Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-01-22 00:00:00

THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS SIX DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYA- BLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION.
NOW IS YOUR TIME! 10,000 Dollars may be gained for One Dollar and Fifty Cents in the  PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY.
Highest Prize 10,000 Dollars. Authorised by an Act of the Legislature of Pennsyl- vania, for the encouragement of  USEFUL ARTS.
   CASH PRIZES.     1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars 10,000   2 do. of 5,000 10,000   5 do. of 1,000 5,000   10 do. of 500 5,000   10 do. of 200 2,000   40 do. of 100 4,000   100 do. of 50 5,000   200 do. of 20 4,000   500 do. of 10 5,000   1,000 do. To consist of machines for open- ing off-cast worsted and open wrought woollen clothing in- to wool, valued at one hundred dollars each, (patent right in- cluded) 100,000   1,000 do. To consist of rights for manu- facturing ornamental mould- ings for dwelling-houses and shipping, valued at fifty dol- lars each, 50,000  
Dollars 200,000 Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 Dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows:
   Dols.     First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each 200   First drawn number on the succeeding ten days', each 500   First drawn number on the succeeding five days', each 1,000   First drawn number on the succeeding two days', each 5,000   First drawn number on the last day's draw- ing, 10,000  
This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of gentlemen appointed by the government, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, and the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time.
Tickets in the above Lottery at $1 50, for Sale by A. C. JORDAN, & Co. No. 3, Market-Square. The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses.
Note.—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sazo, Starch, and Hair Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entire- ly new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. January 18. tf
Norfolk Drawbridge Company.
At an annual meeting of the Stockholders, held at the Exchange Coffee-House on Monday the 11th instant, the Company declared a Dividend of Fifty Cents on each Share on the Capital Stock of the said Company, which will be paid to the Stockholders, or their legal Representa- tives, on or at any time after the first of February.
William Cammack, Treasurer. January 13. tf
All persons to whom the Subscriber is indebted, are requested to make known the amount of their claims immediately.
Wm. Hartshorne, Jun. January 13. tf
Just received for Sale, 25 qr. casks Gordon's old Sherry Wine, 20 boxes Hysan Tea, 30 do. superior quality Young Hysan, 12 pipes Holland Gin, 20 do Country do. Mackinder & White. January 13. law4t
GERMAN LINENS, &c.
   16 bales coarse Linen, 450 pieces Paper Hangings   4 do. Rufia Sheeting, 80 boxes Window Glass,   3 boxes German Rolls, 100 do. Sheet Pipes,   2 do. Roman Sheeting, 120 do. Spanish Segars,   1 do. fine Flanders do. from 8 to 20 dollars, per box,   3 do. Platillas, 300 doz. empty Bottles,   1 do. fine Dowlas, 200 wt. realed bottling Wire,   2 do. Table Cloth, 800 do. Glue,   1 do. common Shirt Linen, 11,000 best Coffee bags,   1 do. extra fine do. 4,500 cheap Gummy Bags,   1 do. Bed Tick 2 yards 5 boxes Funnels, Decan-   wide, ters, &c.  
Also, 6 elegant Terrestrial Globes, 3 pair large Looking Glasses, in gilt frames, of the first elegance, Elegant marble Statues, Urns and Vases, Liquor Casks, Oil Cloth, Wafer and Waffle Irons, Coffee Mills and Toasters, Velvet Ribbons, Fine Thread Stockings, Elegant Cutlery, An invoice of Watches, Watch Crystals and Beads. A large invoice of Lace, Jewellery and Dice, Elegant Chessmen, Flageolets and Clarinets, Violins, Boxes, Boxes, and Flutes, Flutes with four and six keys, do. patent lined, Ladies Dressing Boxes, Toilet Looking Glasses, Shaving Casks, Elegant Writing Desks, Scarlet Plush for Saddles, Seine and Sewing Twine. For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. September 11. tf
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE.
On the Resolution for requesting the President to cause an enquiry to be made into the con- duct of General Wilkinson.
TUESDAY, January 5.
CONTINUED.
Mr. Sloan said, he rose with an intention, and for the purpose of making some observa- tions on what had fallen from the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gardener) whom he did not now see in his place, but if he was with- in the walls he should be glad to know. He had intended in the first place to have acknowledg- ed and expressed in his plain way, his gratitude to the gentleman for his endeavours to en- lighten the house, and this he should have en- deavoured to do in a very few words. This member had expressed his extreme surprize that the motion which he had offered on a form- er day had not been more adverted to by mem- bers of the house; he should have recollected that every member of the house was not endowed with the same sagacity and penetrat- ing genius which he so abundantly possessed. But permit me to say, said Mr. S. that I was not less surprized than that gentleman could be, that the first move made this morning was not (under existing circumstances) to with- draw the resolution. It was a fact known and believed by every member on the floor, that the proper authority had undertaken to investigate the object of the resolution. Un- der a consideration and from a full conviction that this house was not the proper tribunal to try this case, his surprize and disappointment had surpassed that expressed by the member from New-York, that the subject had not been taken up yesterday morning. Mr. S. said he was then prepared to have made a pretty lengthy speech, the notes for which he now held in his hand; but the house had taken up the whole day in discussing what course they should give to a certain (Yazoo) memorial. In the course of that debate he had been much instructed by the member from Vermont (Mr. Elliot) being warned of the taking the bull by the horns and also some- thing about a club and Hercules; although these expressions were somewhat obscure, they had raised some sensations in his mind, and induced him to think he had better be cautious how he made speeches on that floor; he had therefore concluded not to make this long speech which he had digested and pre- pared.
But before he sat down, he would say, that being privy to certain circumstances, although he had no right to speak of them, he had certain- ly a right to think; and he would state what thoughts this resolution produced in his mind. Knowing as no doubt every member of the house did, of what had lately turned up between certain great men, it brought to his mind a circumstance which might be thought simple, but he hoped he might be per- mitted to introduce a simile; when he went to school in his youthful days he had seen little affrays turn up between the boys, and he had known those who were likely to get the worst of the bargain, cry out, "I'll tell daddy or mammy; I'll tell my master." This struck Mr. S. very forcibly as applicable to the present case.
He would not detain the house much longer but barely observe, that he hoped the amend- ment would be rejected; and after that, that the resolution itself would be rejected with all the contempt which it deserved.
Mr. Elliot. I am opposed to the amend- ment proposed to the motion of the gentle- man from New-York, and to the motion it- self; and shall probably be opposed to any a- mendment that may be offered to the original resolution. All this for the best of all possi- ble reasons, because I am in favour of the ori- ginal proposition in its original form.
Had I not long since resolved to adopt, as a political man, the motto nil admirari , I should regard with some degree of admirati- on, if not astonishment, the extreme squeam- ishness which is manifested by some gentle- men respecting an invasion of executive func- tions, which they apprehend will be involved in the adoption of the resolution, and the very curious arguments which are advanced to sup- port the position. But admiration and asto- nishment ought not to be excited by any poli- tical events or opinions of the present day.
