to the aggressions of England equally to those of France, they view both, as well as all other foreign nations with an equal eye; their only partiality centers in their native country, whose internal freedom and foreign rights they stand ready to shed their best blood to maintain: their great source of mortification and regret is, the degraded state to which the foreign and domestic concerns of that country is reduced by the destructive measures of a delusive, pusillanimous, popularity seeking administration, that can proscribe and persecute its most virtuous and patriotick citizens, while it is meanly skulking and shrinking from the frowns of foreign despots—An administration that can wreak its vengeance on the heads of the best citizens of our own country, while it can view the outrageous depredations, confiscations, robberies and insults of foreign nations for a series of years, with a calm, philosophick indifference—An administration that can avow, as one of its permanent ruling principles, to leave our whole foreign trade, amounting annually to the enormous sum of eighty millions of dollars, conducted by upwards of sixty thousand brave American seamen, totally unprotected and exposed to the ravages and insults of every petty piccaroon privateer that sails the ocean, while that trade is known to bring into the national treasury each upwards of fifteen millions of dollars, and to be a vital principle of national prosperity and respectability—An administration, the whole course and tenor of whose measures, have tended not to harmonize and conciliate party spirit, but to work discord and confusion in the minds of the citizens of the country, generally, and finally to serious ideas of a separation of the union.
That the federal constitution or form of government of the United States, was framed and established by the federalists, under the fostering care of Washington, and in direct hostility to all the vio-
lence and misrepresentation of democracy, is well known—is, or is not that establishment purely republican? Is there any one act or proceeding of any federal administration in this state or in the United States, that is not in rigid conformity to the principles of that institution, or that evinces, in the most distant manner, a deviation from the most pure and unequivocal principles of republicanism and the publick good? If there is, let it be not generally glanced at, in the language of slander and declamation, but publicly and explicitly pointed out. Did any act or proceeding of any description of an anti-republican tendency take place under the administration of Washington or Adams in the government of the United States, or of governor Jay in the state? If there did, let it be fairly stated to there sick in plain and unequivocal language. Is president Jefferson's act of the administration under probation of us that did not receive the avowed approbation of Washington? If there is, let Can any fact cited out.
stated, or even with circumstance be mentioned or ed (I don't ask for proof, plausibility suggested) that federalists either only for truth and nation, or by any of their individual combinations, have planned, contrived, notions in go the most distant idea of subverting our suggested institutions, of changing them for that of licancy, or of forming any improper connexion England, or with any other foreign nation? If ther can, I only ask to have it fairly and explicitly communicated to the publick with all its attendant circumstances. But I don't hesitate confidently to assert, that no such charges can be justly established, no such fact can be fairly stated; that federal principles are the only true principles by which republican freedom can be maintained and perpetuated, and are in strict conformity to the letter and spirit of the constitution of the United States; and that every charge against their purity and correctness, is founded in the most base falsehood, the most foul and atrocious slander, and should be promptly and indignantly repelled.
Federalists may pass over partial slanders and misrepresentations with an indignant contempt, as flowing too generally from beings constitutionally depraved, and without deigning to reply or retort, though the means may be abundant and objects ready at hand, but they will not continue to permit to pass unnoticed slanders against the purity of their publick principles; they are a patrimonial inheritance from their deceased political father and friend, and should be held by them as a sacred trust.
A FEDERALIST, OF THE WASHINGTON SCHOOL.
From the Savannah Ledger.
LAW CASE.
GEORGIA DISTRICT—IN ADMIRALTY.
United States against schooner Maggie, James Baird, master, libel for a violation of the embargo laws.
The publick being generally apprised of the nature of this highly important case, we conceive it would not be unacceptable to our readers to give them an abstract of the very able decree delivered by judge Stephens, after a very lengthy and interesting discussion.
It will be perceived that the restoration of this vessel is altogether to be attributed to her having been captured in Spanish water.
The peculiar situation of our country—the disgraceful attempts by our citizens to render the government obnoxious, because of the embargo measure, and the repeated violation of those laws, require that every genuine American should be at his post. The flame of '76 must be rekindled—forbearance at this crisis would be criminal. We have enemies among us. They must be watched.
In support of this libel, says the judge, it is in full testimony, that the schooner Maggie is an American registered vessel, owned by James Baird, a native of Scotland, a part of his Britannick majesty's dominions: and that the same James Baird, is a naturalized citizen of the United States, and resides, with his family, at the town of St. Mary's and has done so for a considerable time, and has been in the habit of trading with his vessel, to and from different ports under American register, and wearing the colours of the United States, as shewing his security rested on those documents whilst traversing the ocean.
It is fully proven, that the Maggie was, on the first day of January last, cleared out at the custom house by Mr. Bissent, collector of St. Mary's, laden with an assorted cargo, and bound for the West Indies—that on the sixth of the same month, the Maggie hauled over to the Spanish side of the river St. Mary's, (this river being the main water course between Florida and Georgia, the use of which is secured by treaty, as well to the inhabitants of Spain as of the United States) and soon after proceeded to the Spanish island Amelia, about seven miles below the town of St. Mary's, where she lay several days waiting for a fair wind to go to sea.
It is fully satisfactory to my mind, that before the Maggie left the port of St. Mary's there was either a direct or indirect knowledge of the embargo law of the 22d December, 1807, having passed, and that Baird, the claimant from every circumstance, as well as other inhabitants of St. Mary's, was apprized of this measure, and took precautions accordingly. It may be true that the collector had not official instructions on the subject, and it should seem so, or he probably would not have cleared out the vessel that had arrived at St. Mary's in a short passage from Philadelphia, and from whose captain or others, intelligence had been brought that an embargo law had or would pass. The probability is, that they had knowledge of the law having passed; but as the collector had no particular instruc-
tions, it was, as Baird says, not put in operation at St. Mary's, and this, owing to the quick passage of the vessel that had out-stripped the mail in the usual routine. This law directs that notice shall be given to foreign vessels—not so to our own vessels, because of the well known rule, that for those whom laws are made by their own government, the as the law of the land; and from the vehicles of intelligence that float about, an American is the last to plead ignorance of any legislative measure, of any people on earth.
