The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg, Va.), 1775-07-14 00:00:00

VIRGINIA
GAZETTE.
ALWAYS FOR LIBERTY,
AND THE PUBLICK GOOD.
ALEXANDER PURDIE, PRINTER.
Mr. PURDIE, THE following pages contain an address delivered to the inhabitants of a certain county in this colony, assembled for the purpose of choosing deputies to represent them in colony convention. If it will not take up too much of your time, or be attended with expense to you, the publication of it will give satisfaction to many of your friends; as it is adapted to the understandings, and intended for the information of, the middling and lower classes of people, and may tend to reconcile the different opinions (if there be any now prevailing in this colony) respecting the necessity or propriety of resisting the enemies of American liberty and the British constitution. I am, Sir, your, &c.
B R U T U S.
Friends and Countrymen,
IT is impossible that any people, impressed with the least sense of constitutional liberty, should ever patiently submit to the enormous grievances under which we have already in some respects fallen, and with which we are likely to be much more oppressed; and accordingly we find our brethren and fellow subjects, in all the colonies, are pursuing such measures as are thought to be most likely to recover and secure our lost rights and privileges. Shall the people of this colony, heretofore active, particularly in the time of the detestable stamp act, to oppose all attempts to deprive them of their personal security and private property, be now inactive, and silent? Forbid it liberty! Humanity forbid it!
The several acts of parliament, made for ten years last past, relating to the British colonies in North America, and their operation upon the property, liberty, and lives, of the people in this country, and America in general, are too well known, to many of you, to require any enumeration or explanation; but many of you also have not the knowledge of these things, and are therefore ignorant of the danger in which you stand. To inform you of your unhappy situation, and to open your minds to a just sense of the dangers which threaten you, is, principally, the design of this address.
From the first settlement of the colonies, till about the year 1763, we had but little reason to complain of the injustice of our fellow subjects in Great Britain. There were two or three instances, indeed, in which the colonies were oppressed, under the notion of right to regulate our trade, and make us serviceable in commerce to Great Britain. Amongst these was an act of parliament declaring that we should not erect any SLITTING MILLS for the purpose of making nails in these colonies, and we were forbidden to manufacture hats to be sold amongst ourselves under severe penalties. At that time, my friends, we only complained of the hardship and injustice of such an act; and, wanting the protection of Britain, looking upon our fellow subjects there as friends and allies,
we did not erect any more slitting mills for making nails, and hats were manufactured only by a few individuals, to a very small extent, and sold within the respective colonies. Thus did they attempt to restrain our manufactures in the only instances wherein they thought us, at that time, likely to succeed, to the injury of the British manufacturer; intending thereby to compel us, through necessity, to apply to them for even the necessaries of life, and to pay them, by our labour, the prices they might think proper to lay on them.
Another instance of oppression was that of establishing a POST-OFFICE in these colonies, and thereby seizing, in effect, the private property of individuals here who had engaged in that business. By that act, all letters coming from Great Britain, or otherwise circulating through these colonies, are liable to be seized by the postmaster appointed to that office, and subjected to a tax to be paid before the delivery of them; and part of the money arising from this tax is applied towards the support of the office, and the balance sent to Britain, to be disposed of by government there.
Although the effects of that act are not universally felt amongst you, yet it is an instance of oppression, which all are, more or less, subject to, who are concerned in trade, or have any intercourse with men at a distance from them; and I mention this, to show you that if you are not oppressed by this law, it is because your circumstances in life are such that you have but little to do with letters, and the officers are not generally so strict in the performance of their duty as the law requires them to be. But surely, my friends, you cannot be but sensible, that if, as in this instance, the British parliament have a right to make a law to seize your effects, and keep them from you, until you pay a tax to redeem them, you must be in a wretched condition, whenever parliament shall think it proper to extend this authority to things which may more essentially, and more immediately, affect all ranks and degrees of people in these colonies. That act has hitherto been suffered to be executed, because the people who are most affected by it are traders in some respects, and often receive an advantage in having speedy and regular intelligence from their various correspondents in different parts of the world; and they were unwilling to differ with their fellow subjects in Britain , concerning a thing which seemed to be intended for the benefit of both. The great inconvenience, therefore, of that act, is principally this, that it has taken out of the hands of people in these colonies a business they were engaged in, and which might be carried on with the same advantages to commerce, whilst the money arising from that tax would be the property of people here, and not be applied to the purposes of government in Britain ; and further, that it is declaratory,
in its consequences, of a right to take our property from us, whenever the people of Britain shall be inclined to do so.
And let us, my fellow-subjects, consider the consequences which followed our submission to those acts, even in the manner above-mentioned. Not satisfied with the advantages they received from their trade with the American colonies, a trade so circumscribed that it was morally impossible for us to procure more than the mere necessaries of life by the produce of our labour exported to Britain, they no sooner found us in a condition to export a large proportion of grain, and other commodities, not requisite for the British markets, to foreign countries (which, if permitted, might be of advantage to Britain, by enabling us to pay for, and consequently to consume, more of their manufactures) than they indulged us with the liberty of carrying our grain, and some other articles, to particular markets, but with this restriction, that we should not import such goods as were to be had from Britain, and that we should carry whatever articles they did permit us to receive into Britain first, and pay a duty there. However, as this regulation amounted almost to a prohibition of such articles, and they were likely not to receive such advantages as they at first expected, we were at length allowed to bring them immediately into these colonies, on paying to the officers of the customs here a very high duty, to be disposed of by government in Britain. Hence proceed the duties we pay at this day on wines, coffee, molasses, &c. &c. all which duties are not applied to the support of government in these colonies, but increase the revenue of Great Britain, and enable them to maintain standing armies in America, to secure the execution of their laws, under the denomination of guards and garrisons to protect us and our property.
Another instance of oppression is the extending the jurisdiction of the COURTS OF ADMIRALTY , with pains and penalties heretofore unknown. In this court, we are deprived of our trial by jury, and must submit to the decision of a dependent party-judge, whose emoluments of office arise from his condemnations; and although we may be released from the prosecution, we must still suffer the injury and oppression brought upon us by the iniquitous prosecutor, who is exempted from the damages we sustain by means of an unjust prosecution.
