Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1804-10-02 00:00:00

For FREIGHT or CHARTER, The American Ship NANCY, Captain TURNER, Burthen 240 Tons. C. & F. Whittle. Sept. 29. tf 158
For FREIGHT or CHARTER, The fine Ship THOMAS, Nathaniel Boush, Master. Burthen about 4500 barrels, is in complete order and will be ready to receive a cargo immediately. Apply to Robertson & Brown.
For Sale, 300 Hhds. Sugars landing from said Ship from Guadalupe—apply as above. September 29. tf 159
For FREIGHT or CHARTER, The Copper bottomed Brig MARY LOUISA, Captain George Furrer:— Burthen 1200 barrels—now ready to receive a cargo.—Apply to the master on board, or Thomas Willock. Sept. 4. 118
For CHARTER, To a port in the South of Europe or the West-Indies, The fast-sailing Brig EDWARD & CHARLES, Edward Pettigill, jr. Master. Burthen 150 Tons.—For terms apply to the Master on board, or to Phinehas Dana. Sept. 25. tf 155.
For FREIGHT or CHARTER, The American Ship PETER, Captain Sayward. Burthen 250 Hhds. tobacco, or 2000 bbls.—For terms apply to Phinehas Dana. Sept. 13. tf 140
For CHARTER, THE SHIP COURTNEY, William Bryant, Master. Burthen 270 Hhds. of tobacco, and now ready to receive a cargo. Apply to the Master on board, or to William Pennock.
Who has now landing from on board said ship, and offers for sale, 10 Pipes Particular, and 10 Pipes Common, } TENERIFFE WINE. August 11. tf 70
For SALE or CHARTER, The American Ship ELIZA, John Evans, Master. Burthen 450 Hhds. of tobacco, now ready to receive a cargo.
CASH GIVEN FOR White and Red Oak, drawn Mhd. Staves. C. & F. Whittle. August 16. tf 76
For CHARTER, The good fast sailing Ship MERCURY, Abel Crozier, master:— Burthen 2200 barrels flour.—For terms apply to Moses Myers.
WHO OFFERS FOR SALE, Said Ship's CARGO of St. Ubes SALT. ALSO, 100 dozen of choice Bourdeaux CLARET, in cases of 2 1-2 dozen. Sept. 8. tf 127
For CHARTER, The Ship BRUTUS, John Bunce, Master:— 236 tons burthen—a stout well built vessel; three years old, and completely found in every respect. She will be ready to receive a cargo in the course of a few days. For terms apply to N. Heron. Sept. 16. tf 142
WE WANT A vessel of 150 Hogsheads, for a Port in France—immediate dispatch will be given. C. & F. Whittle. July 31. tf 49 A few barrels Superfine Flour, of old Wheat, a-float.
For FREIGHT or CHARTER, To a port in Europe, or the West Indies, THE SHIP VIRGINIA, Capt. James Petrie. Burthen about 600 tons—built of Teak Wood, and coppered to the bends. She can be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. For terms apply to John Newell, jun.
Who has for sale about 1500 BUILDING STONES, received by the said ship from Bourdeaux. August 21. tf 94
For Freight or Charter, The Ship TAMERLANE, Melzer Joy, Master, burthen 175 tons. For terms apply to PHINEHAS DANA. September 20. tf 147
FOR THE ISLE OF RE, (IN FRANCE.) The new fast sailing Brig AURORA, James Mork, Master:— Will sail in ten or twelve days—for passage only, (having excellent accommodations) apply to the master on board at Mellis. C. & F. Whittle's wharf, or to A. Maclure. Sept. 4. tf 117
FOR BOURDEAUX, The fast sailing Ship SHEFFIELD, JOSIAH COWPER, Master:— Will sail in three weeks, one half of her cargo being engaged. For freight apply to the master, or Thomas Willock. Sept. 27. tf 156
FOR LIVERPOOL, The fast sailing Brig FLORA, Henry Dickson, master:— This vessel has three-fourths of her cargo engaged and ready to go on board.—It is expected the will sail in ten days from this date. For freight of the remainder, or passage, apply to the captain on board or to Alexander Leckie. Portsmouth, Sept. 20. tf 146
SALT. Just arrived in the Dunrobin Castle, a Cargo of excellent Liverpool Stoved Salt. To be sold cheap, taken from along side. Apply to Robertson & Brown. A FREIGHT For the above ship is wanted, to a port in Britain or any of the British West-India Islands. The Dunrobin Castle is well armed and manned, and has a Letter of Marque. Apply as above. Sept. 22. tf 149
For CHARTER, THE SHIP ANACREON, Jabez Fletcher, Master. Has only made one passage—will carry about 400 Hhds. of tobacco, and is esteemed by judges, one of the completest ships in the harbour. Apply to the master on board, or to William Pennock.
WHO OFFERS FOR SALE, 20,000 feet of Boards, on board said ship. July 28. tf 47
For CHARTER, The good American Ship SARAH, Abel Rawson, master:— Burthen 513 tons; will carry about 450 Hhds. tobacco—now in complete order for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to Richard Blow.
WHO HAS FOR SALE, 39 Hhds. Richmond TOBACCO. 18 do. Peterburg do. 200 Bbls. excellent PORK. 80 do. FLOUR. 10 Puncheons Antigua RUM. 20 do. Grenada do. 20 Pipes Holland GIN. A quantity of well cured BACON. Do. HOGS LARD. Do. COARSE SALT. Sept. 11. tf 129
For CHARTER, The excellent fast sailing ship TICONIC, Parsons, master:— Burthen 270 tons, and now ready to receive a cargo.—For terms apply to Moses Myers. Sept. 13. tf 131
For LIVERPOOL, The fine Ship MOUNT-VERNON, John Boynton, Master:— Burthen 416 tons, having considerable part of her cargo ready to go on board, and will commence her lading the 5th October.—For freight, apply to Mellis. Moore & Bowden, Peterburg, M. W. Hancock & Co. Richmond, the master on board, or to Phinehas Dana. Sept. 25. tf 154
LANDING From the Brig ANN MARIA, from MADEIRA, AND FOR SALE, 5 Pipes, 6 Hhds. and 8 Qr. Casks, } Fine old London P. M. Wine. Apply to Robert Maitland & Co. WHO WANT TO CHARTER, A vessel of about 1500 barrels, to load for a port in Great Britain. Sept. 1. tf 109
For CHARTER, The fast sailing ship WASHINGTON, John Curtis, Master:— Burthen 250 Hhds. tobacco or 2000 barrels flour—will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. Apply to the master on board, or to WILLIAM PENNOCK. WHO OFFERS FOR SALE, 100 Tons Plaister of Paris, on board said ship. Sept. 6. tf 125
HIBBERT'S BROWN STOUT, 25 Casks, 6 1/2 dozen each—in excellent order. For sale by Donaldson, Thorburn & Co. Sept. 22. 2w 148
MISCELLANEOUS. KEEPING-UP APPEARANCES. "These thin habits and poor likelihoods of modern learning." SHAKESPEARE.
In surveying the manners of mankind, and the many various modes which men pursue, we meet with frequent occasion to regret, that deceit and falsehood enter strongly into the composition, not only of politeness but of prudence. It is not only necessary to conceal our real sentiments in order to please others, but seems also no less necessary to conceal our real situation, in order to benefit ourselves. Hence, the man who is in distress, must make his application as if he were not so, and he that would borrow a guinea, must appear as if he possessed thousands. If, however, we refer this to its origin, we shall find that where true friendship and virtue ends, deceit naturally begins; for this practice proceeds on a principle of life and manners but too generally known, namely, that we are willing to give where it is not wanted, and to make offers of assistance where we are sure of a refusal.
To what else can it be owing, that the rich have so many friends, and that a man who was once rich, and falls into unexpected poverty, finds himself so soon solitary, and that even in the midst of society? These contrasts are admirably represented by our immortal bard, in the character of Timon of Athens, and have since been experienced, as well, indeed, as before, by many thousands. In a word the maxim of the world is, "Be deceitful, be prudently deceitful; appear to want nothing, and you may have very thing; seem to be rich, and you will stand in need of no assistance, but what you may easily command."—Whereas, if you disclose your real situation—if you openly declare, that when you borrow a guinea, it is because you really want it—if you tell a man that you apply to him because you do not know where else to apply, the mortification of a refusal, and subsequent neglect and contempt, are unavoidable.
When these maxims are allowed to be general, and when the existence of such practice is allowed as a fact, a severe sentence is passed on the manners of the world: but in all cases of this nature, it is necessary to pay more regard to truth than flattery, and the world will never profit in wisdom by general appeals to their sense, unless specific facts can be produced. The knowledge of what has been now stated, conveys many useful lessons. It shews the unhappy effects which riches produce on the heart; that the pride which they create does not cease when they are lost, and that he who would secure himself against the many mortifications to which poverty is subject, must render himself independent of those in whose eyes poverty is a crime, that is, if he be still disposed to court the favours and friendship of such persons.
