Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1803-03-18 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 51 OF VOLUME IV.]
FRIDAY, March 18, 1803.
[WHOLE No. 207.]
SENATE of the UNITED STATES.
February 17.
Debate continued, on Mr. Ross's resolutions relative to New-Orleans and Louisiana.
Mr. WHITE of Delaware.—Mr. President. On this subject, which has on a former day been discussed with so much ability, and with such eloquence by my friend from Pennsylvania, the honorable mover of the resolutions, I shall submit the few observations I may make, in as concise a manner as I am capable of—for it is very far from my wish to occupy the time, or attention of the Senate unnecessarily. The resolutions on your table, I believe, in their full extent, I believe they express the firm and manly tone, that at this moment, is especially becoming the dignity of the government to assume—I believe they mark out a system of measures, that, if promptly pursued, will be honorable to the nation and equal to the accomplishment of the important object which gentlemen on all sides seem to have in view. These alone, with me, would be sufficient inducements to yield them my feeble support—but in addition to these, and to the thorough conviction of my own mind as to the course I ought to pursue, I have the happiness of being supported in my opinions on this subject, by the unequivocal expression of the sentiment of the state, to which I have the honor to belong.
It was early seen, Mr. President, and required but little penetration to discover, that adventurers emigrating beyond the mountains, and settling on our western waters must possess the free navigation of the Mississippi, it being the only outlet to the ocean. This important privilege it became necessary on the part of the government of the United States to secure by treaty, and not leave to the capricious will of whatever nation might future hold the territory at the mouth of the river. Accordingly in the 4th and 22d articles of our treaty with Spain, I find on this subject the following stipulations—
“Article IV.—It is likewise agreed that the Western boundary of the United States, which separates them from the Spanish colony of Louisiana, is in the middle of the channel or bed of the Mississippi, from the northern boundary of the said States, to the completion of the 31st degree of latitude north of the equator. And his Catholic Majesty has likewise agreed that the navigation of the said river, in its whole breadth from its source to the ocean, shall be free only to his subjects and the citizens of the United States, unless he should extend this privilege to the subjects of other powers by special convention.
“Art. XXII. The two high contracting parties, hoping that the good correspondence and friendship which happily reigns between them, will be further increased by this treaty, and that it will contribute to augment their prosperity and opulence, will in future give to their mutual commerce all the extension and favor which the advantages of both countries may require.
“And in consequence of the stipulations contained in the fourth article, his Catholic Majesty will permit the citizens of the United States, for the space of three years from this time, to deposit their merchandizes and effects in the port of New-Orleans, and to export them from thence without paying any other duty, than a fair price for the hire of the stores, and his majesty promises either to continue this permission, if he finds during that time, that it is not prejudicial to the interest of Spain, or if he should not agree to continue it there, he will assign to them, on another part of the banks of the Mississippi, an EQUIVALENT ESTABLISHMENT.”
This instrument, Mr. President, it is known, for a time quieted the fears and jealousies of our Western Brethren—they supposed it had removed forever the possibility of any future embarrassment to their commerce on those waters. And after it had been proclaimed as the law of the land, after it had been ratified by both nations, and become obligatory upon the faith and honor of each, who could have thought otherwise? Yet sir, it has happened otherwise—This place of deposit, at N. Orleans, secured to our citizens by the article last read, has been
recently wrested from their hands by the authority of the Spanish government, and NO OTHER EQUIVALENT one assigned, where after more than two thousand miles of boat navigation, they may disembark their produce in order to be shipped for sea, and without this advantage the navigation of the river is to them but an empty name.
I have said by the authority of the Spanish government. It has indeed been given out to the world for reasons that every man may conjecture, and are unnecessary to be mentioned, that this was not the act of the government, but the rash measure of a single officer, the Intendant General of the Spanish provinces—that the Spanish minister had issued orders for the speedy adjustment of these difficulties—had kindly offered to throw himself into the breach to prevent this Intendant General from going into extremities with the government of the U. States.—Sir, gentlemen may find when too late, that this is a mere piece of diplomatic policy, intended only to amuse them—and to say nothing of the humiliating idea of resorting to such a ploy for the wound that has been inflicted upon our national honor, if they had taken the trouble, they might have been informed that the Spanish Minister near this government has no control at New-Orleans—that the Intendant General is like himself an immediate officer of the crown, and responsible only to the crown for his conduct. If the Spanish minister has interfered, which I am not disposed to question, to make the best of it, it could only have been by the intratias of men in power, as a mere mediator, to beg of the Intendant General of New-Orleans, justice and peace on behalf of the people of the United States. Are honorable gentlemen prepared to accept of peace on such terms? They might do sir for a tribe of starving Indians—but is this the rank that we are to hold among the nations of the world? And it seems that even these supplicating advances are likely to avail us nothing—by accounts very lately received from New-Orleans, by a private letter which I have seen since these resolutions were submitted to the senate—the Intendant General has expressed much displeasure at the interference of the Spanish minister—stating that it was not within his duty or his province, and that he, the Intendant, acted not under Spanish but French orders.
As to the closing of the port of New-Orleans against our citizens, the man who can now doubt, after viewing all the accompanying circumstances, that it was the deliberate act of the Spanish or French government, must have locked up his mind against truth and conviction, and be determined to discredit even the evidence of his own senses. But sir, it is not only the depriving us of our right of deposit by which we have been aggrieved—it is by a system of measures pursued antecedent and subsequent to that event, equally hostile and even more insulting. I have in my hand a paper, signed by a Spanish officer which with the indulgence of the chair, I will read to the senate.
ADVERTISEMENT.
“Under date of the 16th inst. (December) The Intendant General of these provinces tells me, that the citizens of the United States of America, can have no commerce with his majesty's subjects—they only have the free navigation of the river for the exportation of the fruits and produce of their establishments, to foreign countries, and the importation of what they may want from them. As such I charge you, so far as respects you, to be zealous and vigilant, with particular care, that the inhabitants, neither purchase or sell any thing to the shipping, flat bottomed boats, barges or any other smaller vessels that may go along the river destined for the American possessions, or proceeding from them, that they shall be informed of it for their due compliance of the same.”
(Signed)
CARLOS DE GRANDPREE.
Baton Rouge, December 22, 1802.
The foregoing is a translation from the original, directed to me by his Lordship Carlos de Grandpree, Col. of the Royal armies, and governor of Baton Rouge.
