Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-03-04 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  QUI NTICTIAM SUA FRAMIA LADIT
[VOL. IV.
FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 4, 1808.
NO. 99.]
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS SIX DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYA- BLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION.
THEATRE.
On Tuesday Evening, the 8th instant, will be performed by the THESPIAN SOCIETY, the ce- lebrated Tragedy of GEORGE BARNWELL. To which will be added the admired Farce of Fortune's Frolicks. Admittance One Dollar—Tickets to be had at Mr. Klein's Store; Ledger Office; and at the Theatre. Doors to be opened at half past 5, and the performance to commence at half past 6 o'Clock precisely. March 2
FOR BOSTON. The Schooner SATURN , Capt. Collin, can take a few hundred barrels on freight if application be soon made to the master at Marsden's wharf, or
C. FRY. Who offers for Sale at reduced prices, A quantity of Cheese; N. E. Rum, in hogsheads and barrels; Country Gin; Hollands do.; and a few bun- dles good Hay. March 2.
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally , by A. Maclure. March 2.
The Subscriber offers for Sale, 78 puncheons well flavoured RUM, A few pipes Old Bordeaux Brandy, and 22 hogsheads choice retailing Molasses. Phinehas Dana. March 2.
THE COTTAGE, A small Farm handsomely improved in the neigh- bourhood of Portsmouth, commanding a beautiful view of Norfolk harbour is offered for Rent—and the HOUSE lately occupied by Doctor Leigh, pleasantly situated near the Ferry Wharf, in Portsmouth. Apply to Mr. William Pritchard, or JAMES YOUNG. March 2.
AT PRIVATE SALE, BY S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2.
NOTICE.
All those who are indebted to the estate of WILLIAM THOMPSON, deceased, of Little Eng- land, are required to make immediate payment, and those who may have claims against said estate are desired to render them, legally attested to William H. Thompson. Feb. 29.
NOTICE.
All persons having claims against the Estate of DANIEL COOK, deceased, of Nansamond Coun- ty, are requested to bring them in on or before the first day of May next; those indebted to the estate, are requested to make immediate payment, wishing to settle the estate as soon as possible. Mary Cook, Adm'rs. N. B. Whereas Bartholomew Redman, of Norfolk Bor- rough, having a bond in his possession, which was given by Daniel Cook and Edward Fith, jointly, for the sum of 3000 dollars or thereabouts; Edward Fith being exonerated, and the said Redman refusing to give me up the bond, although there is not one shilling due on account of it, I caution all persons from receiving the said bond in any way whatever, as this notice will be plead in bar against it. Western Branch, Nansamond County. February 17, 1808.
The sum mentioned in the above should be as follows:—two Bonds dated 11th day of July, 1804, the one payable the 11th day of January, and the other on the 11th day of July, 1805—each in the penal sum of two thou- sand dollars, conditioned for the payment of one thousand dollars each, both given jointly as above specified; which bonds or either of them, I again caution all persons from re- ceiving in any way whatever, as this notice will be plead in bar against the payment thereof. Mary Cook. March 2.
Council Chamber, February 25, 1808.
THE EXECUTIVE will receive on the 25th of March next, Proposals for constructing sufficient and proper Carriages for mounting all the pieces of Artillery belonging to this Commonwealth, at which time drafts of the most ap- proved models, in conformity to which, the said carriages are to be constructed, will be submitted to the inspection of all persons disposed to contract for the same. The Executive will probably furnish all the necessary timber, and will have the iron work done at the Penitentiary—Subjoined is a list of the pieces intended to be mounted.
Daniel L. Hylton, Clerk of the Council.
  6 Brass Cannon 32 pounders,   9 Iron do. 24 do.   1 do. do. 18 do.   1 do. do. 12 do.   1 do. do. 6 do.   4 do. do. 4 do.   2 do. do. 3 do.   10 or 15 others of different sizes. 
Five Dollars Reward.
STOLEN from the Subscriber's manufactory in Bank-Street, A STAND OF MOULDS with the Candles in it. Whoever returns the same will receive the above re- ward, and an addition if the thief is detected. Henry M c Dowell.
A Silver Table Spoon was taken from a negro girl a few days since. The owner may have the same on proving the property, by application as above. Feb. 29.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. February 18.
Debate on a call for information relative to the state of our foreign relations.
The committee of the whole having just reported the bill to raise an additional ar- my.
Mr. Van Dyke submitted the following re- solution, which the house agreed to consider, Ayes 55.
Resolved, That the President of the U- nited States be requested to communicate to this house such information touching our for- eign relations as he may deem consistent with the publick interest, the better to enable this house to judge how far the military establishment of the U. States ought to be in- creased.
Mr. Van Dyke said it would be recollected that the President, in his message to congress had given reason to believe that he would in the course of the session lay before them in- formation relating to this very subject. A ne- gotiation was now going on; in what situ- ation it was impossible to say. We know no- thing of it as legislators, said he, for certainly we as legislators cannot act on the rumours which are afloat. There ought to be a communica- tion between the chief magistrate and the re- presentatives of the union when employed in publick business. The chief magistrate can- not find himself embarrassed by this resoluti- on; it is couched in terms which leave him at liberty to communicate that information, or withhold it; it is not my wish to extract from the cabinet a single syllable which would affect the negotiations, but when bills of this kind are brought before us, it must be desirable to every man anxious to discharge his duty to know what can be known on this important subject. I therefore hope the house who are now ac- ting blindfold as to the subject of foreign rela- tions, will request the executive to give us such information as can be communicated, to ena- ble us to judge of the expediency of increas- ing our military establishment.
Mr. Dawson hoped the resolution would not be agreed to. Under the constitution which it is the duty of the president to obey, he is directed to give to this house whenever he shall think proper, information relative to the matters within our cognizance. Had the gentleman from Delaware read the last mes- sage from the president on the subject of for- eign affairs, he would have there found "No- thing shall be wanting on my part which may give information or dispatch to the proceed- ings of the legislature in the exercise of their high duties at a moment so interesting to the public welfare." This assurance was made when we first convened and in this I place en- tire confidence. Whenever the public good requires, a disclosure will be made: I have no doubt at all times and in every point which it is his duty to inform the house that he will make communication. In my judgment it would at this time be improper to make the communication which the gentleman calls for. If there be any subject which requires execu- tive secrecy, it is the negotiation now pend- ing. Does the gentleman desire that the pre- sident should say I wish to raise 50 or 100,000 men? Would not this shew the state of the negotiation, and would it not have an ill ef- fect? At any time when any thing shall occur which shall require a decisive act, no doubt communication will be made.
Mr. Elliot said he differed radically with the gentleman from Virginia. He thought this the most proper time that could have been selected for calling upon the president of the United States for information respecting our foreign relations. Was there ever a time, said Mr. E. when a crisis of such moment amid circumstances so inauspicious and ominous as those which now encircle us, could render in- formation more desirable? Can there ever be such a time, when this house shall have less information than at this time on the subject of our relations with foreign powers? Are we never to be permitted to pierce this impene- trable veil which has so long covered our po- litical prospect with thick and dark clouds? Shall not a solitary ray of light wander through the gloom? I hope we are not much longer to remain in darkness. I hope the representa- tives of the American people, and the people themselves are, at no very distant day, to know how our foreign relations not only now stand, but how they have been conducted for several years past. Over our relations with Spain and France, notwithstanding their extremely delicate character, a cloud as dark as ever co- vered the political atmosphere of any republic has long been suspended. All we know is, that dreadful is the prospect, and that "sha- dows, clouds and darkness rest upon it."
But the reason why it is said this is so in- auspicious a time is, because a negotiation is going on at the seat of government with one of the three great powers of Europe with whom our relations are so interesting, we are not to
call for information on the subject of our for- eign relations generally. If I understand the resolution now under consideration it is a call for a general view of our situation; it calls for such information respecting our foreign rela- tions as the president shall deem it consistent with the public interest to communicate. Is it possible that at any moment whatever a re- quest of that kind can be objected to? Can there be a time when it could be liable to the least objection? Every gentleman knows that we have not the power to coerce information; our power is limited to the request. As the president's message has been alluded to, I will observe that we are told in his message that important information will soon be communi- cated—and none of any consequence has yet been communicated. When I say that no in- formation of consequence has been communi- cated, I would be understood to say none of consequence, when compared with the im- mense mass which the executive must possess —compared with those volumes of documents which every man within these walls knows that the executive does possess, nothing has been stated to us. Do gentlemen who object to this resolution recollect that this house as a branch of the national legislature, is entrusted with the most important, most awful power that can be confided to any department of any government, the power to declare war.
