The Patowmac guardian, and Berkeley advertiser (Shepherdstown, Va. [W. Va.]), 1793-12-23 00:00:00

The POTOMAC GUARDIAN, and BERKELEY ADVERTISER.
PRICE TWO DOLLARS PER ANN.]
MONDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1793.
[NUMBER 162—VOL 4.]
WHERE LIBERTY DWELLS, THERE IS MY COUNTRY.
Franklin.
TO THE PUBLIC.
ALTHOUGH well constituted free governments only, can give and preserve to men the enjoyment of rational liberty, yet no government can liberate individuals from the impulse and donation of their passions. Hence it is that the excesses of their passions so frequently produced parties in all communities, and that personal motives, are so often found to be masked by patriotic professions.
While the people continue enlightened, and watchful, they may experience inconveniences from such parties; but most alarming are the mischiefs they cause, whenever they become seduced, infected and inflamed by foreign influence.
The history of mankind has, in all ages, declared and proved, that foreign influence is the most subtle & fatal poison, that can be communicated to a nation; for numerous and melancholly are the instances of great, and powerful, and once happy states, who under its operation have either expired in violent convulsions, or been reduced to a deplorable state of debility and insignificance.
When at Philadelphia, in July last, we frequently heard that Mr. Genet, the French Minister, had, on a certain occasion said, "that he would appeal from the President to the People,"—an appeal by a foreign Minister from the President to the People, appeared to us to be a serious and alarming measure:—That a foreign Minister, finding it impossible to bend the government to his purposes, should turn from it with disdain, to the citizens at large, and before them impeach the wisdom or virtue of the Administration, would be a proceeding unprecedented and unpermitted in every well polished state; it would be a proceeding evidently and necessarily productive of parties, practices, and intrigues, highly detrimental to the peace and independence of the country; and in a variety of respects, offensive to the dignity and sovereignty of the nation, as well as humiliating and injurious to its constituted authorities.
We left that city well convinced that Mr. Genet had made such a declaration. On our return to New-York, we found a report of that declaration had preceded us, and that it had made the same impression upon others, that it had made upon us;—We were asked whether it was true? We answered that it was. To many, a declaration so extraordinary did not appear probable, and our having asserted it to be true, was questioned. We were called upon in the public papers to admit, or deny, that we had made such an assertion. The call merited attention, and we thereupon made the following publication:
"FOR THE DIARY."
"Messrs Printers,"
"CERTAIN late publications render it proper for us to authorise you to inform the public, that a report having reached this city from Philadelphia, that Mr. Genet, the French Minister, said he would appeal from certain decisions of the President, we were asked on our return from that place, whether he had made such a declaration; we answered that he had; and we also mentioned it to others, authorising them to say that we had so informed them."
"JOHN JAY, RUFUS KING."
New-York, August 21, 1793.
Of the time, place, occasion, and other circumstances relative to the transaction, we omitted to give any account; although we found it necessary for the reasons before mentioned, to avow our having mentioned that declaration as having really been made; yet we had no desire, or intention, to come forward as the prosecutors of the French Minister, before the tribunal of the public.
In common with other free citizens of a sovereign and independent nation, we spoke our sentiments; but we were mindful, that to the Government, and not to us belonged the task of taking such measures relative to the Minister, and his conduct, as the interest and honor of the nation might require,—Nor did we deem it necessary to detail and explain the evidence on which we rested our assertion; for while that assertion remained undenied, and uncontradicted, by the Minister, such a step could neither be requisite nor proper—to anonymous writers of the subject, in the public papers, we paid no attention; nor shall we in future pay any.
On the singular letter written by the Minister to the President, and the answer through the Secretary of State, we restrain ourselves to this remark, that it only denies his having made such a declaration to the President; and that it leaves the question whether he had made it at all, entirely out of sight—It seems that this did not escape the discernment of the President? for he very justly observed, "that whether the declaration was made to him or others, was immaterial,"—to whom the declaration was made, was a question foreign to the inquiry, the true and only question being whether he made such
a declaration to any body—to this question the Minister gave no answer, and thereby left the credit of our assertion not only unimpeached, but also strengthened by his silence, and by his endeavors to elude the force of it, by his letter to the President.
He now denies having made such a declaration: in what light this denial is to be viewed, will appear from the following statement of the evidence and circumstances relative to the transaction in question.
The President having given instructions to the governors of the several states relating to the fitting out armed vessels in our ports, by any belligerent powers. On Saturday the 6th of July last, the wardens of the port of Philadelphia reported to Governor M ifflin , that the brig Little Sarah, since called the Petit Democrat, (an English merchant vessel, mounting from two to four guns, taken off our coast, and carried into that port by the French frigate the Ambuscade) had materially augmented the military equipments; having then fourteen iron cannon, and six swivels mounted; and it being understood, that her crew was to consist of, (including officers) men and boys, one hundred and twenty.
Governor M ifflin , in consequence of this information, sent Mr. Secretary Dallas to Mr. Genet to endeavour to prevail upon him to enter into an arrangement for detaining the vessel in port, without the necessity of employing military force for that purpose.
Mr. Dallas reported to Governor M ifflin that Mr. Genet had absolutely refused to do what had been requested of him: that he had been angry, and intemperate; that he had complained of ill treatment from the government; and had declared "that he would appeal from the President to the people;" and that he had also said, that he would not advise an attempt to take possession of the vessel, as it would be resisted.
This refusal was so peremptory that Governor M ifflin , in consequence of it, ordered out one hundred and twenty men for the purpose of taking possession of the vessel.
Mr. Dallas likewise communicated to Mr. Jefferson, that Mr. Genet had said "that he would appeal from the President to the People."