(Signed)
J. O. CONNER.
Cyndic of 4th District
Baton Rouge, December 26, 1802.”
These are the measures Mr. President that have been adopted; these are the orders that have been issued, by the Intendant General, to every district of the Spanish provinces, prohibiting the subjects of his Catholic majesty from having any commerce, dealing, intercourse, or communication whatsoever with the citizens of the United States, excluding us from their shores for the distance of two hundred and seventy miles, treating us like a nation of pirates or a banditti of Robbers, who they feared to trust in their country; and this day sir, if a vessel belonging to a citizen of the U. States, engaged in a fair and legal trade, was upon the waters of the Mississippi, within the Spanish lines, and in a state of the most extreme distress, the Spaniard who should yield her aid or comfort, would do it at the peril of his life.
But why do we confine ourselves to the Mississippi, almost every part of the world furnishes us with causes of complaint against the Spaniards; scarcely a mail has arrived for a year past, that has not brought us some account of their outrages upon our commerce. They insult our national flag upon every sea where they meet it; they sieze our merchantmen; they plunder our merchants of their property; they abuse our seamen; shackle them with chains, and consign them to dungeons: and yet honorable gentlemen cry out peace, peace, when there is no peace. If this be peace, God give us war. And pray Mr. President what have we done to provoke all this? We have violated no treaty with his Catholic majesty, we have injured none of his subjects, we have deprecated no where upon his commerce; rather than offend him, when he has smitten us on one cheek, with christian meekness, we have turned the other; he has made no complaint against us; he has no cause of complaint; he does not even condescend to seek a justification for his conduct; none could be found; but it originates in a deliberately formed system of insult and abuse, and he is proceeding step by step, to ascertain how long the people of the U. States will suffer themselves to be trampled upon with impunity. We have seen him on our lines, wantonly infract his solemn treaty, and his subjects are at this moment, under our very eyes, acting in open violation of his best provisions, by withholding from our citizens the all important right it guarantees to them of navigating freely the Mississippi. A right essential to their very existence as a people; a right that can never be abandoned by them but with their lives, nor yielded by us but with our national honor.
If it should be said, sir, that this important question will not long be an affair of controversy between the United States and Spain; that Louisiana, New Orleans, and this usurped claim of the Spanish government to the exclusive navigation of the Mississippi, will soon be found in other hands; that whenever we may have to negotiate this subject, either in the cabinet, or the field, it will not be with his Catholic majesty, but with the First Consul; not with a king, but with the king of kings; I answer that in these insults to our national dignity, we at present know no power but Spain; whatever agency Bonaparte may have had in this business, he has been concealed from our view. It is Spain that has violated her plighted faith; it is Spain that has trampled upon the dearest interests of the U. States and insulted our government to our faces without the semblance of a cause, and she alone is responsible to us for these outrages. And under such circumstances it is becoming, politic, or honorable in us to treat her as a friend and as a neighbor; to remonstrate with her on her acts of injustice, and wait till she shall add insult to insult, and heap injury upon injury, or what is perhaps even worse, if any thing worse than national degradation can befall an independent people, till this golden opportunity shall have passed away, and the facility of redress be wrested from our hands? No Sir, we should now view her as our open enemy, as having declared war against us, and do justice to ourselves. We can never have permanent peace on our western waters, till we possess ourselves of New Orleans, and such other positions as may be necessary to give us the complete and absolute command of the navigation of the Mississippi.—We have now such an opportunity
of accomplishing this important object as may not be presented again in centuries, and every justification that could be wished, for availing ourselves of the opportunity. Spain has dared us to the trial, and now bids us defiance—she is yet in possession of that country. It is at this moment within your reach and within your power. It offers a sure and easy conquest. We should have to encounter there now, only a weak, inactive, and unenterprising people—but how may a few months vary this scene and darken our prospects—though not officially informed, we know that the Spanish provinces on the Mississippi have been ceded to the French, and that they will as soon as possible take possession of them.—What may we then expect? When in the last extremity we shall be driven to arms in defence of our indisputable rights—where now slumbers on his post with folded arms the sluggish Spaniard, we shall be hailed by the vigilant and alert French Grenadier, and in the defenceless garrison that would now surrender at our approach, we shall see unfurled the standards that have waved triumphant in Italy, surrounded by impregnable ramparts, and defended by the disciplined veterans of Egypt.
I am willing sir, to attribute to honorable gentlemen the best of motives. I am sure they do not wish to involve this country in a war, and God knows I deprecate its horrors as much as any man—but this business can never be adjusted abroad—it will ultimately have to be settled upon the banks of the Mississippi, and the longer you delay, the more time you waste in tedious negotiations, the greater sacrifices you make to protract a temporary and hollow peace, the greater will be your embarrassments when the war comes on, and it is inevitable, unless honorable gentlemen, opposed to us, are prepared to yield up the best interests and honor of the nation; I believe the only question, now in our power to decide, is whether it shall be the bloodless war of a few months, or the carnage of years.
