Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1804-08-17 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 21 OF VOLUME VI.]
FRIDAY, August 17, 1804.
[WHOLE No. 281.]
Meminger & Cooper
Are now purchasing WHEAT, RYE and FLAX-SEED. the two first articles to be delivered at Yasiah Flagg's Mill , the last at their Store—The present prices are, for every 60lbs. of good Wheat 7 shillings, for Rye 4/6 and Flax-seed 3/4 1-2, with an addition to said prices of 6d. per bushel when paid for in goods, excepting groceries, or delivered in payment of debts already contracted—they flatter themselves this arrangement will induce many indebted to them to come forward and discharge their accounts, as the plea of having no money is done away.
Their assortment of GOODS is pretty general, and moderately charged, altho' they do not boast any thing uncommon. A quantity of good Flax at 18d. per lb. for sale.
Martinsburg, August 3, 1804.
FOR SALE,
On a credit of six months, by giving bond with approved security, One Thousand Dollars worth of Prime
Soal Leather,
Chiefly Spanish Hides. JOHN O'FERRALL. N. B. A constant supply of all kinds of LEATHER ready for sale.
Those indebted to me, are, for the last time, requested to pay up their accounts. J. O'FERRALL. Martinsburg, August 3, 1804.
FOR SALE,
TWO HOUSES and LOTS,
SITUATE in Darkesville, Berkeley County, one of them the house in which Robert Daniels formerly kept Tavern, this house is built of logs, has six rooms, is very convenient, and an excellent stand for any kind of public business, the garden is good and has a number of fruit trees in it.—On the other lot is erected a good Waggonmaker's Shop.—This Property is very convenient to water. It will be sold on very reasonable terms.
JOHN SHULL.
August 3, 1804.
NOTICE!
WHEREAS sundry persons have heretofore made a practice of throwing down my fences, going through my plantation, and destroying my fruit and other property, by which practice I have sustained a considerable injury—All persons guilty of similar practices in future, may expect to be prosecuted for the same, without discrimination—All persons are also cautioned against dealing in any manner with any of my negroes without a written memorandum from me, having heretofore suffered considerably by such conduct—Any person or persons guilty of this practice in future, in any manner, may expect to be prosecuted for the same, as the law directs.
ANDREW WAGGENER.
Mill-Creek, July 27, 1804.
FOR SALE, OR RENT,
A Tract of Land,
adjoining Robert Snodgrass', on Back Creek, Berkeley County, containing 500 acres, about 200 of which are cleared. It will be rented for five years, with the privilege of seeding the land now in corn. For further particulars apply to the subscriber living in Charles Town.
THOMAS HAMMOND.
Jefferson County, June 29, 1804.
The following BLANKS , printed with NEW and ELEGANT TYPE, are always kept for sale at this Office: DEEDS, Common BONDS, Apprentices INDENTURES, Promissory NOTES, &c. &c. &c.
Uncommonly Cheap Goods.
THE subscribers have just received from the Cities of Philadelphia and Baltimore, and are now opening, a large assortment of uncommonly cheap GOODS , consisting in part of:
TWO Boxes 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linens, 2 bales best stout Ticklingburgs.
4 Trunks of fashionable Printed Calicoes and Chintzes.
4 ditto Fashionable Muslins assorted, viz. Plain Cambric Muslin, Sattin Striped, Check and Figured ditto, Figured and Plain Coloured ditto, Book and Jaconet ditto, Lappett ditto—an elegant variety of superb Lace ditto, Tamboar'd, Collonade, Japanned, Extra Super-Super India Book, and Plain Mull Mull Muslins.
2 Trunks Handkerchiefs and Shawls assorted, viz. 7-8, 4-4, 5-4, and 6-4 Fashionable Fancy Silk Shawls, Flush'd Jaconet Muslin ditto, Sattin-bordered and Checked-Cambric ditto, Lappett ditto, White and Coloured Cambric Netted ditto, Printed Cotton ditto, Book and Jaconet Muslin Handkerchiefs, Linen and Cotton Pocket ditto, Bandannae and Fancy Silk ditto.
1 Bale 7-4 Fashionable Superfine London Broad Cloths.
1 ditto Kerseymeres.
1 Case Dimities, (Fashionable patterns) also a few pieces Cambric Dimities.
1 Case Fashionable Leghorn Bonnets. 2 Cases, Men's, Women's, Boys and Girl's Fashionable Furr Hats.
4 Bales India Muslins of different kinds.
200 Pieces fine Yellow India Nankeen. 20 Pieces Russia Apron Check.
1 Case SILVER WATCHES. 7 Bales Spinning Cotton.
An elegant variety of FANCY ARTICLES , consisting in part, of ARTIFICIAL FLOWERS, WREATHS, PLUMES, SILVER and GOLD LACE, SILVER and GOLD ORNAMENTS, &c. &c.
A complete assortment of Laces and Edgings, Pic Nic Mitts, Men's Thread Cotton and Silk Hoes, Women's Silk and Cotton ditto.
They have also received a complete assortment of BAR-IRON and CASTINGS, CROWLEY and BLISTERED STEEL.
150 Excellent Home-made Twilled BAGS.
500lb. Good FLAX.
A Few barrels first quality OLD RYE WHISKY , (distilled in Maryland) suitable for private families, MEDICINE and PAINTS , together with almost every other article, which this neighbourhood and country requires in their line of business. They never had at any period a more extensive and complete assortment of Goods than at the present, and are happy to inform their friends, and the public generally, that all those who may favour them with a call, shall certainly be supplied with uncommonly CHEAP GOODS.
JAMES & JOHN LANE.
Shepherd's-Town, July 30, 1804.
From the Boston Centinel.
REVIEW OF JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION.
NO. IV.
[Continued from the Intelligencer of July 13.]
Having noticed the first act of Mr. Jefferson in connection with the means, which resulted in his elevation to the chief magistracy of the union, the next of any importance in order of time is his inaugural speech. This production will long display the insincerity, with which the most brilliant promises can be made. The moment, in which it was pronounced, was perhaps the most favourable of any, since the formation of the general government, for conciliating the confidence and esteem of that part of the nation, which it must ever be desirable for the executive to possess. The people had paid certain taxes, disagreeable, though imposed to repel the menaces of
a foreign kingdom, and guard against a fate, similar to that of Venice, with which they threatened us. The imposition of these taxes for the preservation of the country, successfully used to impress a belief of prodigality and corruption in the Federal administration, had produced a great conflict of opinion. By the close however of this administration disputes with foreign nations had been settled, and consequently the necessity for extraordinary expenditures had ceased. Nothing more then was requisite to unite parties at this period, than a dignified, impartial and just conduct. This was promised by the President in siren language, which for a while silenced the voice of all, though it could not make many believe him sincere. Indeed the sweet visions of the inaugural speech soon flitted away by the commencement of political persecution. It was then that the faith of splendid promises was found to be delusive. Instead of a procedure, tending to allay irritation, the President apparently seemed determined to banish "the harmony of social intercourse" from society.
