The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg, Va.), 1774-06-30 00:00:00

VIRGINIA
GAZETTE.
OPEN TO ALL PARTIES,
BUT INFLUENCED BY NONE.
WILLIAMSBURG: PRINTED BY
CLEMENTINA RIND.
All Persons may be supplied with this GAZETTE at 12/ 6d. a Year. ADVERTISEMENTS, of a moderate Length, are inserted for 3/ the first Week, and 2/ each Time after; long ones in Proportion. PRINTING WORK, of every Kind, executed with Care and Dispatch.
THE BRITISH AMERICAN N U M B E R V.
FRIENDS, FELLOW CITIZENS, AND COUNTRYMEN.
IT is not my intention to inflame your minds, by pointing out the many privileges you have already lost, but to assure you of a ready opposition to the measures now pursuing to deprive you of what few still remain. I shall therefore, instead of entering minutely into every branch of the old English constitution, whose sole object is, or rather was, political liberty, confine myself to that part of it which relates to legislation and taxation only. But in order to be thoroughly understood, it will be necessary to premise, that in ancient times, besides the palaces for the residence, there were particular lands and lands set apart, whose yearly profits supplied the domestic expenses, and supported the splendor, of the kings of England. These were called the ancient demesnes of the crown, and were not only abundantly sufficient to answer those purposes, but sometimes enabled our monarchs to repel, at their own private expence, any sudden or even hostile attacks upon the kingdom. Thus the great queen Elizabeth (under whose reign our ancestors first emigrated) instead of asking supplies of her parliament, generally demanded reimbursements only for what she had actually advanced for the general good. And even these she often generously remitted to her subjects.
The legislature of England consisted of three distinct branches. The first was the monarch, whose ample hereditary revenues enabling him to support the dignity of his rank, removed all temptation to oppress either of the other two; because nobly provided for himself, he was under no necessity of asking any supplies from his parliament, but such as were necessary for the general good of the whole community. Independent of any power upon earth, for the support of himself and family, he was equally above the temptation of being corrupted himself, or of endeavouring to corrupt the parliament. The second consisted of the house of lords, a body of men, who on account of their great wealth or merit, and generally both, were ennobled by the monarch; and as their titles and power, when once created, were hereditary, they were not only independent, but were equally interested, in preserving the legal prerogatives of the crown, and the just privileges of the people. The prerogatives of the crown, because as they derived their very existence from the monarch, if his legal power was annihilated, theirs must necessarily be extinguished with it; as the stream will cease to flow when the fountain from whence it sprung is dried up. As hereditary guardians of the realm, it was equally their interest to preserve the privileges of the people, because however distinguished by rank or title, they themselves, as part of the community, must finally feel any oppression exercised by the sovereign over their fellow subjects.
The third branch of the legislature consisted of the people at large, in which every native had a right to vote; for in those days it was thought unreasonable that the life, liberty, or property, of a free man, should be affected by any law which he did not consent to, or at least which he had not a right to oppose.
But these tumultuous assemblies of the people being found from experience not only inconvenient but absolutely impracticable, as a majority of the whole kingdom could never meet at any one place to deliberate upon the affairs of the kingdom, it became customary for the inhabitants of different counties, and large cities and towns, to delegate the wisest of their neighbours to represent them in the legislature, and to speak the sentiments of their electors, on the general concerns of the kingdom: These formed the house of commons. In process of time, this right of delegation was confined to those who had a freehold in lands, of a particular value, because, as I have observed in a former letter, the owners of the soil were not only supposed to be the best judges of what was for the benefit of the kingdom, but because they were less liable to be corrupted, to prejudice a country in which they themselves were permanently interested.
Happy had it been for England that this wise regulation had never been altered; and happier still, if the right of voting for representatives had been confined to the freeholders of counties only, and not extended to cities and corporations, which, however populous and opulent formerly, are now scarce the shadows of what they were. But to return to my subject.
In the monarch was vested the power of convening the other two bodies of the legislature, of laying before them the state of the kingdom, with respect to foreign alliances, and of recommending to their consideration any plans which he judged for the benefit of the nation; and after having done this, he retired and left them to deliberate and to form what resolutions they pleased, either upon the plans thus recommended, or upon any others which they thought proper, and so far as related to legislation only, the lords and commons had an equal right of proposing, and of altering or amending, resolutions proposed by each other. The king had no power of altering or amending, but, by withholding his assent, might reject any resolution of the other two branches altogether.
To have invested him with a power of altering would have been dangerous to liberty; because of all laws respecting the subject, the lords, who were the representatives of the higher, and the commons, who represented the lower ranks of the people, were the properest judges; because they would share in the advantages and disadvantages of those laws. But as the king might receive the emoluments, but could not share in the inconveniences, if he had been allowed to have interfered in altering or amending such, the nation might have been cruelly oppressed; for as all honours flowed from the crown, a desire of acquiring those honours might have induced the commons. Hope of enlarging those already conferred might have influenced the lords to have shewn such complaisance to the alterations of the crown as would have been inconsistent with the good of the community. Wisdom, as well as delicacy, therefore, excluded the temptation. The king's right of rejecting altogether was a sufficient barrier against all encroachments on the rights of the sovereign, since no resolutions had the force of laws till they received the concurrence of a majority of the lords and commons, and were approved of and assented to by the king.
Taxation was fixed upon a very different foundation. The house of commons claimed and exercised the sole right of proposing taxes, of pointing out the ways and means, of levying supplies, and of framing the bills, by the authority of which they were to be collected, and so extremely jealous were they of this privilege, that they never would suffer either of the other branches of the legislature to make the smallest alteration, either in the form or substance of a supply bill.
This exclusive privilege was founded upon very just grounds. The reasons I have already given, in treating of legislation, are doubly cogent to restrain the king (who was to apply, or rather expend, the money raised) from exercising any other power over a money bill than that of rejecting; to which may be added another, that the representatives of a people must ever be more capable than their prince of judging of the abilities of their constituents, and of knowing how much, and what species of their property, they can spare to preserve the remainder. Nor are there wanting many and just reasons to exclude the lords from interfering with this right exercised by the commons. In the first place, the whole wealth of a nation arises from the farmer, the grazier, the mechanic, and the trader; and as they are the very creators of money, they alone ought to have the public disposition of it, because they know its value, and have experienced the difficulty with which it is acquired. On the other hand, the lords possessed of immense wealth, transmitted to them by their ancestors, and born (if I may be allowed the expression) with silver spoons in their mouths, might be lavish of the national
treasures, without duly considering with what anxiety, difficulties, and dangers, the bulk of the people have acquired the small share of it they possess. Again, a supply granted to the crown, which, with respect to the enormous fortunes of the nobility, would scarce deserve the name of liberality, might amount almost to a confiscation of the estates of the lower ranks of people, and reduce thousands of their fellow subjects to distress, poverty, and ruin. On the other hand, it is difficult to suppose, that the representatives of the labouring or trading part of the nation would, or could, be so extravagant in their supplies, as to injure the estates of the nobility; or if such an unnatural case should exist, the house of lords, by exercising their right of rejecting, would effectually ward off the blow. But if they had a power of even altering a money bill, they might model it in such a manner as to exonerate, in a great measure, their own estates, and lay the whole burthen upon the commons, or at least it would be a constant source of feuds and dissensions between the two houses, which would offer, to an enterprising monarch, such opportunities of ingratiating himself occasionally with each as might endanger the constitution.
From this state of the English constitution, it is obvious to the most common observer, that if any one of its branches encroached upon the rights of another, it became the interest of the other two to unite in repelling the aggressor, since if either branches was annihilated, or even weakened, the other must necessarily fall a prey to the victor. If the commons attacked the lords, the crown necessarily interposed its authority to support the injured rights of the nobility; for if they succeeded in destroying the rights of the nobility, such an acquisition of power, as would then devolve on them, would soon enable them to weaken, if not destroy, the prerogatives of the crown. If the lords encroached upon the privileges of the commons, our history afforded too many instances of the dreadful consequences of the overgrown power of the barons to suffer the king to be an idle spectator, whilst his nobles, by crushing the commons, would arrogate to themselves the power of petty princes, and endanger the safety of the kingdom with internal commotions. If the king attacked the privileges of either of the other branches, or either of the others encroached upon the prerogatives of the crown, the third branch was too much interested in the dispute to stand neuter, but readily assisted the injured party, sensible that the only method of preserving the true equilibrium of government was to suffer neither branch to oppress or even weaken the other.
Thus constituted, thus mutually interested, to support each other, the king, lords, and commons, of England, formed the wisest system of legislation that ever did, or perhaps ever will, exist; for the three favourite forms of government, viz. monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, possessed of their distinct powers, checked, tempered, and improved, each other. Nor was this excellence confined to forms alone. The characteristic principles of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, viz. honour, moderation, and virtue, were here so happily blended, as totally to exclude fear, that despicable slave of despotism and arbitrary sway. The honour of monarchy tempered the impetuosity of democracy, the moderation of aristocracy checked the ardent aspiring honour of monarchy, and the virtue of democracy retrained the one, impelled the other, and invigorated both. In short, no constitution ever bid so fair for perpetual duration as that of England, and none ever half so well deserved it, since political liberty was its sole aim, and the general good of mankind the principal object of its attention. Had this happy state but recurred a little oftener to its first principles, it would have remained the envy, the admiration, of the whole world, and the delight of its most distant dominions, till time shall be no more. But, alas! all human institutions are subject to decay; the very vitals of this amiable constitution are wounded, the glorious fabric already totters, and the time is approaching when it may be said of this beautiful Byzantium: That down the precipice of fate she goes, And sinks in moments what in ages rose.