These observations"> These observations, Mr. President, are urged upon the supposition that it is in the power of the government to restrain the impetuosity of the western people, and to prevent their doing justice to themselves, which by the by, I beg to be understood as not believing, but expressly the contrary. They know their own strength; they know the feebleness of the enemy; they know the infinite importance of the stake, and they feel, permit me to say sir, with more than mere sensibility the insults and injuries they have received; they are now all alive on this subject, and I believe will not submit, even for the approaching season, to their present ruinous and humiliating situation. You had as well pretend to dam up the mouth of the Mississippi, and say to its restless waves, ye shall cease here, and never mingle with the ocean, as to expect they will be prevented from descending it.—Without the free use of the river, and the necessary advantages of deposit below our line, their fertile country is not worth possessing, their produce must be wasted in their fields, or rot in their Granaries—these are rights not only guaranteed to them by treaty, but given to them by the God of nature, and they will enforce them with, or without the authority of the government—and let me ask sir, whether it is most dignified for the government to lead or follow in the path of honor—one it must do, or give up that Western country. But independent of these considerations, those people have other solid claims upon the government for immediate support. Under your auspices and with the promise of your protection, at the hazard of their lives, they explored and settled a wilderness. The lonely desert they have transformed into cultivated fields, the haunt of the wild beast, they have made the seat of science, and where but a few years since was heard only the savage yell, their industry and enterprise have reared towns and villages and planted polished societies. They are our fellow citizens, our friends and our brothers, and we are bound by every obligation of good faith, and every sentiment of honor, not to abandon them for a moment. It is now in our power, without difficulty or danger, to redress their wrongs, and to remove forever, the possibility of like indignities to the nation—But Mr. Presi-

dent let Bonaparte once take possession of the mouth of the Mississippi, and we shall have a war indeed—nothing but the length of our swords, and the best blood of our citizens will ever make it ours—his object is universal dominion—and the hero of Italy, the military despot of France, a man whose towering ambition bestrides the world, whose will is now the law of nations, with fifty million of people, and the resources of Europe at his command, will be a foe not easily vanquished—and I repeat sir, let him only set his foot on that shore, let him but plant a single standard there, and he will never yield it but by inches to superior force. He knows well the value of the position, he knows that it must become one of the first in the world, and that it now offers higher temptations to a powerful, ambitious and intriguing people than any place on earth. It is the only key to the immense regions watered by the Mississippi & its tributary streams, to a country, larger in extent than all Europe, surpassed by no portion of the world in fertility of soil, and most of it, in climate a paradise.—But Mr. President what is more than all to be dreaded, in such hands, it may be made the means of access, and corruption to your national councils, and the key to your treasury. Your Western people, will see in Buonaparte, at their very doors, a powerful friend, or a dangerous enemy—and should he, after obtaining complete control over the navigation of the Mississippi, approach them, not in the menacing attitude of an enemy, but under the specious garb of a protector and a friend—should he instead of embarrassing their commerce by any fiscal arrangements, invite them to the free navigation of the river, and give them privileges in trade not heretofore enjoyed—should he, instead of attempting to coerce them to his measures, contrary to their wishes, send missionaries into their country to court and intrigue with them, he may seduce their affections, and thus accomplish by address and cunning, what even his force might not be equal to. In this way having operated upon their passions, having enlisted in his service, their hopes and their fears, he may gain an undue ascendancy over them.—Should these things be effected, which God forbid, but Bonaparte in a few years has done much more, what let me ask honorable gentlemen may be the consequences?—I fear even to look them in the face.
The degraded countries of Europe, that have been enslaved by the divisions and distractions of their councils, produced by similar means, afford us melancholy examples. Foreign influence will gain admittance into your national councils; the First Consul, or his interests, will be represented in the congress of the United States, this floor may become the theatre of sedition and intrigue. You will have a French faction in the government, and that faction will increase, with the rapidly increasing population of the Western world. Whenever this period shall arrive, it will be the crisis of American glory, and must result, either in the political subjugation of the Atlantic states, or in their separation from the Western country; and I am sure there is no American who does not view as one of the greatest evils that could befall us, the dismemberment of this union. Honorable gentlemen may wrap themselves up in their present imaginary security, and say that these things are afar off, or that they can never happen; but let me beseech of them to look well to the measures they are now pursuing, for on the wisdom, the promptness and energy of those measures, will depend whether they shall happen or not. And let me tell them, sir, that the want of firmness or judgment in the cabinet, will be no apology for the disgrace and ruin of the nation.
A single moment more, Mr. President, till I call to the recollection of gentlemen the language of experience, and endeavor to impress upon their minds yet stronger, the importance of the resolutions on your table. One of the first statesmen of the age we live in, the celebrated Mr. Fox, in a most learned and eloquent speech lately delivered in the house of commons, taking an extended view of the affairs of Europe and of the particular situation of the British Empire, explicitly declares that he considers the preservation of national honor, to be almost the only legitimate cause of war; that he holds that doctrine upon the plain principles, that honor is directly and inseparably connected with self defence, and if says he, it can be proved, that the national honor has been insulted, or the national dignity disgraced, it is a fair and legitimate cause of re-commencing hostilities. These Sir are the noble sentiments of a man, who for thirty years past has supported one of the most conspicuous characters on the
great political theatre of nations, who has during that time been unceasingly the favorite of the people, and the jealous advocate of their rights and liberties—they are entitled to weight.
I hope I shall not be charged with a want of delicacy towards the feelings of honorable gentlemen on the other side of the house, when I say, that there was a time, even in the infancy of our government, when a soldier and a statesman, the greatest and the best of men was at the head of the administration, that the most powerful nation of Europe, would not have dared us with such an insult as we have received. I refer to the days of Washington, days of which he was the distinguished pride and ornament, but days that alas, are now gone; and he, unhappily for his country, with them, never, never to return. In those days we were indeed comparatively weak and poor, but a national sentiment and feeling was kept alive, that disdained to submit tamely to insult; and now, sir, when we have grown rich and strong, when our overflowing treasury, our increasing energies and population, are the burthen of every executive message, and ministerial communication; when our wealth, our power and our resources are the boast of every American, shall we see, at our very doors, with meek and philosophic forbearance, the dearest interests of our citizens, trampled in the dust and the dignity of our people insulted by an impotent and now degraded nation, and instead of the commanding tone & manner that becomes a nation, of republicans, instead of taking justice into our own hands and avenging these insults and injuries, shall we stop to send a minister abroad to supplicate, for what? For justice—for the restoration of our indisputable rights of which we have been stripped by violence? there to whisper at the foot of a throne, our national sensibilities, which we fear even to speak of but in secret at home, lest Castilian pride should be offended. I hope not sir. I hope energetic measures will be promptly adopted, that this senate will recommend them, and that we shall not lose an hour in preparing to exert the means that God has given us of enforcing the rights that belong to us by TREATY and by NATURE.
For the INTELLIGENCER.
Mr. ALBURTIS.
I WAS shown by a friend of mine, a newspaper called the "Patriot," printed in Charles-Town by one Brown, and in which, to my utter astonishment, I saw a long, laborious, stupid publication, written by a fellow who has adopted for his signature the words "No Division."
This fellow, "No Division," positively asserts that there was a meeting held at Richmond during the last session of the Virginia legislature, for the purpose of dividing the state; that this meeting consisted entirely of federalists, and that no others were admitted. Here, sir, I must pause, while I reflect with pity upon the depravity, the contemptible vilany of this man who calls himself "No Division." That a man should be so blinded by ignorance and malice, so lost to every principle of truth and moral rectitude, as to invent and propagate a groundless lie, purely for the sake of slandering his superiors, and deceiving his countrymen, is certainly a subject of melancholy regret. It would be a tedious and indeed a disgusting task, to answer every part of this lying scurrilous production. It is such a poor pusillanimous attempt to impose upon the understandings of the citizens of this country, as to merit nothing but contempt; but as every word of it is void of truth, it may deserve refutation. I shall therefore be as brief with Mr. "No Division" as possible.
