The Patowmac guardian, and Berkeley advertiser (Shepherdstown, Va. [W. Va.]), 1793-02-04 00:00:00

UNITED STATES. CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, January 3.
DEBATE ON MR. STEELE'S motion, for the REDUCTION of the MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT of the United States.
In committee of the whole, Mr. WHITE in the chair.
MR. STEELE thought it necessary, before the house proceeded any further in the debate, to do away any impression that might have been made unfavourable to the accuracy of his statement and calculations.
In the early part of the debate upon this question, he observed, gentlemen had remarked that those sums appropriated for the war department should not be mentioned as its expences, as part of those appropriations were perhaps unapplied.
Mr. Wadsworth said, that his statement of the appropriations of the war department was taken from authentic documents, and were it was true, greater than Mr. Steele's calculations first offered, made them, and consequently the difference between the appropriations and the sums called for must be less; which disproved Mr. Steele's opinion, that the expences of the war department were encreasing very rapidly.
Mr. Wadsworth appeared to think that the statement Mr. Steele had just now compared with official documents was different from the first he offered, and which had been published.
Mr. Clark said he could not conceive for what purpose this debate was spun out to such a length; he thought the business might be very soon settled by proceeding to filling up the blanks in the motion: he disapproved of the comparisons which had been made between the militia and the regular troops, they had both at different times, behaved well, and both perhaps had been to blame.
Mr. Milledge liked the spirit of the motion, in regard to the prevention of standing armies; but he was against its being put in practice at the present time. The submitting the question under consideration to a committee of the whole, was, that a fair and open discussion of every point of the important subject might be brought into view.
arms. Let members for a moment place their constituents in the situation of mine, and let me ask them if they would not demand the protecting arm of government.
The unaccountable success of the Indians has foiled them with their prowess, and which likewise has prevented views to the English and Spanish they never dreamt of, and the federated situation of the different tribes occasioned him not to hesitate in pronouncing that the several frontier states would be more or less exposed to the cruel ravages of a savage warfare.
If public officers have mis-applied public money, the constitution pointed a mode to punish them.—The government belongs to the people, the officers are their servants, we are their representatives, and we ought to do them justice.
Mr. FINDLEY next rose, and expressed himself as follows:
Mr. Chairman, How far the army is to be reduced being a blank in the motion before you does not come directly under debate, and here is a difference of opinion among the gentlemen who support the resolution, the gentleman who moved it expressed a design of reducing it to two regiments, and a gentleman from New-Jersey (Mr. Clark) proposes to reduce them to three, or to dis-harge none actually enlisted: at any rate the principle is open to debate.
The discussions with respect to the expenditure of the revenue, and the comparative merits of the regular forces and the militia, have been sufficiently discussed; at least as far as they relate to the question under consideration, therefore I shall pass those subjects at this time with only one remark.
From the observations of the gentleman who moved the resolution, his first and great object is, by disbanding a great proportion of the army, to obtain money for the redemption of the redeemable
part of the public debt. I agree with him that this is an important and desirable object, but we differ in this,—that I take it to be a secondary object.
However, the arguments which have been deduced from the origin, the management and misfortunes of the war, claim my particular attention. That the war existed previous to the present government is no more denied; that it was the offspring and remains of the war with Britain is confirmed by facts long to be had in melancholy remembrance;
I then said that the army which rendezvoused at Pittsburgh had not undertaken the defence of the frontier & prevented the necessity of the militia service. That some of the counties had been more distressed by the savages last summer, and the militia service more burthensome than at any time since the peace with Britain,—that even the county where they lay had to employ militia; and this is certainly true;
But an argument of another nature, and which seems to have the greatest weight with the gentlemen, has been often urged, I mean the expence, and the danger of new taxes. Is it possible that we have not revenues sufficient for the defence of the union?
We have a particular plan in view in order to accomplish peace, is that plan executed? Is that object obtained? No, gentlemen, to procure peace, or grant protection, is a very natural enquiry.