We now proceed to give certain parts of the inaugural speech of the President with his actions, more immediately relating to them, that the public may judge of promises and their performance.—These parts of the speech will form a text, on which his conduct is a comment, as unbecoming an individual, and incompatible with goodness of heart, as unworthy a chief magistrate, and ruinous to the interest of a nation.
TEXT. "The will of the majority to be rightful must be reasonable. The minority possess their equal rights, which equal laws must protect, and to violate would be oppression. Let us then, fellow citizens, unite with one heart and one mind; let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection, without which liberty and even life itself, are but dreary things. Let us reflect, that having banished from our land religious intolerance, under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have gained little, if we countenance a political intolerance, as despotic as wicked. Every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We are all republicans, we are all federalists." Speaking of the principles, by which his administration was to be directed, he says;—"Equal and exact justice to all men of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political. A jealous care of the right of election. Economy in public expense. The encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce, as its handmaid."
COMMENT. We shall name only a few persons, among many others, who have experienced political intolerance by dismissal from office, or been obliged to resign in consequence of it. Messrs. Dexter, Stoddert, Adams, Smith, Humphreys, Habersham, Otis, Goodrich, Chester, Sands, Miller, Kittera, Hodgdon, Talbot, Truxton, Putnam, and St. Clair. Among these were heads of departments, foreign ministers, and other important officers of government.—Not even the sixteen circuit judges who were independent of Congress during good behaviour, could avoid the same fate. The interference of the executive, in the case of Bayard and Rodney, furnishes a striking instance, with what jealous care he watches over the sacred right of election. As specimens of economy; Mr. Jefferson threw away 32,000 dollars on the Berceau; more than 15,000 dollars by Dawson's trip to France, entirely useless, unless in inviting to this country the President's best friend, Tom Paine; 9000 by the recall of Col. Humphreys, as an outfit for Mr. Pinckney; 152,070 by Gallatin's sale of United States' bank stock to foreigners; upwards of 13,000 by raising salaries in time of peace; upwards of 11,000 to that foreign renegado Duane, for printing for Congress the first session under his presidency, when a native American would have done the same business for two thirds of the sum; 200, in violation of the constitution, returned to Callender.
If the ingenuity of the executive, or any of the democratic party, can reconcile this text and comment, it will exhibit the perfection of genius. Never did man in an official situation make
greater promises, or more directly falsify them in his conduct. But we shall consider more particularly some of the cases we have mentioned.
Had the President caused the resignation, or dismissed only the heads of department, after experiencing from them opposition to measures, which he conscientiously believed, promotive of the public good, he would have been justified in releasing himself from so perplexed and disagreeable a situation, by the appointment of men, whose sentiments and conduct would harmonize with his own. But in the commencement of his administration, before an opportunity for opposition to his principles of policy was given, those officers were necessitated to resign, not from an unwillingness to perform their duty, but unquestionably from an intimation, that it was the only alternative to avoid dismissal. This however, was only the beginning of persecution. Well tried servants, veterans in our revolution, and war worn officers, without an intimation of misconduct, were deprived of offices, and forced in the close of life, to seek other means of subsistence. An adherence to the constitution and the principles adopted by Mr. Jefferson's predecessors was their real, though perhaps not avowed unpardonable sin. His open hostility to their system is irrefragable evidence, that difference of opinion was more the cause of their proscription, than unfaithfulness in office. Indeed the voice of THE PEOPLE has in some instances done ample justice to the victims of presidential execution by entrusting to them their most important rights. Mr. Otis, after dismissal, was chosen a representative and speaker of the general court of Massachusetts; Mr. Goodrich appointed clerk, and Mr. Chester speaker of the assembly of Connecticut; Mr. Sands chosen a representative to Congress for New-York; Mr. Adams chosen into the Senate of the United States. Can an excuse for such proscriptive proceedings be found in the administration of Washington or Adams? During that of the latter, only three individuals were displaced, and one of these at the time was a federalist. But why do I mention these characters? Mr. Jefferson's glory exists only in his opposition to them. Let us however ask, whether the dismissal of faithful officers "protects the rights of the minority?" Whether "it restores to social intercourse that harmony, without which life is but a dreary thing?" Whether "it banishes political intolerance, as despotic as wicked?" Whether it indicates a belief, that "difference of opinion is not difference of principle?" Is it not rather violating the equal laws, by which the minority are guarded against oppression? Is it not cutting the cords of national affection, annihilating social harmony, and creating a vindictive irritation on which will finally terminate in civil war and entire ruin? Is it not proscribing the community, because they will not become the apostles of a democracy, tending to the extinction of virtue by placing man under the sole control of his passions?
The purity of election can alone preserve a republican government; for virtue is its basis. What then can be thought of the pretensions of Mr. Jefferson to republicanism, when it is known that, after solemnly inculcating the important truth, that purity and freedom of election can alone make durable our civil institutions, he should, within the short space of two years, attempt to influence it by corresponding, and soliciting a particular person, even against his inclination, to be a candidate for representative to Congress? Strange as such facts may seem, they yet exist in a case in Delaware; and perhaps constitute the first link in the chain of events, destined to place us in the calm of despotism. The cause of eternal political truth, as it is called, dependent on elections, cannot be supported except by the interference of the President—a greater outrage on the right of the citizen, than ever characterized the British king; for he never uses his personal influence; his ministers alone are the instruments of corruption. Hereafter we need not look to other countries for influenced elections, we can find them in our own, the work of a man, who has been the constant declaimer on the importance of their freedom.

That he should so soon forget the clamour, originating from this topic under a former administration, seems to manifest a belief, that his constituents repose in him a confidence, which he is at liberty to abuse. What could induce him to lay out thirty-two thousand dollars on the Bercéau, the ship of a nation, who had robbed us of thirty millions of dollars? The treaty with France did not authorise him to do it, unless it is construed so, as to charge us with making wanton and unprovoked aggressions on her property. Does any American believe, that such is the natural and obvious construction of this treaty? That the measure of our degradation might be more full, Mr. Dawson must be sent, the harbinger of our minister, to a nation, who had added insult to injury. But he probably desired to travel, become acquainted with foreign fashions, pay the homage of his high respect to Tom Paine; and thought that his private interest required the President to defray his expenses from the national treasury, under pretence of carrying the treaty. Do these and other fiscal acts of Mr. Jefferson, which I have mentioned, and shall more particularly notice, show that economy is his favorite virtue? Do they not rather display a total disregard to our national welfare?
