The Patowmac guardian, and Berkeley advertiser (Shepherdstown, Va. [W. Va.]), 1793-12-16 00:00:00

From the REPUBLICAN JOURNAL. "Devils with Devils" dunn't a firm concord hold; "Man only disagrees."
MILTON.
THROUGH the whole train of evils, and the long catalogue of human calamities, WAR, undoubtedly is most deplorable. From the day the first son of our progenitors imbrued his hands in the righteous blood of the second, hath war and bloodshed pursued the human race. The history of mankind is crimsoned over with blood, and seems to blush at the horrid tale it relates. Various have been the causes that have instigated nations to commence and prosecute wars—It is observable however, that most generally they have prevailed under monarchical governments. To gratify the ambition of some haughty prince, or the avarice of some vile despot, have flowed oceans of human blood. Asia, Africa, Europe, and even America, have by this unnatural mean, fertilized their soils. And Europe at present exhibits a scene horrid to humanity. A league of Despots, a horde of crowned Robbers, have united to hunt down and devour the poor devoted citizens of France; and, for what? Why are the fertile plains of France converted into slaughter-benches for Europe? What justifiable cause can be assigned, for this combination of cut throats ? Have the citizens of France disturbed the tranquility of Europe?—Have they offered violence to intitle the haughty Briton , the jealous Spaniard , the mercenary German , the flaunted Dutchman , or the Imperial w... of all the Ruffians ? No such pretence is made. Let the still small voice of truth be heard, and it will declare in the face of Heaven and Earth, That the people of France, after having for many centuries groaned under the oppressive yoke of Tyranny, resolve to meliorate their condition, by changing the mode and principles of their government, and in its place to adopt one, better suited to the present state of civilization; more consonant to their ideas of government, and more wisely calculated to secure the blessings of peace, liberty and happiness to the nation. And that they had a right so to do, is a doctrine which will remain eternally true, when the potipous Mr. Burke and the other transatlantic advocates of slavery and their infamous phillipicks, shall be lost in the deserved oblivion that awaits them.—But this however is the mighty crime, which drew on that devoted people the vengeance of Europe.—Tyranny felt the shock, and its advocates, fearing the event, cried "havock, and let loose the dogs of war".
This is a war of most singular nature. It is a war that has neither conquest or glory for its object—The combined powers pretend neither of them, no infraction or invasion of territories. France had peaceably set about mending her condition.—She requested not the aid or interference of any other nation; she was competent to her own concerns.—Had the object of France been to forge new chains or shackles for mankind, the kings and princes of Europe now at war with them, would not only have been at peace with them, but would gratuitously have furnished them with means and men to carry on and compleat the inglorious work. But for their own honor, and that of human nature, their object was very different; they resolved to be free , and in the broad day of Europe, with conscious integrity and with a boldness which the love of Freedom only inspires, they made the solemn declaration . This, and not the death of Louis XVI. which was occasioned by his own perfidy, enraged the despots around them. The bones of Louis XVI. would have slept as peaceably as any of his ancestors, had the people of France consented to put their necks under the yoke of another tyrant, this the conduct of the combined powers must fully evince. It is the principle and not the defect monarch that stimulates to the War. With equal propriety might England now fight to reanimate the mouldering dust of Charles I. as that of Louis XVI. he is removed far beyond the reach of human efforts or national exertions, and the only question now at issue, is, whether Twenty-Six Millions of people now comprehended within the limits of the late kingdom of France, have a right to form a social compact for themselves, and live under such a government, as they or a majority of them, shall think proper to adopt, or whether they shall be compelled to accept it from the nations which surround them, a government, formed in their combined wisdom, and tendered in their concentrated kindness and humility. This is the momentous question now agitating in Europe, and for the decision of which an appeal is made to arms, It is a question which involves in its consequences the dearest interests of humanity. Nor is France alone a party; all mankind are concerned in the issue. Establish this principle, and the boasted freedom of man dwindles to an imperceptible point; establish this principle, and farewell, a long eternal far call to public tranquility and private happiness; lost is the dignity of human nature. Man finding himself disregarded below the brute which carries
him, thricks into himself, and forgets that he was originally formed after the image of his Creator; circumscribed are the limits which bound his views, his now no longer daring genius, soars not beyond the polluted atmosphere of his royal master; industry loseth its spur, and ambition its stimulous.—The acquisition of property and the approbation of his fellow mortals are objects placed beyond his reach. And as he has nothing to expect, all things become indifferent. These are some of the dreadful consequences which flow from the detestable system of war and bloodshed, by which France now bleeds in every pore.—And can we, my citizens of America, be indifferent spectators of the important conflict? Are we to shamefully selfish, that hugging ourselves in the arms of our own benign government and enjoying the blessings of public tranquility and internal prosperity, we are totally unconcerned at the fate of our fellow creatures? Forbid it humanity—Genius of Freedom forbid it!
While we observe the most strict and rigid principles of neutrality towards the belligerent powers, let us afford that distressed and afflicted people consolation derived from sympathetic hearts. Let us breathe forth the ardent wish, the fervent prayer, that the ALMIGHTY BEING who in the days of darkness and tribulation appeared for our infant republic, may at this critical juncture appear also for our allies. They are fighting the cause of mankind, and of course all are concerned in the issue. Not France alone but every nation under Heaven more or less interested.—Not this generation, but posterity, generations yet unborn will reap the blessings, or rue the misfortunes that attend the issue. On the event it depends whether Kings, with all the concomitant evils that attend them, slavery, bloodshed, rapine, luxury, dissipation, and every species of vice, shall continue to be the scourge and curse of mankind, or whether the political millennium shall now commence, when man shall assume his native dignity, and assert his rank on the scale of being, the rights of human nature be clearly understood and enjoyed; governments become mild and friendly to human happiness; liberty of conscience every where secured; science and literature cast off their manacles; national prejudices and animosities cease; the clouds of ignorance which tyranny have caused to hang and cover over more than half the globe be dispersed; religion, with its benign influence, spread through the habitable world, and the family of mankind glow with fraternal affection, live together as become children of the Universal Parent.