and the command of their own revenue, the enemy was not combined, nor so much of the frontier distressed. But did this most pressing object obtain the earliest attention of Congress, on the first provision? No it did not. An ill designed law was enacted empowering the President to call out the militia, before any militia law of Congress existed, the consequence was that though they could not be compelled, yet a number of those who were called upon went to the Miami villages with General Harmer; with those and his own regiment, he arrived at, and destroyed those Villages, and if he had but two regiments of good permanent troops with the assistance of a few chosen militia, he could have secured a lodgment there, notwithstanding the misfortunes of his skirmishing parties; and peace would have been the probable consequence, but as the time of service of the militia had expired if he had been ever so fortunate he must have retreated as he did; thus the savages were extremely irritated, the signal given for union, and a great extent of frontier formerly in supposed security become the objects of more than a common degree of savage vengeance. In this distressing situation of our affairs, the next step taken by Congress was to enact a law for raising a second regiment, and to enlist levies for six months at two dollars a month and clothing designed for to last half the year; just sufficient to take them to the wilderness, there to starve with cold in the most inclement season of the year. The fatal catastrophe in which this campaign ended need not be repeated, there is no danger of its being forgot; that it has increased the union and courage of the Indians, and encouraged them to treat with the most indignant insolence our overtures of peace, is evident from the fate of the brave men who fell with the flags for whose families we have been just making provision. Perhaps it may be said, as has at least been reported, that Congress only enacted into laws the plans recommended by the war department; how true this is in all the instances to which I have alluded I know not; but at any rate it is no apology. We have no right to cast our legislative responsibility upon the executive department, this power for which our character is exclusively responsible cannot be transferred without a breach of trust. And for these objects there was no other information necessary but what was possessed by the Houle. Congress knew that the wages were not a sufficient encouragement to procure fit men, they knew it bore no reasonable proportion to the price of labour, at least where the men were expected; they knew that the time was too short for enlisting the men with such scanty encouragement, and for carrying out so distant and precarious an expedition, even if no accidents or mismanagement were to take place; but certainly accidents and mismanagements ought to be provided for in undertakings of this nature; they know or might have known that trifling with such a war would naturally excite the flame, and not quench it.
It cannot be pretended that resources were wanting. Congress received the public purse with the government; and at an early period revenues were found; not only to provide for the debts of the Union, for the discharge of which they were bound by contract, but also made provision for the debts of the individual states, to do which they were bound by no contract; and which are not yet liquidated, nor their amount known. I cannot suppose this neglect was altogether owing to inattention, for committees were frequently held on the state of the Union, and surely the defence of the Union was the first subject which could present itself to their thoughts. As no sufficient reason for this neglect has ever occurred to me, I continue to view it with surprise, perhaps others can better account for it.
However, last session we were sufficiently convinced of our error; the object was fully before us, as well as the plan proposed to be pursued, and however we regretted the expence, and evils still more to be dreaded, from a standing army, we from conviction, provided adequate means, and now after much of the expence is incurred, and the end not accomplished, there is an attempt to withdraw the means: surely gentlemen have not taken a full view of the subject.
Arguments have been drawn in favour of the resolution from the slow progress of the recruiting service, and the inactivity of the army last summer: on this subject I have a very different opinion. Let gentlemen for a moment reflect upon the difficulties the recruiting service had to encounter. The levies after a scene of arduous fatigue, enduring hunger and nakedness, many of them were left rotting on the desolate soil in the wilderness, and those who survived the horrid carnage, returned, with infinite hardships to their homes, they with difficulty procured the pittance allowed them by law; their mouths were filled with complaints, nor did they alone complain; and though the wages were raised a dollar a month, yet even so, it was not a sufficient encouragement where the greatest number, and the best men were sought for; but this house are not to blame for this, for we had agreed once, and again to make the wages higher, but were overruled by the other legislative branch. When gentlemen maturely reflect on those considerations, and also that the spring was far advanced, before the recruiting service could commence, they will with me rather be surprised that it has succeeded so well, it is indeed beyond my most sanguine expectations, and the men are not generally of the most inferior kind; as has been suggested.
With respect to the inactivity of the army the observations may have in some degree arose from something expressed by me some days ago, I think on the subject of appropriations.
I believe gentlemen know well that we cannot ex-
communications, and plans not submitted to public view; but they say that two regiments are sufficient to garrison the existing forts. Surely they know that Fort Hamilton, Fort Knox &c. are not the objects contemplated, nor would these I presume be kept for their own sakes, they cannot defend our territory, nor make it the interest of the Indians to be at peace. If we expect to exist as a nation we must defend the territory which we have purchased, which we have sold to others, and which unfortunately for them we have encouraged others to settle upon. In this I presume the committee are agreed, at least I hope so; but it will be said the difference is about the means. We are told that the militia are more fit for this kind of war than an army, let the army keep the forts, and the militia defend the frontiers where they reside, and carry on expeditions against the Indians. Comparing the militia and standing army is to little purpose: I know both the one and the other on some occasions behave so as to deserve great commendation, and at other times behave very ill, this depends greatly on circumstances, each have their particular advantages, and each may do too much employ; there are situations and circumstances in which the militia are undoubtedly best, and there are other situations in which a standing army have the advantage. But when I speak of militia I do not mean such as are called in classes from their families, and composed of many that have neither been accustomed with the woods, nor arms, and go out with reluctance, leaving all that is dear to them behind, and considering the service as a grievous oppression, I know and feel these things. I have been oftener than once out with militia, I mean a selection of the militia willing to go, and experienced in the woods, and in much of the frontiers such men, or suitable arms do not now abound; but surely for services of a more permanent nature an insisted army is most suitable.
