Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-11-30 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  IN THIC ETIAM SUA PREMIA LAUD
VOL. IV.]
MONDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 30, 1807.
[NO. 59.]
Our readers will recollect that we some time since published an account of the riotous scenes which occurred in Baltimore.
The persons who were active in this business, so far from apprehending any punishment, or from feeling any shame for this violation of the laws and order, have called a meeting, and published the following elaborate report of their proceedings. It commences with a notice of the arrival of Martin, Burr, and Blannerhasset, a republication of Martin's address, all the inflammatory hand bills that were issued at the time, with other matters that we have before published and then proceeds:
That on the same day a consultation was held at the mayor's office by judge Dorsey, Mr. Smith, the mayor and others, when it was agreed that tumult or something worse might be the consequence of burning those effigies, and therefore it was resolved either to put a stop to the procedure altogether, or else to call on the militia and be prepared for the worst. The constables were summoned—about 15 of them accordingly assembled at the mayor's office, between two and three o'clock in the afternoon. They were directed to go through the town and keep the peace—many of them went up to Evans's tavern, where they understood Blannerhasset then was, either thro' curiosity or with a view to protect him. They were ushered into the room with B—, and treated by him with drink. On the forenoon of the same day the Register of the city called on gen. Sticker, and informed him, that the mayor wished to see him at his office, he replied that he was unwell and could not go. Soon after the mayor and judge Dorsey waited on the general, and stated, that in consequence of the notification in the Whig of the morning, the hand-bill which had been circulated, and other information which they had obtained, they were very apprehensive of a riot, or that some violence would be done to the persons or the property of the citizens; and therefore, wished to know of the general commanding officer, whether in that case and in the event of the civil authority not being sufficient, they could calculate on the aid of the militia in its support. To which the general assented and in consequence thereof instructed the cavalry corps of capt. Biays, Hollingsworth and Barney, to hold themselves in readiness to aid the civil authority and that they would receive their directions from the Mayor—no further orders were given by the general.
Upon this application by the civil authority, and the partial compliance on the part of the commanding officer of our militia, your committee beg leave to remark that, whatever may have been their motives, and in charity they are willing to attribute to them the best, their conduct was entirely illegal; and dreadful would have been their responsibility if bloodshed had proceeded from this grand and dangerous mistake—your committee have the satisfaction to proclaim to the citizen, that the military arm never can be stretched out against him unless when he opposes the government and rises in insurrection against the constitution. Your committee beg leave to present the law in its own words—an Act passed in 1798, chap. 100, sec. 35. "And be it enacted, That in case of insurrection within, or invasion of, any part of this state, the said troops or any of them, may be ordered on service by the brigadier-general, or major-general of the district in which said troops is raised; but no militia officer, either than the commander in chief of the militia of this state, shall order out any part of the militia of this state to suppress any insurrection within the same, unless required so to do by three justices of the peace, in writing, under their hands and seals, and it shall be the duty of the commanding officer aforesaid, to communicate to the commander in chief as soon as possible, information respecting the said insurrection or invasion."
Capt. Barney and Hollingsworth prepared to obey these instructions, waited on the mayor for orders, and received for answer, that they were only to hold their troops in readiness to suppress outrage and riot, and that they had better keep out of our view until called on—they accordingly retired. But captain Biays assuring the officer who called upon him with these instructions that no mischief would be done by the people, declined ordering out his troop, with which determination the officer was satisfied.
After which the procession came up from the Point in good order and without displaying any hostile intentions whatever—upon the bridge at the lower end of Market-street, they were met by two constables, who stopt some of them assembled and called upon them to disperse, for there were two corps of horse and other militia up town, prepared to oppose and disperse them, and destroy the effigies—They were answered that the intentions of those assembled were to express their detestation of traitors and enemies of their country, which they conceived to be lawful and that no breach of the publick peace was meant on their part, or would be committed—the procession moved forward. Capt. Biays having gone up to town in search of the military, to apprise them of the coming of the procession, and to assure them that nothing disorderly was either intended or would be committed, but not finding them he returned, and being soon after sent for by the mayor, he fell in with him, judge Dorsey, gen. Stricker, the Register, and others, at the corner of South and Market-streets; when the mayor spoke to capt. Biays in the immediate presence, and with the apparent approbation of the judge, and requested that he would go with the crowd, and see that no violence was done—Capt. Biays replied, that if he were to go with them, it might be considered that he was heading a mob—the mayor replied, no matter, go with them, that shall make no
difference, we will explain that—accordingly capt. Biays joined the procession, which had by that time arrived at South-street. Capt. Biays called a halt, the people stopt, and he requested that they would behave themselves like good and peaceable citizens, they answered they would, he then gave the word march, and they proceeded up Market-street. When the procession arrived at Charles-street, and those who led in front had passed the street, some in front of the carts turned down Charles street, and all in the rear immediately followed, until they came immediately before Luther Martin's house where they stopped, and gave three cheers, those who had been in front, being thus thrown behind, endeavoured to regain their situation, and call off the attention of the crowd from Martin's house, by leading off the carts; this they effected, and carried the greater part of the people from before Martin's house. From thence the procession proceeded through town to gallows-hill, where the effigies were hung and burnt as originally intended; after which the people dispersed in the utmost harmony and quietness.
When the procession arrived at Martin's house, the mayor and a number of constables were near the door; many other citizens were present, who were extremely clamorous and abusive against those who were in the procession. The gate to Martin's house was secured, some of the windows were open, and in the house there were a considerable number of men, and an abundance of arms, such as muskets, bayonets, swords, pistols and blunderbusses, with a supply of ball cartridge. They appeared to be completely organized and prepared not only for protection, but for outrage, and they seemed to shew, themselves cheerfully to their fellow-citizens, altho' prepared on the slightest provocation to shed their blood—It requires all the moderation of your committee to forbear an expression of indignation, that young men, assembled for a purpose which they thought would lead to the detraction of the lives of their brethren, should profane the illustrious name of Washington as the watch word of their association.
From the foregoing statement your committee conceive nothing can be more apparent than the radical errors in the principles of the incorporation of the city of Baltimore—we here see its chief magistrate unacquainted with, or disregarding the temper and dispositions of the people of whose affairs he had undertaken the management. Nay even opposed to them in political sentiment.—Instead of quieting the apprehensions of those who were, or affected to be alarmed; his own warm imagination conceived, dangers in ways without number, and in shapes the most terrifying—he himself became the most active agent in spreading alarm and dismay—Every effort he made to appease what he supposed to be angry passions of the people seemed only to excite animosity and resentment—The late affair is a practical instance of the absurdity of the doctrine of political checks and balances. The mayor and one of the branches of the city council, it is said are placed in a situation of remote responsibility to the people, in order that they may not be swayed by their smiles or intimidated by their angry passions, their tumults and their mobs. Can it be supposed that a mayor elected by the people, and of course intimately acquainted with their sentiments and dispositions, would have believed the wonderful tales that were circulated on the day of the procession? Would a mayor thus elected have presumed to place himself in opposition to the publick sentiment? or would he be uninformed of what those feelings and sentiments were upon any political subject?—we presume not. Your committee cannot but observe that, from every thing manifested on the late occasion, nothing could have been more easy than to have obtained a perfect understanding, dissipated every fear and conciliated all by a mayor whom the people had themselves elected, and whose political principles and weight of character they approved of and confided in.
Your committee further report that, it is at this period of the transaction that they have first to notice the application of criminal law to an assembly, which appears to have been considered by those engaged in it as innocent if not laudable. In this opinion they seem to have been tacitly supported by the civil authority, for your committee cannot discover that in the whole course of the procession, the magistrates of the city had interfered to order or prevail upon the party to disperse—upon the motives of this omission your committee hazards no conjecture, but certainly this conduct gave strength to the opinion that in a state ranking high for the freedom and spirit of its institutions, a free expression of public sentiment, with respect to actions and characters which had excited the most lively indignation throughout the union, if unaccompanied by outrage or injury on the person or property of individuals, was among the most indisputable privileges of the American people. Your committee does not undertake to declare that in this opinion the friends of liberty have been right, although if an argument could be drawn from precedents of impunity, the history of Baltimore is full of examples to prove that they are not wrong. Your committee had hoped, and they venture still to hope, that a peaceful assemblage which met to endanger neither person nor property, but to expose obnoxious characters, and express their abhorrence of treason was a violation of no known law—and until judge Dorsey two days after the popular procession issued his warrant of arrest against some who had marched in the crowd, they had entertained no doubts on the subject.—But such was not the impression of the judge; on the day which followed the affair, he summoned before him a witness who was himself one of the party, and although as he has stated he required only five minutes delay to consult counsel on his situation, the judge compelled him to an immediate disclosure
of the names of his companions.—On the fifth inst. the judge issued the following warrant.
