Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-08-15 00:00:00

From the Virginia Gazette.
To WILSON C. NICHOLAS, Esq.
LETTER I.
Sir,
It has been usual to pass over the circular letters of legislative members to their constituents without regard, as objects unworthy of it. It would however be improper to overlook your late circular, or to treat it with that contempt to which such productions are commonly entitled, because, from your talents, and the high respectability of your character, the influence of your opinions is very considerable. We know, besides, with whom you are politically connected, who gives the tone to all your political sentiments, and the high source from which you draw your political information. These considerations give to your opinions, facts and arguments, a weight which well entitle them to examination.
Before, however, proceeding to these, let me make one remark on your poem. Tho' well written, it is so much in the demagogue, so much in the true political law style, as to excite somewhat of disgust. It is to be sure, in the common cant of those who court popular favour, either for worthy or unworthy purposes. Is it not sad, that men of real worth will adopt such practices? that men who ought to study and maintain the dignity of man, should descend to arts of blandishment which the meanest rascals can equally practice, and often make equally availing.
But let me turn to the important parts of your letter. You say, that from 1793 to the peace of Amiens, "Great Britain inflicted every injury upon this country that could be suggested by her hatred and jealousy;" and that she did this "not to injure her enemy; but for the double purpose of enriching her own subjects and depressing us." These, sir, are heavy charges, and if proved, ought to make us hate the British name. But you have proved no part of the charge; and I suppose, indeed, that you did not think proof necessary; that such assertions were sure to gain belief from a people who for more than fifteen years, have been most industriously taught to believe, that Great Britain is not only our enemy, but the general enemy of liberty and of mankind. You acknowledge, however, that those cruel injuries inflicted upon us by Great Britain ceased with the war that was terminated by the treaty of Amiens. Strange, that her hatred and jealousy of us should terminate at the very moment when she was best able to make us feel their effects; continue dormant two years, and revive again 1802, although, as you tell us, these injurious effects were not produced by her desire of injuring her enemy; but to enrich her people and depress ours. If those injuries of which so much has been said, and so little felt, had proceeded from the causes you assign, they would hardly have ceased with the treaty of Amiens.—Great Britain oppressed with the weight of a dangerous war, can hardly be supposed mad enough to chuse the time in which she waged such a war, to give irritating proofs of her hatred and jealousy of America. Are we, how ever, to suppose that the treaty of Amiens extinguished, for a time, those hateful passions? or did it deprive her of that "command of the ocean" which enabled her to perpetrate the wrongs complained of?
Your facts and argument stand thus: Great Britain is engaged in a dangerous war with the most powerful nation on earth. Her existence is endangered. During this war she heaps upon us continued and atrocious injuries capable of stimulating us to the severest revenge; and these injuries she inflicts without any hope of thereby injuring her enemy. With this dangerous enemy she concludes a peace; and now though in a situation to give the rein to her hatred and jealousy she might have continued us; though she continues to command the ocean, and the most ample means of perpetrating her cruel injuries, behold these injuries cease altogether: Ergo, these injuries sprang altogether from her hatred and jealousy of us, and not from the hope of thereby injuring her enemy. Such, sir, seems to be your logic, and to what does it amount? not surely to a proof of your assertions; but to a moral certainty that in your assertions you erred.
If your hatred and jealousy of Great Britain do not lead your intellect captive, you must know the true reasons why some injuries were, and are done to us by Great Britain during her conflicts with France. No degree of friendship for us; no precautions that could be taken could perfectly secure us. Her ships of war occupied every sea; and in every sea found our trading vessels generally engaged in carrying the property of her enemies. This property her ships had a right to seize; and it being natural that our people should endeavour to protect it, collisions would necessarily take place, and unarmed fraud would yield to armed force. To have avoided such collisions, two concessions, both of vital importance, must have been made to us by Great Britain. She must have conceded, that our flag should protect her enemy's property from seizure, and her seamen from being obliged to perform the duties of their allegiance. If she had yielded the first, of what avail was her naval superiority? If the second, that superiority would be of short duration. Ought we to have expected such sacrifices from her? Who who have shewed and still shew such partialities for France.—But independently of this consideration, these were sacrifices which she could not make. She was bound by the primary impulse of nature to take care of her own preservation, and to sacrifice no right essential to that end, to the avarice, or accommodation of other nations.
Yet the enforcement of her rights, no doubt, her officers have sometimes done wrong; but has the nation, in such cases, denied reparation? Before the
orders of the 11th November, has she said, that when our property was unjustly taken, it should not be restored? or, that, when through mistake, our seamen were taken for her own, they should not be discharged? No, sir, the truth is, I have no doubt, that many millions worth of property seized has escaped condemnation, which truly belonged to her enemies; and many seamen have been discharged as American citizens, who in fact were British subjects. A knowledge of the various frauds practised upon her by American merchants covering foreign property; and by American officers in granting certificates of citizenship to her subjects, must naturally have excited her to greater rigour of enquiry, and consequently to the more frequent detection of fraud.
But you may ask, what say you to the orders of council of the 11th November. I say, sir, that such as they are, they are the almost necessary offspring of the non-importation act; of the quiet submission of our government to the decrees of France; and of the hostile temper of our executive towards Great-Britain, fully evinced by many of his messages to congress; by his rejection of the late treaty; and in fine, by the whole tenor of his publick acts. You say, indeed, that "If the president had been desirous, as he has been falsely charged, to go to war with Great-Britain, how easy, and with what little responsibility could he have plunged the nation into a war?" I do not believe, sir, that the president wished to plunge us into a war with Great-Britain. I believe he knew too well what that might probably cost us and himself, rashly to undertake it. No, he did not wish for war with Great-Britain; but he wished to do every thing short of war to perplex, and distress her.—He wished a non-importation act: he wished to protect her deserting seamen in their desertion: he wished to exclude her ships from our ports: he wished to force her to concede what he knew, that if conceded would cause her destruction: he wished to starve her colonies and suspend her manufactures; and when her ruin was thus wrought, when her strength had failed; when he had cut the hair of sleeping Sampson (as he once told us Great Britain had done by the Sampson of our liberties) then, and not till then, would he have urged war without fear; then, boldly would he sit his foot on the lion's neck; and falsely have claimed the double praise of wisdom and of courage.
But Great Britain was not to be laid quite asleep. Her multiform dangers had excited vigilance. She saw at what our government aimed, and she endeavoured to avert the threatening danger. Can we reasonably blame this conduct? Can we truly accuse that nation of injustice, because having discovered the pit we were digging for her, (and it was impossible that she should not discover what all the rest of the world saw) she endeavoured to avoid it?—No! let us, if possible, be just; let us not impute to hatred, a conduct which we must admit, was justifiable on prudential and defensive grounds; and especially so, in the awful situation in which she was placed, fighting for existence against a world in arms.
I am, Sir, Your Obedient Servant, A. B.
LETTER II.
Sir,
In remarking upon your publick letter, I shall not, I hope, be unmindful of the respect due to your private character. I may, in the course of my remarks, say some disagreeable things; but if I should, I beg you to believe, that nothing could force them from me, except the sense of a great duty; the duty of expressing what I regard as useful and necessary truths.
To one not acquainted with the predominant spirit of your political party, it would seem passing strange, that in your circular, you should dwell so long on British aggressions, and injustice; and should, at the same time, take so slight a glance at the enormities practiced upon us by France. Ten years ago we used to be told, that our partiality for France, and hatred of Great Britain, were merely the effects of that interest we took in a rising republick. From this opinion I used to declare my dissent, and often averred, that a certain party among us were animated not by a love of France, but hate of Great Britain; and that if the latter were contending with the bloodiest tyrant that ever stained Africa with his crimes, that party would be the tyrant's friends. How nearly verified is this seemingly extravagant notion? The French republick is become the property of an upstart emperor; of a man who has everywhere, trampled upon liberty; who has swept republicanism from the face of the European world; who has everywhere oppressed nations, and individuals; who has extinguished publick prosperity, destroyed private happiness, and carried terror, injustice, desolation wherever he has turned his course; yet, has this man fewer friends among us, than republican France had? No! he can count as many friends among us as the bloody republick ever could. They talk not quite so loud. Republicans cannot with so good a grace, launch forth in the praise of a republick destroying emperor; but mind with what gentleness they treat him; how they hope that he is as good as powerful; what felicity they promise to the world from the consolidation of his power; how they pretend to believe that universal and permanent peace is the object he pursues; how they rejoice at his victories, and mourn at his defeats.