In the first place I defy 'No Division' to exhibit even the shadow of proof that ever such a meeting (or caucus, as he elegantly spells and phrases it) was held in Richmond during the last session of Assembly. There is not a member of the Legislature, nor a citizen of Richmond; I will venture to prophecy, will have the hardihood to make such a declaration—because I have consulted gentlemen who were present during the whole session who utterly deny the fact. I suppose this scribler has heard of a meeting in 1801—The representatives of the eastern parts of the state, in the session of 1801 contended, that the lands on the western side of the blue-ridge should be re-assessed; the western members, three-fourths of whom were democrats, knowing that this re-assessment would operate greatly to the injury of their constituents, had a consultation upon the subject, and came to the determi-
nation of contending for a division of the state, if the low-land gentry would not relinquish their project of re-assessing the western lands; this determination and spirited opposition of the western members to the re-assessment, was the cause of its being abandoned, and for which they are (both federalists and democrats) entitled to the thanks and confidence of their constituents. Mr. "No Division" says that a division of the state would be attended with great disadvantages to the new or western state, and that we should be cut off from any ports, or places of trade upon the Atlantic or elsewhere, and that no one convenience would arise to the new state in consequence of the division. In answer to which, I would ask him, shameless as he is, how he could have the effrontery to advance such sentiments—he should not in common decency have told this lie, until the people of the western country had all become fools, and then they might probably be induced to believe it. All the citizens of the union have a right to ingress, egress, and regress, and to pass unmolested to any part of the United States with their property and produce, and this right is solemnly guaranteed to them—yet he says we should be cut off from trade, when every farmer and tradesman know, that they have as much right to trade to Philadelphia, Baltimore, or any other port of the United States, as they have to Alexandria. It appears from authentic and official documents that our state is taxed with 8,500 dollars annually, for slaves executed in the lower parts of the state, and 16,500 dollars for keeping a guard in the city of Richmond to protect these low-landers from their own slaves; notwithstanding all this, it is evident from the journals, that when a proposition was made to obtain an equal representation in the senate (which would increase the western members from four to nine) these low-land republicans, (or more properly speaking) high-flying aristocrats, opposed it, and insisted that if any alteration was made, their negroes should be represented also. When the people west of the blue-ridge see that they are proportionably taxed with $25,000 every year on account of the negroes below the ridge—when they are informed that $32,000 have been paid for one insurrection amongst these slaves, and if another should happen, which God forbid, it would probably require all the cash and produce in the western part of the country to defray their quota of the expense—when they know by experience that their petitions for redress of grievances are often rejected with contempt—and lastly, to crown all, when a Bill has actually passed the house of Assembly to allow these very negroes a representation in the government, in order that these despots may the more securely trample upon our rights—when we know and feel all this there cannot be a man inhabiting this western country, unless his mind is more debased than that of a menial servant, but would think it his duty and his interest to obtain a division of the state by every honorable and lawful means in his power. Would it not be a great convenience to be freed from the payment of these $25,000 per annum, and this negro representation, besides the apprehension of having to pay for them at a future day? I think it would, and do believe the great body of the western people are of the same opinion. But Mr. "No Division" thinks differently, and urges the freeholders to vote for his kind of republicans, amongst whom are Sprigg, the candidate for congress, and Manning, the candidate for Jefferson County—both of these men, so say the Journals, voted in favor of this negro-law, and to give the public printer twenty-seven hundred dollars, when more respectable men offered to do the business for twelve hundred dollars. The voters of this district can never be persuaded by such a miserable scribler, to give their suffrages to men who have wantonly squandered away their public money, and then degraded them by putting them upon an equality with the low-land negroes. Mr. "No Division" says a great deal about faction, malice and revenge, but I imagine these epithets will be retorted with redoubled violence upon himself, when it is considered that he is now endeavoring to influence the inhabitants of Martinsburg to vote for a man, who avows the intention of removing the seat of justice to Back-Creek; that he may have an opportunity of venting his spiteful and rancorous disposition, upon a few individuals. Men of Berkeley, is it possible you can be made the dupes of such a man, of such a nincompoop? The removal of the seat of justice would cost several thousand pounds, for which the people must be taxed heavily, and it would bring inevitable ruin upon Martinsburg and its vicinity, without any valuable purpose being derived from it whatsoever.
"No Division," seems to exult because Congress have taken off some of the taxes; but no honest man has cause for exultation. The farmer and tradesman have not been relieved; the taxes indeed have been taken off the luxuries of life, which are only used by the rich, such as pleasure carriages, (and "No Division," has lately got one) double refined sugar, licences to retailers, &c. while the burthen is thrown upon the shoulders of the farmer, the tradesman and the poor; the articles consumed by this description of men, are salt, brown sugar, coffee, bohea tea, and molasses; the tax is still continued upon these things, although the necessaries of life, when it has been taken from the luxuries. What kind of republican must you be, Mr. "No Division," to rejoice at the oppression of the laborious and respectable poor man, and approve of giving two millions of dollars to Jefferson for secret services, besides twenty five thousand dollars a year, which is his annual salary. I had rather be "a dog and bay the Moon" than such a republican. Mr. "No Division," towards the conclusion of his address to the publick, ushers in a great many cant phrases for the amusement of his readers, such as tories, federalists, royalists and aristocrats; all which he hath caught from the lips of the vulgar, without understanding their signification. I will therefore expound the etymology and meaning of the word federalist, for the satisfaction of those who do not understand it, and after making a few comments, leave Mr. "No Division" with the tories, royalists and aristocrats, to which clan he seems properly to belong.
