Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1806-05-23 00:00:00

THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK; PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS FIVE DOLLARS AND FIFTY CENTS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY-FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION
FOR LONDON, Direct, The excellent American Ship MINERVA, J. W. Hall, master, will take freight on the most reasonable terms. For particulars apply to the Subscriber at the Exchange Coffee-House, or to the master on board. May 21. 753 Thomas Payson.
For Sale or Charter The American registered Brig FLORA, William Benthall, Master, burthen about 1700 barrels Flour, will be ready to commence loading in a few days. Apply to the master on board, or to Alexander Leckie.
Who offers for Sale the CARGO of the said Brig, consisting of Lisbon Salt, Lemons in boxes, and a few hhd. of Figs; which will be sold low for Cash, if taken from on board. Portsmouth, May 12. 748
FOR LIVERPOOL, To sail with all convenient speed, the new and well-found Ship INTREPID, Capt. Smith, has only made one voyage; half of her cargo is already engaged. For freight of the balance apply to George M'Intosh. May 19. 746
For Sale or Charter, The Brig TRITON, ready for the reception of a cargo. On hand for Sale, 270 Hogsheads Antigua RUM, 120 do. SUGAR, 120 Barrels George Murray, & Co. May 19. 751
FOR CHARTER, The excellent American Barque Two Brothers, George Swain, Master, burthen 200 tons, will carry about 250 hogsheads tobacco, now in complete order to take on board a cargo. For terms apply to Richard Blow. May 16. 733
FOR CHARTER, The excellent American SHIP EDWIN, 2 years old, Francis Getty, master, burthen 580 hhd. is now ready to receive a cargo. For terms apply to Moses Myers. May 12. 731
FOR CHARTER, The Ship DIANA, Francis Noble, Master, burthen 160 tons. For terms apply to Moses Myers. April 23. 701
FOR BORDEAUX, The Ship Susan and Sarah. For freight or passage, apply to Capt. Mariner, or to Moses Myers. April 25. 697
FOR CHARTER, The American Ship FOXWELL, Mitchell, master, burthen 280 tons, and now ready to receive a cargo. Apply to the Subscriber, William Pennock. April 23. 692
FOR CHARTER, The good Ship FAME, 315 hhd. burthen, now in port and in complete order to receive a cargo—A freight to Falmouth and a Port in France will be preferred. Apply to C. & F. Whittle. April 18. 676
Wanted to Charter, Two or three VESSELS, from 50 to 100 tons burthen, to load at Nixons, N. C. for which a liberal freight will be given. Apply to James M'Clenachan. March 31. 728
The SHIP ECHO, 300 hogsheads burthen, is offered for sale or charter; she is now ready to receive a cargo. Apply to C. & F. Whittle.
Who are landing from on board said Ship a parcel of very First quality SUGARS, in large hogsheads and barrels—IN STORE, BOTTLED PORTER & ALE, fit for immediate use. April 30. 708
FOR PHILADELPHIA, The fine new Brig SARAH, F. Hall, Master, will be ready for the reception of a cargo on Monday next, 12th inst. and will positively sail in ten days. For freight or passage, having good accommodations, apply to the master on board at Maclure's wharf, or to D. R. Waddey, & Co. May 7. 721
For Freight or Charter, The Brig EDWARD & CHARLES, Edward Pettigill, Jun. Master, burthen 1300 barrels, will be ready to receive a cargo in 6 days. For terms apply to Phineas Dana, & Co.
Who have received per said brig, A few hhd. and quarter casks particular Tennessee WINE, which they offer for Sale. April 16. 675
NOW LANDING, TEAS, Hyson Skin, Young Hyson, A few Hogsheads Grenada RUM. For Sale at Marsden's wharf, by James M'Clenachan. Who would receive Goods on Storage, at his fire-proof Warehouse, on Marsden's Wharf. May 12. 732
The following address was read on Sunday last in the Presbyterian Church in this Borough, by the Rev. Mr. Rice. Its object is of that kind, that seems to recommend itself to the serious consideration of all those to whom it is addressed. As many who might be friendly to the design, may not have had an opportunity of hearing the address—its present publication has been requested—especially as the agent appointed to receive the donations, has only a few days to remain in town..
