Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-06-23 00:00:00

LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
Representative Chamber, June 7, 1808.
At 10 o'clock, agreeably to notification, his excellency the governor, preceded by the sheriff, and accompanied by the council, met the two branches, and delivered the following
SPEECH:
Gentlemen of the Senate and
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
Having been informed by your joint committee, that the two branches of the legislature were ready to receive any communications from the governor, which he might have to make to them; I requested you to allow me the honour of meeting you at this time and place. This practice has been respected in the days of safety and prosperity, as well as in the periods when our country was involved in dangers and difficulties. It might be justified by common usage to submit to your consideration the particular business which I conceive to be necessary to your deliberations in the present session, and to call your attention to no other subject.
The method, which I am urged by the exigencies of the country to pursue, does by no means exclude me from laying before you, by special messages, the particular concerns of the commonwealth:—But in the present critical state of our national affairs, the communication made with this formality, to the senate and house of representatives, by the governor, is to be understood as a communication to their constituents at large. Our fellow citizens stand anxiously waiting for that intelligence, which a speech from the chair, and the replies from the two houses, may give them, at this momentous crisis.
Holding in sacred respect, the morality and policy of the Declaration of Independence, (subscribed with unexampled fortitude, by the members of our general congress, on the 4th day of July, 1776) as the foundation of our national and state constitutions of government; I shall give you, in as few words as possible, my ideas of the importance of supporting our rank, in the full exercise of our sovereignty, as one of the nations of the world; my apprehensions of the dangers by which our national character may be overthrown; and my sentiments of the measures necessary to its preservation.
Though all true Americans would deprecate the idea of becoming subjects of a foreign power, yet our situation, in regard to our foreign relations, is such that the publick opinion, formed from the pressing feelings of a temporary necessity, or from a mistaken view of the advantages of foreign connexions, may betray us into errors, which may involve us and our posterity in disgrace and misery, for many years to come.
When our highly respected leader, president Washington, retired from the laborious charge of publick duties, he did not lay aside his anxiety for his country, or cease to express his apprehensions of that danger, which might result from her foreign connexions, as well as from her internal divisions.—The address of that patriot, on his retirement, ought to be studied by succeeding generations, and held in high respect as the perfect creed of American politics.
Whatever may be the advantages of one nation over another, as to climate, numbers, wealth or force, yet, in point of national rights, all must be on the same grade of perfect equality.—To depart from this rule, in the most minute degree, would lay the nation departing from it, prostrate at the foot of another. Sovereignty is the vital principle of national existence; and though in its exercise, over its own subjects, it may, for their convenience and safety, admit of modifications as to its coercive procedures, yet in regard to other nations, the principle must remain entire, exercised by its own will, controlled by itself alone, or the nation loses its character, and ceases to exist as a separate power.
From the erroneous impressions that may be made on the publick opinion, in the present eventful age of the world, arise apprehensions of the dangers we may be in from foreign relations.
Foreign relations originate, primarily, in the law of nature and nations—principles of this law establish the rights of separate powers.
But with the greatest part of the European nations, our relations, as a foreign power, are enlarged or modified, by treaties of amity and commerce: Yet the existing embarrassment of our trade, result as well from unprecedented infringements of our claims, founded in the law of nations, as in the violation of those treaties, in which our government thought itself secure.
It would be tedious to detail, in this address, the orders and decrees of the two principal belligerent powers in Europe, up to this day; by which the rights of the United States, with those of other neutral nations, have been violated and trampled upon.—Nor can it be material for us to examine which of those powers was original in the injury; since the unjustifiable conduct of the first can afford no justification, as regards us, for the other.—Much less is it our duty, to inquire which of those powers is morally, or politically wrong in regard to the other; because they are equally independent of us, and have not submitted their controversies to our mediation.
But still it becomes us to be acquainted with those measures in which we are now obliged to feel so deep an interest.
The method which has been adopted by France and England against neutral nations, to blockade by orders and decrees, they both acknowledge, by their reciprocal charges against each other, to have no foundation in the law of nations.
These orders and decrees seem to have been first thought of in the year 1793; after which, and before the year 1806, a great number of cities, rivers
and places, were declared, in that manner, to be in a state of actual blockade. The injuries now suffered by the United States, originated in, and since that year.
On the 21st of November, 1806, the emperor of France issued a decree, in which he charges England with disregarding the law of nations, and the rights of neutrality; "and with declaring places "in a state of blockade, before which he had not "a ship. He declares all the British Isles to be in "a state of blockade, and prohibits all trade and "correspondence with them." He provides in the same decree for the capture and condemnation, as prize, of English produce and manufactures, and denies to all neutral ships which are coming direct from England, or the English colonies, or which should have been there an entrance to the ports of France.
The charges made against the English government, were founded on an order of the king and council of that nation, issued on the 16th of May, 1806; declaring that all the rivers and ports from the river Elbe, in Germany, to the port of Brest, in France, both inclusive, should be considered as blocked. But "his majesty was pleased to declare, that such blockade shall not extend to "prevent neutral ships and vessels laden with goods, "not being the property of his majesty's enemies, "and not being contraband of war, from approaching said coast, and entering into, and sailing "from the said rivers and ports, from Ostend to "the river Seine, already in a state of rigorous "blockade; provided such ships or vessels shall "not be destined to any port or place in possession "of his majesty's enemies."
Thus by this new system, England blockaded more than nine hundred miles of sea coast, and France blockaded all the coasts of England and Ireland, all the English West India islands, and the English provinces.
Whatever ostensible easements to neutrals, were interwoven with those novel orders and decrees; yet the whole were done away in the succeeding year.
By another order of the 7th of January, 1807, issued by the English king and council, it is declared, "that no vessel shall be permitted to trade from "one port to another port, both which ports shall "belong to, or be in possession of France or her "allies, or shall be so far under their controul, as "that British vessels may not freely trade thereat."
On the 11th of November, 1807, the king and council of Great Britain issued an order, in the preamble of which, heavy charges, of a want of respect to the law of nations, and rights of neutrality are made against France; and it is therein declared, "that all the ports and places of France "and her allies, or any other country at war with "his majesty, and all other ports and places in "Europe from which altho' not at war with his "majesty, the British flag is excluded, and all the "ports and places in the colonies belonging to his "majesty's enemies, shall from henceforth be subject "to the same restrictions, in point of trade "and navigation, with the exceptions hereinafter "mentioned, as if the same were actually blockaded "by his majesty's naval forces in the most strict "and rigorous manner."
The exceptions mentioned in the order, extended to allow neutrals to "furnish themselves with colonial produce for their own consumption, and supply. It also extends to excusing from capture and condemnation, all vessels belonging to any country not at war with his majesty, which "shall have cleared out from any port or place in "this kingdom, or Gibraltar, or Malta, under such "regulations as his majesty may think fit to prescribe; or from any port belonging to his majesty's allies, and proceeding direct to the port specified in her clearance; and also vessels and cargoes coming direct from any port or place declared to be in a state of blockade and destined to some port in Europe belonging to his majesty."
On the 25th of December, 1807, the emperor of France issued a decree, with a preamble, in which he charges Great Britain with disrespecting the rights of nations and the laws of neutrality; in the order of the 11th November, and declares in the decree, that "every ship to whatever nation it "may belong that shall have submitted to be "searched by an English ship, or on a voyage to "England; that shall have paid any tax whatsoever to the English government, is therefore (by "that decree) to be denationalized, to have forfeited the protection of its (king) government, and "to have become British property."
By the same decree, all the Islands of Great Britain, are declared to be in a state of blockade.—All vessels trading to them, or to or from the English colonies, belonging to any nation whatever, are declared to be lawful prize, in virtue of that decree, to the French captors. This decree meets and encounters the English order in every point in regard to neutral commerce.
Thus by the English orders, and the French decrees, the commerce of the United States is overthrown, in all its principal objects; and Canton, in China, with an inconsiderable part of the shores of the Mediterranean, of Asia, and Africa, left to our mercantile speculations; and even this suffrage may be done away by captures, on pretext, by one nation, and confiscations by the other for submitting to searches which could not be resisted.