At the commencement of this session mem- bers on this floor, highly respected for their political talents, venerable for their political experience, members, at least one of them, second to none in political service, told us that they considered that we were already actually in a state of war. I differed from them. I did not believe we were in a state of war— nor do I believe that we are now; but every one knows that there is a prospect, nay, a great probability of war, and congress alone can prepare for the event. The measure now under consideration (the bill for raising an ad- ditional army) and which appears to have led to this resolution calling for information, is certainly a measure of a warlike aspect. Do we want an additional army, if we have no prospect of war? We have distinct bills for an addition to the peace establishment and for a provisional army. It appears to me then that we ought to know, as far as we can with propriety, what is the prospect, in the most extensive view of it.
In the message of the president of the U- nited States at the commencement of the pre- sent session, of our differences with Spain he says they "remain still unsettled; no mea- sure having been taken on her part, since my last communication, to bring them to a close. But under a state of things which favour a re- consideration, they have been recently pres- sed, and an expectation is entertained that they may soon be brought to an issue of some sort."
We have no information on this subject; but if we may judge from what has heretofore taken place, we must expect war with Spain. She has once invaded our territory; in con- sequence of an agreement with our commander in chief the invaders retired; and we are now told no measures have since that time been taken to bring our differences with her to a close. Spain felt herself authorised to take possession of a portion of our territory, and since that time no concession has been made which can give us the least assurance that she may not soon reassert it.
As it respects the same power we are told, "To our former grounds of complaint has been added a very serious one, as you will see by the decree, a copy of which is now com- municated. Whether this decree which pro- fesses to be conformable to that of the French government of November 21, 1806, hereto- fore communicated to congress, will also be conformed to that in its construction and ap- plication in relation to the United States, had not been ascertained at the date of our last communications. These however gave rea- son to expect such a conformity." It was in- timated that there was reason to expect that that decree would be conformed to the French and Spanish governments. We now know what is the real construction of the French de- cree, and we know it to be tantamount to a declaration of war, but we chuse not to con- sider it in that point of light.
France has declared war against America, and America does not chuse to declare that a state of war exists between the two powers. The treaty between this country and France stipulates that we shall enjoy free commerce; the decree says we shall have no commerce. France therefore has broken the treaty, and we may with propriety consider our- selves at war with France if it should be thought prudent to do so. The same remark does not apply to the late decrees of Great Britain, because there exists no commercial treaty between the United States and Great Britain.
"Whether a regular army is to be raised and to what extent depends on the informati- on so shortly expected." Here is an explicit
declaration by the president that the raising of an army and the extent of it must depend on information to be received. We have re- ceived information that the decree of the French government is to be literally executed; but we have not supposed it necessary to raise an army in consequence of the determination of that government to execute it. Further information then is contemplated as a matter of contingency on which depends the conside- ration of the question whether we shall have a regular army or not. So extremely interest- ing is the state of our foreign relations in ge- neral; so perfectly convinced am I, and so must be all the members of this house, that the executive is in possession of information of the state of our foreign relations with France and Spain, and that a portion of it ought to be exhibited to that branch of the government which must prepare for and de- clare war, if we have war; and so far con- vinced am I of our incompetency to pass that judgment upon the state of foreign relations which our duty requires, and to pursue those measures necessary to be pursued, that I do most cordially approve of the motion made by the gentleman from Delaware. If no other objection from what has been offered can be pointed out, it ought to be adopted. The ex- isting negotiation cannot operate as an objec- tion; because the president is not bound to communicate any thing which he may think proper to conceal. If this does not constitute an objection, there can be none.
We are told because the president has said that nothing shall be wanting on his part that it is not proper to call for information. This is to me a very strange argument; and no- thing can be more hostile to the principles of a free government, than the deliberate assump- tion of such a position. Is our government indeed a government of confidence? It may not indeed be as it has been called, a go- vernment of suspicion, but it is certainly not a government of unlimited confidence. The constitution has said that the president shall from time to time communicate such informa- tion as he deems proper, and has thus made him the judge of what is proper for commu- nication; but practice has long established the principle that the house of representative have a right to request information whenever they chuse to ask it. If therefore there is nothing in the present state of things which forbid this resolution, I cannot see why it should be objected to. I disclaim the unbounded con- fidence professed by the gentleman from Vir- ginia; I disclaim it as a friend to the rights of the American people, and as one of those entrusted by them in a crisis of great danger to take care of their great political interests, the real state of which they are not themselves permitted to know. In disclaiming unbound- ed confidence, I make no personal discrimi- nation. Were Washington at the head of the government, I would disclaim it as I now do. The days of Washington, indeed, are past; but principles remain the same. Whoever is placed at the head of the government on him I shall not hesitate to call to communicate such information as he may think proper.— When I say however in disclaiming this un- bounded confidence I make no personal ap- plication, I wish it to be distinctly understood that I have no extraordinary degree of confi- dence in the present administration—extraor- dinary. I repeat; I have a confidence that it is pursuing what it deems the interest of the nation—but I am not so confident that its conduct is consonant to the dictates of a sound judgment. It is impossible, however, to form a correct opinion on the subject. All is conjec- ture. Information is wanted. It may appear that the administration is pursuing the most wise course; and if so, it is certainly desirable to remove all suspicion from the publick mind.
Mr. Van Horne was opposed to the resolu- tion at this time, and was also determined not to vote for the bill this day under considera- tion (additional army) till he had information. This was an improper time however to ask it. It must be known, said he, that we are wait- ing for information and that the state of events has prevented its being communicated. What are we now to do? We are told that the advo- cates of the resolution do not want improper information. The information called for is with a view directly expressed, to enable us to act on a war measure. What must the pre- sident say? If he recommends the raising of troops, or to the contrary, it shews his opin- ion with respect to the pending negotiation, and such an opinion the president may not wish to advance. It is the duty of the presi- dent to communicate information at such times as the publick good may require it. He knows that we want information. He has ex- pressly told us nothing shall be wanting on his part to give dispatch to our proceedings at a moment so interesting to the publick wel- fare. What more could he have said? Does any man doubt that he will give us informati- on when it is necessary to act. Then if it be necessary in his opinion that an army shall be raised, that will be a moment in which it will

be proper for him to communicate information. And till that time I shall not vote either for increasing the peace establishment or for raising an army. I will not act without information; and I would not be understood as willing to raise twelve or fifteen thousand men without being satisfied that they are necessary. And I hope the bill will not be called up till we have information on which we can be satisfied whether or not it is necessary to raise an army.