We have now concisely considered the inaugural speech of the President, a tin-selled mockery of the understanding of the nation. Whether the result of our comparison of his actions with it is not a complete picture of inconsistency, a virtuous and enlightened community must judge.
HUME.
NO. V.
The actions of some men appear to be directed by a certain fatality. In different situations they seem unable to exercise their usual sagacity in tracing effects from causes, and inferring future things from a consideration of those which have passed. If they rise from a humble beginning to the possession of power, the elevation darkens their understanding, and induces a wrong judgment. Men of the most extraordinary intellect sometimes totally lose their caution and prudence. These remarks forcibly apply to one of Mr. Jefferson's productions. As displaying weakness of understanding, and a disposition which ought by no means to be pleasing to its possessor, it will long remain a literary phenomenon in the page of history. His reply to the remonstrance of the merchants of New-Haven on the removal of Mr. Goodrich in 1801, came forth unmasked; and, instead of the magnanimity of a chief magistrate, was marked only by the vindictive feelings of a partisan, irritated by a just opposition. We will analyze it.
In the very beginning of the reply the President seems to feel conscious of the impropriety of his conduct; for he speaks of the "appointment of Samuel Bishop to the office of collector of New-Haven, lately vacated by the death of David Austin." Was not then the office filled by the appointment and acceptance of Mr. Goodrich, before Mr. Bishop's promotion to it? If it were not, the philosophical genius of Mr. Jefferson must have invented a logic, by which he can prove Mr. Goodrich a non-entity; by which he can show his removal of a person from office is sufficient ground to infer, that it was never in his possession. Had this been true, how ridiculous was the remonstrance, how absurd the reply; to remonstrate, and reply about nothing. But we ask pardon for thus sporting with even the meanest capacity. The truth is, the executive desired to make his professions and actions accord, though he was not happy enough to hit a semblance of consistency.
By defending the appointment the President has shown a determination to persevere in the course proscribed to him by party, against the light of better information. The merchants of New-Haven had unequivocally declared the unfitness of Mr. Bishop for the office, to which he had been appointed. They had informed the executive that his age was great; that he laboured under a full portion of those infirmities which are its necessary attendants; and he was unacquainted with the business of an accountant; that weakness and debility of mind must probably prevent him from ever qualifying himself; and that his eye sight was so bad, he could with difficulty write his name. Mr. Jefferson does not question the truth of these objections. He confesses that "the knowledge of characters, possessed by a single individual, is of necessity limited, and that information concerning them is often incorrect from the best men, acting from the purest motives." But he answers their objection to the appointment by a mode of
reasoning, the merit of discovering which will exclusively be given him. It is simply this; because Mr. Bishop was acquainted with the duty of important offices, which had been entrusted to him by the Assembly of Connecticut, therefore he must be acquainted with the duty of the office of collector; and because Franklin at 77 was an ornament of human nature, therefore, at THAT AGE, the usefulness of Mr. Bishop must be an object of attention. This singular defence, the derision of even a school boy, necessarily originated from the circumstances of the case.—The emolument of the office was not for the person appointed, but as a reward for the faithful services of his son, so infamous, that Mr. Jefferson himself dared not then to hazard his reputation by openly promoting him. Such pitiful conduct admitted only so pitiful a defence.
The next paragraph, in this climax of weakness and passion, explains part of the inaugural speech of the President as well as shews his hostility to a former administration. He often wanders from his subject to express the bitterness of his feelings against it. He says, that "declarations by himself in favour of political tolerance, harmony in social intercourse, and respect for the equal rights of the minority, have been misconstrued into assurances, that the tenure of offices was to be undisturbed." An obvious and NATURAL CONSTRUCTION of his words then must not be put on them.—Mr. Jefferson contends, they can be only construed by an assumption of principle, that a due participation of offices by different parties is a matter of right. But the principle is false. It can be inferred only from his exercise of power, as the leader of a party. This however cannot be reconciled with the obligations under which the constitution has placed him; so that the charge of inconsistency of conduct and profession will still apply to him. His inquiry concerning a candidate ought not to be whether he belong to any particular party; but whether he have the necessary qualification. When the former is made the inquiry, the dignity and splendor of this situation dwindles into an insignificant littleness.
It once would have exceeded the limit of credibility, to suppose the President of the United States capable of descending from his exalted situation, to censure the former administration. He has however done it in several of his official communications. Not content with censuring, he has alleged against it charges of misconduct, which, if true, the constitution would punish. The reply contains language as extraordinary as the following. "How are vacancies to be obtained? Those by death are few, by resignation none. Can any other mode than removal be proposed? I shall proceed with deliberation, that it may be thrown as much as possible on delinquency, oppression, intolerance and anti-revolutionary adherence to our enemies." Was it true then that Mr. Adams appointed to office delinquents, oppressors, the intolerants and anti-revolutionary adherents to our enemies? These charges could not be a crime. They were sufficient to subject him to an impeachment. Why then were not these persons pointed out, and himself arraigned at the bar of the great tribunal of the nation? Because the charges were false; Mr. Jefferson must have known them to be false. He never could have permitted himself to make it, unless passion had banished the thought of detection, and the infamy which must be its consequence. If, however, the charges had been true, it did not comport with the situation of the chief magistrate, to seek opportunities of raising the signal of contention, after "the doors of honour and confidence had been burst open" for the redress of fancied grievances, though the proper tribunal ought to have noticed them. It discovered fears concerning the continuation of his power. It manifested only a revengeful temper which would be satisfied alone by dragging its victims from private life, and immolating their reputations on the altar of party.
The original exercise of authority by the Federal administration is also a subject of animadversion. The President tells us, "persons were appointed to office, in the last moment of an administration, not for its own aid, but to begin a career with its successors." Did then Mr. Adams and his friends transgress the limits, proscribed to them by the constitution by the appointment of Mr. Goodrich, before the termination of their power? Or was Mr. Jefferson impatient to possess himself of their spoils, that he so eagerly desired to strip them, while living? Tame indeed would they have been, had they left offices unfiled, or stood silent spectators of the
national concerns from fear of offending the libeller of their character. But the strain of complaint does not here cease. Mr. Goodrich ought not to have accepted the office, before he knew that those, whose agent he was to be, would have confidence in his agency. What! The reputed greatness of the author only can be a justification for answering such an objection. It could not be pleasant, nor was Mr. Goodrich obliged to resort to an administration, the commencement of whose course was marked with persecution, and against whose attacks the most splendid reputation was no security.