One effect of this great want of pity and charity for real distress, which prevails, has already been mentioned. Keeping up appearances is now the grand study of men in certain situations of life, particularly in the middle ranks of society; and that such appearances are the very reverse of truth, and allowed to be so, is evident from our popular and proverbial sayings, such as that "appearances are deceitful—one half of the world does not know how the other lives, &c."—Hence much of that distrust, suspicion, and jealousy, which create the reserve said to be peculiar to Englishmen; who, though perhaps the greatest encouragers of impostors, and the most easily duped of any people in the world, nevertheless resume an outside of sagacity and penetration, which being without real judgment or knowledge, degenerates to downright rudeness; and it is not an uncommon thing for our shopkeepers to affront a man of integrity and fortune, while they are captivated with the tongue and appearance of a professed swindler. The same distrust prevails in matters of friendship, and is the reason why we hear it so often repeated, that true friendship is scarce; for friendship's firmest basis being confidence in the person beloved, that cannot exist where an atom of suspicion resides. The frequent failures of those men who have had immense credit, by keeping up appearances, have greatly tended to destroy confidence between man and man, to narrow the liberal principles of trade, and to create a solitude amidst a society of persons.
This mischief, and a great mischief it is, this want of confidence between man and man, arising from frequent disappointments, is, after all, but a confirmation of their ignorance, who have been so disappointed: for what greater absurdity can there be than to trust to appearances; as if wealth was always to be found in a coach; as if a laced coat was lined with treasury warrants; or a magnificent entertainment, a proof that the giver was possessed of a landed estate. Goldsmith in one of his Essays, has many shrewd remarks on this subject; for which I refer my readers to the work itself. Some of them will probably find, coincident experience give coincident sentiments.
It is surprising how widely one acknowledged sentiment differs from another. Although we find thousands who are led away by appearances, yet we meet with as many who know that appearances are deceitful, and that men of the greatest fortunes live in the plainest manner, and wear the plainest cloaths. Some even affect a slovenliness in their dress, which after all, is a species of pride, and they know it to be so, and know that strangers will sooner enquire into their circumstances, than into those of persons who have nothing singular in their dress.
Tom Dangle knew human nature well in this respect. He enjoyed a trade, which might, with a very little attention and industry, have soon rendered him independent, as it is called, of the world. The capital his father left him was very great, and his connexions were of the best kind. While he pursued his trade, his dress was plain, but neat; as fortune increased, he became more slovenly, and would often be seen purchasing 10,000. stock at the Bank, in a suit that would not raise covetousness even in an old cloaths-man. Tom, however, soon began to conceive a liking for the luxuries of life, and bought them at a high price. In the markets of sensuality, vice, and folly, he was a mere novice, and duped in every bargain; his affairs began to decay, and sensible of this, he began to dress in a different manner than he had done before. After losing half his fortune, he set up a carriage and splendid equipage, bought a country house at the time he could not pay half a crown in the pound; and I remember well, went to Court in a rich suit of French silk, the very day he was arrested. His appearance, however, had done wonders, for, upon winding up his affairs, his credulous friends discovered that he had not been a solvent man for the last ten years. But in recommending a cure for the evils which deception brings on society, we have yet to regret, that those who can apply it are, perhaps, the least disposed. Indeed, when vices become general, when they enter, as it were, into the system of hu-
man life, neither the legislator nor the moralist knows how to act; for how can either by law or argument impress mankind with a sense of the importance of truth, honesty, and industry, in their dealings which each other, while the example of some among them shews that a deviation from those principles not only may be, but often is, more successful than an adherence to them? These are difficulties not easily encountered, and as much as can be done, is to state the folly, and its consequences, leaving the rest to the reflection and conscience of those who are most concerned in the preservation of publick virtue.
It has however, been observed, that all evils contain in them the principles of self-destruction. Their reign is short in proportion as it is despotic. They are like fashions in dress, which although ever so absurd, are not really worthy of grave censure, from their fleeting nature. When false appearances have had their day, they will cease to deceive; men will learn to judge from what they know, rather than from what they suppose; and perhaps they may think it their interest to be what they seem, when they find that deception can no longer be practised with success. But before this change in manners takes place, the obstinacy of ignorance must be overcome, and the experience of many thousands must be bought at an immense price, to convince the world of this plain fact, that we are not to judge of a man from appearances only.
FOR CHARTER, The excellent new ship ARCTURUS, Samuel Winsor, master:— Burthen 300 tons.—She will be ready in three days to receive a cargo. For terms apply to the master on board, or to Moses Myers. Who offers for Sale, on board said ship, 55 SPARS. 10,000 Feet 3 inch PLANK. 28 Barrels Continental RUM. Sept. 8. tf 125
WANTED IMMEDIATELY, A QUANTITY OF Red and White Oak Drawn Staves, for which cash will be given. ALSO, White and Pitch Pine Merchantable Boards. ROBERT MAITLAND & Co. Sept. 27. tf 157
FALL GOODS. WE are now landing from the brig Commerce, from London, an extensive assortment of FALL GOODS, among which, are assorted packages, calculated for the West India market, entitled to drawback; which will be sold at low advance, by Gilliat & Mackinder. August 21. tf 92
RUM, GIN, COFFEE, &c. &c. 70 Puncheons Jamaica Rum, of different importations—part old and improved. 85 do. Antigua do. 60 do. Grenada and St. Kitts, do. 4 Pipes Holland Gin, 2d proof—imported in the Martha Bland, from Rotterdam. 8 do. L. P. Madeira Wine. 10,000 lbs. Green Coffee. 250 Bbls. Mess & Prime Pork. 50 do. Beef, No. 1 & 2. 600 do. Dpt Turpentine, in shipping order. 28 Hhds. Richmond, } TOBACCO. 39 do. Peterburg, } 30 Bales Upland Cotton. ALSO—An assortment of NAILS, and DUFFEL BLANKETS. Imported in the brig Commerce.—For sale by Donaldson, Thorburn & Co. Sept. 13. 2w 134
FALL GOODS. RICHARD TAYLOR, HAS received, by the brig Commerce, from London, an extensive assortment of FALL GOODS, which he offers for sale on moderate terms, for cash, or good paper—and he is in daily expectation of receiving a large assortment of WOOLLENS, IRISH LINENS, and HARDWARE, by the ship Brutus, from Liverpool. August 21. 2m 91
FOR SALE—A-FLOAT, 300 Barrels superfine FLOUR, JAMES HERRON. I have 50 hogsheads Richmond Tobacco of good weight to dispose of. Sept. 25. 153 3t
FALL AND WINTER GOODS. THE SUBSCRIBER Has received by the brig COMMERCE, from London, and ship Brutus, from Liverpool, A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF FALL AND WINTER GOODS, which he offers for sale, by Wholesale or Retail, on moderate terms. Richard Taylor. ALSO—A FEW BALES BEST TWILLED SACKING. Sept. 22. tf 150
FOR SALE, On board the Ship SHEFFIELD, at Willock's Wharf, 1400 BUILDING STONES, hard and of a superior quality. Apply to Josiah Cowper. Sept. 22. tf 151
THE Managers of the Baltimore Catholic Cathedral Church Lottery, have given notice that the Lottery will commence drawing on Wednesday, the 10th of October. I have yet a few tickets to dispose of, which may be had if applied for immediately. James Herron. Sept. 17. 6t 143
100 Pieces choice Russia Sheeting. For sale by MOSES MYERS. Sept. 18. tf 144

MEMOIR, IN JUSTIFICATION OF GENERAL MOREAU.
Translated from the French by G. L. GRAY.
(CONTINUED FROM OUR LAST.)
SECOND CHARGE—Reconciliation and culpable relations with Pichegru, in England; through the interference of David and Lajolais.
The Abbe David, the mutual friend of Pichegru and Moreau, conceived the design of reconciling them.
This was the proper movement of David; it does not appear that any impulse on the part of Moreau had induced him to seek this accommodation.
His first sentiment was to resist it. This is attested by the proceedings of the court.
David wrote to Pichegru, mentioned the first conference, but concealed the repugnance of Moreau, and offered his mediation; which was accepted by Pichegru.
David again saw Moreau, and insensibly weakened his objections.
Each of the generals thought he had causes of displeasure against the other, on circumstances relating to their military and publick life.
By the intervention of David, who communicated to each the letter he had received from the other, they explained, were reconciled, and interchanged forgiveness, but without writing to each other.
Things having arrived at this point, nothing appears more natural, than the letter written by Moreau to David in Messidor, year 10, in which he says, that "he would not attempt to justify himself on the denunciation he had made; that if any one had a right to reproach him, it was the government and not general Pichegru, whom he thought he held sufficiently explained in the papers found; but whom he still wished to have saved from an accusation; he regretted that the part which Pichegru had chosen in the three last campaigns had confirmed this opinion. As to any thing further, that the situation of Pichegru gave him much pain; that he would with pleasure use any means in his power to be useful to him; and that if any one had authority to say that he was the cause of that situation, he would immediately remove such an impression."
We cannot but remark, that, notwithstanding the obliging style of this letter, notwithstanding the forgetfulness of errors, that General Moreau had not recovered from the opinion he had formed on the conduct of Pichegru. It was constantly, in his eyes, an indelible stain.
The letter itself appeared to David so innocent that he shewed it, not only to the friends of Pichegru, but to persons in authority, and to distinguished generals, who still preserved a friendship for the ex-general.
As to Moreau himself, his soul the seat of every generous sentiment, incapable of an eternal resentment, could not for a moment think there was wrong in ceasing to retain enmity against Pichegru; and when that old friend solicited a reconciliation, his heart, stronger than any other power, forbade him to refuse it.
Moreau could not believe himself guilty in expressing a wish to see Pichegru return to France; when at the same time he beheld every drawing-room in France open to the general-officers of the army of Condé, whom he had overthrown in battle the year before.
General Moreau could not believe himself more guilty than the other generals, who had promised to aid him in procuring permission for Pichegru to return; one of whom especially applied to the First Consul in his favour.