Mr. Bacon said that as the proposition now before the house did not seem to him to be one which necessarily involved in it any question of political or personal confidence in the chief magistrate of the nation, he could not think that it was requisite for him to seize upon the occasion for the purpose of declaring whether he entertained that confidence or not, especially when he considered, that however important it might be that the opinions of some other gentlemen in the house should in that respect be known, and they had on that account undoubtedly supposed that they were discharging a high and solemn duty in explicitly declaring them; yet, with regard to himself, it was a matter of too little consideration either with the house or the nation, to justify him in stepping aside from his duty, for the purpose of proclaiming his individual confidence, or expressing his distrust of the executive magistrate. Whatever his personal partialities or aversions in that respect might be, he could not perceive the necessity of calling them into action for the purpose of enabling him to decide the question now before the house; and in giving his vote in the negative, he felt that he should stand justified in it merely by that constitutional confidence which as a member of one branch of the government, he might be supposed to entertain towards another branch, and that was all which on this occasion he thought it necessary to express. It is provided, said he, in the 2d article and 3d section of the constitution "that the President shall from time to time give to the congress information of the state of the union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." In the performance of this duty he is undoubtedly entrusted with a discretionary power for the due and proper exercise of which he is fully responsible. If he is possessed of any information which might have an important bearing on our measures and deliberations, and which the publick interest does not for the present require him to keep secret, and he notwithstanding fails to communicate it, and the publick service thereby sustains injury, he is undoubtedly as much responsible for that neglect of duty, as he would be for recommending to our consideration measures which were improper and detrimental to the country, and if for want of that information which we ought to have had, we fail to adopt those measures which the publick safety requires, this house are in no wise responsible for it, it rests altogether with him. Mr. B. remarked that this general view of his constitutional powers and duties was particularly applicable to that sort of information which he might be supposed to possess in relation to our relations to foreign powers, and to any existing negotiations which might be pending between us and them; that as the executive alone could be supposed to know what the peculiar state of those relations were, so he alone could correctly judge how far, and when it was proper to give them publicity. The President, said Mr. B. having in substance told us at the commencement of the session, that our future measures must depend upon the events which might turn up thereafter, and which would in proper time be made known to us, we had a right to suppose that no further information on those subjects, which it was proper at this time to make known, was in his possession, beyond what had already been communicated in the course of the session. Whether what we were already possessed of was sufficient to justify any particular measure which might from any quarter be submitted to the house, every member would judge for himself, being responsible for his conduct and his vote no further than the information which was laid before him justified; it certainly is not our duty to remind the executive, that it is at all times, and more particularly in the present critical crisis of our affairs, incumbent on him to furnish us with every light that he possibly can, consistent with the publick convenience, and a regard to pending negotiations with foreign powers; and I repeat it, that for the proper, faithful, and fair discharge of this duty, the executive alone is responsible to the nation, and it is not for either of the other branches of the government to assume a responsibility which does not constitutionally belong to them. Mr. B. said he was not therefore for doing it, although he probably felt as much curiosity as other gentlemen to know exactly how we were situated in foreign relations, and although he professed to know as little about them as any other member on that floor.
As to the argument used by a gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Lyon) that it was politick and expedient to pass the resolution before us in order to prevent misrepresentations of our conduct and our views, and that it would therefore be as he expressed it "an economy of lies."—Mr. B. would only remark that the crops of that commodity which were every day springing up around them and in every quarter of the country were so vastly beyond what was necessary for their ordinary consumption, that it would be a desirable object to discourage them if they could do it effectually; but that they sprang from such a great variety of sources, and branched out into such innumerable ramifications, that the attempt was fruitless and in vain; and to cut off one root of the evil, even if it was in our power to do it, would be of very little consequence, while a thousand others remained and would be daily springing up, so long as a disposition for misrepresentation and calumny prevailed in the country. He therefore hoped that if that gentleman had no better reasons than that for voting in favour of the resolution before the house, that he would upon more serious consideration relinquish it.
Mr. Quincy said that the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Dawson) and his colleague (Mr. Bacon) called for confidence not only in what the president does, but in what he thinks. The latter gentleman observed Mr. Q. says that if we neglect the doing of an act because we were not informed of the necessity for it, the omission rests with the president of the United States. But we ourselves are now called upon to act. Great duties are required of us. What are they? To raise an army of 12 or 15,000 men. We ask for information, to know what number are necessary, and where our exposed points are. I have no objection to give all the force which may be requisite for the publick
good; but I wish to know what particular points require force, and whether this force is to the extent which it becomes our duty to give.
The house now adjourned—53 to 52. On the next day this business being called up the house refused to consider it, 70 to 27.
February 26.
[PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.]
A Message was received from the President of the United States as follows:
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
The dangers to our country, arising from the contests of other nations, and the urgency of making preparations for whatever events might affect our relations with them, have been intimated in preceding messages to congress. To secure ourselves by due precautions an augmentation of our military force, as well regular as of volunteer militia, seems to be expedient. The precise extent of that augmentation cannot as yet be satisfactorily suggested; but that no time may be lost, and especially at a season deemed favourable to the object, I submit to the wisdom of the legislature, whether they will authorise a commencement of this precautionary work, by a present provision, for raising and organizing some additional force; for reserving to themselves to decide its ultimate extent on such views of our situation as I may be enabled to present at a future day of the session.
If an increase of force be now approved, I submit to their consideration the outlines of a plan proposed in the inclosed letter from the secretary of war.*
I recommend to the attention of congress the term at which the act of April 18, 1806, concerning the militia will expire, and the effect of that expiration.
TH: JEFFERSON.
February 25, 1808.
* This letter recommends the immediate raising of 24,000 volunteer militia, to be held in requisition for five years, and six thousand regulars. The secretary also suggests the propriety of abolishing the office of commander in chief, and to have no higher officer in the regular army than brigadier general.
The message and documents were referred to committees already appointed by the house on such subjects.
The "bill for procuring an additional number of ARMS for the service of the United States," was read the third time and passed.
A message in writing was received from the President of the United States which the speaker declared to be of a confidential nature, and the galleries were cleared.
Boston, Feb. 22.
LATEST FROM PORTUGAL.
By the arrival at the Vineyard of the brig Perseverance, captain Atkins, we have received a file of London papers to the 19th December. Excepting sundry decrees of Junot, the general in chief of the French army stationed there, they contain no news of any interest whatever.
"Lisbon, Dec. 4." —A proclamation was this day made by the French general in chief, in which the object of his visit is promulgated. [Our previous accounts from Paris told us what that was.]
"Dec. 8." —The use of arms, excepting by the military, is this day prohibited, under severe penalties. It is also decreed this day, that English property of every kind, shall be confiscated; and that all merchants, Portuguese, French, &c. shall within three days make a declaration of such of those articles as they have in their possession, under the penalty of paying ten times the amount that may be found on them; and suffer besides corporal punishment.
"Dec. 11." —It is this day ordered, that French and Spanish money shall be currently received. It is also decreed, that no advance shall be made in the price of necessary articles of consumption—under very severe fines.
"Dec. 12." —Tavern keepers and sellers of wine and spirits, are ordered to close their doors at 7 o'clock upon all Portuguese or French soldiers.
"Dec. 15." —Notice is this day given, that French officers consider themselves as only in a state garrison; and that they can require of the inhabitants nothing further than lodgings, fire and light.
"Dec. 18." —The inhabitants are prohibited from meeting together, under penalty, if found with weapons, of suffering death."
NEW-YORK, Feb. 25.
It is expected, that the ship Osage, capt. Duplex, will sail this day for L'Orient where she will stay only time enough to land the dispatches, and then proceed to Falmouth, England.
We are informed by a letter from London, that our minister, Mr. Pinckney, has expressed great dissatisfaction at the late orders of council, and that he intends entering a formal remonstrance against them unless they are repealed.
FROM MADEIRA.
By the ship Triton, capt. Appleton, from Madeira, we have received a narrative of transactions at Madeira, from the landing of a British force at that place on the 24th of December to the 14th of January. The narrative states, that on the 18th of January, three line of battle ships, three frigates, and fourteen transports with troops, sailed from that place reported to be bound to the West Indies, but not generally credited. An embargo was laid on the 25th December, and taken off the 6th of January.
EMBARGO IN FRANCE.
Captain Matlack, of the ship Cincinnati, sailed from Amsterdam the 12th of January. He informs us, that an embargo was laid at Antwerp, and at all the ports of France. Mr. Bourne, the American consul, had sent a circular to the captains of American vessels at Amsterdam, informing them that he hourly expected an embargo would be laid at that place, and advised them to get off as fast as possible. Colonial and American produce was immensely high. Every thing was in great confusion. Capt. Matlack further informs, that fourteen sail of American vessels had been captured and sent into Dunkirk.
February 26.
Mr. William Pinckney, has been nominated to the Senate, minister plenipotentiary to the court of London. He was originally appointed a minister jointly with Mr. Monroe, and it appears that since Mr. Monroe left London, Mr. Pinckney has possessed no authority to act as a minister.
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 4, 1808.
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS.
No. I.
ADDRESSED TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
The present awful crisis, in the affairs of the world, cannot fail to engage the minds of those who feel a sincere concern for the liberty, peace and happiness of mankind, in deep reflections on the too probable result. The power of France and the ambition of her chief, have nearly annihilated the independence of the various nations on the Continent of Europe: the previously existing connexions between several of those nations, and their distant possessions in other quarters of the globe, have necessarily extended the effects of the subjugation of the parent countries to their respective colonies.—The resources therefore drawn from the latter, which had been accustomed to stop at and nourish those sources of power, on which they were respectively dependant, are now made to pass on in new channels to a new source, from whence all powers to be exercised in future, as well in the parent countries, as in their dependencies, it is to be feared, will be derived.