On Sunday the 7th of July, Mr. Jefferson went to Mr. Genet, to endeavour to prevail upon him to detain the Petit Democrat till the President (who was then absent) should return and decide upon the case; but he refused to give a promise, saying only that he would not probably be ready to depart before the succeeding Wednesday, the day of the President's expected return, fell down to Chester previous to the Wednesday referred to; and shortly after sailed out of the Delaware.
For the truth and accuracy of this statement, we refer to Mr. Secretary Hamilton and Mr. Secretary Knox, from whom we derived the information, on which we relied, respecting the facts contained in it.
We forbear enlarging this publication by any strictures, or remarks on this minister's conduct; will only add, that we sincerely with all the blessings of Peace, Liberty, and good government to his country; and that we shall always deprecate, and oppose, the interference of foreign powers, or foreign agents, in the politics and affairs of our own.
JOHN JAY, RUFUS KING.
New-York, Nov. 26, 1793.
Philadelphia, Nov. 26, 1793.
We the subscribers, certify that we did severally communicate to the above-mentioned John Jay and Rufus King, the particulars contained in the foregoing statement. That such of them as are therein mentioned to have been reported to Governor M ifflin , by Mr. Dallas, were communicated by the Governor to each of us, as having been received by him from Mr. Dallas. That such of them as respect Mr. Jefferson, including the information to him from Mr. Dallas, of Mr. Genet's having said "that he would appeal from the President to the people," were communicated to us by Mr. Jefferson.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON, H. KNOX.
TO THE PUBLIC.
AGREEABLY to the promise, that was published on the 6th instant, I shall now proceed to declare the facts, relative to Mr. Genet's conversation with me, in the case of the Little Democrat.
I feel, indeed, the indecacy of disclosing what may appear, in some respects, to be an official, and, in others, a private communication: but the anxiety, which the public has experienced on the subject, the Misapprehensions, which have prevailed, and the example, which is derived from the conduct of all the other persons who have been involved in the discussion; will, I think, be deemed a sufficient justification of the liberty, that I find it necessary to take.
Late in the evening of Saturday, the ——day of July last, I was informed, that the Little Democrat (whose warlike equipments in opposition to the declared neutrality of the port, had before attracted the attention of government) would sail in the course of the ensuing morning. Having immediately communicated this information to the governor, I received instructions to prepare for calling out a party of the militia, to prevent, at all events, the departure of the vessel; but, on my suggesting, that the necessity of pursuing hostile measures, might probably be superceded, by an application to the discretion of the French minister, I was directed to wait on that gentleman, with an overture for an amicable arrangement, before the party should be summoned to parade.
It was about 11 o'clock at night when I arrived at Mr. Genet's house. Mr. Paschall withdrew from the room, into which I was introduced, soon after I entered it; but Mr. Burnonville and Mr. Dupont remained there, during the whole of my visit.
I apologised for so unreasonable an intrusion, and lamented that my errand was not of an agreeable import. I stated the nature, extent, and obligations of the instructions, which the Governor had received from the president, for the purpose of preserving the neutrality of the United States, within the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania; and I described the circumstances, that rendered the Little Democrat an object of those instructions; as well as the recent intelligence of her intention to leave the port; which the governor was bound to prevent. I mentioned, however, that the Governor was desirous to avoid the use of any compulsory means on the occasion; and therefore, as the allegation, which had been made, that the vessel belonged to the Republic of France, and not to individuals, might produce an exception from the general rule, in her favor, he would cheerfully rely on the minister's engagement, that she should not depart 'till there was an opportunity of consulting the president (who was then, I believe, on his way from Mount Vernon to the city of Philadelphia) upon the merits of this particular case.
This representation was scarcely delivered, when Mr. Genet exclaimed with great vehemence, "that the proceedings was very extraordinary, improper, and unjust. He thought that his uniform acquiescence in the wishes of the government (instanced in the surrender of the Grange, &c.) had not merited this return; which he said, however, would regulate his conduct in future. He expressed surprise, that the first intimation which was given of the matter, should be accompanied with a threat. He complained in strong terms, and with many angry epithets, of the ill treatment that he had received from some of the officers of the general government, which he contrasted with the cordial attachment that was expressed by the people at large, for his nation. He ascribed the conduct of those officers to principles inimical to the cause of France and liberty. He expressed apprehensions, that owing to their influence, even the President had, in that respect, been misled. He observed, with considerable emphasis, that the President was not the sovereign of the country; for he could not legislate on general subjects; nor could he declare war, or make peace; that Congress, the depository of those powers, was the only constituted body, that could, on the part of the United States, give a constitutional interpretation (possibly involving the question of war or peace) to the terms of the treaty; that it was, therefore, the duty of the President, (a duty of which he had frequently pressed the performance) to have convened Congress, before he ventured to decide, by the proclamation of neutrality, upon the general relation between America and the belligerent powers; or to prohibit, by his instructions to the state governors the enjoyment of the particular rights, which France claimed under the express stipulations of the treaty. He urged, that the powers which he had received from his constituents, gave him no latitude upon the point now in controversy; that the privilege to arm and equip their vessels was deemed by them indispensable; founded upon the plain meaning of the 22d article of the treaty of commerce; and that he could not therefore, enter into any arrangement, which might appear as a waiver of that privilege. He insisted that the President's construction was neither just, nor obligatory; that notwithstanding the existing causes, which would warrant an abrupt departure, his regard for the people of America would induce him to remain here, amidst the insults and disgusts that he daily suffered in his official character from the public officers, 'till the meeting of Congress. He spoke of publishing his correspondence with the officers of government, together with a general narrative of his proceedings: and he said, that if Congress agreed in the opinions, and supported the measures, of the president, in relation to the Republic of

France, he would certainly then withdraw, confident of having discharged his duty, and leave the dispute to be finally adjusted by the two nations themselves."
