Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-08-31 00:00:00

From the London Times.
MR. FOX'S HISTORY.
The curiosity which was excited in the mind of the publick the knowledge that the celebrated person, whose name is placed at the head of this article, was engaged in writing a historical work, received a considerable check from the subsequent information that he had been snatched away, not in the middle, but almost at the commencement of his labours; and that therefore whatever he left behind must be both imperfect from the want of revision, and mutilated from its abrupt termination.
In fact, the work which is before us (exclusive of a chapter of retrospective observations (comprehending in the way of direct history, if that name may be applied to the detail of so minute a portion of events, only the first five months of the reign of James II. He ascended the throne on the 6th of February, 1685; and the narrative stops at the death of Monmouth, in the July of the same year. The peculiarities of Mr. Fox's political tenets would no doubt have appeared with appropriate lustre, if he had been permitted, as he intended, to deduce them from their prime source and fountain, the Revolution in 1688. But he must have either promised himself a most protracted period of existence or must have adopted a more rapid mode of composition, to have been able even to reach that glorious event; for reckoning from the year 1798, during which, according to Lord Holland's account, he must have begun the present work, to his entrance upon office, 1806, when he will suppose it to have been suspended, it appears that he spent eight years upon the history of less than six months, and those by no means fertile in events: so that either the weakness of his constitution, or the indolence of his habits or the multiplicity of his avocations, must have preponderated over "his desire of rescuing from misrepresentation the most glorious transactions of our history." (Preface) Nor will it detract much from the validity of this statement to say, that we have omitted the preliminary chapter in our calculation; for there can be little doubt but that in the progress of the work exclusive of the simple narration, it must have been repeatedly necessary for Mr. Fox to suspend his opinions by collateral disquisitions (either in the way of note or appendix) of equal length with the chapter in question.
With the work, however, such as it is, and not such as it might have been, we have to do: and it is impossible to deny to this specimen of Mr. Fox's abilities, the tribute of general, though not unqualified applause. The private friends, the public partisans and admirers of its author, will no doubt, during their lives, erect his book into their political creed, to which they will recur, whenever its maxims can apply, for the articles of their faith, and the rules of their action. And to say the truth, the book, as far as it goes, is admirably calculated to generate the abhorrence of arbitrary power and priestly subservience to it, in the minds of those who are not aware that there are other tyrants as well as hereditary monarchs, and that the region is equally fertile of tools and slaves, and creatures fitted for their use, without, as within the pale of the church. Yet it is chiefly against hereditary despotism and a protestant prelaty, that Mr. Fox has been led, by the nature of his subject, to aim his shaft; a shaft which, though snapped short at the very point, will yet be considered, in the present time, as neither telum imbelles , nor sine ceta : and though that penetration which sees tyrants only in Kings and Ecclesiastics is by no means enviable, yet as tyranny is odious every where , the man who assails and exposes it to detestation any where , is the friend of his country and of the human race.
Yet when personal partialities have sunk with him who attracted them into the grave, Mr. Fox's production cannot help to protect a very splendid existence; for, to say the most that can be said of it, the history of five months' uniform, unvaried, successful despotism in the British empire, can form no very interesting object of human knowledge, either at home or abroad. But further than this (and we say what we are going to say with some fear, though with great certainty) there is a radical defect in the work before us, short as it is, which in a degree vitiates and corrupts its very essence. Mr. Fox writes a history to support a theory; and though the native honour of his mind was perhaps not suffered him to be led into that perversion of facts which is usual with men under such circumstances, yet he has fallen into another, and what he would reckon a more distressing evil; he has, we think, failed in establishing the theory he espouses. Mr. Hume, in his history of the Tudors, is liable to the same exception, as writing under the bias of a favourite hypothesis; and the opinion which he constantly and avowedly labours to maintain, in that portion of his work, is (with a view, no doubt, to palliate the tyranny of the succeeding dynasty) "that no such thing as civil liberty existed, or was conceived of, in this country, till after the death of Queen Elizabeth." It is evident with what suspicion the world ought to receive accounts of things from a man who must have so strong a predisposition to prevent them. Mr. Fox's theory is equally his own but it may be doubted whether he has been equally happy in substantiating it. He writes, what has been written of his history, to prove, that arbitrary sway, and not the establishment of peace, was the ultimate aim of James the Second's measures; and this acquisition of arbitrary sway, he begs his readers to attend to again and again, as the "main spring of all that monarch's actions." That we may not be liable to misconstruction, we shall lay before our readers the whole of Mr. Fox's theory (for such it must be called) in his own words, and add a few comments.
"Mr. Hume says, the king found himself, by degrees under the necessity of falling into a union
with the French monarch, who could alone assist him in promoting the Catholic religion in England. But when that historian wrote, those documents had not been made publick, from which the account of the communications with Barillon has been taken, and by which it appears, that a connexion with France was, as well in point of time as in importance, the first object of his reign, and that the immediate specific motive to that connexion was the same as that of his brother—the desire of rendering himself independent of parliament, and absolute; not that of establishing popery in England, which was considered as a more remote contingency. That this was the case, is evident from all the circumstances of the transaction, and especially from the zeal with which he was served in it by the ministers, who were never suspected of any leaning towards popery and not one of them ("Sunderland" excepted) could be brought to the measures that were afterwards taken in favour of that religion. It is the more material to attend to this distinction, because the tory historians, especially such of them as are not jacobites, have taken much pains to induce us to attribute the violences and illegalities of this reign to James's religion, which was peculiar to him, rather than to that desire of absolute power which so many other princes have had, have, and always will have, in common with him. The policy of such misrepresentation is obvious. If this reign is to be considered as a period illustrated, as it were, and unconnected with the general course of theory, and if the events of it are to be attributed exclusively to the particular character, and particular attachments of the monarch, the sole inference will be that we must have a catholic for our king: whereas, if we consider it, which history well warrants us to do, as a part of that system which had been pursued by all the Stuart kings, as well prior as subsequent to the restoration, the lesson which it affords is very different, as well as far more instructive. We are taught, generally, the dangers Englishmen will always be liable to, if, from favour to a prince upon the throne, or from a confidence, however grounded, that his views are agreeable to our own notions of the constitution, we, in any considerable degree, abate of that vigilant and unrelenting jealousy of the power of the crown which can alone secure to us the effect of those wise laws that have been provided for the benefit of the subject; and still more particularly, that it is in vain to think of making a compromise with power, and by yielding to it in other points, preserving some favourite object, such, for instance, as the church in James's case, from its grasp."
Now though there is a variety of reasons, which would operate upon ingenuous minds (and which unquestionably have operated upon that of Mr. Fox) to render them desirous of believing the above statement, yet it is so directly contradictory to the positive tenor of all other histories, and to the general opinion of the living world at the time spoken of, that they must be strong documents indeed, which can now be brought forward to induce mankind to alter their opinion, and to believe that it was not "for the sake of a Mass that James lost three kingdoms." but that it was while he was grasping at unlimited rule, that his insulted subjects justly hurled him from his hereditary throne; and that Mr. Fox has been the first author that has been able to execute historical justice upon this assailant of a nation's rights.
As the present author's opinion upon this point is at variance with that of all preceding writers who have described the principles and conduct of James, that opinion is of course founded upon documents, which have never, till now, seen the light; but on the strictest, and, as we trust, the most unbiased investigation of these documents, we are clearly convinced that they would of themselves, exclusive of all other testimonies, overthrow the hypothesis they are brought to support, and prove that the establishment of popery, and not the acquisition of arbitrary power, was "both in time and importance the first objects of James's reign." The papers in question are a series of letters between Louis XIV. and his minister at the British court, M. Barillon, which Mr. Fox transcribed during his last visit to Paris. To insert all the material passages from the whole of this correspondence would exceed the bounds of our paper. We shall therefore only examine one particular letter, to which Mr. Fox has specifically alluded, and assure our readers, that there is nothing in the rest that is not of the same spirit with the one instanced. It is dated April 24, 1685, from the king (Louis) to Barillon. It begins by stating the expectation of the writer, that James would have been content with the money which had been already sent him from France, on a supposition that Parliament might not grant him all that he desired, " tant pour l'etablissement des memes recenus pendant sa vie dont le feu Roi son frere a joui jusqu'a sa mort, que pour le libre exercice de la religion Catholique dans son royaume. "
Such are the objects, then, for which Louis sent James money, at the very instant of his accession, viz. "to place him on the same footing with his brother, and to procure the free exercise of the Catholic religion in this kingdom." But the following extract we think decisive. Louis, in this same letter, orders his minister, on no account, to part with a certain sum of money, except the conduct of parliament were so bad as to oblige James to dissolve it, " ou qu'il trouve d'ailleurs de si fortes oppositions a l'etablissement d'un libre exercice de la religion Catholique, qu'il soit oblige d'employer ses armes contre ses propres sujets. " We leave it now to the judgment of any impartial person to determine, what, even according to these newly-produced documents, was the "first object, both in point of time and importance." James's politics; when, within three months of the commencement of his reign, it
was foreseen that he might be involved in a civil war with his subjects, of which the sole cause here assigned is " the establishment of the Catholic religion. " The conclusion, therefore, is, we think, obvious; first, that the pure stream of Mr. Fox's narrative is discoloured, not occasionally, or accidentally, but universally, and throughout, by the prevailing tincture of hypothesis; and secondly, that this hypothesis is erroneous.