The abasement and degradation of mankind naturally follow the establishment of despotick power: they are not only extended with its extension, but, that extension naturally requiring a greater energy of despotism to support itself, they are infinitely increased in degree.
All the inventions, arts and improvements, which contributed to the happiness and ornament of human life, and which ennobled mankind in ancient days, arose during the existence of the independence of those nations and states, which surrounded the Mediterranean, and which might be said to have constituted the principal portion of the civilized world of that period. But when Rome, commencing with the overthrow of the independence of the neighbouring states of Italy, had extended her conquests over Carthage, the states of Greece, the lesser Asia, Syria, Egypt, the coasts of Africa, Spain, Gaul and Britain, and had in fact reduced the whole civilized world into one mighty empire, over which nothing but absolute power in its most despotick form could maintain her controul; we hear no more of those inventions, arts and improvements. Instead of that emulation and rivalry, which had previously existed between independent nations, and which with some evils, incident to the state of man, had contributed to give birth to the greatest exaltation of the human character; we find indeed a partial exemption from some of those incidental evils, by means of a pacification under the rod of despotism—a pacification however regularly generating a deterioration in mankind, until they were reduced to the utmost depths of worthlessness and misery! Nations, before independent, reduced into the form of Roman provinces: instead of their native governors and magistrates, governed by the proconsuls of Rome invested with all powers, both civil and military. The people deprived of arms, oppressed by taxes and military exactions, and not daring to complain or shew any symptoms of discontent, under penalty of being subjected to immediate military execution: in fine, without any security for life, liberty or property. Such was the state of mankind under the imperial power of Rome!—And from that state, what other result, in the nature of things, could have been expected?
The subversion of a power, producing such consequences tho' effected by ferocious savages, whose extravagances and cruelties the historians of that period labour in vain to find out adequate expressions to describe, may nevertheless be viewed as an event more favourable to human happiness in general, than the continuance of that power. The re-establishment of national independence, by the settlement of the various tribes in the different provinces of the Roman empire, which they had overcome, gave a chance for a renovation in human affairs: better hopes might be reasonably entertained of the springing of human excellence from wild stocks of savage virtue, than from those which had been corrupted by servitude under despotick power.
If means exist of arresting that fate, which attended mankind under the despotism of Rome, and which seems to impend in the present awful crisis of human affairs, over the nations of the earth; those means, humanly speaking and from existing appearances, are only to be found in the maritime power of Britain, and in the prudence and fortitude of the people of America. The gallant conduct of Sweden, surrounded as she is by the powers under the controul of France, can avail little, if any thing. Does the prince of Asturias, the heir apparent of the crown of Spain and her dependencies, become sensible of the degraded state into which his country has fallen, through the feebleness of his father, and the treachery of his prime ministers? Does he propose, with the aid of others, a like zealous for their country's independence, to rescue that country from its degrading vassalage?—His efforts are vain—the spies of France watch all his motions—a French army of 70,000 veterans are immediately marched for Madrid, and the events which are to ensue, can be easily anticipated. Better had it been, were the thing practicable, if the prince of Asturias with his patriotick follow-
ers had abandoned Spain, (as the royal family of Portugal have done) and had emigrated to her noble provinces in America. There he might have erected the standard of national independence, and arrested those supplies, which, being drawn from the colonies, tend to their own impoverishment, not only without benefit to the parent country, but in fact, as now applied, contributing to the furtherance of the power of the general oppressor both of the parent country and the colonies. If Spain—if the other countries of Europe, can be rescued from their present thralldom, it must be, by some such magnanimous sacrifices and efforts, as those proposed. In America at least, so long as the maritime superiority of Britain remains, a stand might be made against the overwhelming power of France, until possibly some auspicious event, yet in the hands, the wisdom and goodness of Providence, might dissipate the hurricane, which, having laid waste nearly the whole of the continent of Europe, now threatens the other distant quarters of the world.
The message of the President published in this day's paper, may be regarded as a document of interest, because it appears to have proceeded from some new and immediate danger—conjectures are afloat as to the quarter from whence this danger is apprehended. From Britain we have nothing to apprehend that would require 30,000 men, exclusive of the present military establishment and the militia, unless indeed, the conquest of Canada, and the other British possessions in America, is contemplated. We are not of the number who are accustomed to advocate every measure of the President, but if in the present state of the world, he did not advise measures for placing the country in a respectable state of defence, it would be a neglect of duty, that would deserve the severest condemnation. We congratulate Mr. Jefferson upon the conviction of one of his errors, "that while armaments and wars are necessary to restrain others, "a just nation is trusted upon its word." Depend upon it these are not times for putting into practice such pretty speculative theories. If we value liberty, property, and self-government, we must shew that we deserve them, by proving that we will defend them. The time has arrived when men can be no longer deceived, and though the storm has not reached us, we know not how soon it may; convinced of which, we shall always bestow our approbation on those measures which are calculated to meet its fury, with confidence of being able to defy its effects.—But while we approve of the measure in a general sense, we cannot but notice the proposition of the secretary of war, for abolishing the office of commander in chief, and having no rank above that of a Brigadier General. For what purpose it may be asked is this innovation in military tactics suggested? An army of 40,000 men, commanded by a Brigadier General is new, and is a plan worthy of the inventive genius of Mr. Dearborn.
General Washington, who might be allowed to understand military affairs, as well as Mr. Dearborn, held a different opinion. When the injustice of France compelled the United States to arm, to that army which he was to command as lieutenant general, were attached by his advice, one inspector general, two major generals, and four brigadier generals.—Is there no management in this? Is it feared that the senate would not confirm the nomination of a certain general, if the President was to nominate him as commander in chief? That general got at the head of the army by the management of his friends in former times, and he will perhaps remain so by the address of his friends in these days.
THE NEGOTIATION.—Upon this subject reports are so contradictory, that we should only abuse the patience of our readers, if we were to insert all that is said upon the subject. The only thing respecting it, that can be said with certainty, is that nothing certain has transpired.
It is said that advices have been received at Washington, stating that a great number of French officers have suddenly made their appearance in the territory of New Orleans, which taken in connexion with General Moreau's visit has excited considerable sensation in that Territory. The General had not reached the city of New Orleans at the date of last advices, but had stopped at different places as he came down the river.
MARRIED—Last evening by the Rev. Mr. Davis, Mr. GEORGE ROWLAND, merchant of this place, to Miss NANCY DICKSON.
DIED—Last night, Mrs. HANNAH DRYSDALE, consort of Captain John Drysdale, of this Borough.
Congress were yesterday engaged for several hours with closed doors, on a confidential message from the President, which is stated to be a remonstrance made by Mr. Pinckney to the British orders of Council.—(Colvin's Register, of Saturday.)
Imperial Decree.—The appearance of the French decree itself, will, we hope, save the democratick papers any more trouble in attempting to disprove its existence: a business in which they have been very zealously engaged for the last ten days.
Although the decree is not quite as absurd in appearance, as it was stated to be in the Cromeline letter; yet as it is substantially liable to the same objections. It is nothing less than war in disguise on neutral commerce.

First, It declares that every ship bound to England, and every ship which shall submit to be searched by the English, or that shall conform to the late English orders, and pay a tax to the English government, shall be denationalized .
As we have before observed, we shall no longer insist on the direct and insulting violation of our treaty with France, which declares in terms that in case of her being engaged in war, we shall never be molested or hindered from sailing to the port of her enemy; nor shall we any longer express even our surprise at the governments submitting so passively to the outrage; but we shall confine our remarks to another and a single point arising out of the order before us.
Every ship that shall submit to be searched by an English cruiser is made lawful prize. In the first place, we have a law of congress passed March 3d, 1805, which prevents any American merchant vessel destined on a voyage to Europe, to arm even for defence. Thus, on the one hand our government has deprived our ships of the power of resisting to be searched; and on the other the French emperor orders them to be captured and condemned as lawful prize, if they do not resist. But even if they had the power of resisting a search, they would not be permitted to exercise it, by the law of nations. Take the following authorities in point:
"Without searching neutral ships at sea, the commerce of contraband goods cannot be prevented. There is then a right of searching." "A neutral ship refusing to be searched, would from that proceeding alone be condemned as lawful prize." — Vattel , p. 507.