The suspending the legislative power of New York, until their House of Burgessies rescinded or blotted out a vote they had passed, declaring their right to the same freedom which the people of Great Britain enjoy, and complied with an arbitrary requisition to provide for troops, is another capital instance of the tyrannical disposition of the British parliament towards America. All these things, and many more, have we known, to convince us that the British parliament have not viewed us with the

eye of brotherly love and affection, but with a determination to make us subservient to our fellow subjects in Britain , in all cases whatever, and our condition as wretched as that of slaves.
The detestable STAMP ACT furnishes us with another memorable proof of the injustice and tyranny they had prepared for us; and I thank the God of heaven and earth, who permits the wicked sometimes to provide torments for themselves, that, of his gracious mercy to us, he suffered that act to be passed, which opened our eyes, and made us behold the slavery intended for three millions of people. Let us return thanks to HIM, my countrymen, for his great mercy; and let us look up to HIM for protection, in the day of our distress.
The consequences that would have attended a submission to that act you are better acquainted with than with those which have arisen from all the other acts I have mentioned. The reason is plain: You were told by parliament, that you must pay a tax on every instrument of writing used in these colonies; that you must pay a tax on painters colours , oil, glass, and paper, which you were obliged to import from Great Britain . This was a doctrine none of us could misunderstand; by this all were affected, and so sensibly too, that it was like drawing the vital blood from our veins. By that act, our money was demanded; and we were reduced to the necessity of paying, or resisting. We resisted. The happy effects of our opposition you cannot have forgotten, and our method of resistance must still be fresh in your memories. We shut up our courts, we associated, we refused to buy their goods: They took off the taxes. Were the parliament actuated in this respect by principles of justice and regard to us? No, my countrymen; they were not. They saw the impropriety of their conduct, not in having taxed us, but in the mode of taxing us. They perceived their inability, at that time, to enforce submission to a law against which they had not expected any opposition. They had attacked all ranks and degrees of men in these colonies, and had met with a sudden, unexpected, and violent opposition. The clamours of their merchants, tradesmen, and manufacturers, contributed also to the repeal of those duties, as they were immediately affected by the opposition. But let us examine this repeal a little farther: Did they take off all the duties upon British merchandise imported into these colonies? Did they relinquish the right of taxing us? No; we find that they reserved a duty on the article of tea , trifling indeed as to the sum, but fatal in its consequences to our liberty and property. We find at this time also they passed another act, declaring their right to tax us, to regulate our trade, to prevent our manufacturing, or, in their own words, "to bind us in all cases whatsoever." What! shall we then receive our laws from people at 3000 miles distance from us, ignorant of our situation and circumstances in life, and not bound by the same laws? Shall we, like poor abject slaves, tamely give up our liberty, which our forefathers handed down to us, and suffer our property to be taken from us, at the will and direction of a British parliament? Shall we subject ourselves, and our posterity, to be driven, by our masters, to such employments as they shall allot for us? To have our looms, our spinning-wheels destroyed, whenever they shall think we manufacture too much cloth? I wait your answer. But methinks I see the blood of true Britons swelling your veins, and hear you cry, with one voice, We will be free .
Let us consider then, my countrymen, what it is we are to do. You are told, that the present dispute between Great
Britain and the colonies is concerning the duty on tea . It is so. Perhaps some of you may now tell me it is a dispute with which you have nothing to do, as you do not make use of that commodity, and the duty cannot affect you. But you will go farther perhaps, and tell me, that the high-minded gentlemen are the occasion of the present confusion, and are bringing you into difficulties to support their extravagance and ambition. Let me entreat you, my fellow subjects, to reflect a moment on your situation. Is it possible you can be so blind to your real interests as not to perceive the oppression daily coming upon you from Britain ? Can you suppose the gentlemen of all America would be so mad as to risk their lives and fortunes merely to save the trifling duty of three pence per pound on tea ? Are not the gentlemen made of the same materials as the lowest and poorest amongst you? And do you suppose they cannot---they would not---refrain the use of that article, if that would procure the safety of these colonies? Have you found, in the course of your observations, that the gentlemen (as they are styled) are so very frugal and saving of their money as to bring themselves into the smallest difficulties for so small an advantage? No, my countrymen, you have not. Deceive not yourselves then, nor let others deceive you; listen to no doctrines which may tend to divide us; but let us go hand in hand, as brothers, as fellow sufferers in the same cause, firmly united to defend our rights and liberty, and to preserve freedom to our posterity. Fortunes we may not leave them but we shall be despicable indeed if we tamely suffer them to become slaves.
But let us reflect again on the nature of this dispute. The British parliament, when they repealed the stamp act , did not give up the right of taxing us; they reserved the duty on tea , and declared, by an act, that they had a right to bind us "in all cases whatsoever." The plain meaning of this declaration is, that we must either submit to such impositions as they may hereafter think proper to burthen us with, or they will not suffer us to make use of our property. In this situation have been unmindful of the necessary means of defence; whilst they have been preparing to execute their laws upon us.
Having reserved the duty on tea , the consumption of that article has been lessened near two thirds, to the great injury of the East India company of merchants in Great Britain . As parliament had been the cause of this injury, the minister was determined not only to redress them, but at the same time to carry the favourite plan of taxing America into execution. An advantage is then offered to the East India company, which by law they had not been entitled to, of sending their tea immediately to America . This measure being adopted by them, the minister vainly hoped to find us submitting openly to this tax; as, notwithstanding the duty, we should receive the tea on cheaper terms. If this measure should not succeed, he was then prepared to carry the declaration of parliament into force, and procure such other oppressive laws to be made as might lay us in the deepest distress, and compel us to submit.
In this manner, my countrymen, were the distresses of the people of Boston brought upon them. The East India company sent ships loaded with tea to different parts of America ; they sent tea to Boston . In all other parts, they suffered it to be landed and stored, or it was agreed to carry it back to Britain . At Boston , they refused to carry it back, and the people would not suffer it to be landed; well knowing that, if it was, the duty would be paid by the company's agents, and the tea sold,
if not in New England , to the other colonies in America . They remonstrated against the landing of the tea , they waited many days patiently for a satisfactory determination; the officers of the customs refused to suffer the ship to return; the men of war determined it should not pass; and by these circumstances were they reduced to the necessity of throwing the tea into the water, as they attempted to land it.
