Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1809-01-30 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER. SINT HIC ETIAM SUA PRÆMIA LAUD.
[VOL. V.
MONDAY MORNING, JANUARY 30, 1809.
NO. 83.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Jan. 17.
Mr. CANNING'S LETTER.
The message of the President, given in the National Intelligencer of Wednesday last, having been read—
Mr. Burrwell moved, that 5000 copies of the message and documents be printed. He said, whilst up, he could not refrain from expressing his regret that the executive had not taken a different course to counteract the effect of Mr. Canning's letter, than the one which he had chosen. It was impossible that any new evidence should have been wanting, to prove that our government had acted with justice and moderation. But it is so perfectly plain (said he) that we are waging a war of honour and candour against treachery and intrigue, that it is surprising that a stop has not been put to it. Why is it that our presses are teeming with treachery? A regular system is going on to overthrow the government. How is it that men high in the government say, that no formal offer was made to Great Britain to repeal our embargo on the revocation of her orders in council, when there are documents before us, proving directly the contrary? Yet sir, it was asserted by men high in office in this country, that our minister had acted only in his individual capacity, long before this British minister's letter was published. But what does this singular letter amount to? Mr. Canning wishes to prove that the offer to repeal the embargo was made in an unofficial manner, when there is a formal letter from himself in answer to the official note of Mr. Pinkney, making the proposition as from his government. Why did not Mr. Canning meet him? This letter of his is but a continuation of that infamous system of misleading the people of this country, so long persisted in. Recollect the speech of Mr. Canning on the floor of parliament on the 24th day of June last. Sir, I am sorry to mention this subject here, but when I see the rights of my country insulted, and publick sensibility worked upon as it has been, I cannot restrain my feelings. It is time to put a stop to this underhanded system. Can it be forgotten what were the sentiments of the people of America, when the famous Genet commenced his appeal from the President, who properly put a stop to it? Why does Canning contend that the orders in council were not known to us at the time that the embargo was laid? It is to meet the feelings of the country, and to support views taken in this nation. I hope that 5000 copies will be printed, and that this is the last time we shall be under the necessity of counteracting these insidious appeals to the people.
Mr. Nicholas observed, that the letters which had just been read furnished another evidence of the fidelity and ability of the publick servants; and another signal to warn the people of this country of the danger which hangs over them, to shew that the British government is in a course of intrigue for the purpose of separating the people from their government. I want no other evidence of this (said he) than the letter of Mr. Canning, which has just been read. How did that letter get into the papers of the United States. It must have been sent here by the British government—for what purpose? It is an appeal by the government of Great Britain to the people of America. On what ground is this appeal made? On the ground of justice, of truth or of sincerity? Neither, sir; it is for the purpose of deceiving the people of this country with the most ungentlemanly, and unmanly misrepresentations. God forbid, that I should believe that Great Britain, has many adherents in this country; but that she has some, this business is to my mind full demonstration. How is this production received? How is it ushered into the publick view? Have the printers who first gave it publicity shewn even a common impartiality between their own government, and that of a foreign nation? Have they shewn a desire to hear what their government could say before they passed sentence of condemnation upon it? No, sir; they are British partizans, pleading the cause of the British government against their own. Mr. N. said, he had before him a paper called the Boston Centinel, containing some comments on Mr. Canning's letter. [Mr. Nicholas here quoted some passages from these comments, stating this letter of Mr. Canning's, to be evidence of a partiality in the government of the United States to France, &c. &c.] This is an American print (said Mr. N.) and this letter is exultingly given to the American people, as tending to shew that their government has practised a deception upon them!
Mr. Troup said, he believed that the publication of this letter was intended by the British government to influence the people; and in order that the whole truth might be wide-
ly disseminated, he moved that 10,000 copies be printed.
Mr. Gardener concurred most heartily in the motion for printing, and also in the proposition for the largest number of copies. Assuredly if there was a matter upon which it was important, that the people of the United States should be correctly informed, it was the subject which the message of this morning placed before the house. I for one (said he) cannot help regretting deeply, that the public confidence in the administration of the government should have been so shaken, by some cause or other, as that gentlemen of the first respectability and no common influence in this house, should be driven to the necessity of combatting on this floor the ebullitions of the editor of a newspaper. Are these publications of newspapers the topics fit for discussion in the house of representatives of the United States? Is it come to this, sir, that a representative of the people, to protect his government from public odium, thinks it necessary to array the representatives of the nation, against the humble editor of a newspaper? I feel humiliated that the affairs of this country should be brought into such a condition, that it should be necessary that the editor of a newspaper, for the first time, should be refuted by a member of this house in his place. I had thought that these ebullitions passed by the government, as an idle wind which it heeded not. But if the government is brought, either by its own weakness or the machinations of a foreign nation, to such a situation that it cannot stand a paragraph in a newspaper, it is brought to a low pass indeed. But the remarks of this editor have been introduced into the house. I do not wish at this time to go over the ground and admit or deny, the proposition which he conceives he has established. But I regret that this humble editor should have been made the subject of such severe remarks, not only because I wish that he should have been unnoticed in this house, but because I confess that in the material matter of fact, I can see nothing of harm which this poor editor has done. He has printed the letter of Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney; and it appears that he has published a document which the administration had not thought proper to communicate, but which was genuine and true. From these facts, now established beyond all controversy, this editor has undertaken, for the amusement and instruction of his readers, to make certain comments which appear to his mind proper. If the fact be as the editor has stated it, his comments are of no importance, especially at this moment, when newspapers on both sides have given themselves up to such misrepresentations. Whether his inferences be correctly drawn or not is matter for the people to decide. Those remarks are but reflections upon a document which on all hands is conceded to be matter of fact—and why should gentlemen be alarmed, if his inferences be absurd or ridiculous? If the integrity of the administration opposes that impenetrable shield to the shafts of its enemies which it always should do, whence this alarm? I am fearful that the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Nicholas) whose known prudence and good sense I cannot avoid representing, saw something more in all this than the mere usual efforts of the editor of a newspaper; and in the same proportion as he attaches importance to them will the people do the same. It is unfortunate for the administration that this course has been pursued; it will awaken remark and mischievous curiosity among the people. Probably if mention had not been made of it, it might have passed without notice; but now I fear that suspicions will be entertained which but for this mode might never have been excited by the editor of a newspaper.
After all I must confess that I do not find a great deal of fault with this editor of a newspaper for the publication of a document, and his remarks are out of the question. The people of the United States cannot know too much. However the administration may have thought it of little importance to communicate the documents heretofore, yet it can do no harm to the good sense of the people to read all that has passed. I see no danger in it; and whether it comes from the cabinet of Great Britain or from our own, I have that confidence in the people of the United States, that I am willing to trust them with it. If circumstances throw no blame on the administration, they need not fear it. I am for publishing the whole because I am desirous that the people should know every thing, and shall always be thankful that a necessity (for whatever reason) does exist for informing them. And if I have cause to regret on this subject, it is not from the same source as that expressed by the gentleman from Virginia. My regret is that this communication should not have been made before this time, and that the necessity of making these documents publick should in this manner have been brought about. As a representative of the American
people I feel humbled by this; and whatever importance may be attached to it, am sorry that the administration has not heretofore seen the necessity of laying before the publick every thing relating to their proposition to repeal the embargo; for the whole argument in favour of the continuation of the embargo has turned very much on the rejection by the British government of our candid offer. It is of importance that the people should be apprised of every thing connected with that matter, because it is the pivot on which the embargo has turned; and I regret exceedingly that the President of the United States should not have seen the importance of making these documents publick hitherto—that he should have seen it only when one of the letters was published. If I understand the message of to-day, the reason why this communication is made, is, that Mr. Canning's letter is calculated to make an impression unfavourable to the character of the government, & the answer is necessary to set them right. It would have been a much better reason for communicating it before, that the people ought to be fully informed. I know not whether the strongest sensation of regret which I feel is, that it has not before been made publick by the administration, or that this house should be made the organ of communication, for the purpose of preserving to it the confidence of the people. Let gentlemen remember that as long as the liberty of the press exists, it will be licentious; that as long as the republick exists, there will be parties, those in power and those out. It is to be expected that they will assail each other frequently, ungenerously and with much calumny; and administrations may again fall as they have fallen. It is one of the evils attending the invaluable liberty of the press. If the printers publish untruth, I have no objection to punish them; but I do not like these denunciations of a printer who will laugh at them. He does not care; he will acquire new vigour and those who participate in his sentiments will like him much better for the publick given to his name.
Mr. Love said, as he presumed from his observations that the gentleman from New York was not in the house when the message was read, he rose to state that the answer of Mr. Pinkney was not in the possession of the government when the formal correspondence on the subject was published. Whether or not it was correct to notice newspaper effusions on the floor, it was certainly quite as correct for one gentleman to comment upon them as for another to rise in their defence. The statement which he had seen in the newspapers was not correct, and could only be intended for deception and to mislead the people at this critical moment.