As soon as I could obtain an opportunity, I recalled Mr. Genet's attention to the immediate object of my visit: but he peremptorily refused to enter into an engagement, for suspending the departure of the Little-Democrat; and added, in a manner, which I thought intemperate, that "he hoped no attempt to seize her would be made; for, as she belonged to the republic, she must defend the honor of her flag, and would certainly repel force by force."
Such was Mr. Genet's conversation with me: and, it will be allowed, that, although I am responsible for the fidelity of the recital, I am not responsible for any interference, which has been, or may be, drawn, from the facts that it contains.
My report to the Governor, on the same night, and to Mr. Jefferson on the succeeding morning, corresponded, as precisely as I can repeat it, with the account which I have now given; and I well remember, that Mr. Jefferson's relation of the discourse, that passed in his subsequent interview with Mr. Genet, on the same occasion, so nearly corresponded with my report, that the similarity became a matter of remark with the Governor and Mr. Jefferson, as well as with me.
But it will be expected, perhaps, that I should give a more direct reply to the specific charge, which states, that I had reported to the Governor, and communicated to Mr. Jefferson, "that Mr. Genet had declared, that he would appeal from the President to the people."
Upon enquiry, I find, that the Governor thinks, that I made use of the word appeal, towards the close of my report, in this manner:—"that, if after the business was laid before Congress, Mr. Genet did not receive satisfaction, on behalf of this nation, he would publish his appeal, withdraw, and leave the governments themselves to settle the dispute." The word appeal , appears, however, in my opinion, to be more applicable to these facts, which represent, that Mr. Genet, controverting the justice and force of the President's decisions on the treaty, &c. declared a determination to address Congress on the subject: but, in either place, if it is not construed necessarily to import, that I heard a declaration from Mr. Genet, "that he would appeal from the President to the people," I am content to admit the expression as mine.
But I am, likewise, apprised, that soon after the transaction, when, however, the report was circulating, that Mr. Genet had used the expression in question; when it was reported to have been used by him in his conversation with Mr. Jefferson; and when Mr. Jefferson thought it proper to remove impressions made by that circumstance in the report: he stated, in an official memorandum, that Mr. Genet's declaration, of an intention to appeal from the President to the people, was not expressed to him, but to me. Whether Mr. Jefferson employed the language of his own inference from my recital, on the occasion, or adopted the language of the current rumour, I will not attempt to discuss; but if, in the same early stage of the business, I had also enjoyed the means of explanation, I, like Mr. Jefferson, should then have said, what I said the moment I heard the suggestion, applied to me; what I have since taken every proper opportunity of saying; and what I now most solemnly say, that Mr. Genet never did, in his conversation with me, declare "that he would appeal from the President to the people;" or that he would make any other appeal, which conveyed to my mind, the idea of exciting insurrection and tumult.
Upon the whole, as my communications to the Governor and Mr. Jefferson, were of an official and confidential nature, I think, that I have cause to complain; and the candour of others will induce them to lament, that I was not personally consulted (which common courtesy, as well as common caution, might have dictated) before Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Knox (who had daily opportunities of seeing me) undertook to propagate the report, connected with my name; or, at least, before Mr. Jay and Mr. King, undertook to vouch for its authenticity. The most attentive hearer, may sometimes misconceive the ideas of the person who addresses him: the most upright narrator can seldom adhere strictly to the language of his author: And I am not aware of any just purpose, which could require, that the sentiment, which has been circulated, should be immutably fixed; or that the form of words, in which it is clothed, should be irrevocably prescribed.
A. J. DALLAS.
Philadelphia, 7th December, 1793.
EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
L O N D O N, October 1.
WE have the extreme satisfaction to announce, that government has received assurance of the pacific determinations of the American Congress.
It is now strongly reported that Nantz is again besieged by the royalists.
Letters from Marseilles state, that Citizen Langier, President of the revolutionary tribunal of that city, had been arrested at the very moment when he was going to embark for Toulon. He was guillotined three days after.
Previous to our surrounding the entrenched camp of Maubeuge, and the fortress of that name, it was absolutely necessary to cross the river Sambre to penetrate thither an enterprise the more perilous, as the enemy occupied redoubts extremely well for-
tified on the opposite side of that river. Very early in the morning of the 29th, a large corps of Austrian troops made a movement, intending to force the French in their posts; in despite of the violent fire of the hostile artillery, which discharged cañ-shot, our brave soldiers passed the Sambre with undaunted courage; and after a long and murderous conflict, the republicans were forced in several redoubts, and obliged to retreat with the utmost precipitation into the town of Maubeuge; they left us eleven pieces of cannon and some wounded prisoners. After this bloody engagement, the entrenched camp and the fortress of Maubeuge were completely blockaded.
OCTOBER 4.
Some considerable additions are making to the fortifications of Ostend on the land side; which looks as if our government intend to make it as secure a depot as they can for the ammunition and provisions with which our troops are to be supplied in the winter. It has been strongly reported this week, that the Duke of York is to give up the command of the army to Sir William Erskine; and that his Royal Highness will soon return to England.
All the accounts from Flanders concur in asserting, that the French are preparing to make a winter's campaign on that side; and as the measures for resistance, on that part of the Allies, will be no less active, we may again hear of their marching up to their necks in snow, and dying it red with human blood.
OCTOBER 6.
The troops which are selected for the expedition to the West-Indies, under Sir C. Grey and General Prescott, are to embark about the middle of this month. The victuallers have been lying off Deptford, with the necessary provisions for some time. — Sir John Jervis's fleet is nearly ready, and part of the troops are on their way from Ireland. It is stated, that two regiments are to be drafted for this expedition from the army under the Duke of York.
It is necessary this force should be in the West-Indies by the end of November at the latest. It could have arrived by the beginning of November it would have been better, for the campaign months in the West-Indies continue only from November to April. The intermediate months between April and November are unfit for military operations, on account of the excessive heat of some, and the violent rains in the other months.