From the VIRGINIA CHRONICLE.
IN consequence of certain conduct imputed to Mr. Genet, and some official communications of that Minister with the Executive of the United States, the public mind is extremely agitated, and the character of the Minister, and the cause of his nation, in some measure implicated. With respect to the imputed conduct, we have seen nothing in support of it, but a certificate from two men, that (whatever success they might imagine their consequence would insure) would not be sufficient to criminate the meanest person. If the Gentlemen who gave this certificate imagined that the independent citizens of America were to make up their judgement upon such vague and indefinite testimony, they paid a very indifferent compliment to the sense of the nation, or vastly overrated their own consequence and influence with the people. The official station of one of those Gentlemen might have taught him that something more particular was necessary to substantiate the proof of a fact. But his friends may say he was not in a Court of Justice, nor upon oath. We admit the position, but it will be remembered that men of candour, neither want the formality of Courts, the solemnity of oaths, nor the interrogatories of lawyers, to extract an impartial relation.
With respect to the official communications of Citizen Genet, they speak for themselves, and whether they are proper or improper, it is not my intention to examine. But few of them have been exhibited to public inspection, of course we are but partially informed.—Nor is it consistent with any rule of justice, or sense of decency, to endeavour to prejudice the public mind while the cause is depending. We are informed from the Minister himself, that he intends submitting his whole conduct to that high Tribunal, the Representatives of the People. Such a signal instance of candour, and unexampled mark of respect for our nation, if unable to silence the Clamour of Faction, demand a suspension of censure from impartial men. To request that suspension, to expose the machinations of a wicked faction, enemies to both Republics, and their liberties, and to warn my countrymen of the dreadful calamities that must attend us, in case of a rupture with France, have produced this address. And I have only to lament that my weak talents are not adequate to the importance of the undertaking.
From some publications of Mr. Genet's, and
other circumstances, we discover that a misunderstanding has existed between him and our general executive, a circumstance which fills every real friend to liberty, and the two Republics, with grief and mortification, and is enjoyed with malignant pleasure by those who are enemies of France and America. We are safe to presume if it had not been for the machinations of Faction, the misunderstanding would never have existed, and if it had, might have been accommodated to the honour and satisfaction of both parties; for any difference that could arise could only be on the construction of the treaties, they being Lex of the Land , are paramount to any decisions of the Executive or the Minister. But so favorable an opportunity of fomenting a difference between two nations, whose union portended the destruction of their principles and interests, could not escape the vigilance of designing aristocrats, and British emissaries.
The arrival of Citizen Genet in America, was an epocha of grief and mortification to British emissaries and well-born Americans. The former beheld the spontaneous effusions of love and gratitude to France, expressed to her Minister, by our citizens from Charleston to New-York, with dismay and confusion. The warm sentiments of republicanism, conveyed in all the addresses, proved to our aristocratic junto, that the time was not arrived for the execution of their favorite schemes. From this juncture every engine that art, wealth, and high station could invent, have been put in motion, to effect a difference between our general executive and the French Minister, and, unhappily, success has crowned their wicked attempts. Yes, my countrymen, with confidence I assert that a wicked faction, composed of those men well known by the name of Tories, British emissaries, and slaves of other European Tyrants, together with some of our own countrymen, who want to establish a blessed government which is calculated for the few at the expence of the many, are at this moment endeavouring to detach us from our alliance with France, to effect a connection with Britain, and assimilate our government to the monarch of that country. Their bale designs are no longer concealed, and the utmost vigilance of the people is necessary to prevent the mischief, before they feel its consequence.
We are told that the dignity of our Government and that of our virtuous President, have been insulted, and that we should come forward and resent the injury. Hence proceeded those Addresses, so indecent in their insinuations against the Minister of France. Here we discover the art of this faction, they hoped to bring the people to that delicate situation of hesitating between respect for their Government, love for the President, and sympathy and affection towards France. It is with real concern that we must allow that many worthy characters, from an honest, but (I do maintain) mistaken zeal, have been induced to adopt the sentiments of this party. Excepting those few, let us examine who are the persons that discover most sensibility on the occasion:—The real republicans and friends of France and America, deplore the difference that has taken place, in sorrow and silence. But, our well-born men, a Tory, an Englishman, and a Scotchman, are all fire; they want words to express the strong emotions of indignation which their souls feel for the dignity of the American Government, and its President. Piteous artifice! Can these men really imagine that they can so safely impose upon the judgement of the Americans? Do they imagine that the lapse of time has been so great, that we have forgotten when our Government was called an usurpation? and our President a Rebel Leader? Can the British nation suppose that we are insensible to all the injuries and evils which we daily feel from it? Or is it supposed that we remember every thing and credit the present affectation of sincerity?—No, my good opinion of my Countrymen assures me they feel as they ought on the occasion, and the time is not far distant when the guilty wretch who endeavours to disunite us from France shall tremble with dismay, and be covered with infamy and disgrace.
Americans, your alliance with France has been productive of the greatest of all human blessings; it is honorable in itself, and promises permanent advantages. From Britain you have experienced unspeakable calamities; you are at this moment feeling evils from that country, and have every thing to dread. I assert facts, and let them speak; France has thrown open all her rich and extensive commerce for your free and equal participation with her own citizens—she is fighting a cause that is as much yours as her own—a cause in which you have expended much blood and treasure—he is combatting the tyrants, the enemies of all free governments. If her liberties are subverted, yours are gone forever.