To trace the steps of this disorder, and point out what is likely to occasion this ever to be lamented misfortune, shall be the subject of my next. I shall conclude this with a word of advice to my fellow citizens of Virginia: Since my last, the writs have issued for chusing your representatives, returnable the 11th day of August next. Postpone your meeting in Williamsburg till that day; so short a delay will be attended with little inconvenience. If the governor should then meet you in assembly, you will have a constitutional opportunity of declaring the sentiments, and of vindicating the rights, of those you represent. But be not deceived. It is to be feared, that the governor will not, cannot , call the assembly together, till he receives letters from the minister in England, and that it will be prorogued before the 11th of August. If it should, still let the new representatives of the people meet at that time; though they cannot as a legislative, yet they may as a collective body, declare the sentiments of their constituents, and it is necessary, not only that our sovereign but that the British parliament should know those sentiments as soon as possible; otherwise an artful minister may impose upon them, and induce them to believe you have actually submitted to a measure which I am convinced you never will submit to, because you ought not. I am, my countrymen,
A BRITISH AMERICAN.
* I have read other arguments against the house of lords exercising a right of altering money bills, but I confess they were not to me so convincing as the above. For instance, one was, that the wealth of the lords, compared so that of the commons of England, was but as a drop of water to the ocean. Suppose this to be true (though by the bye, it is a very large drop, and which, by their intermarriages with the rich heiresses of the commons, is constantly encreasing) yet a single drop, when incorporated with, becomes as much a part of the ocean, and is as much interested in the general welfare of that ocean, as any other drop, and by the same purity of reasoning, the whole ocean might, drop by drop, be excluded, till it ceased to be even a rivulet. I am induced to make this remark, from having read a similar argument in a late pamphlet of a reverend author, who after observing that each member of the house of commons, when chosen, becomes the representative of the whole kingdom, he has the following note: "Surely the nation might have expelled Mr. Wilkes, or have struck his name out of the list of the committee, had it been assembled, or had it thought proper to do so. What then should hinder the deputies of the nation from doing the same thing? And which ought to prevail in this case, the nation in general or the county of Middlesex?" Let it be observed, that if the whole body of the people had been assembled upon the national councils, no such committee could have existed; the case supposed is therefore a non-entity. But admitting it otherwise, even a committee of the house of commons cannot exclude any member of that committee, but must apply to the house who constituted them a committee to make such exclusion; that the house of commons have a right, by expelling any member, to appeal to the people who sent him, whether such member is unworthy to represent them. There can be no doubt, but if after such an appeal the people re-elect him, they are surely bound to receive him. In such an assembly as the reverend author speaks of there can be no doubt but a majority of the whole kingdom may exclude the inhabitants of the county of Middlesex from any share in the national councils, but from that instant they cannot exercise a constitutional right, either of legislation or taxation, over the county of Middlesex; and just so great a power as a majority of the nation can exercise over the inhabitants of a single county, a majority of the representatives of the nation, may exercise over the representatives of a single county. But the consequence must be the same in both cases.
THE following is a true copy of the petition presented to the house of commons, and signed by most of the gentlemen of NORTH AMERICA, who are now in London, just before the Boston port bill took place.
To the honourable the commons of GREAT BRITAIN in PARLIAMENT assembled. THE HUMBLE PETITION of several NATIVES and INHABITANTS of NORTH AMERICA, SHEWETH,
"That your petitioners, being natives of his majesty's dominions in America, are deeply interested in every proceeding of this honourable house, which touches the life, liberties, or property, of any person or persons in the said dominions. That your petitioners conceive themselves and their fellow subjects entitled to the rights of natural justice, and to the common law of England, as their unalienable birthright; that they apprehend it to be an inviolable rule of natural justice, that no man shall be condemned unheard, and that according to law no person or persons can be judged without being called upon to answer, and being permitted to hear, the evidence against them, and to make their defence. That it is therefore with the deepest sorrow they understand that this honourable house is now about to pass a bill to punish, with unexampled rigour, the town of Boston, for a trespass committed by some persons unknown, upon the property of the East India company, without the said town's being apprized of any accusation brought against them, or having been permitted to hear the evidence, or to make their defence. Your petitioners conceive such proceedings to be directly repugnant to every principle of law and justice, and that under such a precedent no man, or body of men, in America, could enjoy a moment's security; for if judgment be immediately to follow an accusation against the people of America, supported even by persons notoriously at enmity with them, the accused, unacquainted with the charge, and from the nature of their situation, utterly incapable of answering and defending themselves, every fence against false accusation will be pulled down, justice will no longer be their shield, nor innocence an exemption from punishment. Your petitioners beg leave to represent, that law, in America, ministers redress for any injury sustained there, and they can most truly affirm, that it is executed in that country with as much impartiality as in any other part of his majesty's dominions. In proof of this, they appeal to an instance of great notoriety, in which, under every circumstance that could exasperate the people, and disturb the course of justice, captain Preston and his soldiers had a fair trial, and a favourable verdict. While the due course of law holds out redress for any injury sustained in America, they apprehend the interposition of parliamentary power to be full of danger, and without any precedent. If the persons who committed this trespass are known, then the East India company have their remedy against them at law; if they are unknown, your petitioners cannot comprehend by what rule of justice the town can be punished for a civil injury committed by persons not known to belong to them. Your petitioners conceive that there is not an instance, even in the most arbitrary times, in which a city was punished by parliamentary authority without being heard for a civil offence, not committed within their jurisdiction, and without redress being sought at common law. The cases which they have heard adduced are directly against it. That of the king against the city of London was for a murder committed within its walls by its citizens in open day. But even then, arbitrary as the times were, the trial was public in a court of common law, the party heard, and the law laid down by the judges was, that it was an offence at the common law to suffer such a crime to be committed in a walled town, tempore diurno , and none of the offenders to be known or indicted. The case of Edinburgh, in which parliament did interpose, was the commission of an atrocious murder within her gates, and aggravated by an overt act of high treason, in executing, against the express will of the crown, the king's laws. It is observable, that these cities had by charter the whole executive power within themselves, so that a failure of justice necessarily ensued from their connivance. In both cases, however, full time was allowed them to discharge their duty, and they were heard in their defence. But neither has time been allowed in this case, nor is the accused heard, nor is Boston a walled town, nor was the fact committed within it, nor is the executive power in their hands as it is in those of London and Edinburgh; on the contrary, the governor himself holds that power, and has been advised by his majesty's council to carry it into execution. If it has been neglected, he alone is answerable; if it has been executed, perhaps at this instant, while punishment is inflicting here on those who have not been legally tried, the due course of law is operating there to the discovery and prosecution of the real offenders. Your petitioners think themselves bound to declare to this honourable house that they apprehend a proceeding of excessive rigour and injustice will sink deep in the minds of their countrymen, and tend to alienate their affections from this country. That the attachment of America cannot survive the justice of Great Britain. That if they see a different mode of trial established for them, and for the people of this country, a mode which violates the sacred principles of natural justice, it may be productive of national distrust, and extinguish those filial feelings of respect and affection which have hitherto attached them to the parent state. Urged, therefore, by every motive of affection to both countries; by the most earnest desire, not only to preserve their own rights, and those of their countrymen, but to prevent the dissolution of that love, harmony, and confidence, between the two countries, which was their mutual blessing and support, your petitioners do most earnestly beseech this honourable house not to pass the said bill."
WHAT, Mrs. RIND, must astonished AMERICA think, what dreadful abuses must not its inhabitants feel, should an act of parliament be passed, "that no officer in the service of the crown in America shall be liable to any action or prosecution whatever there; but to be amenable only to the courts of judicature in England?" Yet, a correspondent says, "you may depend it has been agitated in the cabinet, and it is determined to be carried into execution by an act of parliament." Sure, should such an act pass, removing crown officers from every restraint of the society where they live, will it not be absolutely necessary that the people among whom such officers reside consider themselves as in a state of nature with respect to them, and execute speedy justice on every transgression?
Mrs. RIND, BEING present at the patriotic meeting in WESTMORELAND, I was much pleased to see the order and decorum with which their business was conducted, and to find that they had desired their proceedings to be published, because it seems quite proper that the generous struggles of each for the common liberty may be known to all. From hence most probably may result a system of defence, which no cunning of a tyrant minister can overcome. The method of conquering by dividing has been so long known and practised by every wicked politician, from the greatest in Europe down to the small ones of our own nation, the lords Bute, Mansfield, and their agent North, that the world must be too well apprized of this system to be misled and deceived by so stale a practice.
The minister gave himself unnecessary trouble when he declared the plan was to compel submission to the American taxation by subduing one colony at a time; the conduct of the ministry very sufficiently proves this. All North America have repeatedly, but in vain, protested against this invasion of their just rights, protected as they are by natural justice, by positive compact, and by immemorial usage; sanctions that have hitherto been respected by good men in all ages. In pursuit of this plan of op-

position, founded on principles of self-preservation, many colonies have with the tea ships repelled the revenue acts; but Boston, having been with much pains and singular care designedly forced by its enemies to go one small step farther than the rest, in order to furnish a pretext for attacking one colony at a time, they not only destroy the trade of Boston, and thereby ruin a great number of innocent people, but put it in the power of the crown forever to deprive many persons in that town of the most valuable property they possessed in wharfs and quays for landing and shipping goods. But this was not enough. The long possessed charter of Massachusetts Bay is by another act to be taken away, and their governor made more despotic than a Turkish bathaw. Nor has this been thought sufficient to quench every spark of liberty there, but a third act places every crown officer above the reach of law in the country where he lives, declaring him amenable only to the courts of justice in England, at the same time that every person in the Massachusetts government, who happens to be obnoxious to the ministry, that is, every honest and intelligent friend to his country, is made liable to be transported to the King's Bench in England for trial; a court that has for some years past, it is said, been extremely unfavourable to Englishmen and English law, and where, unhappily for the prisoner, the prosecution must be altogether persecution, there being no prospect of evidence on one side, and the chance of the accused for escaping, however innocent, as small, as the act itself is certainly void of every particle of reason and justice. Is it not in violation of truth and common sense to call this act, which shakes the foundations of justice and that security which is reasonably expected from civil society, "An act for the impartial administration of justice in the cases of persons questioned for any acts done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England? Would it not be much more properly entitled An act to encourage every species of crime, by placing the perpetrators beyond the reach of just punishment, and to prevent every good man in the Massachusetts government from opposing the ruin of his country, by the terrors of a mock trial before a partial tribunal, three thousand miles removed from the residence of the accused? It is surely impossible that any liberal mind can fail to glow with resentment at their tyranny and oppression in North America, to detest the happy lot of liberty, virtue, and good government, which vain did our brave and worthy predecessors, who had the misfortune to be born in a country where the crown was not master enough to give them the new claim of taxation, to a parliamentary representative to their constituents, who from their distance, and ignorance of our situation and judge rightly either of the quantity or quality of the tax, and who finally would not be restrained by that constitutional being liable to be removed, by the people they were elected on? Let not any person imagine that these unexhausted powers of Boston are intended only for her. The rod of despotism is in turn to be applied for the punishment of every colony that moves in defence of liberty. Let us therefore unite in time, never forgetting "THAT SMALL THINGS GROW GREAT BY CONCORD, AND THE GREATEST ARE LOST BY DISUNION." When the ministry practise the wicked advice of Machiavel, and constantly endeavour to divide us, let us follow the wife counsel of old Micipsa, and unite most firmly. Let us, on this great occasion, recur to the first principles and practices of the constitution, by informing the people in every county of their truly critical situation, and take their sense of what is fittest to be done for the public security. The representative body will thus be possessed of the opinions and desires of their constituents, in pursuing which they need not fear to be bravely and firmly supported.