I will go further, and say, that I have little doubt but the embargo law was as well known in Florida, Cuba, Amelia, as at Cumberland Island, or St. Mary's; the latter of which places has become a singular depot for merchandise of all sorts. The reason is obvious, I need not record it.
In pursuing the route of the Maggie, we find her navigated by a mate, Mr. Boyd, under Baird, which Boyd said he was an Englishman by birth, and a subject of the sovereign of that country, sailing under an American flag, in an American vessel engaged in foreign voyages, and particularly the carrying trade, by transporting the produce of Spain from Matanzas to Augustine; from Augustine to Amelia; all ports of his catholic majesty, and with the produce of his countries, the property of his subjects or residents in his dominions. It is this lucre of gain, this carrying trade, so much sought after, that causes the present political embarrassment, and with other causes, drives our government to a crisis of difficulties at least. Hence time and a virtuous citizens in their persons and property to a better employment, which time, with a cargo; ignorance will remedy.
ther, and with a number Matanzas, in August Amelia Island, which she was; takes in an early arrival at, from adverse wingers, sails for ther, and compelled from this, as from an water and virtuals, and the request of pa wea amongst whom was a woman and two children enter at night the bar of St. Andrews, a port bay to the northward of St. Mary's river, and proceeded the inland passage on the 22d of last April, and sail along the island of Cumberland, within the port of St. Mary's, passing in her own waters the hospitable mansions that invite those who may want succour, and in view of one of the national gun boats, then lying as a guard vessel, to enforce the laws and shelter the distressed, without any mark of attention; forgetting that she wore the American colours, an emblem of the sovereignty of the United States; and, if we believe what must be credited, the testimony of midshipman Maxwell and his cockswain, Mitchell, of the launch that was sent out from the gun boat to speak the Maggie, and only prevented therefrom by strong winds and current, with the press of sail carried by the Maggie, and from other circumstances that attach to this part of the testimony, shewing a design to avoid and deceive the gun boat, as it she was standing up the river St. Mary's, until the launch returned to the gun boat, when the Maggie bore away for Jolly's river, a little below the mouth of which, and in the mid channel, was lying the gun boat No 2, commanded by captain Samuel Elbert, a native born citizen, son of an early native of our country, and amongst the most ardent and active of American patriots, now, with others, lying in the dust. This young officer feeling for the majesty of the laws of his country, determined not to suffer the American flag, quivering over his head, to be insulted; announces his heroic intention, and impelled by a proper sense of duty, discharges those cannon his government had placed under his care, and compels the offender to shorten sail, and come to anchor.
The launch of the gun vessel is again manned; the offending vessel boarded. What must have been the sensations of the boarding officer when he found the vessel to be the American registered schooner Maggie, commanded and owned by James Baird, a naturalized citizen, whose domicile, with his family, were in the town of St. Mary's, and in sight. "I arrest you for violating, in every sense, the cause of our common country. You do not rely on your colours or your register—you fly from the colours and vessels of your nation—you fly to the waters of a neighbouring prince, and take shelter there. This shall not be an asylum for such offenders: I will enquire into your conduct, through the medium of the organ of justice, and if your case will bear you out, you will be dismissed. I feel the delicacy of troubling neutral rights—I am aware that Jolly's river is the waters of his Catholic majesty; in passing into which you have infringed the laws of your country, and will not join in maintaining that neutrality so imperiously and awfully demanded of us. You violate embargo laws, revenue laws, prosecute foreign voyages; afraid of your adopted country; lend no aid to her in her present conflict, but counteract, circumvent and annoy us in every shape. When these things shall be known to the Catholic king, he will not, nor his ministers, censure me. My country will protect me."
In reviewing this case, and in regard to entering the waters of St. Andrew's sound, being the port or district of St. Mary's, I make no distinction of terms, and passing into Jolly's river, (the waters of Spain) I am, from this incident arrested from the capture being there. I cannot from any authority adduced, the rights of nations, our own rights, my own view and feelings on the subject, impel me, with great force, to award restitution of the Maggie, her tackle, furniture and apparel. An American has taken shelter under the colours and jurisdiction of one of the European belligerents, the king of Spain, with whom we are in amity. Let the asylum, therefore, be secure.

A little plain fact, against round assertion.—It is insisted that the French and British equally annoy the commerce of this country; indeed with certain papers the British alone are the objects of resentment...
[In our paper of the first of the month, we made some remarks upon an assertion contained in the Honourable Wilson Cary Nicholas's letter to his Constituents, which produced the following address in the HERALD of yesterday.]
To the Editor of the Norfolk Ledger. In your paper of the 1st inst. you have favoured the publick with some strictures upon the address of Colonel Nicholas to his constituents. The eagerness with which you first noticed this production, was regarded by the friends of that gentleman as a pledge of a determination on your part to give a clear and luminous exposition of his political heresies...
For the purpose of showing what might be the amount of our exports to these countries, which, upon your authority alone, we are told are beyond the operation of the British and French Decrees, you have taken the publick documents at a period of our greatest commercial prosperity...
If then the imports are denied us, the export of foreign goods is evidently cut off, and subtracts from our Trade of Promise 17 out of 24 millions. I shall leave to your own candour to state, what then could be the inducement of prosecuting any.
But it appears clear to your understanding, that by reason of these orders of the British Council not pursuing the French decrees in their injustice to the full extent, our trade to the Spanish, French and Dutch colonies is left, without interruption.
It is a paltry apology for the villainy of one man to say, that he is not quite so great a rogue as his neighbour. But giving to the British King the full compliment you designed, let us enquire how for our trade with the Spanish, French and Dutch colonies "is left without interruption."
war is predicated upon the freedom of the American flag, and which is increased or diminished as that flag is respected or outraged. But are these ports not embraced by the belligerent decrees?—The explanations given by the Board of trade to the orders in council, were "that all trade directly from America to every port and country at war with Britain, or from which her flag was excluded, was totally prohibited."