But do gentlemen consider the consequences of throwing all internal defence, and distant expeditions, upon the militia? Is it not enough that they already stand as a piquet guard to their brethren who live at ease; that they eat their bread in the fear of their lives, and are frequently embittered with the view of mournful incidents; but that we must lay a deliberate plan for increasing the number of their fatherless children, and childless parents?
I recollect, it has been said oftener than once on this floor on former occasions, and is still owned by members, that the states who have frontiers ought to provide for their own protection and that the government of the union ought to assist only in the last resort, in short that the protection ought not to be a common cause. Such highly ant federal sentiments I confess I heard with surprise.
There are some members however, more generous and promise to vote for a sufficient sum of money to pay the expence, I believe these members are sincere; but do gentlemen contemplate to what issue these principles would lead; Do they not observe that the fate of government is deeply involved in the decision?—Perhaps I may be asked, did not the states depend chiefly upon their own exertions for the defence of the frontiers under the old Congress? Yes, they did, and were better protected than since that period. But let it be recollected that at that time the states had the command of their own resources, and the laying and executing their own plans: that the Indians were not so formidably combined; but that since the states had not the power of retaliating, nor the means of gratifying with presents, since the Indians have been solemnly told to look away from the little fires of the states, to the great fire of the union; they have looked upon us a more formidable and dangerous foe, and made their arrangements accordingly, and European nations and emissaries among them have improved upon the circumstance, and excited and aided them in their union and exertions.
If the militia are to be so much oppressed, it must be under their state laws, the operation of our militia law has not been tried, and the militia will naturally have more confidence in the laws of the state, and be better paid by them. If the people must undergo all the risk of life and all the hardships of war in carrying on a war which they did not commence, nor have power to terminate, will they not naturally look from the government of the union, to that of their own states? and will the state governments conduct a war with their hands tied? Will they not take their own way of conducting the war and of procuring peace? Surely they will, and the general government ought only to hope for obedience and respect as long as it gives general protection, which was the reason of its institution. But if gentlemen were willing thus to surrender the principles of the government, they ought first to put the frontier states in as good a situation as the new Congress found them; when the Indians were not united, and when they did not know that they could so easily and completely defeat us.
Supposing that we appropriate a sufficient sum of money to pay the frontier militia for conducting the war of the union; I ask who are these militia? is it those unfortunate few whom we induced to settle at Marietta that are to protect our extensive western territory, against the united exertions of all the western Indians? or is it the few scattered inhabitants of the South-western territory who are to undertake our defence against the numerous and warlike tribes around them, aided by our Southern European neighbours? Or is it the scattered settlements of Georgia who from known causes are weak within themselves, that are to defend us against the most powerful and numerous tribes of Indians on the one side, and white people perhaps little less inimical on the other?—Impossible! This cannot on cool reflec-
who have expressed themselves to.
From the very inadequate pay which the militia have already received and the difficulty of obtaining it, however well disposed the members who propose it may be, there is little ground to confide in the provision being ample, especially when it is considered that the expence has been the argument most dwelt upon by all the gentlemen.
Arguments however of another and more important nature have been suggested in favour of lessening the army. I mean, the peaceable disposition of our citizens and the principles of our government; in this I am heartily agreed, and were the argument upon original ground, and the measure optional, I would doubtless oppose an army; but the question is not, whether we shall begin a war, or whether we shall have a standing army to aid the government in time of peace; if that were the case I would certainly be on the other side; but with us it is a question of necessity, not of choice, it is to procure a peace, and not begin a war; it is to protect, and not oppress, or aid in governing our citizens; I know that standing armies have always been sources of oppression and aids of tyranny, our people may long be governed without such aids, their situation will not admit of abuses from standing armies, nor would the citizens submit thereto.
However when I observe the difficulty of procuring money for the support of even a necessary force, and the jealousy of armies so prevalent among the members; whatever difficulties it may now produce, yet this disposition answers well towards the security of our liberties, when I also consider how anxious the people of the United States and the members of Congress are for peace, and what extraordinary exertions the executive has made to preserve it, and when I also reflect, that the next Congress will be a more full and equal representation of the people's interests and sentiments than we are, I am confident the army will be discharged as soon as our affairs will admit of it.
The prospects we have of peace are not very flattering, they by no means arise from the good dispositions of the Indians towards us nor from the love of peace, but from the dread of the power and permanency of our force; take away those impressions and all our prospects of peace vanish; it may be recollected that the Six Nation Indians were our inveterate foes, and would never listen to the voice of peace until they felt our power and we have sufficient proofs, that their continuing peaceable does not arise from their dispositions towards us, but from their being so much in reach of our power. Admitting that the militia were in every respect the best for fighting Indians, and that we could in justice throw the burthen and risk of fighting wholly on them; yet this method would certainly lengthen the war; we have, and always had the militia; but they are not a visible force, the strokes they make distress and irritate the Indians, and when the expedition is over the force disappears, and the Indians meditate and too often obtain revenge; the apprehension of an army strikes them with apprehensions of a permanent design, and convinces them that it is their interest to have peace; the late murders of those who bore the ensigns of peace are an undoubted proof that the prospects of peace do not arise from any other motives than the dread of our force.