A LOVER OF THE CONSTITUTION. MRS. RIND. The enclosed paper, founded on true constitutional principles, was handed about, much read, and much liked, at a late public meeting. You are requested, MADAM, to give it a place in your useful paper. HAMB DEN. To the FREEHOLDERS and other INHABITANTS of the county of
FELLOW SUBJECTS, IN most countries of the world the bulk of the people indulge but little in political discussions; in some it is death to speak of state affairs, and even in our mother country too frequent debates about government matters are esteemed prejudicial to the industry and morals of the people. If such a maxim is to be regarded here, without reservation, any attempts to open the eyes of the people at this alarming crisis may be deemed impertinent, if not criminal; nevertheless, when we hear of people who condemn all manner of resistance to government, we find ourselves irresistibly impelled to throw our mite into the opposite scale. National attachments and prejudices we despise, and we detest the sordid views of self-interest, to which the flaves of convenience have too strong a bias. To such as on the authority of scripture incline to an implicit subjection to the higher powers we would observe, in general, that many texts of the scripture which were wisely adapted to the circumstances of the Jews and primitive christians, should in our days be used rather in aid of general principles than as particular rules of conduct. A British subject, who knows his birthright, looks on the English constitution to be the fountain head and centre of that higher power which commands his obedience. This constitution is a system of laws reared, as it would seem, and often favoured and protected, by the hand of providence. The king at his coronation is sworn to the maintenance and preservation of this system, and may well be considered as the prime minister or first servant of the constitution, to which, by a wrong use of the powers he is entrusted with, he may become the most dangerous foe. The excellence of this constitution, over any which exists in the known world, consists in the just balance of all its parts, which may be endangered by one part encroaching on the rights and privileges of the other. It may be greatly injured by the undue dependence of one, but it will be totally destroyed by two of the parts yielding their independence to the corrupt influence of the third. Whenever matters are arrived at this crisis, a wicked minister easily procures the consent of parliament to arbitrary acts, subversive of liberty, and diametrically opposite to the eternal laws of justice. To pursue the train of consequences would engage too much time here; be it sufficient, therefore, to observe, that power, thus exercised, is tyranny, ever odious to a brave, virtuous, and free people, and often opposed by our forefathers, in times less enlightened and informed than the present. Opposition to measures subversive of the constitution is no new doctrine in the history of England. It was on this principle that many royal favourites paid the forfeit of their lives, that Richard the second was deposed, Charles the first beheaded, and James the second obliged to quit the throne. To come nigher to our own case (amidst the distresses of the mother country, occasioned, in great measure, by the selfish and arbitrary politics of weak and wicked counsellors who surround the throne, and the corrupt compliance of ministers and parliaments) rapacity opens wide her mouth, and, inspired with the rage of taxation, has for nine or ten years past threatened to plunder all British America, in contradiction to a true principle of the constitution, which considers taxation as inseparable from representation. Different administrations, disregarding all the unanswerable arguments urged by your friends, have persisted in the favourite point of taxing you without your consent, and the hand of power is now stretched to force you to the payment of taxes, in the establishment of which your representatives had no part. Your tax-masters are charged with having often betrayed the rights and interests of their constituents: What then can you, on whom they have no dependence, and with whom no communication of sentiments, expect from them, but taxes without end, and unceasing oppression? For they will lighten their own burthens in proportion as they encrease yours; neither themselves, or the people that chuse them, being to pay any part of the taxes they impose on you. Will you put your fortunes, your liberties, and every thing that is held most dear among men, in their power, by submitting to their unjust taxation; or will you undergo some inconveniences to avert the impending evils, and frustrate the designs, of your enemies, and the enemies of liberty and humanity? We mean only to excite your attention to such wise measures as may this day be proposed by the friends of their country's just rights, and persuade you to consider how shameful it will be if they alone, among so many people, are left to struggle in the cause of liberty and virtue. Go on, then, and by your unanimity and perseverance, strengthen the hearts and hands of those you appoint your representatives; exhibit an example worthy of imitation to other counties, nay, to whole provinces. Thus every liberal soul, now oppressed with anguish for the degeneracy of the country from which you sprung, and ardently wishing for its reformation, will receive comfort from your proceedings. When such a reformation is produced, we may have a more grateful, though not a more important occasion, of addressing you again. In the mean time, we wish you heartily farewell. W. H. O.
WILLIAMSBURG, JUNE 30. AT a respectable meeting of FREEHOLDERS and other INHABITANTS of the county of WESTMORELAND, assembled, on due notice, at the courthouse of the said county, on Wednesday the 22d day of June, 1774, the reverend M. THOMAS SMITH being first unanimously chosen moderator,
several papers, containing the proceedings of the late HOUSE OF BURGESSES of this colony, and the subsequent determinations of the late representatives, after the house was dissolved, together with extracts of several resolutions of the provinces of Massachusetts Bay, Maryland, &c. being read, the meeting proceeded seriously to consider the present dangerous and truly alarming crisis, when ruin is threatened to the ancient constitutional rights of NORTH AMERICA, and came to the following resolves. I. That to be taxed solely in our provincial assemblies, by representatives freely chosen by the people, is a right that British subjects in America are entitled to from natural justice, from the English constitution, from charters, and from a confirmation of these by usage, since the first establishment of these colonies. II. That an endeavour to force submission from one colony, to the payment of taxes not so imposed, is a dangerous attack on the liberty and property of British America, and renders it indispensably necessary that all should firmly unite to resist the common danger. III. It is the opinion of this meeting, that the town of BOSTON, in our sister colony of Massachusetts Bay, is now suffering in the common cause of North America, by having its harbour blocked up, its commerce destroyed, and the property of many of its inhabitants violently taken from them, until they submit to taxes not imposed by their consent; and therefore this meeting resolves, IV. That the inhabitants of this county will most cordially and firmly join with the other counties in this colony, and the other colonies on this continent, or the majority of them, after a short day, hereafter to be agreed on, to stop all exports to Great Britain and the West Indies, and all imports from thence, until as well the act of parliament intitled "An act to discontinue, in such manner and for such time as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading or shipping of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the town and within the harbour of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in North America," as the several acts laying duties on America, for the purpose of raising a revenue, and all the acts of the British legislature made against our brothers of Massachusetts Bay, in consequence of their just opposition to the said revenue acts, are repealed. And it is the opinion of this meeting, that such a nonimporting and nonexporting plan should be quickly entered upon, as well on the evident principle of self-preservation as to relieving our suffering countrymen and fellow subjects in Boston, and to restore between Great Britain and America that harmony so necessary to the welfare of both, and so ardently desired by all.
V. And if the said acts are not repealed, we resolve that we will not receive any goods from Great Britain or the West Indies, until the said acts are repealed. VI. It is resolved, that so soon as the nonimportation agreement begins, we will, every one of us, keep our produce, whether tobacco, corn, wheat, or any thing else, unsold, on our own respective plantations, and not carry, or suffer them to be carried, to any public warehouse or landing place, except of grain, where the same be so done, on oath being first made that such grain is for the use or consumption of this or any other colony in North America, and not for exportation from the continent, whilst the said agreement subsists. And this is the more necessary, to prevent a few designing persons from engrossing and buying up our tobacco, grain, &c. when they are low in value, in order to avail themselves of the very high price that those articles must bear when the ports are open, and foreign markets empty. VII. This meeting do heartily concur with the late representative body of this county to diffuse TEA, and not purchase any other commodities of the East Indies, except SALT, &c. until the grievances of America are redressed. VIII. We do most heartily concur in these preceding resolves, and will, to the utmost of our power, take care that they are carried into execution, and that we will regard every man as infamous, who now agrees to, and shall hereafter make a breach of, all or any of them, subject, however, to such future alterations as shall be judged expedient at a general meeting of deputies from the several parts of this colony, or a general congress of all the colonies. IX. We do appoint RICHARD HENRY LEE, and RICHARD LEE, esquires, the late representatives of this county, to attend the general meeting of deputies from all the counties, and we desire that they do exert their best abilities to get these our earnest desires for the security of PUBLIC LIBERTY assented to. X. And as it may happen that the assembly, now called to meet on the 11th day of August, may be prorogued to a future day, and many of the deputies appointed to meet on the 11th of August, trusting to the certainty of meeting in assembly on the 11th, may fail to attend on the first, by which means decisive injury may arise to the common cause of liberty, by the general sense of the country not being early known at this dangerous crisis of American freedom, we do therefore direct, that our deputies now chosen fail not to attend at Williamsburg on the said first day of August; and it is our earnest wish, that the deputies from the other counties be directed to do the same for the reasons above assigned. XI. Resolved, that the clerk do forthwith transmit the proceedings of this day to the PRESS, and request the printer to publish them without delay. By order of the meeting, JAMES DAVENPORT, Clerk.