"Whereas oath hath been made before me, that James Biays, Baptist Irvine, otherwise called I. B. Irvine, Joel M. Munson, Joseph C. O'Reilly, Samuel De le Grand, George Peterson, William Conklin, and Arthur Hill of the city of Baltimore, with divers other persons, did on the third day of inst. assemble and gather together and marched through some of the streets of the city of Baltimore, carrying with them the effigies of John Marshall, chief justice of the United States, and others for the purpose of hanging or burning the same.—Whereas such an assemblage is unlawful, as tending to endanger the publick peace, and raise fears and jealousies among the citizens—you are hereby commanded to arrest the above named persons, and bring them before me, to be dealt with as the law directs. Given under my hand and seal this 5th Nov. 1807."
"WALTER DORSEY. (A copy.)"
"To the Sheriff, &c."  By virtue of which Joel M. Munson and Baptist Irvine were brought before him, and gave security for their appearance at the ensuing court of Oyer and Terminer.—J. C. O'Reilly was also apprehended and brought before him, and not giving security, was committed to jail, from whence he was discharged by the sheriff, as he has alledged without giving security, captain James Biays was arrested by the sheriff, who did not hold him in custody, but gave him notice to appear at the judges' chambers—upon three different occasions capt. Biays presented himself at the judges' office without finding him, and with respect to this gentleman no farther steps have been taken in the execution of the warrant.—It is not the business of your committee, even were they disposed to undertake the task, to enter into an investigation of the question of law, or to offer any opinion upon the legality or illegality of this exercise of judicial power. Even were they competent to this discussion, the pendency of the question before a court of law would render its examination improper in itself, and might expose it to be treated as a contempt of the authority of a court, to which as long as it is clothed with that name, your committee profess respect and obedience. But your committee are decidedly of opinion, that the law if in this instance rightly administered, is a most alarming encroachment, on one of the most generally received and precious privileges of the citizens, and therefore loudly calls for legislative redress by an act, which will instruct national sentiment, how far it may legally express itself, and judicial authority to what lengths it may go, in the suppression or punishment of popular feeling.—If the judge should have acted without authority, your committee have nothing to suggest; the tribunal to which so weighty a consideration can alone be submitted, is open to the people, and the legislature may suppress a court of which the utility and necessity may have become doubtful.
Your committee further report, that on the afternoon of the 5th inst. the company of volunteer militia, commanded by capt. Joseph C. O'Reilly, paraded with a new stand of colours, at their usual place of muster, and as is generally the case on such occasions, marched through different streets of the city; upon this occasion your committee cannot learn that there was any thing unusual in the conduct of this corps, who conducted themselves in a correct and soldierly manner, and broke up as usual, having gone through their customary exercise. It is with surprise and regret that your committee have to state, that in consequence of a rumour which had reached judge Dorsey, that this corps had it in contemplation, to offer him an indignity by playing the "Rogues March," or burning his effigy before his door, a considerable number of persons, amounting as this committee have understood to upwards of one hundred, assembled at the judge's house, with arms, and as it appears with the avowed intention of avenging any insult which might be intended upon those who should attempt it. It was in vain that a magistrate a member of your committee, went among this armed assembly to assure them that the apprehensions of the judge were groundless, that no insult was intended, that the civil authority was competent to his defence, and to entreat them not to exasperate, where there was already too much irritation, but to retire quietly to their respective homes. He was answered by insult, and while some demanded of him he was not a member of the mob-committee, others declared that if O'Reilly's corps entered the street to insult the judge, not a man of them should leave the street alive. Finding all remonstrances vain, and only tending to incite them to personal insult, he retired, and your committee have understood that the assembly did not disperse, until an officer of O'Reilly's company who had been charged with throwing out this threat, came most solemnly to deny the truth of the assertion, to assure them that the corps had broke up, and that the fears of the judge had been totally groundless.—Upon these facts as connected with the late causes of popular discontent in the city of Baltimore, your committee only make this remark, that in all these transactions there does not appear to have been any assembly of a more dangerous tendency, or a more illegal aspect than this, as it respected the peace of society, and the safety of the citizen, and that the inconsistency is glaring indeed, when those who arrogate the character, of being the exclusive friends of order, are the first to threaten violence and outrage.
During the whole of these transactions not a solitary instance occurred of a personal injury offered by an individual of the popular party to those who were hostile to them in sentiments. Although menaced with arms which were to revenge with blood the first disorder in the expression of their resentment of insults offered to the government and laws, roused by the apprehension of being broke in upon
by a military force, called out to be in readiness to act against their fellow-citizens, and it is to be hoped, against their own sympathies and feelings, urged by the insulting presence of some of the most obnoxious characters in the union, suspected by the civil authority of being studious of terror and violence, and provoked by the most insulting and bitter expressions by those who were the real incendiaries, they still acted like men incapable of being moved to disorder, and have passed through all these trials with a temper and moderation worthy of freemen.—They stand on high ground, and their enemies can neither reproach them with the intemperance of which they have been themselves guilty, nor can they triumph in a weakness of which they wished first to have been the cause, and then the scourge.
This statement of facts naturally suggests the remedy to which the people ought to resort—that political jealousies will exist in every community, that even the worst men will be supported and justified by a party in their endeavours to overthrow a constitution which mortifies pride by placing all on an equality, is a fact proven by the mournful experience of all ages in the history of nations subject to republican institutions. But that where the people still possesses the elective franchise, when constitutionally "all power of right originates from the people," men should be clothed with office and invested with power, whose opinions and feelings are in direct hostility with those of the great mass who are to be governed, argues a radical defect in the system which gives the shadow and withholds the substance of the great franchise of election.—Your committee have considered this evil, and have now to recommend the remedy, by a petition to the general assembly of Maryland, which shall substantially state the above facts, demand that the people of Baltimore should really, as they now do nominally, enjoy the right of selecting their city representatives, that a third body, impenetrable in feeling and armed with the influence of wealth should not be interposed between the people and their police, and that criminal justice should either be otherwise administered, or a law should be made to declare and establish the rights of the people.
Your committee cannot take leave of the duty which they have endeavoured to discharge, without recommending to the people in the most solemn and earnest manner, the maintenance of that orderly and peaceful demeanour which has hitherto so honourably distinguished them on this occasion, that obedience to magistrates, that submission to the laws, that reverence for themselves and their own institutions, which as they are the surest bulwarks of a just, so (thanks to our blessed constitution) are they the most unerring means of obtaining redress against an unjust administration of the laws.—The manly correct course you are pursuing, will secure the approbation of your cotemporaries, and the experience of this day will prove, that a provoked people can seek redress from the laws and from the laws alone.
 JAMES BIAYS, Chairman.  JOHN M'KIM, jun.  JOHN PATTERSON,  WILLIAM STEWART,  WILLIAM LOWRY,  THEODORICK BLAND,  LEONARD FRAILEY,  JAMES L. DONALDSON. 
At an adjourned meeting held at the Pantheon, the report of the committee was read.
Resolved, That a petition to the General Assembly be drafted in pursuance of the sentiments and opinions contained in the report, stating the grievance therein mentioned, and praying relief.
Resolved, That col. James Mosher, Theodorick Chase, Lemuel Taylor, Jarrett Bull and capt. Timothy Gardner, be added to the former committee, for the purpose of carrying into effect the above resolution.
Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be given to the committee, for the able and masterly manner in which they have framed their report.
Just got to Hand.
22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash.
George Wilson.
Nov. 18.
Deserted from this garrison, on the 10th instant. WILLIAM FITZGERALD, a private in my company of artillery; he is twenty-three years old, five feet eight inches high, dark complexion, grey eyes, short black hair, by birth an Irishman. Ten Dollars will be paid as a reward for his delivery at this post, or information given so that he may be apprehended and brought back to his duty.
John Saunders,
Capt. U. S. Artillery, Commanding. Fort Nelson, Nov. 18.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-streets, 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E., 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hhds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cogniac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 9 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffels; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Heffians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24.
Wanted to Purchase,
A NEGRO BOY, about 15 or 16 years of age; one that has been brought up to wait in a private family, and can be recommended for his honesty, would be preferred, for which, a generous price will be given in cash. Apply at this office. Nov. 28.

