The Patowmac guardian, and Berkeley advertiser (Shepherdstown, Va. [W. Va.]), 1791-02-15 00:00:00

The PATOWMAC GUARDIAN, and BERKELEY ADVERTISER.
PRICE TWO DOLLARS PER ANN.]
T U E S D A Y, FEBRUARY 15, 1791.
[NUMBER 14 OF VOL. 1.]
WHERE LIBERTY DWELLS, THERE IS MY COUNTRY.
Franklin.
For the PATOWMAC GUARDIAN, &c.
ON DEFAMATION.
NO vice seems to be so universally detested, and so generally practised, as that of DEFAMATION. How does it happen, that, what appears to extremely vile, when beheld in another, seems to lose all its deformity, and to assume the appearance of innocence, and sometimes even of virtue too, when we contemplate it in ourselves? The translation of a vice from one person to another, cannot possibly change its nature, and give it a quite different complexion. Why then do so many who despise and hate the character of a defamer , chuse to deserve the character themselves?
Shall we suppose that there is in the human heart an overflowing fountain of bitterness, which must always have some vent? This may, perhaps, be the case with respect to some of the most abandoned and malicious, but is not, I hope, a common case. Though some may be actuated by pure malice, yet there are multitudes, who wantonly sacrifice their neighbour's reputation at the shrine of self-love. Blinded by this infatuating passion, they seem to think any measure innocent, by which they hope to exalt themselves!
The love of reputation is one of the strongest passions of the human heart. A passion calculated to answer valuable purposes in the moral world, by inspiring mankind with a generous emulation to excel in those things which entitle to honour and esteem. But vast numbers of sluggish souls decline the rough and steep ascent that leads to true honour, and most unnaturally attempt to become conspicuous, by degrading others, as far as possible, below themselves.
There is, however, a description of defamers, who seem to have recourse to defamation, by way of self-defence; and who would be well pleased if they could only reduce every envied character, to a level with their own. The lustre of superior virtue and goodness dazzles their weak eyes, or at least pains their envious hearts. Therefore they oppose the clouds of defamation, as a defence against that lustre, which reflects an infamy on their own vices, and makes them extremely uneasy.
It is also probable, that some persons make use of defamation as a vehicle to spread abroad their own praise. To reprobate in another, what we are guilty of ourselves, is absurd and uncaudid. Therefore, it may be presumed, that a number while circulating the defamatory tale, do not intend so much to injure their neighbour's reputation, as modestly to proclaim, "I would have you to know that I have more virtue and honour, than to be guilty of any thing so mean and base." But such methods to acquire reputation, are productive of disgrace, instead of honour.
Though a man could sink half the world to the lowest infamy, it would not raise himself one degree higher in the scale of real dignity. Could the sons of vice degrade the characters of the virtuous and good, to a level with their own—nay, could they seduce the virtuous themselves from virtue, and render them completely vicious—instead of ennobling their own character by such means, they would only render themselves more vile and infamous. And as soon may darkness scatter light upon us from her sable wings, as defamation become a proper vehicle of praise.
O ye votaries of honour! who vainly endeavour to rear a paltry character, upon the ruins of that of your neighbour. Open your eyes, and behold the many walks which conduct to the temple of FAME. Let the mind be expanded to the ray of truth—cultivate science—treasure up any kind of useful knowledge—eradicate every vestige of malice and envy—cultivate virtue—cherish the human affections—learn to love your neighbour as yourselves—speak with pleasure of his excellencies—throw a veil over his infirmities—consider all men as brethren, and as far as in your power, promote the happiness of all. Thus may you arrive at true honour. But if these walks seem too rugged and steep, you may acquire some reputation, by learning to tame and govern one of the most ungovernable powers in the Universe. I mean the human tongue. P. H.
FROM THE GENERAL ADVERTISER.
MR. RACHE,
ACCORDING to promise I send you the petition, and assure you that the subscription goes on rapidly; 1000 having signed already.—The total number of 10,000 is deemed sufficient, although twice as many might easily be obtained. The proceeding has been scrupulously candid, not one having set down her name without a careful perusal of the contents. Much less have absent or fictitious persons been added to the list, or school boys and other trumpery taken in.
Your friend,
C.
To the Honorable CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES.
The humble Address of the ten thousand Federal Maids.
With a blush of female modesty we present this respectful address, in hopes that our federal voice may in some degree soften the clamour of discontent that stands your ears. We are grieved to see, that a glorious empire cemented by the blood of gallant fellow-citizens, fathers and brothers, is yet in danger from licentious discord; and we make you a solemn tender of all the aid that faithful female hearts can give. Phlegmatic pedants and flirting beaux may ridicule this language as the effusion of enthusiasm; we scorn the paltry beings who never felt the sublimity and ardor of our country's sacred love . We repeat again, command our utmost efforts for the public good. If the men will not suffer your excise to touch their darling grog , excise in which does every year destroy thousands, brings many hundred families to beggary, and breaks the hearts of many amiable wives—tax then freely our favorite tea, our caps, bonnets, cushions, bishops, every piece of ornamental dress. If will more is wanted, tax our very under-petticoats. It our young men will not learn how to defend their liberty and property; their hoary fire, the mother who bore and suckled them—then order us into the field. We shrink indeed from violence; some of us cannot without pain kill a chicken: But alas, the sword is yet in this civilized era, the ultimate ratio . This charming country may invite bold invaders; it may breed vipers in its bosom. This land of liberty must be defended against foreign and domestic foes. Some of us are of the society called Friends , and we all respect the civil virtues of this society; but we cannot believe that a man does please the righteous judge of mankind, and father of mercies, by suffering a savage to scalp his child, or burn the wife of his bosom in slow fires . We all know the value of national industry; but gold must be defended by steel . Independence must not be hazarded merely to make an apprentice work some additional days more in the year for his master. Learning is both useful and ornamental to nations: But do not our scholars know, that Minerva was the Goddess of arms as well as arts ? Some of us will never marry a fellow who cannot protect his sweet-heart, although he could chaunt all the battles of Homer in Greek.