To the Pious, the Enlightened, and the Benevolent. The necessity of religious instruction is obvious to all who have any just views of the Christian Religion. They, to whom we address ourselves, will readily perceive that a learned ministry is the most important and efficacious means of promoting that knowledge, which is admitted to be necessary. Nothing is more plainly taught in Scripture than that those who undertake to preach the Gospel should be "apt to teach," not "novices;" and there is no more obvious dictate of common sense than that those, whose office it is to instruct should have knowledge to communicate. But this can be obtained only by the diligent use of the common means of information, or by inspiration. And every man of intelligence knows, that all modern pretences to inspiration, are the offspring either of enthusiasm, or hypocrisy; and that knowledge is not, in the present day, supernaturally communicated to any man in any station. The only question then which can arise on the subject is, whether learning and refinement in the ministry is preferable to ignorance, and all its concomitant evils. But on this question, reasoning would insult the understanding. It will be more to our purpose to enumerate the several branches of knowledge which are peculiarly necessary, or most highly important to the Christian Minister.
1. The first which shall be mentioned, is the knowledge of the original languages of the Holy Scriptures. It may perhaps be thought by some that as the Scriptures are translated into our own language, and as they are a sufficient rule of faith and practice, that nothing more is necessary to the preacher, than a careful perusal of the English translation. It is admitted that the Scriptures contain every thing necessary for the regulation of the faith and practice of Christians;—but when we refer to them as the infallible standard of truth, we mean the original Scriptures; and not translations made by uninspired men, and of course liable to errors. It is moreover admitted that our translation is, upon the whole, excellent; yet it may in many passages, have missed the true meaning of the original. And besides this, every scholar knows that no translation is as good or as satisfactory as the original. Certainly then, they who undertake to interpret the Scriptures, ought to be acquainted with the languages in which they were first written. And this becomes the more necessary, as from the continual change of living languages, that translation which is now exact, will in a few centuries become entirely unintelligible; or at least many of the words will have so varied their meaning, as greatly to mislead their readers. This is now the case with the first English translations—Who can read them without a glossary? And as new translations, from time to time, become necessary, who are the proper persons to judge of their expediency, or to make them? Shall it be left to infidels and heretics? The consequences of this may be conjectured from a translation of the Bible which has lately appeared in England, in which a plain, unlettered Christian would not be able to recognize one of those essential doctrines, on which he has been accustomed to found his fondest hopes, and from which he is used to draw his strongest consolations. And if such an attempt could be made, where then were hundreds to detect the fraud? What would be the consequence were all the preachers of the Gospel illiterate.
2. A knowledge of antiquities, including history, manners, customs, rites and ceremonies. More is necessary to enable the preacher successfully to interpret the sacred oracles, than merely to read them in the original. The very latest book in the Scripture Canon was written upwards of seventeen hundred years ago, in a country very remote from ours, among the people whose manners, customs, and habits of thinking, were very different from those of modern nations. To understand those writings, then, we must not only be acquainted with the languages in which they were written, but we must study the character of the people among whom they were published, and become acquainted with their prevailing opinions, their national customs, their rights, and their ceremonies. A study which requires great labour and diligence, and many expensive volumes.
But again, the authenticity of the Scriptures has been called in question, and the Minister of the Gospel is to be prepared to give, to every man that asketh him, a reason of the hope that is in him. He is to be able to convince gainsayers, and to stop the mouths of blasphemers.—To have it in his power to do this, the Theologian must be accurately acquainted with the early history of the Church, with the writings of the primitive fathers, and with the works of all other ancient authors, who either directly or indirectly throw any light upon this subject. The acquisition of this knowledge requires not only long and laborious study, but many books, written for the most part in languages not now spoken, and difficult to be obtained in this country.—Hence it is that there are so few among us, who are not entirely destitute of this kind of learning. Those who, from feeling their want of it, know its importance, have to struggle with almost insurmountable difficulties, and pursue their favourite object, under discouragements which cripple every exertion, and damp every hope of arriving at eminence in Biblical learning.
Science in the present day is advancing with unexampled rapidity, and it is highly important that the preacher be able, in some degree, to keep pace with it; and this is on two accounts: 1st, That new discoveries in philosophy have in some instances shed considerable light on the scriptures. And even if this were not the case, men, who are entirely ignorant, or who are versed only in what are sometimes contemptuously called the musty volumes of antiquity, will certainly lose their influence, and fall into contempt with the adepts in modern science. The second reason is, that the enemies of religion have perpetually varied their forms of attack, and the philosophy of the age has been converted into a formidable weapon against the religion of Jesus. It is incumbent on ministers of the Gospel to repel this attack, and to defend the fortress of truth against all the sons of violence.