Although the law of nature and self-defence, in all such cases, does justify their conduct, yet the dispute is not now about the price of the tea , but the duty on that tea . It is not the sum of 10,000l. which was the value of the tea , that the people of Boston , and all North America , are contending with Britain for; but it is our right to freedom, to dispose of our property when we have acquired it. If paying for the tea was the condition on which our rights should be restored, and on which our property might remain secure, all America would not engage in this dispute. But this is not the case: Parliament will not be satisfied with that, but have determined that we shall submit to their laws and to their taxes. And let us now inquire what methods they have taken to oblige us to submit.
Punishments should always be proportioned to crimes; and, where the laws direct the punishment, no power can go beyond it. This is the security we boast under our free constitution of government, and it is our invaluable privilege to make these laws. The power that deprives us of this privilege makes us slaves. What then is the conduct of parliament towards us? They will not be satisfied with payment for the tea ; but farther insist, that we shall submit to whatever laws they make. To compel us to do this, they dissolve our assemblies, suspend our legislatures, block up the town of Boston , deprive upwards of 30,000 inhabitants of the means of subsistence, seize their wharfs, &c. to the amount of two hundred thousand pounds; which, by the act, are never to be restored to them, although they should submit to all that is required by that law. They have altered the charter of Massachusetts Bay , which is an agreement between the people of that province and the king, in writing, under his seal; and have passed an act empowering the governor to seize the persons of such as do not conform to all things required by their laws, and to send them where he shall think proper ( even to Britain ) to be tried for their supposed offences, where, destitute of friends and money, they will fall unhappy victims to the avarice of corrupted judges, and the rapaciousness of merciless tyrants. Many more things, of like tendency, are they now preparing for all North America . To you then, my countrymen, to all of us, does it belong to take such measures as shall prevent their wicked designs, and secure our lives, our liberty, and property. On the virtue and courage of the people of these colonies does it depend whether we shall be happy or miserable in this world, and enjoy, in peace and quietness, the fruits of our labour. Your representatives in General Congress have planned the measures of resistance; on your courage and virtue do they rely for support in the execution of them. Let us then, my countrymen, go hand in hand; let us have one voice; let us convince mankind, that we are, as one man , actuated by one soul ; and that, if we are not, we still deserve to be, FREE .
The mode of opposition recommended to us is an union and association of the colonies to break off all commercial intercourse with Great Britain , unless our grievances shall be redressed. And what is this plan recommended to us? Surely

because it is, of all others, the most safe, speedy, and effectual, we can embrace, to restore that harmony to Britain and the colonies we profess to desire.
Rashness and violence can never avail us in the execution of this plan, and therefore we should avoid every conduct tending to so destructive an end; for, how can this association be observed unless we establish arts and manufactures? How is it possible these should succeed without peace, order, and the security of our property? And how can these be preserved unless we discourage every kind of violence, by promoting a due respect for the laws of our country, as far as our unhappy circumstances will admit of it.
The principles of the ever-glorious revolution will always justify a suspension of the laws under like circumstances, but we should never enforce those principles unless compelled thereto by extreme necessity. Prudence and moderation will give weight to our measures, whilst a contrary conduct will only serve to disunite us, and consequently to involve us in confusion. This is a doctrine which every friend to liberty and his country will inculcate, and on this will the success of our present undertaking chiefly depend. But whilst I recommend to you a temperate conduct, I would not have you to neglect that provision for your safety which the urgency of the case requires. On the contrary, I would advise you to look forward to every contingency, and be prepared for "mournful events."
NEW YORK, June 29.
WE hear that three men of war, and 16 sail of transports, with British troops on board, are now lying at Sandy Hook. These are part of the troops which at their embarkation were destined for New York. Since their arrival here, we are told General Gage has ordered them to Boston; but if so, we know not why their departure is delayed. Some suppose that General Haldimand, who arrived about a week ago, came here to take the command of these troops. We are told, they are unwilling to go to Boston.
To his Excellency GEORGE WASHINGTON, generalissimo of all the forces raised, and to be raised, in the confederated colonies of America:
The ADDRESS of the Provincial Congress of the colony of New York.
May it please your Excellency.
AT a time when the most loyal of his majesty's subjects, from a regard to the laws and constitution by which he sits on the throne, feel themselves reduced to the unhappy necessity of taking up arms to defend their dearest rights and privileges, while we deplore the calamities of this divided empire, we rejoice in the appointment of a gentleman from whose abilities and virtue we are taught to expect both security and peace.
Confiding in you, sir, and in the worthy generals immediately under your command, we have the most flattering hopes of success in the glorious struggle for American liberty, and the fullest assurances that whenever this important contest shall be decided, by the fondest wish of each American soul, an accommodation with our mother country, you will cheerfully resign the important deposit committed into your hands, and re-assume the character of our worthy citizen.
B. V. B. LIVINGSTON, president.
June 26 1775.
HIS EXCELLENCY'S ANSWER. Gentlemen,
AT the same time, that, with you, I deplore the unhappy necessity of such an appointment as that with which I am now honoured, I cannot but feel sentiments of the highest gratitude for this affecting instance of distinction and regard,
May your warmest wishes be realised, in the success of America, at this important and interesting period; and be assured, that every exertion of my worthy colleagues, and myself, will be equally extended to the re-establishment of peace and harmony between the mother country and these colonies.
As to the fatal, but necessary operations of war, when we assumed the soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen; and we shall most sincerely rejoice with you in that happy hour when the establishment of American liberty, on the most firm and solid foundations, shall enable us to return to our private stations, in the bosom of a free, peaceful, and happy country.
G. WASHINGTON,
Copy of a letter from Mr. Isaac Lathrop, one of the Provincial Congress at Watertown.
WATERTOWN, June 22, 1775.