The law on this point is stated with still greater force and precision, by Azuni himself, the celebrated modern champion of neutral rights.
"The primitive and universal law of nations, as well as the conventional law of Europe, in authorizing belligerents to prevent neutrals from carrying goods contraband of war to an enemy, must also have given the power of using the means best adapted to facilitate the exercise of this right—No means are more efficacious for this purpose than to stop and search vessels on the high sea. "Neutrals, on their part, ought to permit this lawful and customary proceeding, and furnish to belligerents all the proofs which they have a well founded right to require by force." — Azuni , Vol. 2, p. 208, 2.
"Neutrals are bound to obey the summons which belligerents have a right to make; if they resist or oppose the search, they render their vessel liable to confiscation and to be declared good prize, agreeably to the maritime laws of most nations." — Id. 208.
Thus situated then is the American commerce. First, it is rendered defenceless by its own government, and incapable of resisting a search. But second, if it attempts to resist such search by the British cruisers, it is, by the very attempt, rendered liable to confiscation by the law of nations. Third, if it does not attempt to resist, nay, does not actually resist such search, it is then rendered liable to confiscation by the above decree of Buonaparte. — Lastly, to shew in what utter contempt the Frenchman holds us, he himself does and must do the very thing which he has made it criminal in us to permit the English to do: for it is very clear that the French cruisers must search us in order to ascertain whether we have not exposed ourselves to their decree by having been previously searched by a British cruiser.
All this while, the American government stands looking on, a passive spectator, or folds its arms, repeating a homily, that "commerce does best when left to itself," or complains of the interpolations of the English, while the presses in its service assures us that Buonaparte is fighting for the liberty of the seas .
Are we awake? wide awake? Will posterity ever believe the historian who shall give a faithful account of the present situation of this country? — I really doubt it. — N. Y. Evening Post .
On the subject of Buonaparte's late decree respecting neutrals, Bell's London Weekly Messenger of the 3d of January, makes the following remarks: —
"There seems an earnestness in the present ruler of France not only to exclude every English manufacture, but to cut off the commerce and intercourse of every other nation with the continent of Europe; for it is not to be doubted that if Napoleon acts in the spirit of ours, no ship of any Power whatever can find its way with safety into a Continental port."
"If we enforce our right of search upon every neutral merchantman, which we certainly shall do; and Napoleon DENATIONALIZES (as he calls it) in the language of the old Republican vocabulary every vessel that shall submit to be thus searched by the English, the consequence will be, that all trade must be at an end. No neutral merchant will ship a cargo for the continent upon a hazard of this sort. If his vessel be searched, it is to be confiscated for submitting to that which he cannot, and has no right, to prevent; and such is the almost absolute certainty (from the swarm of British cruisers and ships of war), that his vessel WILL be searched, that no insurance can be holden out to him to guarantee the risk,—no temptation of extravagant profit can warrant the hazard of the venture."
"This proclamation therefore as effectually excludes the Americans from the European Continent as it excludes the British."
"The Americans do not pretend to deny us the right of searching their merchantmen; and yet if they submit to be searched in future, they incur the risk of confiscation upon entering a continental port."
"What then is to be done? — Are we to renounce a right founded upon the law of nations, as acknowledged in all modern times and all countries, in order that the Americans may carry on a commerce with the Continent of Europe? Or is France to revoke this unjust and tyrannical condition, which no law or authority can sanction?"
"There can be no hesitation—The grievance is caused by France; and if the neutrals, with America at their head, lose their continental trade, they must blame France and not England."
"Under the old law they were safe—the search was no punishment, except in the case of contraband, when it was meant to be a punishment; but under the new code of France they are placed in the following dilemma—They must either submit to, or resist the search.—If they submit, they are destroyed by the operation of the new law; if they resist, they are captured as the just prize of war for violating that duty to which the law and practice of nations has bound them—and has attached, as the
necessary consequence of refusal, a penalty commensurate with the injury; — which penalty must consist in confiscation by that party, having the right to make the search."
"The motive of the French ruler, in this proclamation, must either be to force America into a war with England, or to interdict foreign commerce altogether with the continent."
NEW-YORK, February 26.
The subjoined note was handed by a French gentleman, and is published as written by him. All that I can say is that if D'Alvina be arrived, if the object of his mission be to charm us into the war against the only nation in Europe that has anything left of internal freedom or national independence; and if as stated, his mission be to congress , although he may have succeeded every where else, he will fail here. — Citizen .
"It is reported that general D'Alvina, general of the French army, has lately arrived in this country, vested with a very important mission from his government to congress. That officer, endowed with great talents, so well known throughout Europe by his voyages through Greece, Egypt and the Levant, was brought up with the emperor Napoleon at the royal military school—he was, during the last campaigns of St. Domingo, first adjutant general to General De Le Clerc, and has often been employed in the Spanish colonies of the continent, which he has almost all over-run, sometimes vested with the most difficult missions, and in which he has never failed to succeed."
"From Washington-City."
"Our advices of the 19th, from Washington, enable us to state, that the negotiation with Mr. Rose is still continued, although progressing in so languid a manner, that the Imperial Decree from Milan, of the 17th of December, which reached Washington at a very opportune crisis, was required to revive it. What the result will be, or when it will be decided, our correspondent pretends not to state —protraction is all that is looked for at present, and the suspension of our national faculties, agricultural as well as commercial, must be continued, as there is no prospect of the embargo being raised."
This article is from Jackson's Philadelphia Register, a gentleman who from his supposed connexion is probably well informed on the subject. With respect to the embargo, it ought not to be taken off under existing circumstances. For we repeat that our vessels cannot go to France without inevitable capture, nor to England without running the risk of being captured. To me it appears extraordinary that Mr. Rose, if he has adequate powers, does not by a just and even a generous conduct towards us, close our differences at once, and by doing so, enable congress to remove the embargo; and it is equally extraordinary if his government has not clothed him with the requisite authority.
—What could England lose even by granting us more than we ask? Suppose her to concede that "Free ships shall make free goods" and to impart to men and things on board our merchant ships the title of exemption from visitation and search; could the concession affect her injuriously? Our carrying to France, her enemy, merchandise contraband of war, could do her no harm, for France, while England is on good terms with the United States, cannot be formidable to her on the ocean. Our furnishing France with merchandise contraband of war could add nothing material to the nothingness of the French marine. And as to seamen on board our merchant ships, such of them as are citizens , men who owe us allegiance, and to whom we are bound to extend protection; they should by an enlightened policy and magnanimous conduct be equally exempt from molestation and question. Our government, I should suppose, could have no hesitation, in return as to seamen, to give satisfactory assurances that men who are not citizens of the United States, who owe us no allegiance and to whom we are, therefore, under no obligation to extend protection, should not, if subjects of England, be employed in our merchant service. Such an arrangement would be more than satisfactory to us, and secure to England her best friend, her best customer, and, permanently her best interests; without at all affecting her naval power, which she justly considers essential to her safety. Why not do so, and by doing so, give us peace, preserve lastingly, the great and inestimable value of our interests, frustrate completely the pernicious designs of Napoleon, and secure the liberty of the world from the meditated destruction of its greatest tyrant? — Ibid .
IMPERIAL DECREE.
Extract from the minute-book of the office of the secretary of state.
PALACE OF FONTAINBLEAU, Dec. 13, 1807. We, Napoleon, emperor of the French, king of Italy, and protector of the confederation of the Rhine, upon the report of our minister of finance, have decreed, and do decree, as follows: —
Art. 1. The enactments of our imperial decree of the 6th August, 1807, are applicable to the cargoes of vessels which may arrive at the mouth of the Weser; those articles of merchandise, therefore, specified in the second article of the said decree, shall be seized and confiscated; and all colonial produce shall be accompanied by certificates of origin, delivered by our commercial commissaries, at the different ports where they were taken on board.
II. Our commercial commissaries shall not confine themselves in their certificates, merely to attest, from the colonies of England, or from her commerce; they shall also point out the place of their origin, the papers which have been submitted to them in support of the declaration made to them, and the name of the ship on board which place where they have been originally transported from the place where they were produced, to that where the commissaries reside. They shall address duplicates of their certificates to the director general of the customs.