The order of the 11th of November, issued by the English king, and council, has been since supported in parliament, by a large majority in the house of lords, and house of commons.
Besides the order of the 11th, another order of the 25th of November, has been issued by the same authority, and has been supported by the English parliament as fully as the other was, in laying on goods entered and landed by neutrals, in England,
in compliance with the first order, a duty, called a warehouse duty, which, if I have calculated it accurately, will average more than thirty two per cent. on the value of the goods.
The government of the United States having publick ministers residing at the courts of both these belligerent powers, has not failed to make every possible effort to convince them, as well of the injustice as the impolicy of these violent measures.
But the act of the British parliament, before mentioned, having the sanction of the house of Lords, as the British cabinet wished, on the 27th March, leaves no hopes of that nation's relaxing its measures at present.
The emperor of France, on the 25th January last through a letter from one of his secretaries, gave notice to the ambassador of the United States, of the emperors intention to enforce his decree of the 26th December; and undertakes to explain the aggressions our nation has suffered from that of Great Britain. He goes further, he declares, "that "a war exists in fact between England and the United States; yet considering the United States "as associated with the cause of all other powers "who have to defend themselves against England, "declares that, therefore, he has not taken any definitive measures against our vessels, which "had, at that time, been captured by his cruise "under the decree of the 26th of December."
In a communication of this kind, it is impossible to be more particular, in stating our situation in regard to our foreign relations with those two powers. I have been faithful, and have endeavoured to be correct.
In this intricate and perplexed situation, it may be apprehended, with great anxiety, that a false step, or an erroneous calculation, or a fallacious expectation of foreign aid, may involve us, and our posterity in irretrievable misery and disgrace.
It is natural here to recur to the danger of placing confidence in foreign alliances for the support of national independence.
When we turn our attention to ancient and modern history, we are convinced, that there never was a nation, which had placed its hopes as to maintaining its sovereignty and independence, on another power, but what has been reduced to conquest and misery. To this truth, solemn and interesting as it is, we have proof, from numerous instances, which have very recently taken place. The whole face of Europe has been changed within a few years; some nations are erased from the list of monarchies and republics; and others, heretofore considered as respectable, and not a few of them invincible, if they had depended on themselves, have now the mere shadows of sovereign power. My sentiments, of the means necessary to maintain our national character, may be communicated in a very few words.
A great politician (in Europe) lays it down as a maxim, that "there can be no concord or unity in a nation, but where there is only one supreme power." This valuable sentiment is expressed by President Washington, in more beautiful language, in his valedictory address to the United States:—"The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also dear to you; it is justly so, for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence—the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize."
The benefits of this union, that great Soldier and Statesman had been a witness to. If in the revolutionary war, any one, even the smallest state in the union, had withdrawn itself from the confederation, it would have deranged, nay probably defeated all our efforts.
The contest arising from an opposition of one or more of the states to the authority of the national government, I call a national anarchy . This is a more dangerous and distressing evil than the anarchy resulting, in common instances, from the commotion of subjects rising against civil government; because the opposition in this case would, as each state has a separate form of government, be organized at the commencement of its insurrection, and the calamities would be increased in proportion as the states should become divided, as states from the general government.
The scenes of blood and carnage, in other nations, seriously admonish us of our foreign dangers, and ought to convince us, that we can avoid them in no other way but by the free exercise of the general government, in all concerns within its powers, as delegated by the people, and by restricting the state governments to those lines of power which were designated when the federal government was carved out to them.
If the constitutions of our national and state government were what they were intended to be when established, they rest on the pillars of truth, and all deceptions, intrigue, and misrepresentations are opposed to the nature of their existence.
Those nations which thus interrupt our commerce, do not act from enmity to ours; but from what they conceive to be necessary to their own interest and security; yet, as under the forms of orders and decrees, they have done it, they are thus far to be considered as common enemies, against whose aggressions our national rights are to be defended. We cannot resign our neutral flag and our commerce to the direction of any power. No price is too great to be paid for the maintenance of our independence. No calamity can be so dreadful as subjection to a foreign power. The nations of Europe, though wasted by wars, are oppressed with an excess of population; their manufactories or those articles which they cannot afford to use at home, are their support under an intolerable weight of taxes. The United States exhibit a pleasing
contrast: Spreading themselves through every climate, including every soil, and possessing every advantage of navigation; delighting in that commerce which returns the gold and luxuries of every nation for their raw materials; the energy of their innate enterprise must still increase. Europe will not be inattentive enough to urge us to the habit of wearing the wool of our own flocks, instead of foreign cloths; spinning and weaving our own flax, for our own dress, weaving our own cotton instead of sending it to be manufactured and dyed in Europe for us: opening the bosom of our own acres for ores and coal, instead of bringing wrought and cast iron from Europe; and feeding on the sugar of our own cane, and the milk of our own kine, instead of foreign luxuries.
Though we ardently wish for peace we ought to be prepared for war. Instead of calculating upon the fallacious aid of foreign alliance, our government is raising forces and expects to make six hundred thousand militia the source of our defence.—These men, though not drilled in the ranks of battle, have been trained to subordination and habituated to the use of arms. They represent, in the field, more than five millions of free citizens, who are the fee-simple proprietors of the soil they cultivate; preferring death to slavery. Great provision is made for arming our militia, and the fortifications of our principal sea-ports are in process.
The political speculators in France and England, calculate their success against us without disguise, on our own factions and divisions.
It may be relied on, that neither the imprudent use, or abuse of the freedom of the press, can afford proof, by which a supposition so derogatory to our national character can be maintained; nor can the temporary arrangements of local or party divisions, or the opprobrious appellations, adopted from the warm breath of partizans, evince the existence of a powerful faction against their national freedom.—Foreign influence, and the subtle address of ambitious men, may lead too many astray; but on the nearer approach of publick danger, the great body of the people will be again united.
We cannot forget, that while the United States were provinces and colonies, complaints in regard to violations of charter and stipulated rights had no immediate—or that our independence has rolled on the smiling anniversaries of more than thirty years, exhibiting greater quiet, less commotions, more security to life and property, and less oppression by taxes, than have been found in any other country.
These observations naturally lead us to a recollection of a measure of our general government, to the expediency and propriety of which, not to its constitutionality, great objections have been made. The power of an embargo was exercised under the administration of President Washington, without scruple; but for the necessity of its exercise now, I have no authority to decide.
As in my official capacity, I could have no concern in the measure, I had no other knowledge in regard to it, than what I had by the same means, and in common with my fellow-citizens. I view the arrest of our commerce as a great calamity; but from the confidence I place in the government, I consider it as intended for an expedient to save our navigation from the unprovoked depredations of two mighty powers, and to preserve our nation, if possible, from the calamities of a foreign war. I feel it my duty, therefore, as a citizen of the general government to submit to it, until the national authority shall dispense with it, and to participate quietly in the evils resulting from it. There were, no doubt, divisions of opinion respecting the act, when it was passed; and oppositions were made, because the authenticated documents, orders or decrees from whence the expediency of the measure was supposed to arise, were not before congress; but the system pursued by France and England, in their war against each other, and against neutrals, was well understood. To allow our merchants to throw their immense number of vessels on the ocean, without preparation for defence, notice of their danger, or assurances of protection, would have been unpardonable in the government. Those decrees and acts are now before us—I have referred to them in order to give my fellow-citizens an opportunity to reflect on their own situation as it now is; and to decide, each one for himself, what his own conduct ought to be, in the present threatening aspect of publick affairs.
I rely upon it, that measures are taken, which will soon give our government official information of the dispositions of those nations towards us.—As to their decrees, all the commerce of the United States with all the world, excepting two or three places, is interdicted by one or the other of them. If they shall not relax in their measures towards us, our general government will have the expediency of a continuance of the embargo, for a longer time, properly before them. The idea of a perpetual embargo is inadmissible—there can be no inducement to it—no individual can derive any permanent advantage from the measure; the rulers can have none;—Whenever the difficulties from whence the necessity of the measures is supposed to arise, are removed, or the measure fails of producing the end proposed, the relinquishment of it is a thing of course.