On Saturday arrived here the fast sailing ship Sheffield , Captain Davis, left Helveot the 14th of October and the Channel the 22d—By this ship we have received files of Dutch papers to the 10th, and hope to be able to get some translations for this day's paper. We learn by this vessel that the Decree of Buonaparte, dated at Berlin, declaring Great Britain and her dependencies in Blockade has been republished in France and Holland, with orders to enforce it without respect to the vessels of any nation. The Decrees relative to intercourse with England are enforced with great rigour. A camp was again forming at Boulogne, to alarm England, or what is probable to furnish a pretext for keeping up a military force that may be able to fix the destinies of Continental Europe as the emperor Napoleon pleases.
A Pilot from Dover boarded the Sheffield on the NINETEENTH of October, informed that Mr. Monroe was in London on the Seventeenth of that month, and that the Revenge was then at Cowes. A passenger who came in the Sheffield , while at Rotterdam, saw London letters and papers of the Seventh of October, they were at that time in the same state of uncertainty that they had been for some time.
The pilot's report at Dover we believe was correct as far as it went, and we think augers well. Mr. Monroe would hardly remain, without he judged there was a prospect of bringing matters to a favourable issue.
By St. Kitts papers to the 30th of October, we notice that in consequence of a report that war had been declared between the United States and Great Britain, that all American vessels had been seized. The report was contradicted in a few days, and the vessels put into possession of their masters again.
There was about the last of September a most violent gale of wind on the coast of Holland, a great number of vessels was lost on the coast, and in the Texel. A very valuable ship belonging to Baltimore was lost in the Texel, with three other American vessels.
In giving insertion to the report in our first page, published in justification of that shameful outrage committed in Baltimore by hanging the chief justice in effigy, we hope no one believes that we approve it. No, we declare that language cannot express our abhorrence of the act, and the principles upon which it is defended. Principles which go to the destruction of all government and laws, and to throw both into the hands of any portion of the people that can collect in sufficient numbers to control or intimidate the civil authority. In one word, to establish the Jacobin government of revolutionary France, wanting only a Legende for its head.—These persons have adopted among other strange opinions, one which must be exerted against themselves before they could be made sensible of its absurdity. They assert that they have a right to express their abhorrence of persons obnoxious to them, in any way they please, and particularly in the peaceable and orderly manner they have chosen upon the present occasion. It is to be presumed, though by no means to be assumed as a fact, that persons who claim this right would extend it to others. Suppose then, that when they were in their peaceable and orderly march, they had met an equal number of persons, who had chosen to express their abhorrence of general Wilkinson, Mr. Madison, general Smith, and many others, we ask what would have been the consequence? citizen would have shed the blood of his fellow-citizen, and hundreds, perhaps thousands, been made wretched forever. And must the civil power look on with indifference, until the very mischief which it ought to have averted, has ensued? Thank God, such notions have not found their way into Virginia, nor do we think they ever will as long as we keep clear of universal suffrage .
We are truly sorry that we have not been able to procure any translations from our Dutch papers received by the Sheffield .
Among them we received the Journal Politique de Leyden , dated the 25th of September, in French, which is not so late by 16 days as our Dutch papers. This paper contains the official account, and the proclamation of the vice king of Italy, in taking possession of the mouths of the Cattaro; also the proclamation of the French commissary upon taking possession of the Ionian islands; the French troops arrived at Corfu on the 7th and 8th of August in small craft, thereby eluding the English ships in that sea. The French commissary tells these wretched people that they are still to remain an independent republic, only that they are now protected by Napoleon in place of Alexander, or as Trinculo would say "you shall have a republic, but I'll be vice-roy over it."
A friend who could well comprehend the language, but had not leisure to translate, read to us some paragraphs in a Dutch paper, one of which stated that the Prince Ponte-Corvo, with a French army was to take possession (by way of friendship) of Copenhagen, as soon as the English left it. It will be well for some people if "they do not jump out of the frying-pan into the fire." Another paragraph very gravely states, that the Prince Regent
of Portugal, apprehensive of the designs of the British on Brazil, was fitting out a very formidable fleet for that settlement; for adds this Gallo-Batavian paper, nothing however remote is secure from the grasp of these rapacious English; now we apprehend that it is rather to avoid a French squeeze in Portugal, than to avert an English grasp in Brazil, that the unfortunate Prince Regent has prepared his fleet.
BALTIMORE, Nov. 24. FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT.
New York, Sunday noon, Nov. 21, 1807.
SIR,
The ship Frances , arrived at Boston on Tuesday in a short passage from Liverpool. Her London papers are to the 12th of October. Our correspondent informs us that on the 7th October Mr. Monroe took leave of the king preparatory to embarking. His instructions are said to have been too limited to enable him to bring the negotiation to a conclusion. The British ultimatum has therefore, been forwarded to their minister in this country. No blockading decree against the French, &c. had been issued. The Eyder is declared in a state of blockade. Prussia has shut her ports against the English. 10 or 12 American vessels were in the Downs, bound to Antwerp or Holland, detained. Mr. Monroe, it was said, sailed on the 11th in the Revenge ; other accounts mention that he will return in a merchant vessel. American.
The above information is of considerable importance, if correct, of which we have great doubt. Mr. Monroe, it is not likely would return with his family at this season, in so small and uncomfortable a vessel as the Revenge . We think it probable that he will return in the Woodrop Sims , capt. Haynes, for this port, which vessel would in all probability leave London from the 17th to the 20th of October, of course Mr. Monroe may be expected in a few days. We are very far from thinking that if even a Treaty has not been concluded that war must happen.—If war had been expected in England in consequence of Mr. Monroe's departure, its effects would have been felt before now. The Sheffield (arrived here on Saturday) on her passage down channel, passed a number of British cruisers, only one of which spoke her. The Sheffield was in sight of several British ships of war at the time the pilot boarded her off Dover, on the 19th October, and was very near to them, and had her colours flying. From these circumstances, we conclude that Mr. Monroe's departure had not determined the British government to adopt any measures of hostility towards the United States.
Whatever doubts we might have entertained of the correctness of the intelligence contained in the above article, the following letter has removed them, and gives a confident hope that our country will remain at peace.
The letter which follows is dated New-York, the 21st November, and was handed us by a very respectable gentleman in this place.
"I have only a moment to tell you, that a respectable gentleman in this place, has this morning received a letter by the eastern mail from his brother in London, dated the 10th of October, wherein he says, Mr. Monroe was to take leave of his majesty that day, previous to his departure for the United States on board the Revenge , having placed the differences between the two countries in a train of the most amicable adjustment. The gentleman in London further says to his brother here, that he must be under no sort of apprehension, for that even the blockading system had been relinquished. The Boston and other eastern papers go so far as to state that a treaty had actually been signed."
It will afford us infinite pleasure to receive and lay before our readers a confirmation of this agreeable intelligence. By the blockading system, we are not to understand the acknowledged right of blockading particular places, but the right of a general blockade, in retaliation of Buonaparte's decree, leaving the United States to pursue their own measures to redress the injury. It is very certain that Buonaparte's decree will produce nothing more than a nominal blockade, which can do no harm to Great Britain, tho' it may vex and injure the United States. The note, therefore, which was appended to the former treaty, has we presume, been withdrawn. We cannot persuade ourselves that the United States will submit to be confined in their commerce by a power who dare not venture to put forth a fleet on the ocean.—As to the privateers, our merchant ships can arm and defend themselves.
Dispatches have, we understand, been received from Mr. Monroe, dated September 16th. These advise that Mr. Monroe had on the 7th of September presented a Note to Mr. Canning, to which no answer had been given on the 16th. Nat. Intel.
From the Washington Federalist.
It will be recollected, that in our last we published the report of the committee of elections on the petition of Joshua Barney. This report closed with a resolution in favour of the sitting member, Mr. McCreery, retaining his seat. The resolution was predicated on the principle that the law of Maryland, which requires one of the two representatives from the city and county of Baltimore, to reside in the city is unconstitutional. The report was taken up in committee of the whole on Thursday the 12th instant, and a debate of some length ensued. The report was supported by Messrs. Findley, Sturges, Smilie, J. Clay and Fisk, and controverted by Messrs. Sawyer, Randolph, and D. R. Williams. No decision was made, and on Friday the consideration of the report was again taken up in the committee of the
whole. Mr. J. Montgomery offered as an amendment to the resolution reported by the committee of elections, a preamble, declaring that William McCreery had a legal residence in the city of Baltimore.
MR. ROWAN. I am opposed to the amendment offered by the gentleman from Maryland. This is the first occasion which has presented itself to this house to decide on a very important principle—whether, when there is a conflict of national and state sovereignty of the union it is to be maintained. I hold it necessary that the national sovereignty should be maintained; and for this purpose it is proper that the house should decide on the constitutionality of the law in question. A suitable opportunity of determining this important principle, now presents itself and I do not wish to see it evaded by adopting the proposed amendment.