The business of the day being finished, the company repaired to the tavern, where a dinner had been provided, and the following patriotic and loyal TOASTS were drawn, viz. 1. GOD bless the KING: May he long reign the king of a free and happy people. 2. The QUEEN and ROYAL FAMILY. 3. The ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 4. AMERICAN LIBERTY. 5. May the brave and virtuous people of BOSTON be quickly relieved from their present DISTRESS. 6. UNION of GREAT BRITAIN and the COLONIES. 7. Lord CHATHAM. 8. Lord CAMBDEN. 9. Marquis of ROCKINGHAM. 10. Lord SHELBURNE. 11. Bishop of ST. ASOPH. 12. ALL FRIENDS OF AMERICA. At a general meeting of the freeholders and inhabitants of FRANK GEORGE county the following RESOLVES were proposed and unanimously agreed to. RESOLVED, that we will at all times, whenever we are called upon for that purpose, maintain and defend, at the expence of our lives and fortunes, his majesty's right and title to the crown of Great Britain and his dominions in America, to whose royal person and government we profess all due obedience and fidelity. Resolved, that the right to impose taxes or duties to be paid by the inhabitants within this dominion for any purpose whatsoever is peculiar and essential to the general assembly, in whom the legislative authority of the colony is vested. Resolved, that every attempt to impose such taxes or duties by any other authority is an arbitrary exertion of power, and an infringement of the constitutional rights and liberties of the colony. Resolved, that to impose a tax or duty upon tea by the British parliament, in which the commons of the North American colonies can have no representation, to be paid upon importation by the inhabitants of the said colonies, is an act of power without right, it subversive of the liberties of the said colonies, deprives them of their property without their own consent, and thereby reduces them to a state of slavery. Resolved, that the late cruel, unjust, and sanguinary acts of parliament, to be executed by military force and ships of war upon our sister colony of the Massachusetts Bay, and town of BOSTON, is a strong evidence of the corrupt influence obtained by the British ministry in parliament, and a convincing proof of their fixed intention to deprive the colonies of their constitutional rights and liberties. Resolved, that the cause of the town of Boston is the common cause of all the American colonies. Resolved, that it is the duty and interest of all the American colonies firmly to unite in an indissoluble union and association to oppose, by every just and proper means, the infringement of their common rights and liberties. Resolved, that a general association between all the American colonies not to import from Great Britain any commodity whatsoever, except negroes cloaths and tools, Irish linens, medicines and paper, ought to be entered into and not dissolved till the just rights of the said colonies are restored to them, and the cruel acts of the British parliament against the Massachusetts Bay and town of Boston are repealed. Resolved, that no friend to the rights and liberties of America ought to purchase any commodity whatsoever, except as it before excepted, which shall be imported from Great Britain after the general association shall be agreed upon. Resolved, that every kind of luxury, dissipation, and extravagance, ought to be banished from amongst us. Resolved, that manufactures ought to be encouraged by opening subscriptions for that purpose, or by any other proper means. Resolved, that the African trade is injurious to this colony, obstructs the population of it by freemen, prevents manufacturers and other useful emigrants from Europe from settling amongst us, and occasions an annual encrease of the balance of trade against this colony. Resolved, that the raising sheep, hemp, and flax, ought to be encouraged. Resolved, that to be clothed in manufactures fabricated in the colonies ought to be considered as a badge and distinction of respect and true patriotism. Resolved, that the dissolution of the general assembly, by order of the British ministry, whenever they enter upon the consideration of the rights and liberties of the subject against attempts to destroy them, is an evidence of the fixed intention of the said ministry to reduce the colonies to a state of slavery.
Resolved, that the people of this colony, being by such dissolution deprived of a legal representation, ought to nominate and appoint for every county proper deputies, to meet upon the 11th day of August, in the city of Williamsburg, then and there to consult and agree upon the best and most proper means for carrying into execution these, or any other resolutions, which shall be judged more expedient for the purposes aforesaid. Resolved, that RICHARD BLAND, and PETER POTTHRESS, esquires, our late worthy representatives, be and they are hereby nominated and appointed deputies, upon the part of the freeholders and inhabitants of this county, to meet such deputies as shall be appointed by the other counties and corporations within this colony, in the city of Williamsburg, upon the 11th day of August next, or at any other time or place for the purposes aforesaid. Resolved, that at this important and alarming conjuncture, it be earnestly recommended to the said deputies at the said general convention that they nominate and appoint fit and proper persons, upon the part of this colony, to meet such deputies in a general congress as shall be appointed, upon the part of the other continental colonies in America, to consult and agree upon a firm and indissoluble union and association for preserving, by the best and most proper means, their common rights and liberties. Resolved, that this colony ought not to trade with any colony which shall refuse to join in any union and association that shall be agreed upon by the other part of the other colonies upon this continent for preserving their common rights and liberties. Resolved, that the clerk of this meeting transmit to the several gazettes copies of these resolutions, with the earnest request of this meeting that the other counties and corporations within the colony will appoint deputies to meet at the time and place, and for the purposes aforesaid. THEODORICK BLAND, Clerk of the meeting.
Extract of a letter from a correspondent in Fredericksburg, dated June 2. "Since my return from Williamsburg last Saturday, I have examined the neighbouring fields of wheat, and am certain that there will be very little damage sustained by the late frost. As some of these fields were injured as much as any in this colony could be, I have hopes that the crops in general must be nearly equal with what was ever expected. I have seen persons from Orange, and Loudoun, who say the wheat in their counties is all killed. The season has been dry, but the cold was so severe, for a wet season would probably have been more destructive." At the PALACE last night from colonel Lewis and colonel Preston, reports, that three or four families have been lately cut off by the Indians, and that upwards of 300 of those barbarians were discovered, about 10 days ago, by the scouting parties sent out by colonel Lewis, fortifying themselves just beyond Green Briar. It appears that they were well supplied with guns and ammunition of every kind, and that they are very vigorous in getting themselves in as complete readiness as possible. Six hundred of the frontier inhabitants are already raised, and the number is daily encreasing; so that from their prudence, and courage, of colonel Lewis and colonel Preston, and the willingness of the back people to do every thing in their power to defend the country, our case may not be so deplorable as was at first imagined. Another express is hourly expected.
Last Friday Mr. GEORGE ARTHUR was elected mayor of the borough of Norfolk. ACADEMICUS is received, and will be attended to in our next. As the MEMBERS of the late HOUSE OF BURGESSES have referred the consideration of the important matters recommended to them by some of the northern colonies to the first day of August next, it is expected the members who may be chosen at the ensuing election will not fail to meet at the time appointed. There is no necessity to represent to the public what an appearance it would have to keep them longer in suspense about our determinations. THE MODERATOR.