Britain has not joined this league of Tyrants, without some hope or expectations in our Western world—take then a view of Britain, and for your

they are reduced, and upon which all your fellow citizens on your frontiers, what they suffer; turn to your treaties and see with what injustice the most material articles have been evaded for ten years. Not the smallest participation have you in that part of her commerce, most natural to your situation, but what is extorted by terror or tameness. And if in the present contest she should possess the islands of France, you may take leave of all the lucrative commerce you now enjoy with them; for no sooner has the troops of her nation landed in one of the islands of France than your commerce is interdicted. In a word—from France we have every thing to hope, and from Britain every thing to fear: to sum up the advantages of the one and disadvantages of the other, would require a volume to be written. Thus much upon the doubtful issue of the contest:—but should France establish her freedom, with what eyes will she view America? It is natural to suppose, she would feel and resent our ingratitude and unkindness. Thus should we become the contempt of France—Britain would laugh at our folly, and deride us in our misfortunes, and the Punica Fides be revived in Americans. The road before us is plain, easy, and honorable; a strict compliance with our engagements will secure our liberties, our honor and permanent advantage.
I conclude with this remark, that principles and not men should govern the sentiments of republicans, and make the application, that if the Minister of France has done wrong, (which I have no reason to suppose) it cannot affect his nation, or alienate our attachment to her, unless sanctioned by her government.
A REPUBLICAN.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
MONDAY, 2d Inst. being the day appointed, by the Constitution, for the meeting of the third Congress, of the United States, fifty-six members of the House of Representatives, and a quorum of the Senate, assembled in Philadelphia.
The House of Representatives made choice of Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg , for speaker; John Beckley , clerk; Joseph Wheaton , sergeant at arms; Gifford Dally , door-keeper; and Thomas Claxton , assistant door-keeper.
The two Houses then sent a joint-committee, to wait on the President, and inform him, that they were ready to receive such communications, as he might have to lay before them. The President returned, in answer, that he would meet both Houses in the Senate chamber, at twelve o'clock the next day.
Tuesday, December 3.
The Secretary of the Senate, Mr. Otis, informed the House, that the members of the Senate were waiting to receive the members of the House of Representatives, in the Senate-chamber, in order to meet the President of the United States; Whereupon the members, preceded by their Speaker and Clerk, repaired to the Senate-chamber. Exactly at twelve o'clock the President arrived, accompanied by the Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary at War, and attorney-general, &c. and in the presence of a large assemblage of citizens, and foreigners, delivered to both Houses the following
ADDRESS.
Fellow Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives.
Since the commencement of the term, for which I have been again called into office, no occasion has arisen for expressing to my fellow citizens at large, the deep and respectful sense, which I feel, of the renewed testimony of public approbation. While on the one hand, is awakened my gratitude for all those instances of affectionate partiality, with which I have been honoured by my country; on the other, it could not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement, from which no private consideration should ever have torn me. But influenced by the belief, that my conduct would be estimated according to its real motives; and that the people, and the authorities derived from them, would support exertions, having nothing personal for their object, I have obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to resume the executive power; and I humbly implore that Being, on whose will the fate of nations depends, to crown with success our mutual endeavours for the general happiness.
As soon as the war in Europe had embraced those powers, with whom the United States have the most extensive relations, there was reason to apprehend that our intercourse with them might be interrupted, and our disposition for peace drawn into question, by the suspicions too often entertained by belligerent nations—It seemed therefore to be my duty, to admonish our citizens of the consequences of a contraband trade, and of hostile acts to any of the parties; and to obtain, by a declaration of the existing legal state of things, an easier admission of our right to the immunities, belonging to our situation. Under these impressions, the proclamation which will be laid before you, was issued.
In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, I resolved to adopt general rules, which should conform to treaties, and assert the privileges, of the United States—These were reduced into a system which will be communicated to you. Although I have not thought myself at liberty to forbid the sale of the prizes, permitted by our treaty of commerce with France to be brought into our ports, I have not refused to cause them to be restored, when they were taken within the protection of our territory; or by vessels commissioned or equipped in a warlike form within the limits of the United States.
It rests with the wisdom of Congress to correct,
and probably to extend, to extend, the legal code, and the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States, in many cases which though dependent on principles already recognized, demand some further provisions.
When individuals shall, within the United States, array themselves in hostility against any of the powers at war; or enter upon military expeditions, or enterprizes within the jurisdiction of the United States; or usurp and exercise judicial authority within the United States; or where the penalties on violations of the law of nations may have been distinctly marked, or are inadequate, these offences cannot receive too early and close an attention, and require prompt and decisive remedies.
Whatsoever those remedies may be, they will be well administered by the judiciary, who possess a long established course of investigation, effectual process, and officers in the habit of executing it.—In like manner, as several of the courts have doubted, under particular circumstances, their power to liberate the vessels of a nation at peace, and even of a citizen of the United States, although seized under a false colour of being hostile property; and have denied their power to liberate certain captures within the protection of our territory; it would seem proper to regulate their jurisdiction in these points. But if the Executive is to be the resort in either of the two last mentioned cases, it is hoped, that he will be authorised by law, to have facts ascertained by the courts, when, for his own information, he shall request it.
I cannot recommend to your notice measures for the fulfilment of our duties to the rest of the world, without again pressing upon you the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defence, and of exacting from them the fulfilment of their duties towards us. The United States ought not to indulge a persuasion, that, contrary to the order of human events, they will for ever keep at a distance those painful appeals to arms, with which the history of every other nation abounds. There is a rank due the United States among nations, which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must be known that we are at all times ready for war.