III. All ships which after having touched at any British port, on any account whatever, shall arrive in the mouth of the Elbe and the Weser, shall be seized and confiscated, together with their cargoes, without any exception or distinction of produce or merchandise.
IV. The captains of ships arriving in the mouth of the Elbe or Weser, must make declaration to the chief officer of the imperial customs on that station, of the place from which they sailed, as well as from those which they touched at, and shall deliver to him their manifests, bills of lading, sea papers and registers. When the captain shall have signed this declaration, and delivered up his papers,
the custom house-officers shall interrogate the sailors, one by one, in presence of two head collectors. If it appear, from this examination, that the ship has touched at an English port, beside the seizure and confiscation of the ship and cargo, the captain, as well as those of the sailors, who, upon their examination, have made a false declaration, shall be made prisoners, and shall not be liberated till after paying a sum of 6,000 francs, by way of penalty for the captain, and a sum of 500 francs for each of the arrested sailors, in addition to the penalties incurred by those who falsify their sea papers and registers.
V. If the advices and information communicated to the director of our customs, resident at Hamburg, excites suspicions with regard to the origin of the cargoes, they shall be provisionally deposited in the warehouses, till it has been ascertained and decided, that they come neither from England nor her colonies.
VI. The line of officers of the customs formed upon the Elbe, and the frontiers of Holstein, shall be augmented by 100 men. The director general of our customs shall give necessary orders for placing overseers detached from that line, at the ports situated on the mouth of the Weser, and for their exercising the strictest inspection of all ships which shall approach.
VII. The inspectors of the customs are authorised to make visits to the isle of Neuwerk, and to the Wats, or other little isles situate in the mouth of the Elbe and the Weser.
VIII. The commandants of troops of the line, and of the gens d'armerie, are bound to lend their aid to these inspectors, as often as shall be required to do so by the chief custom house officers of the district.
IX. Our ministers of war and finance, are charged each in his own department, with the execution of this decree.
(Signed)
NAPOLEON, HUGUES B. MARAT, Secretary of State.
(A true copy)
GAUDIN, Minister of finance COLIN, Director general of customs.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Brig Nancy, Murrain, 48 days from Cadiz, Salt, James Young.—Left at Cadiz, ships Columbia, Spink; Sampson, —, New-York; Favourite, Pierce; Merchant, Reynolds; Golden Age, —, Brigs Mars, Alcorn; Aurora, —, Balance, Mork.—Schooner Kite, Thompson.—At St. Lucar, ship George Augustus, —; brig Swift.—At Ayamonte, ship Concord, Russel.—At Algeziras, ships Ocean; Rose; Madison; Camilla.—Spoke, Feb. 8, in lat. 25, 08, long. 50; brig Peggy, Toby, of Newbedford, 23 days from Cadiz, bound to Charleston.
The Schooner Laurel, Capt. Hopkins, will sail for Charleston on Sunday next. For passage only, apply to the master on board, or March 4. T. BUTLER.
On Saturday the 5th instant, at 12 o'Clock, will be Sold on the premises,
That Three Story Fire-Proof Brick WARE-HOUSE and LOT, No 7, on Maxwell's wharf—Terms, one fourth to be paid in cash, the remainder in equal payments of 12 and 18 months.
FRANCIS SMITH, V. M.
March 2.
By virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed by Thomas Gibbons and Ann his wife, bearing date the 14th day of September, 1805, to John Patterson and Thomas Smith, to secure the payment of one thousand two hundred and two dollars and ninety four cents, with interest from the date of said deed, due Richard Phillips, together with all legal costs and charges necessarily incurred by carrying the said deed into effect, WILL BE SOLD at Matthews Court House, on the second Monday in March next, being Court Day, at Publick Auction, for ready money.
The Tract of LAND,
conveyed to us in trust by the said deed, containing two hundred and twenty acres, more or less, situate, lying, and being in the county of Matthews aforesaid, on South River, whereon the said Thomas Gibbons lately resided, and was formerly the property of Doctor Frederick W. Hearn, deceased, and by him purchased of John Hayes.
By the Trustees.
February 4. tds
THE SUBSCRIBERS
Offer for Sale at their Store on Campbell's wharf, the following Articles, low for cash or approved Notes at 60 and 90 days,
10 hhds. choice old Antigua RUM, 20 do. do. roof Rum; 4 pipes old Port Wine, 2 pipes old Cognac Brandy; 2 do. choice Hollands Gin, 4 do. New-York Anchor Gin; 5 qr. casks Sherry Wine, 10 barrels Apple Brandy; 10 hhds. second quality Sugar, 3 hogsheads Loaf Sugar; 10 barrels Pennington's do. 10,000 lbs. prime Green Coffee, 20 hhds. choice retailing Molasses; 4 ton assorted Bar Iron, 20 kegs F and FF Gun Powder; 2 ton Shot assorted, 100 boxes choice mould Candles, 30 do. Philadelphia made Soap; 10 do. English Mustard, 25 do. choice Figs; 4 do. half pint Tumblers, 20 barrels Whiskey; Alexandria and Richmond fine and superfine Flour—and a general assortment of
Ship Chandlery, Cordage, &c.
Bowden & Milhado. it
March 4.
All those having claims against the
Estate of JAMES VOGEL, deceased, are requested to render their accounts properly attested; and those indebted are desired to make immediate payment.
Francis Teterel, Adm'r.
Williamsburg, March 4. 3*
NOTICE.
The Subscriber and ANNE CORSON, his wife, having parted by mutual consent, this is to forewarn all persons from trusting her on his account, as he will not pay any debts of her contracting.
William Corson. 3*
March 4.
FOR SALE,
30,000 acres valuable LAND,
situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana.—Particulars with regard to local advantages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to purchasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS TUNNO, in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER, in Savannah. Feb 8. lawtf
NOTES OF HAND,
according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.
To the Editor of the Ledger.
SIR,
In justice to the character of a very worthy and valuable fellow-citizen, residing abroad, in the service of his country, whose reputation was some time since most violently assailed in one of the New-York Gazettes, by a certain Captain Arnold, and may have sustained a most undeserved injury withering injury with many of his countrymen; I am induced to request, that you will publish in your useful paper the following letter, which will entirely explain the transaction from which the attack took its origin, and remove any incorrect impressions that may have been made on the mind of the public.
With Mr. Walsh, I am personally and intimately acquainted, and were it not improper to obtrude such remarks on the public, there is scarcely a man in whose favour I would use with more sincerity the language of ardent praise. Should it be necessary, I pledge myself to produce evidence of the high respect in which Mr. Walsh is held, by some of the first characters in the United States—a respect founded, in some instances, on a personal acquaintance; in others, on the representations of many Americans of distinction, who have lived or travelled in France, with views political, literary, or commercial. You are therefore, Sir, at liberty to mention my name to any one who may enquire at your office. A VIRGINIAN.
March 1, 1808.
Cette, 17th September, 1807.
MR. STEPHEN MARTEL, New-York.
SIR—The libel published by Capt. John Arnold, of the brig Triton, against me in the Mercantile Advertiser of New-York, of the 6th July, gives me no concern. It is merely a matter of revenge for the merited contempt with which I treated him when he was here; the pretence I shewed to her honest and deserving Supercargo, Mr. Smith, and my refusing to deliver him the sibs he ordered of me till he would pay me for them; perhaps likewise to the letter I was compelled to write him for the safety of the vessel and her cargo.
Thus predisposed against me, he did not want for malicious instigators (see my letters to Coulet), who jealous of my success in the American trade, and wishing to share therein, have made that captain the instrument of their views.
His allegations against me are—
1st. That through ignorance or design on my part, the quarantine of the Triton was prolonged ten days beyond the usual time. 2d. That my want of honour and probity in the business met with the disapprobation of the most respectable merchants and publick officers of this place. 3d. That I continued in this course although repeatedly solicited to relinquish the direction of the affairs of the vessel. And in your letter you tell me he has moreover asserted that I held an understanding with Messrs. Canton & Baile, and have been concerned with them in the sale I made to them of the Triton's cargo, and that I might have got for it five per cent more than what I did.