If indeed, this emperor had shown himself to be our friend, our gratitude might have hidden his crimes against other nations, from our view; but this not being the case, whence the tenderness with which you and others treat him? why skim lightly over his unfriendly conduct towards us; and why,
when some regard to impartiality forces you to glance at it, do you, in imitation of French finesse, endeavour to trace the origin of his outrages to a British source? Alas! sir, I fear, that such conduct cannot be traced to the purest motives; cannot be traced to those pure springs of the human heart, whence flow the limpid currents of mingled philanthropy, and patriotism.
But, seeing that, on the subject of the wrongs done us by France, your letter is generally defective, let me endeavour, in some sort, to supply your omissions, by taking a rapid view of the conduct of France towards us; and let this be done, not to excuse the wrongs done us by Great Britain, but solely that those who will may judge against which of those nations, our indignation, resentment, and wrath ought chiefly to be directed.
No American, I am sure, can have forgotten the conduct of the French ministers, in this country during their revolutionary war. The pains they took to embroil us with all their enemies cannot have passed into oblivion. They fitted out privateers in our ports to cruise against British commerce. They instituted clubs, and societies to thwart, impede, and harass our government. This government, and our tribunals, they charged with chicane, and injustice, in their conduct, and adjudications respecting certain Gallo-American privateers, and their prizes; and finally, as if we had been as mad, and foolish as a Parisian mob, appealed from the government to the people. Such was the behaviour of the French ministers here, what was the conduct of the government to our ministers in France? Ask general Puckney, who, for many months, was treated with every indignity which low bred rascals clothed with power could devise. Ask general Marshall, who together with his colleagues, laboured long in vain to reconcile France to our neutrality; but who was obliged to depart the republick without gaining any thing, save a knowledge, that France rendered justice only to two things, force, and bribes.
But this was the conduct of republican France. Over these things republican sympathy should throw a veil. We should excuse our offending sister, and blot out the record of misdeeds. Well, be it so; yet why not count up, if that were possible, the wrongs done us by consular and imperial France!—During the truce of Amiens, did she not shut against us the ports of her colonies? Did she, in any respect, treat us better than other nations did? Had she not her navigation laws, as rigid as exclusive, as selfish as those of Great Britain? Such was her system in peace; what has it been since the war re-commenced? When her vessels of every description were driven from the ocean, her ports, consequently opened to neutrals. We then became necessary to her. We transported to and from her colonies these articles which, without our aid, could not have been transported at all. Indeed, her colonies could only be saved through our intervention; only through us could the wealth of them be snatched from the grasp of her enemies, and poured abundantly into her own lap. Yet notwithstanding these things, she never ceased to harass our trade. Her few privateers, which, now and then stole out of West India ports, either captured our vessels under false pretences, or partially plundered, and left them. These things, I agree, might well happen, and yet the French government be in no wise accusably. But what did the government itself? First, our vessels were seized by its order in its own ports, because not furnished with what we had never been told was required, "A role d'Equippage," (list of the crew.) Secondly, they were seized by its order because unprovided with what had never before been heard of "A certificate of origin." After this came the Berlin decree, declaring the British islands in a state of blockade; under colour of which our vessels going to, or from Great Britain, were subjected to seizure and condemnation. Then came the Milan decree declaring all our vessels good prizes which were laden with the manufactures or productions of British countries, though purchased by, and belonging to us. Under this decree they have ever since, captured, and burnt all our vessels that could seize or had any British productions on board. But, not to dwell too long on atrocities which is painful to contemplate, let me only add, that France has kept us from accommodating our differences with Spain, and from settling the boundaries of Louisiana, and for why? Mr. Madison will tell us, because "France wants money and we must give it." She embargoed our ships at Bordeaux for many months; seized and condemned our vessels under pretence that they were trading to St. Domingo; to which, nevertheless, we had an undoubted right to trade; forced a loan from our merchants in Leghorn, at the point of the bayonet; confiscated our property in Hamburg; and has now, it is said, capped the climax of her iniquity by a decree from Bayonne which subjects all our vessels indiscriminately, to capture and condemnation.
Such, sir, are the mere outlines of that picture, which in your circular you ought to have drawn in vivid colours and presented to publick view. Then, you might have had some claim to impartiality.—We might then have supposed, that although thro' a too great sensibility to the wrongs done us, you had overcharged your picture of British injuries, you had been influenced by patriotic zeal; but when we see your dwelling, on the injustice of our belligerent, and seeming almost to forget that the other had ever offended; when we see you charging as crimes on the British what they had a right to do; making it criminal in them to take their own seamen from our merchant vessels; calling a proclamation which commanded their officers to act with caution and delicacy in the exercise of this right, a "command to British cruisers to impress
all native born subjects wherever they should be found on board our merchant vessels," thus endeavouring to pervert an act of consideration and respect, into an act of aggression and insult; when we see such things, what else can we think, or say then, that when such men as you are found to have so far yielded to a revengeful hatred of Great-Britain, there can be little hope that friendship can be renewed, or peace maintained.—No, Sir; it is that spirit, in a portion of our citizens, so hostile to every thing British, and which, appear almost everywhere, from the debates in congress, and executive messages, to the addresses of democratic clubs, and the toasts of drunken bacchanalians; and in every man of your party from the president to the meanest understrapper of government; and to the meanest favourite of executive influence; it is this spirit, the existence of which is so well known to the British, which causes them to treat us, not as they would wish to do, as brothers and friends; but as strangers and aliens; and which, ere long, will involve the two countries, so well fitted to minister to each others wants, and to each other's prosperity, in all the horrors of war.
It surely behoves us to consider what may be the consequences of such a war.—It behoves us to count what it may cost us, and our latest posterity; to remember that an inconsiderate yielding to an angry spirit is, at all times, wrong; but that, at this time, it might lead to consequences the most fatal, might plunge us into all the calamities and absement of complete subjection to external influence.
I am Sir, Your Obedient Servant, A. B.
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Generous allowances made to those who buy to sell again. Of the many respectable testimonies of the effects of the above Drops, which have been received by the proprietor, we beg leave to annex the following:
Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton.
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(Signed) C. RIDGELY, of Hampton.
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ALSO,
DR. ROBERTSON'S
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For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots. May 20. lawly

MONDAY EVENING, AUGUST 15. 1808.
We have been favoured with London papers, received by the British brig Two Brothers, captain Vibert, in 49 days from Jersey. Our last advices were to the 11th June. We have received by this vessel the Country Herald , (a London weekly paper) of the eleventh and eighteenth June. It does not appear that any thing of importance had transpired between the 11th and 18th. Such articles as have been deemed worthy of notice will be found in this day's paper.
The information respecting a rupture between the Emperor of Austria, and France, is important, if true, but it is too lightly noticed, to be entitled to belief, although we should not consider such an event improbable. The few powers that retain any portion of independence must be satisfied from the example of Spain, that the only possible chance of escaping slavery, is by resistance.
IRISH CATHOLICKS. Upon two recent occasions, it was discovered the temper of Parliament, had undergone a considerable change respecting the Catholics of Ireland. On a division in the House of Lords upon the Catholic petition, there appeared Contents 74. Non Contents 101.
In the House of Commons on a motion of Sir John Newport, "that a person being of the Catholic religion, should be deemed eligible to become Governor or deputy Governor of the Bank of Ireland, if otherwise qualified, &c." The motion was lost only by a majority of three.