BEFORE this comes to hand, you will doubtless hear of the engagement of last Saturday, between our troops and those of the army at Boston; but lest you should not be well informed, I will now undertake to give you as regular an account as can at present be obtained. Last Friday evening, a detachment from the camp at Cambridge marched to Charlestown, and there took possession of Breed's Hill, about half a mile from the Ferry. Their intrenching tools not coming up in season, it was 12 o'clock before they began their works. As soon as day-light appeared, they were discovered from Boston, when the men of war at the Ferry, the battery from Cop's Hill, and the floating batteries, kept up a continual cannonading and bombardment, which fortunately did but little execution, although our intrenchments were very far from being completed. This continued till about 2 o'clock, when a large army, of between 4 and 5000 (as we hear from Boston) under the command of general Howe, landed on the back of the hill, and marched up with great seeming resolution towards our lines. Our men reserved their fire till the enemy had advanced very near, when a general engagement ensued; the fire from our lines was so excessive heavy, and made such a dreadful slaughter, as obliged the enemy twice to give way, although many of their officers stood in the rear, with their swords pointed at their backs, ready to run them through. Our men kept up a continual blaze upon them for about an hour, with such execution as is scarce credible. The enemy then came on the flanks, and marched up, and forced their way over the ramparts, with fixed bayonets, cutlasses, and hand grenades; which obliged our little brave army, consisting only of about 1500 men, at most, to retreat.
The town of Charlestown was fired in various parts during the action, and is now consumed to a wretched heap of rubbish. I kept my ground at Watertown; but, what with the thundering of cannon and small-arms, the conflagration of Charlestown, the waggons and horse-litters with the wounded men coming to the hospital in this town, and the streaming of expresses to and fro, exhibited such an awful scene as I pray God Almighty I may never again behold. The brave and worthy doctor WARREN was killed, stripped, and buried within the intrenchment. Our numbers killed are not yet known, but, by the best account I can obtain, it will not much exceed 50, and the wounded short of 100. Several credible persons since have made their escape out of Boston, some of whom I well know. The latest out says, that upwards of 1400 of the enemy were killed and wounded, with 84 officers; and that 28 of our men were made prisoners, and the enemy had buried
41 of our dead. All agree, that the loss of the enemy, in killed and wounded, is more than 1000. General Howe says, you may talk of your Mindens, Fontenoy's, &c. but he never saw nor heard of such a carnage, in so short a time. All the surgeons in the army, with what they could get in Boston, were not sufficient to dress the wounded. Although they were 24 hours, night and day, in removing them from Charlestown, with the assistance of many of the inhabitants of Boston, whom they pressed into the service, many died in the streets, on their way to the hospital.
N. B. Dr. Mather had his whole furniture, with his library, plate, &c. consumed in the fire at Charlestown. I have employed Mr. Samuel Penfield to go with this; and if you think it proper to forward the account to New York; he will be ready to serve you. You will excuse my sending it open, as I think it best that every one should know with what bravery our men have acted, and how God in his providence seems to appear for us. Mr. Penfield will also hand you a paper from Cambridge, which contains some particulars."
A letter dated in Roxbury, June 22d, gives much the same account of the action on the 17th that we have in the above letter; and that, by the returns, it appears our loss was 58 killed and missing, and about 90 wounded; that the killed and wounded of the regulars amounted to 990, among whom were 70 officers, including the majors Pitcairn and Sherreiff, and one general officer.
Last night some of our Indians killed three of their guards, and took a watch and 30 dollars. Yesterday our advanced party at Dorchester fired into a boat that was founding, and killed four, on which they went off. Capt. Coit had ten of his men wounded, two dangerously. We are fortifying here, and hope to give them a warm reception when they come out. We expect another visit on the arrival of the forces, which we daily expect. Col. W. of Saybrooke says, that at the time our people left the ground we had much the better of the enemy, and only retired for want of powder."
ADVERTISEMENTS.
BLANDFORD, July 1, 1775.
I INTEND leaving the colony for a few months. The store carried on here for mess. Dinwiddie, Crawford, & co. merchants in Glasgow, will, in my absence, be under the direction of mess. Charles Duncan and John Ray, who are properly authorised to transact the same.
(2) DAVID RUSSELL.
GLOUCESTER, July 10, 1775.
IN consequence of the resolution of the committee of Middlesex county, entered into on the 6th of last month, respecting some goods taken from on board capt. Moses Robertson, by mess. Mills & co. in vindication of our characters, we are induced to inform the publick, that being at Urbanna, in order to deliver a vessel to those gentlemen, we saw boats pass, divers times, in the night, to and from a ship which we were told was capt. Robertson; at the same time, a gentleman of that company stood on the shore, where we saw parcels landed, which appeared to us to be goods. This we are ready to make oath to, when required.
X JOHN PARSONS. WILLIAM DEGGE. JOHN DEGGE. WILLIAM HUDGIN.
ESSEX, July 7, 1775.
AS I intend leaving the colony very soon, all persons who have any demands against me are desired to apply for payment. OLIVER HOWARD.
X I think Capt Robertson & his Officers should be examined about this affair

To be SOLD, on Thursday the 27th instant (July) at Little England, near Hampton,
THE remaining part of the personal estate of Mr. James Balfour, deceased, consisting of household and kitchen furniture (among which are several good feather beds, and some plate) plantation utensils, negroes, and sundry other articles. The negroes have been altogether brought up to house-work, and are complete servants. Credit will be allowed till the 10th day of October next, the purchasers giving bond with approved security; the bonds to bear interest from the date, if not punctually discharged at the day.
DANIEL BARRAUD, admin.
FALMOUTH, July 5, 1775.
I INTEND to leave the colony immediately.
1|| WILLIAM TORRANCE.
WANTED IMMEDIATELY.
A VESSEL capable of carrying 1500 barrels, to Britain. Whoever can furnish such a pine will please to signify the same to Alexander Purdie, at his printing office.
JUST IMPORTED,
A CARGO of SALT from St. Ubes and Lewis town, in the ship Molly, Capt. Cowan; which will be sold on board said ship at Hobb's Hole, or by the subscriber in Urbanna. JAMES MILLS.