When I reflect on our having so lately been convinced of the indispensable necessity of raising an army and before it was possible to accomplish the object intended, that a motion is made for lessening that force, I am truly surprised at the inconsistency to which it would lead; surely there is not such an instance to be found in the history of nations, nor in the acts of public bodies, and if it should succeed it would mark our councils in an extraordinary point of view. However, so averse am I to armies and so sensible of the evils they have occasioned, that I gave a serious ear to the motion, and maturely examined the circumstances in which the case was involved. I wished for reason to justify my supporting thereof but examination produced conviction of its impropriety.
The gentlemen doubtless have determined from the first impression of the subject; more minute investigation will convince themselves of the bad policy of such an unreasonable change of measure. I with great reluctance was convinced of the necessity of so great a force last session, but even if I had been finally against it last session, I would nevertheless have been for supporting that force in the present important crisis; better by far we had never made the law of raising the army than to repeal it now.
The present Indian war is essentially different from any former one. When Britain and France divided North-America betwixt them, if the emissaries of both excited the Indians to war, the power of both afforded protection. When Britain became possessed of the Western posts, and many tribes of Indians commenced a war, the British government conducted the war, carried it into the Indian country, and by the dread of their arms procured a peace; but the Indians were not then supported by other powers. But in the present war, the Indians who at that time knew nothing of us, have combined to make it a common cause; and no superior powers interest themselves in our favour, no, they conceive our interests to be inimical to theirs. But if they did not receive encouragement, protection, and supplies from our superior neighbours, a peace would soon be procured, the gentlemen who support this resolution know well how that matter stands; and they know explanations here are not convenient. From the observations I have made the committee will be convinced that I design to vote against the resolution.
[To be continued.]

FOREIGN ADVICES.
BERLIN, October 19.
SINCE the arrival of the last courier in this city, it is universally reported, that the King will make peace with the French. His Majesty is almost hourly expected. We have just received intelligence, that his Highness the Duke of Brunswick has resigned the command of the army; at least such is his determination, which he is speedily to do in form.
BRUSSELS, November 2.
Accounts are received from Coblenz, which mention, that the French are within eight miles of that place, have been ordered to halt; and it is now conjectured, that it is in contemplation to propose a cessation of hostilities between the armies.
There is certainly a good understanding between the French and the Prussians, and the former conceive the latter to be a generous enemy with whom they ought not to be at war.
The Duke of Brunswick returns to Luxemburg, and the command of his army, it is said, will be given to General Mollendorff.
PARIS, November 8.
They seem to reproach General Dumourier, and the other Generals, with not having done the Prussians, in their precipitated retreat, all the harm and mischief they could. It is an easy matter to act the part of a critic in the closet, especially when we are neither acquainted with the places, the things, nor the motives which determined our Generals to act this or that part. To have reduced and compelled, by skilful manœuvres, an enemy fully able, to fall back—to have harassed them continually—to have intercepted their provisions and their convoys—to have every day taken prisoners from them—is a result fortunate enough to disarm envy, and silence those aristocratical distracters. We have observed it, at the beginning of the war, that the best combined system of defence, was not to hazard bloody battles, but precisely to do what was done. Success has fully justified our expectation, and we are far from pretending to the presumptuous self-love of being thought a warlike people.
LONDON, November 20.
Mr. Pitt's speech, so strongly urging the undelayable necessity of a Parliamentary Reform, is printed in a small character, and distributing through the distant countries.—In justice to Mr. Pitt's power and sincerity, it must be said, that the speech is certainly unanswerable.
The Prince de Poix arrived yesterday in London. His escape from France has been wonderful; for he was not only accurately described, but portraits were sent to all the post-houses, with which the faces of travellers might be compared, and the utmost pains were taken to seize him. He has fortunately, however, escaped all the vigilance of his pursuers, and he is now safe.
The conduct of Ministers for the whole summer has been highly gratifying to the lovers of anarchy, for at a time when all Europe is convulsed to its centre, they have been galloping about the country, playing at hide and seek with Foreign Ministers, and utterly indifferent to the alarming dispositions at home.
But, say their Friends, shall they not be indulged with occasional relaxation and is not the prosperity of England very well carried on for the time by the clerks; Grant the truth and propriety of these assertions, and the deduction is obvious. According to this statement, we can not only do finecures, but without Ministers, and more than two millions a year, now usefully paid to placemen and pensioners, may be saved to the country.
For six weeks past six such weeks as the history of man never paralleled, there have not been any two of our Ministers present in their offices at the same time—and yet they arrogate to themselves the prosperity of Britain.