Sales at Auction in London of American produce, the latter end of May, 204 hogsheads of Virginia Tobacco from 6 \frac{1}{2} to 8 \frac{1}{2} sterling per lb. 71 hds. Maryland, 6 \frac{1}{2} to 8 \frac{1}{2} ; 17 hds. Strip leaf, 6 \frac{1}{2} to 9 \frac{1}{2} ; 365 casks of Carolina Rice, 40s 6d per cwt. Hogshead staves sold from 29l 15s to 30l 5s per M. Barrel ditto from 22l 15s to 23l 15s per M. American Flour is quoted on the 11th of June from 40s to 43s per barrel. Premiums of Insurance to and from the United States, and to and from Great Britain on American vessels 5 guineas per cent. all risks 6 to 7. American vessels are insured to ports on the Continent of Europe and back to Great Britain, warranted free of seizure in port from 25 to 35 per cent.
From the Virginia Argus .
SUMMARY OF THE LAST SPANISH NEWS.
One part of the royal family is confined at Valence and the other at Fontainbleau.
Murat is invested with the supreme command of the kingdom, and has already erected the guillotine at Madrid, to which many of the grandees and conspicuous characters have fallen victims. A court under the title of the Supreme Council of the nation is established at Seville, with Saavedra at the head.
Ferdinand VII is proclaimed king, and an alliance is formed with Great Britain. The British admiral on the Cadiz station has tendered money, arms, and 8000 men from Gibraltar. It is also stated in Spain that a new coalition is forming of all the continental powers. The spirit of the provinces has communicated itself to Cuba, and it was with difficulty that the people of Havana could be restrained from the destruction of the French.
The declaration of war breathes a spirit of intense indignation, and at the same time denotes a dignified firmness of mind which is prepared for sacrifice rather than submission. What can this ill-fated country do under these circumstances but immolate herself at the shrine of national independence. It is impossible that her comparative pigmy strength can resist the scientific discipline and superior forces of France. The mind of humanity is however awakened with the hope of a continental coalition, if conducted with skill and expedition, may yet check the rise of this towering despot. The reasons why they have been hitherto so shamefully subdued, was that they acted with too little cordiality and too much timidity. The distinguished trait in Buonaparte's military life is to seize with avidity any advantage which his sagacity suggests. If the rest of the continental powers are determined upon a coalition, and will not lose too much time in deliberation, but will unite with zeal and activity before the destruction of Spain, they may at least paralyze his strength, if not escape from his oppression. The various parts that form this despotick fabric are so forced together and uncemented, that the first falling off would be very apt to be followed by the rest. There is nothing wanting to produce this coalition but a brave and popular leader. Every one must believe that the present continental submission is entirely the effect of fear, and that whenever they perceive the least "glimpse through the gloom" they will endeavour to shake off their fetters. But such is the panic-struck state of Europe at this time, that there can be no calculation, upon their activity in union and opposition, without which they had better remain quiet in tame submission, unless they are determined to fall martyrs in the cause. We are told that there is a sort of balance in human affairs, which when raised to a certain height of prosperity, will necessarily sink, and when lowered to a certain depth of adversity, will necessarily rise. Whether Buonaparte is in the situation of the first, or his kingdoms in the situation of the last, is a question which belongs to the solution of time. The opportunity which is now presented to the Spanish possessions, is almost too inviting to pass away without making some effort to be independent and free. While we deplore the present condition of Spain, and while we execrate the cause, we cannot overlook the advantages resulting to Great Britain, which we fear will make her more obstinate and powerful in her course of injustice to the United States.
Spain has thrown herself into her arms for protection, and she will no doubt take care to squeeze out as much of her wealth as she can.
In refusing to pass from one state of subjection
to another, Spain will suffer all the ravages of war without perhaps deriving any benefit from her ally; for if Great Britain should find that there is not an immediate prospect of a strong and general coalition, her attention will be chiefly turned to the possessions of the Spanish isles and South American provinces, where we fear there is too much degeneracy, ignorance and superstition, to entertain any scheme of self-independence and liberty.
The question which presents itself to the eye of philosophy in this posture of affairs, is whether it would be more beneficial to mankind, that France or Great Britain should prevail. In this point of view philanthropy induces us to express an unhesitating wish that not only Spain, but that all the European powers may rise and redeem themselves from bondage. We feel for them as we have felt for ourselves and cold hope that
"France would rise up, and confirm the decree That bids millions rejoice, and a nation be free."
But when we know that a wish of this sort is as childish as "catching an echo, or chasing a rainbow," that the laws of nations are buried in the deep, and that the punica fides prevails throughout all Europe, policy invites us to decide in favour of that belligerent who can do us least harm. This is a question in which we are awfully concerned, and which we will leave to the contemplation of our readers.
We take pleasure in noticing the preceding remarks, and the more so as it is seldom that we have an opportunity of noticing the same spirit of independence, in papers of the character of that of the Argus . The measures of Napoleon, have hitherto been advocated by certain papers in this country, with the same zeal, that they would advocate measures, on the success of which the happiness of our country depended. The delusion we hope is nearly over, for in truth it is time it was.
But what does the Argus mean by "policy invites us to decide in favour of the belligerent who can do us least harm?" We confess we do not rightly understand the question; if it is intended, that we are to decide against that nation who has the power at present to do us the most harm, then we understand clearly, that we are invited to join with France, because it is evident that until she has subdued the British navy, she is the power "that can do us the least harm." How far it is wise in us, to decide in favour of those, who can do us the least, or no harm, against those who can do us the most extensive and immediate harm, we will not examine. But if we are to understand that we are to decide in favour of that nation, who can ultimately do us the least harm, we should understand it to be Great Britain, for altho' her navy might annihilate our commerce, and destroy our sea ports, she could make no impression upon the country, she could not give us a Marat for our master. She has not a hundred thousand veteran cut throats who want employment.
To return to the question "policy invites us to decide in favour of the belligerent who can do us the least harm." It is our opinion, that policy invites us to take no part in the contest, except in self defence. Persons of importance, as regards their political stations, are constantly impressing the people with a belief that both the great belligerents are anxious to draw us into the war. This may flatter the vanity of the nation, but we apprehend it will not upon examination be found to be true. Our neutrality will not only be most beneficial to ourselves, but most advantageous to both the belligerents.
We will examine the question as to Great Britain first. It does not appear to us, that our taking part with Great Britain would do her the smallest service, when the nature of the contest is considered. We have no ships or seamen, if she needed them. We have no troops that would be of service to her, because her enemy has no points against which those troops could be employed. France has no merchant ships that trade to our country—her navy does not find refuge in our ports, nor procure supplies from our country. The accidental circumstance, of a few ships being forced from the violence of a tempest to seek refuge in our ports, is too unimportant to deserve notice, as part of a system. Our co-operation with Great Britain might distress the French colonies, and perhaps for want of supplies, compel Martinique and Guadaloupe to surrender to Great Britain—Our embargo will do the same—but these Islands are not important to Great Britain, who would have the expense of maintaining them during the war, and to surrender them at the conclusion of a peace. Our neutrality is more serviceable to Great Britain, because our commerce would be more extensive, and the more extensive that is, the more she is benefitted. There never were two nations who derived more mutual advantages in commerce. Those who tell us that Great Britain derives all the advantages, have taken but a superficial view of the subject. We certainly furnish to Britain many valuable raw materials, and receive a very large proportion of her manufactures. Great Britain is the consumer for a very large proportion of our productions, and for most of those which she does not consume, she finds us markets. This is well understood by persons engaged in business, but requires explanation to many that are not. We will undertake to say, that out of the proceeds of fifty cargoes that are sent from the United States to the Continent of Europe, not more than the proceeds of three are vested in manufactures or produce of the continent; taking one ship with another, we question if more than the amount of the freights are invested. The balance is paid in London. This proves that those countries on the Continent of Europe, have not the means of
paying for our produce, and if it was not for the agency or means of Great Britain, that we would be under the necessity of relinquishing our trade to the Continent of Europe, except in a very limited degree. How Great Britain contrives to get the nations of the Continent in her debt, is no part of our present enquiry—Not only is our commerce and agriculture benefited in this view of the subject, but our agriculture is more so in another way. Two causes operate to keep up the price of the produce of this country—the facilities at the Banks, and the facilities by Bills drawn on London. If one or both of these means were denied, and ready money employed, we should find a most important reduction in the price of produce. The facility of raising money, produces abundance, and that has the effect of raising the articles of commerce, more particularly those articles for which this facility was required. If every one who purchases, and ships produce, was to buy with ready money, the number of purchasers would be reduced in proportion to the facility which is afforded in anticipations by bills on London, and we think we can assert, that one half the amount of every cargo is anticipated in that manner, before, or very soon after it leaves the United States. Returning from this digression, we will pursue the subject of our enquiry.