The documents, which will be presented to you, will shew the amount and kinds of arms and military stores now in our magazines and arsenals; and yet an addition even to these supplies cannot with prudence be neglected; as it would leave nothing to the uncertainty of procuring a warlike apparatus, in the moment of public danger.—Nor can such arrangements, with such objects, be exposed to the censure or jealousy of the warmest friends of republican government. They are incapable of abuse in the hands of the militia, who ought to possess a pride in being the depositary of the force of the republic, and may be trained to a degree of energy, equal to every military exigency of the United States. But it is an inquiry, which cannot be too solemnly pursued, whether the act "more effectually to provide for the national defence by establishing an uniform militia throughout the United States," has organized them so as to produce their full effect: whether your own experience in several states has not detected some imperfections in the scheme: and whether a material feature in an improvement of it, ought not to be, to afford an opportunity for the study of those branches of the military art, which can scarcely ever be attained by practice alone?
The connexion of the United States with Europe has become extremely interesting. The occurrences, which relate to it, and have passed under the knowledge of the executive, will be exhibited to Congress in a subsequent communication.
When we contemplate the war on our frontiers, it may be truly affirmed, that every reasonable effort has been made to adjust the causes of dissention with the Indians north of the Ohio. The instructions given to the commissioners evince a moderation and equity, proceeding from a sincere love of peace, and a liberality having no restriction but the essential interests and dignity of the United States. The attempt, however, of an amicable negotiation having been frustrated, the troops have marched to act offensively. Although the proposed treaty did not arrest the progress of military preparation, it is doubtful, how far the advance of the season, before good faith justified active movements, may retard them, during the remainder of the year. From the papers and intelligence, which relate to this important subject, you will determine, whether the deficiency in the number of the troops, granted by law, shall be compensated by succours of militia; or additional encouragements shall be proposed to recruits. An anxiety has been also demonstrated by the executive, for peace with the Creeks and the Cherokees. The former have been relieved with corn and with cloathing, and offensive measures against them prohibited, during the recess of Congress.—To satisfy the complaints of the latter, prosecutions have been instituted for the violences committed upon them. But the papers, which will be delivered to you, disclose the critical footing on which we stand in regard to both those tribes; and it is with Congress to pronounce what shall be done.
After they shall have provided for the present emergency, it will merit their most serious labours, to render tranquillity with the savages permanent, by creating ties of interest. Next to a rigorous execution of justice on the violators of peace, the establishment of commerce with the Indian nations, in behalf of the United States, is most likely to conciliate their attachment. But it ought to be conduct-
and plentiful supplies, with a ready market for the commodities of the Indians, and a stated price for what they give in payment, and receive in exchange. Individuals will not pursue such a traffic, unless they be allured by the hope of profit; but it will be enough for the United States to be reimbursed only: Should this recommendation accord with the opinion of Congress, they will recollect, that it cannot be accomplished by any means yet in the hands of the executive.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
The commissioners, charged with the settlement of accounts between the United and Individual States, concluded their important functions, within the time limited by law; and the balances, struck in the report, which will be laid before Congress, have been placed on the books of the Treasury.
On the 1st day of June last, an instalment of one million of florins became payable on the loans of the United States in Holland. This was adjusted by a prolongation of the period of reimbursement, in the nature of a new loan, at an interest of five per cent. for the term of ten years; and the expenses of this operation were a commission of three per cent.
The first instalment of the loan of two millions of dollars from the bank of the United States, has been paid, as was directed by law. For the second, it is necessary that provision should be made.
No pecuniary consideration is more urgent, than the regular discharge and redemption of the public debt; none can delay be more injurious, or an economy of time more valuable.
The productiveness of the public revenues hitherto, has continued to equal the anticipations which were formed of it; but it is not expected to prove commensurate with all the objects which have been suggested. Some auxiliary provisions will, therefore, it is presumed, be requisite: and it is hoped that these may be made, consistently with a due regard to the convenience of our citizens, who cannot but be sensible of the true wisdom of encountering a small present addition to their contributions, to obviate a future accumulation of burthens.
But here I cannot forbear to recommend a repeal of the tax on the transportation of public prints.—There is no resource to form for the Government of the United States, as the affections of the people, guided by an enlightened policy; and to this primary good nothing can conduce more, than a faithful representation of public proceedings, diffused without restraint, throughout the United States.
An estimate of the appropriations, necessary for the current service of the ensuing year, and a statement of a purchase of arms and military stores, made during the recess, will be presented to Congress.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives.
The several subjects, to which I have now referred upon, open a wide range to your deliberations, and involve some of the choicest interests of our common country. Permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task. Without an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the government may be hazarded; without harmony, as far as consists with freedom of sentiment, its dignity may be lost. But as the legislative proceedings of the United States will never, I trust, be reproached for the want of temper or of candour, so shall not the public happiness languish, from the want of my strenuous and warmest co-operation.
(Signed) GEORGE WASHINGTON.
United States, December 3, 1793.
The president having withdrawn, the members of the House of Representatives returned to their chamber, where the President's address was read by the clerk.
It was then referred to a committee to report the draft of an answer.
A message from the president of the United States was delivered by Mr. Dandridge, his Secretary, communicating sundry papers and documents, mentioned in his address.
The Secretary of the Senate delivered a message, informing the House, that the senate had chosen, on their part, as Chaplain, the Right Reverend Doctor White.
On motion, the House proceeded to choose a Chaplain on their part, when it appeared that the Reverend Doctor Green was chosen.
Mr. Boudinot moved for the appointment of a committee, to report on the unfinished business of the last House, which being agreed to, and a committee accordingly appointed, the House adjourned.
Wednesday, December 4.
THE House went into committee of the whole, Mr. Trumbull in the chair, on the President's address.
It was moved, seconded and agreed, that the committee should recommend to the House that a respectful address be presented to the President in answer to his speech to both Houses, at the commencement of this session, containing assurances that the House of Representatives would take into their serious consideration, the important matters recommended to their attention.