The feelings of Mr. Jefferson fully unfold themselves in the progress of his reply. Toward the close of it he openly assures that he will injure good men least in his displacements from offices. The period then indeed has arrived, when goodness is sure to be the prey of oppression. The partisans of the present government must either have been deceived, or totally devoid of moral principles, to have countenanced a man, who openly professes his disrespect for integrity and virtue. Nothing less however could be expected, after there was evidence, how little a sentiment of religion influenced his heart. No moderation has witnessed a similar spectacle. It was reserved for America to exhibit in a chief magistrate a dereliction of principle, which cannot be found in states, the most corrupt.
The last thing which places the President one step further from the path of rectitude, if possible, is, that after he has injured good men, till there be a due participation of office, he shall proceed to inquire of candidates "whether they are honest, capable, and faithful to the constitution." It seems then that the state of society was such, that these qualifications could not be regarded. Prompter correctives, than vacancy of office by death, or resignation, were indeed. The hungry maw of democracy would not be flattered to wait, until a short inquiry into character and reputation could be made. Virtue must be bound a victim at its shrine, and the affairs of the nation committed to the ruffian management of vice. Such profligacy of sentiment will remain in faithful memory, a disgrace to our national character, until the iron hand of time shall erase the inscription from the marble monument, and the pyramid be crumbled to dust.
HUME.
LATEST FROM ENGLAND.
Arrived at New-York, the British Packet Prince Earnest, Captain Peter. She had a passage of 35 days from Falmouth to Halifax, and 12 days from the latter to New-York. London papers to the evening of the 8th of June, are received by her.
It appears from a hasty survey that the situation of the king, as to bodily and mental health, is very precarious.—The London Editors notice his absence from the drawing room on the royal birth day as a circumstance indicative of a settled arrangement to exclude his majesty from the public eye; and as amounting to more than an acknowledgment of an incapacity for the royal functions. Others affirm, that the circumstance was unconnected with any such consideration, and was a matter of mere personal convenience and choice.
The new administration does not appear to be ultimately formed. On the 6th of June Mr. Fox had an interview of an hour and an half with Mr. Pitt, at his house in Downing-street. The nature or result of this conversation was not publicly known, but was supposed to relate to some "important communication" about to be laid before Parliament by the Minister; upon which Mr. Pitt had deemed it necessary and essential previously to consult Mr. Fox.—Mr. Pitt reported to Parliament on the 5th, his much expected bill for the more effectual defence of the country. It was opposed by Messrs. Fox, Windham, and Addington. It was expected that a powerful opposition to it would be made on the second reading.
BELFAST, June 15.
French and Dutch papers to the 31st of May have been received. The Moniteur of the 20th, and its Supplement contains the whole of the Senators Consultum which confirms the Imperial dignity in the family of Bonaparte; and of which we have already given an abstract. The most prominent articles in the Paris papers, relate to the trial of the persons implicated in the late conspiracy that commenced on the 28th of May, at nine o'clock in the morning at the Palais de Justice.
One of the papers contains an official account of the trial and condemnation of a person said to be guilty of conspiring against the new French government. He was immediately shot! This is one way of silencing public clamor!
It does not appear that the sovereign people of France have been treated with much respect on this occasion; for it certainly was not very civil in Bonaparte to proclaim himself Emperor first and then to ask their opinion upon the subject afterwards.
LONDON, June 8.
Accounts from Vienna, state that Bonaparte will undoubtedly be recognized by that court, Emperor of the French, with the accessorial rights of hereditary succession, but on certain conditions to be settled hereafter.
June 9.
Mr. Livingston's visit to this country continues to be the subject of much speculation. It is now generally understood to be of a political nature, and that the visit of Mr. Fox and Mr. Grey to Mr. Pitt, related to it, and not to the business which public clamour has hitherto assigned as the cause.
The Moniteur is wholly silent on the subject of the state trials. The Journal de Commerce contains a continuation of the characters and offences of the conspirators included in the indictment prepared by the public accuser.
Besides these already given we now have those of Datry, a Chouan adjutant's Bourbon, attached to the staff of Georges; Lemberbier, a Chouan Cadoudal, a captain of Chouans, related to Georges; Lelan, a Chouan; Even, a Chouan chief; Merville, a Chouan, known by the name of Beauregard, and Trocke, junior, who came from England with Lemaire. These with conspirators, before enumerated, amounted to thirty-three, and are declared by the public accuser to be arraigned for conspiracy, tending to disturb the republic by a civil war, and to oppose the legitimate authority. There are sixteen others accused of aiding the conspirators, namely nine for having favored the introduction of the chiefs into France, and facilitated their arrival at Paris, and seven for having concealed the conspirators at Paris.
It is mentioned in a letter from Vienna, dated the 6th ult. that the Emperor of Germany had consented to acknowledge Bonaparte as his equal in his dignity; and it is further stated, that Prince Esterhazy, would be appointed to proceed to Paris as Ambassador Extraordinary, for the purpose of congratulating the new Emperor.
June 12.
On Saturday, while Mr. Livingston was anticipating the hospitalities which he was to enjoy at the Woburn sheep-shearing, and the agricultural meeting at Rolkham Hall, he received his passports, and an intimation from government that his presence in this country was not desirable. He accordingly left town, we understand, immediately, and has probably before this sailed for France.
We were the first to state that the visit of Mr. Fox and Mr. Grey to Mr. Pitt, on Monday last, related to this gentleman, and we have since reason to think that our information is correct. It was matter of surprise to many that a man, who has uniformly shown an unfriendly disposition towards England; who had in the recent instance of the charge against Mr. Drake, betrayed an indecent zeal to flatter Bonaparte, and to pronounce the British Minister guilty upon ex-parte evidence, should have come to England at such a crisis. All those who regarded Mr. Livingston as an object of suspicion, and viewed him with jealous eyes will applaud Mr. Pitt for this act of vigour and energy. Others will recognise in it too great a resemblance to the conduct of Bonaparte who in 1802, ordered the Imperial Minister, Count Stahremberg, to quit Paris in twenty-four hours because he was suspected of being hostile to the French Government. For our own part, we are not aware that any real or serious danger was to be apprehended from his presence, in a country which is, from end to end, one blaze of loyalty, patriotism and courage. We think it would have been more dignified to have acted like the General who took the spy to every part of his camp, shewed him the spirit that his army breathed, the discipline that prevailed in it, and sent him back with an injunction to tell the enemy all that he saw.