OCTOBER 7.
The Duke of York's army has been reinforced with 6000 Hessians. It continues encamped near Menin, supported on his right by the corps of Austrians under Gen. Beaulieu. The French army, which used to annoy his advanced posts, has disappeared.
The French are now so weakened in that quarter, that so far from acting offensively, they are now in the greatest apprehension for their garrisons, in Artois and French Flanders.
The Hanoverians and Hessians have at present the post of honour in the Duke's army, being most advanced in the territory of the enemy. Hitherto that post has always been held by the British, who will resume it, upon receiving sufficient reinforcements; but at present their sick and wounded obliges his Royal Highness to form the advanced corps from the subsidiary army.
The Convention has broken Houchard, the General, who has gained the most brilliant victory in the course of the war, and whose extraordinary merits have been universally acknowledged by the English army, as well as the Hanoverians, whom he defeated. He is put under arrest, and with all his Etat Major, is to be delivered to the Revolutionary Tribunal. Among the reasons, or rather pretexts, for Houchard's arrest, are, his not throwing the English into the sea after he had beaten them; and for not cutting the Dutch to pieces after he had surrounded them!
October 8. From some Parisian Journals of the 27th ult. we learn that the French executive council after having cashiered General Houchard, with the commander in chief of the army of the North, for not having carried his conquests farther into Austrian Flanders, replaced him in his command by that notorious and monstrous cut-throat Danton.
The executive council has likewise broke Generals Landermont and Schombour, the former of whom commanded the army of the Rhine, and the latter of the Moselle. They are replaced by Generals Delmas and Moreau.
October 10. Yesterday morning between one and two o'clock, Lord Byron arrived in town from the continent. His Lordship left Menin, on Monday last. No material recent event had then occurred; but dispositions were making by the Prince of Saxe Cobourg for an attack of the French entrenched camp at Maubeuge, on the 8th or 9th instant, so that we may, in the course of this day or to morrow, hear the event of this important operation.
The town and fortress of Lauterbourg, which has just opened its gate to the victorious allies, is a place of considerable strength, situated at a distance of ten miles S. E. of Weissenbourg. It was taken by the Austrians in the year 1744.
Some decisive action must be sought in Flanders, before the combined armies can secure to themselves safe winter cantonments.
Further naval preparations are certainly making, under rear Admiral Macbride's direction, to act against Dunkirk.
Lyons was summoned for the last time on the 20th Sept.
It is not expected the campaign will last much longer. Orders have been given at Ostend to prepare there, and in the neighbourhood, quarters for 16,000 men.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Saturday, December 7.
MR. Smith, S. C. observed, that the address intended to be presented to the President of the United States, had already appeared in two of the morning papers. He wished to know from the clerk whether he had given a copy; he was apprehensive that some disrespect to the President might have been construed from this transaction, especially as it had not been finally acted upon, was read this morning with the minutes on the journal, and the house had it in their power to alter the same. He believed the persons concerned in the publication, did not foresee the impropriety; but he hoped the like would not be done again, and with this view he had risen.
Monday, December 9.
The clerk proceeded to read the communications from the President of the United States, respecting certain negotiations with European powers.
The communications contained in the first were read, and related chiefly to the transactions between the French ministers and the federal government.
The clerk made some progress in reading the second part, which contained communications between the minister plenipotentiary of Great-Britain and Mr. Jefferson, when Mr. Smith, S. C. requested leave to present a report on the contested election of Mr. J. E. Van Allen, from the state of New-York; this being granted, the report was read: the report concluded with a request that the house would give general directions respecting the investigation.
A motion was then made, by Mr. Boudinot, to recommit the report, and to adopt the mode of investigation used in the election of Mr. Wayne.
After some further conversation on the subject, the house adjourned without decision.
Tuesday, December 10.
The speaker reminded the house, that when they adjourned yesterday, there had been depending a motion for recommitting the report of the committee of elections, but as some of the members, who had been chiefly engaged in that business, were not yet come into the house, he moved that the clerk should be ordered to proceed in reading the correspondence between Mr. Jefferson and the British minister. Agreed.
Towards the close of the reading of this day, the correspondence between Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Hammond became interesting and melancholy. — Mr. Hammond, in an elaborate letter to Mr. Jefferson, attempts to vindicate the instructions of George the third to his officers, to seize every ship sailing from America to France, laden with provisions. He endeavours to prove that this conduct is consistent with the law of nations. Mr. Jefferson states the hardships that must result to America, by being thus deprived of an opportunity of purchasing those articles of convenience, which the citizens of the United States did not hitherto manufacture for themselves. Mr. Hammond, on the other hand, represents that the war now carried on against France, differs in its principles from any other modern contest. Personal application was also made to Lord Grenville on this head, and two letters, describing the result of it, were read. He answered by a variety of professions of regard for the United States, and mentioned the sincere friendship entertained for them by the king of England. But he, at the same time, stated the impossibility of any relaxation, the orders of his majesty. He added, that the king of Spain would follow exactly the same line of conduct. He was interrogated as to the meaning of the late convention between Russia and the court of England. He replied they were to expect the same treatment from Russia as from Britain and from Spain, because a reference to her was implied, though not expressed in the treaty.
The reading was interrupted by a conversation between the speaker and the several members, concerning a petition from a person in the state of Delaware as to a contested election, but as this took place only a few minutes before three o'clock, the house soon after adjourned.
The following is the Answer of the President of the United States, to the Address of the House of Representatives; inserted in our Paper of Monday last.
Gentlemen,
I shall not affect to conceal the cordial satisfaction on which I derive from the address of the house of representatives. Whatever those services may be, which you have sanctioned by your favor, it is a sufficient reward, that they have been accepted as they were meant. For the fulfilment of your anticipations of the future, I can give no other assurance, than that the motives which you approve, shall continue unchanged.