To abate somewhat of the severity of this censure, we shall allow Mr. Fox to evince his own just title to approbation, by introducing to the reader's notice, a passage of great merit, wherein, though clothed in the most easy, and even familiar language, the sentiments uphold themselves by their own dignity and manly meaning.
"The principal parties in the business, besides the king himself, to whose capacity, at least, if not to his situation, it was more suitable, and Lord Churchill, who acted as an inferior agent, were Sunderland, Rochester, and Godolphin, all men of high rank, and considerable abilities, but whose understandings as well as their principles, seem to have been corrupted by the pernicious schemes in which they were engaged. With respect to the last mentioned nobleman in particular, it is impossible, without pain, to see him engaged in such transactions. With what self-humiliation must he not have reflected upon them in subsequent periods of his life! How little could Barillon guess that he was negotiating with one who was destined to be at the head of an administration which, in a few years, would send the same Lord Churchill, not to Paris to implore Lewis for succours towards enslaving England, or to thank him for pensions to her monarch, but to combine all Europe against him, in the cause of liberty; to rout his armies, to take his towns, to humble his pride, and to shake to the foundation that fabric of power which it had been the business of a long life to raise, at the expense of every sentiment of tenderness to his subjects, and of justice and good faith to foreign nations! It is with difficulty the reader can persuade himself that the Godolphin and Churchill here mentioned are the same persons who were afterwards, one in the cabinet, one in the field, the great conductors of that war of the succession. How little do they appear in one instance! how great in the other! And the investigation of the cause to which this excessive difference is principally owing, will produce a most useful lesson. Is the difference to be attributed to any superiority of genius in the prince whom they served in the latter part of their lives? Queen Anne's capacity appears to have been inferior even to her fathers. Did they enjoy in a greater degree her favor and confidence? The very reverse is the fact. But in one case they were the tools of a king plotting against his people: in the other, the ministers of a free government acting upon enlarged principles, and with energies which no state that is not in some degree republican can supply. How forcibly must the contemplation of these men in such opposite situations teach persons engaged in political life, that a free and popular government is desirable, not only for the public good, but for their own greatness and consideration, for every object of generous ambition!"
In the form and arrangement of the materials of which this history is composed, it is sufficient to say that the author has copied with a fidelity, more than ordinarily scrupulous, the purest models of antiquity, and that his plan, therefore, is as excellent as it can be. Here is no quaint or unnatural dissevering of political from ecclesiastical or from civil history. "He simply recounts the facts as they arise; he tells the story of those times."
To the composition and construction of his sentences, he appears to have paid equal, or (according to Lord Holland's account (p. xxxviii of the preface) greater attention; but not to have been equally happy in the attainment of perfection. Mr. Fox, it must be understood, though an old speaker, was but a young writer: and whether it is only practice that give facility in this art, or whether he hampered himself with unnecessary difficulties in his desire to avoid those modes of expression which he conceived to be more appropriate to rhetoric than history, yet certain it is, that the structure of his periods is very far from being clear or easy. A more perplexed and clumsy sentence than the following (and there are many others like it) will not often be found in any author; may, not even the works of the father of that monarch whose reign he is describing.
"Thus, while without the shadow of a crime, Mr. Locke lost a situation attended with some emolument and great convenience, was the university deprived of or rather thus for the base principles of servility, did she cast away, the man, the having produced whom is now her chiefest glory; and thus to those who are not determined to be blind, did the true nature of absolute power discover itself against which the middling station is not more secure than the most exalted."
We believe that no man ever did, or ever will read through this paragraph without stopping in the middle of it, from an apprehension that it cannot possibly be twisted into sense, and that he must have read something wrong in the beginning. The reader who has just perused it will judge of the accuracy of this remark.
Of the language or diction of this work, we shall make but one observation. Lord Holland has said that such was the author's abhorrence of anything that savoured of pedantry or affectation, that if he was ever reduced to the alternative of an inflated or an homely expression, he preferred the latter. We could point out many instances wherein he has chosen the homely one, without being reduced to the alternative. Take the following for an example:—
"In another country, three females, one of sixty
three years of age, one of eighteen, and of twelve, were charged with rebellion; and refusing to abjure the declaration, were sentenced to be drowned. The last was let off , upon condition of her father's giving a bond for one hundred pounds."
We have been more particular in dilating upon these apparently minute points, because trifles tho' they may seem, they appear to have cost Mr. Fox much time and thought, as we learn by the following extract from the preface:—
"The manuscript book from which this work has been printed is, for the most part in the hand writing of Mrs. Fox. It was written out under the inspection of Mr. Fox, and is occasionally corrected by him. His habit was seldom or ever to be alone, when employed in composition. He was accustomed to write on covers of letters or scraps of paper, sentences which he, in all probability, had turned in his mind, and, in some degree, formed in the course of his walks, or during his hours of leisure. These he read over to Mrs. Fox; she wrote them out in a fair hand in the book; and before he destroyed the original paper, he examined and approved of the copy. In the course of this dictating from his own writing, he often altered the language, and even the construction of the sentence. Though he generally tore the scraps of paper as soon as the passages were entered in the book, several have been preserved; and it is plain, from the erasures and alterations in them, that they had undergone much revision and correction before they were read to his amanuensis."
The present extent of our remarks warns us, that we should draw them to a conclusion. Whenever the political contests and publick events of the present portentous period are read or spoken of by his countrymen of the existing generation, the name of Fox will undoubtedly occur with honour; but we are clearly of opinion that this incipient history will not tend to maintain, with posterity, that reputation which, by his oratory, its author has acquired among his contemporaries; and the most successful way of propagating his fame, and extending its duration beyond the bounded range of living memory and posthumous tradition, would be by a faithful publication of his parliamentary speeches. If this is not done—and perhaps it is done—the current century will hardly have revolved before Mr. Fox will be of the number of those
"Qui ignotis perierunt mortibus."
WILLIAMSBURG, August 22, 1808.
To all whom it may concern, be it known, that the mercantile house of GREENHOW & COLE is this day dissolved. The Subscriber will dispose of
Its well assorted Stock in Trade on terms specified in the Enquirer, of Richmond, under this date; and if not "sold there" the first day of October next by wholesale, they will be retained (nothing preventing) at very reduced prices for CASH ONLY. 16t RO. GREENHOW.
Wanted immediately at Fort Norfolk, Four or Five good BRICKLAYERS, to whom liberal wages will be given. Apply to JOHN THOMPSON. August 26. 3*
Fifty Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th December last, a Mulatto Man named TONEY, a Blacksmith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high—had on when he went away a dark cloth suit coat and pantaloons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th December last. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North-Carolina. JOHN WALKER. August 26. 1m
At a Court held for Norfolk County, the 15th day of July, 1808.
Alexander Love, Plaintiff, Against Alexander Falconer, and John Hamilton, Defendants. The Defendant Falconer, not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of this Court that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth: on the motion of the Plaintiff by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of November Court next, and answer the bill of the Plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper of the Borough of Norfolk for two months successively, and posted at the front-door of the Court-House of this County. A Copy, Teste, WM. Wilson, Jun. C. N. C.
FOR RENT,
That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also,
That commodious House on Catharine-street, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes, adjoining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses. Also,
A very convenient Dwelling-House just finished, on Commerce-street. For terms apply to James Tucker. Who has in Store,
A few thousand bushels Liverpool stowed SALT, loose and in sacks, that will be delivered in small or large quantities to suit the purchasers. August 15. tf
Ten Dollars Reward.