The word, 'federal,' is derived from the latin word fædus , which signifies a league, or contract; hence when the constitution of the United States was formed, it was emphatically called the federal constitution , inasmuch as it made a league or covenant amongst the several states; this federal constitution was established upon the fundamental principles of republicanism, or, in other words, it is a fair representative government of the people; hence also, those who were in favor of its adoption were called federalists or republicans as being synonymous terms—on the contrary, those who were opposed to this federal and republican constitution , called themselves anti-federalists , and sometimes anti-republicans , as being terms convertible. The federal republicans , who formed and adopted the constitution, were Washington, Adams, Franklin, Wayne, Morgan, and a long train of heroes and patriots, who by their magnanimity in the field and their wisdom in the cabinet, secured our liberty and independence. The anti-republicans or anti-federalists , who opposed the ratification of the constitution, were Jefferson, with a numerous clan of frivolous fellows not necessary to mention, who never had the courage to face an enemy during the whole of the revolutionary war. As soon as those men discovered the federal constitution was ratified by the people, and the name of anti-federal was unpopular, they attacked the administration by way of undermining the constitution, to which they had the most deadly antipathy, and charged its friends with being tories and aristocrats, at the same time changing their original name of antifederal , to democrat ; not long after this, in consequence of the conduct of the French, the word democrat became rather disreputable, they then usurped the name of republican still calumniating the real republicans and federalists with being tories and aristocrats. Mr. "No Division" the man who could be so ungrateful and so infamous as to vilify the name of the virtuous and venerable Washington, or his compatriots in arms, with the appellation of a tory, deserves the gibbet.
"Spite of thy present state, thy fire-new fortune, Mr. 'No Division,' thou art a liar; False to thy God, thy country and thy friend; Conspirant against this high illustrious man: And from the extremest upward of thy head, To the descent and dust below thy feet, A most lying, slanderous knave."
Mr. "No Division" lay thy pen, and don't massacre truth and the English language so shamefully.
From the machinations of such republicans as you are, and such patriots as Master Brown, good Lord, defend this country, is the sincere prayer of a genuine
REPUBLICAN.
March 16, 1803.

NEW-YORK, March 5.
Captain Brooks, of the brig Sally informs us, that he sailed from Havanna in company with a French frigate, having 200 blood-hounds on board for Cape-Francois; and that a prefect had arrived there from France, and had sailed for New-Orleans to take immediate possession.
WASHINGTON CITY, March 14.
LATE and IMPORTANT. (OFFICIAL)
Translation of a letter from the Marquis de Caso Trujo to the Secretary of State. WASHINGTON, March 10, 1803.
SIR, When you represented to me towards the end of November last, that the port of New-Orleans had been shut against the citizens of the United States, without the assignment of any equivalent place of deposit for their merchandise on the Banks of the Mississippi, according to the stipulation in the 22d article of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation between the King my master and the United States, I did not hesitate to declare to you that I considered this measure, as flowing solely from the mistaken zeal of the Intendant of Louisiana, without the approbation, and even without the knowledge of my court. I well knew the sincere desire of the King, my master, to live in peace and good harmony with the United States; as I also knew well the scrupulous good faith with which the Spanish government fulfills the engagements which it forms, particularly when they are founded on the solemnity of a Treaty.
I have now the satisfaction of informing you that my first opinion has been verified, and of declaring in the most positive terms, that the proclamation of the intendant is an act purely personal, without the sanction and even without the knowledge of his Catholic Majesty. In reality, if the said proclamation had appeared here in an entire state, no doubt could have taken place as to the source of this proceeding; but the operative part thereof alone has circulated through the United States, the preamble introducing it, having been, probably without design, omitted.
I have therefore the honor to communicate herewith an entire and correct copy of the aforesaid proclamation; and by the expressions which I have underlined, it will be clearly seen that the arrangement is absolutely personal, and has originated in the faculties which the Intendant supposed to be incidental to his station.
This assertion is not founded merely on the obvious inference from those expressions; the intendant himself declares it to me in the most direct terms in a letter of January 15th, which I have just received from him; and the Governor of the Province confirms the same thing with the same solemnity in another letter of the same date. Neither the one, nor the other dispute the right of the citizens of the Western States to a place of deposit on the Spanish banks of the Mississippi; but the Intendant thinks, that three years allowed for the purpose at New-Orleans, having expired, and much prejudice to the royal interest being experienced from its continuance in that City, it was incumbent on him to suspend the deposit there, without venturing to take on himself, the assignment of another equivalent place; not because he doubted the right of the inhabitants of the United States; thereto; but because it appeared to him to be an act exceeding his authority, and which he ought to leave to the royal determination of our Sovereign. The governor of Louisiana saw the subject under a point of view more correct in my judgment, and more favorable to the inhabitants of the United States.
From the whole it results that the suspension of the deposit not being an act of my court, and no person even disputing the right of the American citizens in the case, I shall now take upon myself to adopt measures which must ensure to the U. States, the enjoyment of all the rights stipulated in the 22d article, of the treaty on the arrival of the dispatches which will be forwarded under this date.
MARTINSBURG, March 18.
Mr. MONROE sailed on the 8th instant from New-York, on his expedition to France and Spain.
[New-York Herald.]
The Federalists of Massachusetts have at length behaved worthy of the cause they profess, and elected the Hon. TIMOTHY PICKERING, Esq. a Senator of the United States in the place of
Dwight Foster, Esq. who has resigned. This mark of respect was justly due to this much calumniated patriot, and very virtuous man. ibid.
Congress adjourned on the 3d. inst. and will meet again on the 1st MONDAY in Nov. next.
On Monday the PRESIDENT of the United States left the City of Washington for Monticello.
The sentiments of the Western people on the subject of the Mississippi, must be read with much interest; we present the following extracts from their papers: FRANKFORT, (K.) FEB. 2.
By Friday's mail we received the subjoined information, which was immediately issued in an extra. Here we conceive is the clearest evidence that the shutting the port of New Orleans was not an act of the Intendant's, but of the Spanish Government. Whilst the mind of our citizens is fired with indignation, at being thus deprived of our most valuable right, the free and uninterrupted navigation of the Mississippi, whilst every friend of this country feels the insult offered to our government (by the violation of the most sacred treaty, in denying us a place of deposit for our produce,) as his own personal concern; we still hope they will repose with confidence on the government. The executive, wise and independent, as it is, will not tamely submit to an insult; and the representatives of the people, dare not return to their constituents until every step within the compass of their power is taken to redress the grievances thus created, and to wipe away the stain that must inevitably attach to our national character, if we quietly submit to such indignity. We would again suggest to our fellow citizens the propriety (not to say necessity) of being always in readiness to exchange the character of a citizen for that of a soldier.
From Lexington, (K.) Feb. 15.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Natchez, to his friend in this town, dated January 20th, 1803.
The reptile Spaniards act in a most hostile manner towards our citizens and commerce. With degrading remarks that the United States have no national character; that they are a divided, weak, quarrelsome people, without energy—and that they have nothing to fear from them. Such language is too insulting.