Should the nations I have spoken of continue their aggressions, very serious questions must arise from our situation:—
Shall the vessels of our merchants traverse the ocean unprotected; or shall the flag of the United States have the protection of their artillery?
Shall unjustifiable depredations upon that property of our citizens, be borne with, or shall that property be defended by an open war, or by letters of marque and reprisal? Under what views, and against what nation or nations, shall the war be commenced?

These questions must rest with the national government—all attempts made by a single state to decide upon them, must tend to a national dissolution.
The legislature of the United States is adjourned to next November; but before the adjournment, congress passed an act for authorizing the president of the United States, to suspend the act laying the embargo. The act for authorizing a suspension declares, "That in the event of a peace, or suspension of hostilities, between the belligerent powers of Europe, or such changes in their measures, affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe in the judgment of the president of the United States, he is authorized during the recess of congress, to suspend the act in whole, or in part, under such exceptions and restrictions, and on such security as circumstances may require."—These are the words of the act; upon the constitutionality or utility of it, I give no opinion.
In a concern so highly interesting to this commonwealth, as its commerce is, the entire arrest of its navigation, and the interruption of its trade, must produce great anxiety in all, and no doubt, strong jealousies with some of the people. I therefore have considered it my duty, to lay this simple statement, at this time, before my fellow-citizens, without expressing any sentiment upon its consequences. This commonwealth, with seven hundred miles of sea-coast, principally full of inhabitants, must be much affected by the embargo; yet there has been, under its pressure, an exhibition of tranquility and good order, that could flow from no other source, than that of an enlightened understanding, and a pure love of liberty, conducted by law and government.
Though the controul of the act for laying an embargo is with the general government, yet it may be well to inquire, whether it is not within the power of the legislature of this state, to ameliorate the condition of the people, during its continuance. I understand, that attention has been paid to this in some of the states, but I do not feel myself authorized to say any thing more, than that I shall rejoice to unite with you in any measure which your wisdom shall point to, for the support of our fellow citizens under the embarrassment of their commerce, either by an embargo, or by the aggressions of foreign powers.
The act, as has been observed, was intended as an expedient, as well as to save our immense navigation from the destruction which then was in wait for it, as to induce the nations with whom we had been in commerce to leave our rights intire; and not to involve our trade in the depredations of their war. It is easy to conceive, that the appearance of divisions amongst ourselves, on the propriety of the measure, if realized in Europe, may prevent one of the valuable effects intended to be produced by it; and I cannot therefore excuse myself from saying, that if the European governments shall rely on appearances of this nature, they must be disappointed; that our nation will not yield its independence, or become tributary to any other power. In this solemn appeal to heaven, we must rely, under God, for the support of our national honour, upon our own internal strength, and in our own unconquerable situation; and defend ourselves with that energy, which our unanimity alone can produce.
JAMES SULLIVAN.
Council Chamber, June 7. 1808.
MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE.
IN SENATE, June 9.
ANSWER
To the Governor's Speech,
The following answer to His Excellency's Speech was accepted, and the Committee by whom it was reported were directed to present the same: May it please your Excellency,
The Senate receive, with the high degree of attention and respect which are ever due to the Chief Magistrate of Massachusetts, the Communication which your excellency has been pleased to address to them in common with the house of Representatives, and which, from the very critical and momentous situation of our publick affairs, is rendered peculiarly interesting at the present moment.
The Senate are happy to notice, that the Communication made to them at this time, is to be considered as a Communication made to their constituents at large. In governments in which all power emanates from the people, in which they have an incontestible, an unalienable right, to reform, alter, or totally change the form of government, and in which publick agents are at all times accountable to them, the people have a right to expect from their rulers frequent, fair and impartial statements of the situation of publick affairs; in order that they may be enabled intelligently and suitably, to improve the important rights they have retained and secured to themselves by their constitutions, in the selection of their publick officers; and whenever such communication is unduly withheld, jealousies and suspicions are engendered, which, whether well or ill founded, unavoidably produce a disadvantageous effect on the publick tranquility.
In an enlightened community, where the citizens can have but one common interest, if the means of information are opened to them, they are capable of duly estimating, and are the best judges of their own peculiar interests; and although no government can be effectively administered, without a certain degree of reliance being reposed in those to whom it has been confided, yet, while this position is admitted in its limited extent, the people, of this country will ever consider, that a blind confidence being given to, or required by any set of rulers, must be considered as more nearly resembling an attribute of despotism, than as the evidence of a free, pure, and elective republic.
The embarrassments on our foreign relations, the infringements of our rights, and the violation of our national dignity, by other powers, and the restrictions on our commerce, are all of them subjects of the highest interest, and will receive that attention which their importance merits.
In the concerns of nations, as with those of individuals, equal and exact justice to all, and a corresponding respect for ourselves, in requiring that from others, which we are willing to accord to them, should be the rule of our conduct.
In the present state of the world, it is however to be feared, that little is to be expected from appeals to reason, unless they are, in some degree, supported by an ability to enforce them.
The great powers of Europe, engaged in a sanguinary and a revengeful war, seem to consider the interests of all other nations as totally merged, the moment they come into competition with their views or objects—thus conducting, it is the duty of every nation having relations with them, to be prepared to rely on its own resources for the support of its own rights; and the Senate of Massachusetts will rejoice to see the Union placed in a state of defence, which if occasion should unhappily require it, may enable the United States promptly and effectually to maintain with other nations its equal rights, and to defend that independence so gloriously won, and which cannot but be considered by every friend of his country, and of national freedom, as the ark of our political salvation.
The inhabitants of this state, from its earliest establishment, accustomed to resort to the ocean, as a source of profit and employment, "and delighting that in commerce, which returns the gold and luxuries of every nation, for their raw materials," we cannot but consider an interdiction from it, by a permanent law of the United States, as a great and serious calamity.
At the call of their country, in its hour of danger the citizens of Massachusetts ever have been, and ever will be ready cheerfully to offer up their lives and fortunes; but considering the principles of equality as the basis of the union, they cannot but view, with serious apprehension, the interdiction, for an unlimited time, of the whole commerce of the country, nor view, without regret, the novel, and "as we believe" unconstitutional modes in which a part of the coasting trade still remaining, is alone permitted to be prosecuted. Totally adverse as are all our habits and institutions to the granting special indulgences in commerce to individuals, the senate cannot but observe with concern, the establishment of an inquisitorial tribunal in our country, to determine among our citizens, who are, and who are not entitled to confidence; as they believe the most rigid observance of the laws, might have been enforced more effectually, by measures infinitely less offensive to the feelings, or repugnant to the rights of the people.
The frequent experience of older countries having demonstrated, that a mantle of plausibility may easily be thrown over the most dangerous innovations in government, it especially behoves the citizens of the United States, and those to whom they have committed the guardianship of their rights, sedulously to watch, that innovations, erroneous in principle, but in their early progress not immediately oppressive in practice, should not pass unnoticed, and be suffered by the accumulation of precedents to attain the weight of prescription.
The senate agree with your excellency in the extreme danger of political foreign alliances, they should only be resorted to in cases of the most urgent necessity—a nation can alone be secure when it can rely on the virtue, patriotism, and the strength of its own citizens; and it is to be lamented, that in the present state of the world, a nation appears to be respected only in the proportion in which it is powerful. The events of the recent and present periods fully verify this truth; it is therefore with great satisfaction the senate learn, from the communication of your excellency that the government of the United States is raising forces for the protection of the union. We are fully sensible that for our internal defence, we must rely, under the favor of heaven, upon the militia of the country, and the senate are happy to believe that the militia of Massachusetts is inferior to that of no other state in the union.