Paris papers to the 3d inst. have bro't the continuation but not the conclusion of the trial of Moreau and other prisoners. It will surprise those who are acquainted with the forms of criminal jurisprudence in this country, the only system of jurisprudence in the world which,

reaching perfection as nearly as any human system can reach, deserves to be universally admired and adopted; it will surprise those persons, we say, to find that the only parole evidence adduced is that of the prisoners themselves; they all give evidence against each other, and furnish the tribunal with all the particulars of their views, of their objects, and their operations.
The principal witness against Moreau, is a man of the name of Rolland, who gave evidence of some expressions alleged to have been used by Moreau; who, to a question put to him by Pichegrue, replied "that if they would act according to his opinion, the consuls and the government of Paris must disappear, and in that case he had a party strong enough." Moreau positively denied having made use of any such expressions. Rolland persisting in asserting that he had. Moreau then suggested that Rolland had endeavoured to criminate him, for the purpose of saving himself—a suggestion, in all probability, but too well founded. Pichegrue was the only man who could have contradicted Rolland; and Bonaparte knowing this, took care that Pichegrue should disappear. Moreau's evidence is in the same spirit with his letter. The Polignacs and Georges appear to conduct themselves with great dignity and firmness.
The following account has been given in a morning paper of the departure of Mr. Livingston; which we think far more probable than the contradictory accounts.
"Mr. Livingston left London for Paris on Friday last: but there is no foundation whatever for the reports that his departure was accelerated by any hints from government, and that the provisions of the alien act were put in force against him. His mission to this country had no political object and it is ridiculous to suppose as has been asserted in several of the public prints that he brought an offer of Malta to our government, on the condition that it would recognize Bonaparte's assumption of the Imperial dignity. His arrival as we mentioned on his first arrival, was to do in this country that which could not be done in any other; to negotiate a loan for the United States, in order to complete the first instalment engaged to be paid by them to Bonaparte for the cession of Louisiana. Sir William Pultney and Sir Francis Baring, have we understand, all the advantages arising from the negotiation. The former has a very large property in the states of North America, and the latter is at the head of the first commercial American house in the city of London. This accounts for the sumptuous dinner which Sir William gave to Mr. Livingston.
Private Correspondence. July 13.
"There is this day a very confident expectation that Peace will be speedily restored. Mr. Pitt on being informed of Bonaparte's pacific disposition, expressed his readiness to attend to any overtures made through a direct and proper channel. As Mr. Livingston is known to have had instructions to sound our government on a point which must be so interesting to the new Empire, it is considered that direct overtures will immediately be made; and peace is looked for in consequence, even though there should be a change of administration."
DOVER, June 13.
We received yesterday the French papers to the 6th inst. Besides the extracts given in another part of our paper, we find the following articles from Berlin dated the 26th ult. "The news of the proclamation of the Emperor of the French has been received here by a courier extraordinary. It has excited the greatest interest, and our Court has manifested the most lively satisfaction at this important event. New letters of ordinance are, in consequence, about to be sent to our ambassador at Paris." All the states of the German Empire have likewise acknowledged the new Sovereign of France, and sent credentials accordingly to their respective Ministers at the Court of Paris. These circumstances afford an additional corroboration of what we have uniformly stated respecting the present situation of the Continent. It is obvious that Germany has not at present the slightest inclination to go to war with France; and without the co-operation of Germany, the Emperor of Russia, however sincerely disposed he may be to take a decided part against France, will not, in all probability, deem it prudent to enter the hostile field with that power. Some further account is given of the proceedings against the conspirators at Paris. Of the condemnation of those unfortunate men no
doubt can be entertained; but no confirmation of the execution of any of them has yet been received.
A letter from Vienna, dated May 23, says, "There is a talk now of an important change in the political state of Europe. The principal item of this report is, that, as NAPOLEON BONAPARTE receives the Imperial Crown of France, Poland will, by the intervention of Russia, and with the consent of Austria and Prussia, receive a King in the person of LOUIS XVIII."
"Men of consequence assert, that the French Emperor has proposed to the courts of Vienna, Petersburg and Berlin, the following new partitions: Austria to have the Inn quarter (without prejudice to Bavaria); the Archduke Charles, as Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, to have the title of Elector, and all the possessions of the Order of Malta, in Germany (which is to be entirely suppressed, as the English are masters of the Island of Malta) besides the two Prussian principalities in Franconia, of Anspach and Bareuth. Prussia is to have Hanover; and the city of Erfurt, with its district, is to be ceded by Prussia to Saxe-Weimar, along with the Eichsfeld."
"On the other hand, we learn from the Banks of the Maine, that private arrangement has been made between the court of Petersburg, and the French Government, consisting of the following heads:
1. The French troops are to evacuate the electorate of Hanover. 2. They are to quit the territory of the King of Naples. 3. The king of Sardinia is to receive a sufficient indemnity. 4. The Elector of Baden shall receive a satisfaction for the inroad of the French troops in his territory. 5. The concerns of the German Empire shall henceforth be conducted at Vienna."
MARTINSBURG, August 17.
The Salem Gazette of Friday last, contains the following article. Capt. Ford informs us, that the 5th or 6th of June was celebrated at Bordeaux as the day of Bonaparte's coronation at Paris; on which occasion a grand procession and the usual splendid exhibitions on great public rejoicings, were made. The joy of the people, however was not equal, on this occasion; that of public officers, and those whose immediate interests would be promoted by this imperial exaltation, was sincere; but a great proportion of the common people were evidently not hearty in the celebration."
By all our accounts from Europe, it appears that the French nation are now running as mad after royalty with all its decorations and blandishments as they were a dozen years ago, after the fascinating words liberty and equality . The boasted French revolution, as Mr. Adams so early foresaw, has been nothing more than a "change of impostors and impositions." One set of knaves has succeeded another, (all dignifying themselves with the name of patriots) in more rapid succession than the seasons; and the nation tired at last, as all other nations, who are the dupes of demagogues will be, by "the tempestuous sea of liberty," to find repose in the "calm of despotism."
No Republic of the many which have existed has stood. All, have fallen in the very same way, and by the treacherous hand of the same hypocritical assassin. Democracy breeds demagogues, demagogues make and spread lies; these excite passions and kindle bonfires which light the Republican First Consuls to the throne, and the true patriots to martyrdom. In a word, licentiousness destroys republics, and he is the true republican, the friend of liberty who sets himself about to restrain licentiousness. But as this work would restrain demagogues, they loose no time to destroy or which is the same thing to render unpopular the man who would curb licentiousness.