It is proposed therefore to establish at Hampden Sidney College a complete theological library, for the benefit of those who already have, or hereafter may devote themselves to the work of the ministry.
But farther, we live in a country vast in extent, rich in fertility, and growing in population with a ra-
pidity beyond any former example. But we are yet in our national infancy: our habits, manners, and characters are forming; and nothing has so much influence in moulding and fixing these things, as religious opinions and practice have. It is certain too, that religious opinions, even where freedom of inquiry is unrestrained, takes its aspect almost entirely from the teachers of religion.—It is then a matter of high importance that the Ministers of the Gospel should be men of learning and refinement; of liberal minds, and enlarged understandings; and in our circumstances it is a subject peculiarly worthy of attention. But it is a fact, that very few in our country possess that knowledge which clergymen ought to possess. Thousands of our fellow-citizens are now either misled by self-created teachers, or are totally destitute of religious instruction, and their souls are actually perishing for want of knowledge. The youth of our land are growing up without cultivation; infidelity is spreading; its poison through all ranks and classes; dissipation and vice are prevailing to a most alarming degree; and the melancholy truth is, that teachers of religion with proper qualifications are not to be obtained.—Until this want can be supplied, the case is absolutely hopeless. Men of talents, of learning, and of piety, would meet with encouragement; but such men are not to be found, or at least very rarely. There are, however, many young men of piety and genius, who might be ornaments of the church, and blessings to society, who now languish in obscurity under the pressure of poverty, which "freezes the genial current of the soul," and which represses that hope which alone prompts the human mind to action. To educate these, to train them up to the ministry, to send them forth to proclaim salvation to perishing sinners; to spread the blessings of truth and piety among our countrymen, are the important objects which are now presented to you. It is proposed by the Presbytery of Hanover, to establish a theological school also, for the education of the poor and pious youth for the ministry. The only obstacle to this scheme is the want of funds; and to some it may appear a mere visionary plan, from the largeness of the sum necessary for the foundation of such an institution. But an attentive consideration of the subject will show that we have at least encouragement enough to induce us to make an effort. These important institutions of learning which adorn European countries, and from which have issued so many able and enlightened clergymen, so many ornaments of human nature, and benefactors of mankind, were, many of them at least, established by the zeal and piety of private men; the most valuable institutions of our own country were erected by the benevolence, the activity and the patriotism of private men. And we have never yet known an attempt of this kind to fail, when its authors have been guided by proper motives, and have planned wisely and acted vigorously.
The College where it is proposed to erect this institution, of which it is to be a part, is the child of the benevolence of private men. And even a few obscure, unknown foreigners, soliciting benefactions for a popish institution, in a remote country, collected from the liberality of our countrymen, a sum sufficient to lay the foundation of such an institution as we proposed. We have little doubt therefore, that by proper exertions, our plan will be realized: and if such an establishment once be made, there is almost a certainty that its funds will increase by legacies and donations from the pious and benevolent; that it will continue through distant generations; that those who contribute to its establishment, will receive the sincere benedictions of thousands who will be benefitted by it, and that a grateful posterity will enroll the names of its founders among the best benefactors of their country.
You, then, whom we address (that is) the pious, the enlightened, and benevolent, are respectfully solicited in this way "to honour the Lord with your substance," and to contribute for the promotion of this design of charity and patriotism.
The special agent of the committee appointed to manage this business, remarks, that it is not so much the design of the proposed institution to make Presbyterian Ministers, as learned Divines: not to propagate the particular tenets of a sect; but the general interests of the Religion of Jesus; not to extend the influence of bigotry, but to repress enthusiasm, and destroy error.
BRITISH NEW ADMINISTRATION. No. VI.