The House adopted the resolution, and the following committee were appointed to draft the answer; Messrs. Madison, Sedgewick, Watts, Hartley, and Smith of Maryland.
A communication was received from the War Department, consisting of a copy of the instruction given to the commissioners for treating with the Indians North of the Ohio; the journal of those commissioners, and a list of the officers in the service of the United States.
Some objection was at first made to reading the two first communications, but was afterwards waived.
The instruction was then read. They premise, that it appears a great majority of the people of the United States

the savages, if it can be obtained on just and honorable terms. They contemplate the treaty at Fort Harmar as valid and the sales made there as good. They propose offering the hostile Indians, if they should come to terms of accommodation, the guarantee of the United States against any impositions of her citizens. The commissioners were empowered to promise 50,000 dollars worth of goods, and an annual present of 10,000 dollars, if the hostile tribes should agree to terms. They were instructed to prevent if possible a confederacy of the Indians, to secure and explain the nature of our right of pre-emption to their lands, and to admit no British agents to the treaty as mediators; they might, however, attend the treaty as spectators as the United States, wishing to deal fairly with the Indian tribes, and secure an honorable peace, did not care who witnessed the transaction.
Some objections were started to reading the journal with open galleries until the nature of it was known. After a short conversation upon the propriety of reading it privately, a motion was made to adjourn and carry.
Thursday, December 5.
The journal of the commissioners for treating with the Indians was read. It is minute and lengthy. The definitive answer of the Indians contains their reasons for rejecting the proposals of the commissioners, drawn up in a masterly manner; it bears all the appearance of European logic, faintly clad in an Indian dress. All the documents relative to this business were referred to a committee of the whole, on the state of the union.
A message was received from the President communicating sundry papers relative to our European relations, and also the result of the proceedings of the commissioners appointed to settle the accounts of the United States with the individual States.
The first set of papers was introduced by the following message.
UNITED STATES, December 5, 1798.
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives,
As the present situation of the several nations of Europe, and especially of those with which the United States have important relations, cannot but render the state of things between them and us, matter of interesting inquiry to the Legislature, and may indeed give rise to deliberations to which they alone are competent, I have thought it my duty to communicate to them certain correspondences which have taken place.
The Representative and Executive bodies of France have manifested generally a friendly attachment to this country; have given advantages to our commerce and navigation; and have made overtures for placing these advantages on permanent ground; a decree however of the National Assembly, subjecting vessels laden with provisions to be carried into their ports, and making enemy goods lawful prize in the vessel of a friend, contrary to our Treaty, though revoked at one time, as to the United States, has been since extended to their vessels also, as has been recently stated to us. Representations on this subject will be immediately given in charge to our Minister there, and the result communicated to the Legislature.
It is with extreme concern I have to inform you, that the proceedings of the person whom they have unfortunately appointed their Minister Plenipotentiary here, have breathed nothing of the friendly spirit of the nation which sent him; their tendency on the contrary has been to involve us in war abroad, and discord and anarchy at home. So far as his acts or those of his agents, have threatened our immediate commitment in the war or flagrant insult to the authority of the laws, their effects has been counteracted by the ordinary cognizance of the laws, and by an exertion of the powers confided to me. Where their danger was not imminent, they have been born with, from sentiments of regard to his nation, from a sense of their friendship towards us, from a conviction that they would not suffer us to remain long exposed to the action of a person who has so little respected our mutual dispositions, and, I will add, from a reliance on the firmness of my fellow-citizens in their principles of peace and order. In the mean time I have respected and pursued the stipulations of our treaties, according to what I judged their true sense; and have withheld no act of friendship which their affairs have called for from us, and which justice to others left us free to perform. I have gone further:—rather than employ force for the restitution of certain vessels which I deemed the United States bound to restore, I thought it more advisable to satisfy the parties by avowing it to be my opinion, that if restitution were not made, it would be incumbent on the United States to make compensation. The papers now communicated will more particularly apprise you of these transactions.
The vexations and spoilation understood to have been committed on our vessels and commerce by the cruisers and officers of some of the belligerent powers, appeared to require attention. The proofs of these however, not having been brought forward, the description of citizens supposed to have suffered were notified, that on furnishing them to the Executive, due measures would be taken to obtain redress of the past, and more effectual provisions against the future. Should such documents be furnished, proper representations will be made thereon: with a just reliance on a redress proportioned to the exigency of the case.
The British government having undertaken by orders to the commanders of their armed vessels, to restrain generally our commerce in corn and other provisions to their own ports and those of their friends, the instructions now communicated were immediately forwarded to our Minister at that court. In the mean time some discussions on
are also laid before you; and I may expect to learn the result of his special instructions in time to make it known to the legislature, during their present session.
Very early after the arrival of a British minister here, mutual explanations on the execution of the treaty of peace were entered into with that Minister; these are now laid before you for your information.
On the subject of mutual interest between this country and Spain, negotiations and conferences are now depending. The public good requiring that the present state of these should be made known to the legislature in confidence only, they shall be the subject of a separate and subsequent communication.
G. WASHINGTON.
Friday, December 6.
Mr. Madison reported the following draft of an answer to the Address of the President, which was read, accepted, and ordered to be presented.
SIR,
THE representatives of the people of the United States, in meeting you for the first time since you have been again called, by an unanimous suffrage, to your present station, find an occasion which they embrace with no less fervency than promptitude for expressing to you their congratulations on so distinguished a testimony of public approbation and their entire confidence in the purity and patriotism of the motives which have produced the obedience to the voice of your country. It is to virtues which have commanded long and universal reverence and from which have flowed great and lasting benefits, that the tribute of praise may be paid, without the reproach of flattery; and it is from the same resources that the fairest anticipations be derived in favour of the public happiness.