REMAINING in Gray's Creek warehouse, a bhd. of tobacco, inspected upwards of three years, entered in the books to the estate of Henry Harrison, No. 496, 638, 122, 516. SAMUEL JUDKINS.
HENRY MORING.
COMMITTED to York jail, the 28th ult. a MULATTO LAD 5 feet 4 inches high, thin made, who says his name is Peter Weeks, and that he belongs to John Parker of Accomack county; has on an old duffil jacket, striped Virginia-cloth breeches, and an old ragged shirt. Likewise, on the 1st of this instant (July) a BLACK LAD 5 feet 3 inches and a quarter high, thin made, has the wool on his crown cut close, says his name is John Thompson, and that he belongs to William Hack of Accomack county; has on a new osnabrug shirt, old purple coloured breeches, and a fustian or jeans coat with metal buttons. The owners are desired to prove their properties, and pay charges to WILLIAM MITCHELL.
HAMPTON, June 20, 1775.
THE subscriber begs leave to inform the publick, that the King's Arms tavern at this place, formerly kept by her late husband, William M'Caa, deceased, is still continued open by her; and, farther, to assure any Gentlemen disposed to favour her with their custom, that they may depend upon her utmost endeavours to keep the house in the best manner.
SARAH M'CAA.
N. B. Proper accommodations will be provided for horses, and Gentlemen may depend upon their being taken due care of.
FREDERICKSBURG, June 19, 1775.
AS I intend to leave the colony for a few months, all persons who have any claims against me are desired to call and have them settled. I must request all those who are indebted to me to pay off as far as they can, and give bond for their balances. Mr. Lachlan Campbell will carry on the business in my absence, and he is properly authorised to receive all sums due to me, and to settle every just demand against me.
(4) JOHN GLASSELL.
Forty shillings reward,
FOR JAMIE, a tall black fellow, with large head and face, has lost part of one of his fore teeth, who ran away from the subscriber last night, and is supposed to have got on board some vessel. All masters are forbid to carry him out; his clothing a light coloured fearnought waistcoat, and such other as is common for plantation slaves.
AUGUSTINE MOORE.
YORK TOWN, June 29, 1775.
RUN away from the subscriber, in York town, on Sunday the 18th of this instant (June) an indentured servant man, who came in by the name of John O'Brian, but his true name is JAMES BRENON. He is a tailor by trade, a good workman, and can write very well; therefore it is probable he may forge a pass, under some feigned name. He has short dark hair, a remarkable long head, slender made about the arms and body, is about five feet and a half high, and was born in Dublin. He wore a brown mixed cloth coat, nankeen breeches, and a striped waistcoat. Whoever apprehends the said servant, and will convey him to me, or secure him so that I get him again, shall have 5l. reward, paid by
WILLIAM DAVIS.
STOLEN from Mr. John Fitzhugh's pasture, in Stafford, near the courthouse, on Sunday night, the 11th instant (June) a likely bay HORSE about 14 hands high, with a hanging mane and switch tail, has a fresh scar under his throat, occasioned by a late swelling, which has reduced his plight very much, paces and canters so well as to be an exceeding fine riding horse, and branded on the near buttock TF in a piece. It is more than probable, indeed I think it certain, that the said horse was taken off by one William Gray, a joiner, who eloped from these parts the same night on account of some misdemeanors [which he had been committing in Falmouth, and for which he was, at that time, pursued by a justice's warrant. The said Grey is a likely young fellow about 22 years of age, rather taller than middle size, wears his own dark curled hair, takes snuff to excess, which affects his speech very perceptibly. He told some of his comrades that he was going to Bedford county, from whence he lately came, but how far to believe this is uncertain. Whoever will find and produce the said horse to me shall have 40 s. reward, and 5l. if the thief can be detected and brought to justice.
4|| GEORGE FITZHUGH.
FOR SALE,
A TRACT of LAND, containing 3000 acres, whereon is a plantation which has employed, for some years past, twelve or fourteen slaves; this tract lies in the upper end of King William county. Also a tract lying in the lower end of the said county, containing 1100 acres, and pleasantly situated on Pamunkey river; a brick dwelling-house, with necessary offices, a fishing shore, and a lively fertility of soil, recommend the latter tract to any Gentleman who may be about to settle in life. Possession will be delivered on the 25th of December next, to the purchaser, or purchasers, who will have liberty of sowing fall grain. Mr. Benjamin Grymes, jun. of Orange, will make known particulars to any person who may be inclined to purchase the whole, or any part of the said tracts. Credit till the first of January 1777 will be allowed, by
JUDITH ROBINSON.
(tf.) LUCY ROBINSON.
BENJAMIN GRYMES, jun.
FINCASTLE, June 1, 1775.
ALL persons indebted to the estate of Archibald Campbell, late of Botetourt county, deceased, are desired to make speedy payment; and those who have any demands against the same are desired to make them known, immediately, to
ISRAEL CHRISTIAN, adm.
RUN away from the subscriber, in Gloucester county, on the 14th of this instant (May) a negro man named NED, about 19 or 20 years of age, five feet two or three inches high, rather of a tawny complexion, has some ringworm on his face, and some white hairs in his head; his clothing was an old brown coat, and a yellow striped cotton waistcoat. I bought him last March at the sale of Mr. John Shermer, in James City county, for Mann Page, junior, Esquire. He was brought from one of his quarters in King William county, and I have reason to believe that he will go to those parts, or to his mother, who lives with Mr. Thomas Booth, in Richmond town. Any person who will take up the said slave, and secure him so that I get him again, shall be paid 40s. by Mann Page, junior, Esquire, to whom the negro belongs.
(tf.) JAMES JONES.
RUN away from the subscriber, at West Point, in King William county, the 21st of last December, a very likely Virginia born negro man, named MIKE, about 22 years old, six feet high, and stutters much; had on, when he went away, a suit of negro cotton, but may probably change his clothes. I forewarn all masters of vessels from carrying him out of the colony. Whoever brings the said negro to me shall have 3l. reward, besides what the law allows, and if taken out of the colony 10l. (tf.) JOHN WEST.