A BILL for the better regulating the government of the province of the MASSACHUSETTS BAY, in NORTH AMERICA. WHEREAS by letters patent under the great seal of England, made in the 3d year of the reign of their late majesties king William and queen Mary, for uniting, erecting, and incorporating, the several colonies, territories, and tracts of land, therein mentioned, into one real province, by the name of their majesties province of the MASSACHUSETTS BAY, in NEW ENGLAND, whereby it was, amongst other things, ordained and established, that the governor of the said province should from thenceforth be appointed and commissioned by their majesties, their heirs and successors, it was however granted and ordained, that from the expiration of the term, for and during which the eight and twenty persons named in the said letters patent were appointed to be the first counsellors or assistants to the governor of the said province for the time being, the aforesaid number of 28 counsellors or assistants should yearly once every year, for ever thereafter, be, by the general court or assembly, newly chosen. And whereas the said method of electing such counsellors or assistants, to be vested with the several powers, authorities, and privileges, therein mentioned, although conformable to the practice heretofore used, in such of the colonies thereby united, in which the appointment of the respective governors had been vested in the general courts or assemblies of the said colonies, hath by repeated experience been found to be extremely ill adapted to the plan of government established in the province of the Massachusetts Bay, by the said letters patent herein before mentioned, and hath been found from contributing to the attainment of the good ends and purposes thereby intended, and to the promoting of the internal welfare, peace, and good government, or to the maintenance of that just subordination and conformity with the laws of Great Britain, that the manner of exercising the powers, authorities, and privileges aforesaid, by the persons so annually elected, hath for some time past been such as had the most manifest tendency to obstruct, and in great measure to defeat the execution of the laws, to weaken the attachment of his majesty's well disposed subjects, in the said province, to his majesty's government, and to encourage the ill disposed among them to proceed even to acts of direct resistance to, and defiance of, his majesty's authority; and it hath accordingly happened, that an open resistance to the execution of the laws hath actually taken place in the town of Boston, and the neighbourhood thereof, within the said province. And whereas it is, under these circumstances, become absolutely necessary, in order to the preservation of the peace and good order of the said province, the protection of his majesty's well disposed subjects therein resident, the continuance of the mutual benefits arising from the commerce and correspondence between this kingdom and the said province, and the maintaining of the just dependence of the said province upon the crown and parliament of Great Britain, that the said method of annually electing the counsellors or assistants of the said province should no longer be suffered to continue, but that the appointment of the said counsellors or assistants should henceforth be put upon the like footing as is established in such other of his majesty's colonies or plantations in America, the governors whereof are appointed by his majesty's commission under the great seal of Great Britain. Be it therefore enacted, by the king's most excellent majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that from and after the so much of the charter granted by their majesties king William and queen Mary, to the inhabitants of the said province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England, and all every clause, matter, and thing, therein contained, which relates to the time and manner of electing the assistants, or counsellors, for the said province, and all elections and appointments of such counsellors and assistants made in pursuance thereof, shall and that from and after the said the council or court of assistants of the said province for the time being shall be composed of such of the inhabitants or proprietors of lands within the same, as shall be thereunto nominated and appointed by his majesty, his heirs and successors, by warrant under his or their sign or sign manual, and with the advice of the privy council, agreeable to the practice now used in respect to the appointment of counsellors in such of his majesty's other colonies in America, the governors whereof are appointed by commission under the great seal of Great Britain; provided that the number of the said assistants or counsellors shall not at any one time exceed nor be less than And it is hereby further enacted, that the said assistants or counsellors so to be appointed as aforesaid, shall hold their offices respectively, for and during his majesty's pleasure, his heirs or successors, and shall have and enjoy all the powers, privileges, and immunities, at present held, exercised, and enjoyed, by the assistants or counsellors of the said province, constituted and elected from time to time, under the said charter, except as herein after excepted; and shall also, upon their admission into the said council, and before they enter upon the execution of their offices, respectively take the oaths, and make, repeat, and subscribe, the declaration required, as well by the said charter as by any law or laws of said province now in force, to be taken by the assistants or counsellors, which have been so elected and constituted as aforesaid. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that from and after the time being, of the said province, or in his absence, for the lieutenant governor to nominate and appoint, under the seal of the province, from time to time, the judges of the inferior courts of common pleas, commissioners of oyer and terminer, the attorney general, sheriffs, provost marshals, justices of the peace, and other officers to the council or courts of justice belonging, and to remove the same without the consent of the council; and that all judges of the inferior courts of common pleas, commissioners of oyer and terminer, the attorney general, sheriffs, provost

marshals, justices, and other officers so appointed by the governor, or in his absence, by the lieutenant governor alone, shall and may have, hold, and exercise, their said offices, powers, and authorities as fully and completely, to all intents and purposes, as any judges of the inferior courts of common pleas, commissioners of oyer and terminer, attorney general, sheriffs, provosts marshals, or other officers, have or might have done heretofore under the letters patent, in the third year of the reign of their late majesties king William and queen Mary, any law, statute, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding. Provided always, and be it enacted, that nothing herein contained shall extend, or be construed to extend to annul or make void the commission granted before the to any judges of the inferior courts of common pleas, commissioners of oyer and terminer, the attorney general, sheriffs, provosts marshals, justices of the peace, or other officers; but that they may hold and exercise the same, as if this act had never been made, until the same shall be determined by death, removal by the governor, or other avoidance, as the case may happen. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that upon every vacancy of the offices of chief justice and judges of the superior court of the said province, from and after the time of the governor for the time being, or in his absence the lieutenant governor, without the consent of the council, shall have full power and authority to nominate and appoint the persons to succeed to the said offices, who shall hold their commissions during the pleasure of his majesty, his heirs and successors; and that neither the chief justice and judges appointed before the said nor those who shall hereafter be appointed pursuant to this act, shall be removed, unless by order of his majesty, his heirs or successors, under his or their sign manual. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the governor, lieutenant governor, chief justice, the judges of the superior court, and the secretary of the said province, for the time being, shall be, and they are hereby appointed, during their continuance in their respective offices, justices of the peace in and for every county of the said province, and shall and may have, hold, and enjoy, all the powers and authorities given to the justices of the peace by virtue of their commission, or by any act of the general court of the said province, made in the fourth year of the reign of their late majesties king William and queen Mary, intitled "an act for regulating of townships, choice of town officers, and setting forth their power," the freeholders and inhabitants of the several townships, rateable at twenty pounds estate, are authorised to assemble together, in the month of March in every year, upon notice given by the constable, or such other as the select men of the town shall appoint, for the choice of select men, constables and other officers; and the freeholders and inhabitants are also empowered to make and agree upon such necessary rules, orders, and bye-laws, for the directing, managing, and ordering, the prudential affairs, and to annex penalties for the non observance of the same, not exceeding twenty shillings for one offence; provided they be not repugnant to the general laws of the said province. And whereas a great abuse has been made of the power of such meetings, and the inhabitants have, contrary to the design of their institution, been misled to treat upon matters of the most general concern, and to pass many dangerous and unwarrantable resolutions; for remedy whereof, be it enacted, that from and after the next town meeting shall be called by the select men, or at the request of any number of freeholders, without the leave of the governor in writing, expressing the special business of the said meeting, first had and obtained, except the annual meeting, in the month of March, for the choice of select men, constables, and other officers; and that no other matter shall be treated of at such meeting, except the election of their aforesaid officers, nor at any other meeting, except the business expressed in the leave given by the governor. And whereas, in pursuance of an act of assembly of the said province, made in the 7th year of the reign of William the third, and three other acts of assembly made in the eleventh year of the same reign, jurors, as well grand as petty, have been usually summoned and returned by the constables of the several towns, by virtue of writs or warrants directed to them by the clerks of the several courts, requiring them to assemble the inhabitants of the said towns, to choose fit persons to serve as jurors for such towns, and to summon and return such persons so chosen; which practice of chusing jurors, and returning them, without the intervention of the sheriff, has been found to be detrimental to the administration of justice; be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, that from and after the next ensuing, so much of the said acts of assembly, and of all other laws now in force, within the said province, as directs the returns of jurors to be made by the constables, by an election of the inhabitants of the several towns, shall and all jurors, as well grand as petty, shall be returned by the sheriffs of the several counties, and no otherwise; and the justices of the superior court of the said province, at a convenient time before the sitting of the superior court in every county, and the justices of the peace for every county in the said province, at a convenient time before the sitting of the quarter session of such county, shall issue their precepts or warrants to the sheriff of such county, for such several courts respectively to summon, out of the freeholders and inhabitants of such county qualified to serve upon juries, such a number of good and lawful men as such precept or warrant shall direct, to serve upon the grand jury at such respective court; and such persons so summoned and returned by the said sheriff, or such of them as shall appear, shall be impanelled and sworn the grand inquest for the body of the county, and shall continue as such during the sitting of such respective court, and until they shall be dismissed by the same; and in all indictments, informations, actions, and causes depending before the superior court, or any court of quarter session, or court of common pleas, in the said province, which shall be at issue, and ordered for trial, the juries shall be summoned, impanelled, and returned, by the sheriff of the county, out of the freeholders and inhabitants of the said county qualified to serve upon juries, and shall be chosen and arrayed in such manner and form, and by and with such regulations and restrictions, as is directed and ordered in and by an act of parliament, made in the seventh and eighth years of the reign of his late majesty king William the third, intitled "an act for the ease of jurors, and better regulating of juries;" and one other act, made in the eighth and ninth years of the same reign, intitled "an act to enable the returns of juries as formerly, until the first day of November, one thousand six hundred and ninety seven;" and one other act of parliament, made in the third year of the reign of his late majesty king George the second, intitled "an act for the better regulation of juries;" and one other act, made in the twenty fourth year of the same reign, intitled "an act for the better regulation of trials by jury, and for enlarging the time for trials by nisi prius, in the county of Middlesex." And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that lists of the freeholders and inhabitants of the several towns, qualified to serve upon juries, shall be returned to, and recorded at, the quarter sessions for the several counties, and shall be delivered to the several sheriffs in manner and form as directed by the said acts of parliament, or any of them; and until such lists of such freeholders and inhabitants shall be delivered as aforesaid, the sheriff of any county shall and may summon and return fit persons to serve upon juries as aforesaid, out of the body of the freeholders and inhabitants of the county, qualified to serve upon juries, according to his judgment and discretion; and whenever the judges of the superior court shall award a special jury to be struck (which they are hereby authorized and empowered to do in such manner as special juries have been usually struck in the court at Westminster at trials at bar) and if the sheriff of the county in which such jury shall be awarded, shall not have received lists of the freeholders and inhabitants qualified to serve upon juries, as herein before ordered and directed, such sheriff shall attend the proper office of the said court with a list of the principal freeholders and inhabitants of the said county qualified to serve upon juries, and the said special jury shall be struck out of the said list; and it shall and may be lawful for the justices of the said superior court, and they are hereby authorized and empowered upon the motion of either of the parties, in any cause or action which shall be brought to issue, to order the said cause or action to be tried in any county, other than the county in which the said cause or action shall have been brought or laid, by a jury of such other county, as they shall judge fit and proper, any act of parliament or provincial law to the contrary notwithstanding. And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that all clerks of courts, sheriffs, constables, and other persons within the said province, to whom the ordering, making, delivering, or recording the lists of the freeholders and inhabitants qualified to serve upon juries aforesaid, shall belong or appertain, according to the true intent and meaning of this present act, and the said acts hereby referred to, who shall be guilty of any wilful neglect, default, or misfeasance, in carrying into execution this act, according to its true intent and meaning, shall incur and suffer such fines and penalties as are severally mentioned in the said acts of parliament hereby referred to; and all persons who being duly qualified as aforesaid, shall be duly summoned to serve upon juries in manner aforesaid, and shall not attend such service, shall incur and suffer such fines and penalties as by the laws of the said province, jurors making default are now subject to. And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that if any action shall be brought against any sheriff, for what he shall do in execution, or by virtue of this act, he may plead the general issue, and give the special matter in evidence; and if a verdict shall be found for him, he shall recover costs.