Louis XVI. and Mary Antonietta have been for two days past attacked with a cold. The head of the latter is swelled, and she has had three fits of the ague. She rested, however, pretty well last night. Louis XVI. has also had a fit of the ague; since yesterday evening he has tasted nothing but a little barley water.
In Great Britain and Ireland strong symptoms of determined opposition to the present political career of administration have shewn themselves. This will probably end in a reform in Parliament and a more equal representation of the people, which measure will lead to a gradual correction of abuses, and England will preserve the weight she has hitherto maintained in the Political scale.
The tardiness of Spain in her preparations to join openly the league of despots is a misfortune to the country, it only protracts however the day of her renovation.
There were large bets taken on Friday at Lloyd's that the Republic of France will be recognized by England, Prussia, Holland, and America, before six months from this time.
A gentleman who travelled through great part of Scotland remarks, that a strong spirit of Freedom has diffused itself throughout all ranks in that country.
It is more and more improbable that Spain will take any part in the contest against France. Loaded as that country is by the accumulated weight of civil and ecclesiastical bondage, debilitated in its resources abroad, and ruined in political economy at home by the ignorance and vices of its present rulers; yet the innate dignity of sentiment peculiar to its inhabitants, and the romantic courage for
to its former lustre. The seeds of Gothic freedom were with difficulty eradicated from the minds of the people; and, had not superstition lent her powerful aid for their extirpation, they possibly might have produced the happy fruit of constitutional liberty. If, by the assistance of France, they obtain this blessing, it will be some compensation for the miseries they have endured during the inauspicious administration of the Bourbon race.
LAW INTELLIGENCE.
Court of King's Bench, November 19.
The Attorney-General moved the Court for a writ of Habeas Corpus to be directed to the Warden of the Fleet Prison commanding him to bring into Court the bodies of Patrick William Duffin, and Thomas Lloyd.
The Attorney-General, in support of his motion, stated, that the charge against these two persons was, that they had stuck upon the door of the Fleet Prison the following inflammatory hand bill, viz.
THIS HOUSE TO LET.
Peaceable possession will be given by the present tenants on or before the first of January 1793, being the first year of liberty in this country. The Republic of France having rooted out Tyranny, BASTILES are no longer necessary in Europe.
Mr. Attorney-General said, that the object of his motion was, that the parties be committed to Newgate. He should file an information against them for a Libel.
The Court granted the Habeas, and ordered the parties to be brought up on Wednesday next.
UNITED STATES.
POUGHKEEPSIE, January 9.
On Saturday last a most shocking murder was committed on the body of Mr. Jacob Horton, miller, of Fifth-street, by Ezra Mead, a cooper.
It seems Mead had had some difference with a sister in-law of Horton's, whom he abused at Horton's house on Saturday evening. Horton was dissatisfied at the abuse, and told him to desist, or he would turn him out doors. He tapped Horton on the shoulder, and desired him to walk to the door, and he would tell him how the woman had used him, at the same time expressing the good terms they were on (himself and Horton) and hoped they would not differ. Horton followed him to the door—it being somewhat slippery, Mead would have fallen had not Horton have caught him, at the same time telling him to be careful. Without any other conversation taking place, and at the moment of his preventing the monster's hurting himself by a severe fall, he received from Mead a stab of a knife in the belly—on which the horrid perpetrator made off. Horton immediately called murder, and some persons running out found him standing, holding up his bowels, which had fallen out by reason of the wound received. He languished till Monday, when he expired.
We are happy to inform the public, that the murderer is lately lodged in goal in this town, and we hope he will meet the reward he merits.
PHILADELPHIA, January 21.
THE BALOON.
Mr. BLANCHARD, the bold Aeronaut, agreeable to his advertisement, at five minutes past ten o'clock, on Wednesday morning, rose with a Balloon from the Prison court in this city, in presence of an immense concourse of spectators, there assembled on the occasion. The process of inflating the Balloon commenced about 9 o'clock. Several cannon were fired from the dawn of day until the moment of elevation—a band of music played during the time of inflating, and when it began to rise, the majestic flight was truly awful and interesting—the slow movement of the band, added solemnity to the scene. Indeed the attention of the multitude was so absorbed, that it was a considerable time e'er silence was broke by the acclamations which succeeded.
As soon as the clock had struck 10, every thing being punctiliously ready Mr. BLANCHARD took a respectful leave of all the spectators, and received from the hands of the President a paper, at the same time the President spoke a few words to him, who immediately leaped into his boat which was painted blue and spangled; the balloon was of a yellowish coloured silk, highly varnished, over which there was a strong net work—Mr. BLANCHARD was dressed in a plain blue suit, a cock'd hat and white feathers. As soon as he was in the boat, he threw out some ballast, and the balloon began to ascend slowly and perpendicularly, whilst Mr. BLANCHARD waved the colours of the United States and also those of the French Republic, and flourished his hat to the thousands of citizens from every part of the country who stood gratified and astonished at his intrepidity. After a few minutes, the wind blowing from the northward and westward, the balloon rose to an immense height and then shaped its course towards the southward and eastward. Several gentlemen rode down the Point road, but soon lost sight of it, for it moved at the rate of 20 miles an hour.