The United States having taken no part in the war which had embraced in Europe the powers with whom they have the most extensive relations, the maintenance of peace was justly to be regarded as one of the most important duties of the magistrate, charged with the faithful execution of the law. We accordingly witness with approbation and pleasure the vigilance with which you have guarded against an interruption of that blessing, by your proclamation, admonishing our citizens of the consequences of illicit or hostile acts towards the belligerent parties; and promoting, by a declaration of the existing legal state of things, an easier admission of our rights or the immunities belonging to our situation.
The connection of the United States with Europe has evidently become extremely interesting. The communications which remain to be exhibited to us, will, no doubt, assist in giving us a fuller view of the subjects, and in guiding our deliberations to such results, as may comport with the rights and true interests of our country.
We learn with deep regret, that the measures dictated by a love of peace, for obtaining an amicable determination of the existing war on our frontiers, should have been frustrated, and that a resort to offensive measures should again become necessary. As the latter, however, must be rendered more satisfactory, in proportion to the solicitude for peace manifested by the former, it is to be hoped they will be pursued under the better auspices on that account and be finally crowned with more happy success.
In relation to the particular tribes of Indians, against whom offensive measures have been prohibited, as on all the other important subjects which you have presented, to our view, we shall bestow the attention which they claim. We cannot however, restrain, at this time, from particularly expressing our concurrence in your anxiety, for the regular discharge of the public debt, as fast as circumstances and events will permit; and in the policy of removing any impediments that may be found in the way of a faithful representation of public proceedings throughout the United States; being persuaded, with you, that on no subject more than the former, can delay be more injurious, or an economy of time more valuable; and that, with respect to the latter, no resource is so firm for the government of the United States, as the affections of the people, guided by an enlightened policy.
[The President's reply to the above, in our next.]
LEXINGTON, November 10.
The Kentucky Volunteers have returned home; they sustained no farther damage on the expedition than the loss of a few horses, and one man killed. The Federal army have gone into winter quarters, on the S. W. branch of Miami, six miles in advance of fort Jefferson.
There has been a considerable swell in the Ohio river sufficient for boats to pass, in consequence of which, all the boats that were waiting for water have arrived. One of Myers's Packet-boats, touched at Limestone on Sunday last, on her way to Cincinnati, where she arrived on Tuesday morning.
KNOXVILLE, November 23.
On Monday the 28th of October, a party of Indians, consisting of 20, ambuscaded M c Gahey's station, 15 miles from this place, fired on and wounded William Cunningham, as he was passing, on horse, a road near the station. The people of the station gave immediate pursuit, but could not come up with the Indians; they took eight blankets and matchcoats, four pair of moccasins, one gun and shot pouch, three hatchets, and eight bags of parched cornmeal, which the Indians, in their precipitate retreat, had left behind.
General Sevier, mentioned in our last, as having crossed the Tennessee, in pursuit of the large party of Indians that killed Caver's family, and committed many other depredations on the frontiers, on the 25th of September, returned to this place on the 24th of October, after having been seventeen days in the nation, and penetrated quite through it to the Creek country, with the loss of three men killed and three wounded.—On his attempting to pass
Evans, of the Knox mounted infantry, was warmly opposed by a large body of Creeks and Cherokees, who were firmly posted for the purpose, when a smart action ensued, in which Capt. Evans and Lieut. M c Clellan, distinguished themselves in a very particular manner by their bravery. In a few minutes the Indians gave way on all quarters, leaving behind them several of their dead on the field, all their baggage and sundry arms: They were also seen to carry off many wounded during the engagement. After this action the Indians abandoned their towns as the General approached, which were destroyed, together with the provisions found in them. Success has ever crowned the arms of this experienced and valuable officer.
MARTINSBURG, December 16.
By the ship James, arrived at New-York on the 2d instant, in 49 days from London, papers were received as late as the 10th of October; want of room this day, enables us only to give place to the following paragraphs:—
FRANKFORT, September 17.
ON the 12th, 13th and 14th, the French army from the frontiers of Alsace, who are said to consist of 150,000 men, made a general attack against the allied armies. The Austrians whom they attacked on the 12th were forced to retreat, after a dreadful slaughter. The French were repulsed on the 13th, in their attack against Gen. Kellkreuth; on the 14th, they attacked the Duke of Brunswick, near Pernaufens, who completely defeated them, took from them several pieces of cannon, and made several thousand prisoners.
It is strongly reported that there is a great want of Provisions among the German armies on the Rhine.
Edinghoven, Sept. 15. The news of yesterday's battle has been confirmed to-day by a courier, arrived at the head quarters of the King of Prussia. The reigning Duke of Brunswick has completely defeated the French between Pernaufens and Bittsch.—They had 18,000 killed and wounded, and 3,000 of them were taken prisoners. The Duke took from them 27 pieces of cannon, two howitzers, and provisions of bread for three days. They are said to have set fire to Bittsch. It has been reported that the Duke penetrated as far as Bittsch but this wants confirmation.
Frontiers of Flanders, October 2.
The ex-general Houchard has been arrested at his head quarters at Vitry on the Scarpe, between Douay and Arras. It is said that his hands and feet were bound.
At a meeting of the Jacobins, one Luillier said, "We must either terminate the war in three months, or resolve to be slaves." The same man moved, that 100,000 Sans Cullottes be sent over to England, and that the ships which shall convey them be burnt, to cut off their return. We shall abandon to them, said he, that Kingdom, where they may take care to enrich themselves with the spoils of the inhabitants.
The General Assembly have made the following appointments of General Officers of the Militia of this Commonwealth.
MAJOR-GENERALS.
1st Division. SAMUEL HOPKINS, Esq; Mecklenburg. 9th Do. John Clarke, Esq; Spottsylvania. 3d Do. Daniel Morgan, Esq; Frederick. 4th Do. Henry Lee, Esq; Westmoreland.