Your petitioners revere the rights of conscience. They know also that general regulations require modification; but every good citizen will cheerfully bear his portion of the public burden; if he cannot fight, he will pay; if he drinks a great deal, he will not grudge the price of his enjoyment.
Finally, as those that sow have a right to reap, your petitioners request with the due submission a few small privileges: as an order of female heroism, like that of the Cincinnati ; the right of election to all public offices; and especially an absolute command over non-paying and non-fighting husbands .
TEN THOUSAND FEDERAL MAIDS.
Foreign Advices.
H A G U E, Nov. 23—30.
WE are waiting with the greatest impatience for news from Brabant, where we expect the Austrian army are at this moment arrived. The Belgic Congress, weary of the fanatical obstinacy of Van der Noot, Van Eupen, and others of that cast, have concluded, at last to make an attempt to avoid an absolute submission to the Emperor, and preserve their ancient constitution without having recourse to military exertions. From all appearances, the Belgic Congress have no other resource left them but to accept the re-establishment of their old constitution, with every guarantee for their strict observance thereof that can reasonably be desired—the two superior orders of the nation, see the absolute necessity of accepting those terms immediately, and nothing but the influence of the inferior clergy over the dregs of the people, keeps alive the present disturbances, and prevent the low countries from enjoying the blessings of peace.
"On the 19th inst. the Belgic Congress met to debate upon the Emperor's manifest. Van Eupen and Van der Noot, concluded their harangues with a solemn oath never to enter into any accommodation whatsoever with the Emperor, or to return under his sovereignty, and advised the other members to follow their example; but this was peremptorily refused; and the delegates from Hainault, Flanders, Tournay and Tournesis, and from Malines, joined the other members in their refusal, adding, "that they were ordered by their constituents to accommodate matters, if possible, with their ancient sovereign." And thus the Belgic nation is split into two parties, the more moderate under the controul of the most numerous and violent, hurried on by a blind impetuosity and a few designing leaders."
Letters from Vienna, dated Nov. 13, mention a complete victory gained by the Russians over the Turks in the Cuban, on or about the 10th of October. Notwithstanding the superiority of the Turks in number, they were totally vanquished and their whole camp with their artillery, consisting of more than 30 pieces of cannon, their baggage, provision, and even the Seraskier and all his artillery, fell into the hands of the conquerors.
L O N D O N, Nov. 25.
On the evening of the 5th inst. the Sovereign Congress at Brussels assembled at the Town-house at Namur, where they received the citizens; after the President, in an animated speech, had addressed them respecting the Emperor's Manifesto, he, in the name of the Sovereign Congress, required their sentiments, which were delivered by one of their head, who spoke to the following effect:
"We have considered the Emperor's Manifesto, which I have the honor to inform you the citizens of Brussels not only reject but despise; the people have drawn the sword in the cause of God and their country, nor will they ever sheath it but in the bodies of their enemies!"
"They are firm and determined, they have and will most cheerfully expend the last portion of their property in support of their's and their posterity's liberty! They beseech you, therefore, high and mighty Lords, to act with zeal and attachment in your several august stations; for should a link of your great chain give way, our cause must fall to ruin."
The Manifesto was then ordered to be produced at the table, where it was pricked by the sword of the President, and head of the people, and then burnt in form.
This appeal from Congress to the people, has been ordered to take place all over the States, and there is but one voice, freedom or death .
A proclamation was issued offering a pension of twenty florins per ann. and a silver medal, to every soldier serving the term of 3 years, from the 1st of December next.
Dr. Price has done himself so little good by asserting the rights of men, that he might as well have suffered them quietly to have blundered on in their own way.
How can the National Assembly boast of its zeal for the rights of man—of its justice and its humanity, when, standing on the ruins of the Bastille, it suffers the employment of torture and the wheel.
A MEDAL.— The Liberty of the Press.
THE very unwarrantable attack which has lately been made upon this great engine of all our liberties, civil and political, the press , has induced a number of gentlemen to request that a medal may be struck in honor of an illustrious jury of Ireland , who by their verdict, established that truth was not a libel , in sensible contradiction to the system laid down to us by Lord Mansfield. Mr. Gray, of Sackville-street, is to give the design, which will be equally spirited and just. Every man literary, or not, who feels as he ought to do for the liberty of the press, attempted to be borne down by actions at law, is requested to signify his intentions of subscribing, to Mr. Ridgway, Bookseller, at the Prince of Wales's Head York-street, St. James's Square, London, for this medal, thus instituted in honor of the late jury of Ireland.
DECEMBER 2.
THE NETHERLANDS,
On Tuesday evening the Duke of Leeds received the following very important communication from Col. Gardner at Brussels, which confirms the news of the surrender of Namur, to the Imperialists, and relates the consequences which it has produced in every part of the Netherlands.
In our account of yesterday, we stated that General Schoenfeld, the commander in chief of the Belgic troops, had saved himself by flight from the hands of the Imperialists, and had arrived at Brussels. The latter part of this information we find to be premature, for the Duke of Leeds's dispatches positively mention that the whole Belgic army in garrison at Namur had been made prisoners, and among the rest General Schoenfeld. This account is certainly correct, though the particulars of the capture are not yet known.