It is truly gratifying to me to learn, that the proclamation has been considered as a seasonable guard against the interruption of the public peace. Nor can I doubt that the subjects which I have recommended to your attention as depending on legislative provision, will receive a discussion suited to their importance. With every reason then, it may be expected that your deliberations, under the divine blessing, will be matured to the honour and happiness of the United States.
G. WASHINGTON.

Wednesday, December 11.
The House, agreeably to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole House on the speech of the President of the United States, at the commencement of this session, Mr. Trumbull in the chair; and, after some time spent in the business, the committee rose, reported progress, and asked leave to sit again; which being granted, the resolutions, agreed to by the committee were taken up, and adopted by the House, as follows:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for completing and better supporting the military establishment of the United States; and a committee of seven members was appointed on this resolution.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to report whether any and what amendments are necessary to be made in the law which establishes an uniform militia throughout the United States. A committee of seven members was appointed on this resolution.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed, to prepare and report a bill to continue and amend the act to establish the post-office and post roads of the United States. A committee of nine was appointed on this resolution.
Some other resolutions were offered during the sitting of the committee, which were laid on the table until the committee shall sit on the same business again.
Mr. Clarke gave notice, that he would next Friday, move for the appointment of a committee to bring in a bill to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States, and another committee to bring in a bill on lost certificates.
SENATE.
December 10.
To the President of the United States.
Accept, Sir, the thanks of the Senate, for your speech delivered to both houses of Congress, at the opening of the session. Your re-election to the chief magistracy of the United States, gives us singular pleasure. We consider it as an event every way propitious to the happiness of our country; and your compliance with the call, as a fresh instance of the patriotism which has so repeatedly led you to sacrifice private inclination to the public good. In the unanimity which a second time marks this important national act, we trace with particular satisfaction, besides the distinguished tribute paid to the virtues and abilities which it recognizes, another proof of that just discernment, and confiancy of sentiments and views, which has hitherto characterized the citizens of the United States.
As the European powers, with whom the United States have the most extensive relations, were involved in war, in which we had taken no part—it seemed necessary that the disposition of the nation for peace should be promulgated to the world, as well for the purpose of admonishing our citizens of the consequences of contraband trade, and of acts hostile to any of the belligerent parties, as to obtain by a declaration of the existing legal state of things, an easier admission of our rights to the immunities of our situation, we therefore contemplate, with pleasure, the proclamation by you issued, and give to it our hearty approbation.
We deemed it a measure well-timed, and wise; manifesting a watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation, and calculated to promote it. These several important matters presented to our consideration, will, in the course of the session, engage all the attention to which they are respectively entitled; and as the public happiness will be the sole guide of our deliberations, we are perfectly assured of receiving your strenuous, and most zealous co-operation.
JOHN ADAMS, vice-president of the United States, and President of the Senate.
The President's Reply.
Gentlemen, THE pleasure expressed by the Senate, on my re-election to the station which I fill, commands my sincere and warmest acknowledgments—If this be an event which promises the smallest addition to the happiness of our country, as it is my duty, so shall it be, my study to realize the expectation.
The decided approbation which the proclamation now receives from your house, by completing the proof, that this measure is considered, as manifesting a vigilant attention to the welfare of the United States, brings with it a peculiar gratification to my mind.
The other important subjects, which have been communicated to you, will, I am confident, receive a due discussion; and the result will, I trust, prove fortunate to the United States.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
NEW YORK, December 3.
United States of America. 7th November, 1793. and 2d year of the French Republic.
CITIZEN AND FRIEND,
I send you a copy of a letter I wrote, not to Genet, (whom I despise as much as he is despicable) but to the minister of the French republic, which I shall acknowledge in his person until a virtuous man comes to take the place which he dishonors, and to send him back to France, to undergo a punishment due to his crimes. I demand a passage of him to return to my own country to carry thither the written testimonies of general Galbaud's innocence; there to denounce the atrociousness of the two devouring monsters of St. Domingo, and the attempts of the tyrannical negroes that persevere on this continent, its unfortunate citizens whose misfortunes he inexorably insults, but let him tremble! The reign of the Brissot is over—The axe is lifted over the heads of the guilty!
Adieu indefatigable citizen. May the most favorable circumstances reunite us, in the bosom of our dear country, and let it triumph over its enemies—The virtuous Galbaud preserves his friendship and esteem for you as well as for our friend Taungy and Breton and for all the true republicans.
A. CONSCIENCE.
Aid-de Camp of General Galbaud.
To the French and Americans.
I read with indignation in the papers of the 20th November, 1793, the invitation of Genet to citizen Conscience, aid-de-camp to the republican Galbaud, governor-general of St. Domingo, to come to New-York—first, because he forgets to mention that the letter of said Conscience is dated from the United States. Secondly, because he puts this letter into English, when it only concerns a Frenchman, and interests all Frenchmen. Thirdly, because he gives room to believe in the most perfidious and culpable manner, that this young officer has resisted the solicitations of general Galbaud, to go over to the enemy, when the virtuous Galbaud himself has rejected with horror the proposals of the English, and has declared to them authentically, that he had sworn an implacable hatred to tyrants and despots, that he did not aspire but to the moment of presenting himself at the bar of the national assembly, there to unmask Polveral, Santhonax and Genet, those three disorganizers. Fourthly, because he speaks of invoking the indulgence of the executive council in favor of an officer, the friend and child of his country—who has never ceased to merit the protection of the republic; and who has sworn to be constantly attached to the republican Galbaud—a general commendable for his sacrifices and persecutions for the republic; annexed to this is a copy of a letter from citizen Conscience, of which I have the original.
DUNY.
NORFOLK, December, 11.
The following intelligence is received by the Brig Commerce. Capt. Small, arrived at Charleston on the 13th ult. from Rotterdam after a short passage.