General Moreau could not consider the relations maintained by Pichegru with the enemy, in the first month of year 4, nor his subsequent denunciation, as motives now existing to oppose or check his exertions in behalf of the exile.
The dangers which, through Pichegru, threatened the country, had long ago passed over; it was Moreau who averted them. As the successor of Pichegru, in the year 4, he had, by almost innumerable victories, taught the imperial and royal armies, that their entry into the French territory, was forever interdicted. He also taught them that they could never know him but as their conqueror.
When he wrote to David the country enjoyed a perfect peace.
His heart told him, that peace, the friend of indulgence, and the companion of every liberal idea, called upon him to forget the errors of warfare. This sentiment he the more willingly indulged, from the recollection that a council of war, commissioned to try those who were charged with being accomplices of Pichegru, had acquitted them in every instance.
If, as asserted in the act of accusation, the two generals were only reconciled that they might the better concert measures against the government, some indication, some germ of this project, should be found in the preceding or concomitant circumstances, or in the letters which were written to bring it about.
Yet those circumstances do not make any such disclosure.
And the letters do not contain, we will not say an idea, not even a word, which betrays on the part of Moreau the least discontent towards the government, or criticism upon its measures.
But the Abbe David prepared to go to England; he was going there to convey to Pichegru the sentiments of Moreau; and Pichegru remitted to him twelve louis to defray his expenses.
From the examination in court we learn, that Moreau had not seen David for fifteen days before his
departure; and when the Abbe mentioned his intended journey, contented himself with requesting that his compliments might be delivered to Pichegru.
As to money, if Pichegru did actually transmit twelve louis to David, so small a sum could only have been an offering to friendship in distress.
The agent of a conspiracy to which it is said England was no stranger, and which was intended to reverse the French government, could never have been at a loss for twelve louis, to enable him to make a journey whose object was to unite the two chiefs of the conspiracy.
And general Moreau, possessing an immense fortune, would never have left his emissary at the mercy of every necessity.
David had himself declared that the letter of Pichegru, which would have enabled him to draw the twelve louis, was intercepted, and that he borrowed, from general Donzelot, ten louis to pay the charges of his journey; a journey which was to determine Pichegru to come to Paris, a journey which was in fact to convey the Abbe to an establishment of 250 pounds sterling a-year in England as tutor to the son of a nobleman.
The journey of David involved so little of mystery that he made all the generals of his acquaintance, who were friendly to Pichegru, acquainted with it; and was even charged by a member of the Senate with a letter for that general.
Arrested at Calais, even after he had obtained his passport, they found upon him, neither letters, nor instructions, which could in the slightest possible degree bring Moreau's name into question.
General Moreau was heard to regret the confinement of David in the temple. But since when has it been declared treasonable to lament the misfortunes of one who had been a friend? How long is it since shackles have rendered sensibility a crime?
If David had been the agent of a plot in which Moreau was concerned, when arrested, what ought to have been the conduct of Moreau?
Either he would have endeavoured to remove from himself every suspicion which the arrest might have occasioned; or he would have saved himself, by flight, from the punishment attending the discovery of his crime: or he would have endeavoured to accomplish his object, before the government had become wholly possessed of his views. Nothing of the kind has been attempted.
The General took no pains to ascertain whether he was compromised by the papers found upon David. He remained unconcernedly at home, without in any thing varying his mode of life. He held no correspondence on the subject; nor was David, that artisan of intrigue, replaced by any other.
For it must be borne in mind, that Lajolais, who is denounced his successor, on his own confession, and as appears by the proofs at the trial, had no intercourse with Moreau for nine months after the imprisonment of David.
Nevertheless the peace was not disturbed by the arrest of David. All the usual sources of communication with England were open. In two weeks the plot might have been renewed at Paris, approved at London, and returned to the capital for execution.
When all are silent, silence cannot be a crime. And no one will, we apprehend, pretend to say, that the presence merely of Pichegru in London, and of Moreau at Paris, can constitute a conspiracy.
As to the ex-general Lajolais, he did not see general Moreau till towards the month of Prairial, year 11; when he delivered him an open letter of introduction from Pichegru, requesting the aid of the general in procuring him an employment. This letter was not brought from London by Lajolais; Pichegru sent it to him in France; a circumstance which should be carefully remembered, for, until the time of trial, the publick was taught to believe that Lajolais had made two journeys to England, and that it was on his return from the first of these journeys that he delivered this letter.
General Moreau corrected the memoir by which Lajolais solicited a place.
They spoke of Pichegru; and Moreau has not denied that he expressed to Lajolais, as he had done to the Abbe David, the satisfaction he would derive from his free return into France.
If this interest for Pichegru is a crime; let it find its excuse in the reconciliation lately effected, and in the ingenuous nature of the general.
Lajolais declared, on his first examination, that, about this time, he saw Moreau three or four times; that he had expressed a wish to have an interview with Pichegru; and said he was about to request it.
The desire of this interview has been held up as a sure indication of a treasonable understanding between Moreau and Pichegru; the proof of which is said to be established by the visits at Paris.
Do not the folly and improbability of this construction of Lajolais strike at first sight?
We can well conceive an interview between two persons living in the same place, or in places adjoining. But for a person in Paris to ask an interview of another living in London; and to take place in Paris, is too ridiculous.
Yet at the trial Lajolais gave this testimony, and persisted in it three times. Such testimony requires to be explained.
Lajolais is an Alsacian, and does not speak good French. He observed, at the time, that the true force of each expression was not familiar to him; and, therefore, that when he used the word interview , he asked to be understood as indicating, by it, merely the desire manifested by Moreau to see Pichegru restored to France. Which precisely corresponds with the terms used, and the idea intended.
It is quibbling to say that there is a difference between this declaration, and that of Lajolais when confronted with Moreau, until which time he persisted in his first replies. The difference is not contradictory but explanatory; for it only serves to give the sense in which he used the word interview . And a
Report of the Grand-Judge, 27, Pluviose, 12.
witness never has been hindered from explaining what he meant by his own evidence. To deny that liberty would be repugnant to the principles of justice.
To satisfy any one that this explanation was honest and sincere, it will only be necessary to shew that the first declaration, taken literally, was so palpably improbable that it was impossible not to read in it absurdity and falsehood.
An interview was wished for by Moreau; Lajolais was to proceed to England to demand it from Pichegru; and its objects were to have been to open, or to put in better train, a plan of conspiracy.
Strange! that Lajolais entrusted with a commission the execution of which was a matter, one would suppose, of immediate necessity, should have remained in France seven months, after having received it from Moreau!
No; the mere circumstance of so long a time wasted in inaction by Lajolais, with his family, in the department of the Lower-Rhine, is an unequivocal proof of the falseness of his first declaration, in the interpretation given to it.
Another particular not less important, and which at once deprives Lajolais of the title of agent for Moreau in this supposititious plot, is, that his confrontation with Moreau, and the proceedings of the court, have instructed us that, at the very time when he is said to have been employed to procure this interview, he asked general Moreau to lend him some money, which the general refused.
On this fact the examinations has not thrown the least doubt. And will it be believed that Moreau, at the very instant when he entrusted his secret to Lajolais, and associated him in his plans, would have refused to supply him, for the moment, with a few louis?
But as no plot can be matured without funds, it is therefore evident that general Moreau, after having initiated Lajolais into this conspiracy, would necessarily have placed his purse at his command, as he had already made him master of his fortune and his horses.
And even could the plot have progressed without money, is it reasonable to think, that Moreau, by refusing the supply requested, would have been so imprudent as to have run the risk of mortifying the pride of a man, who had the power of revealing his machinations.
Necessity has ever had too great an influence over the passions, to allow us to depend entirely on their movements. Moreau might, the next moment, have become the victim of a denunciation, provoked by his own cupidity.
To the mind of any reasoning being, who knows any thing of the human heart, the refusal to administer, with a small sum, to the necessities of Lajolais, is a proof sufficient to destroy every idea that there existed any criminal relation between him and general Moreau.
But to all these explanations which render so plain the nature of the momentary acquaintance of Moreau and Lajolais, let us add one other, which will contribute to establish its perfect innociveness.
Victor Couchery, to whom it appears Lajolais had said that general Moreau ought to write to Pichegru, waited on the general to know what dispositions had made with Lajolais, and whether he did intend to write to Pichegru.
And Victor Couchery, when confronted with Moreau, has attested that the reply of the general was that "he had seen Lajolais two or three times on the particular concerns of the latter, and especially the amendments which he made to his petition for employment; that he had nothing to communicate to, nor could he correspond with, any person residing in a country at war with France."
Couchery was then the friend of Pichegru; general Moreau knew him to be so: if he had written by Lajolais, if he had had any intention of writing, or if he had even charged him with a verbal message, what reason had he to use reserve or concealment with the brother of his confidant, and the most intimate friend of Pichegru.
This testimony of Couchery, independent of the proof it affords that he had no confidential connexion with Lajolais, confirms another fact perhaps sufficiently established at the trial, that Moreau declined all correspondence with Pichegru, so long as he remained under the protection of the enemies of France. And that his wish was that the latter should remove into a neutral territory, before he could in any way interest himself in procuring the erasure of his name from the list of emigrants.