For SALE at Tappahannock,
AN exceeding likely young negro man, who is a very good house servant, understands taking care of horses, and is a tolerable good cook. If the purchaser is not perfectly satisfied with him after a month's trial, he may return him if in health.
(tf.) ARCHIBALD M'CALL.
To be SOLD in Amherst county, FOUR THOUSAND acres of exceeding good tobacco LAND, being part of a large tract formerly advertised, together with a very valuable gristmill, upon Buffalo river. This land is equal to any that has yet been sold of the tract. The time of payment will be made agreeable to purchasers. Mr. Gabriel Penn, who lives near the land, is authorised to bargain for it, and will show it to any person inclined to purchase.
(tf.) CARTER BRAXTON.
For SALE,
A TRACT of LAND in Caroline county, near Newmarket, containing about 3000 acres of well timbered land, having thereon two plantations, in good repair, with proper and convenient edifices for farming, or making tobacco. For terms apply to the subscriber.
(tf.) JOHN BAYLOR.
For SALE,
A TRACT of LAND in Caroline county, contiguous to Mattapony, containing about 2000 acres of well timbered land, the property of Mr. Robert Baylor. The terms may be known by applying to Mr. Nathaniel Burwell in King William, Mr. John Armistead in Caroline, or Mr. John Baylor, executors. (tf.)
ARTICLES of Intelligence, Essays, Advertisements, &c. are thankfully received for this Paper, the Price of which is 12 s. 6 d. per Annum, Advertisements inserted as usual. PRINTING WORK done with Care and Expedition, and on reasonable Terms.

NEW YORK, June 26.
THE ship Juliana, Capt. Montgomery, arrived at Sandy Hook last Saturday night, from London, in which vessel our worthy governor came passenger. He landed at 8 o'clock yesterday evening, and was conducted to the house of the Hon. Hugh Wallace, Esq; by an immense number of the principal people of this city.
Yesterday morning set out from this city, for the American camp at Cambridge, JOHN SULLIVAN, Esq; of New Hampshire, being appointed a brigadier-general by the Hon. Continental Congress. He was accompanied some distance from the city by a detachment of the light infantry of the third battalion, and a number of the officers of the militia and other gentlemen.
Yesterday arrived here from Philadelphia, in their way for the camp at Boston, general WASHINGTON, appointed by the Hon. the Continental Congress commander in chief of all the provincial troops in North America, attended by the generals LEE and SCHUYLER; they were escorted by a party of light-horse. The generals landed at the seat of Col. Lispenard about 4 o'clock yesterday afternoon, from whence they were conducted by nine companies of foot, in their uniforms, and a greater number of the principal inhabitants of this city than ever appeared here on any occasion before.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Providence (45 miles from Boston) to his friend in this city, dated June 20, 1775.
"As you doubtless have been alarmed with divers accounts of the contest which happened on the 17th instant, between the king's troops and our army, I shall give you a narrative in a few words, as the post now waits.
"On the evening of the 16th, col. Putnam took possession of Bunker's Hill, with about 2000 men, and began an intrenchment, which they had made some progress in. At 8 in the morning, a party of regulars landed at Charlestown, and fired the town in divers places. Under cover of the smoke, a body of about 5000 men marched up to our intrenchments, and made a furious and sudden attack. They were drove back three times, and when they were making their third attack, one of our people imprudently spoke aloud, that their powder was all gone, which being heard by some of the regular officers, they encouraged their men to march up to the trenches with fixed bayonets, and entered them; on which our people were ordered to retreat, which they did with all speed, till they got out of musket shot. They then formed, but were not pursued. In the mean time, six men of war, and four floating batteries, were brought up, which kept a continual fire on the causeway that leads to Charlestown. Our people retreated through the fire, but not without the loss of many of the men. Our loss is 60 men killed and missing, and about 140 wounded. The brave doctor Warren is among the former, and col. Gardner among the latter; and we left six field-pieces on the hill. Our people are now intrenched on Pleasant Hill, within cannon shot of Bunker's Hill. The loss of the king's troops must be very considerable; the exact number we cannot tell. If our people had been supplied with ammunition, they would have held possession most certainly. They have begun firing on Roxbury with carcasses, to set it on fire, but have not yet succeeded. Our people are in high spirits, and are very earnest to put this matter on another trial."
PHILADELPHIA, June 28.
YESTERDAY arrived here an express from the American camp, who brought letters to the Congress, and by him we have the following.
Extract of a letter from Weathersfield, June 22, 1775. in Connecticut
"Before this, you must know (I conclude) that there has been a battle, in which fell the honourable, the noble doctor Warren. For fear you may not have the particulars, I will endeavour, in part, to relate to you how the affair was, as by the best account I can gather from the letters from the camp. Last Friday afternoon orders were issued for about 1800 of the provincial troops, and 200 of the Connecticut, to parade themselves at 6 o'clock, with one day's provision, equipped with packs, blankets, &c. Their orders were given at 9 o'clock, and they marched with their teams, trenching tools, &c. to Bunker's Hill, to heave up an intrenchment, which you are sensible is near the water, ships, &c. They worked most surprisingly that night, and were discovered at sunrise by a sailor from the mast head. The British army began to fire from Cop's Hill, near Cotton-church, in Boston, and from all the ships that could be brought to play, which continued till near 8. About 1 o'clock P. M. the Americans at Cambridge hearing that the regulars were landing from their floating batteries, the alarm was sounded, and they were ordered down to the breastwork at Charlestown. Before it was possible, Capt. Chester writes me, he could get there, the battle had begun in earnest, and cannon and musket ball were plenty about their ears. Chester and my brother were both in the engagement; they reinforced our men that had left the breastwork in fine order, though they passed through the cannonading of the ships, bombs, chain shot, ring shot, double-headed shot, &c. but then their superior number of artillery, and number of men (for they were three to two) forced our men to retreat, after a warm engagement of an hour and a half. Thank Heaven, but few of our men fell, considering the advantage they had of us. Our people were much fatigued with working at the intrenchments, and I believe not in the best preparation in the world to meet an enemy. Add to this terrible scene, the British troops, to their eternal disgrace, shame, and barbarity, set Charlestown on fire with torches. My brother says, we were obliged to retreat upon Prospect Hill, where we made a stand, and said we would all die before we would retreat any farther; but the British troops did not think fit to come out from under protection of their shipping. The loss of Americans is supposed to be, of wounded, missing, and slain, about 120. A large, genteel, well-dressed gentleman, that first mounted our breastwork, was overset by one of our impudent Americans, who took so good aim as to prevent his ever mounting another, as he tumbled him into the intrenchment, just as he cried, The day is our own. We greatly rejoice to hear of the coming of the good, the brave, and great general WASHINGTON; we shall receive him with open arms."