In proportion as the whole is more important than a part, it appears to me proper that the energies of the national sovereignty should be maintained, and not be suffered to be frittered down by the state sovereignties. Have the legislature of Maryland exercised a power not permitted them by the constitution of the nation? If they have, must they be suffered to go on unchecked, until perhaps hereafter, they may assail it more vitally? I trust not. The constitution of the United States has provided that this house shall judge of the qualifications of its own members. It is now contended that the sitting member is not entitled to his seat, because he did not reside in a particular place—a particular part of a particular district. If the legislature of Maryland is authorised to regulate the qualifications of members of this house as to residence, it is also authorised to regulate them in other points. It may require that a man should be of a particular profession to qualify him for a seat here—that none but a farmer, or a merchant, a mechanic, or a lawyer shall be a representative.—Or it may be required that he should hold particular political opinions, (for I believe there are no provisions in the constitution against political, though there are against religious tests) and say that none but a federalist, or none but a democrat shall be a representative. This house cannot be ready to sanction a principle, so fraught with absurd and dangerous consequences.
If we acquiesce in this innovation, the legislatures of the different states may go on by steps to aristocracy themselves, if I may be allowed the expression, notwithstanding we are bound to insure to them republican forms of government. But the state legislatures are not authorised to add any qualifications of the members by the constitution of the nation. Where would be the use of fixing the members by the constitution, if the different states could vary them at pleasure? Would it be fit or proper that they should, if the constitution were even silent on the subject? Uniformity in the qualifications of members is an object of great importance, and this could not be attained were it left for the states to define them. It was therefore proper for the convention unanimously to fix the qualifications which they judged it necessary for members of the national legislature to possess. But if not fixed already, I much doubt whether the states should be allowed to prescribe them. The representative from one state legislatures for all the other states, and there would be an impropriety in suffering an individual state to define the qualifications of a member to legislate for the union. Congress are the constitutional guardians of the national sovereignty, and to them this subject would more properly belong. But I deny that it belongs to either.
The qualifications of members is a first principle question, and for its decision we are to look in the constitution, and not in the statute book.—It has been considered a fair principle in the construction of any writing, that if its subject has been fairly discussed by the parties previous to its execution, its contents are in fair exclusion of all other matter. Upon referring to the constitution of the United States, we find it has embraced the subject of qualifications. It has said that "No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen."
Had the framers of the constitution intended that other qualifications should be required, they would not have pretermitted so important a point. They have here thrown on the state legislatures the duty of defining the qualifications of votes, and the manner of voting; but they have given them no right to define, or in any way alter, the qualifications of candidates. It is fortunate that it is so; for had they the power, one state would require one qualification, and another another, and instead of harmony and unanimity, we should have nothing but discord and disunion, in a body formed of such incongruous materials.
If the states can annex qualifications to those already required for members of this house, they also may for members of the senate, and say that they shall be chosen from a particular part of the state. No one will contend that they could exercise such a power—Those who support the present resolution, assert the freedom of the people of Maryland. The legislature of that state has invaded that freedom; for whatever diminishes the range of individual choice, trenches so far on the liberty of the citizen—The states are to the union, what the counties are to a state, and districts are to the state what election precincts are to the county.
We should all feel shocked, if the legislature of a state, after laying off a county into election precincts, should say that the representatives of that county, or any portion of them, should be chosen from a particular precinct. The same reasoning will apply to both cases. Election precincts are laid out for the convenience of the voters, and so are districts in a state. I contend that the people have a right to elect a man who resides out of the district, and if such a man should have a majority of votes, he would be fairly entitled to his seat in this house.—Suppose that the legislature of Maryland had directed that the whole representation of the state should be taken from the city of Baltimore, would it have been submitted to? If they are permitted to limit the range of individual choice to the city, they may limit it to a part of the city—to a particular street, or to a particular house, and thus prostrate the right of suffrage—a right of all others the most inestimable.
I am not very far advanced in the science of politics, but I believe it to be of the very nature of sovereignty to increase and extend itself. Strictly speaking, all sovereignties are equal—not physical-
ly equal; but equal in the right to exercise a certain power, and equal in this desire of self-extension.—When, therefore, it is our duty not to suffer the sovereignty of the union to encroach upon the state sovereignties, it is equally our duty not to suffer those of the latter to trench upon that of the former. Each of these sovereignties ought to be made to move in their respective orbits, and neither to be suffered to infringe upon the other.
I was struck by the force of an observation made yesterday by a gentleman from Pennsylvania. To congress is given the right to establish a uniform system of naturalization. The gentleman had asked, would it be allowed to the states to add to the qualifications which congress might require on this subject. If one state might do so, another might also, and thus produce a perfect want of uniformity, the object of the constitution. Uniformity in the qualifications of members of this house is much more important. This is a point in which the sovereignty of the nation is most easily assailed, and ought to be most carefully guarded.
Holding these opinions, I am in favour of the resolutions as reported by the committee of elections, and I wish it got to be understood, that in the vote I shall give on this question, that I shelter myself behind the point of residence.
A gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph) whose principles and talents I have, in common with a large portion of the nation, been in the habit of respecting and admiring, told us yesterday, that this was a dangerous principle—that if you did not allow the state legislatures to prescribe qualifications for representatives, transient persons might find their way to this house—This can never be the case. Residence is a constitutional requisite; it is a matter of fact, and susceptible of proof, and if any person should be returned without it, the house would vacate his seat.
Another doctrine, stated by the same gentleman, is, that the electors and elected must possess the same qualifications. This does not appear to me to be the constitutional doctrine. By that instrument the one is unalterably fixed—the other is left to the regulation of the different states.
I shall conclude by expressing my opinion in favour of the resolution, and against the amendment. I hope this house will feel it their duty to decide on the constitutionality of the law of Maryland, or of any other law, when it comes properly before them, that may assail the sovereignty of the union. I revere the state sovereignties as the protectors of individual liberty and security, but I revere the sovereignty of the nation as the source of national strength.
In truth the well-being of this nation depends upon the harmonious movements of these several sovereignties within their appropriate spheres.
From the same.
The editor of the National Intelligencer, in his "Remarks arising out of the President's Message," in speaking on the extraordinary expenditures of the navy department, says—
"No money appears to have been drawn from the treasury; and for aught we know, the engagements made by the President were subject to the express condition of obtaining an appropriation by law."
And again— "In the present instance, a mere contract was made—no previous appropriation was violated—no money was drawn from the treasury; nothing more than an engagement was entered into by the executive, leaving to congress the free power of providing or refusing to provide, the means for its accomplishment."
We forbear making any comments on these expressions at present; but shall content ourselves with a publication of the following documents from which Mr. Smith might have known that there was a violation of appropriation.
COMMITTEE ROOM, Nov. 13th, 1807.
SIR, A bill, making further appropriations for the support of the navy of the United States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, hath passed the House of Representatives, and has been referred to a committee of the Senate; who have directed me to request information of you upon the following points:
Whether any part of the expenses for which this appropriation is made, has been paid; and if so, from what fund? If not, whether the terms upon which the articles were contracted for, were not more expensive than they would have been for immediate payment?
What are the specific items, which are already authorised by law, and what these now to be authorised.
With sentiments of high respect, JOS. ANDERSON. Chairman of the Committee.
Hon'ble. ROBERT SMITH, Secretary of the Navy.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, 13th November, 1807.
SIR, In answer to your letter of this day's date, I have the honour to state.
1st. That it is impossible, at this time, to state precisely, what proportion of the extraordinary expenses incurred by the navy department since the 22d day of June last, has been paid for, as all the accounts of the navy agents have not been received; but from a view of such accounts as have been rendered and received, and of the remittances made to the agents, the proportion of the extraordinary expenses actually paid for is estimated at about $160,000, which sum has been paid out of the appropriations made for the support of the navy for the year 1807, by act of congress, passed 7th January, 1807.
2d. That by the returns made, it does not appear that the navy department has in any instance paid more or agreed to pay more than the cash price for any one of the articles constituting these extraordinary expenses; but to enable the committee to form for themselves a satisfactory opinion upon this point, I take the liberty of submitting to their consideration the accompanying paper, marked A,* which is an exhibit of the prices given at different periods, for cannon, saltpetre, powder, shot, copper, &c. which are the principal articles of the extraordinary expenses.
3d. That none of the articles purchased and stated in the estimate as constituting the extraordinary expenses of the navy department since the 22d day of
* Not annexed.