Our remarks are predicated upon the natural course of things, and not upon their present state, which the decrees and orders of the belligerents have produced. The present state of things cannot last. The French government and all Europe must be satisfied that the system France has adopted for herself, and compelled the rest of Europe to adopt cannot produce the effect intended. It is exactly the policy of a man, who would burn his own house down, in order to destroy that of his neighbour.—The oppression which such a system would produce, is too insupportable to be submitted to, for any length of time.
Perceiving that we could do no service to Great Britain, we proceed to examine the advantages France could derive from our aid. In a naval point of view for the reasons already advanced, we could do her no service. But we could attack and conquer Canada and Nova Scotia! If the deliberate sense of the people of this country could be taken, we are persuaded, that it would not be deemed expedient to accept a cession of those colonies. It is hardly then to be presumed, we would employ an immense army, and incur an enormous expense for objects which if offered gratis, we would reject.
A war of two or three years, an army of 20 to 30,000 men, with an expense of 30 or 40 millions of dollars, and the loss of many valuable lives, might procure us Canada and Nova Scotia. We ought to remember that our enemy could throw in reinforcements with a facility that might baffle all our efforts. When France shall be made sensible of her present mad system, and which the loss of the treasures of Spain, will assist in bringing about, she must turn her attention to some regular system of finance; extortion, and plunder, cannot supply her wants much longer. When the expenses of a nation are supported by arbitrary contributions, forced loans, and by plunder, there can be no security for property, and those who have any, will devise means to place it beyond the operation of a system, which is neither regulated by justice, nor ascertained by any fixed extent. The insecurity of property under such a system, has forced an enormous amount of property from the continent into England. It is this circumstance, principally, that has raised the English three per cents to seventy per cent. as by the last advices from that country. The desire which prevails at this time on the continent of Europe, to place funds in England, is proved by the course of exchange, and the present state of commerce.
It is impossible for revenue to be raised without encouraging commerce, which gives a spring and infuses activity and life into the whole system of the nation. The neutrality of America will then be important to France, who besides the advantages she would immediately derive from it, cannot but be sensible that by the United States being a party in the war with England, their commerce would not only be lost to her, but to themselves also, and to the advancement of her enemy and rival. Above all, we can perceive no possible advantage this country would derive from becoming a party in the war.
We have extended these remarks beyond our intention, and perhaps have intruded upon the patience of our readers. We were drawn into them, because we notice in many of the democratick papers sentiments like that in the Argus —that we must go to war, that we must now decide on the part we are to take. We are told by the same papers that we must go to war, in order that the embargo may be taken off—Although we were formerly told that the embargo was laid to avoid a war—A cautious policy for a few months will be most adviseable—Europe will undergo a change, by which we may profit; precipitancy may produce infinite calamity to the nation.
DIED —At the house of CONWAY WHITTLE, Esq. of this place, on Saturday night, MR. JOSEPH CHAINE, a native of Ireland. The modesty of this young gentleman's deportment, his amiable disposition, and his steady, industrious habits, had secured him, during a few years residence, the esteem and friendship of all to whom he was known.
[The following letter will serve to prove that Nathan Haley, the bearer of the dispatches to France, is the same person who ran away with the ship Hare. The northern papers by mail afford abundant evidence proving the fact, beyond all doubt.]
Extract of a letter from Bourdeaux, dated November 15, 1804, received at New York.
"The noted Capt. Nathan Haley, who is now a lieutenant in the French navy, caused his brother George Haley, master of the ship Brutus, of New-London, now in the river, to denounce his mate, Mr. Benjamin Franklin Seaver, of Boston, to the police of this city, as an English Spy. Mr. Seaver is a young man of good connections and excellent education; he is now in close confinement, and will, in all probability, be brought before the criminal tribunal. The cause of this denunciation on the part of Haley and his brother, is, Seaver's having demanded 1500 livres, which the consul awarded, as due him from Capt. George Haley, and which the latter having refused to pay—Seaver wrote him a letter, saying "if you do not pay me, I will declare to the consul that the vessel belongs to your piratical brother, and not to you; upon the receipt of which letter they caused him to be arrested. I have just left our Consul, who enters with great spirit into poor Seaver's situation, and as the Haleys have got into his hands, who, from his severe, though upright conduct, has got the name among the captains, of consul taught, I think justice will be done Seaver, and they get severely punished. A more unjust, wicked thing cannot well be imagined."
NATHAN HALEY.
Extract from a New York democratick paper.
"Several editors in this city have made mistakes in their statements concerning Nathan Haley. He is not the person who fraudulently sold Mr. Clason's ship, but is a man of irreproachable integrity."
N. York Aurora.
We are very glad to see the facts charged upon Haley are ACKNOWLEDGED by the prints which are friendly to the administration. The flimsy subterfuge of denying he is the man whom the president has honoured with the dispatches for France, will not benefit them. Haley's place of residence is in the neighbourhood of this town; he is as well known here as Duane is at Philadelphia. His friends have recently received letters from him, giving the information of his appointment as MESSENGER TO FRANCE, and it is said of his prospect of making an independent fortune. He passed through this state in the stage, on his way to Washington, under an assumed name: to avoid being arrested in New York. He is the same Nathan Haley who holds a commission in the French navy, and commanded a gun brig at the attack on Boulogne. If he should be allowed to carry a load of coffee to France, would any one believe it?—And would it most probably be a publick, or private speculation?
Connecticut Gaz. (New-London.)
A BET.—We are authorised to bet from 1000 to 10,000 dollars, that Nathan Haley, who has gone out in the flag of truce schooner Hope, as the bearer of dispatches to Mr. Armstrong, the American minister at Paris, is the same Nathan Haley that ran away with the ship Hare, belonging to Isaac Clason of this city.—The proof to rest with us.
N. Y. Ev. Post.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in New Castle (Del.) to the editor of the U. States Gazette.
DEAR SIR,
A grateful return made by the crew of the French brig Superior, which lately visited your port, and which is still in the river, ought not to be passed over in silence, and perhaps a paragraph in your paper would be very properly employed in returning thanks, which I hereby do in the name of all good democrats.
Some of the officers and sailors belonging to the said brig visited Wilmington a few days since in pursuit of a seaman who was formally one of her crew. They found him at work with a blacksmith with whom it seems he had hired himself. They entered the shop with drawn swords, seized and hurried the man off without giving him time to put on his coat.
I cannot say whether he was a deserter or not—report, however declares that the term for which he had engaged had expired, and that his papers would have evinced this, had an opportunity of enquiry been given.
The whole affair was transacted as expeditiously as possible, and to be sure it made very little stir among us.
It is the more astonishing how the poor fellow was smuggled off, when we consider that a duck or a pig could not have taken their passage in one of our own vessels without having it proclaimed thro' the whole country.
Yes, sir, the thing was gently done, we held no town meetings, passed no thundering resolutions, ordered out no militia, but giggled to think (as there was no tory papers among us) how snugly it would pass over, and really so little sympathy and commiseration did the fate of the unfortunate tar excite, that it seems already to be forgotten.