But the most important of the news is, that the Congress of Brussels, on hearing this intelligence, and that the Imperial army, amounting to 40,000 men, under the command of General Bender, was in hasty march towards Brussels, immediately dispersed and took to flight. Some of the members got away unmolested, but the populace have seized on Van der Noot, and Van Eupen, the lawyer and priest, who were endeavouring to escape in disguise, both of whom they held in confinement, and their fate will soon prove an example of punishment to others who dare to rebel against their lawful sovereign, and usurp a government by means of the most barefaced and wicked imposture.
The Imperial troops were expected in Brussels on

Saturday last, and the inhabitants are extremely well disposed to receive them. They will find no resistance in re-taking possession of the Netherlands.
The Congress of ambassadors at the Hague, for settling the disputes in Brabant, is dissolved rather abruptly. The Count de Merci d'Argenteau, the Imperial minister, had been entreated by the other members of the Congress to delay the entry of the Imperial troops into Brabant for eight days, which he refused to do for as many hours. The ministers of the three allied powers openly protested against this rash conduct of M. de Merci, and the Congress broke up. It is however, generally understood, that Lord Auckland tacitly acquiesced in the proceedings of this Minister.
On the very moment that the term given by the Emperor expired, the states of Brabant offered to submit on condition of receiving the Emperor's third son as the Sovereign, but all offers short of unconditional submission were refused.
The Aristocracy of Paris are, indirectly at least, still striking at the Revolution. As a proof of this remark, a violent uproar took place at the Italian theatre, the managers of which impudently (to speak in gentle terms) represented the piece of Richard ; a piece which ought to have been for ever proscribed from one stage, after the excesses of the disgraceful fourth of October. The patriotic party prevailed at length over the despots who were crowded into the boxes. It seems extraordinary that there should be some invisible power at the Court of Versailles, which can not only hinder the performance of " Brutus " and the " Death of Caesar " but enforce the representation of Richard .
EMPEROR OF MOROCCO.
It is a pretty general custom with the Emperor of Morocco to take advantage of any dispute between England and Spain, and commence hostilities against his Catholic Majesty. But the possession of those two strong holds, Melilla and Ceuta, by the Spaniards, operates as a great check upon this pretended son of Mahomet, although he still entertains a hope that he will one day be able to drive them from those places, as he did from Laroche and Mamora.
The Spaniards, however, if they were seriously to work against these Barbarians, and had no other enemy to cope with, might easily dispossess them of the only two ports they have on the Mediterranean—Zafarina and Tetuan. Nor would it be a difficult matter for Spain successfully to attack Tangiers, for the Moors are very bad soldiers, and possess but a small portion of courage. Their superstition indeed exceeds all bounds, but that of overleaping their natural cowardice.
Such is the uncivilized state of the Emperor of Morocco's dominions, that the people are taught to believe, if they are killed by the hand of their Sovereign, they go up immediately to Heaven, and so piously inclined is that Monarch, that nothing gives him greater pleasure than providing in so happy a manner for his subjects. His Majesty whenever thus piously inclined, cloths himself in yellow, which is his colour for murder, and therefore, such of his subjects as are not willing immediately to be translated from earth to the skies, always shun him in that garb—such as unfortunately fall in his way, he diverts himself with sending out of this world, either by bastinado, or by a dart from his own hand—all for the good of their souls.
These facts are recorded in the page of authenticated history, and if properly attended to by all Christian countries, ought to operate in a union to teach such monarchial states a little humanity to our fellow creatures, and especially to such Christians as may fall in their power.
DECEMBER 3. It was yesterday determined in the Court of King's Bench, that a man marrying a widow is not bound to maintain her children by her first husband.
Ireland, in the ten last years, has paid to Sweden and other countries, the enormous sum of five millions for Iron alone, which their own mines were adequate to produce.
Letters from Vienna confirm the victory obtained by the Generalissimo of her Imperial Majesty over the Turks in the Cuban. This victory is represented to have been very complete, and will, no doubt, have its weight in the negotiations with the Porte.
In consequence of a duel which took place, Nov. 12, between M. de Castris, of the aristocratic, and M. Lameth, of the patriotic party, in France; it has been proposed to the Assembly, that the practice of duelling be made capital. M. de Lameth was dangerously wounded, and in revenge, the mob have demolished the house of M. de Castris, who had previously made his escape.
Particulars of the Cherokee Embassy.
The Indian Chiefs have been absent from their own country eighteen months. They arrived at Halifax, Nova-Scotia, in May last, after a most tedious journey, of only seven days short of twelve months.
Their country is situated some where about the source of the Mississippi; but instead of adopting the course of that river for their general guide to the North-American shore, by which they might have penetrated through Vermont, and reached Virginia in three months, they took too westerly a direction, and thereby unnecessarily traversed a tract of some thousand miles, which at last brought them to the sea at Halifax.
The Governor of that settlement was unwilling to take upon himself the conduct of their voyage to England; and therefore sent them to Quebeck, to
Lord Dorchester, who provided them with a passage on board of a vessel bound for London.
The avowed purpose of their mission to this country was to solicit a supply of arms and ammunition for the present purpose of effectually repelling the inroads of some troublesome neighbours; in return for this assistance, they were willing to enter into an engagement to turn their whole force against any power in that quarter of the globe, whose views were inimical to the interests of Great-Britain.
The appearance of the political hemisphere, certainly renders it impolitic to enter into any engagement of this nature at the present period;—but may we not infer that these offers would be a most propitious circumstance for this country, had public affairs taken a different turn, as they have at this time between 40 and 50,000 men ready to take the field.
On the 31st October, M. Blanchard, being then at Prague, made his 37th aerial excursion in his balloon, accompanied by one of the members of the Royal Society of Prague. The balloon was filled with 9000 cubick feet of gas; and at 4 P. M. he ascended from the plain Baumgarten, in presence of a multitude of spectators. They were provided with several instruments for making observations, but the machine was scarcely at the height of 1000 feet, before they were all broken, or thrown down from the gallery by a violent motion of a stream of wind, which tossed the machine in all directions.—Notwithstanding their apparent danger, descended in perfect safety.
