Gazette of the United States. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1796-05-24 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States
NUMBER 1157.
PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY EVENING MAY 24, 1796.
[VOLUME IX.]
FOR HAMBURGH, The Danish Brigantine Den Nye Pröve, PETER HANSEN, Master...
For SALE, or CHARTER, THE SNOW BOSTON, BURTHEN about 2000 Bils...
For LONDON, The fine new copper-bottomed Ship Mount Vernon, BURTHEN about 412 tons...
For Kingston, in Jamaica, The ship Dominick Terry, Will sail in twelve days...
For LONDON, THE SHIP ATLANTIC, SILAS SWAIN, Commander, WILL sail on or about the 1st of May...
For SALE, The Copper Bottomed Ship LADY LOUISA, WITH all her materials, as she came from sea...
For BRISTOL, THE NEW SHIP PHILADELPHIA, Tuzoouaz Buiss, Master, WILL take Goods on Freight...
Just Arrived, And for sale in the Sloop TWO BROTHERS, Samuel Marchant, master, a quantity of Tar, Pitch, and Indigo...
Also for Sale, The laid Sloop, Berthen about 400 Barrels, SHE is a good strong vessel...
For sale or charter, The Sloop Betsey, JOHN DAWKINS, Master, BURTHEN about 800 barrels...
To-Morrow will be landed, At wharf, from on board of the Brig Lavinia, Captain Charlock, from Lisbon, Best Lisbon WINE...
40 Fhds. Good Jamaica Sugar. The Partnership of George Kennard & Co. OFF Creek, being this day dissolved...
Edward Stow, Jun. HAS for sale, at his Store, No. 41, South Water-street, MADEIRA, SHERRY, and PORT...
For Sale, A Three Story BRICK HOUSE and Lot, in Chestnut Street, between Front and Second Streets...
Landing, From on board the Brig Abigail, from Liverpool, EARTHEN WARE, in Crates; and A quantity of COAL...
Landing, At Russell's wharf, the CARGO of the Ship Lady Louisa, James Cooper, master, from China...
FOR SALE By MORDECAI LEWIS, The remains of the Cargo by the Pignon, from Canton, viz. WIDE and narrow Nankeens...
John Miller, jun. & Co. No. 8 Chestnut Street, Have received by the Ship BIRMINGHAM PACKET, From Calcutta, 160 Bales of Bengal Goods...
GEORGE DOBSON, BEGS leave to inform the Store-keepers in Town and Country, that he has removed from Market-Street to No. 25, South Third-street...
For Sale, A Few Casks of First Quality INDIGO, Enquire at No. 71, South Water-street.
John Miller, jun. & Co. No. 8 Chestnut-street, Have imported in the late vessel from Europe, A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF SPRING GOODS...
By an Artist resident at Mr. Oellers's, MINIATURE LIKENESSES ARE taken and executed in that elegant and delicate style...
Just Arrived, In the Snow Boston, James Kirkpatrick, master from Liverpool, 5000 Bushels SALT; 100 Crates QUEENS WARE...
Respectfully informs the Gentlemen Merchants, that he has this day opened the CITY TAVERN and MERCHANTS COFFEE HOUSE in the city of Philadelphia...
WANTED, ON Loan, for two or three years—2000 Dollars for which a mortgage on Land will be given as security...
George Bringham, COACH & HARNESS MAKER, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public, that he has removed from Arch-street, to No. 23 in north Fifth-street...
CHINA GOODS. THE Ship ATLANTIC, Silas Swaine, Commander, from Canton, will commence the discharge of her cargo to-morrow morning at Walnut-street wharf...
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. ABSCONDED, on the night of Thursday last, the 7th inst. BOSTON MURRAY, a black indented for want of 18 or 19 years of age...
30 Pipes Cogniac Brandy, Corks, in bales, and Howard Gin, in pipes. For Sale by Benjamin W. Morris.
Advertisement. WE the subscribers, Commissioners appointed by law to take subscriptions for the Gap, Newport, and Wilmington Turnpike Road, do hereby give notice...
New Hat and Hosiery Store, WHOLESALE and RETAIL, By WILLIAM M'DOUGALL, No. 134 Market-street, 3d door from the corner of Fourth, South side.
Washington Canal Lottery, No. 1. WHEREAS the State of Maryland has authorised the undersigned, to raise twenty-five thousand two hundred and fifty dollars, for the purpose of cutting a Canal through the City of Washington...
Knox, Henderson & Co. No. 46, North Front Street, HAVE imported in the ships Liberty, Concord and Adriana, from London, a fresh supply of Goods fitted to the season—consisting of A beautiful assortment of Cottons, Calicoes, and Chintzes...
This Day is published, At the author's Book-Store, corner of Front and Walnut Streets, Volume I. of A Description of Spanish St. Domingo, Translated from the French of M. L. F. MOREAU DE ST. MERY...
Wanted, For the accommodation of a private Family, A SMALL HOUSE, situated in some airy street, within the limits of the city. Any person having such a one to let, and can give possession before the middle of June next...
TO BE SOLD, A NEAT three story Brick House, almost new, situate on the fourth side of Filbert, midway between Ninth and Tenth Streets. For terms apply at No. 71, North Water Street.
Imported, In the ship Birmingham Packet, from Calcutta, and for sale by the Package, by Samuel & Miers Fisher, Tandah Coffees, Bahia Hankerchiefs, Humhums, Emteries, Bandanas...
Wines, A general assortment of Irish Linens, Received per ship Glasgow, from Dublin, by the package.

MR. AMES'S SPEECH.
In the House of Representatives of the United States, Thursday, April 28. 1796.
I entertain the hope, perhaps a rash one, that my strength will hold me out to speak a few minutes.
In my judgment, a right decision will depend more on the temper and manner in which we may prevail upon ourselves to contemplate the subject, than upon the development of any profound political principles, or any remarkable skill in the application of them—If we could succeed to neutralize our inclinations, we should find less difficulty than we have to apprehend in surmounting all our objections.
The suggestion, a few days ago, that the house manifested symptoms of heat and irritation, was made and retorted as if the charge ought to create surprise, and would convey reproach. Let us be more just to ourselves, and to the occasion. Let us not affect to deny the existence and the intrusion of some portion of prejudice and feeling into the debate, when from the very structure of our nature we ought to anticipate the circumstance as a probability, and when we are admonished by the evidence of our senses that it is a fact.
How can we make professions for ourselves, and offer exhortations to the house, that no influence should be felt but that of duty, and no guide respected but that of the understanding, while the zeal to rally every passion of man is continually singing in our ears!
Our understandings have been addressed, it is true, and with ability and effect: but, I demand, has any corner of the heart been left unexplored? It has been ranacked to find auxiliary arguments, and, when that attempt failed, to awaken the sensibilities that would require none.—Every prejudice and feeling has been summoned to listen to some peculiar style of address; and yet we seem to believe, and to consider a doubt as an affront, that we are strangers to any influence but that of unbiased reason.
It would be strange that a subject which has roused in turn all the passions of the country should be discussed without the interference of any of our own. We are men, and therefore not exempt from those passions—citizens and representatives, we feel the interests that must excite them. The hazard of great interests cannot fail to agitate strong passions: we are not disinterested—it is impossible we should be dispassionate. The warmth of such feelings may becloud the judgment, and, for a time, pervert the understanding.—But the public sensibility and our own, has sharpened the spirit of enquiry, and given an animation to the debate. The public attention has been quickened to mark the progress of the discussion, and its judgment, often hasty and erroneous on first impressions, has become solid and enlightened at last. Our result will, I hope, on that account, be the safer and more mature, as well as more accordant with that of the nation. The only constant agents in political affairs are the passions of men. Shall we complain of our nature—shall we say that man ought to have been made otherwise. It is right already, because it is from whom we derive our nature, ordained it so—and because thus made and thus acting, the cause of truth and the public good is the more surely promoted.
But an attempt has been made to produce an influence of a nature more stubborn and more unfriendly to truth. It is very unfairly pretended that the constitutional right of this house is at stake, and to be asserted and preserved only by a vote in the negative. We hear it said that this is a struggle for liberty, a manly resistance against the design to nullify this assembly, and to make it a cypher in the government. That the President and Senate, the numerous meetings in our cities, and the influence of the general alarm of the country, are the agents and instruments of a scheme of coercion and terror, to force the treaty down our throats, though we loathe it, and in spite of the clearest convictions of duty and conscience.