Accordingly the business of confusion begins by confounding names and he who aggravates the known and fatal dangers of liberty is called a republican, and he who tries his utmost to lessen those dangers is called the enemy of liberty. He is preferred who gilds and sweetens poisons, the physician is slain for prescribing antidotes. This work of mischief seemingly so strange, nevertheless is ever successful. Already our liberty has lost its best props. The constitution has no longer an independent Judiciary for a bulwark; the President, who alone dictates; and whose will is as little ob-
structed as that of Tiberius was by the cypher Senate of Rome, has an empire of his own bought indeed with public money, but as much a Province for an ambitious chief to gain strength in, as ancient Gaul was for Cæsar.
With those facts before every one's eyes, facts that strike every patriot's heart with dismay, are not those federal men fatally vindicated by time and experience, who cried out to the people, your favorites flatter to betray—they court you to give them power, and they will grind you to powder when you have rashly conferred it, and is it not so? [ Repertory. ]
Extract of a letter from London, dated June 20.
"A report is in very active circulation which is said to have been very generally welcomed all over France, and which reached this country late last night, viz. that PEACE is expected to take place very shortly. Although the public know of no negotiation on the part of our government, and are aware of the ingenuity of Stock Brokers in a crisis like the present, this report has gained currency in the best informed and most elevated circles."
From the N. York Daily Advertiser.
After a long and laborious session, the jury of inquest summoned to examine into the cause and concomitant circumstances of the untimely death of Gen. Hamilton, late on Thursday evening, brought in the following
VERDICT:
That ARON BURR, Esq. Vice President of the United States, was guilty of the MURDER of ALEXANDER HAMILTON—and that William P. Van Ness, Esq. Attorney at law, and Nathaniel Pendleton, Esq. Counsellor at Law, were Accessaries.
From Newspaper intelligence, we supposed it in our last to be ascertained that Col. Burr, since his murder of Gen. Hamilton, had escaped to South Carolina—It now appears, that by a clandestine march through New-Jersey, he has only got on to Philadelphia, and has been parading himself in that City.
The papers received this week abound with fresh records of public veneration for the deceased Hamilton—Among these the most eminent are the solemn rites performed by the State Society of Cincinnati in New-York, with the notice of a very distinguished funeral oration, delivered at their request, by the rev. Mr. Mason, last week—In Boston too every honor has been rendered to the memory of one to whom honor was pre-eminently due—It is sufficient to mention these, to shew how the same sentiment is kept up and has been generally extended—But it is absolutely impossible for us to recount all the various forms and places in which the fate of General Hamilton has been bewailed by his country, and the evidences of glowing respect and gratitude towards him, which have been and still are manifested.
We have already fully expressed the detestation and horror with which we view Mr. Burr in the late deplorable transaction—It is not our design now to renew the subject—The last number of Mr. Coleman's examination before mentioned, recapitulating the essence of the whole, we shall probably at the next convenient moment republish, to shew how we must be further rivetted in those opinions we have already expressed—But a special reason now here induces us to proclaim again that we are more and more confirmed in our feelings on this subject—We particularly desire it to be distinctly understood as the independent, decided, and we will say unalterable, sentiment of this paper that the crime, the abominable savageness of Col. Burr is without extenuation, and ought to suffer an exemplary, ignominious punishment; and that with respect to the degree in which we shall always esteem and lament the illustrious victim of his malice, we do most conscientiously believe that our lost Hamilton was beyond all comparison of rivalry, the very first of all the worthies of this nation—We do not conceive indeed that there is in any part of the world a public character with a combination of greatness superior to his—In our own country there are indeed undoubtedly many great men, possibly a few, equal to what Gen. Hamilton was in some one of the particular separate branches of his eminence, here one equal to him may be in one respect, and there another: But where shall we find, or rather we shall look in vain, for any man nearly or any thing like his equal, viewed in the whole compound character?—This was his grand excellence—His established fame was of many kinds; and altogether
his vast superiority was when alive sure by always felt, or confessed and acknowledged—In the Federal party for instance, there are yet many survivors for whom we entertain the highest proper respect—but none—no one, who can pretend to stand on the towering height, or approach to where Hamilton stood—Among those survivors, respectable as they are, there will now be found perhaps a dozen or twenty: to whom the first rank will be differently assigned; different followers may now have in their regard a different leader; it will puzzle many indeed, and us among the number, to say who is the chief leader—Whereas, when Hamilton was among us, there was never a doubt or dispute, all agreed that he stood foremost among the fore, none presumed to consider himself a competitor, and all bowed down, whether friends or foes, to his ascendant and master genius—This surely may be said and yet repeated, without appearing to deify Gen. Hamilton; tho' as to that we might indeed say too, that, had he lived in Pagan times, Pagan admiration would certainly have deified him far beyond a host of Tutelaries—What we have advanced now and hereafter can, it is to be hoped, will be no disparagement or offence with any liberal or unsophisticated mind; and if even a secret discontent of this nature should any where strangely infuse itself, what we have advanced is yet not at all less the plain voice of truth—of truth, which will be unyielding, and inflexible and loud. [ Frederick Town Herald. ]
NEW BOOKS.
J. ALBURTIS,
Has just received from the City of Philadelphia, an additional supply of
BOOKS and STATIONARY,
warranted at the Philadelphia and Baltimore retail prices;
Consisting in part of:
War's French Revolution, Washington's Letters, Biographical Charts, Mayor's Universal History, Common Prayer Books, bound in Morocco and elegantly gilt, Gifford's Funeral, Bloomfield's Farmer's Boy, Poems, Some New Novels, a number of New Plays, &c. &c.
A great variety of CHAP BOOKS. Common Writing, thick Post, and Letter Paper,
Wafers and Sealing Wax, Red and Black Ink-Powder, Ink-Sand, Quills, &c. &c. &c.
The first Volume of Pinkerton's Geography, and all the remaining Volumes of the British Classics have come to hand—Persons who have subscribed for either of those works are requested to call and take them up.
Martinsburg, August 17, 1804.
On Tuesday, the 11th of September next, the subscriber will dispose of at public vendue,
THE PLANTATION whereon he now lives, situate in Berkeley County, five miles from Martinsburg and the same distance from Garards-Town, containing about 60 acres of excellent Land, about one half of which is cleared and the remainder well timbered. There are two good springs on it and the whole of the land well watered; four acres of good timothy meadow is now made, and eight more ploughed up and in good condition for seeding; on the premises are two Dwelling Houses, and other improvements, with an Orchard of almost every sort of Fruit, of the choicest kinds, &c.