Though the above circumstances, so far as I can learn form a true statement of the case, I cannot vouch for their accuracy, I have not however heard them denied.
And now sir, it remains for our political casuists to decide whether it is a greater slur on the American character to have our sovereignty overhauled on board a national ship, or boarded on terra firma in our very streets, by those whom our hospitality has kept from starving.
Yours respectfully, New Castle, August 1, 1808.
NEW YORK, August 5.
A letter from Havana mentions, that Buonaparte had dispatched a vessel from Bayonne to the United States, informing his friend Mr. Jefferson of the revolution in Spain, and declaring to him that he considered the Spaniards as Rebels, and FORBIDS the United States from having any intercourse with them." [This news, though not authentic, is quite probable.]
August 8.
Capt. Aydelott, from Point-Petre, (Guad.) who arrived here yesterday in 22 days, informs, that 5 days previous to his sailing, a vessel arrived there in 32 days from Bayonne, dispatched by the emperor Buonaparte, with orders to his officers at

Guadalupe, to take possession of South-America, and to hoist the French flag in the name of the emperor of France, king of Italy, protector of the Rhinish confederation, king of Spain, Portugal and the Indies.
The above vessel took out 84 barrels of flour, which was sold at 45 dollars per barrel.
Yesterday the brig Octavia, Archer, arrived at this port from Santa Cruz, Teneriffe, which place she left the 27th June. The captain confirms the recent news from Spain, and adds, that it was reported 80,000 Frenchmen had been killed by the Spaniards.
Arrived brig Octavia, Archer, 41 days from St. Cruz, (Ten.) with 45 pipes wine, and part of the outward cargo.—Left a New-York schooner to sail in 10 or 12 days for New-York. July 15, was boarded by a British letter of marque ship from Barbados bound to Liverpool. The Octavia sailed the 27th June, and brings a confirmation of the Spanish revolution. A British frigate had arrived there with dispatches, and a number of Spanish prisoners which she landed.
BOSTON, August 5.
Extract of a letter from Liverpool, England, dated June 11, 1808.
"The Weavers in the manufacturing towns in this county (Lancaster) stopped working, and assembled in great numbers, to demand an advance of wages. After some time spent in rather riotous proceedings, without much mischief however being done, they at last gained their object, and are now returning peaceably to their looms. In a few day's business will go on as usual."
Liverpool prices. June 3.—Ashes, pot, Boston first sort, none; New-York do. 24 to 25; pearl, Boston, 82 to 84; N. Y. do. 80 to 82; prices expected to continue stationary;—cot on, Georgia upland, old crop, 186 to 188; new and prime, 189 to 190 1/2; sea island, ordinary, 188 to 28; middling, 281 to 282; fine, 284 to 286; very fine, 287 to 2810; for flaxseed, the sale is over; rice, 40 to 48s; superfine flour, 53 to 55s per bbl. expected to rise; tar, 38 to 40s per bbl.; turpentine soft, 34 to 38s. per cwt. M. ssachusetts red oak bld. staves, 15 to 18s. per M.; Philadelphia white bld. staves, 32 to 37 1/2 per M.; NEngland oak logs, 3-5 to 5-9 per cubic foot; pine, 289 to 291 1/2; York and James river tobacco, 6 3/4 to 9 3/4.
A letter from Liverpool, Eng. dated May 31, says there is every appearance of an abundant crop of grain in that country the present season.
The Paris papers, in giving an account of the beginning of the insurrection in Madrid, May 2, say, they foresaw the crisis with pleasure, for a severe lesson was necessary to bring back the people to reason. The French say that on that day, three French soldiers were disarmed—and they have been disgraced for submitting to the dishonour. They are young men, and have been condemned to appear every day, for a month, on the parade, with a walking stick, instead of a musket.—It is said they had been old soldiers, they would have been more severely dealt with.
In Dutch papers the armament at Flushing and Antwerp are described as "part of the system which animates the whole coast from the Texel to Brest;" and, observes the Journal du Commerce , "such are the comprehensive faculties of Napoleon, as not only to embrace the destinies of the continent, to direct the interests of America and Asia, and to control the passions of Africa, but in order to consolidate the peace and happiness of the world, again prepares the means to crush the tyrant of the seas."
A disturbance took place at Hamburgh, on Easter Tuesday. About 1000 persons, being shot out of the city by the gates being closed at an unusual hour, they assembled and insisted on admission to their families; and being refused, they proceeded to pill the French soldiers. The troops fired, and 7 or 8 poor fellows were killed, and many more wounded. At this juncture a fire broke out, and the alarm bell was rung. The French commandant thought it the signal for a general insurrection, and sent a courier for a reinforcement of troops. The senate assembled and order was restored. The next day the French issued a proclamation, declaring that any person throwing a stone at a French soldier should be shot; and any person ringing the alarm bell without an order from a French officer, should suffer death. If more than four citizens were seen talking together they were to be required to separate, and if they disobeyed, were to be fired upon.
CHARLESTON, August 6.
By the Commandant General of Marine, at Havana.
SOLDIERS AND MARINERS! The provinces of Spain have united for the purpose of asserting the rights of their sovereign and freeing themselves from the oppression of the tyrant of Europe; their reasons are as publick as they are just; their proclamations, as well as the manifestoes of the tyrant himself, detail them; from this day forward we will fight and shed our blood to the last drop, for the liberty of our sovereign and that of our mother country; in defence of our religion and of our own honour. In a cause so visibly just, what may not be achieved by those who have hitherto spontaneously bled for honour in blind obedience to their sovereign and their representatives, as characteristic of the Spanish nation? Spain swears not to lay down her arms, until her sovereign shall be free, and the outrages against the nation be revenged: we will also swear it, and in the event, which must not and cannot be expected, that every Spaniard should fall in the mother-country, yet Spain will not cease to exist—This is Spain, we are Spaniards like ourselves, and here Ferdinand VII. and his successors will reign. The inhabitants of this island cannot permit us to entertain a doubt on the subject; the enthusiasm with which they have proclaimed him, warrant us in this conclusion. Let us assist them therefore in preserving this precious territory for our sovereign, if the tyrant should attempt to invade it. Let us unite our efforts to succour our mother country, although we at present are deprived of the honour of defending it; yet let us not forget, that the Frenchmen inhabiting this island, are not subjects of Napoleon I.—They are not of the number of those who have vilely submitted to dishonour their country, by serving as mercenary assassins to a foreigner—but with abhorrence of the excesses they had seen committed, not wishing to live under his iron yoke, they have come to live under the mild and pacific government of Spain.
VILLAVICENCIO.
Havana, the 21st July, 1808.
Foreign Intelligence.
From London Papers received at the Office of the Publick Ledger, per the brig Two Brothers, from Jersey.
LONDON, June 4.
From Tuesday's London Gazette.
Admiralty Office, May 31.
Copy of a letter to vice-admiral Whitshed, commander in chief of his majesty's ships and vessels on the coast of Ireland, to the hon. W. W. Pole.
His majesty's ship Virginie, at Sea, May 20, Lat. 46, Long. 14.
SIR—I beg leave to detail for your information, the capture of the Guelderland Dutch frigate, of thirty-six guns, commanded by captain Pool, Knight of the Order of the Kingdom, who is wounded. She was manned with two hundred and fifty-seven men, and had twenty-three passengers; a fortnight from Bergen.
It was after an hour and a half's gallant defence, in a night action, on the 19th instant, that he surrendered: his masts being shot by the board, twenty-five of his men killed, and forty severely wounded. The enemy wore three times, and, in his efforts to come round the fourth, fell on board the Virginie, and did her the only damage worth notice; for I have been fortunate, having only one man killed and one badly wounded. The night was extremely dark, and the swell so great, that the boarders could not act.
If any credit is attached to this transaction, I entreat you to bestow it on the officers and men; who under every circumstance in service, merit my warmest commendation; in this I include the officer of the Royal Marines, and the gallantry of his party.