It is necessary to pause here and enquire, whether suggestions of this kind be not unfair in their very texture and fabric, and pernicious in all their influences: They oppose an obstacle in the path of enquiry, not simply discouraging, but absolutely insurmountable. They will not yield to argument; for, as they were not reasoned up, they cannot be reasoned down. They are higher than a Chinese wall in truth's way, and built of materials that are indestructible. While this remains, it is vain to argue; it is vain to say to this mountain, be thou cast into the sea. For, I ask of the men of knowledge of the world, whether they would not hold him for a blockhead that should hope to prevail in an argument whose scope and object it is to mortify the self love of the expected proselyte? I ask further, when such attempts have been made, have they not failed of success? The indignant heart repels a conviction that is believed to debate it.
The self love of an individual is not warmer in its sense, nor more constant in its action, than what is called in French, L'Esprit de Corps , or the self love of an assembly; that jealous affection which a body of men is always found to bear towards its own prerogatives and power. I will not condemn this passion. Why should we urge an unmeaning censure, or yield to groundless fears that truth and duty will be abandoned, because men in a public assembly are full men, and feel that spirit of corps which is one of the laws of their nature? Still less should we despond or complain, if we reflect that this very spirit is a guardian instinct that watches over the life of this assembly. It cherishes the principle of self preservation—and without its existence, and its existence with all the strength we see it possesses, the privileges of the representatives of the people, and mediately the liberty of the people, would not be guarded, as they are, with a vigilance that never sleeps, and an unrelaxing constancy and courage.
If the consequences most unfairly attributed to the vote in the affirmative were not chimerical, and worse, for they are deceptive, I should think it a reproach to be found even moderate in my zeal to assert the constitutional powers of this assembly;
and whenever they shall be in real danger, the present occasion affords proof that there will be no want of advocates and champions.
Indeed to prompt are these feelings, and when once roused, so difficult to quiet, that if we could prove the alarm was groundless, the prejudice against the appropriations may remain on the mind, and it may even pass for an act of prudence and duty to negative a measure which was lately believed by ourselves, and may hereafter be misconceived by others, to encroach upon the powers of the house. Principles that bear a remote affinity with usurpation on those powers, will be rejected, not merely as errors, but as wrongs. Our sensibilities will shrink from a post where it is possible they may be wounded, and be inflamed by the slightest suspicion of an insult.
While these propensities remain, all arguments are useless; it may be heard without the ceremony of argument, and lavish its own resources and the patience of the house to no manner of purpose. The mind will remain closed to the understanding.
Unless therefore this jealousy of the rights of the house can be allayed, we will not sit in hearing.
I cannot press this topic too far—I cannot address myself with too much emphasis to the magnanimity and candor of those who sit here, to suspend their own feelings, and, while they do, to examine the grounds of their alarm. I repeat it, we must conquer our persuasion that this body has an interest in one side of the question more than the other, before we attempt to surmount our objections. On most subjects, and solemn ones too, perhaps in the most solemn of all, we form our creed more from inclination than evidence.
Let me expostulate with gentlemen to admit, if it be only by way of supposition and for a moment, that it is barely possible they have yielded too suddenly to their alarms for the powers of this house—that the addresses which have been made with such variety of forms and with so great dexterity in some of them, to all that is prejudice and passion in the heart, are either the effects or the instruments of artifice and deception, and then let them see the subject once more in its singleness and simplicity.
It will be impossible, on taking a fair review of the subject, to justify the passionate appeals that have been made to us to struggle for our liberties and rights, and the solemn exhortations to reject the proposition, laid to be concealed in that on your table to render them forever. In spite of this mock solemnity, I demand, if the house will not concur in the measure to execute the treaty, what other course shall we take? How many ways of proceeding lie open before us!
In the nature of things there are but three—we are either to make the treaty—to observe it—or break it. It would be absurd to say we will do neither. If I may repeat a phrase already so much abused, we are under coercion to do one of them, and we have no power, by the exercise of our discretion, to prevent the consequences of a choice.
By refusing to act, we choose. The treaty will be broken and must fall to the ground. Where is the finess then of replying to those who urge upon the house the topics of duty and policy, that they attempt to force the treaty down, and to compel this assembly to renounce its discretion, and to degrade itself to the rank of a blind and passive instrument in the hands of the treaty-making power. In case we reject the appropriation, we do not secure any greater liberty of action, we gain no safer shelter than before from the consequences of the decision. Indeed they are not to be evaded. It is neither just nor many to complain that the treaty-making power has produced this coercion that it is the nature of things that compels. Shall we, dreading to become the blind instruments of power, yield ourselves the blind dupes of mere sounds of imposture? Yet that word, that empty word, coercion , has given scope to an eloquence, that one would imagine, could not be tired, and did not cease to be quieted.
Let us examine still more in detail the alternatives that are before us, and we shall hardly fail to see in still stronger lights the futility of our apprehensions for the power and liberty of the house.
If, as some have suggested, the thing called a Treaty, is incomplete, if it has no binding force or obligation, the first question is, will this house complete the instrument, and by concurring, impart to it that force which it wants.
The doctrine has been avowed, that the treaty, so formally ratified by the executive power of both nations, though published as a Law for our own by the President's proclamation, is still a mere proposition submitted to this assembly, no way distinguishable in point of authority or obligation from a motion for leave to bring in a bill, or any other original act of ordinary legislation. This doctrine, so novel in our country, yet so dear to many, precisely for the reason that in the contention for power, victory is always dear, is obviously repugnant to the very terms as well as the fair interpretation of our own resolutions (Mr. Blount's.) We declare that the treaty-making power is exclusively vested in the President and Senate, and not in this house. Need I say that we fly in the face of that resolution when we pretend that the acts of that power are not valid until we have concurred in them? It would be nonsense, or worse, to use the language of the most glaring contradiction, and to claim a share in a power which was at the same time disclaim as exclusively vested in other departments. What can be more strange than to say, that the compacts of the President and Senate with foreign nations are treaties, without our agency, and yet those compacts want all power and obligation until they are sanctioned by our concurrence? It is not my design in this place, if at all, to go into the discussion of this part of the subject. I will, at least for the present, take it for granted that this monstrous opinion stands in little need of remark, and if it does, lies almost out of the reach of refutation.
But, say those who hide the absurdity under ambiguous phrases, have we no discretion?—And if we have, are we not to make use of it in judging of the expediency or inexpediency of the treaty? Our resolution claims this privilege, and we cannot surrender it without equal inconsistency and breach of duty.
If there be any inconsistency in the case, it lies, not in making the appropriations for the treaty, but in the resolution itself (Mr. Blount's.) Let us examine it more nearly. A treaty is a bargain between nations, binding in good faith: and what makes a bargain? The assent of the contracting parties. We allow that the treaty power is not in this house, this house has no share in contracting, and is not a party: of consequence the President and Senate alone, may make a treaty that is binding in good faith. We claim, however, lay the gentlemen, a right to judge of the expediency of treaties—that is (the conditional) if we have discretion. Be it so. What follows? Treaties, when adjudged by us to be inexpedient, laid on the ground, extravagant as it may seem, is asserted. The amount of it, in plainer language, is this—the President and Senate are to make national bargains, and if they do not bind this house, and of inevitable consequence, do not bind the nation. When a national bargain called a treaty is made, its binding force does not depend upon the making , but upon our opinion that it is good. As our opinion on the matter can be known and declared only by ourselves, when sitting in our legislative capacity, the treaty, though ratified, and, as we abuse
to term it, made , is hung up in suspense, till our sense is ascertained. We condemn the bargain, and it falls, though, as we say, our faith does not. We approve a bargain as expedient, and it stands firm, and binds the nation. Yet, even in this latter case, its force is plainly not derived from the ratification by the treaty-making power, but from our approbation. Who will trace these inferences and pretend that we have no share, according to the argument, in the treaty-making power? These opinions, nevertheless, have been advocated with infinite zeal and perseverance. Is it possible that any man can be hardy enough to avow them and their ridiculous consequences?
It is not to suppose that the treaty is considered already made, and then the alternative is fair, whether we will observe it. This in fact is the naked
question. Whatever is stipulated to be done by the nation, must be complied with. Our agency, if it should be requisite, cannot be properly refused. And I do not see why it is not as obligatory a rule of conduct for the legislative as for the courts of law.