Deserted from Gosport Navy Yard, July 28, 1808, BENJAMIN PHILLIPS, a Private in the Marine Service, 24 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high, dark hair, light eyes, and fair complexion. Edward Hall, Lieut. M. C. August 17. 1t

The United States' ship Wasp came into Hampton Roads yesterday; in coming up this river she got on shore near Tanner's creek, and will be obliged to be lightened before she can be got off. Part of her guns are already taken out. She will, we understand, experience no damage.
The answer of Mr. Jefferson to the Legislature of New Hampshire, should be read with attention; it looks to a state of things which fills the mind with apprehension. We repeat that nothing can save the country, but the exertions of the people at the next elections.
The elections in North-Carolina have resulted as favourably to the cause of correct principles, as could be expected.
When it is remembered that North-Carolina never had more than four federalists in Congress, the present result of our elections, is truly flattering to the admirers of correct principles. By the returns published in this paper, it will be seen that Messrs. John Stanly, Archibald M'Bride, and Joseph Pearson, Esquires, are elected to Congress. They are firm federalists. The injurious effects of the embargo, are less felt in this state, than in most others, but the people begin to groan under them, and to confess that a change is absolutely necessary. Similar changes might have been effected in other districts, but no opposition was started to the re-election of the democratic candidates. Our correspondents out of the state may see for themselves, that "North-Carolina will not be as heretofore decidedly republican;" but that out of four federal candidates for congress, three of them are elected. Raleigh Minerva.
On advertizing to the extract of a speech from Mr. Canning in the British parliament on the 24th June, that which most attracts our attention is the conjecture expressed "that America has entered into negotiations with France which are expected to lead to some result, and that the communications of America to this country are to be contingent on that result."
It may well be said that the British ministry have no conception of a neutral policy, when such conduct is attributed to this country, whose only object is to maintain a perfect neutrality. America does not negotiate upon contingencies. Without assuming to have the slightest knowledge of the nature of the communications from our government to either France or England, we venture boldly to assert that the same line of conduct has been pursued towards each; that no communication has been or will be made to one that shall depend on the measures of the other. Mr. Canning seems to have intended this remark for the western shores of the Atlantic; he could not have the slightest idea that the conjecture was correct, or he would not have uttered it in so equivocal a manner. Whether any communication had been received on that day (June 24) by the British ministry, we cannot undertake to say; nor had we ever before heard it expressed as a matter of surprise that an injured party has not made reparation to the aggressor: for this is the obvious import of Mr. Canning's remark.
The minister's suggestion as to a probable cause of irritation in this country is also remarkable. He may be assured that it is the language used by the friends of America in G. Britain, which he represents as the cause of irritation, that has produced a disposition in the American people to an amicable adjustment with Britain, more than all the advantages which their interest tells them would result from unrestrained commerce.
Mr. Canning twice alludes to the surrender of a right "on which the naval power and preponderance of G. Britain is immutably fixed," in which he declares his majesty's government will never acquiesce. They are ready to purchase cordiality with us by any justifiable conciliation, except by the surrender of that right which has been the great cause of difference—impressment, not of their own seamen, but of any seamen whomsoever from American vessels; the seizure of whom and their release or detention is determinable by any captain of a British armed vessel which meets an American at sea.
If this declaration of the minister's prove nothing else, it proves undeniably the futility of the argument that an informal arrangement on this subject, supposed by our ministers to have been made with the British ministry, was a provision sufficiently satisfactory to have induced the acceptance of the rejected treaty: for a firm determination is now declared "not to surrender a right which the great majority of the country has ever considered as essential to its dearest interests." [Nat. Intel.]
From the New-York Gazette.
The speech of Mr. CANNING on American affairs, is a key to the dark closet of our cabinet. It unfolds a system of juggling and deception, played off on the credulity of the publick, which must flash an indignant conviction on every candid and patriotic mind, that there is indeed "something rotten in Denmark."—The embargo came out under the jesuitical cloak of being put on "to save our essential resources."—Not a word against England more than against France; it was declared to be an impartial measure of self-defence. This poisonous dose (thus gilded) afterwards assumed a hostile appearance against the former solely, and when the publick mind had been sufficiently prepared for the purpose, it was openly avowed to be levelled at Britain alone, and was a substitute for war.
The aggressions of that power, and particularly the orders of council, were then declared to be the only cause for laying on and continuing the embargo; this was the burthen of every democratic song—Now we find, from the declaration of Mr. Canning in the house of commons the 24th June, that no complaint, no remonstrance had been made to his government by our executive so late as at that date. We had been gulled by the sailing of the Osage and other vessels to obtain a revocation of the orders of council.—We fondly believed that our government was sincere, but we find ourselves shamefully deceived.
On the arrival of the Osage, the official paper at
Washington, had the hypocritical hardihood to declare that neither France nor England would relax the severity of their decrees and orders of blockade. How could Mr. Jefferson sanction such a shameful imposition on the people of the United States, when from Mr. Canning's statement, no communication whatever had been made to the British government.—Facts are daily pouring in upon us, convince as "proofs from holy writ," that the embargo was offered as a boon to sooth Buonaparte, who had declared by the Revenge, "that he would have no neutrals."—Deriving its origin from this corrupt source (which is the real one) Mr. Jefferson dares not suspend it, and we predict, that calculating that the publick mind had been sufficiently drugged by his partisans to bear the bitter portion in patience, that he will in his next message to congress recommend its continuance. Ought we then to be surprised that he makes no remonstrance to the British government against the orders in council? The fact is, he does not wish them repealed, as they serve as an apology to keep us as we are, which is the only state of things (short of a war with England) which will satisfy the Great Emperor. How else can we account for his sending vessel after vessel to France with messengers and dispatches, and at the same time play off the farce of attempting to negotiate with England, by ordering them to call there on their way home? It must by this time be obvious to every one who is not an incurable party-man, that the rescinding the orders in council would be the most unwelcome news that Mr. Jefferson could hear of, as removing the grand pretext for the continuance of his strong and favourite measure, the repeal of which would bring down upon his head Buonaparte's impotent vengeance. It is the fear of this which keeps open the wounds with Britain, and is the true and only cause of all our present privations and distresses, and of those more deep and alarming, which we have in perspective.
READ AND REFLECT!
To the Legislature of New-Hampshire.
In the review, fellow-citizens which, in your address of the 14th June, you have taken of the measures pursued since I have been charged with their direction, I read with great satisfaction, and thankfulness the approbation you have bestowed on them; and I feel it an ample reward for any services I may have been able to render.
The present moment is certainly eventful, and one which peculiarly requires that the bond of confederation connecting us as a nation should receive all the strength which unanimity between the national councils and the state legislatures can give it. The depredations committed on our vessels and property on the high seas, the violence to the persons of our citizens employed on that element, had long been the subject of remonstrance and complaint, when, instead of reparation, new declarations of wrong are issued subjecting our navigation to general plunder. In this state of things our first duty was to withdraw our seafaring citizens and property from abroad and to keep at home resources so valuable at all times, and so essential, if resort must ultimately be had to force. It gave us time too to make a last appeal to the reason and reputation of nations. In the mean while I see with satisfaction that this measure of self-denial is approved and supported by the great body of our real citizens; that they meet with cheerfulness the temporary privations it occasions. AND ARE PREPARING WITH SPIRIT TO PROVIDE FOR THEMSELVES THOSE COMFORTS AND CONVENIENCIES OF LIFE FOR WHICH IT WOULD BE UNWISE EVERMORE TO RECUR TO DISTANT COUNTRIES. How long this course may be preferable to a more serious appeal, must depend for decision on the wisdom of the legislature; unless indeed a return to established principles should remove the existing obstacles to a peaceable intercourse with foreign nations. In every event fellow-citizens, my confidence is entire that your resolution to maintain our national independence and sovereignty will be as firm as it had been forbearing; and looking back on our history, I am assured by the past, that its future pages will present nothing unworthy of the former.
I am happy that you approve the motives of my retirement. I shall carry into it ardent prayers for the welfare of my country, and the sincerest wishes for that of yourselves personally!
TH: JEFFERSON.
August 2, 1808.
PORTLAND PETITION.