The Milan decree subjects to seizure and confiscation all vessels bound to or from a British port, or which may be found upon the high seas trading therefor, or whose decks have been polluted by a British footstep. It makes no exception of colonial ports, and from its tenor was not so much directed against certain specified places as against any trade the United States might pursue under the operation of the British orders in council.
Your list of free ports, therefore, must be reduced to those of Morocco and Barbary, China, Africa, and the South Sea. Let us see what would the result of an huckstering intercourse with them. I must here repeat that the articles of merchandise derived from countries whose trade is prohibited by either belligerent, does not enter into the estimate of what might be the commerce of the United States in the exportation of these articles.
Is the trade to China unencumbered? A trade of the utmost magnitude to the Northern and Eastern commerce and the principal source of its prosperity. You state our exports to China at less than 200,000 dollars, of which $4,000 is in domestic goods, an amount less than the specie often exported in a single ship.
To Africa we have exported one million and an half of dollars, a trade well worthy our consideration, did it not partake so much of the falsity of your other calculations. Need I say that the area affixed by the constitution at which this infamous traffic might be abolished furnishes the best commentary upon your estimations.
As this period approached, the trade has been pursued with the greater avidity, and the year from which you have taken the exportation is probably the one in which the largest amount has ever been exported since the first settlement of America—certainly the greatest since the adoption of the present government. Africa can furnish no mart for our native productions, except in exchange for slaves. Their gold dust, gum and ivory, would be of no value to us, who must necessarily seek a market for them in Europe.
But your South Sea trade is free. Here neither the cupidity of England, nor the ambition of France, has yet disturbed the peaceful pursuits of our Eastern brethren. It is an exception to the British orders, and is scarcely engulfed by the decree of Milan!—It is a trade worthy of being adduced as an evidence of the oversight of col. Nicholas, and one with which the Editor of the Ledger should be rewarded for the discovery, by an exclusive privilege!
A trade which, at a period of our present prosperity, took no more than 3,385 dollars of our national exports, should never enter into the attention of a MERCHANT. TO A MERCHANT. "The eagerness with which you noticed" my remarks on the latter of Mr. Nicholas "was regarded" by the friends of that gentleman, as a pledge of a "determination on your part to give a clear and luminous exposition" of the injustice and falsehood of my strictures on his letter.
You are not aware that the course you have pursued, by implication, admits all that I contended for, as relates to Mr. Nicholas. This gentleman said nothing about the value or extent of our commerce to the places mentioned, or to any other place, and my having noticed the amount exported, was merely incidental, nor, sir, was my information derived from Mr. Key, (as you insinuate) though there is no gentleman to whose information I should pay more respect.
There is a degree of mystery in what you say respecting the trade from the United States to the French and Spanish colonies, that makes it somewhat difficult to determine whether you mean to deny or admit what I have asserted. I have said, and I repeat, that the trade of the United States to and from the colonies of France, Spain and Holland, is not affected by the British Orders in Council. That our export trade in colonial produce is annihilated, I do not deny, and the cause of it may be in part ascribed to the rejection of Mr. Monroe's treaty.
A few remarks upon what you say respecting our trade to China and the South Seas—
You certainly did not understand me as saying that the whole exports from this country to China did not exceed 200,000 dollars. You could not but be sensible that the specie which is exported to that country was not included by me. Equally un candid are your remarks upon the trade to the South Seas. The trade to those seas does not derive its value from the amount exported, but from the employment which it gives to a number of ships and seamen.
I have done with the subject—if I have not succeeded in refuting your arguments, I trust that I have sufficiently demonstrated that Mr. Nicholas was mistaken, when he asserted that "the barren kingdom of Sweden, was the only country to which an American ship could sail without being subject to seizure or condemnation."
THE EDITOR OF THE LEDGER.
The following very interesting intelligence has been politely communicated to the printers of the Albany Gazette, by a gentleman of the city of Schenectady. It is copied from a letter received by him, from a person of great respectability at Queens town, in Upper Canada, dated June 16.
Albany Gaz. "Our lieutenant governor has been sent for by express from the Indian agent, near Detroit, and sets out by land this day for that quarter. It is reported, that some very violent resolutions adopted by the Indians (on hearing that their annual supplies for their trade, were stopped by the American government at Niagara) has occasioned this sudden and unexpected measure.
FROM THE NEW-YORK EVENING POST.
The embargo, a permanent measure.—The following article, from the last ministerial paper at Washington, will arrest attention, as it discloses the views of the administration relative to the embargo.
From the National Intelligencer.
The period is probably not distant when we shall be enabled to form some judgement of the effect produced on the disposition of foreign governments by the embargo. It is manifested, from the intelligence received from England, that hitherto it has been considered in that country as likely to be but of fugitive duration.
Will this information be such as we wish? Will it restore the amicable relations of the United States with foreign powers?
We confess that we are not sanguine on this point. We have hopes that it may be so; but our disappointment will not be excessive if a different effect shall be produced.
That the ultimate sense of the British nation, provided we do not shrink from the duties imposed upon us, will overturn the prevailing system, and will do us justice, we entertain no doubt; but it is absolutely impossible to decide when this will take place. Such is the extreme pressure of the enemies of Britain upon her, so singular and unprecedented is her situation, and so unavailing have all her previous arrangements been in producing the benefits calculated from them, that we ought not to be surprised at the excitement of a spirit of desperate infatuation in that country, a spirit resolved on trying a completely new plan, and on stretching vigour to its utmost extent.
Under this uncertainty with regard to the future, we are rejoiced to perceive our fellow citizens generally throughout the union pursuing a course of conduct, which will equally promote their solid interests, whether our foreign relations become more troubled, or shall be restored to their usual tranquillity.
Who, too, will say whether the zeal with which, under the present pressure, manufactures are pursued, may not be the most effectual means of moving England to a sense of her own interests, by convincing her that we cannot only do without her factories, but that we shall find a greater profit in our manufacturing establishments than in the trade that enables us to part with our surplus agricultural products?
By an official statement of the exports from Great Britain to the United States of America, it appears that they amount to the annual sum of forty-eight million of dollars, of which thirty-six millions consist of wools and cotton goods.