It is to be regretted, that the gentleman from N. York (Mr. Gardener) has suffered himself to wander into so wide a field of elo- quent declamation, respecting the celebrated campaign of the officer who is the object of the present resolution, against what have been cal- led the Burrites at New Orleans. I regret it, sir, because I wished argument, and argu- ment alone to be used upon the present occa- sion. Still, whenever an opportunity is fair- ly offered for the expression of an opinion up- on that subject, I shall not hesitate for a mo- ment to express that which it has been my lot
to form. It was a horrible, though bloodless campaign! And I believe the continuance in the command of the army of the U. S. in the chief command, subordinate to the Pres- ident, who is the constitutional commander in chief of our armies, that officer, since that period, has placed a disgraceful stain upon the early annals of our new western world, which the annual inundations of the Missis- sippi, were they increased to the magnitude and duration of those of the Nile, could not efface in a century.
Few members, perhaps none, have expres- sed any doubts of the propriety of the mea- sure, if we possess the constitutional power to adopt it. But as many serious doubts are entertained of its constitutionality, it may be proper to go into an argument with a view to dissipate those doubts.
It is triumphantly asked, from what con- stitutional source do you derive this power? Here it is but fair to meet gentlemen on their own ground, and to admit that if we cannot find in the constitution authority for the mea- sure, they may very properly enquire, quo warranto ? By what warrant do you attempt its exercise? To answer the enquiry, as it is certain that the constitution has not, in ex- press terms, given us authority to adopt this particular measure, let us take a cool review of the whole of our constitutional powers.
To me it appears that three classes of pow- ers are bestowed upon us by the constitution. Two of them by the express terms of the in- vestiture, and the third by inevitable implica- tion.
The first is the great and comprehensive class of legislative powers, properly so called; powers given to us as one of the branches of the national legislature, and in that character alone.
Our warrant for the exercise of these all important and all comprehensive powers, while we confine ourselves within the proper orbit of legislation, exists in the first section of the first article of the constitution. "All legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives." These are the initial words of the constitution. They describe no spe- cific powers. They merely invest the gene- ral power of legislation. They refer us to o- ther parts of the constitution for the delinea- tion of the particular attributes of the legis- lative character. They attach these attributes to us in common with the Senate. They give us no distinct and independent powers. Nor does any other clause of the constitution, in direct terms, vest in us the power for which we now contend.
The second class of powers is given to us, rather as a distinct and independent assem- blage of individuals, than as a component branch of the national legislature.
These are not powers, strictly speaking of a legislative character, but powers with which we are invested for the purposes of our own organization, government and discipline, as an independent political body. Such as the power to choose our Speaker and other offi- cers; to judge of the elections and qualifica- tions of our own members; to adjourn; to compel the attendance of absent members; to expel a member; to establish rules of pro- ceeding; and to keep and publish journals.
Before I proceed to the third class of our constitutional attributes, I will just notice two eccentric or anomalous authorities with which the House of Representatives is invest- ed by the constitution, and which complete the circle of our political functions. We have the sole power of impeachment. As it re- spects the exercise of that power, we are di- vested of our legislative character, and trans- formed into the great inquest of the nation. In certain cases we become the electors of the President. We then again lose our legis- lative character, and are changed into an e- lectoral body.
The third class of our constitutional pow- ers, and it is by no means an unimportant one, although it is not given to us in express terms, is essential to our political existence. I speak of those which, by an irresistible and incontestible implication, are bestowed as in- cidental to those which are specifically vested by the constitution.
This incidental authority must of cource be extensive and important. While it is our duty to cherish and sustain this great and plen- teous source of power, we ought cautiously to govern ourselves by the true spirit and ge- nius of the constitution. Here great discre- tion is required, because here arises that dan- ger of usurpation with which gentlemen are alarmed on the present occasion. Yet the existence of incidental power is questioned by none. By this alone are we authorised to pass resolutions calling upon the executive for information, a practice coeval with the go- vernment itself. Gentlemen will say that we then act in our legislative capacity. But they are mistaken. The legislative power is the power of making laws. We only act as le-
gislators, when we discuss among ourselves the project of a law, or act upon one received from the Senate. The information which we ask may or may not be given by the execu- tive. It is true that it is his constitutional duty to give us information from time to time; but at what time and in what manner is left to his own discretion. Where we have no co- ercive we have no legislative authority. The information, if it be obtained, may or may not be such as to require or even to induce us to act legislatively. If then we possess this power of calling upon the executive for infor- mation and it has long been settled, by a prac- tical construction of the constitution, that we do possess it, it is in our possession as inci- dent not only to the actual but to the potential exercise of the general functions of legislati- on.
But an important distinction is taken, and one which would be conclusive, if it would bear examination. It is, however, a nominal rather than a real distinction. It is admitted that we may call upon the executive for infor- mation, but it is said that we now propose to call upon him to perform his duty, in a case exclusively within his own constitutional ju- risdiction. It is just so in every case of a call for information. It is his duty to give us information, but in his own time and his own way. Calling upon him to communicate to us information upon any subject whatever, we call upon him to perform a duty which the constitution authorises him to perform when and how he pleases. In every instance we may not legislate in consequence of what we obtain, and we do not legislate in the act of asking for it. We cannot coerce the com- munication, we cannot even demand it, we can only request it. We ask the president to do his duty in the one case as well as in the other. But it is said that as we cannot im- peach a military officer, as the president alone can remove him, we can neither ask for his re- moval, or for an inquiry into his conduct. It seems to me to be considering rather too curiously to consider so: The fact is, that we propose to request an inquiry, for the very purpose of obtaining information, and for that purpose alone; and, as in every other case, the information, when obtained, may induce us to act in our legislative capacity.— Here it is proper to call the attention of the House to the clause of the constitution which was read this morning by the honourable mover of the resolution. "No title of no- bility shall be granted by the United States: and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, em- olument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state." Can any one doubt our power to pass a law for the purpose of giving effect to this great and pro- minent provision of the constitution? We can- not legislate upon the subject ex post facto ; we cannot provide for the punishment of an infraction of this article which has already ta- ken place, but we can guard against such in- fraction in future. It is said that your com- mander in chief has long been the pensioner of a foreign power. We only wish that his innocence may be established or his guilt de- veloped. If the development of his guilt should be the result of the proposed enquiry, if he should be proved to have been the great infractor of the constitution, what more pow- erful argument could be urged to the mem- bers of the national legislature, to induce them to pass a law to prevent or punish such treacherous conduct in future.
Some gentlemen who appear to doubt our power to pass the resolution, declare that the information which we possess upon the sub- ject ought to be transmitted to the president, and they will vote for its transmission. How is this to be done? Will the speaker or the clerk transmit it without the order of the house? It may be presumed not. The house, then, must act upon the subject. And surely it will be more proper and digni- fied to request the President to do a certain act, than to hint to him that we expect him to do it. And our right is the same in one case as in the other.