To those who say that any intimacy between Moreau and Lajolais is liable to suspicion, on account of the denunciation of this officer in the year 5; it is easy to reply, that Lajolais was absolved from all crime by a judgment of the council of war; that he had long since banished all animosity or resentment, which his arrest might have occasioned, from his mind; and that he himself sought the interviews with the general, whose disposition was incapable of repulsing him. Nay it even appeared to him, that every sentiment of justice required his aid in repairing the injuries which Lajolais might have sustained, from a denunciation proved by the trial to have been without just cause.
(To be Continued.)
The Phoenix Insurance Company of London have appointed Messrs. Thomas and Andrew Bache, of New-York, agents to execute orders for Insurance against fire, on behalf of that Company.
A PAMPHLET.
It is the intention of the Editors of the Ledger, at the request of a considerable number of friends, to publish in a pamphlet the
JUSTIFICATION OF GENERAL MOREAU.
And, in a few days those who wish to be possessed of that document, may be supplied with it at their office.
Died at York Town, on Friday the 28th inst after a short, though violent illness, SARAH ELIZA SOUTHGATE, aged three Years and four Months—eldest Daughter of Mr. John Southgate, Merchant, of Norfolk. The Revd. John Bracken, Professor of Humanity at William and Mary College, officiated, and delivered, on the occasion, an elegant discourse, appropriated to the melancholy scene, from Genesis, 42. ver. 36. Me have ye bereved of my children—Joseph is not, and Simon is not, and ye will take Benjamin away —From which words the orator drew a most lively picture of Parental Affection—The whole ceremony was conducted in a manner that kindled the warmest sympathy in a numerous and respectable audience.
On Tuesday 25th inst. Mrs. MARGARET DURCHER, wife of Mr. John Burcher, of this Borough aged 24 years.
NEW-YORK, Sept. 25.
Capt. Wilson who arrived last evening from Barcelona, informs, that on the 27th of July, he left Gen. Moreau and lady at that place, on their way to America.—The Gen. Made application to Capt. Wilson for a passage in the Bellona, but his cabin was not sufficiently commodious. He was informed at Gibraltar, on the 10th of August, that the Gen. and lady, had arrived at Cadiz, where they were soon to embark for America.
Sept. 26.
Capt. McMillen, who arrived last evening from Cadiz, informs that the talk of a war between the United States and Spain, had subsided and that our Minister to the Court of Spain, had not, to his knowledge, left Madrid, as reported. In to-morrow's Gazette, we shall probably be able to give extracts from letters on this subject, more full and satisfactory.
Gen. Moreau and Lady were at Cadiz, and would soon for America as soon after the confinement of Mrs. Moreau as possible.
From the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Attempts have been recently made, by letters from, and representations of occurrences at, Madrid, to excite the feelings of the publick on the issue of a question of great magnitude to the United States. It is said that the king of Spain has refused to ratify the Convention for the indemnification of spoiled property, on several grounds, among which is assigned the legislative authority given to the President to erect a port of entry on the Mobile and its waters emptying into the Gulph of Mexico east of that river. Whether it be true that Spain has refused on this, or any other ground, to ratify the Convention, we shall not undertake to say; much less to determine the accuracy of the fact that Mr. Pinckney has demanded his passports, and is about returning to the United States; or whether we are on the eve of a war with Spain. We shall only observe, that the pictures drawn in some of the Eastern prints, appear to us so extravagantly coloured, as to lead to a suspicion that they are intended to cover some commercial project. Waving, however, all considerations arising out of these circumstances, as unlikely from the little knowledge respecting them in possession of the publick, to afford much important light, we have considered it proper to attempt laying before the publick a view of the merits of the interesting question, "What are the boundaries of Louisiana," as acquired by the United States from France, by the late treaty of cession. This point, independent of any connection it may have with the ratification of the convention, or with any pending negotiation, is extremely important; and although the discussion of it, at this time, may be premature, as it has been brought into publick notice, it appears necessary, to avoid erroneous impressions, to state the prominent facts on which its decision must depend. We shall at present attempt little more than this; our object being to take sure ground, and to exhibit a short and clear view of facts, and to draw those inferences only which immediately flow from them.
In order to exhibit this view the more distinctly, it is necessary to go back to an early period of the colonisation of Louisiana.
In the year 1673, M. M. Joliet, and Marquette, two French Canadians, excited by the information of the Indians, explored and struck the Mississippi, which they descended to the Arkansas. Their representations awakened the curiosity of M. de la Sale, who, in the year 1680, under the permission of the French government, explored the Mississippi. On the lower part of the Illinois he garrisoned a fort called Crevecoeur; and he sent father Hennepin down the Mississippi, until he reached the ocean. In 1682, M. la Sale, and M. Jonti, went down the river with sixty men, named the country Louisiana, built a fort in the Chickasaw territory, 60 leagues below the Ohio, by the name of Pradhommie. M. la Sale then returned to France. The French government, entering with ardour, into his scheme of forming settlements along the St. Lawrence and Mississippi, from sea to sea, placed under his direction four vessels, with men and stores. He sailed in 1684; but missing the mouth of the Mississippi, landed on the 18th of February, in the Bay of St. Bernard. Here he made two successive establishments.
About this time the Chevalier Tontit, descended the mouth of the Mississippi, and on ascending the river formed a permanent settlement on the Arkansas. Not long after this period several other small settlements were made by enterprising Frenchmen.
In 1689 war commenced between France and Spain, which lasted till 1697, during which period nothing appeared to have been done by France to succour her colony. In 1688, M. D'Iberville was dispatched as governor. He established two settlements, one at Isle Massacre, which he called Isle Dauphin, and the other at Mobile. It may be proper to observe that during the war, in 1706, Spain had taken post at Pensacola.
From these facts it follows that France enjoyed the actual and undisputed possession of the coast from the Mobile to the Bay of St. Bernard, and from the mouth of the Mississippi to the Illinois, which, together with other territory, comprises what is now called West Florida, but which then, together with the country as far as Canada, went by the common name of Louisiana.
In this condition things stood, when Louis XIV. by letters patent, on the 14th Sept. 1712, granted to M. Crozat, the exclusive commerce of this country for fifteen years. This document is important, as it contains the first formal recognition of the extent of the French possessions. The extracts in point, are as follows:
"LOUIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre: To all who shall see these Letters, Greeting. The care we have always had to procure the welfare and advantage of our subjects have induced us, notwithstanding the almost continual wars which we have been obliged to support from the beginning of our reign, to seek for all possible opportunities of extending and enlarging the trade of our American colonies, we did in the year 1683 give our orders to undertake a discovery of the countries and lands which are situated in the northern part of America between New France and New Mexico. And the Sieur de la Sale, to whom we committed that enterprise, having had success enough to confirm a belief that a communication might be settled from New France to the Gulf of Mexico by means of large rivers; this obliged us immediately after the peace of Ryswick to give orders for the establishing a colony there, and maintaining a garrison, which has kept and preserved the possession, we had taken in the

very year 1683 of the lands, coasts and islands which are situated in the gulf of Mexico, between Carolina on the East, and Old and New Mexico on the West. But a new war having broke out in Europe shortly after, there was no possibility, till now, of reaping from that new colony the advantages that might have been expected from thence, because the private men, who are concerned in the sea trade, were all under engagements with other colonies which they have been obliged to follow: And WHEREAS upon information we have received concerning the disposition and situation of the said countries known at present by the name of the Province of Louisiana, we are of opinion that there may be established therein a considerable commerce, so much the more advantageous to our kingdom in that there has hitherto been a necessity of fetching from foreigners the greatest part of the commodities which may be brought from thence, and because in exchange thereof we need carry thither nothing but the commodities of the growth and manufacture of our own kingdom; we have resolved to grant the commerce of the country of Louisiana to the Sieur Anthony Crozat, our counsellor, Secretary of the Household, Crown and Revenue, to whom we entrust the execution of this project. We are the more readily inclined hereunto, because his zeal and the singular knowledge he has acquired in maritime commerce, encourage us to hope for as good success as he has hitherto had in the divers and sundry enterprises he has gone upon, and which have procured to one kingdom great quantities of gold and silver in such conjunctures as have rendered them very welcome to us.
"For these reasons being desirous to shew our favour to him, and to regulate the conditions upon which we mean to grant him the said commerce after having deliberated this affair in our Council, of our certain knowledge, full power, and Royal authority, We by these Presents, signed by our hand, have appointed and do appoint the said Sieur Crozat, solely to carry on a trade in all the lands possessed by us, and bounded by New Mexico, and by the lands of the English Carolina, all the establishments, ports, havens, rivers, and principally the fort and haven of the Isle Dauphin, heretofore Massacre; the river St. Louis, heretofore called Mississippi, from the edge of the sea as far as the Illinois, together with the river of St. Philip, heretofore called the Missouri, and the river of St. Jerome, heretofore called Ouabache, with all the countries, territories, lakes within land, and the rivers which fall directly or indirectly into that part of the river St. Louis."
"The ARTICLES—1st—Our pleasure is, that all the aforesaid lands, countries, streams, rivers and islands, be and remain comprised under the name of the government of Louisiana, which shall be dependent upon the general government of New France, to which it is subordinate; and further that all the lands which we possess from the Illinois be united, so far as occasion require to the general government of New France, and become part thereof, reserving however, to ourselves the liberty of enlarging as we shall think fit the extent of the government of the said country of Louisiana."
This is a solemn declaration that the waters running directly or indirectly into the Mississippi, and the country they embrace, constituted the province of Louisiana. Within these limits France continued without disturbance to extend her settlements till the year 1763. During this period were formed the treaties of Ryswick in 1697, of Utrecht in 1713, and of Rastadt in 1714, to which Spain was a party, and which in none of their provisions invalidate the rights of France.