Mr. Macon said, notwithstanding the licentiousness of newspaper editors, he was against any law for curbing them. Let them run their whole length, said he: I only ask the liberty of buying such of their papers as I like. As long as the press is free, newspapers will make their own comments; and a great many will make those which I do not approve; but it is really to be regretted that I do not know a paper in the United States that takes up both sides. I wish there was such a one. On the subject of this message, to be serious, it strikes me in a different point of view from that in which it has appeared to any other gentleman. Compare the fact of the extraordinary mode of publication of Mr. Canning's letter in New York, (some say first in Boston) with several late transactions, as, the invitations of our citizens, to violate our laws, the vessels on our coast, for ing a trade, &c. and I can consider them in no other light than as appeals to the people of this country by the British ministry. Instead of alienating the affections of this people from their government, it will more strongly attach them to it. That Great Britain should address this runaway proclamation to our people, is not surprising. We are a people made up of emigrants and descendants from different nations, and there are some men amongst us who are not as virtuous as a Cato or Aristides. This circumstance will induce European governments always to make attempts of this sort. Mr. Canning's letter has struck me in a curious point of view, compared with the documents heretofore communicated. At one time he wants conversations and at another time written communications. The letter read to-day completely satisfies my mind on this subject. At the very time that this letter of the British minister is published at Boston, a publick armed ship appears on the coast of Georgia, cruising after cotton. Sir, nothing can be stronger evidence to me of the efficiency of the measures which this nation has taken in relation to Europe, than a fair examination of the conduct of Great Britain towards us since. Why the proclamation encouraging evasions of our laws? Why these publications? Why the ship or ships on the coast of Georgia, sir? Facts speak, stronger than words, the efficacy of our measures. Can it be possible that a proclamation inviting violations of our laws,
would be issued, that armed ships would be sent on smuggling expeditions on our coast by any civilized nation which did not feel our measures? The worst government that ever existed, as well as the worst man that ever existed, is desirous of maintaining a good character with the world. This proclamation was not issued whilst we had any thing left afloat. When they can't plunder you, they will harbour your runaways. That is the plain English of it, sir. On the subject of the embargo, as it has become fashionable, I will state my impressions of circumstances as they existed at the time of its passage. As well as I recollect, there were reports in circulation, that the British orders in council had issued. I cared not for it. I was satisfied that they would not be if they were not issued, and under that impression I voted for the embargo. I am glad, sir, that we had sagacity sufficient to be so quick upon their heels that they caught no plunder by their orders. I must here say, because it is my opinion, that the administration have not acted in respect to the embargo, as they should have done, because they offered that to Great Britain, which they did not offer to France. Instead of partiality to France, sir, the documents prove that they have displayed a partiality to Great Britain. I would have offered the same to both, although Great Britain is our greatest tormentor, because she has a navy, whilst the other has not. The gentleman from New-York (Mr. Gardener) seems to think that it is necessary to publish these documents in order to strengthen the administration. I much doubt, sir, (and it is well known that on a difference of opinion with the administration I have come out and opposed them with as much zeal as any man in this house) if you ever have another administration in these times of confusion, which will go out as popular as this. Every new administration will naturally carry with it some men who are willing to sing hozannas to the powers that be, to pay their devotions to the rising sun. This will always happen; but no administration going out will be as popular as the present.
Sir, I care not with what view these documents were sent to us—I am glad they are come. But I believe that the gentleman from New-York is mistaken in one statement he made—that this was the first time that a newspaper had ever been commented on in the house of representatives? I have seen a paper called the Aurora, repeatedly brought into this house and commented on to prove the necessity of passing a sedition law. Perhaps there are some gentlemen in the house who may recollect the circumstance. [Mr. Gardener said that this was before his time.] With the gentleman from New-York, sir, I am willing to trust the people; and I believe truth wants but half fair play to prevail, for I have seen her prevail when she could not speak—when she had a padlock on her mouth. Truth will prevail, and it is the interest of every administration that acts honestly to publish all. I should wish to see the administration of this government lay aside the practice of giving a little at a time, and come out at once & say, I wish to do this; and then, if we will not consent to do it, there is no end of it. With respect to our government playing cunning against any other government, it is idle; it can never do good whilst they have spoiled millions of secret service money against our single cent. I should therefore wish that foreign nations had no ministers here, nor we any there. Instead of giving ministers 9,000 dollars to go there, I would rather give them 50,000 to come home. I wish the whole proceedings of our administration to be at the door of every man in the nation; that every man should have a copy for himself, for his wife, for each of his children, and indeed for all his household. Had this been done heretofore, the present crisis would have been nothing like what it is. They would there have seen truth, and facts precisely as they exist, neither curtailed or exaggerated by this or that party paper.
Mr. Bacon said, that he rose merely to correct an error of statement into which the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Macon) had fallen, as to the source from which the first publication of the exparte letter of the British minister had originated. The gentleman had attributed it to a New-York paper. This Mr. B. believed was incorrect. Being desirous, if either honour or censure could be attached to any American press, from the circumstance of its being considered as the official organ of a foreign government, that it should lie at the right door, he thought it proper to state, that the first appearance of that letter was, as he understood, in a paper called "The New England Palladium" printed in Boston. There was one other fact which he mentioned with some regret, was this, that by some unfortunate circumstance, assuredly without any improper intention, the printers of this paper had been by the legislature of Mass.

ohnsets in the course of the present year, designated as the printers of their publick acts, and their paper was a sort of state Gazette. On this unlucky coincidence, it would be as painful to him, as it might be indecorous to indulge in any comments. From the known patriotism of that honourable legislature, however, there could be no doubt that they should perceive any sort of incorrectness in the conduct of their subordinate agents, if it should strike them as an irregularity, that their servants should appear to be acting in a double capacity; they would so manifest their sense on the subject as should best accord with their views of propriety, and their feelings of national honour.
Mr. Fisk thanked the gentleman from New York for his compliment to the people of New England on their "mischievous curiosity." The gentleman seems to suppose, (said Mr. Fisk) that it would have been more proper for the president of the United States to have communicated those documents for the purpose of giving a correct view of our affairs, than for any other reason. I would ask the gentleman to point out what different view the present letter of Mr. Canning, published first at Boston, has given, from the documents which have heretofore been published? Certainly none sir. The only inference to be drawn from it, is the insincerity or intrigue of the British government; for if the fact was, that Mr. Canning did not accept the offer of Mr. Pinkney, because it appeared to be unauthorized, how happened it that Mr. Canning forgot to state it in his official form letter, instead of those reasons which he has given for the rejection of the proposal? The gentleman regrets that newspapers or their editors should be noticed here. It is not from a disposition to give them importance beyond their merits, but we discover something from their publications, and it is for that that they are noticed; to shew; that there is an intrigue carrying on in the country; that the British government is endeavouring to divide the people to separate them from their government through the means of the press. In the course of this session, sir, many insinuations against our government have been thrown out on this floor. My colleague (Mr. E.) made one the other night in the course of a long speech, which I cannot now notice. [Mr. Garden called Mr. F. to order, for alluding to an argument which the gentleman (Mr. Elliot) was prevented from making by a decision of the speaker that it was out of order.] Mr. Fisk said he alluded not to what his colleague had meant to say, but to what he did say. Mr. F. said he had merely risen to ask, if the gentleman from New York considered his insinuations to be true, that he would shew to the house how or wherein they were true. He hoped the documents would be printed, and sincerely joined with the gentleman from North Carolina, in wishing a universal diffusion of information.