To give you a further view of our aggrieved situation, I will only state that a few days since a parcel of cotton arrived at New Orleans, the bales being so damaged that it was necessary to have them repacked. They were landed by paying 6 per cent duty, and cannot be re-shipped on board an American vessel, but must on re-shipping pay six per cent more, as Spanish produce on board a Spanish bottom. This rule will hold good in all instances where a landing is made in any case. I trust 700,000 persons will not wait for Mr. Jefferson to go through all the forms, ceremonies and etiquette at the courts of Spain and Buonaparte, before they determine whether it will be best to drive the miscreants from their waters or not. I say start and drive them with the spring flood and then negotiate. We can now get the whole province without the loss of one drop of blood, and let the French get there it will be otherwise.
P. S. I have it in my power to state that the fortifications at New Orleans are in no sort of repair, and that there are no effective troops in the province. The town duty is now done by the militia, and that from one end of the Province to the other they are almost in a state of revolt. In my humble opinion three thousand Kentucky militia would put the United States in possession of the fairest country in the universe, without the shedding of one man's blood. Good God! can all western America be dead to their true interests, and will they pass over the present favourable moment to possess themselves of advantages that will never have an end, or will they blindly allow themselves to come under the French yoke of tyranny. How is it that the pens of thousands lie dormant on this most alarming occasion? That which is and will be death to western America if allowed, and life if speedily stopped. Let me beseech all those who subsist on the branches of the Mississippi to arm and defend their dearest rights and national privileges.
Extract of a letter to a gentleman in this city, dated South West Point, Feb. 22.
"We were informed last evening by a gentleman of undoubted authority, that the port of New Orleans is again OPEN to the Americans." (Balt. Pop.)
VALUABLE LANDS FOR SALE.
WILL be sold, to the highest bidder, by the executors of the late General George Washington, the following tracts of LAND, at the times and places hereafter mentioned, viz.
600 Acres lying in Charles county, in the state of Maryland, near a place called the Fish-Trap, 16 miles above Port-Tobacco, On the 1st Monday in April, on the premises.
519 Acres in Montgomery County, in the state of Md. in the neighborhood of Frederick-town, not far from Kittocan, On the 2nd Monday in April, on the premises.
453 acres in Jefferson County Va. 2 miles west of Charles Town. Also 240 acres lying in Hampshire County, on Pk. 12 miles above Bath, On the 15, day of April, at Charles T.
1,600 acres in Jefferson County, in the South Fork of Bull-Skin, On the 16th day of April, on the premises.
183 Acres in Jefferson County, in Wormley's line, On the 18th day of April, on the premises.
571 acres in Frederick County, 1 1-2 mile South of Battle Town, On the 20th day of April, on the premises.
2481 acres on Ashley's bent—and 885 acres on Chat-tin's run, in Fauquier County, On the 22d day of do. on the premises.
One fourth of the amount of the purchase money to be paid down, and the balance in three equal annual instalments to be secured by a mortgage on the premises, to carry interest from the day of sale.
THE EXECUTORS.
March 18, 1803.
ADVERTISEMENT.
WILL be sold on Monday the 4th day of April, 1803, (if fair, if not, the next fair day, and continued from day to day until the whole is sold,) On the Plantation of the subscriber, living on Back Creek, Berkeley County, the following property, to wit:
HORSES and Colts, Cows with young Calves, and other young Cattle, a number of Hogs, with Household and Kitchen Furniture of every description—Also Farming Utensils, and a quantity of Corn, Hay in the Stack, and Bacon, a good Plantation Waggon, with Geers, and a number of Geese. A credit of seven months will be given the purchaser, on his giving bond with approved security, with interest from the date, if not punctually paid. Other particulars will be made known on the day of sale, by
JAMES BLUE.
March 18, 1803.
FOR SALE,
AN elegant Horse, three years old next May, 15 1-2 hands high. He is extremely well calculated for the saddle, or for covering mares. I will sell for Cash, or trade him for a smart Negro boy, or a young waggon horse.
JOHN MELVIN, jun.
Jefferson County, 3 1-2 miles from Shepherd's-Town, March 18, 1803.
Valuable PROPERTY for sale.
TO be sold or rented, the Plantation whereon I now live, containing 267 acres, a part of which is sown down with wheat and rye. There are several springs in convenient situations, two of which are strongly impregnated with sulphur. On this place are a good Apple Orchard, and about 12 acres of Timothy Meadow, and more can be made.—Two convenient dwelling houses, one of them two stories high, the other one and an half. Also a new Merchant Mill, and Saw Mill, working under a 19 feet fall on Sleepy Creek, with two overshot water wheels—the Grist Mill has one pair of French Burrs, and one pair of Alleghany stones, 4 1-2 feet diameter. The stream on which the Mill stands is navigable.—Timber is floated down to the Mill, from the upper country, and plank, &c. can be raised from the Mill down to the river Potomak. This property is situate 6 miles from the Potomak river, and 4 miles from Bath, Berkeley County, Virginia. The terms, &c. may be known by applying to the subscriber.
FREDERICK SNYDER.
March 18, 1803.
TO BE LET,
For one, two, three, four, or five years, and possession given the 1st day of April next,
THE property at present occupied by Mr. Abraham Lange, situate in Garrards-Town, Berkeley County. This property consists of a very good and convenient Dwelling House, well calculated for a tavern (for which it has for a long time been occupied,) with a bar room, cellar, dining room, and a number of lodging rooms, good stables, ball alley, &c. with an excellent garden, and two acres of land, well enclosed, adjoining. There is a good lime stone spring conveniently situated, the water of which runs through this lot. Any person inclining to rent, may know the terms by applying to Mr. George Lemen, of Garrards Town, or to the subscriber living near Mr. Raugly Colstons, on the Potomak river.
JOHN BECKETT.
March 18, 1803.
The Famous Stud Horse YOUNG SNAP,
WILL stand the ensuing season, on the three first days in each week, at my stable in Martinsburg, and the three last days in each week, at Capt. Alexander Miller's stable in Buckles Town, and cover mares at the moderate price of four dollars and one bushel of grain the season, one dollar and a half cash the single leap, and seven dollars to insure a foal.
YOUNG SNAP was got by the noted horse Old Snap, the property of Jacob Vandoren, his dam was got by the imported horse Old Arabian, his grand dam by the noted horse Goliath, his great grand dam by Sampson. Young Snap is a handsome black, full sixteen hands high, rising eleven years this spring—his carriage, movement and figure, will recommend him to the eye of every impartial judge. It is needless to give a longer history of his pedigree, as his colts are well known. The money for the season must be paid on the 15th of October next. The season will commence the 29th instant and end on the 1st of July.