Extract of a letter from Hartford, June 23.
"Mr. Adams and Mr. Alcot are arrived from the provincial camp at Cambridge, which they left on Wednesday, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. The account is as follows: 200 of the provincials killed, wounded, and taken prisoners; officers killed, major Moore, doctor Warren, a colonel, and a captain, whose names are
unknown. The New Hampshire regiment sustained the greatest loss in this engagement. The number of regulars at this battle were between 4 and 5000, of which 1000 are killed and wounded.
"The provincials who opposed them were about 2000, who repulsed the regulars three times.
"The provincials were intrenched at Breed's Hill, and were there first attacked; they are now intrenched at Prospect Hill, and the regulars are intrenched at Bunker's Hill, so that they are now only a mile and a half distant from each other.
"Colonel Gardner, who was wounded, is likely to recover in a few days."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in the township of Rygate, on Connecticut river, to his father in New Jersey, dated June 10, 1775.
"The Indian and Canadian war is all vanished. We have had positive accounts from many of the Indian tribes, who are certainly applied to by governor Carleton to distress the settlements; but they say they have received no offence from the people, so will not make war with them. The French say, it is a war of our own raising, and they will have no part in it."
Extract of a letter from Providence, June 20.
"Our government have ordered two cruisers to be equipped and sent out, to protect the trade. They have retaken Lindsey's packet, in sight of the men of war. The men of war have taken Mr. Gibbs's brig, with a load of flour from Philadelphia; and have taken her cargo on board, for fear she should be retaken."
Friday evening arrived here the troop of light-horse belonging to this city, after escorting generals Washington, Lee, and Schuyler, to New Rochelle (about 25 miles beyond New York) upon their way to the American camp at Cambridge.
We hear that JOHN MACPHERSON, Esq; is appointed aid-de-camp to major general SCHUYLER.
WILLIAMSBURG, July 14.
MONDAY last arrived at York town, from the northward, his Majesty's ship Mercury, of 24 guns, John Macartney, Esq; commander, to relieve the Fowey man of war, Capt. Montague; and yesterday she departed for Bolton, with our good friend Capt. Foy, who is appointed by General Gage to the command of the artillery. [ Have a care, Captain, of your Minden laurels; 'tis ten to one but they get cropp'd by some of the plaguy Yankees! ]
At the same time fell down the river, the Otter sloop of war, Capt. Squires.
We have not been able to learn where Lord DUNMORE intends fixing his residence; some say at Portsmouth, but we only mention it as a report.
All his Lordship's domesticks have now left the palace, and are gone, bag and baggage, to his farm at Porto Bello, about six miles from town.
By the Sisters, Maxwell, in six weeks from London, we have papers to the 16th of June, which contain no news of any consequence; but the Captain informs, that although great numbers of manufacturers, &c. are out of employ, and in a starving condition (who curse Lord North, and all his schemes) yet the general talk upon London exchange is, Reduce the American rebels, and hang up the dogs. [ Good gracious! what terrible swaggering blades the ministerial gentry are! The bare recital of such vengeance would be enough to make a man's blood freeze in his veins, even this sultry summer's day, when the thermometer is at 92, was it not well

known that they are not able to put their threats in execution, and therefore may be considered as mere---puff.
Capt. CHARLES SCOTT, of Cumberland, is chosen commander of the troops now in this city. He served last war in the Virginia regiment with great reputation, and is an excellent woodman.
Arrived in town, since our last, the Goochland, Louisa, Spotsylvania, Albermarle, King George, and Stafford volunteers; all hearty clever fellows, and ready to take a crack with any ministerial troops that may be sent to molest us.
Extract of a letter from General WASHINGTON, dated the 20th of June, at Philadelphia, to the independent companies of Fairfax, Prince William, Fauquier, Spotsylvania, and Richmond.
Gentlemen,
I AM now about to bid adieu to the companies under your respective commands, at least for a while. I have launched into a wide and extensive field, too boundless for my abilities, and far, very far, beyond my experience. I am called, by the unanimous voice of the colonies, to the command of the continental army; an honour I did not aspire to, an honour I was solicitous to avoid, upon a full conviction of my inadequacy to the importance of the service. The partiality of the Congress, however, assisted by a political motive, rendered my reasons unavailing; and I shall, to-morrow, set out for the camp near Boston. I have only to beg of you, therefore, before I go (especially as you did me the honour to put your companies under my direction, and know not how soon you may be called upon in Virginia for an exertion of your military skill) by no means to relax in the discipline of your respective companies."
Go, gallant WASHINGTON - - - - And when (all milder means withstood) Ambition, tam'd by loss of blood, Regains her reason; then, on angels wings, Shall peace descend, and shouting greet, With peals of joy, these happy climes.
To the inhabitants of Cumberland county, the address of the committee of the said county, convened on Friday the 30th of June, 1775.
Dear countrymen,
IN contemplation of securing your dearest rights and liberties, against the oppressions of Great Britain, you some months ago elected us (subordinate to those august bodies, the Continental Congress and Provincial Convention) by your free and unbiassed suffrages, guardians of these invaluable blessings. At a short period after receiving this honour, we convened ourselves for the purpose of discharging the important trusts so reposed in us; and have, from time to time, devised such means, for a happy event of your weighty contest, as the maturest deliberation could suggest. In return, you have ever paid us the grateful tribute of entire confidence, testified by the most implicit acquiescence and concurrence in whatever we recommended. We, with pleasure, bear in mind a very recent instance of your confidence, that of the late speedy and cheerful contribution of monies requested of you for the purpose of making military preparation; which, you may depend, no means shall be untried for laying out to the best advantage. We find, however, that you can still contribute much to this preparation, by applying diligently to making SALT PETRE. This is an article much wanted, as an ingredient for making GUN POWDER. Your tobacco-houses and stable-floors are foundations from which salt-petre may be produced, with but little work, in great abundance and perfection. We entreat you, therefore, to apply for the most short and ready process; and lose no time in making this necessary, but easy-procured, article.