I cannot lose this opportunity to remark, that the coercion , so much dreaded and declaimed against, appears at length to be no more than the authority of principles, the despotism of duty. Gentlemen complain we are forced to act in this way—we are forced to swallow the treaty. It is very true, unless we claim the liberty of abuse, the right to act as we ought not. There is but one right way open for us, the laws of morality and good faith have fenced up every other. What sort of liberty is that which we presume to exercise against the authority of those laws? It is for tyrants to complain that principles are restraints, and that they have no liberty so long as their despotism has limits. These principles will be unfolded by examining the remaining question.
SHALL WE BREAK THE TREATY?
The Treaty is bad, fatally bad, is the cry. It sacrifices the interest, the honor, the independence of the United States, and the faith of our engagements to France. If we listen to the clamor of party intemperance, the evils are of a number not to be counted, and of a nature not to be borne, even in idea. The language of passion and exaggeration may silence that of sober reason in other places, it has not done it here. The question here is, whether the treaty be really so very fatal as to oblige the nation to break its faith. I admit that such a treaty ought not to be executed. I admit that self preservation is the first law of society, as well as of individuals. It would perhaps be deemed an abuse of terms to call that a treaty which violates such a principle. I wave also, for the present, any enquiry what departments shall represent the nation, and annul the stipulations of a Treaty. I content myself with pursuing the enquiry, whether the nature of this compact be such as to justify our refusal to carry it into effect. A treaty is the promise of a nation. Now, promises do not always bind him that makes them.
But I lay down two rules which ought to guide us in this case: The treaty must appear to be bad not only in the petty details, but in its character prima facie and mass. And in the next place, this ought to be ascertained by the decided and general concurrence of the enlightened public. I confess there seems to me something very like ridicule thrown over the debate by the discussion of the articles in detail.
The undecided point is, shall we break our faith? And while our country, and enlightened Europe, await the issue with more than curiosity, we are employed to gather piecemeal and article by article from the instrument, a justification for the deed by trivial calculations of commercial profit and loss. This is little worthy of the subject, of this body, or of the nation. If the treaty is bad, it will appear to be so in its mass. Evil to a fatal extreme, if that be its tendency, requires no proof—it brings it. Extremes speak for themselves and make their own law. What if the direct voyage of American ships to Jamaica with horses or lumber might net one or two per cent more than the present, trade to Surinam, would the proof of the fact avail anything in so grave a question as the violation of the public engagements?
It is vain to allege that our faith plighted to France is violated by this new treaty. Our prior treaties are expressly saved from the operation of the British treaty. And what do those mean who say that our honor was forfeited by treating at all, and especially by such a treaty? Justice, the laws and practice of nations, a just regard for peace as a duty to mankind, and the known wishes of our citizens, as well as that self respect which required it of the nation to act with dignity and moderation, all these forbid an appeal to arms before we had tried the effect of negotiation. The honor of the United States was saved not forfeited by treating. The treaty itself by its stipulations for the post, for indemnity, and for a due observation of our neutral rights, has justly raised the character of the nation. Never did the name of America appear in Europe with more lustre than upon the event of ratifying this instrument. The fact is of a nature to overcome all contradiction.
But the independence of the country—we are colonists aga ... This is the cry of the very men who tell us that France will resent our exercise of the rights of an independent nation to adjust our wrongs with an aggressor, without giving her the opportunity to lay those wrongs shall subsist and shall not be adjusted. This is an admirable specimen of the spirit of independence. The treaty with Great Britain, it cannot be denied, is unfavorable to this strange sort of independence.
There is a reputation for sense, among those who say the treaty is bad, will put that reputation to a most signal hazard as to pretend that it is so extremely bad as to warrant and require a violation of the public faith. The proper ground of the controversy, therefore, is really unoccupied by the opponents of the treaty: as the very hinge of the debate is on the point not of its being good or otherwise, but whether it is intolerable and fatally pernicious. If loose and ignorant declaimers have any where asserted the latter idea, it is too extravagant
and too solidly refuted, to be repeated here. Instead of any attempt to expose it still further, I will say, and I appeal with confidence to the candor of many opponents of the treaty to acknowledge, that if it had been permitted to go into operation silently, like our other treaties, so little alteration of any sort would be made by it in the great mass of our commercial and agricultural concerns, that it would not be generally discovered by its effects, to be in force, during the term for which it was contracted. I place considerable reliance on the weight men of candor will give to this remark, because I believe it to be true, and little short of undeniable. When the panic dread of the treaty shall cease, as it certainly must, it will be seen through another medium. Those who shall make search into the articles for the cause of their alarms will be so far from finding stipulations that will operate fatally, they will discover few of them that will have any lasting operation at all. Those which relate to the disputes between the two countries, will spend their force upon the subjects in dispute, and extinguish them. The commercial articles are more of a nature to confirm the existing state of things, than to change it. The treaty alarm was purely an address to the imagination and prejudices of the citizens, and not on that account the less formidable. Objections that proceed upon error in fact or calculation, may be traced and exposed. But such as are drawn from the imagination, or addressed to it, elude definition, and return to domineer over the mind, after having been banished from it by truth.
I will not so far abuse the momentary strength that is lent to me by the zeal of the occasion, as to enlarge upon the commercial operation of the treaty.
I proceed to the second proposition which I have stated as indispensably requisite to a refusal of the performance of a treaty. Will the state of public opinion justify the deed?
No government, not even a despotism, will break its faith without some pretext—and it must be plausible—it must be such as will carry the public opinion along with it. Reasons of policy, if not of morality, dissuade even Turkey and Algiers from breaches of treaty in mere wantonness of perfidy, in open contempt of the reproaches of their subjects. Surely, a popular government will not proceed more arbitrarily as it is more free, nor with less shame or scruple in proportion as it has better morals. It will not proceed against the faith of treaties at all, unless the strong and decided sense of the nation shall pronounce, not simply that the treaty is not advantageous, but that it ought to be broken and annulled. Such a plain manifestation of the sense of the citizens is indispensably requisite, first, because if the popular apprehensions be not an infallible criterion of the disadvantages of the instrument, their acquiescence in the operation of it is an irrefragable proof that the extreme case does not exist which alone could justify our setting it aside.
In the next place, this approving opinion of the citizens is requisite as the best preventive of the ill consequences of a measure always to be delectable, and often so hazardous. Individuals would, in that case at least, attempt to repeal the opprobrium that would be thrown upon Congress by those who will charge it with perfidy. They would give weight to the testimony of facts, and the authority of principles, on which the government would rest its vindication. And if war should ensue upon the violation, our citizens would not be divided from their government, nor the ardour of their courage chilled by the consciousness of injustice, and the sense of humiliation, that sense which makes those despicable who know they are despicable.
I add a third reason, and with me it has a force that no words of mine can augment, that a government wantonly refusing to fulfill its engagements, is the corrupter of its citizens. Will the laws continue to prevail in the hearts of the people, when the respect that gives them efficacy is withdrawn from the legislators? How shall we punish vice while we practice it? We have not force, and vain will be our reliance when we have forfeited the resources of opinion. To weaken government, and to corrupt morals are effects of a breach of faith not to be prevented—and from effects they become causes, producing with augmented activity, more disorder and more corruption—order will be disturbed and the life of the public liberty shortened.
And who, I would enquire, is hardy enough to pretend that the public voice demands the violation of the treaty? The evidence of the sense of the great mass of the nation is often equivocal. But when was it ever manifested with more energy and precision than at the present moment? The voice of the people is raised against the measure of refusing the appropriations. If gentlemen should urge, nevertheless, that all this sound of alarm is a counterfeited expression of the sense of the public, I will proceed to other proofs. Is the treaty ruinous to our commerce? What has blinded the eyes of the merchants and traders? Surely they are not enemies to trade, nor ignorant of their own interests. Their sense is not so liable to be mistaken as that of a nation, and they are almost unanimous. The articles stipulating the redress of our injuries by captures on the sea are said to be delusive. By whom is this said? the very men whose fortunes are staked upon the competency of that redress say no such thing. They wait with anxious fear lest you should annul that compact on which all their hopes are reared.
Thus we offer proof, little short of absolute demonstration, that the voice of our country is raised not to sanction, but to deprecate, the nonperformance of our engagements. It is not the nation, it is one, and but one, branch of the government that proposes to reject them. With this aspect of things, to reject is an act of desperation.