Mr. Taylor observed, that though not opposed to printing a very considerable number of the documents sent to the house, yet in themselves he did not give them that importance which some gentlemen were pleased to give them; and he confessed that when a gentleman had handed him a paper containing the famous letter of Mr. Canning, he had concluded from the paper itself, and the pitiful and primping manner in which it was ushered into view, that it was a forgery. What is it? said Mr. Taylor; a relation of conversations on particular topics, in which the writer himself assisted—not with a view it seems of bringing them to an issue by conversation, for he required that these conversations should be considered as nothing, by demanding that his propositions should be made in writing. They were brought forward in writing by our minister; the authority of his government for them was vouched to the British minister; and of that proposition a rejection in the most insulting terms was returned by Mr. Canning to our minister. And now, sir, the public mind here is to be misled by a relation of conversation which took place at several meetings by this very polite gentleman, who has been convicted, by a whole nation, of falsehood, by asserting in June that no remonstrance had been made by this government against the orders in council. The fact is that the orders in council will not bear examination. For the honour of the house I assert it, no gentleman has come forward on this floor and vindicated the orders in council; and yet the public mind, it is supposed, can be lead from this great object, in which the honour and independence of the nation are concerned; that the people are to be deceived by a tea-table-talk of Mr. Canning. I could not have supposed that a man of his wit could have been concerned in it. Since the effort has been made by some incendiary, let us pour upon this pitiful scintilla, this small spark of wickedness, the overwhelming torrent of conviction to the public mind which is contained in Mr. Pinkney's answer to that letter. But we read solemnly in the newspapers of a partiality to France in this government. Why, sir, the very circumstance of this letter being withheld from congress, by the administration not to put at hazard our present relations (precious as they are) with Great Britain. The letter of Mr. Canning ought to have been, as it was, withheld till the answer was received—why? Because the broad calumny which is uttered against this nation in this cowardly manner, when the whole truth in Mr. Pinkney's letter comes out is found to newspapers, the very thing we have been talking of. Taken unexplained, I ask whether it would not have set in flames the people of this nation? Read this clause:
"You gave me, on that account, the most satisfactory proof that such misrepresentation did not originate with you, by communicating to me the part of your dispatch, in which the conference particularly referred to, were related correctly; but this very circumstance which establishes your personal claim to entire confidence, proves, at the same time, that a faithful report of a conference on your part is not a security against its misrepresentation."
As the thing stands unexplained, who are the persons supposed to be capable of making misrepresentations? The government, sir. The administration has had in this instance to suppress feelings in which, had the letter been published, all the honest part of the community would have participated in the explanation came. As this explanation has come, it does shew that the persons alluded to are capable of making misrepresentations at the editors of newspapers. I do not, with the gentleman from New York, regret the particular notice taken of the editor of a newspaper on this subject, because the article alluded to is of a peculiar character. It does not proceed from the juices of the cauldron or the paws of lit-
tered to the other day (by Mr. Quincy). No, sir; an arch fiend had a hand in it; whether on this or the other side the Atlantic I care not. It is an appeal to the people of this country, made in favour of the British government against our own. (Debates to be continued.)
Saturday, January 14. The navy bill was postponed till Monday next. The "letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting Estimates of Appropriations for the support of Government, during the year 1809," was laid upon the table in a printed form. The following is the estimate of the ordinary appropriation for the civil list and military and naval departments.
   Civil Department.   Legislature, 230,225   Executive, 30,000   Department of State, 27,010   Treasury department, 75,127 28   War ditto, 21,760   Navy ditto, 22,970   General Post Office, 16,955   Compensation to loan officers and their clerks, 28,250   Surveyor-general's department, 3,200   Ditto of lands south of the state of Tennessee and his clerks 3,200   Officers of the mint, 10,600   Governments in the territories of the United States, 44,850   Demands unprovided for, 2,000   Judiciary, 105,450   Miscellaneous.   Annuities and grants, 960   Military pensions, 98,000   Mint establishment, 11,700   Light-houses, 93,744 19   Surveying department, 18,240   Miscellaneous claims, 4,000   Intercourse with foreign nations.   Diplomatick, 58,050   Barbary powers, 100,000   Seamen, 5,000   Captures, 6,000   Military establishment.   Pay of the army, 868,240   Forage, 64,022   Quarters, 641,228 35   Clothing, 293,264   Bonuses and Premiums, 15,000   Medical and hospital departments, 45,000   Camp equipage and transportation, &c. 270,000   Quarters department, 75,000   Purchasing horses, &c. for light dragoons, 36,720   Do. do. light artillery, 15,000   Forage for the horses of the light artillery, 10,800   Fortifications, arsenals, magazines and armories, 219,034 75   Purchasing maps, plans, &c. 2,500   Contingent expenses, 50,000   Salaries to clerks in military agent's office and office of inspectors of the army, 3,500   Indian Department.   Annuities, 6,000   Transportation, 18,000   Pay of agents to promote civilization, 48,000   Surveying boundaries, 4,000   Visits to seat of government, 25,000   Rations to Indians at different posts, 24,000   For the purpose of paying J. Powell, late collector of Savannah, &c. 27,621 8   Naval Establishment.   Pay and subsistence, 296,048   Provisions, 120,850 3   Hospital account, 5,000   Repairs of vessels, 195,000   Contingent expenses, 75,000   Marine Corps.   Pay and subsistence, 160,832 70   Clothing, 82,933 80   Military stores, 1,354   Hospital account, 2,000   Contingent account, 24,035   Navy yards, docks, &c. 60,000   Ordnance, 50,000   Total amount dollars,   4,803,477 18   RECAPITULATION.   Civil department, 621,597 28   Miscellaneous, 226,044 19   Intercourse with foreign nations, 169,050   Military establishment, 2,629,511 10   Indian Department, 152,621 8   Naval establishment, 691,898 3   Marine Corps, 311,155 50   Total   $ 4,803,477 18  
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK.
WANTED ON HIRE, FOR WHICH CASH will be given. Application to be made to the SECRETARY of the MARINE INSURANCE COMPANY. JOHN GRANBERY, President of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, Dec. 14.
WANTED ON HIRE, BY THE MONTH, A Young Negro Man. Enquire at the Ledger Office. Jan. 25.
WANTED ON RENT. A HOUSE, in a convenient part of the Town, for a small family. Apply to the Printer. January 13.
FOR RENT. And possession given the 1st day of January,  THE HOUSE at present occupied by Mr. Argote, near the Virginia Bank. —Apply to Edward Roberts. December 9. 
COWPER & GRAY HAVE A LARGE TRACT OF PRIME JUNIPER SWAMP, Adjoining the Lake—which they wish to lease for the term of five years. Terms will be made known on application to Mr. Gray in Suffolk, or W. Cowper, in Gates. Suffolk, Jan. 8.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY MORNING, JAN. 30, 1809.
THE EDITOR of this paper conceives, that at a moment when the publick mind is occupied with subjects of the deepest importance, when profound grief for the present, and fearful apprehension for the future, pervade all ranks and classes of society, and men of all parties, it would be an act of impertinence in him to intrude on the publick patience any remarks in which he is personally interested; for which, and other reasons, he deems any further notice of the calumnies and scandalous suggestions, which have lately appeared to be as unreasonable as they would be unnecessary.
The indisposition, and absence of one of the compositors of this office, obliged us to omit the publication of our paper on Friday.
The irregularity of the mails, has become such that we can make no calculation upon its arrival.
On Saturday arrived here the Schooner Wolf, Captain Jones, from Annapolis, bound to Charleston, in which came passengers General Wilkinson, and suite.
Extract of a letter from Boston, dated the 18th inst.
"We understand that General Lincoln the collector, and Mr. Wells his deputy, have refused to carry into effect the Embargo Law No. 5, and have resigned."
We have given in this day's paper, several articles under the head of 'Spirit of the Times,' (see 4th page) which merit more serious attention, from the intelligence from Massachusetts. Upon this intelligence we shall refrain from going into a more full examination at this time, as indeed further information appears necessary. Enough however is disclosed to excite serious apprehension. At no period since the establishment of our independence, have the prudence, wisdom, and patriotism of the people, and their government been more requisite. Whatever appearances may warrant, we cannot bring ourselves to believe that the people of New England, seriously meditate a separation from the union. The advantages which that section of the nation derives from the federative system are too many and too obvious to escape the attention of a people, quick in discerning, and steady in pursuing their interests. —At the same time we can discover a spirit of resistance to the present course of measures, which may extend further than true patriotism, would justify. In our government the will of the majority when fairly and constitutionally expressed, must be obeyed, but the minority have rights which must not be violated. It is impossible to imagine a case more delicate and distressing to every man, who loves his country. The very idea of resistance to the laws, other than by fair argument, is repugnant to the principles of our government. At the same time, that we hope to see firmness, we look for moderation. Coercion should not be premature, and we both hope and believe it will not be requisite.
It was after the article which stands first under the head of this day's paper was written, that the Herald of Friday came to our hands, and from the contents of an article addressed to us, we have been induced to depart from our original intention. The conceited author of the address to the Editor of this paper, having announced himself as no "minor scribbler," arrogantly demands the publick attention, and proceeds to supply the place of argument by scurrility and base insinuations, and to substitute bold assertion for fact. It is not our intention to follow these trothy declamations into all their parts, but we will select one, assuring our readers that there are twenty other similar instances in which truth is equal-violated.
We invite our readers to the seventh paragraph in the address before mentioned. "Alas! how vain is human sagacity! —in five short months, while yet the festering wounds of the luckless crew, remain unhealed—we find you, Sir! upon the arrival of a Minister of Truth, first reconciling and afterwards defending his ignominious proposition to the government; abandoning the plain, honest, righteous cause of the country, for abstract points of etiquette, and insolent appeals to the greatness, power and fascinating wealth of B tain!"