We have been attentive to the movements of the cursed instruments of your troubles, and, had any prospects of an accommodation with the parent state come within our view, we should gladly have laid them before you; but we must now expressly tell you, that it is to be feared no such event can be expected at all. Your enemies seem implacable in their determinations to ruin American liberty, and, with that view, suffer no engine to lie still which can be put in motion, by any manœuvre, however mean, cowardly, and detestable. For instances, we need only refer you to the late conduct of that MERCENARY, MINISTERIAL TOOL, LORD DUNMORE, within your own colony; and be assured, that many such hirelings are employed, and will be, as long as means can be supplied for paying them. In short, we must tell you, that nothing can be expected for your relief from the virtue of a British ministry or parliament; though, true it is, there are some members, in both houses of the latter, who, ashamed of the black deeds of their body, daily, to their lasting honour, hold out their names as dissentients; yet, unhappily for Britain, and America too, they are but few. You may indeed, at this time, consider yourselves in a state of civil war with Great Britain; for several engagements have been between her troops and the brave inhabitants of your sister colony of Massachusetts Bay. We have long since considered all the American colonies as united, in opposing the oppressive measures of Great Britain; a blow, therefore, struck at one, is a blow struck at all. Since matters have gone to such lengths there, you must daily look for the invaders in your own country, which is equally destined to destruction; or, should the whole force of your enemies be bent on that, or any other colony, you must not think a march thither too far. Believe us, when we tell you, that in your arms, under divine assistance, rests your security. We entreat you, therefore, by that regard you have for the safety of your persons, for your liberties, civil and religious; for every thing which can render your being on earth happy; by, what is of more weighty consideration, that tender regard you have for the happiness of your posterity, for endless ages to come; under sanction of that confidence you repose in us; that you, without delay, apply to your arms, as speedily as possible. Put them in the best condition; make yourselves acquainted with military discipline; and stand in readiness, for actual service, upon the shortest warning. Put down every animosity from amongst yourselves; pay obedience to officers properly appointed; let no discords on account of their advancement prevent your attention to them, for now your movements must harmonise. The time is arrived at which no private considerations should interfere with the safety of the state: Observe the old maxim, United we stand, divided we fall . We entreat you, with like earnestness, to preserve what ammunition you have by you; do not expend it on any occasion whatever, except under the greatest necessity, for you may depend that more will be wanted for your defence than can shortly be procured. Pay attention to these our entreaties, and fear not. Your American brethren are firm; you have many friends in Great Britain and Ireland; and in the justness of your cause, you may, with confidence, look up to HEAVEN for assistance; in supplication of whose interposition, to avert the approaching scene of blood and destruction, we recommend, that you, universally, in compliance with the appointment of the GRAND CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, devote Thursday the 20th of July to humiliation, fasting, and prayer.
GEORGE CARRINGTON, chairman.
To Mess. DIXON & HUNTER.
RUFFIN'S FERRY, July 13, 1775.
Gentlemen,
I AM this day informed, by a friend, that a very extraordinary publication is to appear in your gazette this week, stigmatising Mess. Mills and Lorimer, and myself, in the most unjustifiable manner, in regard to a quantity of goods which four men of Gloucester county supposed I had brought in from London for the above-mentioned gentlemen, and landed at Urbanna. I shall, without hesitation, take upon me to say, that I did not bring any goods for them, or any other person, and am ready to make oath to this assertion, whenever I may be called upon for that purpose; and my chief mate, and other officers, will attest the same. The conduct of these men is highly reprehensible and malicious, as they have endeavoured to fix a heavy charge upon me, without having proper grounds to support it. As to those gentlemen whose characters have been aspersed, as well as my own, they will, I make no doubt, be able to confute every thing their accusers have charged them with.
I am, Gentlemen,
Your humble servant, MOSES RORINSON.
ADVERTISEMENTS.
WILLIAMSBURG, July 12, 1775.
IT having been asserted, and industriously propagated, that some little time before the late meeting of the merchants, in conversation with a person at my own house, I said that the merchants would not meet, because they were afraid of being robbed of their money by Patrick Henry and his followers: I take this opportunity to declare, upon my honour, that I never said or thought any such thing, and that the person who charges me with uttering such expressions must have mistaken my words, or inferred from them a meaning never intended by
JOHN RANDOLPH.
REMAINING in Poropotank warehouse, Gloucester county, a hhd. of tobacco, inspected the 23d of February 1771, for Francis Willis, jun No. 1, marked HWD in a piece, weights 1125, 95, 1030. The owner is desired to apply to the inspectors.
WILLIAM DUVAL. GEORGE BOOTH.
LOST
ON Tuesday morning, a SILVER WATCH with a steel chain and mason's seal, marked on the outside of the inner case JOHN TURNER. Whoever will bring it to the subscriber shall have 20s. reward.
WILLIAM TURNER.
WILLIAMSBURG, July 14, 1775.
STRAYED away from the subscriber on Thursday the 8th of June, a likely bay HORSE 5 years old, 14 hands and an inch high, with a hanging mane and switch tail, his hind feet white, above the first joint, and his left fore foot, just above the hoof; he has a star and snip, but no brand. Whoever delivers the said horse to me, in Essex county, or gives intelligence so that I may get him again, shall receive a reward of 20s.
ROBERT BROOKS
STRAYED or STOLEN from Mr. William Graves's, in York county, the 20th of May last, a small bay MARE about 13 hands and a half high, that paces naturally. Whoever brings the said mare to Mr. James Southall in Williamsburg, to the subscriber in New Kent, shall have 20s. reward.
WILLIAM FEARSON