He will also dispose of A variety of Household and Kitchen Furniture, Farming Utensils, Horses and Cows, with all the last year's crop, consisting of Wheat, Oats and Hay, and the Corn that is now in the ground. A reasonable credit will be given. Particulars will be made known on the day of sale. Sale to begin at nine o'clock, A.M.
JOSEPH PLUMMER.
August 17, 1804.
CASH Given for clean Linen and Cotton
RAGS.
At the Office of the INTELLIGENCER

FEW HAPPY MATCHES.
SAY , mighty Love, and teach my song, To whom thy sweetest joys belong, And who the happy pairs Whose yielding hearts and joining hands, Find Blessings twisted with their bands, To soften all their cares.
Not the wild herd of nymphs and swains, That thoughtless fly into the chains.
As custom leads the way: If there be bliss without design, Ivies and oaks may grow and twine, And be as bless'd as they.
Not sordid souls of earthly mould, Who, drawn by kindred charms of gold, To dull embraces move! So two rich mountains of Peru May rush to wealthy marriage too, And make a world of love.
Not the mad tribe that hell inspires With wanton flames; those raging fires The purer bliss destroy. On Etna's top let furies wed, And sheets of lightning dress the bed T' improves the burning joy.
Not the dull pairs, whose marble forms, None of the melting passions warms, Can mingle hearts and hands: Logs of green wood, that quench the coals, Are marry'd just like Stoic souls, With osiers for the bands.
Not minds of melancholy strain, Still silent, or that still complain, Can the dear bondage bless: As well may heav'nly concerts spring From two old lutes with ne'er a string, Or none beside the bass.
Nor can the soft enchantments hold Two jarring souls of angry mould, The rugged and the keen: Sampson's young foxes might as well In bands of cheerful wedlock dwell, With firebrands ty'd between.
Nor let the cruel fetters bind A gentle savage to a mind, For love abhors the sight: Loose the fierce tiger from the deer, For native rage and native fear Rise and forbid delight.
Two kindest souls alone must meet; 'Tis friendship makes the bondage sweet, And feeds their mutual loves: Bright Venus on her rolling throne Is drawn by gentlest birds alone, And Cupids yoke the doves.
Cheap Goods.
The subscriber has just received from the Cities of Philadelphia and Baltimore, and is now opening, a large supply of re- markably cheap Goods, consisting of: 4-4 and 7-8 Irish Linens.
100 Pieces elegant Chintzes and Calli- coes of the newest patterns. 2 Trunks fashionable Muslins and Handkerchiefs.
20 Pieces Dimities. Leghorn Bonnets, Men's, Women's, Boy's and Girl's fashionable fine Hats, India Muslins, Nankeens, Apron Check, Cloths and Kerseymeres, and a great va- riety of Fancy Articles, consisting in part of, Artificial Flowers, Wreaths and Plumes, a handsome assortment of La- ces and Edgings, Pic Nic Mitts, extra long Silk Gloves, &c. and have also re- ceived a large supply of
BAR-IRON.
Of excellent quality and handsomely drawn, English Blistered, Country do. and Crowly STEEL.
100 Pieces Home made Linens. 300 Excellent Twilled Bags. 1000lb. Good Flax, and a parcel of fine old Whisky, distill'd in Maryland, Patent Medicines, &c. &c.
All of the above Goods having been purchased on the lowest terms for cash, I am happy to inform my friends, and the public generally, that I am now enabled to supply them with Goods that are re- markably cheap.
WALTER B. SELBY. Shepherd's-Town, August 10, 1804.
J. ALBURTIS, Has just received from R. Lee, & Co. New-York,
A very large and general supply of their much-approved of PATENT
MEDICINES.
Which will be constantly kept for sale at his Printing-Office. July 1, 1804.
The subscriber has just opened a very extensive assortment of Medicine, Drugs and Paints,
which he will sell at very reduced prices for Cash.
THOMAS PATTERSON. Martinsburg, June 8, 1804.
N. B. Those whose accounts have been due one year and upwards, will please to call and discharge them before the first day of September next, other- wise suits will be commenced for their recovery—It is hoped this will not be considered hard, as necessity compels it. T. P.
Spring Goods.
THE subscriber returns thanks to his customers generally for their en- couragement heretofore. He likewise informs them that he has just opened a ve- ry handsome & well-chosen assortment of
Dry goods and groceries,
Suitable for the present and approaching season, with which he flatters himself he will be able to accommodate his cus- tomers, and the public generally, on as good terms as any. He remains their most obedient and humble servant, JEREMIAH EVANS. Martinsburg, May 18, 1804.
Berkeley County, to wit:
WILLIAM RIDDLE , one of the Commonwealth's Justices of the Peace for the said County, to all Sheriffs, Mayors, Bailiffs, Constables and head- boroughs within the Commonwealth of Virginia: Whereas complaint is made to me this day, upon the oath of Robert Cockburn, keeper of the jail of the said County, that Charles McEtee, who was lately committed to the jail of the said County of Berkeley, on suspicion of fe- lony, did, on the 31st day of July last past, forcibly escape from the said jail, and is now going at large: These are therefore in the name of the Common- wealth, to require you and every of you, in your respective Counties, Cities, Towns and precincts, to make diligent search, by way of hue and cry, for the said Charles McEtee, and him having found to seize and take and safely con- vey, or cause him to be safely conveyed to the jail of the said County of Berke- ley, there to be kept until he shall be dis- charged by due course of law. Given under my hand and seal, this first day of August, 1804.
WILLIAM RIDDLE.
More Fresh Goods.
The subscriber has just received, and is now opening, another supply of
SUMMER and FALL GOODS,
Which in addition to his former stock, makes his assortment very complete, and well worthy the attention of those who may need such articles as he has for sale, both for cheapness and quality: Among which are, assorted
Bolting Cloths,
Nos. 7, 6, 5, 4, and 3, Those are of the first rate, and warrant- ed good: the subscriber has formed a connection with an Importing House in Baltimore, who are always to keep his assortment complete; those who live at a distance and may want good Bolting Cloths will never be disappointed in coming here for them; the price is as low as in any inland town on this conti- nent.
N. B. The subscriber also takes leave to inform the public, that his mill is now in complete order for the reception of Grain: He solicits the custom of those who can from convenience send him their grinding.
The highest price, as usual, giv- en for Wheat, Rye and Corn delivered at his mill.