June last, were authorised by any previous APPRO- PRIATION law. They were all procured without "a- waiting a previous and special sanction by law," as has been communicated by the President to con- gress, in his message at the opening of the present session. They are such articles as the crisis called for, and such as congress has annually authorised and provided for.
I have the honour to be, Respectfully, Sir, Your most obt. servant, RT. SMITH.
Hon'ble. Jos. ANDERSON, Chairman of the Committee of the Senate, &c.
SALEM, Nov. 13. PACIFIC RUMOUR.
On Sunday night a fishing schooner arrived at Beverly from the Banks, where an alarm had pre- vailed among the fishermen with respect to a war between this country and Great-Britain, and hasten- ed their departure; but on her passage home, ten days ago, she spoke a fast sailing ship, the captain of which informed the master of the schooner, that she was a packet from England with dispatches— that he should touch at Halifax and then proceed to New-York—and added, that the negotiation be- tween our ministers and the British government was brought to an amicable close, and a treaty signed; desiring him to report the same on his arrival.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, November 18.
Mr. Quincy said the house might have observ- ed that in the message of the president of the United States to congress delivered on the 27th of October, there was an express reference to a certain proclamation interdicting our ports and harbours to British armed vessels. It was in Great Britain, he understood, an universal parliamentary rule that proclamations of this kind should be laid before parliament; and in this country it had her- etofore been the usual practice. In the case of the proclamation of neutrality issued by president Wash- ington, in 1793, in his first communication to con- gress, he laid it before them, and it was entered on the journals. Circumstances of however great no- toriety, were not official information on which they could act; but, were it so, he had not been able to find it in any papers he could procure. He had ex- pected it would have been connected with the report of the committee on aggressions; but, as it was not yet before the house, he moved the following res- olution:
Resolved , That the president of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before this Har- house, a copy of his proclamation interdicting our ports and waters to British armed vessels, &c., referred to in his message of the 27th of October last.
Mr. Crowninshield could not see any necessity for calling for this paper. He well recollected that the president had issued proclamations on other subjects which had never been laid before the house. That issued in the case of an aggression committed by Capt. Whitby, commanding an armed ship of Great-Britain, had not been transmitted to the house; so, in the case of the famous conspiracy of Mr. Burr, a proclamation was issued at the time, and not laid before the house, nor had the house thought necessary to call for these papers. They were be- fore the publick, and every member of the house must have perused them. Mr. C. wished his col- league to shew some necessity for the present call; for he could see none. The practice which had ta- ken place in other countries was not to govern them; he might as well have drawn a precedent from the practice of France, Germany, or any other country as from Britain. Besides, he doubted whe- ther it was the practice there: it was well known that under that government the king and council le- gislated in a variety of instances. The citizens of this country had suffered severely by these measures. They legislated for neutrals in this way, and pro- perly to an immense amount had been taken from our merchants under these orders, and Mr. C. did not know that their acts in such cases had been laid before the parliament or even called for. He should, however, have no objection to the call in this instance, but that he saw no necessity for it.— The gentleman might perhaps not have seen the proclamation; but it was well known that it had been published in almost all the papers in the union. It first appeared in a paper of this city, and he pre- sumed was copied from that paper into the others. He had no doubt but the proclamation would be communicated, or any other paper that might be called for.
Mr. Alston said, it was certainly very immaterial whether the resolution was adopted or not; but it was certainly causing considerable trouble for no- thing to submit such a resolution to the house.— The gentleman might have laid his hands on it in any paper published in the union. Did that gentle- man receive an official copy of the proclamation for convening congress at this time? If he did, Mr. A. said he had an advantage over him; for he saw the proclamation in the newspapers, and came on in consequence; and if there had been any proclama- tion issued, Mr. Q. could have found it in the news- papers. He had an objection to this resolution be- cause it was going out of the way; he had never be- fore known an instance of a call upon the president for any proclamation which he had not thought pro- per to lay before them.
Mr. Quincy said he had cited the example of G. Britain, because that was the country from whose parliamentary practice so many precedents had been drawn. The proclamation of President Washing- ton, however, was published in all the papers on the continent, and yet the president had laid it before Congress on the 1st day of the succeeding session. He would refer to the mode in which it was present- ed, in order to convince the house it had been her- etofore done. The case was thus: The president of the United States after some preliminary observations tells them that the proclamation laid before the house had been issued. Immediately after this, the journal says, a message was received from the pre- sident of the United States, enclosing a copy of the proclamation. The case in the present instance was of much more importance: he had no concep- tion, before he saw the report of the committee, but that it would be laid before them; he had not con- ceived it possible that it would not be laid before
them in that way. It had been said that he should give reasons for calling for it. He thought that in an important case like this the house should know what was done. He had no objection to the pro- clamation; but it contained certain national prin- ciples to which they ought to refer.
He was at a loss to account for the opposition which this motion received from some quarters of the house; it was impossible it could be made on any other ground than a determination to vote down at all events any question that might be moved, or any enquiry that might be requested on the part of gentlemen of one description in the house. It seem- ed to him to be following up the advice which had lately been given to them through the channel of a paper printed in this city, which was understood ge- nerally to speak a demi-official language. I have before me (said he) the words in which this house were a short time since addressed in that paper, by a person making observations on a motion which Mr. Q. had made, and which was negatived. Mr. Q. then read the following paragraph from the Na- tional intelligencer of November 9:
"Let them weigh well the advice of an enemy before they adopt it. Let them act, as they have done in the present instance. Let them entertain no apprehension on the score of popularity, even tho' their adversaries should sound the tocsin of a- larm, and declare themselves in patriotic strains the exclusive friends of the people. Let them re- member that while their opponents have nothing to do but to talk, they have to act. "
And was this the language in which this house was to be addressed through the medium of a news- paper printed at their doors? Was a mere printer to obtrude upon them his advice as to what course they were to pursue, in relation to the interests of the nation, and to denounce a portion of the house as unworthy of notice or confidence? He hoped not. But he could account for the opposition which was now given to this motion from no other reasons; for if a proclamation of this kind had been issued, they ought to have it before them.
Mr. Q. said he possessed no interests different from any other member of the house; and assuming the right to which he was entitled, he would ask for information when he had occasion for it.
Mr. Crowninshield felt much surprised at what had been said by the gentleman last up. Had Mr. C. said any thing about it, had he made any allu- sion to what had appeared in a newspaper in this ci- ty; the publication was made before he had been able to arrive at this city. [Mr. Quincy here re- marked, he did not refer to him.] Mr. C. did not know to whom he could refer, except to him or his friend from North Carolina. He had no intention to make any remark to hurt the gentleman's feel- ings with respect to what had appeared in a news- paper of this city; but what relation could that have to the subject under consideration? If the paper alluded to had infringed any privilege ap- pertaining to him as a member of that house, of which Mr. C. said he knew nothing, he had his remedy. It of a personal nature, the gentleman had another means of satisfaction. He was perfectly at a loss as to the object the gentleman could have in bring- ing the matter up now. Mr. C. had alluded to the same paper: It was the only paper of any conse- quence in the city, and the President was obliged to take that course to circulate official acts through the Union. It had always been the custom for the President to publish his proclamations, but in no instance had he laid them before the house—The two extraordinary sessions of Congress had been held by proclamation published in the newspapers, and the proclamations for convening them had not been laid before the house. It having been done by another President had no bearing on the present case: no law existed authorising President Wash- ington to issue such a proclamation, as that referred to; but the proclamation now referred to, as well as that in the case of Mr. Burr were issued under an act of Congress. Mr. C. had no particular ob- jection to the call; but he could not see the necessi- ty for it. With respect to precedents in other coun- tries, he wished them to have no influence on the proceedings in this.
Mr. Burwell did not rise to oppose the resolution; he was willing that the proclamation should be sent to them by the President; but the gentleman had expressed his surprise that he did not find that pro- clamation contained in the report of the committee. The only reason was, that they had supposed it was sufficiently official in the newspapers, and had re- ferred to them when occasion required, as they would have done to any other authority. He held it a correct proceeding, that it was the right of any member of that house to call for any information re- lative to any subject; he should always favour such an application; he therefore did not rise to oppose the gentleman's motion, but to apologise for the committee's not having reported it.