In 1718, the French took Pensacola from Spain, to whom it was restored at the peace of 1719; since which the Perdido, between Mobile and Pensacola, has been the acknowledged boundary between Louisiana and Florida.
The boundaries of Louisiana, then, as held by France, were the coast and islands from the Perdido to the Rio Norte; up that river to its source; thence to the highlands and round the sources of the Missouri and Mississippi, and their waters to the Alleghany mountains, along those mountains and the high lands surrounding the waters of the Mobile to the head of the Perdido, and down that river to the ocean.
There was, it is true, a collision between these claims and those of the English colonies, whose charters extended from sea to sea; but these interfering claims were adjusted by the treaty of Paris of 1763; by which the Mississippi and Iberville were made the limits of the English possessions on the East, and Louisiana on the West.
Thus far then, that is to the year 1763, there is no doubt that what is now denominated West Florida, was a part of Louisiana.
To the war which commenced between France and England in 1755, Spain in 1762 became a party on the side of France. England having been so successful as to conquer a considerable portion of the Island of Cuba from Spain, negotiations were entered into for a peace. In these negotiations Great Britain required Florida and that part of Louisiana between the Iberville and the Perdido, in exchange for Cuba. To enable Spain to offer these as an equivalent, France, by a secret treaty dated November 3, 1762 (the same day on which the preliminary treaty was signed) consented to cede to Spain all Louisiana. By the definitive treaty, signed on the 10th February, 1763, France ceded to England all Louisiana east of the Mississippi, except the Island of New Orleans; which with the remainder of the province she ceded to Spain. The cession to England, although formally on the part of France (for the treaty between France and Spain was still secret) was substantially made by Spain, who had become the real proprietor of all Louisiana.
England immediately divided her newly acquired possessions into two distinct governments; to one she gave the name of West Florida, which embraced the tract west of the Apalachicola; and to the other, embracing the residue of her possessions, she gave that of East Florida. This is the first that we hear of West Florida, it being a name given by Great Britain to a subdivision of her territory.
At the close of the American war in 1783, Great Britain restored to Spain Florida, and the country east of the Iberville. Spain, on taking possession, continued, with some modification, the English arrangements, placing, however, West Florida under the jurisdiction of the governor of Louisiana, who resided at New Orleans; and since that time this territory, as well in publick instruments, as in general conversation, has gone by the names of Louisiana or West Florida, sometimes the one and sometimes the other name being used.
On the 1st of October, 1800, by the treaty of St. Ildefonso, Spain receded to France the "colony or province of Louisiana, with the same extent that it actually has in the hands of Spain—that it had when France possessed it—and such as it ought to be after the treaties passed subsequently between Spain and other states."
On the 30th of April 1803, France ceded to the United States all the territory which she has thus acquired from Spain.
These are the facts on which a decision is to be made whether the cession by France to the United States does, or does not embrace that portion of country called West Florida?
In the first place Spain stipulates to recede Louisiana with the same extent that it actually has [in 1800] in the hands of Spain. To determine the import of this stipulation it is only necessary to ascertain the extent of country embraced by the term Louisiana. It has been clearly shown that previous
to the cession of France to Spain Louisiana extended to the Perdido. Had any thing occurred previously to the date of the treaty of St. Ildefonso, to contract its limits? If nothing had occurred, the limits must be considered as unaltered. That portion of territory, ceded in 1763 to Great Britain, was receded to Spain in 1783, with the new name of West Florida, given by England. Restored to Spain, although this name was not formally dismissed, the territory which it covers, was re-annexed to the government of Louisiana, and the old arrangements, previous to its cession to England re-instated. By these arrangements Louisiana, as to its extent, was replaced in the same situation it occupied previous to the cession of a part of it to Great Britain, which was the same with that it held when possessed by France under whose arrangements West Florida formed a part of it.
But as if solicitous to remove all ambiguity, the treaty proceeds to stipulate, in the second place that Louisiana shall be ceded in the same extent it had when France possessed it (that is previously to the year 1763). Now the fact is that France never possessed this province, with any extent which did not include the English province of West Florida—it may have occurred to the framers of the treaty of St. Ildefonso, that doubts might arise as to the meaning of the term "the province of Louisiana," after the cession of a part of it to Great Britain, and its re-cession to Spain. Hence the propriety of dissipating all such doubts, by declaring that the new cession should be in the same extent it had when France possessed it. This effectually set aside all regard to the regulations of England. Supposing, then the first stipulation to be of doubtful import, the second, so plain as not to admit of any other construction, comes in to remove all doubts. For it is an established principle of construction, that where there are two passages tending to the same end, one of which is doubtful, and the other clear, the last shall preponderate. The denial of this construction to the stipulation will be tantamount to saying that it shall have no meaning at all, which in so solemn an instrument as a treaty, and on so important an occasion as the transfer of territory, is altogether inadmissible.
In the third place it is stipulated that the cession shall be such as it ought to be after the treaties passed subsequently between Spain and other states—that is, subsequently to the cession by France, which was in the year 1762. Now, subsequently to this was formed the treaty of 1765 between Spain and the United States, by which the former confirmed to the latter a degree of latitude (from 32 to 51 degrees) which she had alleged to be a part of Louisiana unceded to France, and consequently belonging to her.
According to these stipulations, taken together, Spain ceded Louisiana to France exactly as France possessed it previous to the year 1763, with the only exception of a reservation of the rights acknowledged by Spain to attach to the United States, and in this precise shape France, thus possessed of Louisiana, has ceded it to the United States. If the facts we have stated, and the inferences deduced from them be correct, it follows that the Perdido is the boundary of Louisiana, and consequently that West Florida is a part of the cession to the United States.
The subject may admit of a much wider illustration; and several of the points, which we have but cursorily noticed would doubtless be enforced by many incidents and arguments that might be associated with them; but we wave these for the present, under the persuasion that the concise sketch now offered is sufficient to evince the just pretensions alleged to be entertained by our government. It is possible that some of the facts assumed may not be correct; though we have taken pains to avoid error, and have omitted to introduce all doubtful matter.
BRITISH FUNDED DEBT.
[The following Statement was laid before the British House of Commons by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the 24th July last.]
1. That the total amount of the Publick Funded Debt of Great Britain, was, on the 1st of February, 1803, 567,803,978.1. of which 67,255,915.1. has been purchased by the Commissioners for the reduction of the National Debt, and 19,130,597.1. had been transferred to them on account of Land Tax redeemed; leaving a Funded Debt unredeemed of 481,476,470.1. —and that the amount of Annuities charged on Great Britain (after deducting what have fallen in) was on the 1st of February, in short annuities, and for lives, 599,979.1. and in long annuities 1,015,410.1.
2. That the total amount of Publick Debt, created in Great Britain for account of Ireland, was on the 1st of February, 1803, 23,348,060.1. of which there had been purchased by the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt, 1,123,415.1. leaving a funded debt unredeemed of 21,224,585.1. together with long annuities to the amount of 979.1.
3. That the total amount of the publick funded debt, created in Great Britain for account of the Emperor of Germany, was on the first of February, 1803, 7,502,633.1. of which 375,157.1. had been purchased by the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt; leaving a funded debt unredeemed of 7,127,496.1. together with annuities to the amount of 230,000.1. which will expire in 1819.
4. That the amount of the outstanding demands, unprovided for on the 5th of January, 1803, exclusively of unfunded debt, and of the anticipation of certain duties annually voted, was 292,630.1. That the deficiency of Ways and Means for the year 1802, was 171,431.1. make the amount of demands unprovided for on the 5th January, 1803, 764,091.1.
5. That the Unfunded Debt, exclusive of the anticipation in the usual form of certain duties annually voted, and of those provided for by the aids of 1802, amounted, on the 5th of January, 1803, to 9,433,248.1. exclusive also of 3,003,900.1. advanced by the bank, without interests, for the renewal of their Charter, to be repaid in 1809.
6. That the total amount of the Publick Funded Debt of Great Britain, was on the 1st of February, 1804, 583,008,978.1. of which 77,693,467.1. had been purchased by the commissioners for the reduction of the National debt; and 21,147,388.1. had been transferred to them on account of Land Tax redeemed; leaving a funded debt unredeemed of 434,162,522.1. and that the amount of annuities charged on Great Britain (after deducting what have fallen in,) was on the 1st of February, in short annuities, and for lives, 516,383.1. and in long annuities 1,047,494.1. and that a further debt, amounting to 18,290,000.1. Capital Stock, has been created by the sums borrowed in the present session of parliament.
7. That the total amount of the Publick Funded Debt, created in Great Britain, for account of Ireland, was, on the 1st of February, 1804, 23,548,000.1. of which there had been purchased by the commissioners for the reduction of the national Debt, long annuities to the amount of 16,268.1. and that a further debt amounting to 8,190,000.1. Capital Stock has been created by sums borrowed in the present session, in Great Britain, on account of Ireland.
8. That the total amount of Publick Funded Debt, created in Great Britain, for account of the Emperor of Germany, was on the first of February, 1804, 7,502,633.1. of which 439,828.1. had been purchased by the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt; leaving a funded debt of 7,042,805.1. together with annuities to the amount of 230,000.1. which will expire in 1819.