BRIGADIER-GENERALS.
1st Division. Joseph Martin, Esq; Henry. 2d Do. George Carrington, Esq; Halifax. 3d Do. Joseph Jones, Esq; Dinwiddie. 4th Do. Everard Meade, Esq; Amelia. 5th Do. S. T. Mason, Esq; Loudon. 6th Do. John Blackwell, Esq; Fauquier. 7th Do. J. Guerrant, Jun. Esq; Goochland. 8th Do. James Williams, Esq; Culpeper. 9th Do. William Dark, Esq; Berkeley. 10th Do. John Boyer, Esq; Rockbridge. 11th Do. Benj. Biggs, Esq; Monongalia. 12th Do. Isaac Zane, Esq; Shenandoah. 13th Do. William Tate, Esq; Washington. 14th Do. Thomas Matthews, Esq; Norfolk. 15th Do. John Marshall, Esq; Henrico. 16th Do. James A. Bradby, Esq; Surry. 17th Do. Henry Young, Esq; Suffolk.
ADJUTANT GENERAL.
Simon Morgan, Esq; Fauquier.
The latest accounts brought by the ship James, makes no mention of Toulon being retaken by General Carteau, as mentioned in our last, but that it has been strongly reinforced with British and German troops.
Messrs. J. Jay and R. King's statement and evidence of the circumstance relative to Citizen Genet's assertion, "that he would appeal to the people," is come to hand, but must be omitted until our next; as also a number of domestic occurrences, advertisements, &c.
Married, Mr. William Bell to Mrs. Sarah Greer.
THE Subscriber having removed from the place where he formerly lived, in Shepherd's-Town, informs his friends in particular and the public in general, that he has furnished himself with the best materials, and employed some of the best workmen, so that he is now able to make as good Wagons as on the continent, and as reasonable. He now lives in the Main-Street, a few doors below John Kearley, Esq's, and any person enquiring at Joseph McMurrin's Store, will receive information.
HENRY FEYSER.
Shepherd's-Town, Dec. 14, 1793.

SEAT OF THE MUSES.
An Apology for Old Bachelors; Or, an impudent Laugh at Matrimony.
BY PETER PINDAR.
THAT I have often been in love, deep love, A hundred doleful ditties plainly prove. By marriage never have I been disjointed; For Matrimony deals prodigious blows: And yet for this same stormy state, God knows, I've groan'd and, thank my stars, been disappointed.
With love's dear passion will I never war, Let ev'ry man forever be in love, E'en if he beats, in age, old Par, 'Tis for his chilly veins a good warm glove; It bids the blood with brisker motions start, Thawing Time's icicles around his heart.
Wedlock's a saucy, sad, familiar state, Where folks are very apt to scold and hate; Love keeps a modest distance, is divine, Obliging, and says ev'ry thing that's fine.
Love writes sweet sonnets, deals in tender matter, Marriage, in epigram so keen, and satire. Love seeketh always to oblige the fair; Full of kind wishes, and exalted hope: Marriage desires to see her in the air, Suspended, at the bottom of a Rope!
Love wishes, in the vale or on the down, To give his dear, dear Idol a green gown; Marriage, the brute, so snappish or ill-bred, Gan kick his sighing turtle out of bed; Turns blust'ry from the charms that taste adores, Then pulls his night-cap o'er his eyes, and—snore.
Wedlock at first, indeed, is vastly pleasant; A very showy bird, a fine cock-peasant, By time it changeth to a different fowl; Sometimes a cuckow, oftener a horn-owl.
Wedlock's a lock, however large and thick, Which ev'ry ratcal has a key to pick.
O Love! for heaven's sake ne'er leave my heart; No! thou and I will never, never part— Go, Wedlock, to the men of leaden brains, Who hate variety, and sigh for chains.
ANECDOLE.
A worthy citizen not far from Cheap-side who was himself a little stricken in years, having married a pretty young wife, the Journeyman, a brisk blade, fancying himself better able to please her than his master, had often solicited for the last favor: But the refusing, though as he thought but faintly; his master having occasion to go into the country for a few days, he thought that might be a proper opportunity to accomplish his design, so taking the time when the mistress was in the kitchen by herself, the maid being out of the way on an errand, he told her that night he would steal softly into her chamber, when she was in bed. If you do, said she, beware of yourself, for I will take this great kitchen knife up with me into my bed-chamber.
At night the spark opened the door very gently, but, remembering the knife was afraid to go forward. She hearing him, asked who was there: It is I, replied the Journeyman, and was resolved to come to bed to you, but that I remember the great knife. Oh! what a silly jade was I; said she, to leave the knife in the kitchen.
In the High Court of Chancery, September the 26th, 1793.
BETWEEN Robert M c Knight - - - - - Plt. } AND Milling Wooley, and Laurence M c Kernan, Deft. }
THE Defendant Milling Wooley not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the act of assembly, and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the plaintiff by his council, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette for two months successively, and published at some church of the parish of Norborne , in the county of Berkeley , on some Sunday immediately after divine service, and at the front door of the Capitol in the city of Richmond .
A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C.H.C.C.
1. Subscribers respectfully inform their Friends and the Public, that they will receive raw cloth at Mr. Seth Duncan's, (formerly Mr. Thomas Duncan's) in Martinsburg, and return the same when dressed the first day of Court following. We return thanks to those who have favoured us with their custom, and those who will to continue, may depend on due attention, and an immediate dispatch, by
THOMAS BUTTERFIELD, and Co.
WHEREAS on Sunday the 3d of this instant, my wife Sarah Kearns, did, without any legal provocation, abscond from my bed and board, therefore I forewarn any person or persons from crediting the said Sarah Kearns, as I am determined not to pay any debt of her contracting, unless compelled by law. Given under my hand, in Hampshire County, November 13, 1793. PATRICK KEARNS.