The writer alludes to the mission of Mr. Rose, and with an assurance that beggars invective, asserts that we had defended that minister in the propositions made to our government. Would not any person suppose that this mild gentleman, who is not our personal enemy, was prepared to prove his charge? But we defy him to do it, and to coven him with confusion, we will here insert what we did say upon that subject. Having gone through the publication of the correspondence between Mr. Madison and Mr. Rose, we offered the following remarks in the Ledger of the 7th of April last.
We have in this paper concluded the publication of all the documents relative to our foreign relations with Great Britain and France, as communicated by the President to both Houses of Congress.
The failure of the negotiation with Great Britain will appear extraordinary, when we advert to the just and moderate professions made on both sides. Very little advantage can result from taking a review of what has past, our remarks will therefore be limited. The failure of the negotiation in the first instance may perhaps be ascribed to the positive instructions given to Mr. Monroe, not to separate the affair of the Chesapeake from other causes of disagreement. We would be far, however, from affirming it as a fact, that the negotiation in London did not fail on that account, if we judge from what passed afterwards at Washington, we greatly incline to the opinion that some other objection would have been taken.
Without intending to bestow an unqualified approbation upon every part of Mr. Madison's letter to Mr. Rose, we hesitate not to say that the ground taken by him with respect to the proclamation of the president, was liberal as it regarded Great Britain, and honourable to this country; that the reasons advanced in support of the ground taken, were such as every candid man (we think) of any nation, will approve. It would be useless for us to attempt to offer any remarks in support of those reasons, when in this paper they are before the reader, and speak for themselves.
It was not likely that Mr. Madison would say much in support of the proclamation as an original measure, being one in which he may be supposed very much to have participated. But there never was any measure under all circumstances, more judicious than the proclamation, when originally issued. We do consider that this measure saved the country from being plunged into a war without reflecting upon the consequences, or even of enquiring into the real causes of war.
The executive powers of this country are very limited, as regard peace or war; it is but little that he can do in reserving national indignities or injuries—but if upon a great national question, when the honor and the interests of the nation were involved, and attacked, the executive had refused to partake of the sympathies of the people, he would justly have forfeited all pretensions to confidence. The executive could not therefore from a sense of duty, be a silent and calm spectator of an outrage, which is without example. The only active measure in the power of the executive was adopted—Congress might have been called. But the wisdom of that measure is very questionable. Had Congress have been convened immediately after the affair of the Chesapeake, participating strongly in the feelings of the nation, they would have been precipitated into a war without enquiring whether the act of outrage was authorized or not. The sober judgment of the nation would have condemned a war thus undivinely undertaken, and its ruinous effects would have produced discontent, that must have embittered if not have destroyed the energies of the nation.
The proclamation then being a measure taken with a view to such important consequences, could not be revoked until the instrument for the injury which produced it had been received, at any rate its revocation ought not to have been a preliminary to an offer of atonement, which might not perhaps have been such as the honour of the country could have accepted.
As Great Britain had given ostensible evidence of a disposition to render justice to the United States in regard of the affair of the Chesapeake, in disavowing the act, in renouncing the principle upon which that act was founded, in sending a special minister to make satisfaction—having gone thus far, it will appear extraordinary that she should confine that minister by instructions which were calculated to defeat the object of his mission. The whole ground of controversy is before the American publick, it will be shortly before the people of Great Britain and before the world. The conduct of the American government upon this occasion, will meet the investigation of the candid and impartial of all nations, with confidence in the justice of its measures.
It may perhaps be thought, that the offers made by Mr. Madison to Mr. Rose, after he had ascertained that the instruction of the latter precluded his acceptance of those offers, were unnecessary and unenacted. There is some force in the observation, but it was necessary that the world should know the ground taken by the American government, and these offers on its part, may have also been intended as an extension of a basis upon which future negotiation may be founded.
After this detection of positive falsehood, will it be necessary for the editor of this paper to notice a writer, who in argument does not deserve that name, who does not regard truth, and whose ignorance or credulity is so great as to believe that nearly seventy vessels under American colours had been taken coming from Norway to England and carried into Charente?
New-York, January 20.
The Boston papers (the Repository and Palladium) which reached us yesterday, are clad in deep mourning, on account of the death of the Liberty of the people. Their columns are arranged in funereal order, and the pall of the DECEASED is supported by Lloyd, White, Pickering, Goodrich, Bayard, and Hillhouse; and the mourners are the minority in congress, and (says the Repository) other revolutionary officers and soldiers, covered with the scars of wounds, received in the cause of Liberty; by mechanicks, tradesmen and labourers, and thousands of their fellow-citizens.
American Liberty, says the same paper, was born on the 4th of July, 1776, and expired on the 9th of January, 1809.
Capt. Cunningham, arrived at Boston the 16th inst. from Shelburne in 12 days, says that a vessel had arrived there in 16 days from Barbadoes, with information, that Martinique had surrendered to the British. [Gazette.]
Our administration, says the Palladium, now display the same obstinacy the British did before the American Revolution. They commence an impracticable measure, and pride and perverseness induces them to stick to it—flattering themselves, as the British did, that the opponents are few and without influence.
A letter from a respectable gentleman at Portland mentions, a report, that a large ship laden with cotton, sailed from Bath on Thursday last; that the captain applied for a clearance and offered bonds to twice the amount of vessel and cargo; which was refused, the collector demanded three times the amount; that the ship then proceeded without a clearance; beat off the revenue cutter; and passed the Fort. The soldiers discharged two heavy guns, which were loaded, and then refused to obey their officers, declaring they would not fire on their countrymen.
January 21.
By the arrival of the Despatch brig Hamlet, captain Rice, 53 days from Rio Janeiro and St. Salvador, we learn, that the ports of the Brazils were open to all powers in amity with the Prince Regent. Our consul, Mr. Hill, who went out in the Hamlet, was received with the utmost cordiality. Passengers, Mr. King, and Mr. Bello, secretary of legation from Portugal, who went out in the Hamlet had taken place at Rio Janeiro on account of the success of the patriots of Spain over the French—and the place had in consequence, been illuminated three days and three nights. There was the most friendly disposition towards Americans at Rio Janeiro; at which place there were fifteen British ships of war, and many merchant ships. The Prince Regent and royal family were highly delighted with their new residence.
The Hamlet has brought out dispatches for government.
The town of Boston is still in confusion on account of the New Embargo Bill. The merchants will not give bonds. The Boston Centinel of Wednesday last, says:
"The collector and deputy-collector of this port, have resigned their respective offices."
In consequence of the shutting of the custom-house at Boston, American produce, particularly

cotton, had risen several cents a pound, on a presumption that there would be no difficulty in getting to sea. If this should be the case, the ten vessels which went out from the city of Jersey, LOADED, for Boston, will make a grande voyage! From the Boston Centinel.
It is understood that the merchants of this town have generally determined not to comply with the embargo requisitions. Having deposited their goods in the ships and warehouses, when they had a legal right to do so, they will not submit to any regulations which is in fact an ex post facto law. They will neither give bonds or unload their vessels, and if the officers of the United States attempt to take possession, they will trust to an independent Judiciary of their own state for protection.
An express from Boston passed through this city yesterday morning, for Washington, supposed to have been sent by the collector. It is hoped the Boston people will at least be treated with more respect than they have been, by the "overwhelming majority" in Congress, if not with more attention.
The papers from the northern and eastern towns, are filled with patriotic resolutions against the measures of the general government, and praying for relief. We hope they will be heard, and relieved from their embarrassments. The call is loud, and the PEOPLE, the friends of LIBERTY, must be listened to, or we are a ruined nation.
At a very numerous and respectable meeting of the inhabitants of the different towns in the county of Hampshire, (Mass.) convened pursuant to public notice, at the courthouse in Northampton, on Thursday the 12th day of January, 1809, to take into consideration the present alarming condition of the United States, and of this commonwealth, the following resolutions were passed:
Considering the awful and eventual struggle now making in Europe, on the one hand to subjugate and enslave an innocent and unoffending nation, and on the other to resist the efforts of a cruel and relentless tyranny—a struggle, which the history of a few years past demonstrates, may be deeply interesting to the people of the United States—That our common country has been and still is suffering unusual and extraordinary burthens from the measures recently adopted and pursued by the national government—That within our own commonwealth its treasures have been squandered and applied to private use, principles and practices deliberately, and officially avowed and advocated, totally inconsistent with the preservation of our republican form of government—That causes are continually occurring which tend to produce a most calamitous event—a Dissolution of the Union—and finally, that it is the right and duty of those who love their country, and desire to perpetuate its liberty and independence, in times of public danger, boldly to call upon and urge their fellow-citizens of all parties to exert themselves to promote the general welfare—Therefore,
Resolved, That it is with the most painful concern that we review the transactions of the general government the past year. An embargo on all vessels, and on the exportation of the valuable products of our country by land has been in full operation. It has been explicitly acknowledged by the friends of this measure in congress that it has produced no desirable effect on foreign nations; and it is well known that it has occasioned an immense waste of property to our own citizens: In some parts of our country, aided by presidential instructions, unauthorised by law, such restrictions have been imposed upon the coasting trade as have produced the most distressing effects. But it is with astonishment that we have seen that a bill has been introduced into congress by the friends of the administration, and passed the senate and house of representatives, which, in our opinion, contains provisions repugnant to the constitution, and incompatible with the first principles of civil liberty. By that bill the instructions of the President are to have the force of law.—Those instructions are to be given to agents solely appointed by him. The powers thus given are to be executed in a manner in which no law ever made by congress has been heretofore executed; by a military force placed at the back of those presidential agents, acting altogether under presidential instructions, wholly independent of the civil magistrate. They are not responsible for any act, however atrocious, before any tribunal whatever. The right of trial by jury in such cases is expressly taken away. These tremendous powers are to be exercised for the purpose of enforcing a system of measures notoriously ruinous to our own nation, and perfectly harmless to others. A system approved by Bonaparte, and regarded with indifference by Great Britain.