To this point then the coarse is clear. We only ask for information, and we have a right to ask. But we shall be told that we are beg- ging the question, and that the great difficulty which exists in the case still recurs upon us. You propose to call upon the President to do his duty. One branch of the government has no right to make such a call upon another. Upon this point alone I should be willing to rest the decision. Has not one branch of the govern- ment a right to make a request to another? What forbids it? The right is certainly not ex- pressly given. But if it be not forbidden by any part of the constitution; if it be not re- served to the states, the people or any power on earth; if it be naturally incident to the in- telligent and proper exercise of the great pow- ers actually vested; and if it has long been declared to exist by a practical construction of the constitution; the exercise of such a

right is at least harmless, and of course neither unconstitutional, nor extra-constitutional. From the course which I have thought it my duty to pursue, not only in the present session, but on former occasions, I shall not be suspected of possessing an overweening confidence in the executive; but I will venture to say that the executive will feel none of that squeamishness upon this subject, which is manifested here. Whatever may be my opinion as to particular measures of the executive, I have too much confidence in his good sense and patriotism, to believe that he will object to a compliance with our request. If, indeed, he shall be of opinion that we are invading or usurping the proper province of executive prerogative, it will be his duty to tell us so, and he would tell us so. But this, I presume is not apprehended by any one.
I have confined myself closely to the question. The view which I have taken of the subject occurred to me after the debate commenced this morning. I feel a real, not an affected diffidence, in my powers of argument upon this or any other subject. I cannot hope to convince—I will not say the members of this house, for the remark would imply that they are inattentive to my observations—any assembly of intelligent men whatever. But when doubts arise upon a great constitutional question, it is proper for every one to throw in his mite with a view to dispel those doubts. This has been done. If any good effect has been produced, it is very well; if not, I have done my duty.
Mr. Dana said it was not strange, that upon a subject that was as greatly interesting to the people of the United States as this—upon a subject that went very seriously to affect the character of the commanding officer of the army, that gentlemen should entertain a difference of sentiment as to the best course proper to be pursued. There seemed to be but one opinion as respected that general charge, that it merited serious attention, in some way and in some form. It concerned the character of the officer himself if innocent, that an enquiry should be had, as well as it concerned the people and the nation if he were guilty. In the situation in which he was now placed, and feeling as he did how much the reputation of a military officer was his best estate, Mr. D. thought it necessary to exercise peculiar discretion, and not (though other gentlemen appeared to think differently) to express any opinion on the innocence or guilt of this officer. If there were information before the house which might give a full knowledge of facts he would wish it should be so disposed of as to meet a fair enquiry; and could wish also that the delegate from Orleans should be called upon to declare what he knew of the acceptance by this officer of any money or of the project or agreement of any persons to dismember the Union, or to render it dependent on any foreign power; and for this reason, that this gentleman, received as a member of this house, though not having the privilege of voting or debating, enjoyed every other privilege of members of the house, being entrusted with the discharge of high public functions and amenable to the authority of the house: and that the privilege of this house must be deemed precedent and paramount to the authority of any court martial or court of enquiry. Although this was his general opinion on the subject, he doubted very much the propriety of adopting the motion of the gentleman from New York for the appointment of an authorized committee. If the house have resolved to appoint a committee of enquiry which should directly investigate the conduct of any officer, it would be proper to arm such committee with the power of sending for persons, papers, &c. As he now understood the object of the present resolution it was merely to appoint a committee to enquire whether the house should adopt a particular resolution requesting an enquiry, and was therefore different from a motion for enquiry. In the case of Sinclair, which had been quoted, the committee was appointed to enquire, and not to consider the propriety of enquiring; so that the case did not apply. It was very immaterial whether the amendment were agreed to or not; but as a motion had been made to amend it by striking out this part of it, he should give his vote in favour of the motion.
Mr. Fisk was opposed to the amendment and to the resolution; and was surprised at being so long detained on the subject this day after being told that a court was already authorized to make the enquiry. This being the case, if no other end was to be attained than merely to throw light on the guilt or innocence of gen. W. there was now no necessity for adopting the resolution. If no court were ordered it would be proper to enquire whether it would be necessary to adopt the resolution. If there was no sufficient evidence before the house on which to ground the resolution, why should it be adopted? Was it to throw the additional weight of the house of representatives into the scale? He presumed no gentleman in the house would acknowledge this object.
Mr. F. did not believe the house possessed the power to institute an enquiry. It did not follow that they possessed this power merely because the constitution had not prohibited it to them; and the constitution had certainly not given it to them. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Gardenier) had told them that if they could controul the master they had power over the servant. Mr. F. said this did not follow as a correct conclusion. The house could impeach the judges of the supreme court, but could not remove a clerk of the same court; they could delegate the power, but could not exercise it themselves. For
what purpose should the enquiry be made? When made, could they effect any object by it? And why? Because the constitution had reserved to this house a power to remove the supreme officer, who alone could remove the inferior. If gentlemen thought fit to bring forward a resolution to enquire into the propriety of impeaching the superior officer, and showed cause for it, no objection could be made.
While gentlemen were so extremely careful to guard the constitution from violation, he begged they would not trespass on it themselves; while they complained of a supposed breach of trust by a public officer, he hoped not to see it realized in this house. The constitution had confined the power of the house within a certain limit; and when they exceeded that limit, they violated the constitution.
The gentleman from New York had told the house that he hoped what had been denied in the palace would not be refused here. Mr. F. asked what had been denied in the "palace." The gentleman from New Orleans had told them that the evidence did not relate to the subject, and that it was not sufficient of any person. The gentleman from New York had also stated that if the house transmitted this evidence to the president without referring it to a committee, they would be left in the same situation as they were now, because the gentleman from New Orleans would keep his word as he always did. The gentleman from New Orleans might consider this as a compliment; Mr. F. was willing all the honour intended should attach to him, but he did not believe that gentlemen was possessed of such principles; he did not believe any gentleman was so lost to the honour of his country as to suffer private pique to seal his lips when called upon to give evidence by any authority whose duty it was to enquire. Would the gentleman indeed decline in such a case? It was impossible that he could. Mr. F. could not have so contemptible an opinion of any gentleman whatever as to suppose that his love of country would not triumph over private animosity.
The gentleman from New York had very emphatically asked when would the cup of guilt be full! Mr. F. said, when gentlemen came forward to justify treason, when they attempted to arrest such nefarious plans as those of the late conspiracy—then would the cup be full; then would the distraction of the country be complete.
But the house were told, this officer had violated the constitution. How had he violated the constitution? In arresting traitors? And should traitors alone enjoy all the constitutional rights? Mr. F. said this man also had rights. Let him have a fair enquiry.—Why influence the public mind and blazon the guilt (if guilty) from this source? Why had not the prosecution been pursued in the courts of justice? Why had not this information been given to the President? Why was it brought to this house? Let it be brought forward properly. He believed when the evidence adduced was examined, it would not bear the light.