I shall be asked why a treaty so good in some articles, and so harmless in others, has met with such unrelenting opposition? And how the clamors against it from New Hampshire to Georgia can be accounted for? The apprehensions so extensively diffused, on its first publication, will be vouched as proof that the treaty is bad, and that the people hold it in abhorrence.
I am not embarrassed to find the answer to this insinuation. Certainly a foresight of its pernicious operation could not have evaded all the canals

were felt or affected. The alarm spread faster than the publication of the treaty. There were more critics than readers. Besides, as the subject was examined, those fears have subsided.
The movements of passion are quicker than those of the understanding. We are to search for the causes of first impressions, not in the articles of this obnoxious and misrepresented instrument, but in the state of the public feeling.
The fervor of the revolution war had not entirely cooled, nor its controversies ceased; before the sensibilities of our citizens were quickened with a fresh vivacity by a new and extraordinary subject of irritation. One of the two great nations of Europe underwent a change which has attracted all our wonder, and interested all our sympathies. Whatever they did, the zeal of many went with them, and often went to excess. These impressions met with much to inflame, and nothing to restrain them. In our newspapers, in our feasts, and some of our elections, enthusiasm was admitted a merit, a test of patriotism, and that made it contagious.
In the opinion of party, we could not love or hate enough. I dare to say, in spite of all the obloquy it may provoke, we were extravagant in both. It is my right to avow that passions so impetuous, enthusiasm so wild, could not subsist without disturbing the sober exercise of reason, without putting at risk the peace and precious interests of our country. They were hazarded. I will not exhaust the little breath I have left to say, how much, nor by whom, or by what means they were rescued from the sacrifice. Shall I be called upon to offer my proofs? they are here; they are everywhere. No one has forgotten the proceedings of 1794. * No one has forgotten the captures of our vessels, and the imminent danger of war. The nation thirsted not merely for reparation but vengeance. Suffering such wrongs and agitated by such sentiments, was it in the power of any words of compact, or could any parchment with its seals prevail at once to tranquillize the people? It was impossible. Treaties in England are seldom popular, and least of all when the stipulations of amity succeed to the bitterness of hatred. Even the best treaty, though nothing be refused, will chock resentment, but not satisfy it. Every treaty is as sure to disappoint extravagant expectations as to disarm extravagant passions. Of the latter, hatred is one that takes no bribes. They who are animated by the spirit of revenge, will not be quieted by the possibility of profit.
Why do they complain that the West Indies are not laid open? Why do they lament that any restriction is stipulated on the commerce of the East Indies? Why do they pretend that if they reject this, and insist upon more, more will be accomplished? Let us be explicit—more would not satisfy.—If all was granted, would not a treaty of amity with Britain still be obnoxious? Have we not this instant heard it urged against our Envoy, that he was not ardent enough in his hatred of Great Britain? A treaty of amity is condemned because it was not made by a foe, and in the spirit of one.—The same gentleman at the instant repeats a very prevailing objection, that no treaty should be made with the enemy of France. No treaty, exclaim others, should be made with a monarch or a despot. There will be no naval security while those sea robbers dominate on the ocean. Their den must be destroyed. That nation must be extirpated.
I like this, fir, because it is honesty. With feelings such as these, we do not pant for treaties.—Such passions seek nothing, and will be content with nothing but the destruction of their object.—If a treaty left king George his island, it would not answer—not if he stipulated to pay rent for it. It has been said the world ought to rejoice if Britain was sunk in the sea—if where there are now men and wealth and laws and liberty, there was no more than a sand bank for the sea monsters to fatten on; a space for the storms of the ocean to mingle in conflict.
I object nothing to the good sense or humanity of all this. I yield the point that this is a proof that the age of reason is in progress. Let it be philanthropy, let it be patriotism, if you will, but it is no indication that any Treaty would be approved. The difficulty is not to overcome the objections to the terms; it is to restrain the repugnance to any stipulations of amity with the party.
Having alluded to the rival of Great Britain, I am not unwilling to explain myself. I affect no concealment, and I have practised none. While those two great nations agitate all Europe with
Soon after France declared war against England, citizen Genet (whose civil war against the revolution that had just been effected at Geneva) was dispatched to the United States for the purpose, as appears by his instructions, of engaging them to take part in the war, and in case the Government, from motives of prudence, and a desire to remain in peace, could not be enlisted, the people were to be stirred up, and by a revolutionary process, plunged into a contest which has done more injury to the morals and happiness of nations than all the wars of the last century.
Citizen Genet, perceiving that the success of his mission could only be expected from a revolutionary movement of the people, commenced his operations at the place of his landing, and by his own agency and that of his partisans, every popular passion was inflamed, and every convenient means employed through all the states, to produce distrust and confusion among our citizens, and a disorganization of our government. It must be in the recollection of all, that during the disgraceful contest between this foreign agent and our Executive, the public opinion for a time hung doubtful and undecided—to the honor of our country, virtue and good sense ultimately triumphed over this in- cendiary.
The revolutionary labours of the citizen Genet were performed in the spring and summer of 1793. His designs were probably early known in England; and the spirit and hostility towards that country which during this season appeared throughout the United States, in other with the numerous equipments in our ports, and privateers under French commissions, most naturally have produced an opinion in the British Cabinet, that the United States would ultimately engage in the war on the side of France. The orders of the 6th November, and the speech of Lord Dorchester to the Indians, are more satisfactorily accounted for by supposing the existence of this opinion in England, than by the extravagant supposition that has so often been made, that they mediated war against the United States, because our citizens were free and our government a republic.
their quarrels, they will both equally desire, and with any chance of success, equally endeavour to create an influence in America. Each will exert all its arts to range our strength on its own side. How is this to be effected? Our government is a democratical republic. It will not be disposed to pursue a system of politics, in subservience to either France or England, in opposition to the general wishes of the citizens; and, if Congress should adopt such measures, they would not be pursued long, nor with much success. From the nature of our Government, popularity is the instrument of foreign influence. Without it, all is labor and disappointment. With that mighty auxiliary, foreign intrigue finds agents, not only volunteers, but competitors for employment, and any thing like reluctance is understood to be a crime. Has Britain this means of influence? Certainly not. If her gold could buy adherents, their becoming such would deprive them of all political power and importance. They would not wield popularity as a weapon, but would fall under it. Britain has no influence, and for the reasons just given, can have none. She has enough—and God forbid she ever should have more. France, possessed of popular enthusiasm, of party attachments, has had, and still has, too much influence on our politics—any foreign influence is too much and ought to be destroyed. I detest the man and disdain the spirit, that can bend to a mean subservency to the views of any nation. It is enough to be Americans. That character comprehends our duties, and ought to engross our attachments.
But I would not be misunderstood. I would not break the alliance with France—I would not have the connection between the two countries even a cold one. It should be cordial and sincere, but I would banish that influence, which by acting on the passions of the citizens, may acquire a power over the government.
It is no bad proof of the merit of the Treaty that, under all these unfavorable circumstances, it should be so well approved. In spite of first impressions, in spite of misrepresentation and party clamor, equity has multiplied its advocates—and at last the public sentiment appears to me clearly preponderating to its side.
On the most careful review of the several branches of the Treaty—those which respect political arrangements, the stipulations on our trade, and the regulation of commerce, there is little to be apprehended. The evil, aggravated as it is by party, is little in degree, and short in duration—two years from the end of the European war. I ask, and I would ask the question significantly, what are the inducements to reject the Treaty? What great object is to be gained, and fairly gained by it? If, however, as to the merits of the Treaty, candor should suspend its approbation, what is there to hold patriotism a moment in balance as to the violation of it? Nothing—I repeat confidently nothing. There is nothing before us in that event but confusion and dishonor.
But before I attempt to develop those consequences, I must put myself at ease by some explanation.
Nothing is worse received among men than the confutation of their opinions—and, of these, none are more dear or more vulnerable than their political opinions. To say that a proposition leads to shame and ruin, is almost equivalent to a charge that the supporters of it intend to produce them. I throw myself upon the magnanimity and candor of those who hear me. I cannot do justice to my subject without exposing as forcibly as I can all the evils in prospect. I readily admit that in every science, and most of all in politics, error springs from other sources than the want of sense or integrity. I despise indiscriminate professions of candor and respect. There are individuals opposed to me of whom I am not bound to say any thing. But of many, perhaps of a majority of the opposers of the appropriations, it gives me pleasure to declare they possess my confidence and regard. There are among them individuals for whom I entertain a cordial affection.