Of cotton we have the most abundant supply within ourselves; and if there be not a sufficiency of wool, the zealous attention paid to the raising and improvement of sheep will in the course of a few years render us equally independent.
In the New England states thousands of respectable manufactures are in active operation.
In Philadelphia, besides a respectable publick establishment, a great number of private flourishing manufactures of cotton have been established.
In Baltimore a company, with a million, is organized.
In Petersburg twenty-five thousand dollars have been subscribed in a day.
In Richmond, under the most intelligent and patriotic auspices, a capital of half a million is to be engaged in this object.
In short the patriotic flame appears to be fed throughout the whole union by an inexhaustible fuel.
Already it is computed that at least five millions of dollars have been devoted to manufactures in the last six months; a capital competent to the furnishing manufactured articles to the amount of at least ten millions.
Britain, seeing what is already done, will anticipate what will happen if she persist in her injustice; she will see that, five years hence, we shall not need a tenth part of the manufactured goods we now receive from her.
REMARKS.
By putting together a few of the leading facts and observations in the above, we shall arrive at a pretty satisfactory conclusion against whom the embargo was designed to operate, and how long it is meant to be continued.
In the first place we notice that every thing said relates exclusively to Great Britain; and a cursory reader who did not trouble himself to exercise his recollection, must suppose that the embargo was originally adopted as a measure of retaliation for the British orders in council.
Mr. Jefferson's editor tells us, very frankly, that those who suppose that the embargo is designed as a fugitive (meaning a temporary) measure, such as embargoes have heretofore been, are very much mistaken. He goes on to assure us that it will not be repeated till the English orders are rescinded; and if to this we add his own acknowledgment, that those orders are popular in England, it follows, pretty conclusively, that there exists not the least expectation in the cabinet that the embargo will be soon repealed.

solved upon that we should never launch another keel upon the ocean.
He tells us that if this shall be the case, why then, that "we shall find a greater profit in our manufacturing establishment than in the trade that enables us to part with our surplus agricultural products;" and that "all that is wanting is a general establishment of manufactures." But before we yield our credence to this, we must first be made to see that a man can advance his fortune as much by employing himself in a manufactory, where his day's labour will produce what he can purchase for two shillings, as by employing himself in the field, where his day's labour will produce a dollar. Those who are for running their heads against manufactures in the United States, are particularly referred to a chapter in Smith's Wealth of Nations on this subject. We venture to say that every manufactory in the United States at this period, with our present population, our immense quantities of uncultivated land, and our high price of labour, will prove a sinking fund to those concerned. It requires but a very little exercise of the mind to perceive, that if I can import a piece of broad-cloth for a coat at five dollars per yard, manufactured where labour is only twenty-five cents a day, my coat will cost me but one quarter as much as if I hire a man to manufacture it at home, to whom I must give a dollar a day for his labour; and if he can get his dollar a day for working in the field, (which is the true criterion) or for other labour, he will not work in my manufactory for less. But the experiment is now making, and let it be made: the people will find out that it is just worthy the genius and wisdom of the GREAT PHILOSOPHER to whom Providence has, at this time, for good but inscrutable purposes, permitted the destinies of this unhappy country to be committed.
From the same. TO THE FEDERALISTS IN THE STATE OF NEW-YORK.
Fellow Citizens. The time seems rapidly approaching, when the spirit of our country will be brought to the test: When we must struggle again for independence, or submit to be slaves. If it were possible to doubt your conduct, this address would be spared. With souls base enough for bondage we hold no communion.
If that squabble for office, which has roused the angry passions of all who march under the Jacobin banner were no otherwise connected with the public weal than as it might continue the waste of treasure to gratify extravagance, or gorge rapacity, we should recommend to you a perseverance in that conduct which has been dictated by self-respect. Or rather, we should leave honourable sentiment to decide on its own course, and follow in the path you might think proper to pursue. Certainly it is not the business of federalists to take part with men who make them the constant theme of slander—Men, who produce no evidence of attachment to our constitution, but the abuse of those by whom it was framed—Men, who prove their love for America only by their hatred to her best children—Men, in a word, who establish their claim to republicanism on their devotion to an emperor. While such men teize and torment each other, at the call of avarice or ambition, it becomes us to stand aloof and command their unwilling respect, by our undeviating attachment to justice, truth and freedom.
We might indeed in that severe contest, which is likely to ensue, tell these men, whose leader has brought us into a situation from which there is no retreat; a situation in which we must choose between war and infamy; or rather a situation in which, war being inevitable, the only alternative is between fighting to establish freedom, or to forge our own chains, we might, in this situation, tell our betrayers, to fight their own battles. We have long been treated not merely as outlaws; as men proscribed; but as creatures not entitled to the privileges of men; as beasts who may be hunted for the pleasure or the profit of our jacobin lords.—Yes, fellow-citizens! you cannot but remember, that in the clamour of one faction against the intrigues of another, when the owls and bats at Washington, to justify their deeds of darkness, had quoted the similar proceedings of a former time, it was replied that the precedent could not avail, because then the object was to injure federalism, to destroy federalism, to take office and power from federalists. Thus the intent to destroy us, will, according to the moral sense of these honourable men, sanction a procedure which on other occasions is horrible and base. We, it seems, are not only game to be followed by the dog, and levelled by the gun of democratic sportsmen, but, like rats and weazles we may lawfully be destroyed by the trap or poison of their meanest poacher.
Not only the offices of our country have been bestowed, without regard to service or qualification, on persons who claimed notice merely for hustling at elections; but the very suspicion of federalism has been deemed sufficient ground of exclusion and deprivation, whatever might be the measure of talent or virtue. When therefore the day of trial comes, we might justly ask what is our share in this land? What is our inheritance? What have we to fight for? What have we to fear? What can Napoleon do more than is already done? But we are Americans, and the mis-rule to which we have been subjected cannot cancel the obligations to our country.
The object of this address, therefore, is not to urge the performance of social duties. It is to represent the impropriety of rash declarations. Let not federalists pledge themselves to any specific course; but, keeping steadily in view the interest of America, and the cause of liberty, let them, as heretofore, despite the calumnies of demagogues, and faithfully serve the people. Let them, rising superior to the little views of little men, and the little passions by which they are agitated, frankly and cordially receive and cherish those who, discovering the fraud by which they have been deluded, may return to the old standard of American freedom.