About half after 10 o'clock the same evening, Mr. Blanchard returned to this city, and immediately went to pay his respects to the President of the United States. He informed that his aerial voyage lasted forty six minutes; in which time he ran over a space of more than 15 miles, and then descended a little to the eastward of Woodbury in the state of New Jersey—where he took a carriage and returned to Cooper's ferry—and was at the President's, as we have already mentioned, at half past 6 o'clock that evening.
MARTINSBURG, FEBRUARY 4.
A Correspondent observes—that it would seem bad policy to reduce the present army establishment, before the conclusion of something like a firm and general peace with the Indians. Disarming any part of our war establishment, before that period, will leave us at the mercy of the savages, to settle matters upon their own terms.—It has always been a European maxim, to make peace with the sword in our hand. Our frontier is becoming so thickly settled, that the Indians now find it easier to get a living by plunder than by hunting; and they will not fail to prefer the first of these modes, if they are not restrained by a certainty of punishment from a superior force.
A writer in a late London paper, speaking of La Fayette, says, "If France ever invaded the sacred august spirit of liberty, if she has shewn to the world magnanimous proofs of it, it is to La Fayette that she is in a great measure indebted for this. It was from him that France first knew that a worthy citizen and soldier were no contemptible terms; that all men are by nature free and equal as to their rights. He would have taught them that a constitution formed by the unanimous suffrage of Free Men, ought to be respected and obeyed. Prevented in his career of glory by the arts of insidious and abandoned factions, he yet merits the eulogy of every good man, whose hearts must be touched at the ignoble destiny which now awaits him."
"I will not enquire whether the combined armies had a right, when he quitted his country, to treat him as a prisoner of war—perhaps they had; but surely the fate of that general must be singularly hard, who, if before incapable of returning to his native country, is now, by the late most stern decree against all emigrants, to be considered as of no nation. He is then to undergo, unless timely relieved, perpetual imprisonment. There is no one (whatever may be their inclination) in France, who can liberate him. To whom, then, can the province of ransoming an hero, who has contributed to the destruction of despotism in France, devolve? It is reserved for the English—to that manly and generous nation, who has lately evinced by its conduct that it is unswayed and unbiased by narrow views; that it forgets enmities; that has illustrated most strikingly to this and every succeeding age, that she regards no longer the confined doctrines which, till of late, isolated her from Europeans; that all mankind in distress are her brethren:—Perfect these laudable efforts of benevolence and philanthropy—Release La Fayette from his manacles.—America is too far distant to engage herself in European broils; and from you only he has any hopes. Hasten then ye generous Britons! to his succour, and immortalize your names."
A TOAST.
MAY the King of Prussia, the Duke of Brunswick and their abettors, soon be at the Diet of Worms.
ALEXANDRIA, JANUARY 18, 1793.
The SUBSCRIBER has just opened, A HOUSE OF ENTERTAINMENT, IN that noted and commodious Dwelling, lately occupied by Mr. JOHN WISE. He has supplied himself with a most excellent Cook, who was for many years employed as such by the President of the United States—has engaged two very complete Waiters—two active and smart hostlers—has been very particular in the choice of his liquors and selecting his provisions of every kind; and as he is determined to pay the strictest attention to his business, he flatters himself that those who may be pleased to favour him with their custom, will not find themselves disappointed at the usage they shall meet with.
JOHN ABERT.
N. B. An honest, sober and diligent young man, who can come well recommended, is wanted at said place, to act as a Bar-keeper.
At a Court continued and held for Berkeley County, the 22d day of November, 1792.
IN CHANCERY.
John Potts, eldest son and heir at law, and Elizabeth Potts, daughter and legatee of Jonas Potts, dec. Compts.
Against
George Beeler, administrator, &c. of William Vestall, dec. who was administrator of John Vestall, dec. who was executor of Jonas Potts, dec. and William Vestall, eldest son and heir at law of the said William Vestall, dec. who was eldest son and heir at law of the said John Vestall, dec. Defs.
THE defendant Beeler, not having entered his appearance, agreeable to an Act of Assembly, and according to the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the complainants, by their counsel—It is ordered, that the said defendant Beeler do appear here, on the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the complainants—and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the church door in the parish of Narborne, on some Sunday immediately after divine service, and also at the door of the Court-house of the said County.
A copy. Teste,
MOSES HUNTER, c. c.

SEAT OF THE MUSES.
E P I G R A M.