NATIONAL AFFAIRS.
THE result of our long negotiation with Spain, which is among the most prominent features of this month, though perhaps as fortunate as was to be expected at a crisis of a strong and growing confederacy against England, has not, however, fully gratified those sanguine expectations that were excited by the firmness of the minister in holding a high tone to the Spaniards at the beginning of the contest, and the vigorous preparations which, with the unanimous concurrence of parliament, he has been enabled to make between that period and the termination of the dispute. Concerning this termination different sentiments are entertained; and as it is easy, in affairs so complicated, to find plausible arguments on either side of the question, Englishmen are in general guided in their opinions of the Spanish convention by their particular passions, prejudices, and interests.
On one side it is urged, that the convention with Spain is vague and indefinite, and leaves room, nay even invites new quarrels. British navigators are prohibited from approaching within ten leagues of the Spanish coasts in America; nor are British adventurers permitted to settle on any part of the western shore of America that has been claimed, or considered as belonging to Spain. But our seamen may be driven on the Hispan American coast by distress of weather; and the vast and undesigned pretensions of the Spaniards open a door for crushing any of our infant colonies, as they did that of Nootka, whenever they may think they can do it with impunity. Who is the umpire to determine between a Spanish man of war and an English merchant ship, whether the spot where they chance to meet in the Pacific Ocean is less than ten leagues from land, or more than twenty? The right which our navigators may conceive they have gained of freedom in the South Seas on the one part; and the awakened jealousy of the Spaniards on the other, by a collision almost constantly to be expected, will strike out some sparks to provoke a war—if it is not prevented by sheathing the sword, after we are ready to strike, by some vague declaration of all that is honorable and just in the plans of the court of Spain; and all that is pacific in their intentions. Is the court of London then, upon repeated outrages, so easily satisfied? Their resentment so easily appeased? Let us continue to give them soft words, but hard blows; let us check all their attempts to obtain a footing on the western coast of America, since we may do it with impunity. Such is the disposition of the Spaniards, and such the train of thinking that we may encourage them to carry their disposition into action. They are acquainted that Mr. Pitt places the glory and the stability of his administration on his sinking fund. Peace, it may be referred from the last speech from the throne, is peculiarly desirable and necessary under our system of gradually reducing the national debt. The Spaniards, therefore, are aware that, on these principles, we will bear much before we undertake a war in any circumstances, however favourable. If our enemies are allowed to put us to the expence of million after million with impunity, they may reduce us to the last extremity by mere wantonness, without suffering themselves any of the disadvantages which they may occasion to us; and we may share the fate of the civet-cat, which is irritated until it perish from excessive perspiration. The Spaniards, indeed cannot make a shew of naval and warlike preparation without expence any more than England; but they are not burthened with an enormous load of national debt; they start with this overstrained kingdom, in a race of expence, with great advantage. For even if Spain equals England in expence, still, if we add equal things to unequal, their whole will be unequal. Farther: if by this hostile trifling, this ineffectual provocation, our credit should last as long as that of our opponents, and that the credit or solvency of both nations should fall together; there would remain to Spain her rich mines, her wine and oil, and other resources; the failure of credit, and public as well as private confidence, to Britain, would produce her ruin. Public bankruptcy and private distrust must terminate in a general convulsion. On this account we ought to
have received an indemnification of our expences, in some shape or other, from Spain, as an act of justice with regard to what is past, and as security against the repetition of insolence and injustice in future.
Those, on the other hand, who defend the treaty with Spain, observe, that it is as definitive and express as the nature of the subjects to which it refers, admits. Every maritime nation insists on a superiority or power paramount on its own shores; and Great-Britain, in particular, has exercised this right in its full latitude. Some line was to be drawn for regulating British navigation in the South Seas, and the specific distance of ten leagues was just as good, at last, as any other. The dignity of Great-Britain has been honourably supported indeed!—Since the Spaniards have yielded up both Nootka and all that we chose to appropriate to ourselves on the unoccupied coast of America, to the terror of our arms. Thus to unite the blessings of peace with the dignity and power that seldom result but from the most successful war, is the very height and consummation of human policy. It is in this accession of dignity and power, that we find an ample as well as noble indemnification for the amount of our expences; and no matter what the intentions of our enemies may be, so long as we are permitted, by a free range over the globe, to draw home the wealth of the whole world to ourselves by our manufactures; we thereby invigorate ourselves for fresh armaments, whenever new insolence may provoke a contest.
The truth is, that if, on the one hand, it can seldom happen that there is not reason to be satisfied with peace, so, on the other, that peace is seldom lasting which is produced without either gratifying or humbling pride and revenge, and settled without the interference of powerful guarantees. Spain has acceded, but with a frowning countenance, and still grasping the handle of the sword; and she will undoubtedly embrace a more favourable opportunity for courting a fresh quarrel with Great-Britain, whenever she thinks that she may rely on the aid of France.
United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES.
THURSDAY, January 23.
IN Committee of the whole, on the bill, declaring the person, who, in case of the death, inability, removal or resignation of the President, and Vice-President, shall exercise the office of President of the United States.
Mr. Carroll renewed the motion, that the vacancy in such case be filled by the Secretary of State for the time being.
Mr. Livermore observed, that the character of the gentleman who fills that office should have no weight in determining the question, because the house was about to provide for a case that might not happen before a number of years were elapsed.
The house should fix on the officer who would, from the nature of his office, most naturally succeed. He hoped they would not determine in favor of an officer of their own creating, and of which no mention is made in the constitution.