9. That the amount of the outstanding demands, unprovided for on the 5th of January, 1804, exclusive of unfunded debt, and of the anticipation of certain duties annually voted, was 2,024,055.1. that the sur-
plus of Ways and Means for the year 1803, was 13,066.4. reducing the amount of demands unprovided for on the 5th of January, 1804, to 652,421.1. the whole of which has been paid off or provided for in the present session.
10. That the Unfunded Debt, exclusive of the anticipation in the usual form of certain duties annually voted, and of Exchequer Bills provided for by aids 1803, amounted, on the 5th of January, 1804, to 16,305,607.1. exclusive also of 3,000,000.1. advanced by the Bank, without interest for the renewal of their Charter, to be repaid in 1809, of which sum of 16,305,607.1. 2,768,300.1. has been paid off or provided for in the course of the present session.
11. That the annual charge on account of the publick debt of Great Britain, after deducting the charges of management on loans redeemed by the Commissioners for the reduction of the national debt, and the interest on the stock transferred for the redemption of the Land Tax, was on the 1st of February, 1804, 24,110,473.1. and that a further charge has been incurred on account of the sum borrowed in the present session; amounting to 736,190.1.
12. That the sum annually applicable to the reduction of the national debt of Great Britain, in pursuance of the several Acts relating thereto; was, for the year 1803, 6,811,626.1. being about the 1-77th part of the unredeemed debt existing in 1803, and may for the year 1804, be estimated at 6,851,192.1. being about 1-73rd part of the unredeemed debt existing in 1804.
13. That the net produce of the permanent taxes existing previous to the 5th January, 1793, was
In the year ended L.14,284,000 on 5 January 1793 13,941,000 on 5 January 1794 13,858,000 on 5 January 1795 13,557,000 on 5 January 1796 14,292,000 on 5 January 1797 13,332,000 on 5 January 1798 14,275,000 on 5 January 1799 15,743,109 on 5 January 1800 14,194,539 on 5 January 1801 14,497,226 on 5 January 1802 15,429,000 on 5 January 1803 14,900,000 on 5 January 1804
Which last sum exceeds the net produce of the Permanent Taxes on the 5th January 1793, by 617,000.1. and is exclusive of a large increase of arrears outstanding.
14. That the total net produce of the permanent taxes, in the year ended 5th January, 1803, amounted to 28,246,681.1. including 713,325.1. paid for bounties on corn and rice, imported in the year 1802: And on the 5th January 1804, the total net produce of permanent taxes amount to 30,754,724.1. including 43,977.1. for bounties on corn and rice imported in the year 1803.
15. That the official value of all imports into Great Britain in the year ending the 5th of January 1803, was 31,442,318.1. and on an average of six years, ending the 5th of January 1803, was 28,419,626.1. That the official value of all imports into Great Britain in the year ending 5th January, 1804, supposing the imports from the East-Indies (of which no account has yet been made up) to be the same as in the preceding year, was 27,441,874.1. and on an average of six years, ending the 5th January, 1804, was 29,490,945.1.
16. That the official value of the British Manufactures exported from Great Britain, in the year ending the 5th of January 1803, was 26,993,129.1. and on an average of six years, ending the 5th of January 1803 was 23,942,800.1. That the official value of British Manufactures exported from Great Britain in the year ending the 5th of January 1804, was 22,252,101.1. and on an average of six years, ending the 5th of January 1804, was 23,834,240.1. And that the real value of British Manufactures exported in the year ending the 5th of January 1803, may be estimated at 48,500,683.1. and in the year ending the 5th of January 1804, at 40,100,870.1.
17. That the official value of foreign merchandise exported from Great Britain in the year ending the 5th January 1803, was 19,127,833.1. and on an average of six years ending the 5th of January 1804, was 15,402,919.1. That the official value of foreign merchandise exported from Great Britain in the year ending the 5th of January 1804, was 11,537,145.1. and on an average of six years ending the 5th January 1804, was 15,323,500.1. And that the real value of foreign merchandise exported in the year ending the 5th Janu'y 1803, may be estimated at 14,418,837.1. and in the year ending on the 5th of January 1804, at 9,323,257.1.
18. That in the year ending the 5th of January 1803, the number of British vessels entered inwards in Great Britain, was 10,547; their tonnage 1,373,620, and the number of men employed in them 38,035. That the number of British vessels cleared outwards was 10,262, their tonnage 1,345,621, and the number of men employed in them 37,364. That in the year ending the 5th January 1803, the number of foreign vessels entered inwards in Great Britain, was 5,497, their tonnage 730,155, and the number of men employed in them 40,520; and that the number of foreign vessels cleared outwards, was 5,629, their tonnage 804,880, and the number of men employed in them 42,414.
19. That in the year ending the 5th of January 1804, the number of British ships entered inwards in Great Britain, was 11,396, their tonnage 1,614,365, and the number of men employed to navigate them 93,004. That the number of British ships cleared outwards was 11,072, their tonnage 1,444,830, and the number of men employed to navigate them 92,940. That in the same year the number of Foreign Ships entered inwards, in Great Britain was 4252, their tonnage 638,034, and the number of men employed in them 33,660. That the number of Foreign ships cleared outwards was 3662, their tonnage 574,542, and the number of men employed 30,414, making an increase in the year 1803, as compared with the year 1802, of British vessels entered inwards viz. 149 ships 235,745, tons, 4669 men; and an increase of British vessels cleared outwards, of 790 ships, 99,219 tons, 5636 men; and making a diminution in the year 1803, in the number of Foreign vessels entered inwards, viz. ships 1245, tons, 142,121 men 6,860; & a diminution of Foreign vessels, cleared outwards, of ships 1974, tons, 230,333, men 13,000.
20. That the number of Registered vessels belonging to the British dominions, employed in trade in the year 1802, was 20,563; their tonnage 2,128,053, and number of seamen navigating the same, 134,530. And in the year 1803, the number of vessels was 21,445; their tonnage 2,238,249; and the number of 155,445; men being an increase of 877 ships; of 110,194 tons, and of 915 men.
21. That the total sum to be raised in Great Britain, in the year 1804, may be estimated as follows:
Interest on publick funded debt, charges of management, and sinking fund, on the 5th of Feb. 1804 24,110,473.1 Interest, charges of management, &c. to be paid between the 5th Feb. 1804, and the 5th Jan. 1805, on stock created by loans of the present session to the amount of 18,290,000.1. 487,000 Civil government of Scotland, pensions on revenue, militia and deserters warrants, bounties for promoting fisheries, &c. estimated to be the same as in the year ending Jan. 3, 1804 729,056 Charges of collecting and management of the revenue, estimated to be the same as in the year ending the 5th Jan. 1804 1,955,958 Provision to be defrayed by Great Britain of the civil list and other charges on the consolidated fund of Great Britain (the charges on the consolidated fund of Ireland which is likewise a joint charge, being included in the supplies) 15-17th of 1,946,049.1 192,799.1
Supplies voted in 1804, for G. Britain exclusively 8,856,578 Supplies voted in 1804, for G. Britain and Ireland, proportion to be repaid by G. Britain 53,744,725 Advance to Ireland 4,000,000 Interest for loans to the Emperor of Germany 497,428 Making in the whole 71,498,431
22. That the funds applicable to discharge the sum required for the service of the year 1804, may be estimated as follows:
The gross receipt of the permanent revenues (after deducting the re-payment of over entries, drawbacks, &c.) estimated to be the same as in the year ending 5th January 1804 33,441,778 Add excess of permanent duties outstanding and under bond on 5th January 1804, beyond their amount on 5th January 1803, after deducting 33,000.1. the proportion of wine duty bonded, beyond the average importation of the last five years 712,000 Allowed to brewers, which ceased in June 1803 52,280 Further produce of taxes 1803, to 5th January 1804, taken at an average for the whole year at 68,000.1. 43,000 Estimated produce to 5th January 1805, of the permanent taxes imposed in the present session, taken as estimated for the whole year at 800,000.1. 200,000 Small branches of the hereditary revenue, and impress monies repaid, estimated to be the same as in the year ended 5th January 1804 339,000 Lottery, after deducting the proportion of Ireland 270,000 Vauxhall, estimated to produce to 5th April, 1805 134,400 Surplus ways and means for the year 1803 1,370,000 Loan 14,000,000 Vote of credit for Great Britain 2,500,000 Making in the whole L.71,551,458
ERRATA—In the introduction to the defence of Moreau, in our paper of 25th inst.—2nd. par. 10th line, for "these fears read those fears.—In the defence, 3d. Col. of same paper, 3d. par. 10th line, for "disorders," read disorder.—Last par. dele. the comma after the word unprejudiced.—Paper of 27th.
—2nd. Col. 2nd. par. 1st line, read "Moreau did not at first write" &c.—2nd. par. from the foot, 2nd. line, for "her earned" read he returned.—Last par. for Sherer read Scherer.—3d. Col. 16th line, for "acknowledged" read acknowledged.—Paper of 29th.—2nd. Col. 31st line from the foot, for "even" read ever.—3rd. Col. 34th line, for "embezzle" read imbecille.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Schooner Belvidere, Steed, 27 days from Grenada, and 18 from Guadalupe.—Rum.—Donaldson & Thorburn. Left at Point-Petre, 9th ult. schooner Experiment, Nash, just arrived, and schooner Dwyer, Brown, to sail in 8 weeks, both of this port. By the arrival of a Danish schooner at Guadalupe from Dominica before capt. Steed sailed, he learnt that 25 vessels were cast away on that island during the late hurricane there, among which were several Americans.