ON A LATE MANIFESTO AND CAMPAIGN. THE Lord of Heav'n in days of yore, Had mercy on the town of Zoar, To save ONE RIGHTEOUS MAN. To prop one SCEPTER'D man in France, Bravado Brunswick wields his lance; He swears by all the pow'rs of Hell, To slay and plunder, dire to tell, A nation—if he can.
But lo! the sons of Freedom rose, And pull'd the Bully by the nose— He turn'd about, and ran.
ANECDOTES.
A N ignorant fellow who was much addicted to drinking, had, in consequence, very sore eyes. He sent for a physician, and consulted him about the matter. The physician gave directions, that he should never drink any more strong liquors, or he would certainly lose his eyes. The fellow refrained for a long while, but could persevere no longer. At last he takes his glass, and imagining he should immediately lose his eyes, cried out, Farewell eyes, for I'll be — if I can hold out any longer.
THE errors of simplicity can never excite anger, they may sometimes produce much innocent merriment: A family lately advertised for a wet nurse. Among the various young women who offered themselves for the place, was an innocent girl, who appeared to be about sixteen years of age. Struck with her youth and simple appearance, the lady expressed much astonishment that she should be qualified for a wet nurse's place. "Madam," said the girl, "I never was a wet nurse yet, but I think that I could soon learn to be one."
Mr. & Mrs. Jones,
From Anapolis, Propose to open, on the first Monday in February,
A Boarding School,
For the Improvement of YOUNG LADIES; and as they are Qualified by a very Liberal Education, they hope to acquire and retain the Encouragement of the Public.
In this School will be taught Reading, Writing and Arithmetic, Tambour and Dresden, English and French Embroidery, Drawing and Painting in Water Colours, Geography, Filegree and Riband work, plain and coloured Needle work of all kinds, INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC, Seed, Shell, and Paper Work, &c. &c.
Mr. JONES will also Teach, in a Separate House, a few YOUNG GENTLEMEN English Grammar, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic and Book-Keeping.
Every requisite Attention will be paid to the Scholars with respect to their Morals and Conduct.
For Terms apply to the Subscribers living in the House formerly occupied by Mr. Riddle.
Elizabeth (Hager's) Town, January 18, 1793.
SIX PENCE REWARD.
RAN away from the Subscriber, an apprentice boy, by the name of MICHAEL BURK. Whoever returns the said runaway to me, shall be entitled to the above reward, but receive no thanks.
JOHN RICHARDSON.
Shepherd's Town, Jan. 24, 1793.
ALL Persons indebted to the Estate of George Stewart, deceased, are requested to settle their respective balances against March Court next ensuing; those who do not may expect to be dealt with as the law directs, without discrimination of persons:—And all those having any demands against said Estate, are desired to bring in their accounts, properly attested, that they may be settled on Monday the 25th day of March next, at the house where-in Mr. Joseph Lemmon now lives, in Middletown, which said house, formerly occupied as a tavern, is to be rented or sold, and possession given the first day of April next ensuing.
HUGH STEWART, } Executors. JOHN GRAY. }
January 16th, 1793.
TAKEN up by the Subscriber, living near Keepryft Furnace, a small bay MARE, with her sucking Colt—the Mare is thod all round, no brand, supposed about nine years old. She has been posted and appraised according to law. The owner is desired to prove his property, pay charges, and take her away.
WILLIAM MERRIT.
Berkeley County, January 14, 1793.
ALL Persons indebted to, or have any demands on, the estate of John Shively, late of Berkeley, deceased, are desired to exhibit their accounts, regularly proved, to the subscriber, as an immediate settlement of the said estate is intended.
JOSIAH FLAGG, Administrator.
AL Persons having any accounts open with me, of my own concern, are also requested to come to a speedy settlement.
JOSIAH FLAGG. Berkeley County, January 1, 1793.
TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN.
WHEREAS JOHN EVANS, senior, hath been advised and prevailed upon by some evil-minded person, to contract Matrimony with a certain Elizabeth McFadden, a person of an infamous character:—WE, the Subscribers, children and heirs of the said John Evans, senior, do hereby caution and forewarn all persons whatsoever, of trusting the said Evans or McFadden, or any other person whatever, on their account, as we are determined (being in lawful and full possession of all the property of the said John Evans) not to pay any debts of their contracting, from this date.
JOHN EVANS, jun. ISAAC EVANS, JOSEPH EVANS, SQUIRE EVANS, GABRIEL EVANS, JOHN FRYAT, JAMES EVANS, GEORGE MARTAIN.
TO those who are acquainted with the above-named John Evans, senior, and the circumstances of his pretended marriage, no apology is necessary to vindicate the present method of procedure. Was John Evans in the proper exercise of his reason, whatever use he made of his liberty in this respect, should pass by us unnoticed. As children, we are bound by every paternal tie, to administer to the comfort of his declining years: and this we are determined to do. But when the said Evans, contrary to our laudable and virtuous intentions, endeavours to introduce anarchy, discord, and disgrace, among his children, we think we are warranted by every tie of relationship, as friends of order, and the moral fitness of things; to discountenance this proceeding of his, and to render null and void the aforesaid pretended marriage. And this we think is already done in fact, from the following considerations.