The Chief Justice, he remarked, had been spoken of—one great objection he mentioned against him, the provision which the constitution makes in case the president should be impeached, viz. that he should preside.
As this was an elective government, he wished its principle preserved, and not to see the chief magistracy filled by an officer, not the choice of the people. The President of the Senate, pro. rem. appeared to him a much fitter officer to fill that station—He was originally chosen by the people into the senate.
When amendments to the Constitution came to be thought of, perhaps it would be proper, he said, to provide for this case by a special clause in it, empowering the electors, who had chosen the President and Vice-President, in case of vacancy, to meet again, and make another choice, only, however, for the remainder of the four years; because at the end of that time the power of choosing the electors should return to, and be exercised by the several states.
If the motion before the committee was negatived, he gave notice, that he would bring in his, viz. to fill up the blank with the person last antecedently chosen President of the Senate.
Mr. Baldwin said that he should vote for the present motion, because he conceived that the constitution is express, that an officer of the government, designated either by the law or the Constitution, should be appointed to fill this vacancy.
He stated some objections against the Chief Justice: He is an officer who ought to be entirely detached from all political agitations whatever: His mind ought to be kept calm, and as unembarrassed as possible: He quoted the precedent established in the law, instituting the governor of the Western Territory—there the secretary is to succeed the governor. The secretary of state is an executive officer, an assistant to the President, and must be supposed, from his situation, to be the most proper person to supply the vacancy.
Mr. Sherman was of opinion, that putting the chief magistracy into the hands of a subordinate officer, was by no means proper. As to the observations made by the gentleman last up on the arrangements in the government of the Western Territory, he did not think they could be applied to

the present case: That government was a subordinate one, and a kind of legislative power was vested in the governor, of selecting from the laws, and regulations of the different States such as he thought requisite for the government of those he had under his care.
He was in favor of giving the supreme executive in case of accident, to the President of the Senate: The government would certainly suffer fewer inconveniences by that arrangement than if the head of a department was put in. The Vice-President, by the constitution succeeds to the President; the President of the Senate to the office of the first, it is therefore very natural that he should also exercise the duties of the second in case of vacancy.
To designate an officer, as possible successor to the President, he said, would be giving him too much dignity, and raising him in a manner even above the legislature.
Mr. Carroll observed that the vacancy might happen in the recess of the legislature, or in the absence of the President of the Senate: the Secretary of State would always be at the seat of government. Besides the constitution declared the vacancy should be filled by an officer of the government; the President of the Senate was only an officer pro tem. If the framers of the constitution had intended the vacancy should be filled by an officer named in it, they could have designated him; but this they had not done; he therefore supposed they had in view some officer then not in existence.
Mr. Gerry regretted that the subject should have been taken up at this moment, when so much important business is before Congress. He adverted to the motion, and said, that the character which now fills the office of Secretary of State, undoubtedly possessed the confidence of the legislature in the fullest manner—and very justly—but when the exigency shall arrive for which we now are about to provide, a character may fill that office, who would be a scourge to the Union. Besides said he, if the office of Vice-President was now to be filled, the Secretary of State would be ineligible, coming from the same State with the President: He thought the nomination should not be confined to officers of the U.S. He supposed the views of government may be extended even to officers of the several States—He however wished the whole business postponed; but if this idea is over ruled, he suggested the propriety of filling the blank with the constitutional clause respecting the highest candidates who are primarily voted for as President and Vice-President.
Mr. Sherman observed, that this matter is left with the legislature—the whole power of the people, in case of the vacancy, devolves on the legislature. The particular officer is not pointed out: It lays with Congress to say who it shall be. The President of the Senate is an officer of the United States. In case of the death of a Governor and Lieutenant Governor, it is common in the several States for the oldest counsellor to preside. He instanced the case of the abdication of James II. Adverting to the constitution, he shewed that the appointment of Vice-President, in certain cases devolves on the Senate—who will of course be President. The vacancy may be filled for a longer or shorter time, and this appears to be a question previous in its nature to be determined.
Mr. Sedgwick said he should be in favor of the motion of the gentlemen from New-Hampshire, if it was not for the express provision in the constitution—which says the office shall be filled by an officer of the United States. Should the vacancy now happen, there would be no officer in the Senate that could be appointed.
He mentioned that the office of Chief Justice was considered as next to that of President, and therefore, on the whole, he considered him as the most proper person to fill the vacancy.—He thought the bill respecting the votes for President and Vice-President should be first determined—He moved therefore that the committee should rise, and take up the next bill.
Mr. Carroll and Mr. Livermore objected to the motion for the committee's rising.
Mr. Madison was also opposed to the motion: He enlarged on the subject—and said he thought it a duty, urged by a variety of considerations, important in themselves and more so perhaps in consequences that the decision should be now made.
Mr. Jackson objected to the Chief Justice, and said, the Speaker of the House of Representatives was, in his opinion, the next officer in point of dignity, to the President and Vice-President.
Mr. Madison objected to the Chief Justice, as it would be blending the Judiciary and Executive.—He objected to the President, pro tem. of the Senate. He will be Senator of some particular State, liable to be instructed by the State—and will still hold his office: Thus he will hold two offices at once.—He adverted to the other objections which had been offered against the Secretary of the State, and shewed the compatibility of the two offices.
Mr. Stone stated sundry difficulties respecting all the officers that had been named; but on the whole, thought there were fewer against the Secretary of State than any other officer that had been mentioned.
Mr. Seney was opposed to coming to any decision at the present time: He thought more important business was before the house: He was not for making any decision that should give umbrage to any officer in the government: The Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, were equally entitled to the public notice.