On the 15th inst. the inhabitants of Portland, in town meeting assembled, voted, almost unanimously, to address the President on the expediency of immediately rescinding the embargo laws. The committee appointed to prepare the petition, reported the same, with an estimate of the loss which that single town has suffered by the impolitic and unwarrantable restrictions which have been laid on the commerce of our country.—To this estimate which states the actual loss at seven hundred thousand dollars, may be added, the incalculable evils which arise from the embarrassment of our coasting trade, the destruction of our fisheries, the loss of our seamen, the general stagnation of business, the loss of credit, the universal depreciation of property, and innumerable other losses, privations and difficulties, which are daily oppressing every class of the community. Boston Gaz.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
The inhabitants of the town of Portland, in the district of Maine, in legal town meeting assembled, respectfully represent—that the peculiar embarrassment under which they labour, in consequence of the existing laws of congress, passed at their last session, laying an embargo on the ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the U. States, and otherwise interdicting and perplexing their commerce, and the long and severe privations they have thereby endured, have urged them at this gloomy and alarming crisis, in a cool and dispassionate manner, to state their grievances, and make their solemn appeal to the justice and patriotism of your excellency for their speedy relief. Your memorialists in so doing, are influenced by no motives which they hesitate to avow. From principle, they reverence the laws; and will ever perform the duties of honest men and faithful citizens—but at the same time they deem it their duty, as well as their acknowledged right to adopt all constitutional and proper measures to procure freedom from those evils, which they have been and still are compelled to suffer. In the struggle for liberty and indepen-
dence they were doomed to behold their houses in flames, their homes deserted and their property in ruins. Since the organization of the federal government, they have witnessed a total change in the prospect—they have seen the town rapidly rising from its ashes to opulence and respectability, and crowned with the blessings of peace and prosperity—the rich and natural fruit of industry cherished and protected by the laws of the country.
At present the whole scene is changed—their commerce by its interdiction is destroyed—their property is wasting before their eyes—their exertions paralyzed—their joy is turned to sorrow—their hopes to disappointment, and the customary sources of income and subsistence are dying away around them. They do not here presume to enquire into the constitutionality or expediency of the laws above mentioned, distressing as they are in their operation, but they submit whether the objects contemplated by congress have been in any degree attained, and whether the continuance of such severe restrictions, instead of producing concession from foreign powers will not terminate in lasting injury to the union at large and in the total ruin of thousands who deserve a better fate. In addition to this your memorialists apprehend that the recent events in Europe, and their consequent effects, both of a political and commercial nature, fully authorise your excellency either totally or partially, to suspend the operation of the embargo, and thereby set at liberty the imprisoned energies of the country.
Deeply impressed with these sentiments, your memorialists respectfully pray that your excellency would be pleased by virtue of the powers delegated to you by congress, either totally or partially to suspend the operation of the above mentioned laws until their next session; or if any doubt remain as to such power, that congress may be forthwith convened, that they may take the subject into consideration and repeal the same, if in their opinion the publick good will admit of it.
Town Meetings.—The towns of Hamilton, Wenham and Ipswich, have forwarded petitions for the total repeal or suspension of the embargo laws.—The town of Newbedford meets to-morrow and Gloucester on Wednesday, for similar purposes. Boston Gaz. 22d inst.
In the House of Lords, June 30th, on the passage of a supply bill, the duke of Norfolk (an opposition peer) took the opportunity to make some remarks on the present situation of Spain:—"The most wanton ambition, the foulest perfidy, the most cruel oppression, had lately been displayed by the French in Spain, to a degree unparalleled be believed in any age or country. These excesses had fired the Spaniards with becoming indignation and resentment, and they were now endeavouring to resist the fate which was preparing to overwhelm them. Such a spectacle must at all times be interesting to Englishmen; of whom there could not be one who did not wish success to a generous people thus struggling in the glorious cause of the maintenance of their independence; and in resisting the sternest tyranny ever before attempted to be exercised by any potentate over the independence of nations." Lord Hawkesbury, in the same debate, said, "With respect to Spain, the people of that country have manifested a spirit and determination to resist the attempts of their invaders, which would have done honour to the more glorious periods of their history, and which, perhaps, were not to be expected under the pressure of such formidable difficulties. Such a scene, every man in that house, every man in this country, must hail with the liveliest satisfaction; and what every generous heart must wish should be done in support of so glorious a cause, his majesty's ministers would feel it their duty, as it was the interest of the country to do."
Mr. Whitbread, of the house of commons has said, "Since I lately opposed a motion on Spanish affairs (however short the interval) the face of affairs has greatly changed. News has arrived as cheering to the heart of man as ever was announced to an admiring world. Every part of Spain, not absolutely occupied by the French troops, has separately, and without any possibility of previous concert, and yet, as if by common consent, declared itself against the injustice, cruelty, and oppression of the French emperor, and for the prince of Asturias, under the title of Ferdinand VII."
"The whole undivided heart of Great-Britain and Ireland, nay of France itself, and of the world, must be with Spain. Would to God the whole undivided strength of the world could be combined at this moment against the armies of her oppressor, in Spain! ministers had declared that no mixed interests should interfere; that all the exertion should be for Spain, and Spain alone; and I am happy to acknowledge that the part of the king's speech which relates to Spain, bears out the professions which had been before made. It has my unqualified approbation. The policy is sound, and the expressions could not have been better chosen."
PHILADELPHIA, August 26.
We are indebted to a respectable mercantile house of this city, for the following interesting details furnished by capt. John W. Cox, of the ship John Jones. Left Lisbon on the 17th of June, 1808. At that time there was a report in circulation, that a revolution had taken place in Russia, and that the emperor Alexander had been deposed by his people, and his brother Constantine proclaimed emperor. About the latter end of the month of March, Mr. Michael Settaro was sent by the French general Junot, to the British admiral, sir Charles Cotton, then commanding the blockading squadron off the bar of Lisbon, with proposals to permit provisions to come in; the boat in which Mr. S. went, carried the Portuguese flag, with a white flag at the fore, the admiral's answer was that he was willing to permit a certain quantity of provisions into Portugal, under the following conditions:
1. That it should be in British bottoms, with flags of truce as colonial produce, also, 2. That they should be allowed to take in return, wines, fruits, &c. 3. That all British subjects then confined should be set at liberty.
To the 3d article the French general consented, but not to the other two, and in consequence published a decree and gave orders to all officers commanding the forts and batteries along the coast, to fire on all vessels that appeared off the whole extent of the coast of Portugal under any pretence whatever, even with a flag of truce, under pain of being tried and broken by a court martial.
In the month of May, Mr. S. was again sent out,
and remained there three days, but the result of his mission was not known when I left Lisbon. About the middle of May, the Spanish general Belesta, who commanded at Porto marched from thence for Spain, and took with him as prisoners, the French general Quensel with all his suite and troops, as also the chief magistrate Mr. Tabourea, and the people at Porto, it is said, had appointed a government in the name of the former Prince Regent and hoisted the Portuguese flag; the greater part of the Spanish troops that entered Portugal with the French, also marched to Spain, but those in Lisbon and its environs were all disarmed on the night of the 10th of June, by the French, and put on board some Portuguese ships of war then in the Tagus under French colors. Gen. Junot published the next morning his motives for disarming the Spaniards, in which he says, that he was obliged to take those steps, altho' (very much against his feelings) on account of the infamous behavior of the Spanish general at Porto, and to prevent any effusion of blood. In Lisbon there was only about 800 Spaniards, and in the environs about 1200 men, making in the whole 2000 men. There were not more than 5000 French troops in Portugal when I left it, the rest of the army having marched for Spain, and in different parts of the frontiers of Portugal. The French had been attacked by the Spaniards, particularly at Badajoz, where they permitted them to enter, and then attacked them, killed a great number and took the remainder prisoners. The Portuguese Lt. Gen. Gomez Friere de Andrade who marched with the Portuguese troops for France it is said, was at one of the frontier towns of Portugal, at the head of an army of 40,000 Portuguese and Spanish troops; he is a general of some experience, having distinguished himself formerly in the Russian service, as also when he was second in command of the Portuguese troops that were sent to assist the Spaniards in the commencement of the French revolution, where he also distinguished himself as a General.
The French general Junot, gave orders that all the property belonging to this general should be immediately confiscated, who is very popular and almost adored by the Portuguese people. The French had fortified the castle of St. George, in Lisbon, and put in bread and water for six months, and it was generally supposed, should they be attacked by the Spaniards by land, and by the British at sea, that they would retire to that castle as it commands the city which they could easily destroy. Off Lisbon there was a very strong fleet, as also a number of transports with troops on board but they had not disembarked in any place when I left Lisbon.—There are no French troops in the province of Algarve, where the people are all in arms, and that part of Portugal is governed in the name of the Prince Regent and the Portuguese flag flying there, as also in a number of the provinces throughout Portugal.