1st. That the said John Evans laboured under such natural and accidental defects, that his consent to such a marriage could not even be implied.
On the first of these we shall make some observations. The last, to wit, that the marriage was never consummated, shall be discussed in its proper place.
It is a maxim generally acknowledged, that natural inability or deficiency, excuses from the performance of any contract whatever.
That the said Evans was in such a state, is evident from the following particulars—1st, That he was naturally deprived of the proper use of his understanding, being now, as can be proved, in the 78th year of his age: Of this his present conduct is a most convincing proof. 2d, that in all contracts whatsoever, the free consent of both the contracting parties is necessary; and that resulting from clear proposal of the matter stated to each of them. But that this could not be the case in the present instance, is apparent—for 1st, The Dutch Parson, who is said to have performed the ceremony (might for aught they know) have repeated the funeral service—and 2d. Had he expressed himself ever so clearly, it was impossible the said Evans could comprehend him; he being, as is well known, deaf these many years.
From all these particulars put together, we are assured, that every honest man, every friend of order, and the peace of families, instead of faulting our present proceeding, will, on the contrary, view it both as laudable and praiseworthy.
Signed as above.
January 18, 1793.
The Subscribers for this Paper in the vicinity of Winchester, are informed, that their Papers are lodged every Tuesday evening, at Capt. John Brady's.
Subscriptions for this paper, at Two Dollars per annum, free of postage, are received at Winchester, by Capt. JOHN BRADY.
PUBLIC NOTICE.
WHEREAS some time in December last, I accepted an order from James Wilson, Esq. in favor of John Cooke, Esq. for the sum of eighty five pounds, Virginia currency, and have paid upward of nine pounds, like currency, I do hereby forewarn any person from taking an assignment on said order, as I have an order on said Cooke for a larger sum justly due, therefore am determined not to pay the balance of said order, unless compelled thereto by law.
JAMES CRANE.
17th January, 1793.
N O T I C E.
WHEREAS on the 2d instant, I gave a promissary Note to William Vanborne, of this county for the sum of twenty pounds, currency, one half of which sum payable the last of April next, the other half in September following, which Note was given in consideration for a horse purchased of said Vanborne, but as the said horse did not prove sound and free from defect, agreeable to the terms of the contract, I hereby forewarn all persons from taking an assignment on said Note, as I am determined not to pay it, unless compelled by law.
ANDREW MCCORMICK.
Berkeley, January 12, 1793.
3m.
To be RENTED for three years, That well-known commodious
T A V E R N, MARTINSBURG.
Belonging to the Subscriber, situated in the centre of MARTINSBURG. This House, for situation and convenience, is not equalled by any one in the place for public business. For terms, apply to
ALEXANDER ROGERS.
P. S. All Persons indebted to him, are desired to settle their accounts, if they do not pay. Those who do not comply with this request, may depend on having their accounts put in suit at the next February court.
November 19, 1792.
F O R S A L E,
449 Acres of LAND, lying on New-Creek, in Hampshire County, within 2 1/2 miles of Potomac River, 200 acres of which land are tillable, 50 acres are cleared and under fence, 4 or 5 acres are in good meadow, and much more may be added. The land is thin, but valuable, being convenient to navigation, which is daily improving—boats now load at the mouth of New-Creek. A general warrantee will be given the purchaser.
For terms, apply to THOMAS WHITTAKER, near Charlottown.
Sept. 14, 1792.
1 f.
8 dollars reward.
STOLEN out of the Subscriber's stable, on Back Creek, on the night of the 27th instant, a black MARE, about 6 years old, 14 hands high, has a star in her forehead, paces, trots and canters, is branded on the neck, under the main, with the letter I, and was thod all round. Whoever takes up said Mare and returns her to me, or delivers her to N. WILLIS, in Martinsburg, shall have Two Dollars reward, or Eight Dollars for the Mare and Thief, to be paid on conviction of the offender.
JAMES MCGOWEN.
December 28, 1792.
P. S. The above mare has been some time past employed in the business of post-riding, on the Back-Creek rout, and was stationed at my plantation.
HARP AND CROWN TAVERN.
THE Subscriber, from the liberal encouragement he has met with since his commencement at this house, returns his unfeigned thanks to the Public; and informs them, that he has received an assortment of the purest liquors, such as Wines of the first quality, old Jamaica Spirit, Coniac Brandy, Gin, Porter, &c. &c. He has also, stabling for 50 horses, in addition to his former, and has procured bottlers sufficient to attend the same.
FLORENCE MAHONY.
October 6, 1792.
1 f.
For Sale, at this Office, Blank Deeds of Bargain and Sale, Common Bonds and Notes,