Could any thing surpass the courage of the people, it was the dexterity of working the ship, which enabled me to keep close to the enemy; and their exertions in getting the boats out to rescue the men of the Guelderland from the flames, that ship taking fire soon after she struck; but, through the firm discipline of the enemy it was put out.
Allow me to mention the first lieutenant, Mr. J. Davies, a good officer, of eleven years standing; and Mr. Nat. Norton, a mate that has passed for a lieutenant.—I am, &c.
(Signed) EDWARD BRACE. Vice-Admiral Whitshed.
June 9.
LOUIS XVIII. and Charles IV.—The following letter, which was written by Louis XVIII. to his relation, Charles IV. late king of Spain, now a prisoner in Buonaparte's hands, is of the most unquestionable authenticity, and derives increased interest from the circumstances of the present moment. It was written and sent from Calmar, in Sweden, on the occasion of the king of Spain sending to Buonaparte the order of the golden fleece. Louis, as soon as he heard it, with becoming dignity, instantly sent back to his catholic majesty the insignia of an order, which he conceived to be polluted by being conferred on a man, who, in addition to all his other acts of violence, had dipped his hands in the blood of a prince of the house of Bourbon, the Duke d'Enghien. Posterity will admit, that however unfortunate that family may be, it is impossible for the head of it to express himself with more majesty and elevation of mind than are manifested in this letter.—Charles III. conferred on him the order when he was Comte de Provence.
Calmar, October 3, 1805.
"Sir, my Brother and Cousin."
"It is with regret that I send back to your majesty the insignia of the order of the golden fleece, which I had received from the king, your father, of glorious memory. There can be nothing in common between me and the great criminal, whom his own audacity, aided by fortune, has placed upon my throne. A throne which he has cruelly deiled with the pure blood of a Bourbon! religion may induce me to pardon an assassin—but, the tyrant of my people must always be my enemy. In our present circumstances, it is more glorious to deserve the sceptre than to sway it. God, in his impetrable decrees, may perhaps have condemned me to finish my days in exile. But neither posterity nor the present age shall ever say, that I have rendered myself unworthy to be seated, and to die upon the throne of my ancestors."
(Signed) "LOUIS."
June 11.
The following are the circumstances under which the French obtained possession of Barcelona:—On the 13th February, about 10,000 of their troops arrived in the vicinity of that city. The commanding officer applied to the governor of the place for passports for Valencia, where, it was pretended, he meant to proceed, but first requested that the men might stop a day or two at Barcelona to refresh themselves. The gates were opened to the Frenchmen; they received a hearty welcome, all the house-keepers vying with each other in shewing them hospitality. At the end of three days the générale was beaten, and the whole of the French troops appeared in marching order on the parade. The population of the place was assembled to take leave of their friends—but what was their astonishment, when they perceived the Frenchmen divide, one half taking their route to the citadel, of which they took possession: and the other to fort Montjuic, on the summit of the hill which commands the town! this place being garrisoned by 6000 Spaniards, they were desired to march out, to make room for their friends; the commandant replied, that he must first wait the instructions of his government, but that, in the mean time, the French troops should be amply provided with every thing. The French commander rejoined, that his orders were peremptory, and that he could not delay a moment in putting them into execution. On this the quarters of the Spaniards were peaceably resigned to them.
June 15.
The Channel Fleet sailed on Saturday from Torbay, to resume its station off Brest. It is stated, that a schooner arrived at Torbay on Saturday, under a press of sail, with intelligence that the Brest Fleet had put to sea, and that in consequence of this information the Channel Fleet immediately got under way.
A vessel from Botany Bay, which touched at Bahia on her way to England, brings an account of the death of the duke de Cadaval. He was high steward of Portugal, and married to the duke of Luxemburg's daughter, by whom he has several
children. He was very popular among the Portuguese, having all the politeness and affability for which the prince of Wales is so eminently distinguished. His death was occasioned by excessive fatigue and sufferings on the voyage, as the royal family and court hurried on board their fleet without the common necessaries for food or clothing.
The official copy of the treaty with the king of the Two Sicilies, presented to the house of commons on Friday, stipulates, that Sicily is to be garrisoned by 10,000 British troops; and, in return for the exemptions from all duties, and other accommodations afforded to our forces in the Mediterranean, his Sicilian majesty is to receive, during the war, an annual subsidy of 300,000l. commencing from the time when the British and Russian troops landed in the Neapolitan territories, in 1805. After presenting the paper, Mr. Canning stated, that though this treaty was now for the first time brought forward, it was no new transaction, but one which the present ministry had found to have been in the contemplation of their predecessors, and that in the year 1805 it had been intended to conclude a treaty with the king of Sicily, by which the subsidy of 300,000l. per annum was to have been granted to that monarch. The events which occurred towards the end of that year, however, were sufficient to account for nothing being then done to bring the treaty to completion. In the beginning of the following year things continued in a similar state. In the autumn, Mr. Drummond had been sent for the purpose of adjusting the business, but on the return of the treaty, it was found to contain stipulations to which his majesty had been advised not to assent; and it was but lately that the business had been finally arranged. He had thought it necessary to say thus much, that the house might see that this was not a new measure.
Tuesday's Gazette contains a proclamation for apprehending the persons concerned in the late outrages at Rochdale, in Lancashire, who are described to have on the 30th ult. "broke open the private houses of cotton and woolen weavers, carried off their shuttles and other implements of weaving, and demolished the glass windows of the office where the magistrates were then met for the transacting publick business, by throwing large stones thereat, several of which stones wounded the special constables then in attendance; and in the evening of that day broke open and entirely burnt down the prison then and there being: And, on Tuesday, the 31st of the said month of May, such rioters continued their depredations, and in the evening thereof extorted money from divers peaceable inhabitants of the said town and parish of Rochdale, by gathering themselves together in large bodies, and menacing to burn their houses, factories, mills, &c. and proceeded to such extremities, that the lives of individuals were not only threatened, but in most imminent danger."
June 16.
It will be recollected, that Murat published an amnesty for the pretended crimes of the 2d of May, the day of the insurrection at Madrid; but that amnesty has been declared null by Buonaparte, and 600 Spaniards have been condemned to death by the "Council of Blood," as the French court martial may well be called at Madrid.
The fate of the ci devant queen of Etruria is not a little extraordinary, every sort of subversion. Born a princess of Spain, 1782, daughter of the deposed Charles the 4th, she was married at thirteen years of age to Louis, Prince of Parma. The peace of Lunville, in 1801, made her Queen of Tuscany; or, in the French revolutionary jargon, of Etruria, declared a kingdom by Buonaparte. Her husband dying soon afterwards, she governed that fine portion of Italy, as Regent, during her son's minority. Napoleon then dismissed her from her short-lived sovereignty, and sent her back to her father, in Spain. Scarcely was she arrived in Madrid, than by order of Murat, she and her son, a child of eight years old, were seized, and transferred, as appendages of the Spanish branch of the House of Bourbon, virtually prisoners in France.
Of and concerning princes.—We have to note, that the Duke of Angouleme, who married the daughter of Louis XVI. left Stockholm the last day of May, to proceed to Carlscrone; that his serene highness Frederick George Augustus, landgrave of Hesse, died at Grosserau on the 10th ult. in the 49th year of his age; and that the hereditary Prince of Wittenberg was expected at Munich on the 8th ult. and his marriage with the princess Charlotte of Bavaria was expected to be solemnized on the 10th of the same month.
The emperor of Austria is stated, in several letters which have been received, to be organizing his army, and to have ordered every man in the Austrian territories, capable of bearing arms, to be in readiness to join it. It is also stated, that Buonaparte has made certain demands of the emperor Francis, the object of which is evidently the overthrow of the Austrian government; and that the steps taken by Austria are preparatory to a resistance, which is speedily expected to be necessary to secure herself from total annihilation.