Both Spaniards and Portuguese have red ribbands about their left arms as a distinction, they have also seized about 5000 barrels of flour, destined for Lisbon; as also the greater part of the Church plate, and upwards of 5000 bags of cotton going from Portugal to France. When I left Portugal there was no great want of provisions, but every thing very dear, and a great deal of poverty; there being no business whatever doing and should they not shortly receive some supplies of corn, bread must rise considerably in price, although there was a very great prospect of an abundant harvest all over the country. In Lisbon the French are preparing with great activity all the old ships of war the Prince left behind him, but not one of them it is said is sea worthy.
The Russian fleet, commanded by rear admiral Sevin, consisting of nine ships of the line, one fifty gun vessel and a frigate, still continue in the Tagus; they are also repairing.
The French made an attack on the fort of Castro Marin, in Algarve, on the night of the 23d of June, but were repulsed with the loss of a number of men killed and taken prisoners, and all over that part of Portugal they have been attacked by the Portuguese and completely routed.
It was likewise reported that the 21st of June was the day fixed for all the Portuguese to rise on the French; but I cannot say if they rose in Lisbon, as I was on my journey at that time for Algarve; and all communication was stopped between that part and the south of Portugal, but it was said that they had rose there, as also in St. Ubes, Alcacere do Sal, Beija, &c. as also at Mertola, where they took a great quantity of flour intended for Lisbon.
BOSTON, August 22.
Yesterday arrived at this port, the brig Mercury, Bradford, 52 days from Alicante, and 40 from Gibraltar. The accounts by this arrival are not so important or particular as were to be expected. He brought no papers from the latter place; but reports verbally, that the French were still in possession of Barcelona; though a party of about 1000, who were ordered from that city into the country, were met with by the Spaniards, and entirely cut to pieces;—that Dupont's army from Madrid, had been wholly destroyed, with the loss of 7000 Spaniards; that the French consul at Malaga with several French merchants, had been massacred by the populace, that the French were compelled to fly from every part of Spain;—that the spirit of resistance to French aggression was universal throughout the country;—and that but one sentiment appeared to prevail among the inhabitants—TO LIVE FREE OR PERISH.
The article headed "Precautions," will shew the extent of the views of the Spanish patriots, as well as the means employed to render them successful.
PRECAUTIONS
Which it will be proper to observe throughout the different Provinces of Spain, in the necessity to which they have been driven by the French, of resisting the unjust and violent possession which their armies are endeavouring to take of the kingdom.
We cannot doubt a moment of the exertions which the united provinces of Spain would make to obstruct and defeat the atrocious designs of the French, and that they will sacrifice even their lives on the occasion, the most important, and even unparalleled in the history of the nation, both in the thing itself, and in the horrible means of ingratitude and perfidy by which the French have undertaken, pursued, and are still endeavouring to effect our slavery:—
1. Let the first object be to avoid all general actions, and to convince ourselves of the very great hazards, without any advantage, or even the hope

of it, to which they would expose us. The reasons of this resolution are many, and such as any one will discover who has the use of his understanding.
2. A war of partisans is the system which suits us; the embarrassing and wasting the enemies armies by want of provisions, destroying bridges, throwing up entrenchments in proper situations, and other similar means. The situation of Spain, its many mountains and the passes which they present, its rivers and torrents, and even the collocation of its provinces, invite us to carry on this species of warfare successfully.
3. It is indispensable that each province should have its general, of known talents, and of such experience as our situation permits, that his heroic loyalty should inspire the utmost confidence; and that every general should have under his command officers of merit, particularly of artillery and engineers.
4. As a combined union of plans is the soul of every well-concerted enterprise, and that which alone can promise and facilitate a successful issue, it appears indispensable that there should be three generalissimos, who should act in concert with each other—one who should command in the four kingdoms of Andalusia, in Murcia, and Lower Estramadura—another in Galicia, Upper Estramadura, Old and New Castile, and Leon—another in Valencia, Arragon, and Catalonia; a person of the greatest credit being appointed to Navarre, the Biscayan provinces, Mantanus, Austrias, Rioja, & North of Old Castile, for the purposes which will be mentioned hereafter.
5. Each of these generals and generalissimos will form an army of veterans, troops and peasantry united, and put himself in a situation to undertake enterprises, and to succour the most exposed points, keeping up always a frequent communication with the other generalissimos, in order that all may act by common accord, and assist one another.
6. Madrid and La Mancha require an especial general, to concert & execute the enterprises which their particular local situation demands—his only object must be to embarrass the enemy's armies, to take away or cut off their provisions, to attack them in flank and rear, and not to leave them a moment to repose. The courage of these inhabitants is well known, and they will eagerly embrace such enterprises if they are led as they should be. In the succession war the enemy entered twice into the interior of the kingdom, and even as far as its capital, and this was the cause of their defeat, their entire ruin, and their utter failure of success.
7. The generalissimos of the North and East will block up the entrances of the provinces under their command, and come to the assistance of any one that may be attacked by the enemy, to prevent as much as possible all pillage, and preserve its inhabitants from the desolation of war; the many mountains and defiles which are on the confines of these provinces being favorable to such projects.
8. The destination of the general of Navarre, Biscay, and the rest of this department is the most important of all, in which he will be assisted by the generals of the North and East, with the troops and other succors which he stands in need of. His whole business must be to shut the entrance of Spain against fresh French troops, and to harass and destroy those that return from Spain to France. By this point. The very rugged local situation of these provinces will be of singular advantage in such a design, and these enterprises if well concerted and carried into execution will no doubt be successful: and the same may be understood of the different points by which the French troops which are in Portugal may come into Spain, or by which French troops may enter through Rolissillon into Catalonia, for there is not much to be apprehended for Arragon. And even, from Portugal, it is not thought that they will escape, on account of the proclamations which have been circulated in the kingdom, and the hatred which they before bore to the French being increased without measure by the innumerable evils which they have been made to suffer, and the cruel oppression in which they are held by them.
9. At the same time it would be very proper that the generalissimos should publish and circulate frequent proclamations amongst the people, and rouse their courage and loyalty, shewing them that they have every thing to fear from the horrible perfidy with which the French have dealt with all Spain, and even with their king Ferdinand VII. and that if they rule over us, all is lost, kings, monarchy, property, liberty, independence, and religion; and that therefore it is necessary to sacrifice our lives and property, in defence of the king and of the country, and though our lot (which we hope will never come to pass) should destine us to become slaves, let us become so, fighting and dying like gallant men, not giving up ourselves basely to the yoke, like sheep, as the late infamous government would have done, and fixing upon Spain and her slavery eternal ignominy and disgrace. France has never domineered over us, nor set her foot in our territory with impunity. We have many times mastered her, not by deceit, but by force of arms; we have made her kings prisoners, and we have made the nation tremble—we are the same Spaniards; France and Europe, and the world shall see, that we are not less gallant, nor less brave than the most glorious of our ancestors.
10. All persons of education in the provinces should be stimulated to frame, print, and publish frequent short discourses, in order to preserve the publick opinion, and the ardour of the nation, consulting at the same time the infamous diaries of Madrid, which the baseness of the late government has permitted, and still permits, to be published in Madrid itself, and has caused to be circulated abroad, detecting their falsehoods and continual contradictions; let them cover with shame the miserable authors of these diaries, and sometimes extend their remarks to those Charlatans, the French Gazetteers, and even to their Moniteur ; and let them display and publish to Spain, to all Europe, their horrible falsehoods and venal praises, for they afford abundant matter for such a work. Let all such perverted minds tremble at Spain, and let France know that the Spaniards have thoroughly penetrated their designs, and therefore it is that they detest and abominate them, and that they will sooner lay down their lives than submit to their iniquitous and barbarous yoke.
11. Care shall be taken to explain to the nation, and to convince them, that when freed, as we trust to be, from this civil war, to which the French have forced us, and when placed in a state of tranquillity our lord and king Ferdinand VII. being restored to the throne, under him and by him
the courts will be assembled, abuses reformed, and such laws shall be enacted as the circumstances of the time and experience may dictate for the publick good and happiness. Things which we Spaniards know how to do, when we have done as well as other nations, without any necessity that the vile French should come to instruct us, and according to their custom, under the mask of friendship, and wishes for our happiness, contrive for this alone they are contriving to plunder us, to violate our women, to assassinate us, to deprive us of our liberty, our laws, and our king, to scoff at and destroy our holy religion, as they have hitherto done, and will always continue to do so long as that spirit of perfidy and ambition which oppresses and tyrannizes over them shall endure.
JUAN BAPTISTA PARDO, Sec'y. By order of the Supreme Junta.
Narrative of the late proceedings at Madrid..
Brief narrative of the transactions at Madrid, on Monday, 2d of May, 1808. BY AN EYE WITNESS.