Mr. Carroll was in favor of coming to a decision—and if nothing more could be offered against the motion for filling up the blank with the Secretary of State, he presumed the committee were ripe for
a decision—he referred to the situation of countries who had not in season made provision for a regent, &c.
Mr. Sherman said he was in favor of the committee's rising and reporting the bill, and leave the blanks to be filled up in the house.
Mr. White was in favour of filling up the blank in the committee: He saw no reason for a delay. The officers mentioned are as well known now, as they will be 3 days hence. The President and Vice-President being in health, is a reason why the subject should now be considered: It can be done with coolness, and freedom from all warmth.
Mr. Lawrance said, he thought there was no necessity for precipitating the decision: With respect to every person that has been named, difficulties have been started: The subject is of importance, and time should be given to deliberate on the several officers that have been named.—He hoped therefore that the Committee would rise, and report the bill—and leave the blank to be filled up at another time.
Mr. Burke was in favour of the committee's rising: He observed, that the members in general appeared to be very much undetermined:—This is the first day the subject has been under consideration: He hoped the members would not be precipitated to vote on the occasion.
Mr. Carroll said, if the committee should rise, he hoped the bill would not be reported; but that they would set again.
Mr. Burke said he hoped the committee would set again.
The question on the committee's rising and reporting progress, was carried in the affirmative.
BURLINGTON, JANUARY 18.
On Monday, the 3d instant, a Calf, the property of Mr. Seth Boing, in the county of Salem, New-Jersey, was weighed in a pair of scales, at Quinton's bridge, in said county—which Calf, at the age of seven months and two weeks only, weighed six hundred and fifty-seven pounds : the truth of which is asserted by a number who were present.
PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 27.
The advocates of the present government, before it was adopted by the people, were thought to be very sanguine in their anticipation of the blessings which would result from its establishment. It has turned out on the trial, however, that the event has exceeded the expectation—more is perhaps fulfilled than was promised: But many who allow that our situation was deplorable before the union was secured by the new government, and that it is at present more prosperous than the most sanguine could then have expected, yet will not give all the change to the new Constitution. But a correspondent thinks it useful to remark, that there is one point in which all parties may agree, which is, that whether the surprising prosperity of the country is, or is not, in any degree, the work of the national government, it is plain, that nothing can secure the continuance of that prosperity but the preservation of the government: Weakening the government, or overthrowing it, would immediately change the condition and prospects of the people. While we enjoy so much, and hope so much more than we enjoy, we should reverence our government, and consider any attempts to excite the people to destroy it, as more injurious to our wealth, than the Hessian fly in our wheat-fields. That insect attacks but one grain, and not every species of that: But anarchy and civil discord spare nothing. The insect takes the seed—violence would seize the crop. The adoption of the Constitution saved us from these evils: By supporting it we may hope in future to avoid them.
Before the Constitution was adopted, it was charged with oppression and tyranny: A man who believed all that he had heard against it, must have expected in 1791, to wear wooden shoes, and to want spirit to say that his soul was his own.—How things are changed!—the government has been tried: And what is said against it now?—That it does injustice?—No: But that it does more than justice exacts of it.—It pays debts, which says the accusers, it did not owe; but which are allowed to be honestly due—which on settling the accounts, this government stood bound to pay; and which the worthy creditors would have been likely to lose, if it had not consented to admit, without delay.—So much for its tyranny, and treading on men's rights and property.—Now for its oppression: Why; that its revenue is so ample, that new taxes are superfluous—Americans, you have tried your government: You have tried to do without one:—Which do you like best?
A correspondent observes, that agreeable to the sketch of the debates in the Pennsylvania house of Representatives, as published in Mr. Dunlap's paper—the cause of the union, so far as it depends on revenue to support it, is in a very sickly condition.—A torrent of oratorical declamation in favour of interfering with the legislature of the United States, is counteracted by a few detached sentences; and the “industry” of an individual federalist only—it even appears that when called upon to give their reasons, the federalists do “ not offer any particular arguments .”
The English papers mention, that the sea has recently made a considerable encroachment on the Earl of Bute's estate, near Christ's Church; two fields of some acres each, have been entirely washed away. It is a question whether this does not agree with the new American theory of the Magnetic Tides .
It is to be remarked that the opposers of the revenue bill now before Congress, have never come for-
ward with a competent substitute—Something has been said about a tax on law proceedings, by which it is supposed a stamp duty was intended, and a direct tax has been faintly whispered—but both these are found to shrink from the touchstone of popularity.
The symptoms of aristocracy in the Eastern States, are—agrarian laws—simplicity of manners—equality of circumstances—a universal diffusion of the means of knowledge—public schools being established by law, and supported by a general tax throughout the country—elections by ballot, and consequently free, being held on one, and the same day in small districts, throughout the respective governments—the soil cultivated by its independent owners—reverence for the laws—and respect to their magistrates—the federal government venerated—and the statutes of Congress obeyed—happy and tranquil because they are informed and free—and because they possess the means of preserving their freedom, by making every man, from sixteen to forty , a soldier-citizen:—But the most alarming of all their symptoms of Aristocracy is, the silence of their representatives in Congress, in respect to the jealous, uneasy, turbulent spirit of their constituents, as to any law that the general government may, in their wisdom, enact.
It is a trite observation, that anticipation of evil, is often the forerunner of mischief: We have, however, been happily disappointed in times past—No thanks to the dismal cacklers of the capitol. As the good sense of the people has hitherto prevented them from imbibing a restless spirit of complaint, from the oft repeated, tho' groundless jealousies and apprehensions of more than eagle-eyed politicians, so it is to be hoped they will not in future be seduced to change the solid blessings of the government, for the positive miseries of discord and sedition, because some persons say, they are averse to measures that have never been tried.
SHEPHERD'S-TOWN, February 15.