Too much attention cannot however be given to this important safeguard of our nation; it can alone be rendered sufficiently effective, by a high degree of discipline, and by engraving on the minds of the citizens while on military duty, the habits and feelings of the soldier: these can alone result from the establishment of due degree of obedience and a subordination to their superiors in office, and a conviction on the minds of the latter, that in the legal and faithful discharge of their duty, however unpleasant some part of it may occasionally be to them, they will, without danger of becoming the victims of party or of prejudice, receive the steady support and approbation of their country. A militia thus constituted, with a small but well appointed army for the security of our frontiers, and an efficient naval force for the protection of our commerce, would greatly add to the respect in which we are held by other nations, and might perhaps be the means of averting from us the calamities of war, with its destructive train of consequences.
Fully impressed with the inconveniences to which the citizens of this commonwealth are subjected, and feeling a most ardent wish to alleviate the present situation of their constituents, the senate attend with great interest, to the suggestion made by your excellency, relative to the propriety of enquiring whether it is not in the power of the legislature of this state, to ameliorate the condition of the people, during the continuance of the embargo.
The senate will be happy to unite with your excellency in every constitutional measure calculated to produce this desirable end, and as they understand measures of this kind have been adopted in other states, it would have been gratifying to them to have known their success.
In periods of general distress, the necessity of a rigid economy in the publick expenditure, and a restriction of the compensation to publick agents, within those limits, which will command the ablest and most faithful services, is both obvious and indispensable. Should any further suggestions on this subject occur to your excellency, the senate will feel grateful for the communication of them, and they request you to be persuaded, that they will promptly and cordially unite with your excellency in this, as well as every other object which may be calculated to alleviate the inconveniences, or promote the prosperity of their constituents, to support the state and general governments in the due and equal exercise of their constitutional powers, and to defend against every invader of the rights and independence of their country.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, June 10.
The secretary came in with a message from his excellency the governor, to inform the house that his excellency had approved of several acts; also with a message from his excellency respecting the manner of appointing electors of president and vice president of the United States, and that the warrant for adjournment will be sent down provided his ex-
cellency shall hear nothing farther from the two branches of the legislature.
A message from his excellency the governor was then brought in by secretary Tudor, to inform the house that it was his excellency's pleasure, by and with the advice and consent of council, and at the request of the two branches of the legislature, to adjourn them to the 2nd Thursday of November next; then to meet at the state house in Boston, at ten o'clock, A. M.
THE MESSAGE,
Respecting the manner of appointing electors of president and vice president.
COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
I have just received your message by your committee, informing me that you are not now detained by the publick concerns of the commonwealth, and request to be adjourned to the second Thursday of November next.
I have not observed amongst the acts and resolves of this session, any order, bill or resolves of the legislature, directing the manner of appointing electors of president and vice president of the United States.
The constitution of the United States provides, "that congress may determine the time of choosing the electors of president and vice president." The act of congress passed on the first day of March, 1792, provides "that the electors shall meet on the first Wednesday in December, and shall have been appointed within 34 days then next preceding." The day you propose to be adjourned to, appears to have been fixed upon under an idea that the legislature will direct that the manner of appointing the electors, shall be by the senate & house of representatives, and not by the people; because there will not be time between the day you propose to be adjourned to, and the first Wednesday in December, for provision to be made by law for it, and for the people to choose, in either districts, or by a general ticket. This mode of appointment has no other authority, but these words in the constitution, "each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof shall direct, a number of electors."
The legislature of Massachusetts in 1788 by resolve in usual form, ordered the appointment to be by the choice of the people in districts. In 1792, the appointment was in the same manner. And the same manner was adopted by a formal resolve in 1796. At the giving in the votes, the selectmen of the towns, and assessors of plantations presided and counted and recorded the votes in open town meetings. In 1800 a resolve was passed by the senate and house of representatives, and approved and signed by the governor, that the "general court, on the 13 November (then) next, being then in session, will by joint ballot of the senate and house of representatives, elect and choose sixteen persons as electors of president and vice president of the United States." The election or appointment of electors in the year 1804, was by the votes of the people, in a general ticket throughout the state—in which the selectmen and assessors were to forward the meetings, and preside as before. This was done by a formal resolve, taking force in five days, as the governor neglected it. Should I now accede to the adjournment you propose, without making any suggestions of difficulties that may arise, from the manner in which you may find yourselves obliged to appoint electors; it might be considered, that I ought then to be foreclosed, because a consent to the adjournment would by fair implication, be proof of my having previously consented to the mode. But should you continue your request to be so adjourned, without having previously provided for the appointment of electors, the way will be fairly open for any objections which I shall then feel myself obliged to make.
I do not attempt to state any objection to the appointment of electors by the two houses, or even to say that I shall make any—but having been always an enthusiast in the principles of an elective republic, I have regarded with pleasure, the barriers placed round the election of our national chief magistrate by the constitution and the law. The constitution provides "that the electors shall give in their votes on the same day throughout the United States." The law provides, "that the day shall be the first Wednesday in December, and within thirty-four days after the electors are appointed."—This is evidently intended to prevent foreign influence, as well as combinations between the electors of different states, and the parties under whose influence they are.
There can be no doubt in the mind of every one acquainted with the present general court, but that the exercise of the power to appoint electors themselves, would be with great fairness and impartiality; but it is an old and useful observation, that the doing of good by incorrect or wrong means has a more dangerous tendency than doing wrong. I cannot conceive that if we should be continued under an elective republic, strong parties may produce a senate and house of representatives, who in the month of June may know the strength of each side and who may then, under a resolution to appoint the electors themselves, ascertain the names of the electors as accurately as they shall be known after their appointment. In this way the benefits intended by the constitution and laws, for guarding the purity of the election of the first national magistrate, will be subverted.
There are many towns and plantations which could not choose representatives and therefore are deprived of that privilege which they would have according to the manner of appointing electors in the four former elections. Nor is there that I know of, any reason to believe, that when the present senate and house of representatives were elected, their constituents had an expectation, that the general court would appoint electors themselves.
JAMES SULLIVAN.
Council Chamber, 9th June, 1808.
Extraordinary Business of this day—June 10.
THE PLOT EXPLODED.
A great number of the democratick members, who had previously obtained leave of absence, and who were thought to be at their homes, appeared in their seats this morning, precisely at the minute to which the house was adjourned. These, with those who had obtained leave of absence, and the members from all the neighbouring democratick towns—many of whom, to mask the plot, went home last evening, and returned this morning—swelled
the minority (in the absence of a great portion of the federal members, who knowing all the publick business was finished, had obtained leave of absence, and were retired to their farms, their merchandise, and workshops) into the appearance of a majority—As soon as the speaker took the chair, the democratick phalanx proceeded to the execution of arrangements made the preceding evening in a caucus; where resolutions had been cut and dried, and the speakers, who were to defend them, had their stations assigned them. As a message from the governor was part of the arrangement, and that message having been delayed, Mr. M'Farland, the Syphax of the conspiracy, to pass away the time, inquired, why the committee on that part of the governor's message, which related to the relief of citizens labouring under deprivations occasioned by the embargo, had not reported; and moved they be called upon to report. The chairman, Mr. Phelps, observed, that the report had been delayed at the request of Mr. Thomas (one of the committee, and a democrat) until this morning. He then handed the report to the table—and observed, that as no two of the committee could agree on any one plan to submit to the house; and as the house had voted to defer all further business, he was directed to report a reference of the subject to the extra session of the legislature.—Some conversation on points of order ensued, and an inquiry was made, whether, after the house and senate had voted to postpone all further business until the next session, the report could be acted upon. But during the discussion Mr. Morton moved, that the report be recommitted; and the committee be directed to propose some plan of relief for the sufferers; and suggested, that a law might be proposed to stay the levy of executions, &c. which might afford some relief. While the subject was in warm discussion, the secretary of the state was announced as waiting to deliver a message. He came in, and informed the house that his excellency had signed certain laws, the heads of which he read; and then added, that he had a written message from the governor to communicate. He then read the message, which related to the subject of the choice of electors; the adjournment, &c.