That Mr. Pinckney, the American Ambassador, had made the following requisition to the British court, which, it was said, had been agreed to: that the western posts should be delivered up to the United States; that the British shall not supply the Indians, who are hostile to the Americans, with goods or ammunition—that American seamen shall not be subject to impress into the British service; and that American vessels on the high seas shall not be molested by British cruisers. It was further reported, that an embassy had been appointed by the British court, to be sent to America, for the purpose of adjusting with Congress, some points relative to a commercial treaty.
MARTINSBURG, December 23.
By communications lately read in the House of Representatives of the United States, it appears that the executive as early as the 16th of August, wrote to our Minister in France, to demand the recall of Citizen Genet. [Giving those instructions two months to reach France, we may now every day expect to hear the result.] The letter of complaint is accompanied with unbounded assurances of friendship for the Republic.
The departure of Secretary Lear, for the continent of Europe, has probably some reference to those instructions. He is likewise, no doubt, charged with despatches for Mr. Pinckney, at the court of London. One of Citizen Genet's Secretaries, also, took his passage for France, some time in the beginning of October, and about the same time the Secretary of Mr. Pinckney arrived here. This period is, no doubt, big with important concerns; our connexion with Europe is so close (notwithstanding our distance from it,) by means of commercial ties, that the recommendation of the President to put the country in a respectable state of defence, considering the situation of European affairs is certainly very seasonable.
By documents, read in the House of Representatives of the United States, our government, it appears, has addressed the British Minister and Court, in a very firm tone, on the subject of a surrender of the frontier posts, secured to us by treaty. They can no longer it should seem, turn a deaf ear to the complaint, answer it by recriminations, or treat it with contemptuous silence.
[From a New-York Paper, of the 10th inst.] The following authentic paper was received by Schuyler Livingston, esquire, who came in the snow Mary, express from Lisbon.
Citizens of the United States of America,
Nine Algerine corsairs are now cruising in the Atlantic—they carry from 22 to 44 guns—they sailed out of the Mediterranean on the 6th instant, and were seen on the 9th to capture 4 American vessels, two Hamburghese, and one Genoese. A truce for 12 months between Portugal and Algiers was signed on the 12th of September last, by the British agent at Algiers, in behalf of her majesty the queen of Portugal—and another truce by the same agent about the same time, in behalf of the United Netherlands.
The foregoing authentic intelligence, goes by express from your truly distressed, and faithful fellow citizen.
EDWARD CHURCH,
Consul of the United States.
Lisbon, October 14. 1793.
N. B. A Swedish ship saw the Algerines, after taking an American, discharge part of her cargo into the sea—this was probably that the vessels might sail better, meaning to arm her on the spot with a
few guns, in order to increase their number of cruisers. We are informed that ten of the Dutch Captains taken by the Algerines since the war with Holland, have died of the plague in Algiers—how many of other descriptions of nations I have not heard. By an American, fortunately arrived this day from Falmouth, we are informed, that the American vessels now in England, are returning in ballast, the English not chusing to risk their property in American bottoms; but no reason has been assigned for mysterious conduct; mysterious in England, but evident enough here. E. C.
WANTED IMMEDIATELY,
A YOUNG MAN, well acquainted with the Distilling Business, and who can give an indisputable recommendation.
December 23d 1793. Inquire of the Printer.
TO BE RENTED.
THAT noted Tavern in Charles Town, which is at present occupied by the Subscriber; possession will be given the first of April next. For terms apply to,
WILLIAM CHERRY.
December 23, 1793.
ALL Persons having demands on the estate of William Skinner, late of Berkeley, deceased, are requested to exhibit their accounts for adjustment; and all those indebted to the said estate, are requested to make payment, as it is wished that an immediate settlement may take place.
REBECCA SKINNER, Administratrix.
To be rented, a SADDLER'S SHOP, with or without the working tools.
Martinsburg, December 23, 1793.
FOR SALE,
A HOUSE and Lot in Middletown; the House is built with large squared logs, 28 by 26 feet, two stories high, with three rooms on each floor, completely finished, with a good kitchen adjoining the same; the lot is enclosed with good paling post and rail fence. There is likewise a convenient stable, adjoining the premises is a grass lot containing three quarters of an acre, under good post and rail fence, clear of ground rent, which will be sold with the former. Any person inclining to purchase this valuable property, may know the terms (which will be reasonable) by applying to the Subscriber, living on the premises.
ROBERT LAMON.
Middletown, December 17th, 1793.
WHEREAS the Subscribers signed three penal Bonds to William Noble, of Berkely County, each for the sum of forty seven pounds five shillings, the first due November 1, 1794, the second November 1, 1795, and the third November 1, 1796, and which Bonds were given the said Noble for a certain tract of land, but to which said land we are well assured he has not a good right, we therefore forewarn all persons from taking an assignment of either of the said Bonds, as we are determined not to pay them until we are satisfied with regard to the title.
SOLOMON SILKWOOD. WILLIAM ROBINSON.
December 21st. 1793.
TO BE RENTED.
THE House in Martinsburg, opposite Mr. John Rohr's, and now occupied by Mr. Christian Smith. The House has adjoining a very complete kitchen, stable and garden, with every other convenience that could be wished for the accommodation of a family. Possession will be given on the first of April next. For terms apply to Mr. Edward Christian in Martinsburg, or the Subscriber in Winchester.
JAMES ASH.
December 19th, 1793.
A valuable Plantation for Sale.