Resolved, That we highly approve of the conduct of the legislature of this commonwealth in the choice of electors of President and vice-president, and of their doings and proceedings at their last session respecting our differences with Great Britain, and of the laws laying an embargo—That we have the fullest confidence in their wisdom and firmness in taking all such measures in future, as in their power to relieve from the evils generally felt by the citizens, and more severely by our brethren in the eastern part of the commonwealth, and to avert the fatal effect of those with which we are threatened!—That we look to them to see that ample provision be made to secure and protect the inhabitants of the commonwealth in the enjoyment of those invaluable privileges secured by the bill of rights, and guaranteed by the federal constitution, among which, we hold as most important, the subordination of military power to the civil—the right of exemption from general and unreasonable search; and the right of seeking and finding sure and speedy redress for all injuries sustained.
Resolved, That we view with astonishment and alarm the extraordinary increase of military force in the United States, while the administration decline giving to the people any information on the object, unless it be to enforce the embargo at the point of the bayonet.
Resolved, That while we are determined, sacredly, to regard the laws, and to discountenance all forcible opposition to them in others, we will exert ourselves to the utmost of our ability, to excite the attention of the people at large, to the security of their important rights—to a prompt and enlightened discharge of their duties as electors, and especially to a firm support of the government of our own commonwealth.
Resolved, That the foregoing resolutions be signed by the chairman and clerk, and published in the several newspapers in the county of Hampshire.
JUSTIN ELY, Chairman. OLIVER B. MORRIS, Clerk.
BY LAST NIGHT'S MAIL.
Boston, January 19.
Short Questions.—Can his Britannic majesty enter the dwelling-house, shop, office, or vessel, of any of his subjects, without first obtaining leave of the owner or occupant? Answer, No; for the citizen is secured, by the laws of his country, in the peaceable possession of his property; and may, by the same laws, defend it, without punishment, even to the shedding of blood.
Suppose a merchant of this place, who under permission, had loaded his ship or vessel, in the expectation of a speedy removal of the embargo, or to save storage—should take his family on board for the purpose of economy, and to guard, himself, and the property which otherwise must be left to strangers; has he not a right to defend that property, and the lives of those under his charge? Has any civil or military officer a right to enter his dwelling place, without permission; or to seize, or remove any part of his property? The Answer is No; and any officer so offending, is liable to a prosecution; and very heavy damages, in his own person. [Gazette.]
The Hon. Benjamin Lincoln, collector, and Benjamin Weld, Esq. deputy collector, of the customs, of this port, have resigned their respective offices. [Centinel.]
The reasons assigned by these gentlemen, for their sudden retirement from office, are not distinctly known; but we feel no hesitation in offering our belief, that they have arisen from a repugnance to the oppressive laws which they were called upon to enforce against their fellow-citizens; and that to avoid the degrading infamy of executing them, they have thus patriotically and magnanimously given up their commissions, and with them two of the most lucrative offices under government. [Gazette.]
The noble example which has been given by Gen. Lincoln and Mr. Weld, in refusing to execute the new embargo law against their fellow-citizens; and of retiring from an office which they could no longer hold with honour to themselves, or advantage to the community, is above all computation. May it be followed, until the administration shall be taught to know, that though they can make oppressive laws; they can find no one to execute them.
January 20. The Vermont Journal of the 9th instant announces officially, the election of Mr. Hubbard and Mr. Chamberlain, as representatives from the state of Vermont, to the next congress of the United States. Those gentlemen were the federal candidates, and were opposed in their election by the rival claims of Messrs. Leland and Fisk disciples of the Jefferson and embargo school.
NAVAL OFFICE.
Boston, January 19, 1809. In consequence of the "Disability" of the Collector of this District, and in "Defect" of a Deputy the duties of that principal officer have "devolved" upon the subscriber by Law; and, the Federal Executive has been of course, notified that I will execute those duties with the same conscience which has directed the line of my "explicit" duties under my proper Commission; which bears the seal and signature of Washington.
I therefore, "lose no time" for giving this public notice for all concerned, and especially those who are most interested in the effects of the 1st, 2d, 3d, 6th, and 8th Sections of the Act of the 9th of this current month, "to enforce and make more effectual an Act, entitled an Act, laying an Embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto," which present Act, it is hoped "every free citizen" does or will immediately possess, study, and duly regard!
JAMES LOVELL, Naval Officer. [Jan. 20.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, January 17.
Debate on the Message of the President, communicating Mr. Canning's letter, with the answer of Mr. Pinkney.
[CONCLUDED]
Mr. Key said that he would give his hearty vote for printing the greatest number of copies proposed; for he did conceive that the American people ought to have full information, and that the antidote should accompany the poison. I consider the late publication (said he) as the most direct and insidious attempt of a foreign government to take advantage of and influence the parties in this country, and that too by the most dishonourable means. The paper alluded to could only have been in possession of our own administration or the British government. It came not from us; it must have proceeded from the other—and from what view? Had fair information been the object, the letter of Mr. Pinkney in reply would also have been made public, that one might have been confronted with the other. If it proceeded from that quarter, the preparation of the reply from the letter, is evincive of the attempt to impose on the people. I consider it an attempt to set the people at variance with their government, and an insolent attempt of a foreign nation to interfere in our affairs, in three points of view. 1st. Mr. Pinkney is expressly exonerated from the charge of misrepresentation; but no man can understand it otherwise than as having allusion to the executive of the country—an insinuation which there is no proof to support, and in support of which none can be adduced. Whatever difference of political opinion may exist between us on some points, I respect the administration on the whole, and every honest man of every political opinion must side with me. 2dly. There is an insinuation that the President of the United States had only permitted our minister at London individually, not formally, to make a proposition on the subject of the embargo. This is unfounded in fact, because the documents before the house prove to the contrary. 3dly. A question is raised whether actual knowledge of the orders in council of November was in the possession of our government at the time of laying the embargo, which Mr. Pinkney has fully explained, that the American papers showed that it was well known before the passage of the embargo, that such would probably be the measures adopted by the British government. It is upon these three great questions that this letter is insidiously
calculated to delude the American people. I think therefore as ample publicity should be given to the truth as may be. However we may differ as to internal regulations, I hope we shall feel as husband and wife, who, however they jar, will not suffer the interference of a third person. In case of such interference, I trust we shall always be ready to rally around the constituted authorities as protecting the true interests of the country.
Mr. Cook said that these documents showed, that instead of being more favourable to France than Great Britain (as had been said for party purposes) our administration had been far less favourable to France than G. Britain, and less favourable than they ought to have been. I shall never feel cordial (said he) in going to war with France, until we make to her the same liberal offer which we have made to G. Britain, and it shall be refused. The publication of this memorable letter of Mr. Canning's is but another attempt to mislead the people, and rob the executive of their just confidence. The letter itself is of little consequence. It appears that the conduct of the President has been perfectly correct. It would have caused a false impression had Mr. Canning's letter been published before Mr. Pinkney's answer was received. Mr. Canning, however, acting with less candour than the President of the U. States, has thought fit to publish one without the other; and therefore I wish the reply to be circulated fully.
Mr. Lyon considered the documents of very little importance, conveying no new information; but made some observations on the mode of printing them.