The secretary then concluded, by saying, that his excellency the governor, with advice of council, had agreed to the request of the two houses, (communicated that morning, by a joint committee chosen yesterday) to be adjourned until the second Thursday of November next; and that a "Warrant" was then making out for that purpose, which would be communicated to them, if he did not hear farther from the two houses. Immediately after the secretary retired, Mr. Morton moved, That a committee be appointed to wait upon his excellency, to request him to suspend issuing the warrant of adjournment, until the house had time to act on the subject of his message, [i.e. to adopt the caucus resolutions for directing the state for the choice of electors] This motion was immediately seconded by numbers; (who forgot the motion for the relief committee) and thought it was in manifest violation of the rules and orders of the house, which had with full numbers, voted not to take up any publick business after Friday; and had decided by a much larger number than was then in the house on the subject of choosing electors; it was nevertheless advocated, and would probably have passed; but to the chagrin and mortification of the plotters, the secretary of state again entered, and announced that he was directed by his excellency the governor, to say, that by advice and consent of council, and at the request of the two houses, he had adjourned them to the second Thursday of November; and that they were accordingly adjourned. The members immediately separated. The plot which had been for ten days ripening, was thus providentially exploded; and Massachusetts, perhaps the United States, saved from a machination unparalleled for prodigacy in the annals of legislation.
The interruption of the debate on the motion respecting some relief to the sufferers by the embargo, was lamented; as had the subject been opened at large, a federal member held in his hand a resolution on which he intended to have offered to the house, to direct the treasurer to sell out five hundred thousand dollars worth of the bank, or other stock, the property of this state now above par;—To apportion the proceeds in the several counties in the proportions of their assessments in the state tax, and to propose that the legislature immediately meet in convention to choose commissioners of loans in the several counties, to loan out the same on good landed, or other security. The subject having been committed, occasioned the delay of this motion; which was eventually prevented being discussed by the messages of the governor, and the adjournment which ensued; however if the embargo continues until November, it will then be submitted to the legislature.
BALTIMORE, June 17.
Late and interesting accounts from France have been received at Philadelphia, by the ship Ocean, 43 days from Rotterdam. The accounts by this arrival [as given under the Philadelphia head] are very contradictory, as relating to American affairs. By the translations, Buonaparte appears to extend his empire eastward. The extensive province of GALLACIA is to be ceded to his King of Saxony. The house of Austria will here lose a large proportion of its territory; it was however the fruits of former violence; Austria, in 1772, forcibly seized Gallacia, and incorporated it with her dominions, under the appellation of the Kingdoms of Gallacia and Lodomeria. This theft comprised that part of Little Poland south of the Vistula, the principal part of Red Russia, and part of Podolia; being 380 miles from east to west and near 200 from north to south, and containing more than 2,500,000 inhabitants.
In addition to this, Napoleon has been able to throw 2 years provision and ammunition into Corfu. Nothing can now save devoted Turkey.
1500 sacks SALT, Liverpool filled, 6000 bushels do loose, and 30 crates Earthenware—For Sale on board the Ship Sachem, by A. Maclure.
May 6.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper,
20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Matras Tickling, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff, February 26.

THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 23, 1808.
The accident which we fear has happened to Captain Ferguson's packet, on board of which, we expect there was a supply of paper for us, compels us, for a few publications, to issue our paper only twice in each week.
It will be seen by intelligence published in this day's paper, received from France and Holland, that the Osage was in France about the latter end of April. She had been seized, but some accounts say she had been released, and was about to proceed to her original destination.
As the government has received dispatches by the same vessel which brings this intelligence, the publick may possibly in the course of a few days, be better informed of the situation of our affairs with France.
It can be readily imagined that the absence of the emperor of France and his ministers, would cause negotiations to progress very slowly, and which might occasion the detention of the Osage. The emperor left Bordeaux for Bayonne on the 13th of April, on his rout for Spain.
The National Intelligencer of Friday last contains some speculations from London papers, which appear to excite more attention than they merit. These are editorial speculations on the 26th and 27th April; the opposition papers affirm, that there will be a war with America in a few days. The ministerial papers, and they would probably be better informed, breathe nothing hostile, but indicate peace. But if such an event has happened, it had not happened on the third of May. London dates are in town as we have good reason to believe, received by the British brig Ceres, arrived here on Monday from Jersey, which she left the eighth of May. It is certain that the owners of the Ceres would not have sent her to this country if there had been any appearance of war. The captain, on the contrary says, that when he sailed the general opinion was, that all would be amicably adjusted between this country and Great-Britain.
We have a Jersey paper of the 7th of May, containing London extracts of the 29th April, but nothing of American affairs.
This paper however contains interesting information from the North of Europe, which as we have not time to translate, we shall present in a summary.
The Russians have been compelled to evacuate Finland, faster than they entered it. They commenced their retreat on the 31st March, and retired with great precipitation. It is stated that heavy rains, the want of provisions and forage made this measure unavoidable. It is further stated that there is every appearance of a change of measures in the unsteady cabinet of St. Petersburg. Great discontent prevailed among the nobles, and it is stated, that on the 2d of April, there had been an insurrection at St. Petersburg, having for its object the dethronement of the Emperor Alexander, and the elevation of the Grand Duke Constantine, but there are no details.
Serious misunderstandings are stated to exist between the Russians and French, principally on account of the French refusing to supply the Russian fleet at Lisbon, and to some matters relative to Poland. The French and Danes appear to have given up for the present their design of invading Scania. There were no French troops in Zealand the 10th of April. The French troops in the neighbourhood of Hamburg and Bremen have received orders to march towards Holland.
The Swedes had invaded Norway in several points, and were fifteen leagues advanced beyond that frontier.
The Swedes and their gallant monarch, are animated to the highest degree.
We can assure our readers that the following interesting letter, which is of the latest date from the continent of Europe, is from a very respectable and well informed American gentleman to his friend in this city, it was received last evening by the ship Ocean, capt. Girdon. Register.
"ROTTERDAM, April 27. "The Osage arrived at L'Orient in 23 days, and was there DETAINED 3 days, till the police could determine what course should be pursued towards her, when the forms of the decree were pursued, and the ship having been boarded by an English vessel, was declared a GOOD PRIZE! and the messenger and passengers suffered to land and proceed to Paris.
"The last news leave the emperor at Bayonne, on his way to Spain. You have heard without doubt the account of the revolution in that kingdom; what further we may expect rests upon conjecture. In the North, Russia has taken possession of all Finland, except Sweaborg (which is almost impregnable) and by proclamation, annexed that country to her own dominions. The province of Galicia is to be ceded by Austria to Saxony; and it is said to form, with the Duchy of Warsaw, the kingdom of Poland. The fate of Turkey is not yet decided. In Italy, the government of the pope is at an end. "The brave troops of Rome," said the French general in the order of the day, quoting Napoleon, "shall no longer be commanded by priests or women." In Holland, Flushing has been given up to the French for a naval port, and they have assembled there a strong naval force. The fate of this kingdom is really deplorable, as it is impoverishing every day; and if the war continues in its present mode, must be exhausted of all its capital.
A decree has been passed lately, to issue a new stock, bearing interest, of forty millions, to defray arrears. Commerce is entirely at an end, as a law a few months ago, laid an embargo on all vessels in port, and prohibited the entrance of others; which, with a few exceptions, has been adhered to. This measure was adopted, it is said, on the alternative of forty thousand troops in garrison or interdiction of commerce with Great Britain.
"The American property brought in according to the decree of Milan, remains without a decision. Leave is however given, to sell the cargoes, on giving bond for the same. A privilege however, of no use, as the bonds must be given according to the present prices which are too high, perhaps, for the sale of a single cargo.
"The two squadrons of frigates which got out a short time ago, have returned, after having burnt several American vessels which had been in England."
Hence it appears that the American property which had been seized in violation of every principle, that has heretofore governed the conduct of nations towards each other, has been ordered by the French government to be appraised at the highest price, which it would bring in Europe, and bonds to be given by the consignees to the full amount, to await the final decision—in other words, these bonds are taken as a recognition that the United States will keep the peace, and be of good behaviour towards France, any provocation or maltreatment which they may receive, to the contrary notwithstanding.