Fellow-Citizens, we have been traduced, not only by the underlings of faction, by those profligates whose trade and occupation it is to invent and discriminate falsehood, by those hollow apologists of a miserable administration, who hail, as illustrious, the man whom they despise; but this very man (in addressing his Philadelphia dopes) has insinuated that we are the cause of a war produced by his misconduct—we, who have been excluded from the councils of our country; we, who have exposed the folly of those councils, pointed out their tendency, and foretold their result. It is on us, he would shift the blame, and on us discharge his responsibility.
Vain attempt! What? Would he by this extravagance of insult drive us into hostilities? Would he stimulate to awful vengeance every thing which may be found in our bosoms of wrath or resentment? Let him beware. His day of reckoning approaches; and he has a long account to settle with this injured country. He found us rich in all things; we had industry, commerce, power, reputation; but he has made us miserably poor. Our industry disheartened, our husbandry discouraged, our fisheries prohibited, our commerce destroyed, our treasure squandered, our revenue lost, our power broken, our reputation tarnished, our independence sacrificed. If, amid this general shipwreck, we had but preserved our honour, it might have consoled us. In the midst of ruin we should have felt an honest pride. But our honour is gone.
Much, however, as we feel for our country, it becomes us to preserve our impartiality. Let us not, from contempt or abhorrence for this pagent of state, contract hatred for the successor he has recommended. Every day will bring fresh information. Time will disclose truths long and carefully concealed from the people of these United States; and it is not until we know our ground that we can properly decide on the conduct to be pursued.
But you, Democratic Fellow Citizens, if perchance any of you should read this address, you, who have shut your eyes, and your ears, and your hearts against us, let us entreat you also, not rashly to commit yourselves. Beware of those solicitations from rival candidates which urge precipitation. Look back at your favourite Burr. Look at those other favourites which the panders of intrigue have forced on your affections. You were bid by your betrayers to hail these men, each in his turn, as your political Messiah: and experience has taught you to cast them all away. But not until you had been prostituted to their purpose. Look now at the consequence of your rash conduct. We do not ask you to join with us. No. We only ask you not to sacrifice yourselves.
A FEDERALIST. From the Boston Palladium.
In the Intelligencer of the 10th inst. may be seen a most woful lamentation over the spirited resolutions adopted by our legislature at their last session.
It is by no means surprizing, that this devoted tool of Mr. Jefferson should be alarmed to see this powerful state, which had, for a short time only, bowed the knee to the Idol of democracy, roused from its lethargy by the ruinous measures of the administration; and by these resolutions declaring to the world, that its citizens will not, under pretence of avoiding foreign oppression, submit to domestic tyranny.
This writer thinks we ought to have made an excuse of the state of our foreign relations, by way of preamble; had this been done, it could not have been very satisfactory to him or his master; for we might have shown, that while every act of Great Britain was magnified into a cause of war, the most flagrant outrages on our rights, and above all on our honour, committed by France, have scarcely drawn an expression of disapprobation from Mr. Jefferson. We might have shown, that while so much "dignity and talent" was displayed in contending with England for doubtful rights, neither dignity nor talents is attempted to be evinced by resisting the most daring and insolent encroachments on our independence by France. On the contrary, before the British orders, so much commented on, were known to our government, Mr. J. called for the embargo as necessary, perhaps in compliance with the demand of Buonaparte, that we should have no trade with England; and after all the pretence of impartiality on this subject, this embargo is now defended on all sides, as the means of annoying England, and wise calculations are made on the distress and consequent insurrections to be produced in that country, especially in her manufactures, and in her colonies, by withholding our supplies. The arguments by which this embargo is defended in the government papers, prove that it is intended as an aid to Buonaparte in humbling that nation. It is no excuse or palliation for this, if it should appear (as it must) that the real effect is to distress France and her colonies ten times as much as her enemies; it was not so intended by its authors; and when it is discovered that the colonies of England are growing rich and her trade is flourishing at our expence, during the embargo, we may expect an order from the emperor to raise it, still hoping by some new collisions on the ocean, to embroil us in a war with his hated rival.
It did honour to such a body, that their opinions "would operate abroad, as well as at home." They probably intended to show the emperor of France, that however pliant he might have found the administration, there is yet a powerful section of the country which is not ready to make war with England at his bidding—that they know their rights and will defend them without his interference—they know and see, that a war with England would be alliance with, and slavery to France; and they would avoid this as the worst of all evils.
This writer says, we must feel the restrictions on our trade. No doubt we do. But having seen the decree of Buonaparte unresisted (as far as we know,) and not complained of by our government for above a year, we do not think it necessary to our interests to suppress our just resentments in order to oppose the retaliating decrees of England, which would in effect be throwing ourselves into the arms of France. Nor do we think it necessary to commit suicide on our commerce on account of those restrictions of both nations, which yet leave open an extent of foreign trade, probably exceeding what will be our share whenever a general peace shall leave all nations free to monopolize their own.
As those high spirited men in Washington would submit to the decrees of France, they can see no use in a navy, because it cannot at once meet and chastise Great Britain on the ocean. But do they not know, that such a navy as ours would now have been, had it been cherished instead of being destroyed, that twenty such ships as the Constitution, with twenty or thirty inferior vessels, which the money expended on wild land, might have furnished, would have made us respected, and might be sufficient to meet such detachment of force as could be spared from Europe to visit our shores. These ships, our naval officers say, are nearly equal to the line of battle ships of Europe, and with such a fleet embodied and properly stationed, we might be in a great degree secure against invasion by any such naval force as could be well spared by an European power;
it would compel even England to send such a force as would be too hazardous and too expensive for any object she could propose to herself; and in relation to France, we should be completely secured from the invasion of those hostile squadrons, which occasionally escape the vigilance of the British fleets. We cannot close these remarks without expressing our surprise at the word "submission," used as a term of reproach from those who are supposed to be prostrating our country at the feet of Buonaparte.