Mr. Story said he was sorry to rise, because the patience of the house must be exhausted; but it was a duty incumbent on him to take the floor.—This is not a new occasion (said he). More than once in twenty years the same attempt has been made by foreign intrigue; and when the attempt as been made, there was scarcely a man in America but considered it insidious and disgraceful.—Like the gentleman from New York, it was before my time; but I gathered the feelings of the moment and held sacred the same feelings as were avowed by the father of his country. Whatever may be our political differences, sir, it is incumbent on all of us to frown indignantly on any foreign government that should attempt to influence the people. The publication of garbled and mutilated documents, purporting to be real correspondence between one country and another, has been a means used to lead the public mind into a state of distempered jealousy; and array the citizen against his country. It has been too long the case in Europe. Whenever the sword has been drawn, corruption has preceded it; and when I find the same means used to detach the people of this country from their government by similar attempts, I cannot repress my contempt at them. It is not any importance which I attach to Mr. Canning's letter that excites my indignation, because the very letter, compared with his formal answer to Mr. Pinkney's note, is a complete answer to itself; for in the documents long ago published, we find an offer in the most formal manner by Mr. Pinkney to repeal the embargo as related to Great Britain on the suspension of the orders in council; and Mr. Canning in his formal reply has not even intimated the least suspicion that the offer was not the open act of the American government. Mr. P. with his usual candour, exhibited his own instructions to satisfy Mr. Canning not only that this offer was made by the authority of the government, but that it was made in the spirit of conciliation and sincerity. And by this letter a new feature is exhibited, for the purpose, almost avowed, of dissolving the union. I regret to see that our miserable little differences have induced foreign nations to tamper with us; that they have dared to believe that we are not intelligent enough to know our own rights. I regret that our divisions have been such as to induce a foreign nation thus to present a picture to the world of what she believed our real state. It is proved too truly that our own conduct has lessened us in the opinion of foreign nations, has induced them to believe that we are a divided people; it is proved too truly that they have thought the American nation either corrupted with luxury or overawed by the iron hand of despotism; and that they have not strength for a moment to sustain their political structure. The letter of Mr. Canning but for this would not have been published in the Eastern parts of this country to torment those divisions produced by existing circumstances. Sir, I cannot but notice the honourable conduct of the gentleman from Md. (Mr. Key) who, though opposed in political opinion to the present administration, has shown himself to be a real friend to his country. If the same spirit which he has manifested, was exhibited throughout our country, instead of dissensions on this floor, that moment an attempt was made by a foreign nation to injure our rights, our differences on minor points would dissolve into air. It is not necessary for me to state, because the gentleman from Maryland has clearly shown, the reason of the publication of that letter. At one, sir, I do know that it was not only understood that the orders in council were about to issue, but that, before I had seen letters and newspapers which informed that these orders were signed in the cabinet though not published to the world. In respect to Mr. Canning's saying that the offer to repeal the embargo was not authorised, the dispatches laid on our table, at the commencement of the session show the contrary; and his own formal letter is a denial of the insinuation in the letter so day communicated. Why then was this letter published in this extraordinary manner? To add to the divisions and lessen the confidence of the people in their government, to enable Great Britain to take advantage of these divisions and resume her dominion over the northern states. With this view of the subject, I cannot but conceive that this letter is but a part of a system which has for its object the degradation of our country. I trust we shall on this occasion unite; that we shall not allow any foreign minister to be enabled to publish ex parte statements of our garbled extracts of official correspondence; that divided as we may be on other subjects, we are united in a determination to support our rights.
Mr. Gadenier said, by this time the editor of the Columbian Centinel must be pretty well mounted. The fact is (said he) as regards myself, that I have never read with attention the documents said to be official; and therefore unfortunately am not in a situation to determine whether in this respect our administration is to blame or not. I am one of those men who cannot comprehend all the details of such a negotiation at first glance. I do not believe that knowledge is to be gained by so rapid a progress. Therefore, I shall not at present follow other gentlemen in their verdict of acquittal. I hope to be able to do it. A gentleman from Vermont, (Mr. Fisk) appeared to be offended at my mischievous curiosity to the people of New England. If the gentleman supposes that I mean any harm to the people of New England, he is mistaken.—It is not necessary for me to take up any time of the house in expatiating on the respect which I have for the people of New England. New England was the cradle of American liberty. Sir; it was there the revolution commenced. From that same quarter I apprehend that the same spirit will again arise. A light appears first in the east which I hope soon to see break forth into the most perfect day. The gentleman from Vermont, after this declaration I hope will not impute to me, any disrespect to the people of New England. They will not submit either to the insolence or injustice of foreign nations, or to any other. Nature intended them for a great and a happy people. The gentleman from Vermont has misunderstood me in the thing. I did not say that Mr. Canning's letter contained any view of the subject not heretofore given; and therefore have no occasion to answer his question.
The question on printing the documents was then taken, and 5000 copies ordered to be printed.
Friday, January 20.
EXTRA SESSION.—The house were engaged the whole of this day in warmly debating the bill to alter the time of the next meeting of congress.
The motion pending when the house yesterday adjourned for striking out "the 4th Monday in May" was negatived by a large majority.
Messrs. J. G. Jackson, Bacon, G. W. Campbell, Rhea and Gadenier supported the bill, and Messrs. Quincy, D. R. Williams and Macon opposed it. It was passed at near seven o'clock, by yeas and nays as follows.—Debate in our next.
YEAS.—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bibb, Blake, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, Champion, Clopton, Cook, Cotts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Gadenier, Gardner, Gibson, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Green, Harris, Helms, Holmes, Howard, Ilsley, J. G. Jackson, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Lewis, Love, Marion, Masters, McCreery, Milnor, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morton, J. Morrow, Mosely, Munford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Pitkin, Porter, Pugh, Rhea, (P.) Rhea, (T.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Seaver, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Southard, Storer, Taggart, Taylor, Van Allen, Van Horn, Whitehilk, Wilbour, A. Wilson, N. Wilson, Winn—80. NAYS.—Messrs. Bassett, Blackledge, Blount, Chittenden, Clay, Davenport, Franklin, Gray, R. S. Jackson, Kelly, Lyon, Macon, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, Sloan, Sturdivant, Stedman, Sturges, Tallmadge, Trigg, Upham, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Wharton, D. R. Williams—26.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Schooner Rising States, Gilbert, and sloop Venus, Boush, 6 days from New York.
Norfolk Borough:
At a Hastings Court continued and held the 24th day of July, 1805.
John Dixon and Sarah his wife, John Allen and Frances Keeling his wife, and Anne Moore Valentine an infant under the age of twenty one years by their said John Dixon her guardian and next friend, —Complaint;
AGAINST Jacob Valentine, administrator of the goods and chattels of John Valentine, deceased, unadministered by Anna Valentine, the former administratrix, —Defendant;
THIS suit abates as to the complainant John Dixon by his death—The attachment awarded against the defendant being returned executed, and he having failed to file his answer—On the motion of the complainants, it is decreed and ordered that master commissioner Cowper, examine, state, and settle an account of the slaves and other personal estate of John Valentine, deceased, which came into the hands of the defendant Jacob Valentine, and report any matters specially that either party may require.
A Copy—Teste, William Sharp, C. C.
THIRD NOTICE.
THE parties in this cause are desired to take notice, that I have appointed the third Tuesday in the next month of February, being the 14th of the month, to carry the above order into execution, on which day at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, the said parties are requested to attend at my office.
JOHN COWPER, M. C. of Norfolk Borough Court. Commissioner's Office, Jan. 27, 1809.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE GLEBE LAND in the Parish of Portsmouth being without an incumbent, the same will be Sold on Monday the 6th day of February next, on the premises, at 12 o'clock. This Tract of Land contains about 175 acres, and is pleasantly situated at the mouth of Elizabeth River, a proposition of which is cleared, and the balance abounds with good Timber. It is situated about two miles from the Towns of Norfolk and Portsmouth, by land, or water, which renders it a desirable situation.
A credit of 12 months will be allowed the purchaser, if agreeable to the Act of Assembly, upon giving bond and approved security to The Overseers of the Poor Norfolk County. Jan. 4. Im
FOR SALE
In our Ware-House, where the largest vessel can come alongside, 15,000 bushels of CORN, 2000 do. do. white, 80 Bales Cotton, Also, 4000 bushels coarse SALT, 150 Sacks Ground Almonds do, 50 hogsheads old Antigua Rum, 40 do. do. Jamaica do, 60 hogsheads Sugar, 60 barrels do, A few casks excellent Port Wine, Coffee in hogsheads, Madeira Wine, 45 crates Earthenware, Tobacco from several inspections. GEO. MURRAY, & Co. September 9.
TURKS ISLAND SALT.
3000 bushels Turks Island Salt now on board the brig Alert, captain Hatchard, from Turks Island, for sale by William Pennock. Dec. 21.

SPIRIT OF THE TIMES.