The publick mind has never been in a state of perfect tranquillity since the middle of March, when the intention of king Charles IVth to remove to Seville, with all the royal family, was first suspected.
The deposition of the Prince of Peace on the 18th, his imprisonment on the 19th, with the abdication of king Charles, and the accession of his son, Prince Ferdinand, which took place on the same day, were events that gave great satisfaction, and might in time have produced the happiest effects; but the arrival of the French troops in Madrid, the delivery of the sword of Francis the first to general Murat, which had remained in the royal armoury as a trophy ever since the battle of Pavia, the departure of king Ferdinand for Burgos, the delivery of the prince of Peace to the French, and finally the king's determination to pass the frontier and put himself into the hands of the French at Bayonne, were circumstances which revived the ferment, and gradually increased it to such a violent degree, that some formidable explosion was hourly dreaded by the Junta de Gobriona (of which the infant Don Antonio was left president) and every possible means was used by that Junta, to quiet the alarms of the people, and prevent them from proceeding to open acts of violence against the French.
A Parte or extraordinary courier used to arrive every evening from Bayonne, with the accounts of the transactions there; those accounts were never published in the Gazette, but circulated in the form of extracts from private letters of the king's attendants, and the first of them afforded a momentary satisfaction, as they consisted solely of the details of the honours paid to prince Ferdinand on his arrival, the cordial reception he had from Buonaparte. The subsequent accounts became daily less satisfactory; first, obscure hints were given that all was not well, and then it was explained more clearly, that the intention of the ruler of France was to prevail upon Ferdinand to resign his crown.
The Parte due on Saturday, 30th April, did not arrive. It was still due, on Sunday evening, the 1st of May, and many thousand people were assembled at the Puerta del Sol, and other streets near the post-office, in anxious expectation of the messenger.
The French garrison of Madrid remained all night under arms; and the Sun of Monday, the 2d of May, arose on many an unfortunate inhabitant, who was destined never to see another morning.
This day was fixed on for the departure of the queen of Etruria, and her brother the Infant Don Francisco de Paula, for Bayonne. The curiosity of many people led them to the square before the palace to witness the scene, and many of the wives and families went there to take leave of their husbands and parents, and to lament their own hard fate, in being left without any certain provision. When the first carriage appeared at the gate, many of the mob expressed a suspicion that the Infant Don Antonio, president of the Junta, or provisional government, was also to leave them, and under this misconception the riot began.
They cut the traces of this carriage, and forced it back into the palace-yard, but on being assured that Don Antonio was not to leave Madrid, they permitted it to be again yoked and brought out—an aid-de-camp of gen. Murat was sent by him to inquire into the business; the mob seemed disposed to treat him very roughly, but by the interference of some Spanish officers, he was rescued and permitted to return to his commander.
The carriages were then allowed to proceed with the queen of Etruria and her brother; the latter was observed to show great reluctance, and even to cry bitterly, which both affected and irritated the people. At this moment the same aid-de-camp returned with a party of French soldiers, and then the scene of horror and bloodshed began.
It is not easy to ascertain with certainty whether the mob or the French soldiery were the first aggressors; but the French soon began to fire volleys of musquetry among their opponents, and many innocent spectators fell; one fine boy of eight years old was shot dead in a window by the first discharge; this was about eleven in the morning. This news spread like wild-fire all over the town, and in less than an hour every individual of the lower classes who had the means, was armed and in the streets.
At first the Spaniards had in most parts of the town the advantage, even although the Spanish troops were not allowed to take any concern in the affair, having been all locked up in their barracks by their officers; and a great number of the French troops fell, whose arms were afterwards made use of by those of the Spanish mob, who had none; but as soon as the dispositions given by gen. Murat, began to take effect, the preponderance was decidedly on the side of the French; all the troops of that nation in town were called out, and columns from all the camps in the neighbourhood entered by different gates, each accompanied by one or more pieces of flying artillery, which raked the streets as they advanced, and were afterwards stationed in such places as they were likely to act with most effect. Besides this, the infantry fired volleys into every cross street by which they passed, and aimed particularly at every window and balcony where any person was to be seen.
The most glorious defence made by the Spaniards was at the depot of artillery in Casa de Monteleon—formerly the hotel of Sir Benjamin King, when ambassador at this court, and where the remains of that most respectable minister are interred.
To this depot Murat sent a detachment to take
possession of the artillery and stores, but they found it already occupied by a handful of Spanish artillerymen and inhabitants, under the command of two brave artillery officers, named Doiz and Velavde.
These two gentlemen took the command of a few artillerymen, and some of the populace who volunteered their services, and having pointed a twenty-four pounder loaded with grape shot, at the gate of the depot, fronting a long narrow street, by which the French column must necessarily advance, they gave them such a warm reception, & made such considerable slaughter, that the French commander could make no impression & was obliged to send out Murat for a reinforcement. Two columns were dispatched to their assistance, which attacked the little garrison on both flanks from the windows and roofs of houses in the neighbourhood, and summoned them repeatedly to surrender; but the officers rejected every proposal of terms, and gallantly held out to the last moment of their existence. One of them was shot dead by a musket ball, and Mr. Doiz, having his thigh broken by another, continued to give his orders sitting on the ground, until he received three other wounds, the last of which put an end to his career. A corporal of artillery remained with the command, who seeing no prospect of further successful opposition, offered to capitulate with the French general, who agreed to grant them terms; but while the article were arranging, the town-major of Madrid arrived on horseback, waving a handkerchief, and proclaiming peace—on which the French were allowed to take possession of the depot.
Their loss at this point has never been correctly ascertained, but must have been very considerable, as 26 rounds of grape and canister shot had been discharged among the first column, as it advanced by the long narrow street already mentioned. About two o'clock the firing ceased all over the town, in consequence of the personal interference of the council of Castile, and other tribunals, who paraded the streets on horseback, attended by many of the Spanish nobility, and some of the French generals, and escorted by bodies of horse, consisting of Spanish guards de corps and French imperial guards intermixed. The inhabitants then fondly flattered themselves that the scene of carnage was at an end, but they soon found that one of a more cool deliberate nature was determined on. In the afternoon Murat issued a general order to the troops, desiring a military tribunal to be immediately formed under the presidency of gen. Grouchy.
Before this tribunal all persons were brought who had been made prisoners in the morning, or were found in the streets in the evening, with any sort of weapon, however trifling about them. The bearer of a musket, a sabre, a penknife or even a pair of scissors, was held equally culpable, and all such persons were immediately condemned to be shot, and the sentence was executed without delay. Three groupes, of 40 each, were successively shot in the Prado—a great many, but the number unknown, were shot in the church of the Solidad, near the Puerta del Sol, and several other groupes of 30 or 40 met a similar fate near the gate of San Vicente.
Several more persons were tried and shot on the following day, but their number is not thought to have been considerable.
The number that fell on either side have never been correctly ascertained. The French carefully concealed their loss; but it is known that one general and many other officers were killed, and as a considerable desertion took place among their German and Italian soldiers, it has been assured that the diminution of their numbers from all causes on the 2d of May exceeded 4000.
The total number employed in Madrid on this day, is said to have been about 12,000; and had the Spanish troops been permitted to act with the populace, it is probable that not one of the first twelve thousand would have escaped. But it was more fortunate for the capital that this did not happen, as there were above fifty thousand more French encamped and quartered in the environs, the whole of whom would have been immediately put in motion, and the consequence must have been the sacking and destruction of Madrid.
CADIZ, May 27, 1808.