ONE OF THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
WASHINGTON CITY, July 4. After a full investigation of such evidence and circumstances as have come to the knowledge of the court in the course of its proceedings, a correct statement of which is hereto annexed, and after mature deliberation upon the same, the following opinion on the amount of the testimony is respectfully submitted.
It has been proved to the satisfaction of this court, that Brigadier General James Wilkinson had been engaged in a tobacco trade with Governor Miro of New Orleans, before he entered the American army in 1791; that he received large sums of money for tobacco delivered in New Orleans, in the year 1789, and that a large quantity of tobacco, belonging to him, was condemned and stored in New Orleans in that year; but it has not been proved, and after the fullest investigation and comparison of testimony in possession of the court it does not appear, that he has received any money from the Spanish government or any of its officers, since the year 1791, or that he has ever received money from that government or its officers for any other purpose but in payment for tobacco, and other produce, sold and delivered by him or his agents.
It has been stated by the General that after his damaged tobacco had laid some years in store at New Orleans, his agent there received for it and remitted to him, the several sums, credited in the copy of an account current presented by him and marked No. —, and under the impression that the letters accompanying the said account were written by his said agent Philip Nolan, the court think it highly probable that the statement is correct. They however do not consider the verity of it of the least importance in the case, since if he did receive the money as stated, the transaction was fully justified, and if he did not so receive it, there is no proof of his having received it at all.
It is therefore the opinion of this court, that there is no evidence of Brigadier General James Wilkinson's having at any time received a pension from the Spanish government, or of his having received money from the government of Spain or any of its officers or agents for corrupt purposes; and the court has no hesitation in saying, that as far as his conduct has been developed by this enquiry, he appears to have discharged the duties of his station with honour to himself and fidelity to his country.
City of Washington, June 28, 1808. (Signed) H. BURBECK, President. T. H. CUSHING, JONA. WILLIAMS, Members.
July 2, 1808. APPROVED. (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, } Washington, July 2, 1808. } Merchants and others wishing to send letters to Europe are informed that a vessel, under the orders of the government, will sail from this city on the 16th of this month, which will deliver in France and England all such letters as may be respectively consigned to those countries, or to others through the same.
The postage on the letters must be paid to this place.
BOSTON, June 23. On Saturday last, arrived at Portsmouth, capt. Boardman, in 39 days from Trinidad.—Previous to captain B's sailing, the sufferers by the late fire at Trinidad received as a present, 300 barrels of flour, and 40 head of cattle from the governor of the Spanish Provinces, who gave them liberty to import what supplies they wanted!
From the London Morning Post. ORDERS IN COUNCIL.
The efforts of the opposition to deceive the country as to the effects of the orders in council are unwarrented. To their great mortification, that wise and necessary measure of retaliation against France, has not produced any resentful or hostile feelings in America, while it has reanimatied in a great degree our wounded and expiring commerce; but they are determined that it shall, if possible, produce discontent and clamour, at this arduous crisis, among the manufacturers of England.
To promote this honest and patriotick end, arcs are employed by which even their bad cause is disgraced, and especially the grossest misrepresentation of evidence and facts. It is alleged, for instance, in a morning paper, that the counsel for the petitioners at the bar of the house of lords, had clearly proved, in summing up his evidence, that the Berlin Decree, prior to our orders in council, was waste paper; that it had produced no injury to the commerce of neutrals, or to our own exports, by their means to the continent of Europe, nor even on the rates of insurance.
If the assertion had been, that the late winter produced no frost, and no fall of leaves in England, it would have been hardly more opposite to truth, or to publick notoriety. Not a merchant in the city of London, connected with European commerce, is ignorant that our export trade in neutral vessels to the continent, (a few daring adventurers excepted) was wholly stopped through the execution of the Berlin decree, as early as the beginning of September last, which was about two months and a half prior to the publication of our orders in council.—Not an underwriter at Lloyd's could be asked what was the effect of the Berlin decree on premiums of insurance, in any branch of our trade, or in any branch of neutral trade within its prohibitions, who would not state them to have been enormously great. In particular the premiums on our trade in neutral vessels to the continent, rose in September and October from five to twenty-five and thirty guineas per cent.
Was the contrary then actually deposed to by any witness on the part of the petitioners? By no
means. They prudently avoided speaking of English trade;—they proved the state only of American trade; and for the most part, of such American trade only as could not be effected by the Berlin decree, the direct trade from the United States to the continent.
With what view then, is it alleged thus boldly, that a case has been proved in parliament, so repugnant to notorious truth, and so unfounded in the evidence even of the petitioners themselves? Clearly for the sole purpose of deceiving our manufacturers in the country, and such other persons as have no opportunity or means of ascertaining the true state of the case.
With such men, it is hoped that the very boldness of the imposition will recommend it to credit. If a counsel really did thus sum up the evidence given in parliament, it will not easily be supposed that in doing so he advanced what the recollection of every member who heard him, or a reference to the minutes would have shown to be absolutely groundless.
The unfortunate manufacturer therefore may be led to suppose that the decline of his business is the fruit not of the enemy's system but of our own; not of the calamities of Europe, but the folly of our own councils. He may be cheated into mistaking the remedy for the disease, and seduced by falsehood into disaffection.
We wish the American party joy of these honourable expedients. We wish them joy of a cause which demands such expedients to sustain it.
BANK NOTES
As below described, were put into the Post-Office at this place on the 27th May last, enclosed in a letter addressed to Messrs. John Warder & Sons, Philadelphia, and which letter has never been received; it is therefore apprehended that the Bank Notes may have fallen into improper hands, and should such appear in circulation we earnestly request that they may be stopped; any satisfactory information regarding them will be thankfully received, and if required liberally rewarded.
Buchanan & Pollok. Petersburg, July 5th, 1808.
  Bank of Virginia, payable at their Office of Discount and Deposit, Petersburg, to Robert Buchett, President thereof, or to bearer,   B No. 332, 9th February, 1805, $ 100   C 866, 6th July, 100   D 153, 7th February, 100   394, 9th do. 100   700, 6th May, 100   753, 7th do. 100   788, do. do. 100   $ 700 
BANK OF NEWBERN.