Mr. F. had no doubt that Burr and all his friends would rejoice that all the evidence against them should be arrested in any way; and whatever were the guilt or innocence of gen. W. it would be proper that the thing should pursue the usual course. He could not see why this had been brought into the house, or why it was pursued and insisted on while an enquiry was progressing in the proper way. Believing this enquiry not to be within their constitutional power, and no necessity to exist for it, if it were, he should give his vote against it in every stage of the business.
Mr. W. Alston said it was not his intention to detain the house one moment; he rose but with a view to state to the house that facts had been strangely misrepresented. When the gentleman from New Orleans had risen a few days ago, he had told the house that the information which he had meant to communicate, and which had been disregarded year after year, did not relate to this subject. And what was the language which had this day been held forth on the subject? "A deaf ear had been turned to the subject in the palace!" In order that he might be assured that this was an egregious error. Mr. A. said he had asked the gentleman from Orleans if he did not understand him correctly? I did not understand him to say, said Mr. A. that his information did not particularly relate to this subject and I understood him correctly. I wish it to be explicitly so stated to the house and to the nation.
Gentlemen who heard the observations this day made would attribute to them the credit which they deserved. When was it that gen. W. became so obnoxious to a particular part of the community? Not till his exertions had saved the country from ruin—not till he had raised his hands against Burr and his associates. Look to his appointment to office some time ago and to those who supported him; revert to the language they used at that day, and listen to their denunciation now—"Wilkinson had violated the constitution—the executive held him by the hand—his conduct was not enquired into—the representatives of the nation were therefore called upon to do that duty which the executive had neglected"—this was now the language of those who once cherished him. What could cause this wonderful change of sentiment?
The present question presented itself at every moment in a very different shape. If the object of it were merely to give to the executive information which it did not now possess, no one would object to it. The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) had told the house that, the evidence of the gen-
tleman from Orleans ought to be commanded. and it could not be done but by the house—that the gentleman possessed all the privileges of a member of this house, and he doubted much whether his evidence could be procured in any other way. Would the evidence of the gentleman be taken down and delivered thro' the medium of newspapers as evidence for a committee of enquiry? This must be what the gentleman meant, although he cared very little whether the committee had power to enquire into it or not. Was the house in possession of any evidence whatever on this subject? Mr. A. said not. No evidence whatever had been laid on their table on this subject. There was before them a resolution on which they were called upon to decide. In making this decision had they any evidence on which to found their agreement to it? Let us get possession of the evidence, said he, and then the house may make a proper disposition of the resolution and of the paper bearing on the subject in their possession. If a court of enquiry had been ordered, was not the purpose of the resolution thus answered? What other object was to be attained! He could see no other, except it were to give other gentlemen an opportunity to arraign the conduct of the executive, and exhaust their imagination in sheer invective. He could not for his soul see, after they were informed that an enquiry was ordered, why they should enquire further.
MONDAY, January 11.
Mr. Rowan moved to amend the resolution under consideration by striking out all that part after the word "Resolved," and inserting the following:
Resolved, That a special committee be appointed to enquire into the conduct of brigadier general James Wilkinson in relation to his having at any time whilst in the service of the United States, corruptly received money from the government of Spain or its agents, and that the said committee have the power to send for persons and papers, and compel their attendance and production—and that they report the result of their enquiry to this house. The Speaker, declared the amendment to be a substitute and of course not in order.
Mr. Randolph said he was decidedly of opinion, that the gentleman from Kentucky ought to have an opportunity of taking the sense of the house on his motion; he therefore withdrew the resolution under consideration; when
Mr. Rowan moved the resolution as above stated. On this resolution a debate of some length took place, in which Mr. Randolph supported, and Messrs. Bacon, Alston, Smilie, Love, and Taylor opposed the motion, when
A motion to adjourn was negatived 52 to 51. Mr. Gardner moved that the subject be postponed till to-morrow, in order that the evidence of Mr. Clark might be printed for information. Negatived, ayes 82.
A motion to adjourn was now carried, ayes 66.
TUESDAY, January 12.
On motion of Mr. Rowan, the house took up for consideration the resolution submitted to him relative to an enquiry into the conduct of gen. Wilkinson.
The house agreeing to consider it, Mr. Rowan moved to insert after the word agents, the following amendment: Or in relation to his having during the time aforesaid been an accomplice, or in any way concerned with the agents of any foreign power, or with Aaron Burr, in a project to dismember the Union.
Mr. Love moved to amend the amendment by adding the following: And that a fair copy of the information and paper laid on the Clerk's table relative to the conduct of the said gen. James Wilkinson, in the matters in question, and any other papers or information which may hereafter be received by the said committee or this house be immediately transmitted to the president of the U. States.
No question was taken on either of the amendments or on the resolution.
A debate took place, not confined however to the amendments, but on the general propriety of the enquiry by this house, in which Messrs. Love, Eppes, Rowan, and M. D. Williams supported, and Messrs. Alston, Fisk, Holland, Sloan, and Upham opposed the right and propriety of passing the resolution for enquiry.
About 4 o'clock a motion was made by Mr. Smilie to adjourn, and carried, the house having decided on no one point under consideration.
WEDNESDAY, January 13.
Mr. Rhea, (T.) moved that the deposition laid on the table by Mr. Clark (N. O.) be printed.—Agreed.
The house took up for consideration the resolution offered by Mr. Rowan on Monday. The amendments made yesterday by Messrs. Rowan and Love being incorporated with it.
Mr. Alston moved to strike out all the resolution after the word "Resolved" except the part relating to the transmission of the evidence to the executive.
Mr. Rowan withdrew his resolution, that a decision on the principle might not be evaded by the amendment just proposed—and
Mr. Randolph immediately renewed the motion which he originally proposed in the following words: Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to cause an enquiry to be instituted into the conduct of brigadier gen. Wilkinson, commander in chief of the armies of the United States, in relation to his having, at any time, while in the service of the United States, corruptly received money from the government of Spain, or its agents.
After a debate of three hours, which shall be given hereafter, the question was taken on this resolution by yeas and nays, and carried—72 to 49.