A correspondent observes that one of the most extraordinary solecisms in modern politics, is, the proposition that apprentices, and minors, shall be debarred from the privilege of bearing arms, in the defence of their country.
Should the legislature of the United States accede to this proposition, the consequences are justly to be dreaded by every friend to an efficient militia.
Our young men are the vital spring of the national defence—and without them the protection of the country must devolve on a standing army—that bane of freedom.
As our young men are in general inspired with high ideas of personal independence, and a glowing ardour to defend their country—it cannot be expected that they will quietly submit to a deprivation of the great privilege of acquiring the art of military, by being immured in work shops, while their fathers and masters are exhibiting their military talents in the field.
It is expected that the attempt to debar the flower of our country, the rising hopes of these States, from an opportunity to perfect themselves in that most noble acquisition, the science of military defence, will produce a remonstrance to “ THE POWERS THAT BE ,” on the part of those immediately concerned. If perfection in the mechanic arts depends on being kept ignorant of military discipline, this perfection will be dearly purchased. It is the glory of our country that the whole volume of nature and art is open to the study of every freeborn American.
A vessel that arrived at Charleston the latter end of December from Cape Francois, which place she left the 15th of the same month, bro't an account that the day before she sailed, there was an engagement off that port, between an English frigate of 28 guns and an armed French merchantman. The Frenchman got into port the same evening, and on the following morning a French frigate of 36 guns sailed in quest of the Englishman.
Extract of a letter from Boston, Jan. 15.
Such a December has not been experienced here for many years—Wood rose to twenty shillings a cord! But since the year came in, the weather has moderated—provisions have been very plenty, and very cheap—the sleighing excellent— Pea and Peal-albes, Hemp, Flax, &c. &c. have been brought in from the back country, which have generally commanded good prices, and sent much money to enliven the interior parts of this state, Vermont and New-Hampshire. The attachment of the people of this commonwealth to the general government daily encreases; in the rise of the public credit—the demand for produce, &c. they feel its superiority over that of the late untried system .
ADVERTISEMENT.
WHEREAS the subscriber, on the 21st day of June, 1788, purchased of a certain WALLACE REED a Tract of Land, for which he was to give him the sum of ninety-eight pounds, Pennsylvania currency, eighteen pounds of which he paid in hand, and gave his obligations for ten pounds each, payable annually on the 15th day of March—six of which bonds only are unpaid. And whereas I am informed, and have every reason to believe, that the said WALLACE REED cannot make me a clear and good title for the land, I hereby forewarn all persons from taking assignments of the said Bonds, as I am determined to pay no more until I am assured of the title.
JOHN SHANEYBERRY.
January 25, 1791.

SEAT OF THE MUSES.
WINTER PIECE.
LO! tremendous winter reigns, White are all the hills and plains: Mute, the longers of the grove, Tell no more their tales of love— Frosts the flowing streams congeal, Angry clouds the sky conceal, Howling winds now rage and blow, Louder, and more loud they grow, Driving clouds of whirling snow. But my muse forbear to dress, Nature in a garb like this. The seasons changing, ever new, Each alike gives pleasure true; Each peculiar charms can show, Which the other cannot know— See in smoothly trodden way Passes by the whizzing sleigh; 'Fore the throng the courtes fly, Ev'ry nimble joint they ply: Over hill and dale they rove, Backward seems the spires to move— Now the sun has left the west, Night approaches on us fast: Then around the cheerful fire Social joys the ring inspire: Discontent nor envy's here, Sullen spleen nor sordid fear. Stories told of ancient fights, Youthful feats, or dismal sights, Make each minute swiftly pass, While in brimming sparkling glass, Hastes around th' October brown, Which from new broach'd cask is drawn:— Politicks are next discours'd, Virtue's cause is here enforc'd, Low intrigues are spurn'd, despis'd, Howe'er practis'd, how disguis'd.— Or a novel next we read, Heroes die, and lovers bleed, Sympathetic tears now flow, Each partakes the hero's wo.— Last, a song the ev'ning ends, Then good night to parting friends— Thus we spend our winter eves, And catch the pleasures winter gives.
FROM THE BOOK OF ODDITIES.
POLITICAL MINIATURE PICTURES, and COUNDRUMS.
Q. Why is his M—— like a lady's legs? A. Because he acts under a petticoat. Q. Why did the Duke of C——, when in the celebrated room at St. Alban's, appear like an honest man to his people below stairs? A. Because he was above doing a bad action. Q. Why are both H—— of P—— like a boil? A. Because they are full of corruption. Q. Why is Lord Mansfield like a corkscrew? A. Because he is full of twists. Q. Why is the above perionage like an expert dancer? A. Because he is a good shuffler. Q. Why is Serjeant Glynn like a careful Physician? A. Because he takes care of the constitution. Q. Why is Lord Barrington like a flea? A. Because he is a blood-sucker. Q. Why is Lord Holland like a credulous publican? A. Because he keeps up a long reckoning. Q. Why is his son like a quick tapster? A. Because he draws fast. Q. Why was Lord Chatham to the Ministry, like a bottle of sparkling champagne? A. Because he often flew in their faces. Q. Why is the Ministry like one afraid of a blistering plaister? A. Because they are frightened at Spanish flies.
Fort-Cumberland Nail-Manufactory.
At this place I make all sorts of
Nails, Brads, Spikes, and SPRIGS,
Which I will sell low for cash, or country produce. I also want a Number of NAILORS, that are good workmen, and I will give good wages.
JOHN PEIRCE.
November 22, 1790.
N. B. At this place we work all Stone Coals.
Blank Deeds of Bar-
gain and sale may be had at this Office.
To be sold, for a term of years, ONE HUNDRED ACRES OF L A N D, Or the one half of a Merchant-Mill.