ALBANY, Jan. 16. At a general and very numerous meeting of the citizens of Albany, convened by publick notice, directed to them generally and without distinction of parties, at the Eagle-Tavern, in court-street, on Friday, the 18th day of January, 1809; for the purpose of taking into consideration the present critical and alarming state of our publick affairs, and more particularly the measures of the general government relating to the embargo, and the means for enforcing the same; John P. D. Dow, Esq. was called to the chair, and Jeremiah Lansing, Esq. appointed secretary—The business of the meeting was opened by Abraham Van Vechten, Esq. who, in a clear and impressive manner, pointed out the dangers of the country, the evils of existing measures, and more particularly the unconstitutional and alarming character and tendency of the bill now pending in congress for enforcing the embargo—after which the several resolutions disapproving of the measures of government, were offered to the meeting for their adoption, and the same having been read from the chair, and supported in a short, pathetic and eloquent address, by col. Troup, were unanimously adopted, and ordered to be signed by the chairman and secretary, and forthwith published.
[We regret that we have not room for these nine highly spirited and patriotic resolutions. They would fill four columns of this Gazette. The following are the 7th and 8th resolutions:]
Resolved , That the citizens here convened are constrained to consider the bill above mentioned as an attempt to prop, support and give a new and artificial energy to the general embargo, a measure odious in principle, useless in our foreign relations, and becoming every day a heavier and a heavier burthen on the people of the United States—That they consider the coasting trade, intimately related as it is to most of the business and employments of life, as of great importance to this state, and to this city in particular; and that they cannot but seriously deprecate any measure calculated further to restrain, impair and destroy this remnant of our once prosperous commerce—That as the interests of the coasting trade have a close connection with the various wants and occupations of domestic life, and with the particular interests of the individual states, so the power of controlling, directing and managing it, by restraints and legal regulations, is a power of great delicacy and ought to be cautiously exercised.
Resolved , That we view, with concern, the bill now pending in congress for raising and embodying an army of 50,000 men. That at all times friendly to necessary and adequate measures of defence both naval and military; and seeing no apparent and pressing cause in the present state of our affairs for raising so large a body of land forces, and favoured with no explanations from our national administration either as to the necessity or objects of this armament in time of peace, we cannot but entertain serious apprehensions on the occasion—That if indeed the embargo laws are to be generally executed and enforced by the aid of the military power, our extensive line of coast and our immense interior might require a very general and numerous distribution of troops—and that when we compare the provisions of this new embargo bill with the apparent determination of our rulers to persevere in that general system, and to extend it by measures of non-intercourse, non-importation, and other prohibitions, we cannot remove from our minds the apprehension that the bill for raising a large army is intended to give new facilities to those measures for enforcing it, more especially as that bill contains a provision as to the local service of the troops, which must prevent the use of them for the general purposes of war.
Boston, January 16.
The genuine Spirit of '76.
[The arbitrary measures of the general government, have at length become so open and palpable, and are threatened to be enforced still further, by means so hostile and despotic, as to have awakened a spirit of universal indignation among the people. Thus roused to action by these repeated infractions of their most common rights and privileges; and seeing no hopes of an amelioration of the publick distress, they have at length paused, and in the language of the poet, thus firmly resolved:]
"Here we take our stand." "Here on the brink, the very verge of Liberty;" "Although contention rise upon the clouds;" "Mix earth with heav'n, and roll the ruin on-warw," "Here will we fix and break, or to the shock."
NEWBURYPORT RESOLUTIONS.
Messrs. Russell & Cutler. The following is a M. S. copy of the patriotic and spirited resolutions of Newburyport, as passed in that town, on the 12th instant, agreeably to the account given in the Herald of Friday last.
Newburyport, January 13.
Town Meeting. —The inhabitants of this town, assembled yesterday, to take into consideration the calamitous situation of the country, and to adopt such measures as may be thought expedient for the relief of our present sufferings. The largest concourse of people assembled that perhaps ever met in town meeting since the town was incorporated. After choosing William Bartlett, Esq. Moderator, and a suitable prayer being made by the Rev. Dr. Spring, a committee was chosen to prepare suitable resolutions expressive of the sense of the town, and a petition to the legislature of this commonwealth, praying their interference to obtain a redress of grievances, which after retiring a short time, returned, and reported the same for acceptance.—Some debate arose on accepting the resolution and petition, in which the most indecorous observations were made by the feeble opposition. It was finally carried, almost unanimously, only ten voting in the negative; those principally officers of government, or expectants of offices.
THE RESOLUTIONS.
Resolved , as the cause of this town: That the people of these United States have arrived at a crisis, distressing and perilous, beyond parallel; and calling aloud on every citizen, anxiously to explore its causes and its remedies. That we consider the acts of congress, laying the embargo, as originating, neither in necessity, nor sound policy. That we view them as hostile to
the most essential interests of our country; as calculated to empty our national treasury; to plunge individuals into the depths of embarrassment and distress; and to spread poverty and wretchedness, vice and insubordination, through this once happy community.
That while we consider these laws as involving a needless and enormous waste of property, we are still more distressed at those violations of right, which they have introduced. That we can never contemplate, but with horror, laws, which vest in the executive officers of government, powers unknown to the constitution—destructive of the liberties and comfort of the citizens, and threatening to convert this free republic into a military despotism.
That we view with inexpressible alarm the organization of a great and unusual military force, in a time of peace; of which the destination is studiously concealed by government; and whose object it is difficult to conjecture, unless it be to overawe the community, and enforce measures warranting at once with their wishes, their interests, and their most precious rights.
That we hold ourselves ready to unsheathe the sword in a war plainly just and necessary, and in no other: That we feel the most alarming apprehensions, that it is the intention of the national government to league itself with the French nation in a war with Great Britain; a war that would partake of neither of these qualities; for we believe that every difficulty, subsisting between us and Great Britain, might be amicably adjusted by honest and impartial negotiation.
That deeply aggrieved by the measures of government above-mentioned, and solemnly determined to seek redress by every legal and constitutional method, we are yet not less determined to abstain from every form of violent opposition; nor will we countenance such opposition in others.
That having respectfully and earnestly petitioned the president, and the congress of the United States, for relief, but in vain, we will address ourselves to the legislature of our commonwealth, as the more immediate guardian of our rights, praying them to adopt such measures as the pressure and private distress demands.
That we consider the administrations of Washington and Adams as having been eminently wise, magnanimous and impartial, both in their domestic and foreign aspects, and instrumental, under the blessing of God, of raising this people to a wonderful height of prosperity and happiness. That we consider most of the evils which afflict or threaten us now, as flowing from a dereliction of their principles and policy. We therefore declare our firm persuasion, that if our country is to be saved from its present distresses and dangers, it must be by a return to such men and such measures.
That these resolutions be communicated to our fellow-citizens in the neighbouring towns, for their approbation, and concurrence, and that the moderator of this meeting be a committee for that purpose.
GLOUCESTER RESOLVES.
At a legal meeting of the inhabitants of the town of Gloucester (Massachusetts,) January 12th, 1809; the following resolves were read, and unanimously accepted with one dissentient only—viz.
As the object of government is the security and protection of the governed,—
Resolved , That every administration, whose object or tendency is other than the publick good: or whose policy is guided by other motives than the general interest, neither comports with the design of heaven, nor merits the esteem or confidence of men.
Resolved , That as there is nothing more desirable or advantageous than peace, when bottomed on justice and honour, so there is nothing more disgraceful, when attained by base means, and purchased at the price of independence and liberty.
Resolved , That as our national rulers have attempted to teach us a lesson hard to be understood by freemen, viz. That our vessels must not at our wharves, for security—our mariners desert their country for employment and protection, or starve at home; our produce must perish on our hands—a standing army must be distributed through our country, to enforce the most unjust, unequal and oppressive laws—the people must be reduced step by step to poverty, till their spirit is broken down, and they become a nation of slaves—and the will of a president must be paramount to the constitution; so, we will never applaud or support that administration, who, at this awful crisis, are regardless of our sufferings—who trample on our rights, and turn a deaf ear to our just complaints.
Resolved , That some of the most important provisions of the constitution have been violated;—that congress, under a pretence of regulating, have annihilated commerce;—that a standing army has been raised, and troops quartered among us, in time of profound peace, to enforce at the point of the bayonet, the most tyrannical laws;—that the encroachments of the general government on the state governments, ought to be "signals of general alarm"—one spirit ought to animate the whole—and above all, arouse the northern states to a real sense of their danger.
Resolved , That as the inhabitants of this town, with many others in the state, have sought redress for their grievances, by humbly petitioning congress—and as their petitions have been treated with contempt—their sufferings represented as trifling, and themselves called "the worthless part of the community," they consider it not only a right, but a duty, in this publick manner, to manifest their indignation at such conduct, and to seek relief from another quarter.
Resolved , That to our state government we look for council, protection and relief, at this awful period of general calamity;—that as we have been educated in the principles of civil liberty, and from our cradle upwards, have been taught to believe, we were in a land of freedom, so we will never suffer our commerce and fisheries to be destroyed, nor surrender our precious liberties to a despotic either foreign or domestic.