Mr. Eppes said he had stated on a former day in his place that no information had at any time been received by the present administration which went to charge brigadier gen. Wilkinson with being a Spanish pensioner. This statement was made in reply to a gentleman from Kentucky, who thought it unnecessary to forward to the executive the evidence exhibited against gen. Wilkinson, on the ground that this evidence was already in possession of the executive department. A fact so important to the publick ought not to rest on the assertion of any individual. If corruption has at any period of our political existence fixed its fangs on this government, if men known to be Spanish pensioners have at any period been honoured with confidence by any administration; it is proper the people should understand at what period this confidence commenced,
and by whom it was reposed. So far back as the year 1789 or 1790, information was forwarded to the executive department of this government, that a combination between citizens of the United States and the Spanish government, had been formed, for the purpose of dismembering the United States.—This information (together with the names of most of the persons concerned in the combination) was forwarded to the first administration formed under this government, at the head of which Gen. Washington was placed. It was known to the second administration under Mr. Adams, and additional information forwarded to him by Mr. Elliott. If gen. Wilkinson was originally concerned in this combination, he must have been appointed to office by the first administration under this government, and continued by the second, with a full and complete knowledge of this fact. The present republican party found general Wilkinson in office, and abundant proof can be produced that he possessed the confidence of the two preceding administrations. If he was originally a member of the old Spanish combination, or has at any period prior to the year 1801, been guilty of any act calculated to destroy the publick confidence, let the responsibility rest on those who appointed and continued him in office. We have seen in one state of the union a member of this combination removed from the important office of judge, on the ground of being a Spanish pensioner. A charge of the same kind is now made on oath by a member of this house, against an officer of the United States. It is time that all the information possessed by the government of the United States on the subject of this combination, should be brought fairly before the publick. With a view to obtain this information, he offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to lay before the house of representatives all the information which may at any time from the establishment of the present federal government to the present time, have been forwarded to any department of the government, touching a combination between the agents of any foreign government and citizens of the United States, for dismembering the union, or going to shew that any officer of the United States has at any time corruptly received money from any foreign government, or its agents. Distinguishing as far as possible the period at which such information has been forwarded, and by whom.
Mr. Randolph seconded this motion. After a few objections to this resolution from Mr. Quincy, on account of its being too comprehensive, not giving the President power to withhold confidential correspondence, the question was on motion of Mr. Rhea (T.) taken by yeas and nays, and carried unanimously, every member present, to the number of one hundred and twenty, voting, in the affirmative.
Mr. Rowan said that although a decision on his resolution had been eluded, out of respect for the opinions of gentlemen who objected to particular parts of it, he had modified it, and offered it as follows:
Resolved, That a special committee be appointed to enquire into the conduct of brigadier gen. Wilkinson, in relation to his having at any time whilst in the service of the U. States, either as a civil or military officer, been a pensioner of the government of Spain, or corruptly received money from that government, or its agents; and that the said committee have power to send for such persons and papers as may be necessary to assist their enquiries; and that they report the result to this house, to enable this house the better to legislate on subjects of the common weal, and our foreign relations, and particularly our relations with Spain, as well as on the subject of the increase of the army of the United States and its regulations.
A motion to consider this resolution was negatived—60 to 46.
Mr. Holland moved that a committee be appointed to wait upon the President with the resolutions this day adopted.
Mr. Love moved that the evidence or information laid before the house relative to the conduct of General Wilkinson be transmitted to the Executive.
Mr. Randolph moved an adjournment—Negatived—Ayes 47—noes 57.
The house agreeing to consider Mr. Love's motion—ayes 67.
On motion of Mr. Rowan, seconded by Mr. Randolph, the words "copies of" papers, &c. were inserted—and
The resolution for transmitting copies of the papers was agreed to without a division.
The motion for appointing a committee to wait on the President with these resolutions and copies, was agreed to without a division. Messrs. Randolph and Eppes form the committee.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Wednesday, January 13.
This being the day appointed for the hearing of John Smith, a senator from the state of Ohio, the vice-president informed Mr. Smith that the senate was ready to hear any thing he might have to offer, to shew why the report of the committee should not be adopted. [It will be recollected that the report is for expelling Mr. Smith from the senate, for an alleged participation in the conspiracy of Aaron Burr.]
Mr. Smith said he was prepared to proceed in the enquiry; and named as his counsel Luther Martin, and Francis S. Key, Esquires.
Mr. Bradley, said Mr. Smith was entitled to the benefit of counsel; but that it ought to be such as would be agreeable to the senate. For the purpose of ascertaining whether the counsel that gentleman had named would be admitted by the senate he would make a motion, which he hoped would be decided without argument, that Mr. Key be admitted as one of the counsel of Mr. Smith. This motion prevailed nem. con.
He then made a similar motion with respect to Mr. Martin, which was negatived, 17 to 14.
Mr. Bayard said the event which had just occurred had excited his surprise, and had no doubt both surprised and disappointed the accused. He could not have been aware that any objections existed to Mr. Martin's being one of the counsel; and could not therefore, have expected such a decision. It was probable in the arrangements between the counsel, an important part of the defence was assigned to Mr. Martin; and he hoped the senate would not immediately proceed, as Mr. S. was unexpectedly cut off from the assistance of part of his counsel. He wished Mr. Smith to be interrogated as to his

readiness, under present circumstances, to proceed to the examination.
The vice-president asked Mr. Smith whether he was then ready to proceed.
Mr. Smith said it could not be expected, after the vote which the senate had just passed, that he could now be prepared to enter on his defence; nor could he then name an earlier day for that purpose than the first of next month. He had applied to Mr. Harper to become one of his counsel, and had received his answer last night, informing him that his engagements at Annapolis would not suffer him to attend there before that time. Mr. Martin, hearing that Mr. Harper could not attend, had generously volunteered his services. But being now deprived of his assistance, he knew not who to associate with Mr. Key. If he knew those characters who would be deemed exceptional by the senate, he certainly would not engage them.
Mr. Gregg thought, to prevent another disappointment, the question ought then to be taken on admitting Mr. Harper as counsel.
After a few observations from Messrs. Giles and Adams on the propriety of the measure, Mr. Smith said he had an application to make, which would supercede the necessity of a decision at that time. He begged to make the application through his counsel, Mr. Key.
Mr. Key rose, and in a very eloquent and argumentative speech, supported the following application. "John Smith having filed his affidavit, applies to the senate for reasonable time to procure the attendance of witnesses in his favour, and proper means to compel that attendance." This application was grounded on the following affidavit.
John Smith of Ohio, makes oath on the holy evangelists of Almighty God, that he can prove by legal and competent testimony, the truth of the following facts, and that he can produce such proof before the honourable senate of the United States, if allowed a reasonable time, and the usual means for that purpose.
He can prove that the testimony delivered against him before the grand jury at Richmond, is utterly destitute of credit—of one of those witnesses, Elias Glover, he can prove, that the general character is such as to render him unworthy of belief, that he has been guilty of acts of the greatest baseness, has been published as a liar, and is generally considered in the county where he resides and is known, as a person destitute of truth; this he can prove by the testimony of the most respectable persons in Cincinnati, by Dr. Still, John Sellman, Stephen Macfarland, judge Dunlavey, and many others.
Of the other witnesses, Peter Taylor, the obscenity of his situation, as a servant of Blannerhasset, his being a foreigner and scarcely known in the country, may have prevented a sufficient development of character, to ascertain (from that source) whether he is worthy of belief, or not—but of his statement, as also of Glover's, he can prove the falsehood, by contradicting by the most respectable witnesses, what he has alleged. And he fully expects to prove that neither of these witnesses can be believed, in several material parts of their testimony, and that therefore they are unworthy of credit. These contradictions relative to these witnesses, he can prove by capt. Gordon, Fielding Lowry, William M'Farland, col. Chambers, gen. Gano, Mr. Longworth, and several others.