The consequences of refusing to make provision for the Treaty are not all to be foreseen. By rejecting, vast interests are committed to the sport of the winds. Chance becomes the arbiter of events, and it is forbidden to human foresight to count their number, or measure their extent. Before we resolve to leap into this abyss, to dark and so profound, it becomes us to pause and reflect upon such of the dangers as are obvious and inevitable. If this assembly should be wrought into a temper to defy these consequences, it is vain, it is deceptive to pretend that we can escape them. It is worse than weakness to say, that as to public faith our vote has already settled the question. Another tribunal than our own is already erected. The public opinion, not merely of our own country, but of the enlightened world, will pronounce a judgment that we cannot resist, that we dare not even affect to despise.
Well may I urge it to men who know the worth of character, that it is no trivial calamity to have it contested. Refusing to do what the Treaty stipulates shall be done, opens the controversy. Even if we should stand justified at last, a character that is vindicated is something worse than it stood before, unquestioned and unquestionable. Like the plaintiff in an action of slander, we recover a reputation disfigured by invective, and even tarnished by too much handling. In the combat for the honour of the nation, it may receive some wounds which, though they should heal, will leave scars. I need not say, for surely the feelings of every bosom have anticipated, that we cannot guard this sense of national honour, this everliving fire which alone keeps patriotism warm in the heart, with a sensibility too vigilant and jealous.
If, by executing the Treaty, there is no possibility of dishonour, and if, by rejecting, there is some foundation for doubt and for reproach, it is not for me to measure, it is for your own feelings to estimate, the vast distance that divides the one side of the alternative from the other.
If therefore we should enter on the examination of the question of duty and obligation with some feelings of prepossession, I do not hesitate to say, they are such as we ought to have—it is an after
enquiry to determine whether they are such as ought finally to be resisted.
The resolution (Mr. Blount's) is less explicit than the Constitution. Its patrons should have made it more so, if possible, if they had any doubts or meant the public should entertain none. Is it the sense of that vote, as some have intimated, that we claim a right for any cause or no cause at all, but our own sovereign will and pleasure, to refuse to execute, and thereby to annul the stipulations of a Treaty? That we have nothing to regard but the expediency or inexpediency of the measure, being absolutely free from all obligation, by compact or otherwise, is ruled by being avowed. There are words in the resolution that would not convey the sense of the resolution. It would be a most monstrous, so far as it respects the tenth century to be believed, that a country of a Papal council should be in a position to be impossible. No less impossible, that we should desire to assert the scandalous privilege of being free after we have pledged our honour.
It is doing injustice to the resolution of the house (which I dislike on many occasions) to strain the interpretation of it to this extravagance. The Treaty-making power is declared by it to be vested exclusively in the President and Senate. Will any man in his senses affirm, that it can be a Treaty before it has any binding force or obligation? If it has no binding force upon us, it has none upon Great Britain. Let candor answer, is Great Britain free from any obligation to deliver the Polls in June, and are we willing to signify to her that we think so. Is it with that nation, a question of mere expediency or inexpediency to do it, and that too, even after we have done all that depends upon us to give the Treaty effect? No sober man believes this. No one who would not join in condemning the faithless proceedings of that nation, if such a doctrine should be avowed, and carried into practice—and why complain, if Great Britain is not bound? There can be no breach of faith where none is pledged. I shall be told that she is bound. Surely it follows that if she is bound to performance, our nation is under a similar obligation—if both parties be not obliged, neither is obliged, it is no compact, no Treaty.—This is a dictate of law and common sense, and every jury in the country has sanctioned it on oath.
It cannot be a Treaty and yet no Treaty, a bargain and yet no promise—if it is a promise, I am not to read a lecture to shew why an honest man will keep his promise.
The reason of the thing, and the words of the resolution of the house, imply, that the United States engage their good faith in a Treaty. We disclaim, say the majority, the Treaty making power, we of course disclaim (they ought to say) every doctrine that would put a negative upon the doings of that power. It is the prerogative of folly alone to maintain both sides of a proposition.
Will any man affirm, the American nation is engaged by good faith to the British nation; but that engagement is nothing to this house? Such a man is not to be reasoned with. Such a doctrine is a coat of mail that would turn the edge of all the weapons of argument, if they were sharper than a ward. Will it be imagined the King of Great Britain and the President are mutually bound by a Treaty, but the two nations are free?
It is one thing for this house to stand in a position that prevents an opportunity to break the faith of America, and another to establish a principle that will justify the deed.
[To be concluded in our next.]
Philadelphia, TUESDAY EVENING, May 24, 1796.
NEW THEATRE. To-morrow—THE ROAD TO RUIN. Godolphin, Mr. Chalmers. With THE CRITIC. Puff, Mr. Chalmers. On Friday, The Suspicious Husband, with Entertainments, For the Benefit of Mr. Morris. Mr. Green's Night will commence on Monday.
Post-Office, Philadelphia, 20th May, '96. The Mail for Middleton, Delaware, Warwick, Georgetown, Cross Roads and Chester Town, will in future be closed on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday evening at sunset, and the Mail for Center-ville, Easton, Vienna, Salisbury, Princess Ann, and Snowhill, will be closed on Saturday evening at the same time.
BY THIS DAY'S MAIL.
NEW-YORK, May 23. ARRIVED.
Ship Atlantic, Jofe Cork 61 Patty, Whitney Jamaica 24 Lydia, Banker Hispaniola 19 Barque Letitia, Bunker St. Croix 18 Brig Flora, Williams, B. of Honduras 24 Schr. Julia, Jenkins Hispaniola 17
Capt. M. Jofe, of the Atlantic, arrived here on Friday evening from Cork, spoke the following vessels:
April 8, spoke the ship Thomas, Capt. David Alder of Portland, in lat. 43, 35, N. bound to Liverpool, but left from St. Eustatia, where she put in through distress, having sprung a leak—out from thence 30 days—reckoned himself in long. 20, 30—all well.
May 23, spoke the ship Dominica, out 20 days—reckoned himself in lat. 42, 30, west—all well.
May 2, spoke the ship Eliza, Capt. James Yearnley, from Philadelphia bound to Hambro, out 6 days.
May 14, spoke the ship Key, of Newbury in lat. 41, 52, N. bound to Newbury from St. Thomas, out 16 days, all well.
Left at Cork 20th March, the ship America, Capt. Johnson Stinson from Boston for Belfast, all well; and the ship Harriet, for Boston, to sail beginning of April.
The son of the celebrated Sheridan is about making his entrance into political life. He is said to be a candidate for a seat in parliament, at the next general election which is near at hand.
A jury has been struck against Mr. Reeves, the great political actor in London, for a libel on the house of commons; introduced in a late pamphlet, ascribed to him. His trial was to commence on the 10th of this month. Mr. Reeves wrote as he thought, on the ministerial side; but he, most evidently degraded the dignity of the house, as to the independence of its members, much more than the most managing minister could wish to have at least, avowed.
A magistrat of London has lately written a treatise on the police of that city, which gives a general view of the prominent causes of the increase of crimes in the metropolis (which will apply more or less to all large towns) the pointing out deficiencies in the laws, and bad regulations of the police. In stating the number of people, made wretched by immoral and vicious habits, he asserts it, as a fact well established, that above twenty thousand individuals rise every morning in that great city, without knowing how, or by what means, they are to be supported during the passing day, or where they are to lodge the succeeding night. And, describing the ill effects of the great increase of public houses, he says, "in the city of London, there are at present 5204 licenced public houses, and it is calculated that the beer and spirits, which are consumed in these receptacles of idleness and profligacy, by the laboring people alone, do not amount to less than three millions sterling a year."
WORCESTER, (Mass.) May 18. Northfield, May 7, 1796.
This morning, intelligence arrived in town, that a majority of the House of Representatives in Congress, had voted to make provision for carrying into effect the British treaty. The feelings of the inhabitants on this occasion, were expressed by the ringing of bells, and other demonstrations of joy. At three o'clock, a large party of the inhabitants collected, and dined together at Houghton's Inn.—After dinner, the following toasts were drank.