Parliament has lately increased the annual allowance made to Louis XVIII. who is at present at Gosfield, but is shortly expected at Wanstead, on a visit to the prince of Condé. The Duke d'Angouleme is gone to Mittau, in Courland, in order to conduct the wife of Louis XVIII. and Madame Royale, his own wife, from thence to this country.—Those distinguished and unfortunate princesses are to arrive here, if no accidents intervene to prevent it, in August. The last queen of France who visited England, was Mary of Medicis, in 1641. The last princess of France who set her foot in this country, was Henrietta Maria, Dutchess of Orleans, sister of Charles the second, who came over from France to Dover in 1670, where an interview took place between them. She died immediately after her return to St. Cloud, of poison.
Saturday, an order was received by the commissioners for the prisoners of war, at Chatham, to liberate the whole of the Spanish prisoners confined on board the ships of that port.
An order has been received at Plymouth, from the Transport Board, to select from amongst the Spanish prisoners at that port, those belonging to the provinces of Asturias and Galicia. It was put in execution on Monday morning; and there were found at Mill Prison about 1000 prisoners answering the above description, who are immediately to be sent to Spain in transports.
June 17.
Another Spanish nobleman arrived yesterday with
dispatches from the leaders of the Spanish Patriots, assembled at Oviedo. He left Corunna on the 6th inst. at which time Biscay had joined the provinces of Galicia and Asturias. It is estimated that there are not less than 150,000 men in these provinces in arms, regularly embodied, and prepared to resist the French.
Nothing satisfactory has yet been received from our fleet off Cadiz, though various rumours are afloat, said to be brought by captains of vessels.
By the Swedish ship Bosta, arrived at Dover from Charleston, from whence she sailed the 11th ult. we learn, that the American congress have adjourned from the 26th of April to first Monday in November, leaving to the president, by an act passed for that purpose, a discretionary power to continue or suspend the embargo, as circumstances might require. A bill, authorising the president to suspend the non-importation act likewise passed the senate, but was rejected in the house of representatives, where, after a violent debate, a motion for postponing the further consideration of it sine die , was carried by a majority of 58 to 29. All the ships of war belonging to the United States are to be equipped, "to be used as in the opinion of the president the circumstances of the country, and the conduct of foreign powers may require."
Don Diego de la Vega, the colleague of the Viscount De Matterozza, set off on Wednesday for Spain.
At nine o'clock last night general sir Arthur Wellesley left his house, in Harley-street, Cavendish square, to proceed from thence to Dublin, to pay his respects to his excellency the lord lieutenant of Ireland, and take his leave, and from thence to Cork, to join the expedition that is fitting out there for the assistance of the Spaniards. The honourable Fitzroy Stanhope, aid-du-camp to the general, and Capt. Campbell, of his etat major , left London at the same time.
We learn by the ship Thames, arrived from Batavia, that sir Edward Pellew, with two line of battle ships, three frigates, and two brigs, with 1200 troops on board, anchored in the harbour of Gresse, (suppose Ostrant is meant) and took possession of it without opposition. Two Dutch line of battle ships and an East Indian man were scuttled.
House of Lords.—Yesterday, lord Grenville called the attention of the house to the Petition of certain catholics of Dublin, respecting their eligibility to become governors of the bank of Ireland, and after a very excellent speech, moved, "That the question of law, as to the eligibility of catholics under the existing charter, should be referred to the judges for their decision. This was opposed, and a division took place; 33 for, and 94 against it.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
British brig Two Brothers, Vibert, 49 days from Jersey, Ballast, Chipnell, La Serre & Co. Peterborough.
Sch'r Adventure, Robinson, from Alexandria bound to St. Martin's. During the gale last night in the bay, lost an anchor and split her sails; put in to refit.
Ferguson's Packet, 4 days, and Hamilton's 3 days from Baltimore.
DEABLE's Packet will for Baltimore the first fair wind. Aug. 15.
PALMER's Packet will sail for Alexandria on Thursday next. Aug. 15.
FOR RENT.
That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris.
Also,
That commodious House on Catharine-street, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes, 2d. joining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses.
Also,
A very convenient Dwelling-House just finished, on Commerce-street. For terms apply to James Tucker.
Who has in Store,
A few thousand bushels Liverpool stowed SALT, loose and in sacks, that will be delivered in small or large quantities to suit the purchasers. August 15.
FOR CHARLESTON,
The regular Packet PLOUGHBOY, Capt. F. Hall, will sail on Sunday next.—For freight or passage, apply to D. R. Waddey, & Co. August 15.
Ten Dollars Reward
For JEDEDIAH DODGE, Serjeant of the Marine Corps; he deserted a few days ago from Washington, and it is expected will come to Norfolk in some river craft, for the purpose of procuring a passage to the Eastern States—He is 24 years of age, 5 feet 8 1/2 inches high, blue eyes, brown hair, and fair complexion, is slender made, thin visage, and walks stiff and erect.
Edward Hall, Lieut. M. C.
August 15.
Five Cents Reward.
Ranaway from the Subscriber living in Portsmouth, an apprentice Boy named JOSHUA G. KNIGHT, aged 17 years, ab. 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, sturdy built, and dark complexion, well known in Norfolk. Whoever will deliver said boy to me in Portsmouth, shall receive the above reward.
William Forsyth. August 12.
JOHN FENDREY'S Boot and Shoe Manufactory.
No. 70, MAIN-STREET.
The publick are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands.
N. B. Orders for Double Backstraps, single do. and Cossacks, executed with the greatest dispatch. August 1.
Wanted to Purchase.
A few likely young NEGROES, for whom a liberal price in cash will be given. Apply to the Subscriber at the Borough Tavern.
Norman Morrison.

TRIAL OF COMMODORE BARRON.  As soon as a sufficient number of Subscriptions are procured, to defray the cost of the Paper, WILL BE PUBLISHED, AT THE LEDGER OFFICE, NORFOLK, THE WHOLE PROCEEDINGS IN THE TRIALS OF
Commodore JAMES BARRON, Capt. CHARLES GORDON, Commandant of the United States' frigate Chesapeake, JOHN HALL, Esq. Captain of Marines, and WILLIAM HOOK, Gunner.  These Trials will be found highly interesting to the public in general, and to the Officers of the United States' Navy in particular. Every circumstance relative to the important affair, which gave occasion for these Trials, will be found detailed with great exactness; and many official documents which have not yet been published will appear with this work. The interest which the nation has taken in this affair, and the circumstances connected with it, render it unnecessary that the Publisher should offer any remarks upon the value of the work. Officers of the Navy will be greatly interested in having the proceedings of the most important Trials that have occurred in the service.  The Publisher has been favoured with a record of the proceedings; he will pay particular attention to the correct execution of the work, which it is expected will contain from two hundred and fifty to three hundred pages, octavo.
CONDITIONS.  I. The work will be printed on a good fair type, and on good paper.  II. The price to Subscribers will be One Dollar and Seventy-five Cents, in boards, delivered at any place where Subscriptions are received, according to order.  III. The amount of Subscription to be paid on delivery of the Work.  IV. The usual allowance to the trade.  Subscription Papers will be sent in a few days to the principal towns in the United States, of which notice will be given in the papers of those towns. To the Editors of Papers who will give this advertisement a few insertions, the Publisher will be much obliged, and reciprocate whenever they may request it. The Editor of the Publick Ledger.