Mr. Dama said, that the observation of the gentle- man from Virginia had been made with his gene- ral assent; he had no doubt but the committee considered such reference as they had made correct; but as no publick prints were strictly official, and as they were called upon to deliberate on the pro- clamation itself, he thought it necessary they should have it before them. Were they not called together on this subject particularly, he might not see the same necessity for having it; but as it was to be the basis in some measure of their proceedings, they ought to have an official copy of it. Mr. D. also thought it was more correct whenever congress was called together by proclamation that they should be specially notified. The gentleman from Massachu- setts was in an error so far as related to the form of giving notice of extraordinary sittings; he had un- derstood the gentleman to say, that congress were called together by a proclamation published in a newspaper, which was official notice. This was not the correct course. It was true they were all gathered together; but their journals would not show how. When an extraordinary session had been called formerly a letter had been addressed to each member from the secretary of state, enclosing the proclamation for the purpose; and this was capable of being done in every instance, by transmitting these letters to the executive of each state, who might notify them individually. This had been the course, and he thought it more correct than the other.
The question on the resolution being taken, was carried, 70 to 32; and Messrs. Quincy and Bur- well named a committee to wait on the President for the purpose.
The house according to the order of the day, went into a committee of the whole, Mr. BASSETT in the chair, on the report of the committee of Elections,
on the contested election of Wm. McCreery, when a lengthy debate ensued. Messrs. Desha and Findley supported the original report, and Messrs. Sawyer and Love opposed it.
The question was then taken on the amendment proposed by Mr. Babb on Monday and negatived by a large majority.
When Mr. Randolph opposed the report at consi- derable length, and Mr. Key replied; after which Mr. J. Clay moved to amend the original resolu- tion reported by the committee of elections, as fol- lows:
Resolved , That the second section of the first ar- ticle of the constitution of the United States having prescribed the qualifications of the persons who may be elected representatives in the congress of the United States, neither the congress of the Unit- ed States, nor the legislature of any of the states can constitutionally add to, or take from those qualifications.
Resolved , That the several sections of the two acts of the state of Maryland, passed in Nov. 1790, and in Nov. 1802, so far as the said sections re- quire that any persons elected to serve as a repre- sentative in congress from any particular district of the said state, shall at the time of the election be a resident of the district for which he is elected, and which require twelve months previous residence, do add to the qualifications required by the constitution of the United States, and are therefore void.
Resolved , That William McCreery, returned as a representative in congress for the district compos- ed of the city and county of Baltimore in the state of Maryland, was at the time of his election, an in- habitant of the said state, and possessed of all the other qualifications required by the constitution of the United States, to entitle him to serve as a representative in congress.
Therefore Resolved , That McCreery is entitled to his seat in this house.
Mr. J. Clay advocated; and Messrs. Thomas, Alston, Smilie, Masters, Pitkin, Rhea, opposed the resolutions on the ground that they were not in order, or on the score of inexpediency.
Mr. Rhea of Ten. moved to strike out the word therefore , which motion was declared by the chair to be out of order.
At this time, a motion being made for the com- mittee to rise,
Mr. Smilie said, he had wished an immediate de- cision on the report, in order that the house might be at liberty to enter on national business of more immediate importance; but from the situation in which he now saw the committee he wished they should rise.
Mr. J. Clay said, that if the gentleman wished to consult his pillow or any thing else, he might do it; but Mr. C. hoped the committee would not rise without deciding on the resolutions.
The motion for rising was carried, 72 being in fa- vour of it; when the committee rose and obtained leave to sit again, 74 being in favour of it.
A motion was made that the amendment offered by Mr. Clay be printed, and negatived, 54 to 34.— Adjourned.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Ship Sheffield, Davis, 40 days from Rotterdam, and 35 from the Channel.—Left at Rotterdam the 14th Oct. ship Jane, Evans, to sail in 8 or 10 days; Brigs Roebuck, Bolan, uncertain; Orion, Tenney, of Newbedford, for New-York; Reward, Thompson, of Portsmouth, N. H. for New-York; Enterprize, Newell, of Seabrook, for North Bergen, the first wind.—Came out of Helveot, and down Channel, with the ship Alonzo, Clark, of and bound to New- Bedford, and the ship Recovery, Webb, of Salem, bound to Lisbon.—Spoke, Oct. 19, off Beach Head, ship Elvira, Brown, of and for Philadelphia, 5 days out from Amsterdam.—Nov. 5, in lat. 42, 53, long. 57, brig Betsey, of and bound to Wiscasset from Liverpool, out 37 days—7th, lat. 42, long. 62, ship Remittance, of and bound to New-York, 30 days from the Downs—15th, lat. 38, long. 65, sch'r Dis- patch, from Liverpool bound to Norfolk, out 40 days—2d, sch'r Experiment, Dickson, of and for this port, from St. Jago de Cuba, out 24 days—23d, lat. 36, 03, long. 73, ship United States, Coleman, of and for Alexandria from St. Christopher, out 24 days.
Ship Eliza, Vickery, 56 days from Ivice, Salt, C. & F. Whittle.—Left at Marseilles, Sept. 8, Ships Sidney, Olmstead; Packet, Fisher; Fabius, Cole, of Philadelphia; Thomas, Doliver, Portland; Brunswick, Beadle, New-York; Henry & Francis, Wyer, Boston.—Brigs Felicity, Boyd, Portsmouth; Harriet, Giles, Beverly; Aristides, Gallagher, New- York, for Tunis; Ann, Warren, of and for New- York in 5 days; Sally, Griffin, Philadelphia, for New-Orleans; Edwin, Rice, Salem; Neutrality, Gardner, Boston; Sukey, Graves, Salem; Sea- flower, Whilden, Philadelphia.—Schooners Peace & Plenty, Foster, of and for Beverly, in 2 days; Fame, Titcomb, of and for Newburyport, via Spain, in 2 days.—At quarantine, brigs Jason, Allen, Salem, from Sicily; Eliza, Lovett, Beverly, just arrived from Boston.—Spoke, Nov. 15, in lat. 33, 40, long. 65, 30, ship Atlas, Warren, out 47 days from Li- verpool, bound to Wilmington, N. C.—16th, lat. 33, long. 67, 30, brig Bellona, Smith, of Newhaven, 10 days out from Nevis, bound to New-York.
Sch'r Virginia, Phillips, 39 days from Montserrat, Rum, bound to Fredericksburg.—Spoke Nov. 18, in lat. 36, long. 74, sch'r Thomas & Henry, Fletcher, 16 days from St. Bartholomews, bound to Folly Landing.—Informed that all the American vessels at Antigua were embargoed—Supplied us with provi- sion.
Sch'r Charles, 45 days from Jamaica, and 17 from Havanna, Fruit, to the Master.
Sch'r Felicity, George, 67 days from New-Or- leans, bound to Philadelphia, in distress , having carried away the head of her foremast, split the greater part of the sails, and short of provision.
The sch'r Polly, Jones, from Philadelphia, arriv- ed at St. Kitts the 30th Oct.
HERBERT'S Packet will sail for Baltimore on Wednesday. Nov. 30.
WILLIAMSON'S Packet will sail for Alexan- dria on Friday. For freight or passage apply to James M'Clanahan, Marsden's wharf. Nov. 30.
Landing this day at Commerce-Street, Gallego's Superfine FLOUR.
James Herron.
November 30.
Postscript.
At the moment that our paper was putting to press, we were favoured with Baltimore papers of Friday & Saturday brought by a pilot boat which left that place on Saturday evening. We were unfortunate in not having the papers of Wednesday and Thurs- day, which would have detailed the intelligence re- ceived at Boston. But the intelligence received at New-York, of which we have a small sketch, goes to confirm the intelligence in the preceding part of our paper.
The October packet had arrived at Halifax, and sailed for New-York the 16th of November.
BALTIMORE, Nov. 27.
A gentleman, arrived at New-York in the ship Young Factor, and who went on shore at Deal on the 17th of October, states that all apprehensions of a war with this country had subsided in England; and that most of the American vessels, recently sent into the Downs in consequence of an expectation of war, had been released and were pursuing their voy- age.
A great coolness at present subsists between the courts of St. Petersburg and St. James. Several decrees have been issued by the court of Denmark, one of which, declares "free ships to be free goods" and "enemy's ships, enemy's goods."
In conformity to the treaty of Tilsit all trade and communication with England has been prohibited, by a severe edict of the Prussian court.
Twenty sail of neutral vessels are stated to have been condemned and sold at Amsterdam, for a breach of the decree prohibiting the intercourse with Eng- land, but none of them Americans.
General Moreau has lately set out from Philadel- phia for New Orleans. His unexpected departure and the rapidity of his travelling has excited a vari- ety of opinion, as to the object of his journey.— Conjecture is alive; but it is hoped from the unusu- al reputation of the general, and the marks of dis- tinction conferred upon him by our citizens that his objects are honourable and unconnected with for- eign affairs of a disagreeable nature.