He also expects to prove that the conversation related by col. Taylor, was not correctly understood or accurately remembered by him. He believes that gen. Findlay, (who is stated by col. Taylor to have been present) will remember that they were the sentiments and arguments of a writer in a publick paper, which he was detailing, and that he expressed no wishes or ideas of his own on the subject. And that he will be enabled by this witness to disprove the fact of his entertaining erroneous opinions, if the senate shall think such a charge requires to be disproved.
He further expects to prove that the orders drawn on him by Aaron Burr, were not drawn in consequence of any participation in any of his projects; he can produce the strongest circumstantial evidence to account for and explain in the most satisfactory manner this transaction, he can show that neither in this nor in any other communication with Aaron Burr, did he act secretly, or attempt any concealment—that he often mentioned the circumstance of Burr's having left this money with him—of his having written to him, and shewed a copy of his letter, (which he took for the purpose) and the answer thereto, and conversed freely and openly upon these subjects shortly after they occurred and long before they became circumstances of suspicion against him. This he can prove by major Biggs, gen. Carbery, Jacob Burnet, gen. Findlay, and several other characters of unquestioned respectability. He can also prove that his seeing col. Burr at Frankfort was merely accidental; that he was carried there by business, and had during the short period of his stay there, no opportunity of confidential intercourse, had any cause or inclination for it existed. He can prove this by Mr. Hart, the president of the bank at Lexington, Alexander Parker, John Jordon, Dr. Chambers, James Chambers, and others.
He can also prove the existence of the engagements which compelled him to leave home on the last of May, and occasioned his absence at the time the bills of indictment were found against him.—That he had business requiring his presence in New Orleans; that he went thence to an estate which he holds in West Florida, and where he was then actually completing a settlement and laying out a town; and while in West Florida, received the newspapers announcing the finding of the bills of indictment against him. That he immediately prepared to surrender himself for trial, and that he did so, taking only those measures to prevent Gov. Claiborne's executing his threat of sending him in irons to Richmond, which a desire of avoiding unmerited pain and mortification required and justified. These facts he can prove by A. D. Abrahams, Harris Hoo, John Murdoch, Izra C. Kueland, David Bradford, Gov. Williams, Benjamin Simmons, and many others.
He confidently expects that he can thus disprove and expose the testimony exhibited against him, and that he can thus explain satisfactorily these and all other circumstances which may have excited suspicions against him.
He also hopes and believes that he will be enabled to show the origin and progress of a scheme, from which all the accusations against him have proceeded. He expects to disclose a confederacy between the witness, Elias Glover, with his other enemies, particularly with Matthew Nimmo, a man
(if possible) more infamous than himself, and the base means which their malevolence suggested to injure him; that the identical deposition of Glover now produced against him, was the effect of this combination; that it was procured at the instigation of Nimmo, and forwarded by him in a letter of accusation against him to the president of the United States, some time in February last, and that this Glover in consequence of this his voluntary deposition, was, as he no doubt expected to be, subpoenaed to attend at Richmond, and indulged with an opportunity of gratifying his malice, and completing the purpose for which his calumny was intended.
He further states, that it has been wholly and evidently out of his power to procure the testimony herein stated, so as to procure it at this moment. That he did not know till very recently what would be exhibited against him, and of course could not know what would be material and necessary for him to prove. That he expects and believes that he can establish the truth of every thing herein stated if indulged with a reasonable time and the means of enforcing the attendance of his witnesses.
On this 13th day of January, 1808, the within named John Smith, made oath, that the facts herein stated are true as stated, to the best of his knowledge and belief.
Sworn to before me, ALLEN B. DUCKETT. A desultory debate ensued on this application, which continued till after three o'clock, when its further consideration was postponed till to-morrow.
WASHINGTON CITY, January 13. Court of Enquiry in the case of Gen. Wilkinson. On Monday, about one o'clock, the court of enquiry in the case of gen. Wilkinson, was opened at Morin's tavern.
Present col. Burbeck, president, and colonels Cushing and Williams. The members of the court were first sworn by Mr. Jones, the judge advocate, who was then sworn by the president.
The judge advocate read an order from the secretary of war, dated January 7, ordering in compliance with the request of general Wilkinson a court of enquiry, consisting of the above gentlemen, and naming Walter Jones, judge advocate, on the charge of general Wilkinson having been, or now being a pensioner under the government of Spain while holding a commission under the United States, with instructions to report to the department of war a correct statement of their proceedings, together with the opinion thereon.
After a short pause the president enquired of the judge advocate, whether he had any papers or evidence to submit to the court. He replied that he had not; that he had supposed general Wilkinson would have intimated the witnesses he wished summoned.
A conversation then ensued among the members of the court on their course of procedure. It was observed that if the papers before the house of representatives were to be viewed as the ground of enquiry, from the proceedings of that body it was uncertain whether they would be transmitted to the executive (from whom it was most probable the court would receive them) and at what time, as the subject was understood to be still pending before them; that at any rate it was not likely they would be received until Wednesday. One of the members added that general Wilkinson had intimated to him that although ready to attend the court at any time, as he supposed nothing material would be done before that day, he should not sooner attend, unless otherwise desired.
It was thereupon ordered that the court stand adjourned till Wednesday at 10 o'clock A. M.; that the judge advocate inform the secretary at war, that the court were met and had nothing before them; and that he likewise inform general Wilkinson that they were assembled and were ready to receive any thing he might have to offer.
We are informed that Aaron Burr on the 31st ult. lodged at Williamsport, Maryland, on his way to Chillicothe.—Nat. Int.
STATEMENT OF DANIEL CLARK, RELATIVE TO GENERAL WILKINSON. Read on the 11th January in the house of representatives of the United States; and on the 13th ordered to be printed, and a copy to be transmitted to the president of the United States.
MR. CLARK'S STATEMENT. In obedience to the direction of the house of representatives, expressed in their resolution of Friday last, I submit the following statement:
I arrived from Europe at New-Orleans in December, 1786, having been invited to the country by an uncle of considerable wealth and influence, who had long been resident in that city. Shortly after my arrival, I was employed in the office of the secretary of the government. This office was the depository of all state papers. In 1787, gen. Wilkinson made his first visit to New-Orleans, and was introduced by my uncle to the governor and other officers of the Spanish government.
In the succeeding year, 1788, much sensation was excited by the report of his having entered into some arrangements with the government of Louisiana, to separate the western country from the United States, and this report acquired great credit upon his second visit to New-Orleans in 1789.—About this time I saw a letter from the general to a person in New-Orleans, giving an account of colonel Connolly's mission to him from the British government in Canada, and of proposals made to him on the part of that government, and mentioning his determination of adhering to his connection with the Spaniards.