At a Court held for Northampton County, the 11th day of July, 1808.  Thomas D. Simkins and William Simkins, an infant by Thomas D. Simkins, his guardian, Plaintiffs.  Against Coventon Simkins, John Simkins, John Brickhouse, Junior, and George Lewis, Defendants.  The complainants having filed their bill more than three months, and the court being satisfied that Coventon Simkins one of the defendants, is out of this commonwealth, it is ordered, that the said Coventon Simkins do enter his appearance to this suit on the first day of November Court next, and give security for performing the decree that may be made in this case, or the Court will on that day proceed in the suit in like manner as if an appearance had been entered; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order be posted at the front door of the Court-House of this County, and published in the Publick Ledger for two months successively.  Teste, Thomas L. Savage, Clerk.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.  At a Hastings Court continued and held the 24th day of May, 1808.  Thomas Jones, Compt.  Against Thomas Wright, administrator with the will annexed of Thomas Newton, deceased. Defendant.  The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of the said Borough.  A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
VIRGINIA, to wit:  At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808.  Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs.  Against Mary Selater, widow and devisee for life of John Selater, deceased, Richard and William S. Selater, sons and devisees of the said John Selater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb an infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Selater, deceased, and as executor for the said John, who was executor of Richard Selater, deceased, Defendants.  On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city.  A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
ADVERTISEMENT.  To a Gentleman who has not been seen or heard of by his friends in his native country since March, 1806.  This gentleman may with perfect safety, both as to publick and private concerns impart his situation and place of residence to THE EDITOR OF THIS PAPER, who can give him any information about his family. This advertisement is made by those most interested in him, and the reference may be confided in. The gentleman to whom it is addressed, will know it by these circumstances. He left his native country in March 1806. He was the only surviving son of his father, whose name was Thomas, born 1740 and married M. E. His brother John who was elder than him, had died before His twin sisters were C. & A. of whom the former was dead before 1806. He was born in the parish of B. where the estate of his ancestors is. Educated at I. in the county of R. and taken care of by his aunt Cecilia.  July 15. tf
NOTICE.  The partnership of Wilson, Cunningham & Co. having been dissolved by mutual consent—all those indebted, as well as those who have claims against them, are requested to settle the same with Alexander Wilson or J. B. Cunningham, who are fully authorised to liquidate the business of said concern.  William Pennock, Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.  Norfolk, July 15, 1808.  The business heretofore carried on by the above firm will be continued by the Subscribers, under the firm of Wilson & Cunningham.  Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
DR. ROBERTSON'S Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health.  Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the stomach: also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, severe Gripings, and all other diseases of the bowels, a dose never fails to remove a cold if taken soon after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, removing habitual costiveness, sickens at the stomach, severe head ache, &c. &c.  The following certificates are selected from the many respectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession.  Certificate of Mr. William Julion, carpenter and builder, No. 69, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia.  SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will lay my case before the publick, as an incontrovertible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robertson's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health.  I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which continuing me so much that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained, I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by taking Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business.  I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance from the country, where assistance cannot be immediately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world. I have since recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person with to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure explain it to them by applying to me.  I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM JULION.  MR. DYOTT, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807.
Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water-Street, Philadelphia.  SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, of the most essential service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my stomach, and continual head ache, attended with a sickness at the stomach, which brought on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before. As I consider your medicines to have been the means of saving my life, I solicit you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by abiding by the directions given with your invaluable medicines, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery.  I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES.  MR. DYOTT, Philadelphia, August 1, 1807.
ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES.  Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia.  SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pains in my breast and side, and a sickness at my stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and shall certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint.  I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON.  MR. T. W. DYOTT. August 22.
Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia.  DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I will to you publish the following:  About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which settled on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption must soon have followed, had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is impossible to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most efficacious remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint.  I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE.  MR. DYOTT. November 11.  The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the proprietor, T. W. DYOTT, No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; and by appointment at BONSAL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMIRVELL & CONRAD'S, Peterburg. May 23. lawly
WILLIAM PENNOCK  Has removed his Counting-Room to No. 4, on his own wharf. July 29. tf  CASH given for Rough W. O. hhd. & bbl. STAVES, by A. Maclure. August 5. tf
NORFOLK BOROUGH.  At a Hastings Court continued and held the 25th day of May, 1808.  Cornelius Cruywaggen, Compt.  Against Maritz Boetzels and Moses Myers, Defendants.  The defendant Maritz Boetzels not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is now ordered that the said defendant Maritz Boetzels, do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of said Borough: and it is further ordered, that the defendant Moses Myers who hath effects of the said Maritz Boetzels in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court.  A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars.  April 18. Moses Myers. tf  FOR RENT.  The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
I will give Cash for barrel STAVES for fifteen days from this date. Moses Myers. June 6. tf  The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street tf  FOR RENT.  The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Bianchard. April 7. tf
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Maclure. March 2. tf  Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar.  The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
Richard Jeffrey & Co.  No 66, Main-Street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality.  Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's belt Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c.  They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries.  MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. tf
Fresh Imperial TEA.  Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels old Green Coffee; 25 hhd. old Antigua Rum, 20 hhd. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York; prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26. tf  Two thousand Spanish HIDES, For Sale by William Plume, & Co. June 6. tf
NOTICE.  The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. tf  Hampton, February 17.  For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Mattress Ticking, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26. tf
LABOURERS WANTING.  The President and Directors of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company want to hire for the ensuing season, a number of Hands to work on the Canal; they will be provided with good wholesome food, and the usual quantity of whiskey per diem—liberal wages will be given, and their wages paid at the end of every month. Apply to Richard Blow, William Cammack, or Samuel Proctor, Overseer. May 6. tf
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has established  A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY.  For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those who will be well served who choose to promote an institution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.  New SHOES from New-York, as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 18s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.  Gentlemen's SHOES and PUMPS of many kinds, made in his factory, and in Newark.  VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt elegant—Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very few gentlemen who cannot be fitted.  A few hundred bushels of ground Alum Salt; India Cottons, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash.  A few Casks of Best LONDON PORTER. July 6. tf
Norfolk Drawbridge.  The Directors have declared a dividend of Fifty Six Cents on the Stock of this Company, for the half year ending the 10th inst. which will be paid to the Stockholders or their legal representatives after the 10th August next.  William Cammack, Treasurer. July 13. tf
LANDING  This Day from the Schooner Adventure and brig Eliza, 55 hhds. sup. qual. Muscovado Sugar, 34 do. and 40 quarter casks particular Teneriffe WINE—For Sale by Moses Myers. July 6. tf  1500 sacks SALT, Liverpool filled, 6000 bushels do. loose, and 30 crates Earthenware—For Sale on board the Ship Sachem, by A. Maclure. May 6. tf
We have for SALE on our Wharf, 200 hogsheads MOLASSES, 53 do. superior quality Muscovado Sugars, 37 do. inferior do. 258 bags Guadalupe Coffee; 10 puncheons Rum, 60,000 wt. Jamaica Coffee, in hhd. barrels and bags, 10,000 do. La Vera do. 30 hhd. Raisins, 20 cases superior quality Claret, 6000 bushels Sugar, 6500 do. St. Ubes, 2500 do. Turks-Island, 500 do. coarse Liverpool Salt, 10 pipes old Madeira Wine; 4 do. Country Gin, 50 barrels Rye Whiskey; 10 hhd. Philadelphia Porter, 1 new 14 inch Cable 120 fathoms. C. & F. Whittle. July 13. tf
The Subscriber is disposed to Contract for a quantity of BRICKS and LIME. Terms will be made known on application to John Saunders, Ast. M. Agent tf  Fort Nelson, June 17.
NOTICE.  The Copartnership of RICHARD POWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Powden, Richard Drummond. February 2. tf  Phoenix Fire Office.  The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Provisions hereunto subjoined.  N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8. tf
FOR SALE, 30,000 acres valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana—Particulars with regard to local advantages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to purchasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS TUNNO, in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER, in Savannah. Feb. 8. tawtf  NOTICE.  The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8. tf
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 19. tf  Mackinder & White, Have just received from on board the Schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ficklenburgs, superior Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for Cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 15. tf
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz—    8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2d lb.  6d. Nails, 9 1-2d    4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d  3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d    3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d  Sheathing, 7 1-2d    Sheathing, 7 1-2d  6d Sprigs, 4s 6d per M.    6d Sprigs, 4s 6d per M.  2d. and 3d. do. 2s. 3d    2d. and 3d. do. 2s. 3d  He offers also for cash only—    HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Scaman.
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.  NORFOLK:  PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.