Capt. Girdon brings dispatches from Mr. Armstrong, (who he says, was still at Paris.) for our government.
Thirty one men belonging to three American vessels condemned by the French, arrived in the Ocean.
BRITISH NAVY.
The following table of the stations of the British Navy will be found correct and complete:
   Ships of the Line—At Home.     In the River. Leyden 64   Victory 100 Trident 64   Pompee 80 Plymouth.   Warspite 74 Gibraltar 80   Agincourt 64 Achilles 74   Courageux 64 Brunswick 74   Diadem 64 Defiance 74   Inflexible 64 Leviathan 74   Portsmouth. Sultan 74   Barfleur 98 Theseus 74   Minotaur 74   Channel Fleet—Admiral Sotheby.   Ville de Paris 110 Africa 64   Dreadnought 98 In the Bay.   St. George 98 Impetueux 80   Bellerophon 74 Donegal 74   Spencer 74 Saturn 74   Valiant 74   North Sea—Admiral Keates.   Off Flushing—Admiral Keates.   Tigre 80 Mars 74   Audacious 74 Polyphemus 74   Edgar 74 Triumph 74   Implacable 74   Baltick—Sir S. Hood.   Centaur 74 Dictator 64   Goliath 74 Nassau 64   Vanguard 74 Stately 64   Coast of Sam—Admiral Purvis.   Queen 98 Fame 74   Windsor Castle 98 Magnificent 74   Atlas 74 Revenge 74   Bulwark 74 Terrible 74   Excellent 74 Zealous 74   At Gibraltar—Admiral, 74.   Portugal—Sir C. Cotton.   Hibernia 110 Hercules 74   Alfred 74 Plantagenet 74   Conqueror 74 Resolution 74   Elizabeth 74 Ruby 64   Ganges 74   Mediterranean—Lord Collingwood.   Ocean 98 Montague 74   Malta 84 Northumberland 74   Canopus 80 Repulse 74   Admiral Thornborough.   Royal Sovereign 110 Kent 74   Formidable 98 Thunderer 74   Eagle 74   Sir R. Strachan.   Cesar 80 Spartiate 74   Colossus 74 Superb 74   Cumberland 74 Warrior 74   Renown 74 Standard 64   North America—Sir J. B. Warren.   Bellona 74 Swiftsure 74   West-Indies—Admiral Cochrane.   Belisle 80 Captain 74   Intrepid 74 York 74   Ramillies 74   Jamaica—Admiral Dacres—Veteran   Squadron lately in the West Indies, under admiral Duckworth.   Royal George 110 Neptune 98   Teneraire 98 Tonnant 80   Defence 74 Dragon 74   Brazil.   London 98 Bedford 74   Marlborough 74 Monarch 74   Sailed to the Brazils—Under Sir Sidney Smith.   Foudroyant 80 Agamenon 64   East Indies—Sir E. Pellew.   Albion 74 Culloden 74   Russel 74 Sceptre 74   Beliqueux 64 Monmouth 64   Cape of Good Hope—Raisonable   Convoy to St. Helena.   Lion 64 St. Albans 64   Ships of the line coming forward.   River.   Tremendous 74   Aoukir 74 Ardant 64   Bonaparte 74 Portsmouth. 74   Hero 74 Powerful 74   Fifty gun Ships.   Ships. Stations.   Adament Jamaica   Antelope Gibraltar   Centurion Plymouth   Caromandel Halifax   Diomedes Jersey   Glatton Sicily   Grampus Cape of Good Hope   Isis Convoy to the E. Indies   Leopard Portsmouth   Trusty Downs   Hindustan Lisbon  
RECAPITULATION.
   Ships of the Line.     At home and coming forward 24   Channel fleet 10   North Sea, Baltic, and Flushing 14   Coast of Spain and Gibraltar 11   Portugal 9   Mediterranean 19   N. America 2   W. Indies 12   Brazils, and sailed thither 6   East Indies, Cape, and convoys to S. Helena 9   making in the whole 116 ships of the line, which, with 11 50 gun ships, constitutes a naval force actually on foot superior to that of the whole world beside.  
PHILADELPHIA, June 16.
More French Outrage.
A letter received in this city by the Ocean, from a gentleman who went out a passenger in the Osage, mentions that, that ship had been seized and condemned by the French government under the Milan decree. This letter was dated at Rotterdam April 27th. Several letters of about the same date concur in stating that all the private letters sent out by the Osage were detained a month, and opened and examined by order of the government before they were delivered.
It appears from other letters received by the Ocean, that the letters per the Osage, on her arrival, were sent up to Paris, where they were all examined. Although the Osage arrived at L'Orient the 22d of March, her letters did not reach Antwerp until the 25th of April. Some of the letters per the Ocean, state, that the ship had been seized by the government. Others assert that she would sail for Falmouth, about the 20th April. Indeed one from Paris, dated the middle of April, positively states that Mr. Lewis, the messenger had returned to L'Orient to embark.
By a decree of the council of prizes, of the 18th of March, the case of the ship Caliope, Taylor, sequestered in the port of L'Orient, under the decree of his imperial majesty and king, of the 17th Dec. 1807. Orders, first that all the articles composing said cargo, shall be put in possession of the consignee thereof—That full and sufficient security, be given by said consignee for the amount.—That the ship to remain sequestered as she now is.
TRANSLATIONS.
From Rotterdam papers to the 29th April, containing Paris dates of the 23d, Amsterdam and Hamburg of 22d, and Bordeaux of the 18th.
HAMBURGH, April 22.
We may expect soon to hear accounts of consequence from the Baltic; for besides that the number of English men of war increases there daily it is reported that a large fleet of transports is arrived at Gottenburg. On the other hand the camp under the prince de Ponte Corvo increases very much, whilst on the 15th a regiment of infantry and a division of dragoons crossed the Great Belt in 60 transports and landed in Zealand. The preparations in Denmark continue with the greatest zeal, and a few days ago a whole regiment of volunteers was enrolled at Copenhagen.
PARIS, April 12.
The squadron commanded by admiral Gantheume, of ten sail of the line, 5 frigates and some sloops of war, have happily entered again the port of Toulon, on the 10th of April, after having obliged the enemy to raise the blockade of the Seven Islands, and rendered the navigation of the Adriatick sea perfectly safe. Also on the 28th ult. the frigates of his majesty the Themis and Penelope, after having made prizes to the amount of six millions of francs.
April 17.
Besides the four frigates that have returned from a cruise, as we announced lately, two other vessels of the imperial navy, after a cruise of three months, in which they made rich prizes on the enemy, have arrived at Toulon, on the 28th ult. as it appears by the following:
Extracts from the report made to the chief navy commissary at Bordeaux, by the commissary of his majesty's frigate Themis, capt. Meynard, in Toulon harbour, March 28, 1808.
His majesty's frigates Themis and Penelope left Bordeaux harbour on the 21st Jan. and sailed 11 and 12 knots an hour, wind N. W. The Penelope proved to be a faster sailer than the Themis. On the 24th, N. lat 45, 6, long. 13, they made prize of the American vessel, Bristol Packet, 300 tons burthen, richly loaded with dry goods, bound from London to New York. The captain was making his voyage so unconcerned, that he said that though he was informed of his majesty's decree of the 17th Dec. last, he did not expect that there were any French frigates at sea. On the 27th, in N. lat. 37, long. 18, 17, they made prize of the English brig L'Orient of 180 tons, bound from the Azores to London, with a cargo of oranges. On the 30th they approached within sight of Old Sale on the coast of Barbary. On the 2d of Feb. they boarded an American sch'r bound from Marseilles to Boston. As her papers were in order they let her continue her voyage, after having put on board of her the crew of the Bristol Packet, with the necessary provisions. From the 3d to the 9th they cruized on the coast of Barbary near La Roche. On the evening of the 3d, the wind having sprung up, they steered for the straits of Gibraltar. At 9 o'clock in the morning, they were sailing along the coast of Tangiers, and having spied English vessels at anchor, the little wind they had, made them fear to be discovered at day-break, and they put about again. On the 11th they made prize of the Portuguese felucca, the San Antonio, of 60 tons loaded with oranges for Gibraltar. On the 18th they took the English privateer Active, of 18 guns, from Falmouth, the captain of which had her guns thrown overboard during the chase, and on the 29th, six English vessels from 3 to 400 tons all richly loaded with various goods and commodities, making a part of 70 sail bound from London to Barbados, and escorted by a frigate. The most valuable prize was sent to Martinique.