F R I D A Y, J U L Y 1. This afternoon, at 4 o'clock, the northern post arrived; but as he has brought nothing of very great moment, and as our paper is already chiefly
filled with the proceedings of this colony, and some interesting pieces relative thereto, we shall select only a few articles, which we think the most material that have occurred since our last. The number of governor Hutchinson's addressees, consisting of merchants, shopkeepers, pedlars, pettifoggers, &c. amounted to ONE HUNDRED AND FORTY; and, it is said, great pains were taken throughout Boston, and many other towns, to procure that number, which must certainly appear very contemptible, when it is considered, that there are full four hundred thousand inhabitants in that province. The house of representatives of the English colony of Connecticut have come into very spirited resolutions; they acknowledge all due obedience and loyalty to their sovereign, that they are ever willing to support him to the utmost of their power; but, they say, "that the late act of parliament, inflicting pains and penalties on the town of Boston, by blocking up their harbour, is a precedent justly alarming to the British colonies in America, and wholly inconsistent with, and subversive of, their constitutional rights and liberties." General Gage has been addressed by a great number of the principal people of Boston, imploring his kind endeavours to assist them as far as possible in procuring redress with respect to the Boston port bill, and, with his usual benevolence, promises every thing to effect so desirable a purpose; but as his excellency mentions in his answer that he has received particular commands for holding the general court at Salem, "from the 11th day of June until his majesty shall have signified his royal will and pleasure for holding it again at Boston," they have remonstrated against it in the most express terms, and declare they are entirely at a loss for the cause of this command, and cannot conceive any public utility arising from it, more especially as they and their constituents are now suffering the greatest inconveniences in consequence of the same.---And here follow the resolutions of the house of representatives, before they proceeded to business in Salem, on Wednesday last, which were ordered to be entered on their journals: Resolved, that by the royal charter of this province, the power of convening, proroguing, and adjourning, the great and general court or assembly, from time to time, is vested in the governor, to be exercised as he shall judge necessary, and for the good of the people; therefore Resolved, that it is clearly the opinion of this house, that whenever the governor of the province doth convene or hold the general assembly at any time or place unnecessarily, or merely in obedience to an instruction, and without exercising that judgment and discretion of his own, with which by charter he is specially vested for the good of the province, it is manifestly inconsistent with the letter, as well as the spirit and intention, of the charter. Resolved, that the town of Boston hath, from the earliest times of this province, been judged, and still is, on various accounts, the most convenient place for holding the general assembly, and accordingly ample provision is there made for the accommodation of the said general assembly, at a very great expence to the people of this province. Resolved, as the clear opinion of this house, that the general assembly cannot be removed from its ancient seat, the courthouse in Boston, and held in any other place, without great and manifold inconveniences to the members thereof, and injury and damage to those who have necessary business to transact with the said general assembly; many of which inconveniences have been clearly stated, and expressed by former house of representatives, as appear by their journals. Resolved, that this house can see no necessity for the removal of the general assembly from its ancient and only convenient place, the courthouse in Boston, to the town of Salem; and the removal of the said assembly from the courthouse in Boston, without necessity, is at all times to be considered a very great grievance. Last Wednesday his excellency governor Wentworth, of Newhampshire, sent the following message to the honourable house of representatives, then sitting at Portsmouth: Mr. SPEAKER, and GENTLEMEN of the ASSEMBLY, "As I look upon the measures entered upon by the house of assembly to be inconsistent with his majesty's service, and the good of this government, it is my duty, as far as in me lies, to prevent any detinment that might arise from such proceedings, I do therefore hereby dissolve the general assembly of this province, and it is dissolved accordingly." It has been lately proposed, by some writers in England, to have an American LAND TAX, equal to what it is in Great Britain. The public are hereby assured that a paragraph lately published in Mr. Holt's paper, intimating that Dr. Franklin's successor in the general postoffice has power to open all letters from the committees of correspondence in this country is an atrocious falsehood. The port of Boston was on Tuesday last cleared of every vessel intended for sea, it being the day on which the late act of parliament takes effect; that no vessel, except in his majesty's service, shall be allowed to depart from that port until the king in council may be pleased to suspend its operation.
To Mr. BOLLING STARK.
SIR, IN answer to your advertisement in Mrs. Rind's paper of the 16th instant, I can inform you that James Young, therein mentioned, died in Westmoreland county, at the house of Mr. Edward Sanford, near the courthouse, in February 1765; that Mr. Sanford, in the same month, administered on his estate, which amounted to no more than 71. 19s. as appears by the inventory returned in May following, and consisted of little or nothing but his joiners tools. He died unmarried, and without issue. I am, Sir, your humble servant, WESTMORELAND, JAMES DAVENPORT. June 22. 1774.
PURSUANT to a decree of the honourable the general court, and a letter of attorney from Colonel George Mercer, of Virginia, now in London, will be sold, at public auction, about 3500 ACRES of LAND, in the county of Loudoun, near West's ordinary, about 12 miles from Leesburg, 40 from Alexandria, and 35 from Dumfries, on Potomack. This LAND is well known by the description of the BULL RUN MOUNTAINS, and is very fertile. Also 6500 acres on Shenandoah river, in the county of Frederick, opposite to Snicker's ordinary, and binding on the river about 7 miles. As this tract is part of a survey, one of the first in that part of the colony, its quality cannot be questioned; it is well watered, will admit of 2 mills on land streams, and others on the river. There are now in it 6 plantations, well improved for cropping, 110 slaves, and very large and choice stocks of horses (some of the dry breed) black cattle, hogs, and sheep, which, together with the crops of corn and wheat now growing (expected to be upwards of 2000 barrels, and 5000 bushels) will be sold, on the premises, on the 24th of November next, or next fair day. The Loudoun lands will be sold at West's ordinary on the 21st day of the same month, and both tracts laid off in lots to suit every kind of purchaser, who may see them by applying to Mr. Francis Peyton, living near the Loudoun lands, and Mr. William Dawison, who resides on the Shenandoah tract. Among the slaves are two good blacksmiths, two carpenters, and an exceeding trusty and skilful waggoner. The aged black cattle and grown hogs will be fattened for slaughter. Purchasers above 25 pounds will be allowed credit for 12 months, on giving bond and security to the subscribers, who will be prepared to make conveyances. JOHN TAYLOR, GEORGE WASHINGTON. NORFOLK, June 20, 1774.
WHEREAS the concern of Hector Mac Alister and company was dissolved on the first instant, the partners thereof, from a desire of bringing their affairs to a speedy conclusion, once more request all persons indebted to them to make immediate payment, either to Robert Dodson of Warwick, or the subscriber, in Norfolk; and as it is not in their power to extend farther the indulgence which, for a long time, has been granted to many, they hope that due regard will be paid to this application. Those who have any demands against the said concern are desired to make them known, that they may be adjusted and paid. The subscriber will continue to do business in this place on his own account, and solicits the favours of his friends. HECTOR MAC ALESTER.
F O R S A L E, TWO thousand six hundred and seventy five ACRES of LAND in Gloucester county, lying in Pettiparth parish, upon which there is a very good mill on an excellent stream of water. It will be laid off in lots for the convenience of purchasers; and as it is entitled land, application will be made to the next general assembly for an act to dock the entail. Mr. Lewis Booker will show the land, and make known the terms. WILSON M. CARY.
TO BE SOLD, UPON LONG CREDIT, NINE hundred ACRES of good corn LAND, lying within three miles of Suffolk courthouse; it is well timbered, &c. Also five hundred and eighty two ACRES of very valuable LAND, lying in Brunswick county, near Sneed's Bridge. On it is a good dwellinghouse, and several necessary out houses; the plantation is in good order for cropping, with six or eight hands. Those inclined to purchase may know the terms by applying to the subscriber, living on the last mentioned premises. W. MASON.
To be SOLD, on Thursday the 1st of September, at Hanover courthouse, A TRACT of LAND in Hanover county, containing 795 acres, adjoining the lands of Mr. Trueheart and Mr. Geddes Winton, is about 14 miles from Page's warehouse, and about twelve from the town of Richmond. There is a large quantity of excellent pine timber upon it, the soil is good for wheat and Indian corn, and the whole is divided into lots of 265 acres each, for the convenience of purchasers. Credit will be allowed until October 1775, the purchasers giving bond and security; and the bonds to carry interest from the date, if not discharged when they become due. KINGSMILL, } LEWIS BURWELL, June 22, 1774. } LEWIS BURWELL, junior, 3 } ANNE CAMPBELL.
To be SOLD, on Thursday the 7th of July, at the house where Mrs. Mary Singleton lives, in Williamsburg, THE HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE of the late Mr. Richard Hunt Singleton. Credit will be allowed till November next for all sums above TWENTY SIX SHILLINGS, the purchaser giving bond and approved security.
F O R S A L E, TWO thousand ACRES of exceeding fine LAND for tobacco, wheat, or Indian corn, lying on both sides of Bull Run, in Loudoun and Prince William, about 300 acres of which are rich low ground and meadow land. It lies within four miles of two merchant mills, and about ten miles of two other merchant mills in Loudoun; thirty miles from Colchester, Alexandria, and Dumfries. If any person or persons incline to purchase the whole, or any part of the said lands, they may be shown them, and know the terms, by applying to captain Francis Peyton, in Loudoun county, who has full power to treat for the same, or to the subscriber. It is laid off in lots of two, three, and four hundred acres, with an equal quantity of low ground and meadow land to each lot. (1 m ti) ROBERT BURWELL.
YORK, June 26, 1774. RUN away from the subscriber, about a fortnight ago, a mulatto fellow named CORNELIUS, who is well known in York, Gloucester, and most counties in Virginia, having travelled with me for several years through different parts of the colony. When he first eloped it was imagined he would have gone to Carolina; but within these ten days he was met about 3 miles from Gloucester town, in company with a mulatto woman of Mr. Dedman's, of York, who is said to be his wife. Whoever apprehends the above mentioned fellow, and will deliver him to me, shall receive THREE POUNDS reward, over and above what is allowed by act of assembly. J. H. NORTON.