The Directors have declared a dividend of six and one quarter per cent on the Stock of this Company, for the half year ending the 30th instant, which will be paid to the Stockholders or their legal representatives, after the fourth day of July next. M. C. STEPHENS, Cashier. June 28, 1808.
TRIAL OF COMMODORE BARRON.
As soon as a sufficient number of Subscriptions are procured, to defray the cost of the Paper, WILL BE PUBLISHED, AT THE LEDGER OFFICE, NORFOLK.
THE WHOLE PROCEEDINGS IN THE TRIALS OF Commodore JAMES BARRON, Capt. CHARLES GORDON, Commandant of the United States' frigate Chesapeake, JOHN HALL, Esq. Captain of Marines, and WILLIAM HOOK, Gunner.
These Trials will be found highly interesting to the public in general, and to the Officers of the United States' Navy in particular. Every circumstance relative to the important affair, which gave occasion for these Trials, will be found detailed with great exactness; and many official documents which have not yet been published will appear with this work. The interest which the nation has taken in this affair, and the circumstances connected with it, render it unnecessary that the Publisher should offer any remarks upon the value of the work. Officers of the Navy will be greatly interested in having the proceedings of the most important Trials that have occurred in the service.
The Publisher has been favoured with a record of the proceedings; he will pay particular attention to the correct execution of the work, which it is expected will contain from two hundred and fifty to three hundred pages, octavo.
CONDITIONS.  I The work will be printed on a good fair type, and on good paper.  II The price to Subscribers will be One Dollar and Seventy five Cents, in boards, delivered at any place where Subscriptions are received, according to order.  III The amount of Subscription to be paid on delivery of the Work.  IV The usual allowance to the trade. 
Subscription Papers will be sent in a few days to the principal towns in the United States, of which notice will be given in the papers of those towns. To the Editors of Papers who will give this advertisement a few insertions, the Publisher will be much obliged, and reciprocal whenever they may request it.
The Editor of the Publick Ledger.
LANDING
This Day from the schooner Adventure and brig Eliza, 55 hhds. sup. qual. Muscovado Sugar, 34 do. and 40 quarter casks particular Teneriffe WINE—For Sale by Moses Myers. July 6.
100 Dollars Reward.
Ranaway from the Subscriber on the 9th day of May last, a Negro Man by the name of LUKE, about 33 years of age; he is about 6 feet high, of a yellowish complexion, very thin visage, remarkable small legs, with very large feet, stoops a little in the shoulders, rather slow in speech when spoken to, and of an indolent look and walk. I have reason to believe he has made his escape by water, perhaps to Norfolk or thereabouts. I will give the above reward if taken any where in the state of Virginia, except the counties of Accomack and Northampton, in that case I will give Thirty Dollars, and all reasonable expenses shall be paid on delivering or securing him so that I get him again. Thomas Jacob, of Teagle, Northampton County, Eastern-Shore, Virg. July 6. 3¢
NEWCOMB's Packet will positively sail for New-York on SATURDAY next, wind and weather permitting.
For Sale on board, 100 barrels prime PORK. July 6.

ENGLISH KID SHOES.  WOOD & HASTINGS, HAVE JUST RECEIVED, I trunk fashionable English Kid Shoes, For Sale at a very low price. To close a consignment, they will sell the best of  Hussar BOOTS at 8 Dolls. per pair, Backstrap do. at 10 do. do. June 9.
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18.
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Messrs. Wood & Hastings, no. 90 Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
NOTICE. Whenever hereafter any person or persons, shall prefer his or their petition, to the Judge of the Virginia District, for the purpose of obtaining a mitigation or remission of any fine, penalty or forfeiture, incurred under the laws of the United States; such petition must be deposited with the Clerk of the District Court, and by him, be transmitted to the Judge. By order of the Honourable Cyrus Griffin, Judge of the United States for the District of Virginia. Teste, Seth Foster, Clerk. June 15.
I will give Cash for barrel STAVES for fifteen days from this date. Moses Myers. June 6.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keep on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice any quantity of  Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz.— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2 1b. 6d Nails, 9 1-2d 4d do 2s. 9d m. or 11d 3d do 2s. 9d. or 12 1-2d Sheathing, 4s. 6d per M. 6d Sprigs, 2s. 9d 6d do 2s. 9d 8d. and 9d. do. 2s. 3d He offers also for each only—  HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street. 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 80 hhds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffs; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Ticklenburgs and Osnaburgs; 2 do. Hefians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24.
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street. May 30.
FOR RENT. The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Blanchard. April 7.
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Maclure. March 2.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORE at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5.
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation.—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hhds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hhds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackarel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26.
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hoghead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has established  A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that these will be well served who choose to promote an institution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.
New SHOES from New-York, as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 2s. 6d. and 3s. 6d.; those at 1s. 6d. for 1s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.  Gentlemen's SHOES and PUMPS of many kinds, made in his factory, and in Newark.  VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt elegant—Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very few gentlemen who cannot be fitted.
A few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cottons, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash.  A few Casks of  Best LONDON PORTER. July 6.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.  At a Hastings Court continued and held the 25th day of May, 1808. Cornelius Cruywayan, Compt' against Maritz Bozell and Moses Myers, Defendants. In Chancery.
The defendant Maritz Bozell not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is now ordered that the said defendant Maritz Bozell, do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court House of said Borough: and it is further ordered, that the defendant Moses Myers who hath effects of the said Maritz Bozell in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.  At a Hastings Court continued and held the 24th day of May, 1808. Thomas Jones, Compt' against Thomas Wright, administrator with the will annexed of Thomas Newton, deceased. Defendant. In Chancery.
The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of the said Borough. A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
VIRGINIA, to wit:  At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808. Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs. Against Mary Sclater, widow and devisee for life of John Sclater, deceased, Richard and William S. Sclater, sons and devisees of the said John Sclater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb an infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Sclater, deceased, and as executor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Sclater, deceased, Defendants. On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
WHITE JEANS, &c. Just Received A few pieces very fine White JEANS, Real Patent NANKEENS, Best NAVY CLOTHS, and fashionable BUTTONS. For Sale by WOOD & HASTINGS. May 9.