PURSUANT to the last will of William Baldwin, deceased, will be sold by Public Vendue, on the 2d Tuesday of March next, on the Premises, (if fair, if not, the next fair day,) the Plantation on which the said William Baldwin lately dwelt, situate in Berkeley County, Virginia, about 8 miles from Martinsburg, containing about 300 acres, one hundred and sixty or seventy of which are cleared, and under good fence, 10 acres of excellent meadow made, which may easily be watered from a large limestone spring.—The remainder of the land is well covered with oak, walnut, hickory and poplar timber. There is on said Plantation, two dwelling houses, two double barns, a large apple-orchard, and other fruit-trees. One fifth part of the purchase money must be paid down, the remainder in four equal annual payments, on giving bonds with approved security. A plat of the land will be shown, and other particulars respecting the premises made known on the day of sale by
JAMES STRODE JAMES CAMPBELL } Executors.
The title is indisputable.
December 17th. 1793.
COMMITTED to the jail in Berkeley County, 13th of this month, a negro man, who appears to be about 27 years old, about 5 feet 7 inches high. He says he belongs to Capt. William Lane, in London. His master is desired to come, pay charges, and take him away. ROBERT COCKBURN, Jailor.
December 14, 1793.

SEAT OF THE MUSES.
THE CROW AND LARK.
He who would from Envy pass his days, Must live obscure and never merit praise.
A CROW once strutting o'er the stubbled plain, Just as a Lark descending clos'd his strain, The Crow bespoke him thus, with solemn grace:— "Thou most accomplish'd of the feather'd race. What force of lungs! how clear you sing, And no bird soars upon a stronger wing." The Lark who scorn'd soft flattery thus replies: "True, I sing sweet, and on strong pinions rise; Yet let me pass my life from Envy free, For what advantage are these gifts to me? My song confines me to the wiry cage, My flight provokes the Falcon's fatal rage; But as you pass, I hear the Fowler say, To shoot at Crows is powder thrown away."
From the (New-York) Daily Advertiser.
Messrs. Printers,
FROM a review of the public prints for some weeks past, it evidently appears that Mr. Genet is pursuing measures tending to excite a spirit subversive of our government and to involve us in all the confusion and anarchy which unhappily prevails in France and in her colonies.
The frequent calumnies uttered by him against those justly esteemed characters, vested by us with the first offices of the state; the construction he has given to our constitution and treaties; the licentious sentiments upon government in general which he entertains; and the contempt with which he treats those philosophers and friends of mankind, whose works have illuminated and civilized the world, are sufficient grounds to warrant the above conclusion.
His first appearance in print was marked by some little shew of argument; presuming however, upon our late silence (construed by him into evidence of approbation, but which has been the result of respect for his country) he has at length ventured an outrage upon our understandings and feelings, unprecedented by a foreign Minister in the annals of modern history.
His measure of offence at length overflows, and there cannot be a doubt of the President's taking effectual measures to save the American character from the ridicule and scorn to which a continuance of this man among us would expose us. It is fortunate for Mr. Genet, that we yet have a respect for the laws and customs of civilized nations (which he affects to despise) or it is impossible to say to what lengths the resentment of the people might carry them on this occasion.
Who is there that possesses the pride and independence of spirit which ought to glow in the breast of an American citizen, that does not feel the keenest indignation against a foreigner residing among us by mere courtesy, who dares to tell those fages and patriots whose virtues and talents reflect honor upon our country, and to whom we have confided the judicial powers of our government, that they are either corrupt or ignorant of the laws of their country; who dares to say to our beloved President that he is unacquainted with the constitution, and a stranger to the duties of his office; and finally, who has exhibited him as a mere dupe and puppet in the hands of others. All this has in effect been done by Mr. Genet in his late various publications.
Is it not therefore truly surprising to find some of our citizens so far actuated by personal resentments, as not to be ashamed to become the partisans of a foreign minister, whose measures are destructive to the peace, the dignity, and the happiness of our country. How truly contemptible must our national character appear in the eyes of Europe, if this man's conduct should escape public reprehension—a stranger, from a view of several late papers would be induced to conclude, that we were colonies of France, and Mr. Genet our Viceroy. Such an opinion would be infinitely more honorable to us, than a tame submission to the insults we have received at his hands.
Let all those therefore, who love their country, concur in soliciting a dismission of a man who has sinned beyond forgiveness. The French nation cannot sanction his conduct, and if they do, Americans ought to hazard their existence rather than live exposed to the scorn and contempt of the world.
VOX POPULI.
THE 3d year of this paper expired on the 7th ult.—All persons indebted to the Printer, are requested to make payment.
LIBERTY-HALL ACADEMY.