The editor of a New-York mercantile paper ob- serves that the apprehensions of war, has subsided in that city, and gives his columns of shipping ad- vertisements, which are more unusually numerous than for some time past as corroborative testimony of his assertion.
November 28.
We are authorized to say, that the secretary of state has received a letter from Mr. E. Patterson, consul at Nantz, stating that a merchant of that ci- ty had just received information from high authority at Paris, that Count Tottots had arrived and had offered the mediation of Russia, to effect a peace between France and Great Britain: that it was be- lieved that such an offer would not have been made unless the emperor Alexander had previously known, that it would be well received by both parties; and further, that Russia was determined against ev- ery act of hostility with Great Britain. It was be- lieved at Paris, that Lord St. Helens was already appointed by his government, to proceed to that ci- ty.
WANTED,
40 or 50 LABOURERS.
Apply to the Commanding Officer at Fort Nelson. November 30. 6
TO-MORROW, the 1st of December, at 11 o'Clock, will be Sold,
20 hogsheads SUGAR—60 Days, 10 crates Earthenware—CASH.
JAMES TAYLOR, Jun.
November 30.
Just received by Ferguson's Packet from Baltimore, a fresh supply of
Vernon's Winter BOOTS.
S. Coleman.
November 30. 3
A few barrels and half barrels of supe- riour quality FLOUR, suitable for family use. For sale by
A. Maclure.
Nov. 30. 11
10,000 bushels coarse SALT,
on board the Ship Eliza, for sale. Apply to C. & F. Whittle.
In Store,
A few puncheons Antigua RUM.
November 30. 6
A. M'KINLEY.
Silk, Cotton, and Woollen Dyer,
No 13, Bank-Street,
Respectfully informs the publick that he Cleans and Dyes all kinds of Silk and Satins, finishing them with neat- ness and dispatch; all kind of Gentlemen's Clothes cleaned and dyed: best standing blue upon Cotton, Linen, Carpets, and Blankets; Cleaned Straw and Chip Hats dyed, dressed, &c. &c.—All commands will be thankfully received, exe- cuted on the short notice and on the lowest terms. November 30. 11
For RENT,
That Fire-Proof HOUSE in Wide Water-Street, at present occupied by Jennings & Roddey.— Possession given the 1st of January
Noble & Arbuthnott, & Co.
November 30. 1m
LAND FOR SALE.
On THURSDAY the 7th January, 1808, agreeable to the last will of Gen. Lawrence Baker, de- ceased, on the premises,
Two Tracts of LAND,
the property of said deceased, lying on the Fastside of Ben- nett's Creek; one known by the name of the Gibson Tract, containing 235 acres, well timbered fertile land, supposed to be equal to any in the county of Gates for the production of corn, &c. The other known by the name of the Webb Tract, containing by estimat on 300 acres; on this there are no improvements. No further description can be neces- sary, as no person would purchase without viewing the pre- mises. One, two, and three years credit will be given; the second and third payments bearing interest from January 7th, 1809.—Bond with two securities, with mortgage on the land will be required, by
John B. Baker, Executor, or William Goodman, Jun. Agent. law3w
Nov. 27.

For LONDON. The Ship LIVE OAK , Gerrard Yancey, master, will sail in 15 days. For passage only, apply to the master on board at my wharf at Georgetown, or the subscriber
William Pennock. Who wants to Charter? A fast sailing SCHOONER, of about 150 tons, to load for a southern port in Europe Nov. 20.
For Sale, Freight, or Charter. The fast-sailing brig ANN ELIZABETH , burthen 173 tons, in complete order for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to John Brown, Marsden's wharf. November 13.
For Sale, Freight, or Charter. The Ship WILLIAM & MARY , burthen 230 tons, or 2100 barrels, now ready for the reception of a cargo. Apply to Solomon Bedinger. October 28.
Scotch Coals and Empty Bottles. 100 tons of the former and 200 crates of the latter, imported in the ship Industry from Glasgow—For Sale by William Pennock. Who offers The said SHIP , burthen 260 tons, for Charter. October 7.
Liverpool SALT and COAL. For sale on board the ship Jane , William Colley, master.—Apply to the subscriber, William Pennock. Who offers said SHIP , burthen 420 tons, and the ship COURTNEY , burthen 200 tons, for charter. October 5.
For Freight or Charter. The Ship THOMAS , captain Boush, will be ready immediately. GEO. MURRAY, & CO. Who have for Sale,
Old Antigua, Jamaica, & W. I. Rum, Madeira, Port, and Cape Wine, Sugar in hogsheads and barrels, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware. September 23.
For SALE, or will be bartered for Staves, Corn, or Flour. 5000 bushels Liverpool SALT , loose and in sacks, 1 ton Shot, assorted; 2 ton German Steel. James Young. November 13.
For SALE, by the Subscriber, 34 hogsheads WHISKEY , 30 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do. 65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 16 gross Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castile Soap, 1 hogshead and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 10 hds. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York River Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton, 38 whole and 9 half tiers Rice. A. Maclure. November 13.
For SALE, 80 hds. choice retailing Molasses, 34 tiers Curreants; 20 kegs Capers, in very fine order. James Young. November 11.
Wanted on Hire, A NEGRO MAN, accustomed to wait in a house; and a NEGRO WOMAN, who can cook, wash, and iron. Apply at the Office of the Public Ledger. Nov. 9.
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Bridge MILL , newly fitted up to run two pair of stones.—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never failing stream; although she works at present only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abundant supply for ten pair.—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's Mills) about two miles farther, now in complete order, running one pair of stones and two faws.—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not superior to any in that part of the country.—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently believes, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia.—Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any number of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5.
Received per schooner Traveller, from Boston, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK , 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18.
THE SUBSCRIBER has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of
Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR , 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hds. and 6 bbls. Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls. Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackerel, 15 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31.
Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A parcel of Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. September 28.
St. Mary's College.
GRAND LOTTERY, BALTIMORE.
Authorised by the General Assembly of the State of Maryland; the Scheme of which Lottery is the most brilliant ever offered to the citizens of the United States, containing besides a large number of other good prizes. 1 prize of - - - 30,000 Dollars, 1 do. of - - - 15,000 3 do. of - - - 10,000 2 do. of - - - 5,000 3 do. of - - - 1,500 7 do. of - - - 1,000 Not two blanks to a prize, and the lowest prize twelve dollars. The Scheme contains only 21,500 Tickets; 10,000 of which are actually sold to a company of gentlemen in New-York, to whom the managers have obligated themselves to commence the drawing in the City of Baltimore, on THURSDAY, the 31st day of December next, and to draw 500 tickets per day. Tickets and Shares are now selling in a variety of numbers, and very rapidly at Ten Dollars and an half each, for a very short time, at G. & R. WAITE'S truly fortunate Lottery Office, corner of Market-street and Charles-street, Baltimore. The grandeur of the Scheme of the above Lottery, together with an assurance from the managers that it will positively commence drawing on the 31st day of December next, have been a sufficient inducement for the subscribers to come to the city of Baltimore, for the express purpose of facilitating the sale of the Tickets. G. & R. Waite.
One of the above firm will personally attend the drawing daily to take down the numbers correctly, as will also one of their clerks. The next New-York Lottery will not commence drawing till April next. Tickets of which Lottery may be had at Waite's Offices, in Maiden Lane, New-York.
N. B. Difficult adventures accompanying their orders with Bank Notes of any description, to either of Waite's Offices in Baltimore or New-York, may have Tickets and Shares forwarded to any amount with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent them of their success. All prizes sold by G. & R. Waite will be paid by them. A list of all prizes drawn will be sent to the Printers of this Paper, for the inspection of adventurers. October 14.
We want to Purchase, A few Shares of STOCK in the Virginia Bank. Campbell & Wheeler. May 22.
St. Mary's College Lottery of Baltimore. TICKETS for Sale by Rowland & Triplett. October 16.
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING , with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5.
For RENT. The STORE , No. 86, Main-Street, with or without the house. Thomas Blanchard. September 28.
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
REMOVAL.
WOOD & HASTINGS, Have removed to No. 76, Main-street, opposite Market-square, (lately occupied by CATON & VEAL) They have on hand a general assortment of English, India and French Goods. September 11.
For RENT, That commodious Dwelling-House, adjoining the Subscriber's, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes; also a convenient Dwelling-House near the Bridge, adjoining Mrs. Archer's, at present occupied by Mr. Nicholson; also that pleasant retired House on Brewer-street, occupied by Stephen Harris; and some Ware-Houses on my wharf, with or without the wharf. For further particulars apply to James Tucker. October 12.