With the greatest esteem, He begs leave to subscribe himself, The public's obt. & humbl. servt. PHILIP NADENBOUSCH. Martinsburg, July 6, 1804.
NOTICE.
ALL persons indebted to the subscri- ber either by Bond, Note, or Book- Account, are requested to make imme- diate payment, as a final close and recep- tion of outstanding debts is indispensably necessary; merchantable Wheat and Rye will be received in payment. Those who will fail to comply with the above request on or before the first day of Sep- tember next, may expect that legal mea- sures will be taken against them. EDWARD M'CORMICK. Charles-Town, July 20, 1804. [6w]
A GREAT BARGAIN.
THE subscriber will sell a LOT of Land, in the main street, Mar- tinsburg; the improvements thereon are a log Dwelling House, a stone Brew and Distillery House, with water sufficient on the premises; also will be sold with the same, a large brew Kettle and Tubs. Any person wishing to become a purchaser may apply to Philip Coons, John Shober, or David Coons, who will shew the premises, and are empowered by me to enter into a contract for the same.
JACOB COONS. June 29, 1804.
LANDS FOR SALE.
I WILL dispose of a valuable FARM, upon Cape-Capeon, within about two and a half miles of Bath, at present occu- pied by Capt.pied by Capt. Geo. Eskridge, who has an unexpired lease thereon, of four years next October, at £80 per annum. I will give a considerable credit for the ba- lance of the purchase money on receiving £500 Virginia currency ready cash.— Capt. Eskridge will shew the lines of the land, for further particulars and terms, be pleased to apply to the subscriber. R. T. HOOE. Alexandria, July 11, 1804.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the Ladies and Gentlemen in Mar- tinsburg and its vicinity, that his DAN- CING SCHOOL will be held at the usual place on Monday next, and conti- nue on every Monday, Practicing Balls , to be continued likewise on Tuesday; he will attend in Darkesville on Wednes- day; in Charles-Town on Thursday; in Berryville on Friday, at the Yellow House; and Saturday at Winchester, and to continue successively every week. DAVID HARTSHORNE. August 10, 1804.
BY virtue of a decree of the County Court of Jefferson, rendered at June term last, will be exposed to public sale on the premises for ready money, on the second Saturday in next month, a House and Lot of Ground, situate in the town of Smithfield, in said county, the pro- perty of Thomas Carpenter, to satisfy a debt due to Win Winship. BENJAMIN BELL, HEZEKIAH BEALL, JOHN DAVENPORT, & } Com'rs. CARVER WILLIS, August 10, 1804.
BATH COFFEE HOUSE.
THE subscriber in the most respect- ful manner, returns his sincere ac- knowledgments for the honour conferred upon him by those Ladies and Gentlemen who were so obliging as to give him a call last season, and takes this method of in- forming them, that he has been induced, from the distinguished patronage he has heretofore experienced, to go to con- siderable trouble and expense in making the Coffee House, &c. as convenient as possible for their reception this season. The Coffee House being so very con- venient to the Bath Square, gives it the preference on that score, to any house of entertainment at Bath. With sentiments of great consideration, I remain the pub- lic's humble servant. ANDREW GOULDING. Bath, Berkeley County, June 29, 1804.
To be let & possession given immediately,
THE House and Lot lately occupi- ed by J. Alburts, situate in the main street, Martinsburg; the House is well finished, has 4 rooms below and 3 above stairs, with a good Kitchen, a spacious Garrett, 2 dry Cellars, a con- venient Stable, and an excellent Garden well enclosed, and is in every respect well calculated for any kind of public business. For terms apply to Robert Cockburn or J. Alburts.
THOSE persons who made purchas- es at the sale of the effects of Charles Edelen, late of Berkeley Coun- ty, dec. are informed that their respec- tive Obligations became due on the first inst. and are requested to come forward and pay them off, or suits will positively be brought against them.
JACOB FRENCH, Exr. & MARY EDELEN, Exr. Berkeley County, July 27, 1804.
NOTICE.
ALL persons are hereby cautioned a- gainst taking an assignment on two notes of hand given by the subscriber to Peter Grove, of Martinsburg; the par- ticular sums they are given for are not recollected, but they may be known by Thomas Roberts being a witness to both of them, as these notes have been paid off already.
JOHN DUNCAN. Berkeley County, July 27, 1804.
Will be offered for sale, on Friday the 24th of next month, at the late dwel- ling place of Job Curtis, deceased:
HORSES, COWS, SHEEP and HOGS, FARMING UTEN- SILS and HOUSEHOLD FURNI- TURE, where due attendance and a reasonable credit will be given, the pur- chaser giving bond with approved secu- rity. The sale to begin at ten o'clock, where the conditions will be more full made known.
JOSHUA CURTIS, JAMES MENDENHALL, } Ex'rs. Berkeley County, July 27, 1804.
LANDS FOR SALE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell the Plantation whereon he now lives, situate on Back Creek, Berkeley County, 7 miles from Martinsburg and 15 from Bath, containing 333 acres of good strong Lime-stone Land, well watered, with at least 7 springs—150 acres are cleared and well enclosed, 8 acres of Meadow are made, and more Meadow land; the remainder of the tract is well covered with fine timber.—On the premises are a convenient Dwelling House, newly finished, Kitchen, a large Barn, Distil- lery, Fulling Mill, and some out houses, with a number of Fruit trees.—There is a good mill-seat, with a sufficiency of water, on this tract.
He will also sell one other tract of Land, situate on the river Potomak, near Richardson's Ferry, containing 102 acres, 40 of which are cleared, the great- er part river bottom, the remainder of the Land is well timbered, and has a large sugar-camp on it—a small House is now built, and logs ready for raising a larger one. For terms apply to the subscriber: WILLIAM SNODGRASS. Back Creek, June 22, 1804.
EARTHEN WARE MANUFACTORY,
Near the head of Dry Run and four and an half miles from Martinsburg.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the public, that he has now got his POTTERY in complete order, and has on hands a very good assortment of excellent ware, and means to keep a constant supply.—It will be much to the advantage of purchasers of this commo- dity to call on him, as he can sell ware at a cheaper rate than it can be bought at a distance. A considerable reduction will be made to those who purchase by the quantity to sell again.
This being the only establishment of the kind in Berkeley County, and the ware made at it, of as good, perhaps a better quality, and at a lower price, than that made at a distance, he hopes that the efforts he is making to accommodate the people of this County, will not go unrewarded. CYRUS FARR. May 11, 1804.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.
TERMS OF THE INTELLIGENCER.
THE price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week; Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their advertisements.—