ABRAHAM GORRELL.
March 18, 1803.
The famous and well-bred Stud Horse SNAP,
WILL stand to cover mares at my stable, on the Warm Spring road, near Walperts Tavern, at the moderate price of four dollars the season, one dollar and a half cash the single leap, and six dollars to insure a foal, to be paid when the mare is known to be with foal, or when the mare is removed. The money for the season may be discharged by the payment of three dollars, on or before the first day of October next, if not then paid, four dollars will be demanded.
SNAP is a handsome chestnut brown, full sixteen hands high, and well proportioned, he was got by the noted horse Old Snap, his dam by Granby, his grand dam by Old Janis—his colts are generally stout, handsome and active. It is thought needless to give a longer history of his pedigree, as his figure and activity will recommend him to the eye of every impartial judge.
WILLIAM KARNEY.
March 18, 1803.
N. B. Pasture may be had for mares that come from a distance, but I will not be accountable for accidents or escapes.
The beautiful Stud Horse YOUNG SPORTSMAN,
WILL stand the ensuing season at my stable in Martinsburg, and cover mares at the moderate price of six dollars the season, and two dollars cash the single leap, and nine dollars to insure a foal. The season will begin the first day of April, and end the first of July. The money for the season, to be paid the first of September, but may be discharged by the payment of five dollars, if paid before the season ends.
YOUNG SPORTSMAN is a bright sorrel, three years old last fall, 15 1-2 hands high, with bone in proportion. He was raised by George Clarke, of Green Castle, Franklin County, Pennsylvania. His sire is the famous imported horse Sportsman, (more of whose colts are kept as stud horses, than of any other upon the continent) his dam is a colt of the imported horse Merick Ball, kept by Col. Hart, near Philadelphia—his grand dam was got by the famous horse Experiment, imported by Crockett & Harris, merchants, Baltimore. His stock is equal to any in the United States—as to his figure, those who are judges can determine.
PETER GROVE.
Martinsburg, March 18, 1803.

EPIGRAM.
From "THE METERS."
I BOUGHT a horse; the owners wore He had no fault, was far from vicious: Thus much was well, I ask'd no more, Not choosing to be thought capricious.
When, lo! to my surprise, I find, This faultless horse is almost blind. In haste, I hie me back to meet My Jockey; find him—"Sir, this cheat, Will never do; the nag's unsound, Has not an eye to see the ground." Friend, quoth the man, as sharp as salt, 'Tis his misfortune; not his fault.
To the Citizens of Berkeley, Jefferson and Hampshire.
GENTLEMEN,
I OFFER myself to your consideration, as a candidate at the ensuing Election, to Represent you in the Congress of the United States.
To give my political opinions in detail, I consider unnecessary, as it may be presumed they are generally known throughout the district. I declare an inviolable attachment to the Rights and Liberties of the People of this Country—I declare an inviolable attachment to the Constitution of the United States, by which these Rights and Liberties are secured; and if elected, I will cheerfully co-operate in all measures which in my judgment are calculated to promote your interest and happiness.
I am, Gentlemen, with due respect, Your obedient servant, JAMES STEPHENSON. March 4, 1803.
We are authorised to inform the Citizens of Berkeley County, that JAMES CAMPBELL, Esq. and MAGNUS TATE, Esq. will stand a poll at the ensuing election for Representatives in the State Legislature.
NOTICE is hereby given, that an ELECTION will be held at the Court-House in Martinsburg, on the Monday after the third Tuesday in April next, for the purpose of choosing two fit persons to represent the County of Berkeley in the General Assembly of this State. JOHN DAVENPORT, Sheriff. March 4, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, that an ELECTION will be held at the Court-House in Martinsburg, on the Monday after the third Tuesday in April next, for the purpose of choosing a fit person to represent the District composed of the Counties of Berkeley, Jefferson & Hampshire, in the House of Representatives of the United States. JOHN DAVENPORT, Sheriff. March 4, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, that an ELECTION will be held at the Court-House in Martinsburg, on the Monday after the third Tuesday in April next, for the purpose of choosing a fit person to represent the District composed of the Counties of Berkeley, &c. &c. in the Senate of this State. JOHN DAVENPORT, Sheriff. March 4, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. February Court, 1803. ROBERT WILCOX, Complainant, vs. JACOB ONG, Defendant. In CHANCERY.
THE Defendant, Jacob Ong, not having entered his appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said Defendant do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in May next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court-House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
The YOUNG MILL-WRIGHT AND MILLER'S GUIDE, for sale at this Office.
TO THE CITIZENS OF JEFFERSON COUNTY.
WE, the undersigned, at the request of our Friends, offer as Candidates at the ensuing Election, to represent you in the next General Assembly of this State.
We are, Gentlemen, with due respect, your obedient servants, ABRAHAM MORGAN. GEORGE TATE. January 13, 1803.
To the Inhabitants of Berkeley County. FELLOW-CITIZENS,
BEING frequently solicited by a number of respectable Gentlemen to come forward as a Candidate to represent you in the General Assembly of this Commonwealth, this is therefore to inform you that I have at last got my own consent, not only to enlarge the field of your choice, but if elected, to serve you faithfully, according to my best judgment and ability. I will add, fellow-citizens, that I have lived amongst you nearly thirteen years, and in the course of that time, I have been endeavoring to learn the political situation of our common country, and have established for myself a place of residence in Berkeley County, where it is probable I may pass the balance of my days; it is therefore natural to suppose that my own interest, will lead me upon all occasions, to promote your welfare in general, as a body politic, of which body myself and family forms a part.—I will further add, that there may be a number of persons who vote for measures and not for men, that may wish to know my political sentiments; in order to give them that information, I do declare myself to be a real republican, a true friend to the constitution of the United States, and an approver of the present administration of the general government.
With sentiments of esteem, I leave you to judge, and chuse for yourselves. JOEL WARD. Mill-Creek, December 26, 1802.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. OCTOBER COURT, 1802. Andrew Waggener, surviving Executor of William Cunningham, dec'd—Comp't.