To his first charge, I shall reserve my reply till the executive of the United States thinks fit to call on me for an explanation; when I shall do it to its satisfaction. It is well known that to my exertions is owing the admission of our vessels here direct from America, and the shortening of their quarantine; and I may with truth be allowed to say, that my zeal in the cause in which I am engaged, has not been unnoticed by any American who has visited this place, Arnold excepted.
When the owner of the Triton expresses a wish to have my conduct investigated with respect to his concerns, he shall have due satisfaction given him, as I have already done to Messrs. George Smith & Co of Hamburg, who were interested therein, and on whom my bills were issued; their answer accompanies this letter. I would advise him to send here for the purpose Capt. John Arnold, obliging myself as I do, most solemnly hereby, to defray all his expenses, provided he substantiates any one of his charges to the satisfaction of the Chamber of Commerce of this place. In the interim I send you the declaration made by Messrs. Canton & Baile, and Mr. Caizerque, of Montpellier, upon oath, duly authenticated by the constituted authorities, that neither directly nor indirectly have I been interested with them in the goods of the Triton which I sold them, nor any other goods whatever; nor have ever received a farthing from them by way of emolument or gratification. I am for the first time of my life, compelled to descend to so painful a vindication of my honour.
Arnold's other heads of accusation shall be defeated with equal clearness and precision when they are sufficiently made known to me. I am told he obtained of some jealous grocers at Montpellier, a certificate which states the prices of goods above what I sold the Triton's at, (they have not, however, dared to make any specific charge against, or to certify that I could have got said prices, as that would lay them open to a suit by me, which would expose them to a heavy penalty.) These manoeuvres, which are practised in many places, avail nothing, and cannot impose upon men of business. If it can be proved to the satisfaction of the Chamber of Commerce that I could have obtained more than what I sold for, I oblige myself to make good the difference; and to pay any penalty if it can be shown that I have neglected any means to make more of said goods than what I did. On this head I enclose a certificate from Mr. Bonjean, sworn broker of this place, who intervened in the said sale. You will see therein, that he proposed said goods to Messrs. Fajon Cousus, and Moreau Pere and Fils, who you suspect have signed said certificate for Arnold, and neither of them offered as much as Canton & Baile, and Caizerque have given; neither did any of the others who came from different places to buy in consequence of the advertisement I got inserted in the J.urnal of Montpelier. When the matter comes to be investigated here (as I heartily wish it may be) I shall be found to load with shame those who, from motives of pique and revenge, have put their hands to such a piece of falsehood.
I am curious to know how Arnold is to make good his second charge, for I am sure that, whatever may be the case with some of my rivals in trade, (not one of whom would advance a sou to any American, unless he had provocation in hands, while I make it a point to facilitate them in their dealings to the utmost of my power) no one in a publick capacity here has ever been heard to utter a disrespectful word of me; and the third he has adduced is so manifestly false as to destroy the whole fabric of his calumny—I defy him or any other person to prove that I ever received as an intimation whatever to resign the business of the Triton; the infamous Arnold himself dare not swear thereto—I had only to do with the Supercargo, Mr. Smith, who constantly expressed a conviction of my having acted for the best under existing circumstances; and who, to the moment of his departure, declared himself perfectly satisfied with me; he was too just to attribute to me the low prices then given here, (being equally low at Marseilles and the other ports of the Mediterranean), and the abatements which were made by the experts to the buyers for average and deficiency of quality, agreeably to the custom of this place; he, I am sure, will be ready to aver, that I exerted every means in my power to prevent and mitigate these abatements; and I believe I may be allowed to assert that I am, what most of my countrymen are known to be, faithful and zealous to their trust.
In the eleven years I have resided here, I have not in any instance whatever, had to defend myself before any court or tribunal, which could not have been the case with one capable of acting as Arnold has asserted—The people of America have too much good sense to believe him upon such unfeasible grounds, founded upon personal resentment. In whom can her merchants confide? from whom can they expect to have justice done them and their concerns fairly and attentively managed, if their fellow-citizen and their consul does not do it.
You will please to publish this letter, with the papers accompanying it, and believe me to be truly, Sir, your obedient humble servant, PETER WALSH.
* On my being informed that Captain Arnold intended to smuggle on shore the Sugar, Coffee, and Whalebone, he had on board for his account, which would have endangered the vessel and her cargo, I wrote him a letter informing him, that in that case I would protest against him, as it was my duty to do. This letter I found had greatly increased his choler; however, the propriety of it became afterwards manifest, for when the vessel was getting under weigh to depart, a swarm of guards went on board, and he was compelled to land and pay the duties of said goods, which prevented her sailing for several hours, and might have occasioned here a much longer delay had the wind changed. I could here say much about his neglect of duty; his constant attendance day and night at coffee houses, billiard tables, with other idlers like himself; but I confess him to the contempt he deserves. Why should I employ my pen further about a man who went here under the appellation of the brutal captain—of this brutality, the supercargo, Mr. Smith, had many proofs. — His countenance always brought to my recollection the infamous traitor of Stoney Point.

Alexandria Mountain FLOUR. A few barrels Superior, do. for family-use (Carlisle brand) in barrels and half bbls. for Sale—Apply to  Caton & Veale. February 28.  NOTICE. I shall attend at the Court-House on Friday morning the 11th of March, for the purpose of pay- ing the Artillery and Infantry Companies of this Borough, late in the service of the United States, under the command of Brigadier General Thomas Mathews—and on the follow- ing Monday I shall attend at the Court-House in Portsmouth, for the purpose of paying the Companies of that place.  Robert C. Jennings, Acting as Pay-Master.  February 29 5  For CASH or approved Discountable Paper,  20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do Ravens Duck; 1 do. Matras Ticking, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by  Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26.
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation—Also on Hand,  25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by  Jennings & Roddey. February 26.  COOKE & SANFORD, Have received eighteen hogsheads and eighteen barrels  Loaf and Lump SUGAR, which they offer for Sale on very moderate terms. On hand of their last importation,  2 bales flaxen OZNABURGS, 2000 wt. Seine Twine; 1 bale assorted Blue Cloths, 1 bale superfine Navy Blue Cloth, 2 boxes well assorted Irish Linens, Irish and Dutch Sheeting and Dowlas, 2 Trunks Cotton Hosiery; 1 case Dimities, 2 do. assorted Nankenees and Grandells, 3 do. Calicoes; 2 do. Cotton Cambricks, 1 box French Cambricks and Handkerchiefs, 2 cases Me's and 1 do. Childrens' fashionable Beaver Hats. Feb. 24. 2m  FRESH SHOES. E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main-Street, Has now landing from the schooner Mary Ann, capt. Luce, 22 trunks, barrels, and casks of  Ladies', Gentlemens', and Childrens' SHOES. February 19.
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg , of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all per- sons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.  For SALE,  5 cases only of superior PIGEON- EYE CHAMPAIGN. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Dec. 16. tf  New SHOES from New-York.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Offers for Sale such as have been generally sold in retail at 9. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.  VERNON'S BOOTS, which are well known to command higher prices in Balti- more than Boots made by any other person there—reduced to 11 dollars for fair tops, and 9 dollars for Hessian Boots, such as he himself sells in retail for 12 and 10 dollars. BUTTER at 17 cents in nice order; a few tons of Iron; a few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cottons; Brown Sugar, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash Feb. 17. tf  BOOTS.  Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS Just received and for Sale by Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market Square Feb. 8 tf  6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat. IN STORE, 35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 100 hogsheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 30 tierces London Brown Stout, 20 hogsheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, fit for use, 600 ready made Check Shirts; 20 hds. Petersburg Tobacco, 50 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Hermitage For Sale on liberal terms by  C. & F. Whittle. February 6.
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.  Cognac Brandy, Hollands Gin, Coun- try do. in pipes, Rice in tierces and half tierces—For Sale by  C. & F. Whittle. February 24.  FOR SALE, Just received by Deagle's Packet from Baltimore,  150 bags of good Green COFFEE. Wilson, Cunningham & Co. Feb. 17 3w.  All persons to whom the Subscriber is indebted, are requested to make known the amount of their claims immediately.  Wm. Hartshorne, Jun. January 12.