The frigates kept cruizing at 60 leagues from the Straights. On the 17th March, the wind proving favourable, they passed the Straights of Gibraltar at 9 o'clock in the evening. On the 19th they took two English vessels from 3 to 400 tons, richly loaded, one bound from Gibraltar to Malta, and the other from Malta to London. These two prizes were set fire to, after they had taken out a few bales of goods that were distributed among the crews. On
the 22d, they cast anchor in the port of Ajaccio, in Corsica, set sail on the 24th, and on the next day, within sight of the island, they took the English privateer the Syrenae of 10 guns of 12lb. cartridges, having 60 men on board. This privateer was the terror of the coasting vessels. The frigates brought her into Ajaccio, and left her at the disposal of the governor of the place. On the 26th, they sailed again from thence and arrived on the 28th in Toulon, without having any of their crews sick and ready for another cruise. The prizes they have taken, are valued at six millions of francs.
The chief commissary of navy, in the port of Bordeaux.
(Signed)
AUGUSTE BERGENIN.
April 23.
The Moniteur has published the following account:
"Rear admiral Allemand, commanding a division of men of war, which was at anchor at the island of Aix, weighed on the 17th of January, in order to join the fleet at Toulon. He arrived before that harbour on the 6th of February, after having destroyed or taken 6 English and one Portuguese ship (the latter the "Prince of Portugal," of 600 tons, and laden with colonial produce, had been captured a few days before by the British.)
As soon as the rear admiral made the signal, admiral Gantheume, who was previously informed of his arrival, went to sea with all the ships under his command.
The divisions of the island of Aix has sustained continual storms, but had not suffered such damages as to prevent it from keeping the sea.
The united fleet consisted now of ten ships of the line, of which two were three deckers, one ship of 80 guns, and seven of 74 guns, 3 frigates, 2 brigs and 7 transports, each of 800 tons laden with troops, provisions and ammunition of all kinds.
The admiral sailed immediately for Corfu, which he had orders to provide with provisions and which had been blockaded by 6 or 7 sail of the line.
Whether this fleet had received advice of the approach of his majesty's fleet, or whether forced by the dreadful storms which raged at that time to seek a port, it had disappeared for several days before, when on the 23d of February the admiral arrived before Corfu. His first care was to send vessels to Otranto, Orent, Frindisia and along the coast of the Adriatic, in order to collect the numerous convoys in these ports and bring them to Corfu, which was executed with the greatest zeal.
The troops and ammunition which the fleet and convoy were laden with were likewise safe landed on the island.
Since their departure, his majesty's ships had experienced dreadful weather; the Commerce de Paris had considerable damage to repair in her masts. The admiral who was on board of this ship, shifted his flag to the Magnanime, and having received an account that an English fleet had arrived in the Mediterranean, he went on the 25th under sail to look out for them, and to prevent their joining the other fleets of the enemy. At Corfu he left only some frigates and French and Italian sloops of war, in order to keep up the communication.
The fleet sailed as far as Sicily, and not meeting with any thing there cruized in all the waters between that island, Zante, and the Ionian islands. After a cruise of sixteen days he arrived again before Corfu, when he hoisted his flag again on board the Commerce de Paris.
The convoys destined for Corfu, being all arrived on the 16th March, the island having provisions sufficient for two years, and its magazines being replenished with powder and ammunition, the admiral went again under sail, and after having cruized some time on the coasts of Sicily, Barbary, and Sardinia, he shaped his course for Toulon, where the fleet arrived on the 10th April, having fully accomplished the object of its mission.
Admiral Gantheume bestows much praise upon rear admiral Allemand, and all the commanders, officers and crews. They all shewed much zeal and ability in this cruise of two months, during which, one storm continually followed another.
Constantinople, March 4.
The measures which the Porte has taken with respect to the dissatisfied parties in Asia, seems to have had the desired effect, and the number of troops which have lately arrived from that part of the world are considerably increased; within these few days at least 10,000 men have passed through this metropolis to join the camp of the grand vizier.—The difficulties which the presence of the English in the Archipelago occasioned to this city and to the trade of the empire in general, seem now, at least for a while to be removed.
We have received an account, that their force, in consequence of the appearance of a French fleet in the Mediterranean, has left our neighbourhood.—This circumstance will serve in particular to restore the so long wished for communication with Egypt. The negotiations which have been opened in that country with the Beys, seem to promise a speedy pacification and final settlement of all disputes, to which the wise forbearance of our courts considerably contributes. Not along ago some advantageous proposals were made to the Beys, to join their forces with the Ottoman troops, to defend Egypt against every repeated invasion of the British.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
British brig Ceres, Messervy, 42 days from Jersey, Ballast, Brunet & Thompson. Sch'r Norfolk, Seaward, 6 days from St. Marys, Sugar & Coffee, J. & W. Southgate.
THIS DAY, the 23d instant, will be
Sold at m. Office, at 11 o'Clock for Cash, 2 WAGGONS, 1 hoghead and 2 barrels Cherry Bounce, 2 barrels Cyder; 2 crates Liverpoul Ware, 1 Anvil; 1 pair Smith's Bellows, Cross Cut and Whi. Saws and Files, A quantity of Brown Jugs and Gin Cases, 1 case Brooms; 1 do Baskets, A quantity of Ginger, Allspice, Gun Flints, and Roll Brimstone, 1 Iron Corn Mill, complete; a few casks Nails. William B. Lamb, V. M.
June 23
Miss Rogers and Miss Honeywell,
By the solicitations of a number of respectable families, have been induced to postpone their departure until SATURDAY EVENING next. They may be seen performing as usual, at Mrs. Taylor's, No. 33, Catharine Street, until that time.

FOR ST. BARTHOLOMEWS, The Swedish Sloop AFRICAN ; will take passengers if application is made within fifteen days. A charter would be accepted of bringing property from any British Island not to leeward of St. Thomas. Apply on board to Captain Portely, at Lee's upper wharf. June 1.
The Subscriber is disposed to Contract for a quantity of BRICKS and LIME . Terms will be made known on application to John Saunders, Ast. M. Agent Fort Nelson, June 17.
SHOES SELLING OFF. E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main-Street, Offers for SALE at cost and charges, The greatest variety of SHOES ever offered for sale in any one store in the United States, for CASH only. All persons indebted as above, are respectfully requested to make payment June 17.
Received per Ship Fame, 31 puncheons Jamaica R y M, do fine remaining Molasses. For Sale by Wilson, Cunningham, & Co. June 13.
NOTICE. Whenever hereafter any person or persons, shall prefer his or their petition, to the Judge of the Virginia District, for the purpose of obtaining a mitigation or remission of any fine, penalty or forfeiture, incurred under the laws of the United States; such petition must be deposited with the Clerk of the District Court, and by him, be transmitted to the Judge. By order of the Honorable Cyrus Griffin, Judge of the United States for the District of Virginia. Teste, Seth Foster, Clerk. June 15.
FOR RENT, A convenient Dwelling-House for a small family, pleasantly situated. Apply to Job Palmer. June 15.
William and Mary College. The Visitors of William and Mary College are reminded that the semi-annual examination of the Students and Grammar Boys will commence on the 28th day of June. Frequent attempts to obtain a meeting have heretofore failed in consequence of some of the members not finding it convenient to attend. This not only augments the labour of those who make it convenient, but the interests of the College are neglected. S. TYLER, Rector. Williamsburg, May 30.