Schooner Mary-Johnson, Bayton, 26 days from Trinidad.—Sugar and Molasses.—Moses Myers.—Shoke, Sept. 21, in lat. 33° N, long. 74° W, brig Friendship, Roberts, of and for Alexandria, 25 days from Trinidad. On the 5th, the Friendship had experienced a severe gale, which threw her on her beam-ends, and obliged her to cut away her main-mast, and fore-top-mast. The Friendship had taken the crew out of the brig Harriot, Smith, of Norwich, in lat. 23° 30' N, long. 66° W; the Harriot had lost both her masts, and was reduced to such a state as to oblige the captain and crew to abandon her; she was from Demarary for New-York with a cargo of rum and sugar. The Friendship had spoken a ship, supposed English, northward of Hatteras, prize to a French privateer. Captain Bayton received from the schooner William, of and for Alexandria, from St. Martins, part of the crew of the schooner Jane, Hill, of Fredericksburg, which was cast away in the harbour of St. Martins in the same gale, two thirds of her outward cargo on board.
French national schooner Department du Nord, from Baltimore bound to the city of Saint Domingo, came in on Saturday.
Brig Rover, Waite, 12 days from Nassau, N. P.—ballast.—R. Gibson.
Brig Thomas, Vickery, 72 days from Alicante—salt.—J. Davidson. Shoke, Sept. 5, in lat. 36° 50' N, long. 53° W, ship Roba and Betsey, Richardson, 28 days hence from Cadiz—19th, in lat. 39° N, long. 68° W, brig Comet, Tucker, of and from Portland, 3 days out for Jamaica—25th, in lat. 37° 50' N, long. 72° W, brig Bee, of and bound to Newbern, out from Surinam 32 days.
Schooner Agnes, Euson, 8 days from Philadelphia Schooner Jenny, Rhodes, 8 days from Boston Schooner Vandrick, Punchard, 8 days from Salem Schooner Jane, Deyke, 3 days from Philadelphia Schooner Maria, Holmes, 8 days from Boston Sloop Friendship, Spencer, 6 days from Rhode-Island.</

FOR SALE—A BARGAIN.
THE SUBSCRIBER,
WISHING TO DECLINE THE RETAIL BUSINESS,
OFFERS FOR SALE,
HIS WHOLESTOCK IN TRADE,
AMOUNTING TO ABOUT $20,000.
DRY GOODS, Cutlery, Hardware, Castings, Nails, of all sizes, and a number of other articles.—The whole will be sold on very low terms, and a liberal credit will be allowed, on bond with approved security.—Also, the balance of the lease of his Store, equal to any land in Norfolk, if required. Property in the Borough of Norfolk, or Lands in the neighbouring counties, Publick Securities, &c. will be taken in exchange. For further particulars, apply to
James Tucker.
WHO HAS FOR SALE, ON VERY LOW TERMS,
A VALUABLE TRACT OF LAND,
on the South Branch of the Potomack.
August 23. tf 97
New Grocery Store.
THE SUBSCRIBERS,
HAVE to inform the publick, that they have opened a GROCERY STORE, in Wolf Street, leading from Catherine Street, to the New-Bank—where every article in that line, of the best quality, will be sold on very reasonable terms.
Some excellent CLARET, at $4 1/2 per dozen.
G. Domezio & Co.
N.B. Families may be supplied in any quantity, with the best Bourbon Coffee, fresh ROASTED, every morning. The mode of roasting preserves the essence of the Coffee, and, in consequence, it will be found to drink greatly superior to that roasted in the manner generally adopted in this place.
August 25. tf 103
LANDING
On Town Point, out of the Brig Mary Louisa , from St. Thomas,
A Parcel of Choice SUGAR.
In hogheads, tierces and barrels, for sale—also, From on board the Maria , Capt. Hatton , from Bourdeaux . 50 Cases, } CLARET, of superior quality. 48 Casks, } 100 Pipes high proof BRANDY, which will be sold on liberal terms, by
Robertson & Brown.
Sept. 1. tf 114
COLOGNE MILL-STONES.
THE SUBSCRIBERS HAVE
COLOGNE MILL-STONES,
of all dimensions, from Hand-Mill-Stones of 22 inches, to those of 4 feet 8 inches, of the best quality.—Also, BAR and ROD IRON, and STEEL, of all kinds.
Jesse Hollingsworth & Son.
Baltimore, Aug. 15. tf 77
FOR SALE,
 12 Puncheons ANTIGUA RUM.  15 do. GRENADA do.  5 Pipes HOLLAND GIN.  20 do. COUNTRY do.  12 do. FRENCH BRANDY.  2 do. ALICANT do.  22 Qr. Casks SHERRY WINE.  10 do. do. MALAGA do.  PORT and CLARET WINE, in casks & bottles.  6 Barrels PORK—and about 1000 Dozen PORTER, of my last winters flock, equal to any imported. 
Joseph Hayes.
August 24. tf 96
Mathematical Instruments, &c.
Received by the Ship Suffolk , Capt. Moore , from London, and for sale by LEVIN DORSEY; No. 27, Wide-Water-Street , Town Point.
 DAM'S Patent Globes, 12 inches diameter, with compasses in the bottom, very complete.  Quadrants, black and red ebony, with single and double observation.  Ditto—with tangent screws, 12 inches.  Aeromatick Telescopes, for night and day, on the latest and most improved construction, in a portable size, with sliding sun-shade.  Telescopes, of the common kind, for night and day observations, or for day only, of every description.  Circumferents, of the best qualities.  Mariner's Campases, in brass and wood.  Pocket Compasses, in brass, of different sizes.  Time-Glasses—hour, half hour, 38, and 14 seconds.  Gunter's Scales; Brass Dividers; &c. &c. 
Likewise the following Articles, FOR THE USE OF NAVIGATORS.
 Hamilton Moore's Epitome and Assistant.  General Charts of the Coast of America, from Boston to Philadelphia.  Ditto—Continued, with directions.  Ditto—West-Indies, and Demerary, with directions.  Ditto—Windward Islands, with do.  Ditto—Gulf of Florida, with do.  Ditto—Windward Passage, with do.  West-India Pilot, with directions. 
ALSO, A few tons of Baltimore Bar-Iron, assorted, by the ton or less quantity—Composition Bolts and Spikes—Bouches—Carriage-wheel boxes, of all sizes—all which he will warrant good.
N.B. All kinds of MATHEMATICAL INSTRUMENTS repaired, at the shortest notice.
Orders for every species of Brass-Castings received and immediately executed at his foundry, and the work delivered as above.
August 7. tf 58
THIS DAY
Will commence landing, on Newton's Wharf, the Cargo of the Swedish Brig Nicanor , E. Lensberg , Master, from Gottemburg, Consisting of a CHOICE ASSORTMENT OF SWEDISH IRON.
 NAIL RODS.  RUSSIA & RAVENS DUCK.  LINENS assorted, and  A few Hogheads CLARET. 
For sale by Moses Myers.
Sept. 13. tf 138
This day landing on Newton's wharf, from on board schooner Susan , N. S. Snow , master, from Jamaica, 79 Puncheons Jamaica RUM, 1 Hhd. MOLASSES, 33 Bbls. LIMES, for sale by MOSES MYERS.
Sept. 13. tf 135
WE HAVE FOR SALE,
 100 Hhds. Richmond and Petersburg Tobacco.  300 barrels superfine Flour, fresh.  20 puncheons Jamaica and Windward Island Rum.  500 barrels Pork, in shipping order.  200 pieces Nancecans, first quality.  50 barrels and half barrels Alexandria Crackers.  A few cases of Noyeau, and two new Cables. 
C. & F. Whittle.
July 17, 1804. tf 16
JUST RECEIVED,
By the ship Raba & Nevey , Capt. Richardson , from London, and for sale by the Subscribers,
A LARGE SUPPLY OF
DRUGS AND MEDICINES,
of all kinds.
Patent Medicines, Perfumery, &c. &c.
Also received by the ship Almira , Capt. Stover ,
A LARGE ASSORTMENT OF
SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS,
Consisting of Amputating, Trepanning, Cupping, Midwifery, Tooth of different sorts, Crown and Common Lancets, and Surgical Pocket Instruments, &c. &c.
HARDHAM'S SNUFF, No. 9.
Also, by the ship Olive Branch , Capt. Le Breton , from Bristol,
A LARGE & EXTENSIVE ASSORTMENT OF
GLASS & FURNITURE,
For Apothecary's and Practitioner's Shops.
Those who favor us with their orders will be supplied on the most reasonable terms, and the articles of the best and freshest quality, as our importations are regularly twice a year, and laid in with cash, from the most respectable Druggists in London.
MEDICINE CHESTS made up as usual.
Also, a few elegant Mahogany Chests of the newest construction, with furniture complete.
PERRY'S ANTI-BILLIOUS PILLS.
Frederick Heermann & Son.
July 17. 2aw 12m. 1
General Alexander Hamilton.
R. FOLWELL,
INFORMS the friends and admirers of the late Alexander Hamilton, that he has made arrangements to publish an elegant engraving of that gentleman, from an improved likeness. That he has employed one of the best artists, who has already given to the public many specimens, acknowledged to be equal in execution to the works of the best English engravers, and are faithful to the original.
The price to those gentlemen who wish to subscribe will be four dollars per sheet, eight dollars elegantly framed and glazed.
The first thirty plates will be considered as proof plates, and sold at six dollars in sheets, or ten dollars framed.