My intimacy with the officers of the Spanish government, and my access to official information disclosed to me shortly afterwards some of the plans the general had proposed to the government for effecting the contemplated separation. The general object was, the severance of the western country from the United States, and the establishment of a separate government in the alliance and under the protection of Spain. In effecting this, Spain was to furnish money and arms, and the minds of the western people were to be seduced and brought over to the project, by liberal advantages resulting from it, to be held out by Spain. The trade of the Mississippi was to be rendered free: the port of New-Orleans to be opened to them; and a free commerce allowed in the productions of the new government with Spain and her West-India islands.
I remember about the same time to have seen a
list of names of citizens of the western country, which was in the hand writing of the general, who were recommended for pensions, and the sums were stated proper to be paid to each, and I then distinctly understood that he and others were actually pensioners of the Spanish government.
I had no personal knowledge of money being paid to general Wilkinson, or to any agent for him, on account of his pension, previously to the year 1793 or 1794. In one of these years, and in which I cannot be certain until I consult my books, a Mr. La Cassagne, who I understood was post-master at the falls of Ohio, came to New-Orleans, and as one of the association with general Wilkinson in the project of dismemberment, received a sum of money, four thousand dollars of which, or thereabouts, were embarked by a special permission, free of duty, on board a vessel which had been consigned to me, and which sailed for Philadelphia, in which vessel Mr. La Cassagne went passenger. At and prior to this period I had various opportunities of seeing the projects submitted to the Spanish government, and of learning many of the details from the agents employed to carry them into execution.
In 1793, two gentlemen of the names of Owens and Collins, friends and agents of gen. Wilkinson, came to New-Orleans. To the first was entrusted, as I was particularly informed by the officer of the Spanish government, the sum of six thousand dollars, to be delivered to general Wilkinson on account of his own pension and that of others. On his way, in returning to Kentucky, Owens was murdered by his boat's crew, and the money, it was understood, was made away with by them: this occurrence occasioned a considerable noise in Kentucky, and contributed with Mr. Power's visits at a subsequent period, to awaken the suspicion of gen. Wayne, who took measures to intercept the correspondence of gen. Wilkinson with the Spanish government, which were not attended with success.
Collins, the co-agent with Owens, first attempted to fit out a small vessel in the port of New-Orleans, in order to proceed to some port in the Atlantic states; but she was destroyed by the hurricane of the month of August of 1794. He then fitted out a small vessel in the Bayou St. John, and shipped in her at least 11,000 dollars, which he took round to Charleston.
This shipment was made under such peculiar circumstances, that it became known to many, and the destination of it was afterwards fully disclosed to me by the officers of the Spanish government, by Collins, and by gen. Wilkinson himself, who complained that Collins, instead of sending him the money on his arrival, had employed it in some wild speculations to the West Indies, by which he had lost a considerable sum; and that in consequence of the management of his agents, he had derived but little advantage from the money paid on his account by the Spanish government.
Mr. Power was a Spanish subject, resident in Louisiana, and the object of his visits to the western country became known to me in 1796, when he embarked on board the brig Gayoso, at New Orleans, for Philadelphia, in company with judge Sebastian, in which vessel, as she had been consigned to myself, I saw embarked under a special permission 4,000 dollars or thereabouts, which, as I was informed, were for Sebastian's own account, as one of those concerned in the scheme of dismemberment of the western country.
Mr. Power, as he afterwards informed me, on his tour through the western country, saw gen. Wilkinson at Greenville, and was the bearer of a letter to him for the secretary of the government of Louisiana, dated the 7th or 8th March, 1796, advising that a sum of money had been sent to Don Thomas Portell, commandant of New Madrid, to be delivered to his order. This money Mr. Power delivered to Mr. Nolan, by Wilkinson's directions.—What concerned Mr. Nolan's agency in this business I learned from himself, when he afterwards visited New Orleans.
In 1797, Power was entrusted with another mission to Kentucky, and had directions to propose certain plans to effect the separation of the western country from the United States. These plans were proposed and rejected, as he often solemnly assured me, through the means of a Mr. George Nicholas, to whom among others they were communicated, who spurned the idea of receiving foreign money. Power then proceeded to Detroit to see gen. Wilkinson, and was sent back by him under guard to New Madrid from whence he returned to New Orleans. Power's secret instructions were known to me afterwards, and I am enabled to state that the plan then contemplated entirely failed.
At the periods spoken of, and for some time afterwards I was resident in the Spanish territory, subject to the Spanish laws, and without an expectation of becoming a citizen of the United States. My obligations were then to conceal and not to communicate to the government of the United States, the projects and enterprises which I have mentioned of gen. Wilkinson and the Spanish government.
In the month of October of 1798, I visited gen. Wilkinson by his particular request at his camp at Loius's heights, where he had shortly before arrived. The General had heard of remarks made by me on the subject of his pension, which had rendered him uneasy, and he was desirous of making some arrangements with me on the subject. I passed three days and nights in the General's tent.—The chief subjects of our conversation were the views and enterprises of the Spanish government in relation to the United States, and speculations as to the result of political affairs.—In the course of our conversations he stated that there was still a balance of ten thousand dollars due him by the Spanish government, for which he would gladly take in exchange governor Gayoso's plantation near the Natchez, who might reimburse himself from the treasury at New Orleans. I asked the general whether this sum was due on the old business of the pension—he replied that it was, and intimated a wish that I should propose to governor Gayoso a transfer of his plantation for the money due him from the Spanish treasury. The whole affair had always been odious to me, and I declined any agency in it. I acknowledged to him that I had often spoken freely and publickly of his Spanish pension, but told him I had communicated nothing to his government on the subject. I advised him to drop his Spanish connexion. He justified it heretofore from the peculiar situation of Kentucky, the disadvantages that country laboured under at the period when he formed his connexion with the Spaniards, the doubtful and distracted state of the union at that time, which he represented as bound
together by nothing better than a rope of sand, and he assured me solemnly that he had terminated his connexions with the Spanish government, and that they never should be renewed. I gave the general to understand that as the affair stood I should not in future say any thing about it. From that period until the present I have heard one report only of the former connexion being renewed, and that was in 1804, shortly after the general's departure from New Orleans. I had been absent for two or three months and returned to the city not long after gen. W. sailed from it. I was informed by the late mayor, that reports had reached the ears of the governor of a sum of 10,000 dols. having been received by the general, of the Spanish government while he was one of the commissioners for taking possession of Louisiana. He wished me to enquire into the truth of them, which I agreed to do, on condition that I might be permitted to communicate the suspicion to the general, if the fact alledged against him could be better verified. This was consented to. I made the enquiry and satisfied myself by an inspection of the treasury book for 1804, that the ten thousand dollars had not been paid. I then communicated the circumstance to a friend of the general, Mr. Evan Jones, with a request that he would inform him of it. The report was received at the last session of congress by a letter from col. Ferdinand Claiborne at Natchez to the delegate of the Mississippi Territory. A member of the house informed me that the money in question was acknowledged by gen. Smith to have been received at the time mentioned, but that it was in payment for tobacco, I knew that no tobacco had been delivered, and waited on gen. Smith for information as to the receipt of the money, who disavowed all knowledge of it, and I took the opportunity of assuring him, and as many others as mentioned the subject, that I believed it to be false, and gave them my reasons for the opinion.