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
On Hand, A few qr. casks of choice Teneriffe WINE, And a few kgs fresh Dutch HERRINGS.—For sale by the Subscriber. Moses Myers. April 25.
Mackinder & White, Have just received from on board the schooner Liberty, Capt Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ticklenburgs, superfine Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 15.
AT PRIVATE SALE, BY S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2.
The Subscriber is disposed to Contract for a quantity of BRICKS and LIME. Terms will be made known on application to John Saunders, Ast. M. Agent. Fort Nelson, June 17.
Landing from the Sloop African, from St. Bartholomews, 258 bags Gaudaloupe COFFEE, 37 hogheads } St. Martin's SUGARS. 8 barrels } 8 puncheons Rum. In Store, 60,000 wt. Jamaica COFFEE, 10,000 do. Laguira do. 30 kegs Raisins; 150 barrels Rye Whiskey, 4 pipes Country Gin; 10 pipes old Madeira Wine, 6000 bushels Ivice } SALT. 8500 do. St. Ubes } 2500 do. Turk's Island } 5000 do. coarse Liverpool } C. & F. WHITTLE. May 30.
FOR RENT, A convenient Dwelling-House for a small family, pleasantly situated. Apply to Job Palmer. June 15.
Landing at Southgate and Dickson's wharf, from the ship Fame, from Jamaica, and for Sale, 86 puncheons choice 4th proof Rum, 20 hogheads do. Molasses, 4 casks Ginger; 18 bags Pimento. William Dickson. June 13.
LABOURERS WANTING.
The President and Directors of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company want to hire for the ensuing season, a number of Hands to work on the Canal; they will be provided with good wholesome food, and the usual quantity of whiskey per diem—liberal wages will be given, and their wages paid at the end of every month. Apply to Richard Blow, William Cammack, or Samuel Proctor, Overseer. May 6.
LANDING From on board the Swedish Sloop African, captain Portelly, from St. Bartholomews, 2800 HIDES, Spanish, 10 tiers fine Green Marygante COFFEE, 15 seroons Flotant INDIGO—For Sale by Wilson, Cunningham, & Co. IN STORE, 10,000 wt. good COFFEE, 15 hogheads good 2d quality SUGAR, 10 do. N. E. RUM. May 27.
RICHARD & JOHN TAYLOR, Have received by the Ship Rolla, Captain Garey, from London, A few Packages of GOODS, suitable for the season. They have also on Hand, Cambrick; common and furniture
Calicoes; plain and striped Dimities, White and coloured Jeans; Irish Linens, Sheetings and Cotton Shirting; London perfumed Cloths and Cassimeres, 4 4 and 6 4 Cambrick Muslins; Ginghams, Silk and Cotton Cambricks, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Gloves and Hosiery, of all kinds, Sacking, Osnaburgs, and Brown Rolls, Pipes by the box, and Coppers by the barrel, And an assortment of
HARDWARE, NAILS, &c. all of which they will sell low for Cash, or undoubted Paper at Sixty Days—Also for Sale, 150 barrels NEW PORK, 50 kegs Lard; Old Jamaica Rum and Sugar. May 6.
WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received from Baltimore and Philadelphia, a handsome assortment of  SPRING GOODS, which with their goods on hand, comprise a large and general assortment, and they will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash only. May 9.
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD ROWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Rowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
Phoenix Fire Office. The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals herewith submitted. N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8.
FOR SALE, 30,000 acres valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana—Particulars with regard to local advantages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to purchasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS TUNNO, in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER, in Savannah. Feb 8.
ADVERTISEMENT. A good Price will be given for the First Vol. of the History of France, BY GIFFORD. This Book was sent to the late Mr. Mirick to be bound, and sold at Auction with the rest. Apply at the Ledger Office April 29.
1500 sacks SALT, Liverpool filled, 6000 bushels do. loose, and 30 crates Earthenware—For Sale on board the Ship Sachem, by A. Maclure. May 6.
FOR CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Matras Tickling, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26.
DR. ROBERTSON'S  Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health. Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the stomach: also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, severe Gripings, and all other diseases of the bowels, a dose never fails to remove a cold if taken soon after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, removing habitual costiveness, sickens at the stomach, severe head ache, &c. &c.
The following certificates are selected from the many respectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession.  Certificate of Mr. William Julion, carpenter and builder, No. 69, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will lay my case before the publick, as an incontrovertible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robertson's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health.
I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me to such a state that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained, I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by taking Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business.
I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance from the country, where assistance cannot be immediately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world, I have since recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person with to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure explain it to them by applying to me. I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM JULION.
MR. DYOTT, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807.  Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, of the most essential service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my stomach, and continual head ache, attended with a sickness at the stomach, which brought on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before—As I consider your medicines to have been the means of saving my life, I solicit you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by abiding by the direct ones given with your invaluable medicines, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES.
MR. DYOTT. Philadelphia, August 1, 1807.  ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES.  Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pain in my breast and side, and a sickness at my stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and that certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint. I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON.
MR. T. W. DYOTT. August 22.  Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia. DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I wish you to publish the following: About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which settled on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption had soon have followed, but I had not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is impossible to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most efficacious remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint. I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE.
MR. DYOTT. November 11. The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the proprietor, T. W. DYOTT, No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; and by appointment at BONSAL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVILL & CONRAD'S, Peterburg. May 23.
Two thousand Spanish HIDES, For Sale by William Plume, & Co. June 6.
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
FOR RENT, That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also, That convenient House, where Mr. Cornelius Calvert formerly lived; they have very fine gardens and all convenient out-houses—possession may be had on the first day of May next, on application to James Tucker. April 13.
MRS. SUSANNA HALL, Having taken that airy and pleasant House in Martin's Lane, nearly opposite the Exchange, formerly occupied by Mr. Thomas Gibbons, will be glad to accommodate a few genteel boarders by the year, month, or week, on moderate terms. June 13.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK,  BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.