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of  Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Navy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambricks Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 5 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woollens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assort- ment of  WOOLLEN GOODS. Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c. On consignment, just received,  Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; La- dies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11. tf
Now landing on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn,  120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roli Brimstone, 100 boxes Castle Marble Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucea Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucea Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by  William Pennock. October 12. tf  For SALE,  2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse— For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Of- fice of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25. tf  THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Camp- bell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water- street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his as- sortment of  Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are  14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hds. and 6 bbls Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received,  20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbls. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbls. Salmon, 5 bbls. Mackerel, 13 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour.  John D. Haldane. July 31. tf
For SALE,  73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork.  George Wilson. November 4. tf  For SALE, Imported in the Galiot Fortune, captain Norton, from Te- neriffe,  100 pipes and 90 hds. L. P. Tene- riffe WINE, of superior quality. Apply to  Phinehas Dana. September 28. tf  Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to  William Pennock. Who has on hand,  Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16. tf  Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A PARCEL OF  Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS.  Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf  NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS , deceas- ed, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given.  Jane Collins, Admr'x. December 9. tf
WANTED for the Ship Sheffield,  A CARPENTER; also, two young LADS, from 14 to 15 years of age, as apprentices, not to go in the cabin or to cook. Apply to  Josiah Cowper. December 9. tf  For SALE,  4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE.  George Murray, & Co. December 7. tf  Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only.  Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf  For SALE at my Brew-House,  Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store,  Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail.  Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18. tf
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber on the 26th Decem- ber last, a Mulatto Man named TONY , a Black- smith by trade; he is about 24 years of age, 5 feet 10 inch- es high—had on when he went away a dark cloth suit out- coat and paulootons—his right foot has been broken, which causes him to limp, and is much larger than the other—He travelled in the stage from Edenton to Suffolk, the 28th ult. I have understood he went by the name of Benjamin James while in Suffolk—I expect he will endeavour to pass as a free man. The above reward will be given to any person who will secure him in any jail so that I get him again, and all reasonable charges paid if delivered to me in Plymouth, North-Carolina.  JOHN WALKER. January 8. 12*
For SALE,  45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. Kitts RUM.  MOSES MYERS. January 8. tf  NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co.  JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.  MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter, and Nabby, from Liverpool, their  Fall and Winter GOODS. The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mix- ed Cloths, Calfmere, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; La- dies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Childrens' beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epau- lets and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslim for dresses; Calicoes, Chambrays, and Ginghams; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cottons; strong white Plains; mix- ed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plains; Dimities and Marseilles; 4-4 1/2 Linens; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheetings; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c. The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper.
The Subscribers have removed to the Brick Ware- House on Merchant's Wharf, and have on hand for Sale,  100,000 W. O. hhd. drawn STAVES, 100,000 red do. do. do. 40,000 rough do. do. do. 50,000 do. barrel do. 10,000 pipe do. do. 500,000 sale Shingles; 100,000 building do. 10,000 three feet do.; 5,000 Garden Pales, 5,000 Chinquapin and Cedar Posts. And also for Rent,  A commodious WAREHOUSE. Proby, Harmanson, & Co. January 11. tf  Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York,  17 hds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-street to  William Hull, Jun. October 16. tf  Just got to Hand,  22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash.  George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf  For SALE, by the Subscriber,  34 hogsheads WHISKEY, 50 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do. 65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 16 groce Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castile Soap, 1 hogshead and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 10 hds. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York Ri- ver Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton, 38 whole and 9 half tierces Rice.  A. Maclure. November 13. tf
One Hundred Dollars Reward. RAN-AWAY last October from the Subscribers, living in Monroe County, two Mulatto Men, ISAAC CON-  NER and WILLIAM CONNER , (brothers) both very bright mulattoes. Isaac is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, flout and well made, is marked on the under lip with a small red- dish spot, and a scar on his forehead occasioned by the stroke of a whip; on one of his feet there is also a scar made by an axe; he is 22 years of age. Bill is 20 years of age, about 5 feet 10 inches high, also stout and active, and wore his hair in a cue of 6 or 8 inches in length. It is supposed they will attempt to get to Norfolk, as they have some acquaintances there, and were heard of in the neighbourhood of Williamsburg in company with some free mulattoes, who lives on Queen's Creek. Who- ever confines them in jail so that we get them again, shall be entitled to the above reward.  John Handley,  Martin Franklin. N B Being very fair, they will no doubt attempt to pass for free men. Feb. 10. 12t  For SALE,  75 tierces prime green Jam. Coffee, And a few puncheons 5 and 6 years old Antigua Rum; Loaf and Brown Sugar in hogsheads and barrels; a few sets Ta- ble China; fine and superfine Flour, &c.  Harrison Allmand. January 4. tf  At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street,  10 hds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 10 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffles; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Ticklenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Hessians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24. tf  For RENT,  The DWELLING-HOUSE on Gran- by-street, belonging to captain Vickery, next door to Robert Boush, Esq.—possession will be given on the first day of Ja- nuary next. For terms apply to  Alexander Wilson. December 18. tf  First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale,  77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE.  James & Thomas Tucker. December 28. tf
Received per schooner Traveller, from Bos- ton, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK,  10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 18.
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 60 bags Coffee, 5 tierces do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks old Sherry Wine, 2 hds old L. P. Madeira do. 3 hds. Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hds. and pipes—For Sale by  Phinehas Dana. June 8. tf  For RENT,  A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly fi- tuated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November.  P. Barraud. October 5. tf  For RENT,  The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to  Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of  Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz.— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2d lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 4d. do 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do 2s. 3d. or 12d Sheathing, do. 7 1-2d 6d. Sprigs, 4s. 6d per M. 6d. do. 2s. 9d 2d. and 3d. do. 2s. 3d He offers also for cash only—  HOOP IRON ASSORTED.  Thos. Seaman.  For RENT, (And immediate possession given,)  The Brick-House, Store, and Cellars, at the corner of Gilbert's Lane, on Main-street, near the market, an excellent stand for a Dry Good or Grocery Store. Apply to  Niemeyer & Von Kapff. December 28. tf
Just received for Sale,  25 qr. casks Gordon's old Sherry Wine, 20 boxes Hyson Tea, 30 do. superior quality Young Hyson, 12 pipes Holland Gin, 20 do Country do.  Mackinder & White.  For CASH ONLY.  GERMAN LINENS, &c. 16 bales coarse Linen, 450 pieces Paper Hangings 4 do. Ruffia Sheeting, 80 boxes Window Glass, 3 boxes German Rolls, 100 do. Short Pipes, 2 do. Rouans Sheeting, 120 do. Spanish Segars, 1 do. fine Flanders do. from 8 to 20 dollars per box, 3 do. Plaitillas, 300 doz. empty Bottles, 1 do. fine Dowlas, 200 wt. sealed bottling Wire, 2 do. Table Cloth, 800 do. Glue, 1 do. common Shirt Lin- 11,000 best Coffee bags, nen, 4,500 cheap Gunny Bags, 1 do. extra fine do. 5 boxes Tumblers, Decan- 1 do. Bed Tick 2 yards ters, &c. wide, Also, 6 elegant Terrefrial Globes, A large invoice of Lace, 3 pair large Looking Glasses, Jewellery and Dice, in gilt frames, of the first Elegance Chessmen, Elegance marble Statues, Flageolets and Clarinets, Urns and Vases, Violins, Bows, and Fifes, Liquor Cafes, Oil Cloth, Flutes with four and six keys, Wafer and Waffle Irons, do. patent lined, Coffee Mills and Toasters, Ladies' Dressing Boxes, Velvet Ribbons, Toilet Looking Glasses, Fine Thread Stockings, Shaving Cafes, Elegant Cutlery, Elegant Writing Desks, An invoice of Watches, Scarlet Plush for Saddles, Watch Chrystals and Beads, Seine and Sewing Twine. For Sale by  Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 4. tf  Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just re- ceived from London, per the ship Planter,  An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lancents, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiv- ing from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries.  MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. tf
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale,  His Great-Bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones.—The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and fi- tuated on a never failing stream; although she works at pre- sent only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abun- dant supply for ten pair.—Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's-Mills) about two miles farther, now in com- plete order, running one pair of stones and two faws—This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not su- perior to any in that part of the country—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently be- lieves, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia.— Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any num- ber of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5. tf
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.