1. Washington! The Savior of America. May he stand secure amid the storms of faction, and long live to bless his country! Three cheers. 2. The Vice President and Senate. May the wisdom of their councils prove the shield of America! 3. The majority of the house of Representatives, who voted to carry into effect the treaty with Great Britain. May the laurel of their country's approbation, never wither on their brow! Three cheers. 4. John Jay! our late Envoy at the Court of Great Britain, and the friend of his country. 5. The United States of America. May her national importance never be tarnished by intestine feuds! 6. The Commonwealth of Massachusetts. May she never be a younger sister in supporting her country's rights! 7. The Fair, may their virtues be cherished in the arms of affection. 8. All mankind. May peace and harmony pervade the universe. Three cheers.
At six the company retired. It is but just to observe, that true federalism brightened the countenance of each individual, and peace and harmony were the order of the day.
PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.
ARRIVED. days Brig Elizabeth, Howell, Bay Honduras 25 Rambler, Bratell, Jeremie 24 Schr. Mills, Edwards, Hispaniola 23
CLEARED. Ship Asia, Yard, Calcutta Fabius, Corran, Havanna Capt. M'Dougall, from St. Vincent's, informs, that previous to his sailing, intelligence was received of the capture of one of the strongest forts on St. Lucia, by the British; whose force on the occasion, was six fail of the line, and 6000 men—The loss on both sides was estimated at 500 men.
No. 123, South Second Street.
DISEASES of the EYES.
J. E. HARRISON, Accoucheur, M. D. and Member of the London Medical Society, &c.
INFORMS his Fellow Citizens, that he has studied Physic under the most eminent British Professors, and has been upwards of seven years a constant Pupil at St. George's and St. Bartholomew's Hospitals, under John Hunter, Pott, Bromfield, and William Sharp. He performs all the Operations for Relief of Diseased Eyes, particularly Extracting the Chrysaline Humour, called Catarine; and he has restored to sight two out of five, who were blind. May 24, 1796.
Paper Hangings Manufactory
No. 50. In Chestnut-Street, between Second & Third Streets.
W. P O Y N T E L L, HAS prepared for Spring Sales a very extensive collection, suitable for every part of a House, amongst which are many new and elegant Patterns.
In addition to the extensive Stock of his own Manufacture, he has for sale TWELVE THOUSAND PIECES of FRENCH PAPERS, together with Borders, Landscapes, and Chinese Pieces for ornamenting Breast Works and Chimney Boards—a great variety of Panel Papers, and every other article attached to Ornamental Papering. Orders for any quantity executed at a short notice, and a liberal credit given to wholesale dealers, and for exportation. May 24.
To-morrow will be Landed, at—Wharf, from on board the Brig Elizabeth, Mahogany in Logs and Planks, 35 Tom Logwood. For Sale by Philips, Cramond, & Co. May 24.
LISBON SALT.
The cargo of the Brown Ship, consigned for Sale, by PRICE & Co. Who has also for Sale, 43 Hogheads Prime St. Cruz SUGAR. May 24.

City of Washington.  SCHEME of the LOTTERY, No. II,  FOR THE IMPROVEMENT of the  FEDERAL CITY.
  A magnificent 20,000 dollars, & 2 dwelling-houses, cash 30,000, are 50,000   1 ditto 15,000 & cash 25,000 40,000   1 ditto 15,000 & cash 15,000 30,000   1 ditto 10,000 & cash 10,000 20,000   1 ditto 5,000 & cash 5,000 10,000   1 ditto 5,000 & cash 5,000 10,000   1 cash prize of 10,000   2 do. 5,000 each, are 10,000   10 do. 1,000 10,000   20 do. 500 10,000   100 do. 100 10,000   200 do. 50 10,000   400 do. 25 10,000   1,000 do. 10 10,000   1,500 do. 10 15,000   16,739 Prizes.   38,261 Blanks.   50,000 Tickets, at Eight Dollars, 400,000 
N. B. To favour those who may take a quantity of Tickets, the prize of 40,000 dollars will be the last drawn ticket, and the 30,000 the last but one.
And approved notes, securing payment in either money or prizes, in ten days after drawing, will be received for any number not less than 50 tickets.
This Lottery will afford an elegant specimen of the private buildings to be erected in the City of Washington. Two beautiful designs are already selected for the entire fronts on two of the public squares; from these drawings it is proposed to erect two centre and four corner buildings, as soon as possible after this Lottery is sold, and to convey them, when complete, to the fortunate adventurers, in the manner described in the scheme for the Hotel Lottery. A net deduction of five per cent. will be made to defray the necessary expenses of printing, &c. and the surplus will be made a part of the fund intended for the National University, to be erected within the city of Washington.
The Drawing will commence as soon as the tickets are sold off. The money prizes will be payable in thirty days after it is finished; and any prizes for which fortunate numbers are not produced within twelve months after the drawing is closed, are to be considered as given towards the fund for the University, it being determined to settle the whole business in a year from the ending of the drawing, and to take up the bonds given as security.
The real securities given for the payment of the Prizes, are held by the President and two Directors of the Bank of Columbia, and are valued at more than half the amount of the Lottery.
The twenty-four gentlemen who by appointment of the late Commissioners assisted in the management of the Hotel Lottery are requested to undertake the arduous task a second time on behalf of the public; a sufficient number of these having kindly accepted, it is hoped that the friends to a National University and the other federal objects may continue to favor the design.
By accounts received from the different parts of the Continent as well as from Europe, where the tickets have been sent for sale, the public are assured that the drawing will speedily commence, and that the care and caution unavoidably necessary to insure a fair disposal of the tickets, has rendered the mor. suspension indispensable.
SAMUEL BLODGET. 5. Tickets may be had at the Bank of Columbia; of James West & Co. Baltimore; of Peter Gilman, Boston; of John Hopkins, Richmond; and of Richard Wells, Cooper's Ferry.
Berriman & Co's Edition.  CHEAP AND ELEGANT EDITION OF  The HOLY BIBLE.
On Monday, the 18th inst. will be published, delivered to Subscribers, and to be had of the different Booksellers, in this city, and throughout the United States, (where Subscribers still continue to be received) THE FIRST NUMBER of BERRIMAN & CO's CHEAP AND ELEGANT EDITION of the HOLY BIBLE: containing the Old and New Testaments and the Apocrypha, with marginal notes and references. An Index; or an account of the most remarkable passages in the old and new Testament, pointing to the places wherein they happened, and to the places of Scripture wherein they are recorded. A Table of Time. Tables of Scripture measures, weights and coins: with an appendix, containing the method of calculating its MEASURES of SURFACE, & other things in Treatises on this subject. A Table of Offices and Conditions of men.
CONDITIONS. 1. The size of this Edition will be a LARGE FOLIO, printed on a beautiful new type, and good paper, made particularly for it. It will be published in Numbers, not to exceed 30, one of which will be delivered weekly to subscribers, at quarter of a dollar. Those subscribers who prefer receiving the work complete, will be attended to by depositing the same on any of the subscription papers in the Bookstores in this city. 2. There will be an advance in the price, on subscribing after the first of August next. 3. In the course of the Work will be given an elegant Frontispiece—from an Engraving of the celebrated artist, G. SHELTON.
BERRIMAN & Co. gratefully acknowledge the very liberal encouragement they have met with; and have reason to believe that execution of their edition will answer every expectation, and speak its own praise.
Stop Thief!
RAN away from the Subscriber, a black apprentice boy, about 18 years of age, smooth face, and remarkably well built. He took with him several suits of cloaths—one of livery, blue, trimmed with yellow—a pair of dyed coloured plush breeches—a brown shoonflop faced with black plush. Broke open the day he went away a trunk and stole therefrom nine pieces of gold—the property of Mr. Gilbert, and picked the pocket of Gen. Crabb of 15 dollars. Any person who will secure said thief shall be well rewarded by W. COOPER. May 23. (died) 127 Arch Street
TO BE SOLD,
1st. A Three-story Brick House, No 80, N. Second street. The lot is about 21 feet front, and 283 feet deep, to Breadstreet, or Moravian Alley. It has long been one of the best stands for business. 2d. A frame Dwelling-House, No. 240, South Front-street, with a Bake-House, the Lot is about 17 feet front, by 150 feet in depth. 3d. A handsome Lot of 25 feet by 200 feet deep, extending from Third street to George-street; it is the 3d Lot below South-street, on George-street there is a two story brick tenement, a frame ditto adjoining, with a good bake oven.