Resolved , That the firm and dignified stand, the brilliant display of eloquence and argument, made by the minority in congress, entitle them to our highest praise; that those arguments, are in our opinion unanswerable and unanswerable; and that as the inhabitants of this town were among the first to assert, so they will be among the last, to surrender their independence.
Resolved , That we reciprocate the sentiments expressed by our brethren at Bath in their late town meeting.
Resolved , That a respectful Address be transmitted in the name of this town to our General Court of this Commonwealth, setting forth the evils under which we suffer; and praying that hon. Body to adopt such measures as in their wisdom they may deem expedient for the publick welfare—and that a committee be chosen for this purpose.
Resolved , That a Committee of Public Safety be appointed to watch over the interests of the town; that they be empowered to suppress all disturbers of the peace, and notice every abuse offered by any individual, or combination of men, patrolling our streets and wharves, having offensive weapons, either by night or day, to the annoyance and terror of the inhabitants; and have them apprehended and punished at the expense of the town;—and that this committee be empowered to correspond with similar committees in other towns.
Resolved , That we will mutually watch and protect what little property we have still left—that we will use all lawful means "to arrest disturbers and breakers of the peace; or such others as may (under pretence of authority from government) go armed by night," or utter any menaces, or threatening speeches, to the fear and terror of the good people of this town;—and that we will ever hold in abhorrence pimping spies and night-walkers, who strive to fatten on the spoils of their suffering fellow citizens.
Voted , That the said Resolves, (of which the foregoing is a true copy) be forwarded to the editor of the Columbian Centinel for publication.
Attest, JOHN ROGERS, Town Clerk. Gloucester, Jan. 12, 1809.
FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, The CARGO of the Ship Lowden from Liverpool, viz 7,000 bushels STOVED SALT, 7,000 do. COARSE do. 1,000 Sacks FINE do. A. MACLURE. January 25.
75 barrels Rye WHISKEY, Landing this day from Walker's Packet. In STORE, Coarse SALT, Blown ditto, loose and in Sacks, St. Kitt's SUGAR in hds and bbls. ditto MOLASSES, Prime Green COFFEE, Havana MOLASSES, EARTHENWARE, well assorted, CLARET of superior quality in cases, MADIERA WINE, DEMIJOHNS, Philad a PORTER—in wood, RICE in tiers and half tiers, Prime PORK—city inspection, Richmond TOBACCO, Petersburg do TAR, PITCH, &c. &c. &c. All of which we will dispose of on liberal terms. C. & F. Whittle. Jan. 25. Gt
FOR SALE, 100 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, first and second qualities. Donaldson, Thorton & Co. January 25. 2w
FOR NEW ORLEANS, The American Ship ELIZABETH , 800 tons burthen, Timothy Tufts, Master, in complete order, will be ready to depart the 25th inst. For freight or passage apply to the captain on board, or to C. & F. Whittle, Who are Landing per Gould's packet , a parcel of Choice Baltimore WHISKEY. NEGROES will be taken in the above vessel at a moderate freight. Jan. 4.
FOR BOSTON, The FINE NEW BRIG FRANKLIN , Capt. Tallman, to sail in a few days.— For passage only, apply to the captain on board at Commerce Street Wharf. January 18.
NOTICE. All persons indebted to the estate of David Patterson, deceased , are desired to make immediate payment; and those having claims to render them properly attested, to D. R. WADDEY, Adm'r. Nov. 16. tf
AT PRIVATE SALE, 4,000 bushels Turk's-Island SALT, 20, bds. LOAF SUGAR. By Sol: Marks, jr. Dec. 30.
Norfolk Borough, At a quarterly session court held the 28th day of November, 1808. The Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, PLAINTIFF, Against Felix Corran, Michael Corran, Noble and Arbutnot, & co. and Theodrick Armistead, DEFENDANTS. The defendant Felix Corran not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant Felix Corran do appear here on the fourth Monday in February next and answer the bill of the Plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough: and it is further ordered that the defendants Michael Corran, Noble and Arbutnot, & co. and Theodrick Armistead, who have effect of the said Felix Corran in their hands do not pay, convey away or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, (Teste,) Wm. Sharp, c. c. Dec. 2.
LOST, Certificates for Stock in the Bank of Virginia, as follows: 4 SHARES in the name of William Pennock, 2 do. in the name of Sarah C. Pennock, 3 do. in the name of Courtney Pennock, 3 do. in the name of William H. Pennock. Ten Shares; for which ten shares application will be made for renewal according to law. William Pennock, Jan. 9. 2m
FOR SALE, The CARGO of the Schooner Cervo , D. Mourande, Master, from St. Jago de Cuba, COFFEE, in barrels and bags, of the first quality. SEGARS, in boxes— Now Landing at Commerce-Street Wharf. John Granbery. January 23.
SPANISH HIDES. One Thousand SPANISH HIDES.—For Sale, by Wm. Plume, & Co. January 23.
FOR SALE, By virtue of four separate deeds in trust from Bart. Yates , to satisfy sundry claims, will be sold at Gloucester Courthouse, on Saturday the 4th February next, for ready money, Four likely young NEGRO MEN, two of them are very excellent Blacksmiths, the third a Carpenter, and the fourth accustomed to different sorts of labour.—These negroes are under most excellent characters. William Jones, Ex'r. of John Cullet, dec'd. January 9. 3w The Sale of the above Negroes was postponed on the 24th December, on account of the badness of the weather. W. J.
Valuable Property, for Sale. On Friday the 3d day of February, Will be Sold to the highest bidder at the Exchange in Norfolk, the following PROPERTY, belonging to the estate of Phinehas Dana, deceased. That elegant three story fire-proof DWELLING HOUSE, at the lower end of Main-Street, commanding a beautiful view of the river (calculated for the accommodation of two families) and the adjoining LOTS on which are Two Stables and Two Carriage Houses. A well finished two-story dwelling-house on Bermuda Street. A fire-proof three story Warehouse on Commerce Street. Two small Tenements on Broad-water Street. And one half of the WHARF, lately occupied by Allen Gorham. One fourth of the purchase money must be paid on the day of sale, and for the balance approved negotiable indorsed notes will be required, payable at three, six, nine and twelve months, and a deed in trust on the property to secure the payment. And at the same time will be sold for ready money, the following property, belonging to said estate: 60 SHARES of NORFOLK MARINE STOCK, 25 do. Bridge Stock. A PEW in the Presbyterian Church. A CANAL SHARE and a SHARE in the Norfolk Theatre. James Young, Adm'r. to the estate of P. Dana, dec'd. Jan. 4.
Phoenix Fire-Office, Norfolk. NOTICE. The following Policies issued from this Office expire in the month of January, 1809, viz: 283067 283187 283196 283205 69 188 197 206 73 189 198 207 179 190 199 208 181 191 200 209 183 192 201 210 184 193 202 211 185 194 203 247 186 195 204 248 Richard Taylor, Agent. January 11.
REMOVAL. THE SUBSCRIBERS have removed to the end of Newton's Wharf, to the house lately occupied by Mr. Myers. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 11.
Norfolk Draw Bridge Company. At an annual Meeting of the Stockholders held at the Exchange Coffee House on Monday the 9th instant, the Members declared a dividend of forty-five cents on each Share on the Capital Stock of the said Company, which will be paid to the Stockholders, or their legal representatives, on or at any time after the first of February next. Wm. Cammack, Treasurer. January 11. tf
NOTICE. THE Partnership of T. & W. A. ARMISTEAD is this day dissolved by consent of parties. The settlement of its concerns devolve on W. A. ARMISTEAD, who is authorised to grant discharges, and on whom all persons having claims against the Firm, are requested to call. January 5.
W. A. Armistead and George Kelly, have entered into Co partnership. Their business will be conducted under the Firm of ARMISTEAD & KELLY. January 16. tf
A BARGAIN OFFERED, In a fine and Valuable FARM, in the County of Princess Anne. THE Subscriber is disposed to sell his Plantation called LEVEL GREEN, situated in the county of Princess Anne. It contains about 500 acres; and, as it may be advantageously divided into two or three Farms, the subscriber will accommodate a purchaser, in selling either the whole or a part. He will also give a long credit. This tract of Land is certainly the most desirable in the county, lying on the Eastern branch of Elizabeth River, and distant from Norfolk Market only five or six miles by water, and 8 or 9 by land.—The soil is excellent, about one half of the tract being cleared land, and fit for immediate culture; the other heavily timbered with Oak, Pine, Ash, and Hickory.—It has also the advantage of several good landings.—Any one disposed to view the land, and to purchase, may apply, in the absence of the subscriber, to JAMES ROBINSON, or JOHN READ, who reside in the neighbourhood. Tully Robinson. Dec 7. tf
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.