THE Trustees of LIBERTY-HALL ACADEMY, are happy in being able to announce to the public, that the buildings and other affairs relative to the instruction and comfortable accommodation of Students, are in such posture as to admit the commencement of the winter session on the 1st of December. As we solicit the countenance and aid of the generous patrons of virtue and learning, and as we offer our services for the important purposes of moral and literary improvement, it will doubtless be expected that we give some official information respecting the situation and improvements of the place; the terms of boarding and tuition; and the objects which the institution embraces in its constituent principles, and by which its operations are to be directed in the process of public instruction. It is not the intention of the Board to enter upon a minute description of the seat of the Academy, and quality of the buildings; we think proper however, to observe, that the former (at a half mile's distance from Lexington) is pleasant and healthful, commanding, from its elevated situation, an extensive and agreeable prospect; and that the latter, though executed on a model, where utility and convenience were the primary objects, possesses (notwithstanding) in no inconsiderable degree, neatness and elegance. The capacity of the building is such, that fifty or sixty Students may be accommodated with ease. The principles upon which boarding is to be regulated, are perhaps somewhat novel, yet such, it is presumed, as will give general satisfaction. Upon considering the fluctuating state of the price of provisions, the trustees saw, that to fix boarding permanently, at a particular rate, would involve considerable difficulties, and be productive of mutual disadvantages to the Steward and to the Students. It was obvious to remark, that a foreign demand, or other circumstances, might enhance the price of provisions, so as to subject the Steward to disadvantages, by obliging him to undergo greater expenses, without an increase of his stipend; and, on the other hand, in a season of plenty, the detriment would lie on the side of the Students, who must pay the established price, notwithstanding a diminution in the value of commodities. To remedy this, the Board settled what they supposed might be a standard price for provisions in this part of the country, and in relation to that, established boarding at 7l. per session, allowing a session to consist of five months, and two such terms to complete a year; and if at any time it be found that the staple price of provisions exceeds or falls below this standard, it is provided, that the price of boarding shall rise and fall in the same ratio. It was also further provided, that if gentlemen can furnish the Steward with provisions, at the settled rates, they shall have boarding at 7l. per session. That the officers of the Academy might with more facility and precision watch over the morals, and adjust the studies of the youth, it was adopted as a standing order of the Board, that all Students (except those who can conveniently attend from home) shall board with the Steward, who is to furnish the table, make the beds, and sweep the rooms. Students are to find their own beds, washing, wood, candles, &c. The terms of tuition are 30s. each session, which, together with the price of boarding, is to be paid at entrance.—To conclude, it is not the design of this institution to limit the prosection and instruction to any particular description of youth, nor to give a specific preference in her mode of discipline, or topics of study, to any professional department in real life; such partiality would be utterly incongruous with the genius of liberal science, and that open generous spirit which should ever influence the operations of public Seminaries, and directly repugnant to the benevolent intentions of the legislature in constituting this Seminary a legal Corporation—But her object is, with liberal hand, to open the great temple of erudition indiscriminately, to all youth of genius and character, and be a series of impartial administration, to aim at forming them for acting in any sphere of future life, with dignity and usefulness. The late connection of this Seminary with the Synod of Virginia, and the obligations such a connection involves, are so far from abridging those immunities which it enjoys, under the auspices of government, or contracting the plan of a disinterested and diffusive education, that they happily tend to improve the one, and give energy to the other. From that body the Academy derives considerable aid, and possesses a full share of their council and influence, while nothing is demanded in return but the education of their youth, agreeably to a plan prescribed by them. That no undue influence is given to their youth, in administering public instruction, will appear from the following order of the Board for that purpose. On motion, Resolved, that the course of religious and moral instruction shall be continued as heretofore, to all whose parents or guardians shall choose it; or, the Students themselves, being of proper age, shall choose to be so instructed: but if the parents, guardians, or students themselves shall not choose to be so instructed, they shall be instructed in the usual course of Academical studies, and weekly, or monthly, as may be most convenient, shall be exercised in English grammar, and in compositions in the English language, reserving to such Students the privilege of choosing the subjects on which they shall write. And now, if gentlemen think fit to honor this Seminary with that difficult and important trust, the education of youth, we are ready to
pledge our character, as its deputed guardians, that the preceding overtures, so far as they oblige us with regard to the future management of the affairs of this Seminary, shall be strictly and inviolably complied with, and that all possible attention shall be given to guard the morals of youth, and facilitate their progress in literature. By order of the Board, SAMUEL HOUSTON, Clerk. Rockbridge County, November 29, 1793.
THE Subscriber having removed from the place where he formerly lived, in Shepherd's-Town, informs his friends in particular and the public in general, that he has furnished himself with the best materials, and employed some of the best workmen, so that he is now able to make as good Wagons as on the continent, and as reasonable. He now lives in the Main Street, a few doors below John Kearley, Esq.'s, and any person enquiring at Joseph McMurrain's Store, will receive information. HENRY FEYSER. Shepherd's-Town, Dec. 14, 1793.
In the High Court of Chancery, September the 26th, 1793.
BETWEEN Robert M c Knight - - - - - Plt. } AND Milling Wooley, and Laurence M c Kernan. Deft. }
THE Defendant Milling Wooley not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the act of assembly, and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the plaintiff by his council, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette for two months successively, and published at some church of the parish of Norborne, in the county of Berkeley, on some Sunday immediately after divine service, and at the front door of the Capitol in the city of Richmond. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C.H.C.C.
THE Subscriber requests those that are indebted to him by open account, to come and settle, and if they cannot discharge what may be due, to give their obligations, as their accounts may be closed by the first of April next; he then purposes to open a large assortment of Merchandize, and wants his books settled before he begins business again, as they have been long standing. JOSEPH MINGHINI. November 11, 1793.
JOSEPH & JOSHUA RIDDLE, Have just received a neat and general Assortment of Well chosen FALL GOODS,
Imported in the last vessels from Europe. They hope to be able to give full satisfaction to all that may please to call on them; they are determined to sell for ready pay only, and have opened their goods at as low an advance as any others in the County.—The highest price given for country produce of every kind in cash or goods. They return their thanks to the public for the encouragement they have already received and hope to merit a continuance. N. B. Saddles of all sorts at the shortest notice. 12m.
EIGHT DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the Subscriber, on the night of the 10th of September last, a Negro Man named SOMERS, about 26 or 27 years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, tawny complexion, has a down look. He took with him when he went away, a light cloth coat and breeches, a red shag waistcoat, a round white sailor jacket, a pair of striped and a pair of tow overalls, a good wool hat, and shoes. He will endeavour to pass for a freeman. Whoever apprehends said Negro and returns him to me, or commits him to goal so that I get him again, shall have the above reward, and necessary charges. JOHN KEARNEY. Berkeley County, Virginia, November 11, 1793.
WANTED IMMEDIATELY, Two Journeymen SADDIERS, and a Journeyman BLACKSMITH,
The latter who understands the waggon business, horse-shoeing, &c. Constant employ and good wages will be given, by applying to WILLIAM DARKE. November 25, 1793.
Constant employ and good wages will be given to a JOURNEYMAN BLACKSMITH, Who is acquainted with the different branches of the business, by WILLIAM MERRETT. November 25, 1793.