Likewise a LARGE MEADOW FARM, situate on the River Delaware, at a convenient distance from Philadelphia Market—the Meadow is of the best quality, and in good bank. There are commodious buildings, with a good proportion of arable and woodland, and Cedar Swamp. For terms apply to JOHN LITTLE, No. 40 North Sixth-street. March 27th, 1796.
FOR SALE.
A POUND of BREVIA, half worn; about four hundred weight. Enquire at the Office of the Gazette of the United States, No. 217 Chestnut-street. December 2.
FOR SALE,  At BENJAMIN DAVES' BOOKSTORE,  NO. 68, HIGH-STREET,
A valuable collection of the newest Publications, Just received from London, via New-York; Among which are the following: THE American Pilot, in two parts—part the 1st containing charts and plans of the coasts of Newfoundland, Labrador, and the gulf and river of St. Lawrence. Part the 2d containing charts of the British channel, and the coast of Ireland to Cape Clear; of the Atlantic Ocean, and the coasts of Europe, Africa, and the Western Islands; of the whole coast of the United States and East Florida; the gulf of Florida, and island of Havannah, drawn from actual surveys and the latest discoveries. A Description of the Country 40 miles round Manchester, its geography, productions, river and canal navigation; its towns and villages, their trade, population, commerce; and manufactures, by Dr. A. ... printed on vellum paper, and illustrated with ... plates finely engraved. Hunter's Voyages to New South Wales and the Southern Ocean, illustrated with 17 maps, charts, views and other embellishments, neatly bound in calf. Civil and Commercial History of the British West-Indies, by B. Edwards, Esq. with maps, views, &c. The connection that subsists between Agriculture and Chemistry—by the Earl of Dundonald. The Course of Hannibal over the Alps, ascertained by J. Whitaker.
 The Life of General Dumourier, in 3 vols. written by himself.  Chalmers's Estimate of the comparative strength of Great Britain.  History of the Moravian missions among the Indians of North-America, with the manners and customs of the nations.  Corporal Brown's History of the Campaigns in 1793, 4 and 5.  The Studies of Nature, by Bernardin de St. Pierre.  The Political Testament of Maximilian Robespierre, with an account of the secret negotiations carried on under his direction.  Wiseman's Commercial Letters in the five principal languages of Europe.  A Pocket Vocabulary of six principal languages.  Anstruther's Reports in Chancery.  The Works of Peter Pindar, with a head of the author.  The Sporting Magazine.  The British Critick, or new Critical Review of the latest publications.  The Works of Edmund Burke, Esq.  Defence of the American Constitution, by J. Adams, Vice-President of the U.S. April 18. 22w 
Urbanna Mill Seats,
SITUATE in Cecil county, Maryland, on the banks of the river Susquehanna, about one mile above tide water, and commanding the water of that important river, the channel conducting the trade of which comes to near the Mill Seats as to make it convenient to speak the Boats; and Mills may be so situated as to receive them along their walls, and by water lift take in their cargoes. There is a power sufficient for many and any kind of useful Water Works, and so much may be fully laid in commendation of this Site as would be inconvenient to invest in a newspaper publication. Those who may desire to be concerned, will probably find it an excellent and pleasant situation. Leases for any term of years may be obtained on application to the subscriber, living on the premises. CLEMENT HOLLYDAY. April 19. 18w
Treasury Department;  Revenue Office, March 10th, 1796.
PROPOSALS will be received at the office of the Commissioner of the Revenue, (No. 43, at the corner of Third and Chestnut-streets, Philadelphia) for building in North-Carolina, I. A Light-House upon Cape Hatteras. II. A Beacon House upon Shell Battery Island. Descriptions of each, and all other particulars, may be seen on application at the offices of any of the Superintendents of Light-Houses, or of the Supervisors of the Revenue, or of the Collectors of the Customs in any of the States; as also at this office. 22w3m
WANTED,  Several Apprentices to the Printing-Business
Apply at the Office of the Gazette of the United States, No. 119, Chestnut-street. 6
JOSEPH COOKE,  GOLDSMITH & JEWELLER,
The corner of Market and Third-streets, Philadelphia; MOST respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has received, per the last arrivals, a complete and general assortment of almost  Every Article in his Line; Immediately from the manufactures of London, Birmingham, and Sheffield, all of which are of the newest fashion, and will be sold, wholesale and retail, on the lowest terms, and the Notes of Mr. Robert Morris, and Mr. John Nicholson received in payment at their current value. March 5. 18w
War-Office of the United States, May 4th, 1796.
THE following Rules, explanatory of those published the 13th February, 1795, are to be observed by all persons entitled to Lands, in purchase of Resolves of Congress. Every certificate of the acknowledgement of a deed or power of attorney, either before a notary public or other magistrate, must, in addition to what is usual, set forth that the person making the acknowledgement is known to the notary or other magistrate; for which purpose words of the following import must be inserted in the certificate. "And I do moreover certify that the said A B making this acknowledgement has been for personally known to me." If the notary or other magistrate has reason to believe that he is the person he represents himself to be, he will also certify it. And if the proof be made by a witness or witnesses, he or they must swear to some general date of their knowledge of him, which matter must be set forth in the certificate; and the notary public, or other magistrate, before whom the acknowledgement is made, must also set forth that the witness or witnesses has or have been for upwards of personally known to him. If a justice of the peace is employed, the clerk of the court of the corporation or county must certify that such person is a justice of the peace of the county or corporation as the case may be, and that full faith is due to his acts as such. JAMES M'HENRY, Secretary of War. May 12.
This Day published,  Price 31-1-2 Cents
Mr. AMES's SPEECH  ON THE BRITISH TREATY.
Sold by William Young, corner of Second and Chestnut streets, and by the Booksellers generally. May 19.
FOR SALE,  A beautiful dappled grey, bloated
HORSE,
Near fifteen hands high, five years old this grass. Will go in a carriage; enquire at No. 133 South Second street. May 23. 83
WHEREAS my wife Eleanor Fitzgerald, has contracted debt on my credit, without my knowledge, and contrary to my orders, and has, in other respects, greatly misconducted herself, the public are hereby warned not to trust her, as I am resolved not to pay any debts of her contracting. Philadelphia, May 16, 1796. JOHN FITZGERALD. 303w
SNOWDEN & MCORKLE,
RESPECTFULLY inform the Public, that they have opened their PRINTING-OFFICE, at No. 47 North Fourth, near Race street; where they execute all kind of PRINTING, with accuracy and dispatch. An Apprentice wanted. May 3. 31w3w
For sale by the subscribers,
 IN PENN-STREET,  320 quarter Chells fresh Hyson Tea;  100 ditto do. fresh Souchong Tea;  300 Boxes China, containing small tea sets of 42 pieces;  490 pieces Bandanones.  Willing & Francis. January 30. 31w.
ALL persons indebted to the Estate of
ROBERT STEVENSON, deceased, or to the late partnership of Robert & Cornelius Stevenson, are requested to make immediate payment, and those having any demands against the same, will bring them in for settlement. CORNELIUS STEVENSON, Administrator, and Surviving Partner, No. 124 Spruce Street. May 11. 32w3w
This Day is Published,  And for sale by THOMAS DOBSON,
DISCOURSES relating to the evidences of  REVEALED RELIGION,
delivered in the Church of the Universalists at Philadelphia, in 1796, and published at the request of many of the hearers. By JOSEPH PRIESTLEY, L. L. D. F. R. S. Price two dollars neatly bound, or one dollar and 75 Cents unbound. May 21. 18w
General Post Office, Philadelphia, March 16, 1796.
WHEREAS sundry Letters, transmitted in the Mails of the United States, to and from Norfolk, in the state of Virginia, were opened, and Bank Notes of several denominations fraudulently taken from them at York, in the state aforesaid, in the months of October, November and December last: and whereas a part of said notes and some cash have been recovered and are now in possession of the Post Master General: In order therefore that such Bank Notes as shall be identified may be restored to the owners thereof, and that the remaining notes and cash be equitably distributed among those who are entitled to them, NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN to all persons who have suffered by such fraudulent practices, within the period, and on the route aforesaid, to exhibit their claims without delay, supported by such reasonable proofs as may be necessary to substantiate them. Such notes as shall be identified will be received by application to the General Post Office, on or before the first day of July next; and the residue of such cash and notes will then be divided among the claimants in proportion to their respective losses, to be ascertained by the necessary proofs, which on or before that day shall be produced to the General Post Office. (sawt July) JOS. HABERSHAM.