Forty Dollars Reward, Will be given to any person who will apprehend and deliver to Warren Ashley, Esq. of Norfolk, or the subscriber, two runaway Negro Men, named JEMMY and JEFFERY, purchased a short time since as part of the Globe property in Hampton. Jemmy is about 22 years of age, very strong and well built, and about 5 feet 9 inches high. Jeffery is at least 6 feet high, about 21 years of age, very black and likely. These Negroes absconded from the subscriber with a wish to be sold in Norfolk or Hampton, where they have been seen frequently since their having quitted my plantation. All captains and masters of vessels are hereby cautioned against receiving them on board, or employing them in any way. Henry Heffernan. Glebe, Middlesex, July 4.
NOTICE.
Those who have claims against the estate of PHILIP COLLINS , deceased, are requested to bring them in to the subscriber properly authenticated: and those indebted, are requested to make immediate payment, otherwise suits will be commenced against them, as the situation of the estate will not admit of any indulgence. Jane Collins, Adm rx . October 28.
400 barrels Tar, 20,000 pipe Staves, 30,000 White Oak Hogshead do. 50,000 Red do. do. 100 Barrels Flour.—For Sale by L. Mansfield. Portsmouth, May 8.
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET , 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castile Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12.
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse—For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc Money will be taken in payment.—Apply at the Office of the Public Ledger. Sept. 25.
Wood and Hastings, No. 76, Main-Street,
Have received from London and Liverpool, via Baltimore, 60 packages composing a complete assortment of Fall and Winter GOODS;
Among which are Best blue, black, bottle green, and olive broad Cloths; fashionable Caffimeres; coarse Cloths; coarse and fine Coatings; Flannels and Baizes; Kendal Cottons; blue and fine Kerseys and Halfbicks; blue and drab Plains; Fluslings; Rose and striped Blankets; Carpets; Swansdown; Bennett's Cord and Toilettette; Velving; Durants; Calimancoes; Ruffs and Bumbazets; Manchester Cords and Velvets; silver Cords and tabby Velvets; Irish Linens; Sheetings; Diapers and bed Ticks; Calicoes; Dimities; Cambric Muffs; Gingham; fancy Mullins; Hosiery; Pins; Thread, &c. &c.
Also, an assortment of French Lutestrings; silk Velvets; black and white silk Hose; silk Gloves, assorted colours; fancy silk Handkerchiefs; white kid Gloves; leather do.; Crapes; silk Cords and Taffets; Gauze and Cotton Trimmings, &c. 10 bales India Cottons, 2 do. Coarse Linens; 1 chest white Rolls. October 5.
J. & W. SOUTHGATE, Have now received the whole of their Fall Assortment from London and Liverpool, amongst which are the following Best superlative Navy Blue, London Brown and Bottle Green Cloths, fashionable Caffimeres, Coarse Cloths of every description, Superfine white and scarlet Flannels, Hosiery of every description, 5-4, 7-8, and 4-4 Irish Linens, Superfine Hollands for Shirting, Oznaburgs, Tow and Flaxen, Kendal Cottons in small assorted bales, Manchester Goods of every description, Best London Seine Twine, Nails 4d, 6d, 8d, 10d, 12d, & 20d, Diamond head Spikes, all sizes, Glazed Gun Powder and Shot. ALSO, 10 packages of German LINENS, Consisting of Ticklenburgs, Oznaburgs, Hessens, Heedens, Flaxen Rolls, Plaitillas, &c. entitled to debenture, all of which will be sold for cash, or on liberal credit for good paper. September 28.
Fall and Winter GOODS. The Subscribers have received by the ship Nabby, from Liverpool, and Planter, from London, an extensive and general assortment of Seasonable and Fancy GOODS, Amongst which are 20 bales Negro Cottons and Kerseys, 10 do. Rose and Dutch Blankets, 6 do. Plains and Halfbicks, 15 do. Cloths, Coatings, Fearnoughts, &c 6 do. Flannels and Baizes, 2 do. superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 10 do. Twilled Sack-g. 5 do. British Oznaburgs, 10 cases Hats, 5 do. Irish Linens and Sheetings, 20 trunks fashionable Goods, 4 casks Seine Twine, 6 tons Shot, 50 kegs F and F Gun Powder, also an assortment of Hardware, Cutlery, Nails, &c.—All of which they offer for sale by the piece or package, on the lowest terms for approved paper. Richard & John Taylor. September 25.
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter, and Nabby, from Liverpool, their Fall and Winter GOODS. The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths, Caffimeres, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; Ladies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Childrens' beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epaullets; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin for dress; Calicoes, Chambrays, and Gingham; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cottons; strong white Plains; mixed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plains; Dimities and Marseilles; 4-4 Irish Linens; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheetings; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c. The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper. September 25.
German Winter GOODS. 65 dozen Men's Thick Fulfilled Stockings, 20 do. Children's do. do. 50 do. Men's half do. 110 do. Mens' and Boys' Gloves, 25 do. do. Caps and Mitts, 25 do. Travelling Socks, 10 do. Ladies' House Socks—Just received and for sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. November 20.
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 60,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4.
200 barrels FLOUR, of superior quality for family use, 10 hogsheads Tobacco, suitable for the West-India Markets. 100 barrels New-York Port, city inspection, 50 do. Carolina do. 50 hds 25 barrels Antigua Sugars, 40,000 wt Green Coffee, Madeira Wine, London Brown Stout, Philadelphia Porter, Claret, Hermitage, Burgundy, &c. &c.—For sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. November 11.
For SALE, 50,000 white oak hogshead draw Staves 50,000 red do. 30,000 rough do. 20,000 Cypress Pales 2,000 Cedar and Chinquepin Posts 50,000 building Shingles. Proby, Harmanon & Co. March 2.
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune, captain Norton, from Tenerife, 100 pipes and 90 hds. L. P. Tene-riffe WINE, of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. September 28.
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. Who has on hand, Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16.
FANCY FURNITURE, Japaned and Gilt—viz.
Cain Seat, Rush and Windsor Chairs; Recess Seats; Settees and Window Stools; Card, Pier, and Tea Tables; Work, Wash, and Candle Stands; bedsstead, Bed, and Window Cornice. Likewise, Pictures framed and reguilt, and articles in fancy line made to order. Also, Coach, Sign, and Ornamental Painting; Freemasonry and Military Flags done in the best manner. by J. & W. Cook, No. 69, Church-Street. Nov. 25.
The Subscriber offers for Sale at his Store in Market-Square, 20 hogsheads W. I. RUM, 10 pipes Cognac Brandy; 5 do. Country Gin, Sugar—Brown and Loaf, by the barrel or hogshead, Tea—Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson.—Also, A parcel of DRY GOODS, Consisting of Woollens, Calicoes, Hats, and Hardware. In addition to the above, he intends keeping a constant supply of PORK and BEEF. Bread—Pilot, Navy, and Ship, of the first quality—Families may be supplied with small quantities of Pilot Bread, of a superior quality. Cordage of any size or description for negotiable notes or West-India produce. Any orders for the above articles, will be complied with at the shortest notice. Cary Selden. Nov. 23.
Baltimore Baker's FLOUR, of superior quality, for family use, for sale by T. & W. A. Armistead, Nov. 18. Campbell's wharf.
FOR RENT, And possession given the 1st of Jan. next, that commodious three story brick DWELLING HOUSE in Church-street, at present occupied by Mr. Barth. Redman. And a convenient two story DWELLING HOUSE , with a fine extensive garden, in the Fields near Smith's Point, at present occupied by Mr. Stratton, possession of which may be had the 1st of January—Application to be made to Wm. Plume & Co. Nov. 18.
NOTICE. Those who have claims against the estate of CHARLES WILLETT , deceased, are requested to bring their accounts properly authenticated; and those who are indebted are particularly requested to make payment as no indulgence can be given. William Storrs, Thomas Davis, Executors. September 30.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter,
An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight reiner Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lantens, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE , suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5.
To RENT, That commodious TAVERN opposite the Borough Court-House, at present occupied by Mr. Thomas Holliday, and possession given the 15th of next month. Also for Lease, That vacant LOT on Commerce and Little Water-Street. For terms apply to James Tucker. July 22.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and ship BEER , by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, Wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 bags Coffee, 5 tiers do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks old Sherry Wine, 2 hds old L. P. Madeira do. 3 hds. Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hds and pipes—For Sale by Phinehas Dana. June 8.
NOTICE. A petition will be presented to the next General Assembly, to counteract the operations of that of George Whitfield, as relates to a divorce from his wife Elizabeth, on account of a division of the property. Elizabeth Whitfield. November 13.
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No 1, Commerce-street to William Hull, Jun. October 16.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.