THE DEBT OF HONOR.
THE Members of the Martinsburg Jockey Club , who have not paid their respective subscriptions, are requested to call and pay the same into the hands of the late Managers, or to Mr. CHRISTOPHER PARROT, the winner of the purse. November 25, 1793.
Constant employ and good wages will be given to a JOURNEYMAN BLACKSMITH, Who is acquainted with the different branches of the business, by WILLIAM MERRETT. November 25, 1793.
WANTED IMMEDIATELY, Two Journeymen SADDIERS, and a Journeyman BLACKSMITH, The latter who understands the waggon business, horse-shoeing, &c. Constant employ and good wages will be given, by applying to WILLIAM DARKE. November 25, 1793.
EIGHT DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the Subscriber, on the night of the 19th of September last, a Negro Man named SOMMERS, about 26 or 27 years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, tawny complexion, has a down look. He took with him when he went away, a light cloth coat and breeches, a red shag waistcoat, a round white sailor jacket, a pair of striped and a pair of tow overalls, a good wool hat, and shoes. He will endeavour to pass for a freeman. Whoever apprehends said Negro and returns him to me, or commits him to goal so that I get him again, shall have the above reward, and necessary charges. JOHN KEARNEY. Berkeley County, Virginia, November 11, 1793.
THE Subscriber requests those that are indebted to him by open account, to come and settle, and if they cannot discharge what may be due, to give their obligations, as their accounts may be closed by the first of April next; he then purposed to open a large assortment of Merchandize, and wants his books settled before he begins business again, as they have been long standing. JOSEPH MINGHINI. November 11, 1793.
FOUR DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the Subscriber, an apprentice boy named ZACHARIAH LOULAND, bound to the blacksmith trade, about nineteen years of age, six feet high, and fair complexion. Whoever apprehends said apprentice and brings him to me, shall receive the above reward and reasonable charges, paid by SAMUEL MCCLELLAND. Mill Creek, Berkeley County, October 20, 1793.
JOSEPH & JOSHUA RIDDLE, Have just received a neat and general Assortment of Well chosen FALL GOODS, Imported in the last vessels from Europe. They hope to be able to give full satisfaction to all that may please to call on them; they are determined to sell for ready pay only, and have opened their goods at as low an advance as any others in the County. The highest price given for country produce of every kind in cash or goods. They return their thanks to the public for the encouragement they have already received and hope to merit a continuance. N. B. Saddles of all sorts at the shortest notice. 12m.
TO BE SOLD, From 300 to 700 acres of LAND, lying in one body, on both sides Back-Creek, including said Creek two and half miles on one side and two miles on the other. This land is divided into four plantations, well watered; there is a two story log house, barn, kitchen, &c. on the principal plantation, also a good apple orchard of near 100 bearing apple trees, a peach orchard and some cherry trees, about 16 acres of good meadow, and a mill seat near the dwelling house. The whole of the said tract of land is well timbered, and the bottom equal to any in the settlement. There is on one of the plantations a log house of one story and an half, and an excellent lime-stone spring, suitable for a distillery. The above tract will be divided, or sold altogether, as may suit the purchaser. For terms of sale, apply to the subscriber, on the premises, or at the Printing-Office hereof. WILLIAM BAILEY. October 21, 1793.
THE Subscriber informs the public, that he has established a NAIL FACTORY in Charlestown, where Nails, Brads, and Sprigs of all kinds in his way of business, may be had very reasonable for cash. GEORGE WARK. 3m
TO BE SOLD, 530 acres of LAND, lying on Sleepy-Creek, a corner of Frederick County, nearly adjoining Berkeley and Hampshire line; there are about 50 acres of plow-land cleared, 12 acres of meadow, and much more may be made, a young bearing apple and peach orchard, the land well watered and timbered, it has a good mill seat, a lime-stone spring, some cabin buildings, &c. Apply to WILLIAM CATLETT. November 18, 1793.
WANTS EMPLOY, A YOUNG MAN, well acquainted with the Distilling Business, and who can give an indispensible recommendation. December 2d, 1793. Inquire of the Printer.
TO BE SOLD, On reasonable terms, 100 Acres of good Land, on Back-Creek, adjoining Isaac Clawson's, 4 acres of which are cleared, the land well watered and timbered; good meadow may be made. For terms of sale, apply to, JAMES QUICK. December 2d, 1793.
SIX PENCE REWARD. RAN AWAY from the Subscriber, an orphan boy by the name of PETER BANKS, bound by Court—he is a four looking lad, black hair, about 20 years old. Whoever takes up said runaway, and commits him to goal, shall have the above reward. ZACHARIAH MILLER.
THIS is to give notice, that I gave a note for seven pounds ten shillings, to a certain Zachariah Miller, bearing date Nov. 12, 1793. I therefore forewarn all persons taking an assignment on said note, as I am determined not to pay it, as the said Miller refused to give me the article that we bargained with him for, before we gave him the note. EDWARD & PETER BANKS. November 22, 1793.
ALL Persons indebted to, or have any demands on, the estate of William Morgan, late of Berkeley, deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the subscribers, as they are determined on a speedy settlement of said estate. ABRAHAM MORGAN, } Executors. GEORGE MORGAN. } October 21, 1793.
NOTICE.
ALL Persons indebted to the estate of Captain Isaac Evans, deceased, are hereby notified, that unless they come in and settle the same by March Court next, their accounts will be put in suit. Any persons having any demands against the said estate, are requested to bring them in immediately, for settlement. MARTHA EVANS, Executrix, JOHN EVANS, jun. } Executors. JOHN FRAYATT. } October 14, 1793.