AGAINST Ann Henshaw, widow and adm'x of William Henshaw, dec'd, who was Ex'r of James Cunningham, dec'd, Nicholas Henshaw, Rachel Lemon, Lewis Moore and Rebecca his wife, Levi Henshaw, Hiram Henshaw, Seth Duncan and Rhexwana his wife, Adam Stephen Henshaw, Jonathan Seamon Henshaw, Washington Henshaw, William Slaughter Henshaw and Uriah Springer Henshaw, the said Adam Stephen, Jonathan Seamon, Washington, William Slaughter and Uriah Springer, are infants under the age of 21 years, which said Nicholas, Rachel, Rebecca, Levi, Hiram, Rhexwana, Adam Stephen, Jonathan Seamon, Washington, William Slaughter and Uriah Springer, are children and co-heirs and co-heirs of the said William Henshaw, dec'd—Defendants. In CHANCERY.
THE Defendants, Nicholas Henshaw, Lewis Moore, and Rebecca his wife, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, and for sale at this Office, [Price 25 Cents]
AN INTERESTING ACCOUNT OF THE PROJECT OF FRANCE RESPECTING
LOUISIANA. DRAWN up by a FRENCH COUNSELLOR of STATE, addressed to BUONAPARTE, translated from the French. Intelligencer Office, March 4, 1803.
CAME to the subscribers plantation some time in November last, an estray BULL of a brindle cobur, with a white belly, white face and a white tail, and has some white on his left shoulder, marked with a half crop out of the under side of each ear, has no brand, is three years old this spring, has small horns, the left horn the largest, appraised to nine dollars and an half. The owner is requested to prove property, pay charges and take him away.
ABRAHAM MARLATT. Berkeley County, March 11, 1803.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. October Court, 1802. John Myles, Tunis Newkirk, George Newkirk, Henry Newkirk, John Newkirk and Joseph Newkirk, which said Henry, John and Joseph, are infants under the age of 21 years, by George Newkirk, their Guardian—Comp'ts.
AGAINST David Watkins, Jane Logan, (widow) Executrix and Devisee of James Logan, dec'd, Brian Bruin and James Wilson, Def'ts. In CHANCERY. THE Defendants, David Watkins and Bryan Bruin, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on motion of the Complainants, by their Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the Complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. October Court, 1802. Ann Hunter, Guardian of Ann Evelina Hunter, Moses Hunter and David Hunter, children and Heirs of Moses Hunter, deceased—Complainants.
AGAINST John Davis, Sarah Keemer, Thomas May and James Keemer, Executors of James Keemer, dec'd, Elizabeth Davis, an infant under the age of 21 years, James K. Davis, William Magowan, and Mary his wife, late Mary Davis, which said Elizabeth, James K. and Mary, are children of said John Davis, and Legatees of said James Keemer, dec'd—Defendants. In CHANCERY.
THE Defendants Thomas May, and James Keemer, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly, and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainants, by their Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in March next, and answer the bill of the Complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
BERKELEY COUNTY, ss. November Court, 1802. John Offerrall, Complainant, against Patrick M'Caffry, surviving partner of Tabb & M'Caffry, Samuel Craig, Anthony Kennedy and Patrick Campbell, trustees of Tabb & M'Caffry, and Michael M'Kewan and James Faulkner, Defendants.
In CHANCERY. THE Defendants Patrick M'Caffry, Anthony Kennedy & Patrick Campbell, not having entered their appearance agreeable to an act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, on the motion of the Complainant, by his Counsel, it is ordered, that the said Defendants do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in February next, and answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette, for two months successively, and published at the door of the Court House of the said County. And it is further ordered, that the said Defendants, M'Kewan, Faulkner and Craig, do not pay, convey away, or secrete any debts by them owing to, or effects in their hands belonging to the Defendants M'Caffry & Tabb, until the further order of this Court.
A Copy. Teste, H. BEDINGER, c. b. c.
CARRIAGE OF FLOUR, &c.
THE subscribers beg leave to inform those who have Flour or produce of any kind to send down the river Potomac, that they are provided with strong and safe Boats for the conveyance thereof, and will deliver Flour, &c. in George-Town or Alexandria, on the most moderate terms—and for the further encouragement of those who favor us with the carriage of their produce, we have taken that spacious Ware-House, formerly in the possession of Mr. James Mosely, in which their property will be deposited free of any charge.
BLACKFORD & ZUCK. Shepherd's-Town, February 25, 1803.
TO RENT.—A HOUSE & LOT in Shepherd's-Town, conveniently situated for any kind of Public Business, it is calculated for a store and the accommodation of a family. Possession may be had the first day of March next. Apply to JOHN BLACKFORD. Swearingen's-Ferry, February 25, 1803.
At a Court continued and held for Ohio County, on Wednesday the third day of November, 1802. PHILIP DODDRIDGE and ALEXANDER CALDWELL, vs. ELIJAH SMITH, and the heirs of GEORGE BULOR, deceased.
THIS day came the Complainants by their Council, and it appearing to the Court that the order for proclamations in this cause hath not yet been executed, upon motion of the Complainants by their Council, it is ordered that the Defendants do appear here on the second day of the next March term, to answer the Complainants bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published for two months successively in the Berkeley & Jefferson Intelligencer, and that another copy of this order be set up on the door of the Court-House of this County for two months successively. A Copy. Teste, MOSES CHAPLINE, c. o. c.
TO RENT THE whole or a part of the House wherein the subscriber now lives, in Queen-Street, Martinsburg, with every necessary building; it is completely fixed for a Store or any kind of public business: there are two large dry cellars under the house. For terms apply to MICHAEL M'KEWAN. February 25, 1803.
Also TO RENT, A FARM on the west side of Back Creek, adjoining lands of Mr. Grantham and Michael M'Kewan's Mills, whereon Mr. Jacob Kizer now lives; there are on the place a good two story Log Dwelling House, with a Kitchen under the House, and other buildings, a good Garden, about 90 acres of bottom land, which is chiefly enclosed, about 15 acres in grass and more meadow may be easily made—good water—a sulphur or spaw spring near the house, a few Apple trees, only about four acres sowed down on the place. Possession may be had the 15th of March next. For terms apply to James Quin, or Michael M'Kewan. Martinsburg, February 25, 1803.
A FEW 3 and 5 Acre out Lots adjoining the South side of Martinsburg, for sale, for cash, enquire of John O'Ferrall or MICHAEL M'KEWAN
BLANK DEEDS For sale at this Office.
PRINTING, In all its variety, executed at this Office, with correctness and expedition.
Terms of the Intelligencer.
THE price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week; Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their advertisements.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.