RUN away on the 16th instant (June) from the subscriber in Augusta, a negro man named BACCHUS, a thick, strong, well made fellow, about 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, 30 years of age; took with him two white russia drill coats, one turned up with blue, the other is quite new, plain made, with white figured metal buttons; also a pair of blue plush breeches, a fine cloth pompadour waistcoat, two or three thin or summer jackets, sundry pair of white thread stockings, 5 or 6 white shirts, two of them pretty fine, neat shoes, silver buckles, a fine hat, cut and cocked in the macaroni figure, a double milled drab great coat, and sundry other wearing apparel. He formerly belonged to Doctor George Pitt, in Williamsburg, and I imagine is gone there, under pretence of my sending him upon business, as I have frequently heretofore done. He is cunning, artful, and sensible, and very capable of forging a tale to impose on the unwary, is well acquainted with the lower parts of the country, having constantly rode with me for some years past, and has been used to waiting from his infancy. He was seen a few days before he went off with a purse of dollars, and had just changed a 5l. bill; most or all of which, I suppose, he must have robbed me of, which he might easily have done, as I trusted him much, and placed too great a confidence in his fidelity. It is probable he may endeavour to pass as a free man, by the name of John Christian, and endeavour to get on board some vessel bound for Great Britain, as a knowledge he has of the late determination of Somerset's case. Whoever takes up the said slave, and delivers him to me, shall receive FIVE POUNDS. GABRIEL JONES.
TEN POUNDS REWARD. RUN away from the subscriber, near the South branch of Mobjack river, in Mecklenburg county, a negro man named BOB, about 5 feet 9 inches high, 26 years old, Virginia born, is very sensible, has bad teeth, speaks very hoarse, and has a small mark on his upper lip; his forehead, which is fleshy, hangs much over his eyes, and makes a dent in his nose joining his forehead. He is a little bow-legged, and his feet are large; can make shoes, play on the fiddle, and is fond of singing with it; he passes as a free man, and calls himself ROBERT CHAVERS. He broke Norfolk gaol in May last, was seen at Craney Island, and is supposed to be gone towards Hampton. Whoever delivers him to me shall have the above reward, or FIVE POUNDS to secure him in any gaol, so that I get him again. I forewarn all masters of vessels from taking him out of the colony at their peril. (2) RICHARD WITTON.
STRAYED from the subscriber, in Hanover county, some time in April last, a black horse colt, 2 years old last spring, about 4 feet 2 or 3 inches high, neither cut, docked, or branded, and is rather slender made. I imagine he is up the country, as he was seen that way, in company with a black beast. Whoever will deliver him to me shall have TWENTY SHILLINGS, besides what the law allows. AUGUSTINE LONGAN.
TAKEN up, near Naylor's Hole, an old roan sorrel horse, about 4 feet 7 inches high, with a large star in his forehead, both hind feet white, has a lump a little below the hock of his left hind leg, which occasions him to limp, a short spring tail, and small thin mane, but no perceivable brand. Potted, and appraised to 3l. 10s. FAUNTLEROY DYE.
TAKEN up, in Essex, a middle sized grey horse, about four feet seven or eight inches high, paces and trots, is rather dull, and branded on the near buttock. Potted, and appraised to 11l. JOHN EDMONDSON, junior.
TAKEN up, in Goochland, a white mare, 4 feet 7 inches high, about 10 years old, branded on the near buttock T A, is a little fleabitten, has a hanging mane and switch tail, and is in good order. Potted, and appraised to 12l. RICHARD WADE.
TAKEN up, in the fork of Robinson river, Culpeper county, a dark bay horse, about 4 feet 9 inches high, branded on the near shoulder I, and on the near buttock G, has a small star in his forehead, and appears to be old. Potted, and appraised to 5l. JOHN JACKSON.
WILLIAMSBURG, June 20, 1774. LOST, a WARRANT, under the hand and seal of his excellency the earl of Dunmore, granted to Edward Wilkinson, and by him assigned to me, for 200 acres of land in Augusta, on the western waters, directed to the surveyor of that county. Any person that will deliver the same to Mr. James Southall, of this city, or to me, in Berkeley county, shall have 20s. The public are hereby warned against taking a conveyance of the said warrant; and the several surveyors are requested to observe this advertisement. 2 1/2 R. RUTHERFORD.
NORFOLK, June 13, 1774. THE subscribers have for SALE MADIRA WINE, BARBADOS RUM, CANE, SPIRIT, and MUSCOWADO SUGAR. PHRIPP and BOWDOIN.
To be SOLD cheap, for ready money, A FOUR WHEELED SULKEY, for a single horse; also a horse for the saddle or chaise, but would best suit a lady's riding. Enquire of the printer. Warwick, June 15, 1774.
I INTEND to leave the colony soon. JAMES RIDDELL.

TO BE SOLD.  A TRACT of LAND in Berkley and Frederick counties, containing 12,076 acres; it lies 7 miles on each side of Shenando river, the quantity on the east side, being only a slip of low ground, is inconsiderable; the quality of the land is remarkably good, and the conveniences attending it great. There are two plentiful streams of water running through marshes three miles in length, some of which are already reclaimed meadows, and the rest, at a very small expence, might soon be reduced to the like state. On each side of the streams mills might be erected and furnaces, the land affording stone, lime, iron, and lead ore. On one of the streams I have already erected a complete merchant mill, with a pair of the best French burrs for grinding of wheat, and a pair of common stones for grinding of Indian corn; besides this, there is near the dwelling house a tub mill, and on the other stream there is a valuable saw mill. There are five settled and improved plantations; on one of them is a good stone house, 2 stories high, with 2 rooms on a floor, a kitchen, dairy, and all other convenient out-houses; on another plantation, where Michael Pike lived, there is a good stone house; and at the other plantations there are overseers houses, negro quarters, barns, stables, tobacco houses, &c. The above tract shall be either partitioned off in lots of 1000 or 500 acres, or sold bodily to one purchaser. Belonging to this estate there are 112 negroes to be disposed of, together with all the flocks of cattle, equal to any in the colony, horses, mares, colts, hogs, &c. likewise all the necessary implements for the planter or farmer. Any person or persons inclineable to purchase are desired to make their proposals to me at Rosegill, on Rappahannock river, or to leave them with the overseer, who lives at the house plantation, and will shew the land. In November I shall be on the premises, and may then be personally treated with. Part of this land, and some of the negroes, belong to my eldest son, who leaves to me the disposition thereof, and will confirm any engagement I enter into on his part.
6 RALPH WORMELEY.
N OTICE is hereby given that there are now remaining in Osborne's warehouse, in Chesterfield county, ten hogheads of tobacco (numbers, weights, and names, as follow) which have been inspected upwards of 3 years.
   No. Gr. Ta. Nett. Planters names.     541 1300 143 1157 Joseph Friend, a note out.   701 1213 128 1085 James R. Bradby.   1270 1170 132 1038 John Hill (P. Edward) a note out.   1864 1063 121 942 Hen. Cox (Charlotte) a note out.   2147 1000 141 859 John Noel (AB) stem. hoghead.   2159 1028 107 921 Mrs. Anne Booker (Wentenham)   2828 1263 127 1136 John Pleasant.   2842 1007 120 887 Drury Thompson.   2921 1157 114 1043 Hen. Cox (Charlotte) a note out.   2963 1300 143 1187 Lewis Shelton.  
Edwards & Graves.
FOR SALE.  A TRACT of LAND containing 456 acres, lying in the upper end of Hanover county, on the main road that leads from Hanover town to the mountains, on which is a good dwelling house, and several out houses. The plantation is in good order, and sufficient to work 5 or 6 hands. The terms may be known by applying to Mr. David Anderson, of Hanover, who will shew the land, or to the subscriber, in Albemarle.
4 † RICHARD ANDERSON.
FOR SALE.  A WELL accustomed ORDINARY in the town of Blandford, which has always rented for 75l. a year, it having many valuable improvements and conveniences. Any person inclining to view the premises, and to be acquainted with the terms, may apply to the subscriber near said town; who will also dispose of the household and kitchen furniture, if it suits the purchaser.
JOHN BUTLER, senior.
YORK TOWN, June 16, 1774.
R UN away last night from the ship London, at anchor before this town, William Beckly, and Ned, or Margate, two young seamen belonging to the said ship, who also stole the jolly boat, and some provisions; the boat has the ship's name on some part of her and on the oars, is painted white, has a white bottom, and is very small. A reward of 20s. will be given for the sailors and the same for the boat, besides what the law allows upon their being brought to the ship.
MOSES ROBERTSON.
R UN away from the subscriber, about the 20th of April last, a mulatto fellow named Peter Brown, a painter by trade, but can do carpenter's work; he is 35 or 40 years of age, of a dark complexion, five feet eight or nine inches high, slim made, and has a thin visage, has lost several of his upper foreteeth, is fond of singing, and can sing well. The said fellow has several suits of clothes, therefore I cannot describe his dress. He was some years past tried for a robbery, but obtained the governor's pardon on suffering one year's imprisonment; after that he was sold to Mr. John Fox, of Gloucester, with whom he lived one or two years; he then run away, and passed for a free man in the counties of King William, Caroline, and Hanover, where he was taken up and brought home. As he has a wife at Mr. Benjamin Hubbard's, it is likely he may be lurking in that neighbourhood, and as he was raised in Petersburg, it is very probable he may be in those parts. Whoever will take up the said runaway, and deliver him to me, at Osborne's, shall receive FORTY SHILLINGS reward.
PETER FIELD TRENT.
*** All persons are forbid harbouring or carrying him out of the colony.
3
A SI purpose giving up the charge of the store now under my management at Petersburg, on account of Messrs. William Cuningham and company, of Glasgow, to Mr. Alexander Hanburgh, on the 1st of September next, I beg the favour of all those who have had dealings with me on account of the above mentioned company, to settle their accounts before that time, and grant bond, or some other specialty, that no dispute may arise thereafter. The store will be supplied with goods, and carried on to the same extent as usual, by Mr. Hanburgh.
THOMAS GORDON.
3
T AKEN up, in Bedford, a small dark bay, or black horse, about 9 or 10 years old, about 4 feet 10 inches high, branded on the near shoulder W P, and on the near buttock W, trots and paces, has a hanging mane and switch tail, is shod all round, and has some saddle spots.