The size will be 16 by 12 inches clear of the frame.
The engravings will be given from the press in rotation according to the priority of subscription.
Subscriptions received at the Office of the PUBLIC LEDGER, Philadelphia, July 23. tf 72
NOTICE.
All persons having claims against the estate of JOHN C. BARRET, late of Norfolk, deceased, will be pleased to present them, legally authenticated, to Mr. William Hartshorne, junior, of that place; and those indebted, will be good enough to make payment forthwith, to the same person, who is fully authorised by
D. M. Randolph.
Agent for C. Barret, Heir at Law of the dec'd. Richmond, July 23, 1804. tf 41
NOTICE.
All persons having claims against the estate of LOUIS L'ORIENT, deceased, are desired to bring them in properly attested to
William Vaughan, Adm'or.
August 21. tf 90
TO RENT,
And immediate possession given,
That commodious BRICK DWELLING-HOUSE, at present occupied by Mrs. Hume, and formerly known under the name of the Navy Tavern . The premises are very commodious, and well adapted for a Tavern or extensive Boarding-House, being very eligibly situated on Mainstreet, in the centre of business. The terms to a good tenant on lease, will be made extremely favourable, or it will be rented by the year on equitable terms. Apply to
William Dick.
July 17. tf 11
SLATE.
I HAVE NOW ON HAND AND FOR SALE, A LARGE quantity of SLATE, (which is said by good judges to be equal to any,) and will contract for any quantity, to be delivered in a short time.
William Hartshorne, jun.
August 18. 6w 79
Office of Discount and Deposit, Norfolk, July 24, 1804.
WANTED TO PURCHASE,
A few thousand Pounds Sterling, in approved endorsed Bills on London, at sixty days, or bills drawn on any other place, and made payable there.
Robert Oliphant, Cashier.
July 24. tf 36
FOR SALE,
 500 Barrels first quality Navy Bread.  200 do. Pilot. do.  200 do. Ship. do.  500 Quarter Barrels Crackers, fresh and of a superior quality. 
All of which will be sold on liberal terms.
Stephen Harris.
July 17. tf 8
FOR SALE,
A COMMODOIOUS Three Story Warehouse, on Marsden's Wharf. A reasonable credit will be given to the purchaser if required. For terms apply to
James Callis.
August 11. tf 67
OILS, PAINTS & WINDOW GLASS,
Of all kinds, colours, and sizes.
For sale by
N. Gregory,
opposite the Market.
An ASSISTANT wanted—also, an active YOUTH to be employed in the store—Liberal wages will be given to Two ABLE HANDS, to turn a Paint Mill.
July 8. tf 3
Wanted to hire by the year,
An active Negro or Mulatto Man, who has a good character for sobriety, docility, and attention. Enquire at the office of the Ledger.
PROPOSALS,
BY S. Butler, Pechin & Frailey, & J. Peters,
For PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION,
An Accurate History
OF THE
CIVIL WAR IN IRELAND,
In the Year 1798, &c.
Containing an Impartial Account of the Proceedings of the Irish Revolutionists. From the year 1782 until the suppression of the same: With an Appendix to illustrate some Facts, and a Preface, containing a reply to the Observations of Sir Richard Musgrave, (who wrote the Government account) on this work.
By the Rev. JAMES GORDON, Rector of Killegny, in the Diocese of Ferns, and of Connaway, in the Diocese of Cork.
This work shall be comprised in two neat 12mo Volumes, handsome and correctly printed, and delivered to Subscribers, at the moderate Price of One Dollar Seventy Five Cents, neatly bound;—In boards One Dollar Fifty Cents. To Non-Subscribers, Two Dollars, which is only one half the price of the London Copy. Printed on new Type and Paper of superior quality.
** Subscription taken in at this Office, and Messrs. Bonsal, Conrad & Co's Book-store.
Baltimore French College.
NOTICE TO PARENTS.
THE numerous inconveniences arising from the successive entry of students, through the course of the scholastic year, have brought on the resolution of fixing for the sole epoch of admission, for new boarders from this country, the whole month of September, being the time of the commencement of schools after the great vacation. Persons desirous to secure places for their young friends ought to be early in their applications, as from the present number of demands, it is apprehended the college will soon be full.
Sept. 4. 1m 116
NOW LANDING
From on board the Brig Maria , Robert Hatton , master, from Bourdeaux ,
 30 Pipes Old COGNAC BRANDY, fit for immediate use.  211 Hhds. CLARET, fit for the West India Market.  100 Casks, do. do.  50 do. Vin de Grave.  500 DEMIJOHNS.  2 Trunks of Silk Stockings, Silk and Kid Gloves and Fans. 
For sale by William Pennock.
Sept. 1. tf 115
NOW LANDING ON NEWTON'S WHARF,
From on board the Ship Dart , Captain Pees , from Cadiz , 300 Qr. Casks SHERRY WINE, of superior quality, and 2000 Butheis SALT. For sale by
Richard Bowden & Co.
August 9. tf 60
INSURANCE AGAINST FIRE.
Phenix Fire Office, London,
May 1, 1804.
THE numerous and destructive Fires which have happened within the period of the two last years, in different parts of Europe and America, (more particularly in the towns of Liverpool in England, Gothenburg in Sweden, and Norfolk in Virginia,) render it proper to remind all persons who possess property in the United States of America, of the utility of insurance.
The Phenix Office of London, is an institution sufficiently known by the very large and important losses it has paid, in consequence of the extensive conflagrations in the cities and towns of America to such sufferers as have had the prudence to protect their property, by insurance.—The Phoenix Company deeply regret that, owing to the experience of serious and continued losses, upon the buildings and stores in the timber towns, no alteration nor remission on such risks can be made at present—but the Directors hope, from the increase of brick and stone buildings, and other improvements of security, that the period is not far distant, when they will be able generally, to mitigate the rates of insurance in North America; and they confidently presume that the promptitude and honour with which they have uniformly fulfilled their extensive engagements, have unequivocally established the solidity, credit and good faith, of the Company.
The Phoenix Company grant insurances upon buildings, goods, and ships, whilst in dock or in harbour, from loss or damage by fire, upon the most moderate and equitable terms; and persons desirous of securing their property by policies from this company, are requested to transmit their orders to their correspondents in Great Britain.
July 31. 48
FOR SALE,
New-York BEEF and PORK.
ALSO,
200 barrels Smithfield PORK.
Robert Gibson.
July 17, 1804. tf 17
LANDING THIS DAY ON WARREN'S WHARF,
 113 Tierces RICE.  10 Hogheads SUGAR.  10 do. MOLASSES. 
For Sale by Warren Ashley.
August 2. tf 53
One Hundred Dollars Reward.
RUNAWAY from the Subscriber in the City of London, some time in the month of May, 1799, a mulatto slave, named HENRY, at that time aged about 18 years, and was about five feet ten inches high; he is probably now upwards of 6 feet. Henry was a remarkable handsome mulatto, and had a fine countenance; his hair rather of the wool kind, but tied in a short queue—He called himself Henry Brent , which name he had put on one of his arms with Indian Ink, either Henry Brent or H. Brent , I do not recollect which; he had also on the same arm an anchor and cable, and some other figures, done by a sailor on a voyage to the East Indies in the year 1797.—It is very probable attempts have been made to erase the name and figures above described, but it could not have been done without leaving some traces and scars.
I have just received information that Henry was seen in Norfolk on the 16th of last month, where I am inclined to think he has been lurking for some time—I will give the above reward to any person who will deliver said slave to me, at Col. John Cooke's, Stafford county, near Aquia, or fifty dollars if secured in any jail so that I get him again—Information given in a letter per post, directed to me at Col. John Cooke's, near Aquia, will be immediately attended to.
John W. Bronaugh,
N. B. I am told the above slave is known in Norfolk at this time by the name of Puddy or Purdy . July 17. tf 15
FRESH TEAS.
Just received and for sale by the Subscribers,
IMPERIAL, HYSON, YOUNG HYSON, } TEAS,
Of a very late importation, and of a superior quality.
ALSO—IN STORE,
 15 Hhds. Prime Sugars.  10 Pipes French Brandy.  100 Casks Nails—all sizes.  10 Hhds. Prime Green Coffee.  10 ditto Molasses.  50 Barrels Whiskey.  200 Bags Shot, No. 1 to 8, B. & B.  50 Casks best English Gunpowder.  50 Boxes 8 by 10 best Crown Glass.  50 Kegs White Lead, ground in Oil  30 Boxes Pipes.  20 Casks Copperas.  5 ditto Refined Salt Petre.  10 Boxes Wool Cards.  10 ditto Spermaceti Candles.  50 Bundles Printing Paper.  100 Ream Writing ditto.  20 Bags Black Pepper.  30 Boxes Dixon's best Mustard.  500 lbs. Race Ginger.  50 Barrels Beef & Pork—Boston Inspection.  A few Tons Iron Ware—assorted. 
ALSO,
A small consignment of HARDWARE—assorted. Which will be sold at Cost and Charges.
Fish & Stearns.
July 2. tf 2
FOR SALE,
 1350 Barrels Superfine and Fine Flour.  900 do. Pork, in shipping order.  60 do. Beef, No. 1 & 2.  50 Puncheons Grenada Rum.  6 Pipes London particular Madeira Wine.  26 Hhds. Richmond Tobacco.  44 do. Petersburg do.  Tar and Turpentine.  Pilot and Ship Bread.  A few Trunks Irish Linens.  A Trunk Gingham.