To be sold at public sale, On the 18th day of June next, at the City Tavern, in Philadelphia.
FOUR Lots of Ground in the town of Lambert, county of Burlington, and State of New-Jersey, adjoining the river Delaware, late the Estate of William Richards, deceased, with all the buildings and improvements, bounded by ground of John Mitchell, Lambert Cadwalader and others; a clear indisputable title will be given. The terms will be made known at the time and place of sale. April 23. m8ch.
LOST,
IN the city, on the Point Road, the 13th instant, a small GOLD FRENCH WATCH, made at Paris, with a gold chain and two gold seals, one having the initials H. S. G. and a Lion crest—the other a Lion crest only. Whoever finding the same will bring them to No. 111 South Front-street, shall receive a generous reward. If offered for sale to any of the Watch-makers in town, they are requested to stop the same. April 13. 6
For Sale,  A Valuable Grist and Saw Mill,
IN New Jersey, near the Forks of Little Egg-Harbour. The Grist Mill is sixty by forty feet, two water wheels, and calculated for four run of Stones, with screen, fans and bolting-cloths, &c. The Saw-Mill has two saws, and is capable of cutting five to 600 thousand feet of Boards per year. A valuable piece of Cedar Swamp, within a mile and a half of the Mill, and within three-quarters of a mile of a Landing. The Lumber, &c. may be taken by water from the mill rail.
ALSO FOR SALE,  Several Valuable Tracts of Land,
In Pennsylvania, for all of which payment will be received in the notes of Messrs Morris and Nicholson, or in Cash. For further information apply to the Printer. May 17. 22w
No. 130.  Disfrict of Pennsylvania, to wit:
BE it remembered, that on the 4th day of April, in the twentieth year of the Independence of the United States of America, Benjamin Davies of the said district hath deposited in this Office, the Title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words following, to wit: "The Political Censor, or monthly Review of the most interesting political occurrences relative to the United States of America—by Peter Porcupine." In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled "An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned." SAMUEL CALDWELL, Clerk Dist. Court Pennsylvania. April 27. 12w4w
Five Hundred Bales of  Excellent Bourbon Coffee,
For Sale by Joseph Anthony & Co. May 21. 92w
Landing,
At the Subscriber's wharf, on board the ship Aurora, capt. Suter, 150 Hogsheads  Prime Jamaica Sugars, For sale by Willings and Francis. May 17. 8
Notice is hereby Given, THAT in pursuance of an act of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania, entitled "An Act to enable the Governor of this Commonwealth, to incorporate a Company for making an artificial Road from an intersection of the Philadelphia and Lancaster Turnpike road near the Gap Tavern, in Lancaster county, to Newport and Wilmington in the State of Delaware," the commissioners in said act appointed will procure five books and attend at the respective places directed therein to receive subscriptions for Stock in the company, viz. One book will be opened in the city of Philadelphia. One in the Borough of Lancaster, one at Strasburgh, in the county of Lancaster, one in the Borough of Wilmington, and one at the house of Samuel Cochran in the county of Chester.
The Subscribers, agreeably to their appointment in and by said act, will attend at the City Tavern in Philadelphia, with one of said Books, on Monday, the 6th day of June next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, until 4 in the afternoon, and for the two days following, if necessary, for the purpose aforesaid; on the first of the said days, any person of the age of 21 years shall be entitled to subscribe in his own or any other name or names by whom he shall be authorised for one share on the second day for one or two shares, and on the third day for one, two, or three shares, and in any succeeding day, (if the said books shall continue longer open) for any number of shares in the said Stock.
Every person previously to subscribing in said books, must pay to the attending commissioners twenty-five dollars for every share to be subscribed. GEORGE LATIMER, ROBERT WALN, NATHAL LEWIS, ABIAH DAWES. Philadelphia, May 7. 32w Jun. 7.
NOTICE,
AGREEABLY to charter, is hereby given to the Members of the Corporation for the relief of poor and distressed Presbyterian Ministers, and of the poor and distressed Widows and Children of Presbyterian Ministers, that there will be a Meeting of said Corporation in the Second Presbyterian Church, in the city of Philadelphia, on the 23d day of May next, at 4 o'clock, P.M. for the dispatch of all such business as may then be brought before the board. ASHBEL GREEN, Secretary of the Corporation. April 22. 4
SHOT,
 Shovel-nosed, from 32 lb to Grape,  Cannon-balls, and, and other castings executed at the shortest notice,  Nail rods, from 10 to spike,  Hoop Iron, of all sizes, for calks or cutting into nails, from a Brad to 12d nails,  Anchors, from 17 Cwt. to 100lb.  Bar Iron,  A Quantity of James River Tobacco,  Carolina Pork,  Herrings in barrels,  Kiln-dried corn meal in Hhds. and Bbls.  Rye flour &c.  to be sold by Levi Hollingsworth & Son. August 4. 22w
LAND for sale.
ANY gentleman desirous of purchasing Land, in the vicinity of the city of Washington, may now be accommodated with a situation combining advantages as to health, soil, and prospect, not equalled perhaps in America. The subscriber has for sale from 100 to 380 acres of land, lies within 1 1-4 mile of the city of Washington, 2 1-2 from the President's Square, (from which it bears about N. by E.) and 3 1-4 miles from the Capitol. It bears nearly W. from the westernmost spring of the head waters of the Potomac, distant therefrom about 1 1-2 of a mile. The situation is remarkably healthy, and every part of the land is well watered—has great abundance of the choicest fruit: about 80 acres are in wood, and there are about 40 acres of meadow-ground, great part thereof can be watered, and the whole laid down in Timothy-grass at a small expense. There are several beautiful eminences on it: one of the heights commanding a most beautiful and extensive prospect—To the south, you have a full view of the city of Washington, the town of Alexandria, and the river Potomac, as far as the eye can reach. To the north, a full view of the Sugar-Loaf Mountain, distant about 35 miles, with the surrounding country. To the West, a very extensive view of the lands in Virginia: the whole forming a grand rural Amphitheatre. Any person inclined to purchase, will find on viewing the situation, that the Landscape is far superior to the sketch given of it in this advertisement. For price, &c. apply to the subscriber, living on the premises, or to George Walker, Esq. now in Philadelphia. JOHN THO. BOUGHNER. District of Columbia, May 6, 1796. 22w5w
A Printing-Office for Sale.
CONSISTING OF A good assortment of Types, the greater part of which are but little worn, a good mahogany Press, with the different Printing Materials, in complete order for executing any kind of work. The situation is very eligible, either for a newspaper or book-work, being in a pleasant, well populated city, within 30 miles of Philadelphia. There is also a very considerable advantage arising from the numerous applications for blanks and the general influx of advertisements, &c. &c. and a handsome profit derived from the great quantity of Rags which may be collected throughout the year. A complete set of cuts for Dilworth's Spelling-Book. Likewise will be sold with the office, a large book-binder's Press, (used for pressing books in sheets) together with a number of bookbinders' tools, almost new. Any person inclining to purchase the above, may have the refusal of a handsome collection of books, bound and in sheets—They will be sold very low. For the price, and further particulars, enquire at No. 24, north Third-street, where a specimen of the types may be seen. April 26. 92w
Mustard and Chocolate
CONTINUE to be manufactured in the best manner, and for sale, as usual—Also shelled or pearl Barley, Coffee, Pepper, &c. Philadelphia Porter, Beer, Ale, Cyder, English Porter, Stout and Bath Ale in bottles, &c. &c.—at No. 98, South Front-street, opposite the Custom-house, by JOHN HAWORTH. Philadelphia, May 7, 1796. 22w4w
NOTICE.
THE President and Managers of the Delaware and Schuylkill Canal, having determined to supply the city of Philadelphia with water, early in the year 1796, Proposals will be received in writing until the first day of June next, from any person or persons disposed to contract for the casting and delivery of Iron Pipes necessary for the above purpose. By the Board, WILLIAM MOORE SMITH, Sec'y. March 31. 22w1f.
PRINTED BY JOHN FENNO, —No. 119. CHESTNUT-STREET. (Price Eight Dollars per Annum.)