JOHN CLARK.
T AKEN up, in Pittsylvania, a dark bay gelding, 5 years old, 14 hands high, branded X on the near shoulder, and something resembling the same mark on the near buttock, but is scarcely perceivable, and is shod before with shoes remarkably broad, has a small star in his forehead, and a saddle spot on each side. Posted, and appraised to 10l. Also a brindle cow, 10 years old, marked with a crop in the left ear, and appraised to 2l. Likewise a red heifer, with a white face, about 3 years old, unmarked, and appraised to 1l. 10s.
PETER COPLAND.
T AKEN up, in Pittsylvania, a dark grey gelding, branded S H on the near shoulder, and H S on the near buttock, about 7 years old, 4 feet 5 inches high, and had on a bell and collar. Appraised to 7l. 10s.
AMBROSE JONES.
T AKEN up, in Hanover county, near the Fork Church, a black heifer, with a mealy nose, about three years old, not marked. Posted, and appraised to 1l.
JOHN HENDRICK.
T AKEN up, in Bedford, a mouse coloured mare, about 2 years old, 4 feet 4 inches high, one half of her off hind foot white, docked, but not branded. Appraised to 8l.
Alexander Butler.
To be SOLD, at BELVOIR,  T HE seat of the honourable George William Fairfax, esquire, in Fairfax county, on Monday the 15th of August next (pursuant to his direction) all his HOUSEHOLD and KITCHEN FURNITURE of every kind, consisting of beds and their furniture, tables and chairs, and every other necessary article, mostly new, and very elegant. Ready money will be expected from every purchaser under five pounds, and twelve months credit allowed those who exceed that sum, upon their giving bond, with approved security; to carry interest from the date if the money is not paid within forty days after it becomes due.
6 FRANCIS WILLIS, junior.
To be RENTED, FROM YEAR TO YEAR, OR FOR A TERM OF YEARS,  B E L V O I R,
T HE beautiful seat of the honourable George William Fairfax, esquire, lying upon Potowmack river, in Fairfax county, about 14 miles below Alexandria. The mansion house is of brick, two story high, with four convenient rooms and a large passage upon the lower floor, five rooms and a passage on the second, and a servants hall and cellars below; convenient offices, stables, and coach house, adjoining, as also a large and well furnished garden, stored with great variety of valuable fruits, in good order. Appertaining to the tract on which these improvements are, and which contains near 2000 acres (surrounded, in a manner, by navigable water) are several valuable fisheries, and a good deal of cleared land in different parts, which may be let altogether, or separately, as shall be found most convenient. The terms may be known of Colonel Washington, who lives near the premises, or of me, in Berkeley county,
tf FRANCIS WILLIS, junior.
To be SOLD, pursuant to an act of assembly, on Monday the 1st of August next, being Prince William court day,
T HE glebe lands of Dettingen parish, in the said county, adjoining the lands of the present incumbent the reverend James Scott, situate on Quantico Run, about 9 miles from Dumfries, and containing about 400 acres. The soil is good for wheat or tobacco, and there may be got a considerable quantity on the same.
3 HENRY LEE, } churchwardens. LEWIS RENO, }
To be SOLD, to the highest bidder, at Goochland courthouse, on Monday the 18th of July, being court day,
A TRACT of rich, well timbered LAND, lying opposite to Elk Island, in Goochland county, belonging to the estate of Mr. John Smith, deceased, containing 2000 acres, which will be put up in four separate lots. Likewise a tract containing between 3 and 400 acres, lying on both sides of the Little Bird creek, near the head thereof, in the aforesaid county. Those lands having been fully described in a former advertisement renders it unnecessary here. The time of payment will be made known on the day of sale, and bonds, with good security, required of the purchasers.
9 WILLIAM ANDERSON, executor.
††† The meeting of the merchants in Williamsburg, having prevented me from attending on the 20th of June, it may be necessary to assure the public that the above mentioned land will certainly be sold on the day now appointed. The purchasers at the different sales of the slaves and personal estates of Joseph and John Smith, deceased, are desired to take notice, that their bonds will carry interest from the date, if not paid by the 1st of July, which, added to the distressed situation of those estates, I hope, will induce them to make immediate payment.
NORFOLK, April 21, 1774.
N OTICE is hereby given, that a number of vessels will be wanted this summer to bring about 6000 tons of stone from Mr. Brooke's quarry, on Rappahannock, and land the same on Cape Henry, for the lighthouse. Any person inclineable to engage in such work are desired to treat with Matthew Phripp, Paul Loyall, and Thomas Newton, junior, esquires. The directors of the lighthouse will also be glad to purchase one or two flat bottomed vessels from 80 to 120 tons burthen.
tf BASSETT MOSELEY.
T HE clearing the Seven Island falls, in James river, will be let to the lowest bidder, on the 3d Thursday in August next, at which time any person inclineable to undertake the same may depend on meeting a sufficient number of trustees at the place, who will pay down one half of the money, upon the undertaker's giving bond and security for the performance of the same.
For S A L E,  A TRACT of land, on Charles river, York county, containing about 600 acres, part of which is marsh, that may be drained with very little expence. The situation of this place is very convenient for a family, as it lies upon a river that abounds with oysters and fine fish, particularly sheepsheads; it is within 200 yards of a mill, and 2 miles of the church. My reason for selling it is, my having bought a tract of land more convenient to me. Whoever inclines to purchase may know the terms by applying to the subscriber, in York town.
THOMAS NELSON, junior.
F O R S A L E, And to be ENTERED upon at CHRISTMAS next,  A VERY valuable tract of LAND in King William county, on Pamunkey river, adjoining the land of the late Mr. John Smith, of Hanover county, deceased containing 800 acres, more or less, the soil is very rich and exceedingly well adapted for wheat, corn, or tobacco, particularly the first and second, being low ground and there is a considerable quantity of high ground. It has plenty of good pine and oak timber upon it, convenient houses, and is in good order for cropping, is about two miles from Hanover town, and very convenient to church and two mills. Any person inclineable to purchase may be shewn the land by applying to Mr. Christopher Taliaferro, or Mr. William Jones, who resides near the same, and the terms may be also known by applying to these gentlemen, or to the subscriber.
tf THOMAS JONES.
To be SOLD, on the premises, on the third Thursday in June next,
T HE very profitable ORDINARY, belonging to the subscriber, at King William courthouse, with 600 acres of very valuable LAND adjoining to it. The place is so well known that it is unnecessary to describe it, or to point out the advantage of its situation, which is central that it is daily resorted by travellers from all parts; so that it has constant custom. The ordinary, and some small tenements on the land, have rented for 170l. a year, and are now well worth 200l. a year, or more. The purchaser may have possession the first day of November next, and is to pay one fifth of the purchase money that day, and one other fifth annually after, until the whole is satisfied. Bond, with good security, for the payment thereof, must be given to the subscriber, who will treat privately with any person inclineable to purchase before the day of sale.
JOHN QUARLES.
To be SOLD, together or in parcels,  T HAT fertile and well timbered tract of LAND, lying in Princess Anne county, known by the name of GIBBS'S WOODS, whereon are several settlements, and whereof Jeremiah Tinker, esquire, grandson of the late governor Gibbs now stands seized, under the deed of gift of his mother, the daughter and heiress of the said governor Gibbs. Persons inclining to purchase may be informed of the terms by applying to Mr. James Parker, merchant in Norfolk, or to Edward Foy, in Williamsburg, who will give an undoubted title.
tf
To be SOLD, and entered upon immediately,  A TRACT of LAND containing 1300 acres, more or less, on Pianketank river, in Gloucester county. It is needless to be particular about it as it is the same I advertised last year and then gave a full account of it, since then I sold it to John Attway Clarke, of Maryland, but as he refuses to take it, necessity obliges me once more to offer it to the public. Any person inclineable to purchase may know the terms by applying to me in Middlesex. I want part of the money at the meeting of the merchants, and for the remainder I will give reasonable credit.
tf AUGUSTINE SMITH.
FOR SALE, AND VERY CHEAP,  A PLANTATION in good order for cropping, none of the land having been cleared above six years, with all necessary houses, quite new, together with 1500 acres of exceeding rich land, the soil of which is so good that it will bring large tobacco for five or six years without dung. I have made on this plantation above three thousand pounds of tobacco per share. The place is very healthy, and has a fine range for stock. This land lies in the lower end of Buckingham county, near to Appomattox river, on each side of Great Ducker's and Mayo creeks. Tobacco has been carried above this land near to Petersburg by water, and last month, in the dry weather, two canoe loads of wheat were carried near to Petersburg, and the canoes brought back; they were loaded but a little below this land. I make no doubt but Appomattox river will be soon cleared, and then the expence of sending wheat, tobacco, &c. will be trifling. Any person inclineable to purchase will see, by the produce of the land, that it is exceeding rich. I really do not know any better high land in the colony. This tract of land is well timbered, and has excellent water on it. I do not know a better place for a merchant mill than is on Ducker's creek. People are going much on raising wheat in these parts, and a good mill would be very advantageous to the owner. Also another tract of land of 826 acres, in Albemarle county, I believe about ten miles from the courthouse, joining Mr. James Harris and the quarters of Mr. John Winston. On this land is a small plantation, a good apple orchard, &c. The land is good, and my price so low, that I am convinced any person who viewed either of the above tracts of land would not hesitate to give the price I shall ask. Neither of these tracts are under any incumbrance whatsoever. A reasonable time of payment will be allowed.
tf ANTHONY WINSTON.
I FIND it necessary to give this public notice, that Jasper Manduit Gidley was dismissed from being my collector in September last, and that no receipts given by the said Gidley for money on my account, since that time, will be allowed by me; and I request the favour of the gentlemen of the law, in the different counties, to retain in their own hands any bonds or accounts of mine delivered them by the said Gidley, either before or after September last, and be kind enough to let me know, by a line, what steps they have taken on such bonds and accounts.
THOMSON MASON.