This summary necessarily omits many details tending to corroborate and illustrate the facts and opinions I have stated.—No allusion has been had to the publick explanations of the transaction referred to, made by general Wilkinson and his friends.—So far as they are resolved into commercial enterprises and speculations, I had the best opportunity of being acquainted with them, as I was during the time referred to, the agent of the house who were consignees of the general at New-Orleans, and who had an interest in his shipments, and whose books are in my possession.
Washington City, Jan. 11, 1808. DANIEL CLARK. District of Columbia, to wit: January 11th, 1808.
Personally appeared before me, William Cranch, chief judge of the circuit court of the district of Columbia, Daniel Clark, Esq. who being duly sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, doth depose and say, that the foregoing statement made by him under the order of the house of representatives, so far as regards matters of his own knowledge is true, and so far as regards the matters whereof he was informed by others, he believes to be true.
Sworn before me, W. CRANCH.
FRIDAY EVENING, JAN. 22, 1808.
THE CARRIER of this paper, being unavoidably called from town for a few days, we fear it will not be in our power to supply our subscribers with the usual regularity. We beg that those who do not receive them will send to the office, for the two next publications.
The manner in which Mr. Rose has been received at Washington, but little accords with the predictions of a few days since, that he would not be received. People are very apt to predict what they wish.
Letters from Washington state, that it is understood at that city, that the embargo is a most popular measure with the citizens of this place, if it be so, we can only say it is news to us, and is truly what our Boston friends facetiously call "Norfolk news."
But seriously, can it be possible that any man is so ignorant as not to understand the sentiment of the people of Norfolk, or so wicked as to misrepresent it? We have no occasion to collect the sense of our fellow citizens by votes, that is fully marked in the dejection of their countenances.
Yesterday arrived in Hampton Roads H. B. M's schooner Bream, Lieut. Myall, 13 days from Bermuda, with dispatches for the British Ministers and Consuls in the United States.
We have at length the pleasure of announcing the arrival of Mr. Rose in this city. After the cloud of ephemeral untruths which has so long obscured the publick vision with regard to the sources of embarrassments as well as actual situation of this gentleman, his certain arrival at the seat of government may be properly considered as cause of felicitation. We understand that the instructions sent by our government to the collector at Norfolk, were considered by Mr. Rose as perfectly satisfactory, and that on the 9th instant, he took passage in a packet for this place.
On Wednesday, in consequence of the accidental detention of this vessel below Mount Vernon, a barge was dispatched for him from the Navy Yard, (in virtue, we presume, of directions from the Navy department) in which he reached the Navy Yard on the ensuing night. We venture, confidently, to say that every facility, towards his prompt reception, in the power of the executive, has been rendered. Nat. Int.
Mr. Adams offered the following resolution in the Senate of the United States on Monday the 11th instant.
"Resolved, That a committee be appointed, with leave to report by bill or otherwise, and instructed to inquire at what period the present embargo can consistently with the publick interest, be removed, and whether, in what manner, and to what extent, upon its removal, the merchant vessels of the United States shall be permitted, in defence of their lawful commerce, to arm against and to resist foreign aggression."

By His Excellency ROBERT WRIGHT, Esq. Governor of Maryland. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS some nefarious villain did on the eighteenth day of October, instant, attempt to assassinate JAMES B. ROBINS...
Five Hundred Dollars Reward. BROKE Jail in August, 1806, in Snow Hill, Worcester County, JOHN WORRILLOW, who was committed on a charge for burglary...
Two Tenements on Talbot Street, one of them possessing every convenience necessary for a genteel family—And three TENEMENTS on Woodside's Lane.
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker.
REMOVAL. The Subscriber has removed to the large Fire-Proof Ware-House at the head of Maxwell's wharf, in Wide Water-Street, where he offers for SALE, 7 pipes Country GIN.
Who transacts business on Commission, as usual. Just received and for SALE by the Subscriber, 10 hhds. excellent retailing Molasses.
The Subscriber has removed to the Brick Warehouse on Merchant's Wharf, and have on hand for Sale, 100,000 W. O. hhd. drawn STAVES.
A commodious WAREHOUSE. Probey, Harman & Co. 75 tierces prime green Jam. Coffee, And a few puncheons 5 and 6 years old Antigua Rum.
St. Mary's College Lottery of Baltimore, Will commence drawing on the 31st instant, when the price of Tickets will be advanced. Rowland & Triplett.
St. Mary's College. GRAND LOTTERY, BALTIMORE. Authorised by the General Assembly of the State of Maryland, the Scheme of which Lottery is the most brilliant ever offered to the citizens of the United States.
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hhds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles.
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson.
For SALE, by the Subscriber, 34 hogheads WHISKEY, 50 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do. 65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass.
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 cases Roll Brimstone.
A. M'KINLEY, Silk, Cotton, and Woollen Dyer, No 13, Bank-Street, Respectfully informs the publick that he Cleans and Dyes all kinds of Silk and Satins.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Campbell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water-street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his assortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery.
For SALE, 14 hogheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy.
For RENT, And possession given the 1st of Jan. next, that commodious three story brick DWELLING-HOUSE in Church-street, at present occupied by Mr. Barth. Redman.
For SALE, 5 cases only of superior PIGEON-EYE CHAMPAGN. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Dec. 16.
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine.
Baltimore Baker's FLOUR, of superior quality, for family use, for sale by T. & W. A. Armistead, Nov. 18.
The Subscriber offers for Sale at his Store in Market-Square, 20 hogheads W. I. RUM, 10 pipes Cognac Brandy; 5 do. Country Gin, Sugar—Brown and Loaf, by the barrel or hoghead.
For RENT, That commodious Dwelling-House on Catharine-Street, now in the occupancy of John D. Haldane—possession to be had the 1st day of January next ensuing.
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune, captain Norton, from Teneriffe, 100 pipes and 90 hhds. L. P. Tene-riife WINE.
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock.
Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16. Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance.
WANTED for the Ship Sheffield, A CARPENTER; also, two young LADS, from 14 to 15 years of age, as apprentices, not to go in the cabin or to cook. Apply to Josiah Cowper.
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hoghead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. Joseph Hayes.
For RENT, The DWELLING-HOUSE on Granby-street, belonging to captain Vickery, next door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of January next. Alexander Wilson.
Those who have claims against the estate of CHARLES WILLETT, deceased, are requested to bring their accounts properly authenticated; and those who are indebted are particularly requested to make payment as no indulgence can be given.
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and situated on a never failing stream.
Received per schooner Traveller, from Boston, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods.
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 bags Coffee, 5 tierces do. prime green, 4 hogheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar.
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly situated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs.
HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman. For RENT, (And immediate possession given,) The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store.
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office. ALSO, NOTES for the Virginia Bank.
Phoenix Fire-Office. The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America.