From the hitherto pusillanimous conduct of the Spaniards—from their having possession of the royal family, and from the French fleet, in the bay of Cadiz, the French vainly supposed they had made a quiet conquest of Spain. They had quelled a dangerous revolt in the city of Madrid, and had already sent orders down to Cadiz to prepare for the reception of 22000 troops—the stamped papers for governmental proceedings, were in the name of the duke of Berg, and the proud Napoleon thought he had completed the conquest of Spain. In this situation things were, and the Spaniards appeared friendly to the French, per force ; though when they were questioned privately about it, they could scarcely contain their indignation at the faithless conduct of the French. At Seville, the capital of Andalusia, formerly the great port of entry from the Indies, was the first attempt to throw off the yoke. A famous foundry, of brass guns, was in this place, remarkable for their excellence and beauty, and orders came to send them to some distant French troops; at this the populace rose in a body, and declared, openly, their enmity to the French; that they would come and lay waste the country, and murder the inhabitants; and that they had better have their bones in their own country, than march to the north of Europe, and fight the battles of Napoleon. During this inflamed situation of the mob, they seized the Audiencia and Governor of Seville, possessed themselves of the arsenal, and completely armed and organized themselves; they then sent an express to Cadiz, to the Marquis de la Solano, and Del Succerro, captain general of the province, that if he did not come up to Seville, and head them against the French, they would cut off the heads of all the officers they had in their possession, and then come to Cadiz and kill him—this news arrived in Cadiz on this day, and the governor immediately called a Junta of the principal officers, to deliberate upon what was to be done. The people, by this time had intelligence of it, and collected, to a very great number, in front of the governor's house, demanding of him that he should head them, and also, he should take possession of the French fleet in the bay. This officer, though an excellent man, was under the influence of the French; and though I had a high respect for him, yet I cannot help thinking he merited what followed in two days. He dispersed them, with a pro-
mise that the general officers in council would do something derivative in a few days, and promised that the next morning they should be informed of what had been done. May 23d, they met again, he informed that they had come to a determination to resist the French, and that the next morning they should be armed from the arsenal. At 7 o'clock on the morning of the 29th of May, (the most dreadful day I ever experienced), the people were armed, or rather armed themselves, and waited upon the governor, with the officers of their own appointment, to offer their services. There was a species of jealousy among the people and several of them did not hesitate to call their governor a liar and traitor; it was upon one of these occasions that he exclaimed—"Nosotros veremos qui Mandado Ustide o Yo!" the sovereigns did not seem to relish his assertions and dispersed till the afternoon, when the unfortunate affair took place. The people again assembled at 3 or 4 o'clock, completely armed, and to the amount of 1500 or 2000—and the heat of the Levant wind, together with the wine they had drunk, prepared them for the excess which, followed to some assertion of the Governor's which I did not hear—the people raised a great clamor and called out "Que Meure Solano"—upon this, he ordered his guards to fire upon them, and immediately they opened a fire upon his house with their small arms—himself, together with his aid de-camps and officers, immediately retired, in hopes the mob might be dispersed before they could force the door; but, the vicinity of the well where the artillery was placed, gave them immediately powerful means to force the door, and with 3 18 pounders & 2 26 pounders, they fired, 'til they not only forced open the door, but almost laid the house in ruins. The house of Mr. ——, was very near the governor's, and as I had been in the street, an innocent spectator, without receiving any damage, I had a good opportunity of seeing this terrible scene, after forcing his door, they entered, and gave up his house to destruction. The unfortunate Solano had escaped with his wife and children over the roof of his house into that of Mr. Sirange, a great friend of the governor's; but as the house of Solano was in a block of buildings, containing only six, the furious populace surrounded them, and determined on finding and sacrificing him to their vengeance—they had 2 six pounders before Strange's door and were upon the point of firing into his house when they exclaimed they had found him. They had, in searching Strange's house; found him in a small room, and in approaching him the first man was shot dead and the 2d and 3d he threw out of the window into the Pateo, but he was soon overpowered with numbers—was dragged out of his house, and, in the midst of 2,000 people, was drawn about the street, amidst blows, stabs, and abuse of all who could get near enough to reach him—about 1-3d of a mile from his house the brave Succorro fell, a victim to his pride and habit of commanding, and to the inveterate enmity of the people against the French—the principal cause of their dreadful conduct being the report of his intention to let out the fleet—On my return from this scene, I found the governor's house in flames; all the archives of Cadiz, were blowing about the streets and the whole town was in a state of confusion—All night long, the beating of drums and firing of cannon, served to keep me awake, to reflect on the dreadful scene which had passed under my eyes, and the next day every thing was in confusion—At 12 o'clock however, the mob assembled, and nominated a new governor, who began his administration by hanging two men, who had killed two foreigners who had not cockades in their hats."
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Brig Androscoggin, Corran, 84 days from London, Ballast, to the Master.—August 14, off Bermuda, was boarded by an officer from H. B. M's ship Bellona, Capt. Douglas, of 74 guns, a frigate in company, and treated very politely.
British schooner Commerce, Collins, 32 days from Jamaica, Rum, C. and F. Whittle, was captured on her passage out from this port, by two French privateers, and retaken by a British frigate.
THESPIAN SOCIETY.
The Members will attend at Maigne's Gardens THIS EVENING, punctually at 7 o'Clock. The intention of this meeting requires that every member shall be present. August 31.
On Saturday next, the 3d of September, will be Sold at 11 o'Clock on Newton's wharf, for Cash, for account of the owners, underwriters, and others concerned in the Brig Polly, of Portsmouth, stranded on Lynhaven Beach.
Cables, Anchors, Sails, and Rigging.
Also,
The HULL and lower MASTS of said Brig, as she lays.
S. MARKS, Jun.
August 31.
On Saturday the 3d of September next, will be Sold in the Town of Portsmouth, on the premises, at twelve o'Clock for Cash,
Two half Lots of GROUND,
one of which has improvements on it. The said Lots will be sold by virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed by James Buxton, deceased, to secure the payment of a debt due to Nathaniel Denby.
THE TRUSTEES.
Nansemont, August 19.
NOTICE.
All persons are forewarned from crediting my Wife CATHARINE IVES, on my account, as I am determined to pay no debts of her contracting from this date. The utmost rigour of the law will be enforced against any one who is detected in harbouring her.
Robert Ives.
August 24.
NOTICE
Is hereby given to all persons having claims against the estate of THOMAS BARK, deceased, that they must be brought forward for settlement previous to the 1st of December next, properly attested; all those indebted to said estate will make immediate payment, or suits will be brought indiscriminately—the above notice will be plead in bar against delinquent creditors, by
Peter Foster, Executor.
August 24.
Wanted to Purchase,
A few likely young NEGROES,
for whom a liberal price in cash will be given. Apply to the Subscriber at the Borough Tavern
Norman Morrison.

TRIAL OF COMMODORE BARRON.
As soon as a sufficient number of Subscriptions are procured, to defray the cost of the Paper,
WILL BE PUBLISHED, AT THE LEDGER OFFICE,
NORFOLK, THE WHOLE PROCEEDINGS IN THE TRIALS OF
Commodore JAMES BARRON, Capt. CHARLES GORDON, Commandant of the United States' frigate Chesapeake, JOHN HALL, Esq. Captain of Marines, and WILLIAM HOOK, Gunner.
These Trials will be found highly interesting to the public in general, and to the Officers of the United States' Navy in particular. Every circumstance relative to the important affair, which gave occasion for these Trials, will be found detailed with great exactness; and many official documents which have not yet been published will appear with this work. The interest which the nation has taken in this affair, and the circumstances connected with it, render it unnecessary that the Publisher should offer any remarks upon the value of the work. Officers of the Navy will be greatly interested in having the proceedings of the most important Trials that have occurred in the service.
The Publisher has been favoured with a record of the proceedings; he will pay particular attention to the correct execution of the work, which is expected to contain from two hundred and fifty to three hundred pages, octavo.
CONDITIONS.
 I. The work will be printed on a good fair type, and on good paper.  II. The price to Subscribers will be One Dollar and Seventy-five Cents, in boards, delivered at any place where Subscriptions are received, according to order.  III. The amount of Subscription to be paid on delivery of the Work.  IV. The usual allowance to the trade.  Subscription Papers will be sent in a few days to the principal towns in the United States, of which notice will be given in the papers of those towns. To the Editors of Papers who will give this advertisement a few insertions, the Publisher will be much obliged, and reciprocate whenever they may request it.
The Editor of the Publick Ledger.
At a Court held for Northampton County, the 11th day of July, 1808.
Thomas D. Sinkins and William Sinkins, an infant by Thomas D. Sinkins, his guardian, Complainants . Against Covington Sinkins, John Sinkins, John Brickhouse, Junior, and George Lewis, Defendants .  The complainants having filed their bill more than three months, and the court being satisfied that Covington Sinkins one of the defendants, is out of this commonwealth, it is ordered, that the said Covington Sinkins do enter his appearance to this suit on the first day of November Court next, and give security for performing the decree that may be made in this case, or the Court will on that day proceed in the suit in like manner as if an appearance had been entered; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order be posted at the front door of the Court-House of this County, and published in the Publick Ledger for two months successively.  Teste, Thomas L. Savage, Clerk.
NORFOLK BOROUGH. At a Hastings Court continued and held the 24th day of May, 1808.
Thomas Jones, Compt . Against Thomas Wright, administrator with In Chancery . The will annexed of Thomas Newton, deceased. Defendant .  The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of the said Borough.  A Copy. Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808.
Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs . Against Mary Selater, widow and devisee for life of John Selater, deceased, Richard and William S. Selater, sons and devisees of the said John Selater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb an infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Selater, deceased, and as executor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Selater, deceased, Defendants .  On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capital in this city.  A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
ADVERTISEMENT.
To a Gentleman who has not been seen or heard of by his friends in his native country since March, 1806.
This gentleman may with perfect safety, both as to publick and private concerns, impart his situation and place of residence to THE EDITOR OF THIS PAPER, who can give him any information about his family. This advertisement is made by those most interested in him, and the reference may be confided in. The gentleman to whom it is addressed, will know it by these circumstances. He left his native country in March 1806. He was the only surviving son of his father, whose name was Thomas; born 1740, and married M. E. His brother John who was elder than him, had died before his twin sisters were C. & A. of whom the former was dead before 1806. He was born in the parish of B. where the estate of his ancestors is. Educated at L. in the county of R and taken care of by his aunt Cecilia.  July 15.
NOTICE.
The partnership of Wilson, Cunningham & Co. having been dissolved by mutual consent—all those indebted, as well as those who have claims against them, are requested to settle the same with Alexander Wilson or J. B. Cunningham, who are fully authorised to liquidate the business of said concern.
William Pennock, Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
Norfolk, July 15, 1808. The business heretofore carried on by the above firm will be continued by the Subscribers, under the firm of Wilson & Cunningham. Alexander Wilson, James B. Cunningham.
DR. ROBERTSON'S
Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health.
Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the Stomach: also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, severe Gripings, and all other diseases of the bowels, & do never fails to remove a cold if taken soon after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, remove habitual costiveness, & cures at the Stomach, severe head ach, &c. &c.
The following certificates are selected from the many respectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession.
Certificate of Mr. William Julian, carpenter and builder, No. 59, South Fifth-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will lay my case before the publick, as an incontrovertible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robertson's invincible Stomachick Elixir of Health.  I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me to such a state that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained. I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by taking Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business.
I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance in the country, where assistance cannot be immediately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world, I have since recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person wish to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure explain it to them by applying to me.  I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM JULION.
MR DROTT, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807.
Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, of the most effectual service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my Stomach, and continual head ach, attended with a sickness at the Stomach, which brought on a vomiting and lax, which continued on me until I became in a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before. As I consider your medicine to have been the means of saving my life, I solicit you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by following the directions given with your invaluable medicine, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery.  I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES.
MR DROTT, Philadelphia, August 1, 1807.
ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES.
Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pains in my breast and side, and a sickness at my Stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly ever since, and now find myself completely recovered, and shall certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint.  I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON.
MR. T. W. DROTT. August 22.
Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia.
DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effect I have received from it, I wish you to publish the following:  About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which settled on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption must soon have followed, had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is my office to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most efficacious remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint.  I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE.
MR. DROTT. November 11.
The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the proprietor, T. W. DROTT, No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; and by appointment at BONSAL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVELL & CONRAD'S, Peterburg. May 23. Lawly
WILLIAM PENNOCK
Has removed his Counting-Room to No. 4, on his own wharf. July 20.
CASH given for
Rough W. O. hhd. & bbl. STAVES,
by A. Maclure. August 5.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.
At a Hastings Court continued and held the 25th day of May, 1808.
Cornelius Cruywaygan, Compt . Against Maritz Boetzells and Moses Myers, In Chancery . Defendants.
The defendant Maritz Boetzells not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is now ordered that the said defendant Maritz Boetzells, do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of said Borough; and it is further ordered, that the defendant Moses Myers who hath effects of the said Maritz Boetzells in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court.  A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
FOR SALE,
At reduced prices at my Office,
 13 Hogsheads } SUGAR.  40 tierces }  7 pipes }  6 hogsheads } Old Madeira WINE,  8 quarter casks }  20 tierces Rice; 250 bags Coffee,  30 chests Young Hyson Tea; 20 hogsheads Molasses,  2 bales Halfbicks and Plains, 3 trunks Calicoes,  1 box coarse Linen; 1 trunk Jacquet Muslin and Dimities,  1 trunk 325 pounds sterling, Watches and Jewellery.  William B. Lamb.
TO RENT
The Store and Dwelling-House on Market Square, lately occupied by Mr. Vincent Parlato. August 1.
JOHN PENDREY'S
Boot and Shoe Manufactory,
No. 70, MAIN-STREET.
The publick are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands.  N. B. Orders for Double Packstraps, single do. and Cos-sacks, executed with the greatest dispatch. August 1.
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT,
For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18.
FOR RENT,
The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Messrs. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
I will give Cash for barrel STAVES
for fifteen days from this date. Moses Myers. June 6.
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of
Commissioner and Broker,
will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street. M. 3.
FOR RENT.
The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Blanchard. April 7.
6000 bushels Stoved SALT,
50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Maclure. March 2.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar.
The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead.
He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves.
Feb. 20.
Richard Jeffrey & Co.
No 66, Main-Street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter,
An assortment of MEDICINES,
 of the first quality.  Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Peter,  Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters.  Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap,  Evans's best Crown Lances, Tooth Brushes of superior kind,  Refined Liquorice, &c.  They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries.  MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. 
Fresh Imperial TEA.
Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation—Also on Hand,
25 tons assorted BAR IRON,
 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar,  40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hds. old Antigua Rum,  20 hds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy,  10 crates assorted Queen's Ware,  A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine,  Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar,  New-Orleans prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Chese,  A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c.  For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26. 
Two thousand Spanish HIDES,
For Sale by William Plume, & Co. June 6.
SAMUEL COLEMAN,
Market-Street, westward of the Market, has established
A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY.
For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those will be well served who choose to promote an institution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.
New SHOES from New-York,
as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.
Gentlemen's SHOES and PUMPS
of many kinds, made in his factory, and in Newark.
VERNON'S BOOTS,
which are no doubt elegant—Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very few gentlemen who cannot be fitted.
A few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cottons, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash.
A few Casks of
Best LONDON PORTER.
July 6.
NOTICE.
The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg , of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement.
Samuel Ellis. Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper,
20 bales best Russia CANVAS,
1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Mattress Ticking, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26.
Norfolk Drawbridge.
The Directors have declared a dividend of Fifty Six Cents on the Stock of this Company, for the half year ending the 10th Inst. which will be paid to the Stockholders or their legal representatives after the 10th August next.
William Cammack, Treasurer. July 13.
LANDING
This Day from the Schooner Adventure and brig Eliza ,
55 hlids. sup. qual. Muscovado Sugar,
34 do. and 40 quarter casks particular Teneriffe WINE—For Sale by Moses Myers. July 6.
1500 sacks SALT, Liverpool filled,
6000 bushels do. loose, and 30 crates Earthenware—For Sale on board the Ship Sachem, by A. Maclure. May 6.
We have for SALE on our Wharf,
200 hogsheads MOLASSES,
 53 do. superior quality Muscovado Sugars,  37 do. inferior do.  258 bags Guadalupe Coffee; 10 puncheons Rum,  60,000 wt. Jamaica Coffee, in hds. barrels and bags,  10,000 do. Liqueurs do. 80 kegs Raisins,  20 cases superior quality Claret,  6000 bushels Ixica, 8500 do. St. Ubes, 2500 do. Turks-Island, and 5000 do. coarse Liverpool Salt,  10 pipes old Madeira Wine; 4 do. Country Gin,  50 barrels Rye Whiskey; 20 hlids. Philadelphia Porter,  1 new 14 inch Cable 120 fathoms. C. & F. Whittle. July 13. 
The Subscriber is disposed to Contract for a quantity of BRICKS and LIME.
Terms will be made known on application to John Saunders, Asst. M. Agent. Fort Nelson, June 17.
Landing at Southgate and Dickson's wharf,
from the ship Fame , from Jamaica, and for Sale,
86 puncheons choice 4th proof Rum,
20 hogsheads do. Molasses, 4 casks Ginger; 18 bags Pimento. William Dickson. June 13.
NOTICE.
The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
Phoenix Fire Office.
The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY , of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals herewith submitted.
N. B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8.
FOR SALE,
30,000 acres valuable LAND,
situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana—Particulars with regard to local advantages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to purchasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS TUNNO, in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER, in Savannah. Feb. 8.
NOTICE.
The Subscribers have removed to the Warehouse, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
For SALE at my Brew-House,
Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by
the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store,
Wines, Liquors, and Groceries,
wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18.
Mackinder & White,