Landing at Southgate and Dickson's wharf, from the ship Fame, from Jamaica, and for Sale 86 puncheons choice 4th proof Rum, 20 hogsheads do. Molasses, 4 casks Ginger; 18 bags Pimento. William Dickson. June 13.
FOR SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18.
STOLEN, A SILVER CANDLESTICK, Stamped on the base J. Lownes. The negro woman who it suspected took it about a fortnight since, may have offered it for sale or pawn for rum, of which she is very fond— FIVE DOLLARS will be given to the person who may bring it to the Office of the Ledger. April 22.
LABOURERS WANTING.
The President and Directors of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company want to hire for the ensuing season, a number of Hands to work on the Canal; they will be provided with good wholesome food, and the usual quantity of whiskey per diem—liberal wages will be given, and their wages paid at the end of every month. Apply to Richard Blow, William Cammack, or Samuel Proctor, Overseer. May 6.
LANDING From on board the Swedish Sloop AFRICAN , captain Portely, from St. Bartholomews, 2800 HIDES, Spanish, 10 tierces fine Green Marygallante COFFEE, 15 seroons Flotant INDIGO —For Sale by Wilson, Cunningham, & Co.
IN STORE, 10,000 wt. good COFFEE, 15 hogsheads good 2d quality SUGAR, 10 do. N. E. RUM. May 27.
RICHARD & JOHN TAYLOR, Have received by the Ship Rolla , Captain Garey, from London, A few Packages of GOODS, suitable for the season. They have also on Hand, Cambrick; common and furniture
Calicoes; plain and striped Dimities, White and coloured Jeans; Irish Linens, Sheeting and Cotton Shirting; London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 4-4 and 6-4 Cambrick Muslins; Ginghams, Silk and Cotton Chambrays, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Gloves and Hosiery, of all kinds, Sacking, Oznaburgs, and Brown Rolls, Pipes by the box, and Coppers by the barrel, And an assortment of
HARDWARE, NAILS, &c. all of which they will sell low for Cash, or undoubted Paper at Sixty Days—Also for Sale, 150 barrels NEW PORK, 50 kegs Lard; Old Jamaica Rum and Sugar. May 6.
WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received from Baltimore and Philadelphia, a handsome assortment of SPRING GOODS, which with their goods on hand, comprise a large and general assortment, and they will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash only. May 9.
ENGLISH KID SHOES.
WOOD & HASTINGS, HAVE JUST RECEIVED, 1 trunk fashionable English Kid Shoes, For Sale at a very low price. To close a consignment, they will sell the best of Hussar BOOTS at 8 Dolls. per pair, Backstrap do. at 10 do. do. June 9.
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18. For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-Street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
Just received by the Schooner Polly, from Boston, and for sale by E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main-Street, A fresh assortment of Ladies' Kid and Morocco SLIPS. ALSO, Monroe SHOES with Heels. June 6.
BANK NOTES LOST. FIFTY DOLLARS will be paid to any person who will give the Subscriber such information as will enable him to recover the following Bank Notes, of the Branch Bank of the United States, Norfolk. L No 1134—dated Philadelphia, 6th July, 1804, favour R. Taylor, for 100 dollars. F No 6663—dated Philadelphia, 12th April, 1803, favour R. Taylor, for 100 dollars. WILLIAM DICKSON. June 6.
I will give Cash for barrel STAVES for fifteen days from this date. Moses Myers. June 6.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2d lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d Sheathing, 7 1-2d 6d. Sprigs, 4s. 6d per M. 6d. do. 2s 9d 2d. and 3d. do. 2s 3d He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hhds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffles; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Heffians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24.
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street. M a 30.
FOR RENT. The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Blanchard. April 7.
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Maclure. March 2.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. Feb. 20.
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE , suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5.
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation.—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hhds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hhds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New-York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Chesse, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26.
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.
At a Hastings Court continued and held the 25th day of May, 1808. Cornelius Cruywaygan, Compt' In Chancery. against Maritz Bozell and Moses Myers, Defendants. The defendant Maritz Bozell not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is now ordered that the said defendant Maritz Bozell, do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of said Borough: and it is further ordered, that the defendant Moses Myers who hath effects of the said Maritz Bozell in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court. A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
NORFOLK BOROUGH. At a Hastings Court continued and held the 24th day of May, 1808. Thomas Jones, Compt' In Chancery. against Thomas Wright, administrator with the will annexed of Thomas Newton, deceased, Defendant. The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is now ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of the said Borough. A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808 Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs. Against Mary Sclater, widow and devisee for life of John Sclater, deceased, Richard and William Sclater, sons and devisees of the said John Sclater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb an infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Sclater, deceased, and as executor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Sclater, deceased, Defendants. On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant Edmund Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has established A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those who will be well served who choose to promote an institution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it. New SHOES from New-York, as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.
Gentlemen's SHOES and PUMPS of many kinds, made in his factory, and in Newark. VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt elegant—Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very few gentlemen who cannot be fitted. A few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cottons, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. From 10 to 15 BOYS may get good places as apprentices to the Boot and Shoe-Making Business—those who will be preferred who have been taught to read, write, and cypher; none will be taken under 12 nor over 16. June 6.
WHITE JEANS, &c. Just Received A few pieces very fine White JEANS, Real Patent NANKKEENS, Best NAVY CLOTHS, and fashionable BUTTONS. For Sale by WOOD & HASTINGS. May 9.
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
On Hand, A few qr. casks of choice Teneriffe WINE, And a few kegs fresh Dutch HERRINGS—For sale by the Subscriber. Moses Myers. April 25.
Mackinder & White, Have just received from on board the Schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ficklenburgs, superfine Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK April 15. AT PRIVATE SALE, By S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2.
DR. ROBERTSON'S
Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health, Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the Stomach: also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, Jaundice, Gripings, and all other diseases of the bowels, a dose never fails to remove a cold if taken soon after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, removing habitual costiveness, sicklets at the Stomach, feverish head aches, &c. &c. The following certificates are selected from the many respectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession. Certificate of Mr. William Julian, carpenter and builder, No. 69, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will lay my case before the publick, as an incontestible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robertson's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health. I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me so much that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained, I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who had been cured of the same, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by taking Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business. I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance in the country, where assistance cannot be immediately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world. I have since recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person with to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure explain it to them by applying to me. I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM JULION.
Mr. Drott, Philadelphia, July 14th, 1807. Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, of the most essential service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my stomach, and continual head aches, attended with a sicklets at the stomach, which brought on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakish want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before—as I consider your medicine to have been the means of saving my life, I so it to you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by abiding by the directions given with your invaluable medicine, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES.
Mr. Drott Philadelphia, August 1, 1807 ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES. Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia. SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pain in my breast and side, and a sicklets at my stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and shall certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint. I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON.
Mr. T. W. Drott. August 22. Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia. DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I so it to you to publish the following: About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which settled on my lungs, and having continued some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption must soon have followed. Had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is impossible to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most efficacious remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint. I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE.
Mr. Drott. November 11. The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the proprietor, T. W. DROTT, No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; and by appointment at HONSAI & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVILLE & CO. RADYS, Petersburg. May 23.
Landing from the Sloop African, from St. Bartholomews, 258 bags Gaudaloupe COFFEE, 37 hogsheads } St. Martin's SUGARS. 8 barrels } 8 puncheons Rum. In Store, 60,000 wt. Jamaica COFFEE, 10,000 do. Logura do. 3 kegs Rasin; 150 barrels Rye Whiskey, 4 pipes Country Gin, 10 pipes old Madeira Wine, 6000 bushels Ivia } 8500 do. St. Ubes } SALT. 2500 do. Turk's Island } 5000 do. coarse Liverpool } C. & F. WHITTLE. May 30.
Two thousand Spanish HIDES, For Sale by William Plume, & Co. June 6.
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
NORFOLK. PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR. Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.