Any person inclining to purchase, may know the terms, by applying to
THOMAS HALL Berkeley-County, January 20, 1791.
To be RENTED in CHARLES-TOWN, BERKELEY, THAT VALUABLE H O U S E,
Where Mr. JAMES HAMMOND now keeps Store. IT is well calculated for either Store or Tavern, and may be entered on the 1st. of April next. ALSO, that commodious HOUSE where Mr. PHILIP WELSH lives, opposite Mr. HAMMOND's Store. And a new finished two-story HOUSE, on the Main Street, fit for a genteel private family, or a tradesman. For particulars, apply to the Subscriber, near the premises.
WILLIAM CHERRY.
January 6, 1791.
SHEPHERD'S-TOWN
New-Church L O T T E R Y.
THE following is the SCHEME of a LOTTERY, to be drawn under an Act of the Honorable the Assembly of VIRGINIA, granting to the Trustees of the Congregation full power, by this method, to raise the sum herein proposed, for the purpose of completing their NEW MEETING-HOUSE in SHEPHERD'S-TOWN. Any of the Trustees who sign the Tickets, will be responsible to the fortunate adventurers, that the prizes drawn by them shall be paid in specie the next day after the Lottery is drawn—and that the drawing of it shall commence as soon as the Tickets are sold. There shall be in this Lottery
 1 Prize of 160 Dollars..... is..... 160  1 ditto of 80 ditto..... 80  2 ditto of 40 ditto..... 80  4 ditto of 20 ditto..... 80  8 ditto of 10 ditto..... 80  16 ditto of 5 ditto..... 80  30 ditto of 3 ditto..... 150  229 ditto of 2 ditto..... 458  The sum to be raised..... 832  Dollars..... 2000 
1000 Tickets at 2 Dollars each, are..... 2000
In this Scheme there is little more than two BLANKS TO A PRIZE, and as it was unavoidably set on foot for the most laudable purpose, so the most ample justice may be expected, and we flatter ourselves it will meet with encouragement from every good man. The Trustees will be considered as Managers—and Col. JOSEPH SWEARINGEN, Col. WILLIAM DARKE, and Major ABRAHAM SHEPHERD, will be requested to sit as Judges at the time of drawing—which time will be published 3 weeks before it commences, in the PATOWMAC GUARDIAN AND BERKELEY ADVERTISER.
JOHN KEARSLEY, JOHN MORROW, JOHN MARK, WILLIAM BUCKLES, LAURENCE VANDEVIER, } Trustees.
N. B. Tickets may be had from any of the Managers, and also from sundry other Gentlemen in the County.
Wanted to Hire, A young Man,
In the capacity of a HOSTLER. He must be of an honest, industrious, sober Character. Apply to ALEXANDER ROGERS, at Martinsburg, or the PRINTER hereof.
Shepherd's-Town New-Church
Lottery Tickets,
Sold at the Printing-Office hereof.
W A N T E D, A sober, steady young MAN, to officiate in the capacity of a BAR-KEEPER.
Apply at the Printing-Office, for further information.
T O B E S O L D, At Public Vendue, by the Subscriber, Living on Col. HUNTER's Plantation in BERKELEY COUNTY, On Friday the 18th of this Instant, viz. About
30 Barrels of Corn,
in the ear, and between 18 and 20 acres of Wheat in the ground; also, sundry sorts of Household and Kitchen Furniture, among which are, a Chest of Drawers, a Bed and Bedding, Chests, Tables, Chairs, and a variety of other articles too tedious to enumerate. The Sale to begin at 10 o'clock, where due attendance will be given, and the terms made known, per me,
SAMUEL FARRA.
N. B. All persons indebted to said FARRA, either by Bond, Note, or Book Account, are hereby requested to discharge the same, before the first day of March next, as no longer indulgence will be given; and those who have any demands against him, are likewise desired to bring in their Accounts, that they may be adjusted. S. F. February 5, 1791.
TO BE SOLD, At Public Vendue, On the Premises, on the 23d day of February next, that Valuable Plantation
Late the property of THOMAS HOGG, deceased, and whereon he dwelt, containing 248 acres, situate near Thomas Crampton, Esq. six miles from Sharpsburg, in the County of Washington, State of Maryland. The land, meadows, waters, orchards, buildings, and other improvements is equal, if not superior, to any other in the settlement, and stands not in need of any encomiums. There will also be sold at the same time, Negroes, Horses, Cows, Sheep, Hogs, Waggon, Gears, Ploughs, Harrows, and all kinds of Farming Utensils and Household-Furniture.
The Vendue to begin at 10 o'clock of said day, when attendance and reasonable credit will be given, by CHRISTOPHER ORNDORFF, Executor. January 24, 1791.
BERKELEY, ff.
PERSONALLY appeared before me, PHILIP FITZPATRICK, and acknowledged that he had told LIES respecting CHARLES CULLINGS, and offered to prove them, which he says he is sorry for. Signed and acknowledged before me, this 15th day of January, 1791.
his PHILIP FITZPATRICK. Mark.
WILLIAM PORTERFIELD, one of the Magistrates (for said County).
Edward O. Williams
Most respectfully acquaints the Public in general, and his Friends in particular,
THAT he has recommenced the practice of PHYSIC and SURGERY in this town, living opposite Mr. Wyncoops.
Shepherd's-Town, January 24, 1791.
STRAYED from the Subscriber, A Milch Cow, 10 years old—her sides red—her face and belly white—has a white streak along her back—has wide horns—and is ear-marked, but the mark forgot. Whoever will give information where the above stray cow is, shall be handsomely rewarded, by
ABRAHAM MORGAN.
Shepherd's-Town, January 1, 1791.