Mr. Windham has been appointed the war Secretary of State, for the purpose, no doubt, of carrying into effect the many schemes of improvement in our army which he has urged in the house of Commons. Some of those schemes are impolitic and impracticable; but we shall be happy to see his utmost efforts employed to increase the regular force of the country. One of the evil effects of the contest of parties is this; ministers dare not take strong measures from fear of affording the opposition grounds for exciting discontent. When the opposition and the ministry are nearly balanced, the government must be weak. This weakness has its advantages in a free country; but in times of war, particularly in times of extreme peril, it is highly dangerous. The present ministry are not likely to be much opposed; they will not be able to excuse bad measures by the embarrassments thrown in their way at home; and we hope they will employ their power in placing our military on the most respectable footing; but this great branch of administration must not be wholly entrusted to Mr. Windham's visionary projects.
To entrust the guardianship of our colonies, and consequently, in a considerable degree, of our commerce, to Mr. Windham is scarcely prudent.—Mr. Windham seems to have taken up certain notions of speculative reformers quite incompatible with the existence of the British empire. These Gentlemen contend that the English people labour merely for the maintenance of ships and colonies, the possessors of which are the masters, the rest the slaves.—They contrast the wealth with the poverty; because the first is great, they contend the last is great also, and occasioned by the first. The subject is one of too great extent for this place, but it would not be difficult to shew the fallacy of their reasoning, arising in a great degree from a spirit of envy and discontent. Mr. Windham's journal imputes to the administration of Mr. Pitt the poverty and wretchedness, the great increase of parish paupers, &c. which it pretends prevail in this country. From Mr. Windham's own mouth we have an answer to all this malevolent ribaldry, and we have his authority too for calling it Jacobin. On the 13th of May 1802, in the debates on the treaty of Amiens, Mr. Windham made a speech from which the following is an extract, copied from Stockdale's debates: "That our exertions in the war have not injured us, would
appear by considering whether the country has pined or thriven, whether it has become fat or lean by its efforts. Surely, if, as some pretend, the country has been ruined by the war, it has not been thrown into a galloping consumption. I have indeed heard it argued in the true spirit of Jacobinism, that though individuals were rich, the country was poor. Every distress incident to man and the social state has been insidiously represented to be the offspring of war, as if the same distress did not exist in all wars, nay in all times; as if it were not obvious, that poverty must ever accompany great wealth; as if poverty were not a sort of secretion from the plethorick habit of wealth. Indeed it is easy to shew how commercial wealth and poverty must be connected; in the fluctuation of trade and manufactures, numbers are occasionally deprived of their usual employment in one place, while the tide of prosperity rises higher in another. No less absurd is it to say, that the wealth with which the country abounds is in few hands, as if it were possible that a country could have much wealth, while it was monopolized by a few."—This was Mr. Windham's opinion of the state of the country in 1802. It is the best answer to the present assertions of his own journal, that Mr. Pitt's administration has reduced us to beggary.—For if what Mr. Windham said, in reply to those who contended the war had ruined us, was true, it is now equally applicable as a reply to those who affirm the country has been impoverished by Mr. Pitt's administration. The first question is, whether the poverty exists? If it does not, as Mr. Windham contends in defending the war, it cannot be made a charge against Mr. Pitt's ministry. Our credit, capital, and commerce, so jacobinically (Mr. Windham's words) complained of, are the envy of the world, and the sole objects of our enemy's hostility. They are the essence of British power, and they who would annihilate them, would change the British empire to something totally different from what it is. The expression, "Perish commerce, let the constitution live," fully illustrates Mr. Windham's sentiments on this subject, and shews how dangerous a minister he would be if he could carry his own wild schemes into practice. It is denied that Mr. Windham used this expression; granted, But for two years it was ascribed to him, publicly; and so did it accord with his opinions, so probable did he think it was that he had said so, he never once denied it, and never would have denied it to this day, had not some one told him it was Mr. Hardinge who so expressed himself. But in denying that he had used the words, Mr. Windham did not disclaim the sentiment; on the contrary, he gave it his highest approbation. Hence the blame of such language attaches to him more than if he had been guilty of mere indiscreet expression in the warmth of debate. Mr. Windham's journal too incessantly calumnies the commercial world, representing it as comprehending only the most cowardly and base wretches; aspite evil genius and poison of the state. Even Mr. Fox's journal joins in calling this a purpose-proud ignorant generation whose career happily draws near a close. To see the patron of such publications in the cabinet, is undoubtedly a source of greater alarm than all Buonaparte's threats of invasion.
Mr. Windham's opinion of the funding system is not less alarming, viewing him as a minister of weight in the king's councils. About two years ago he refused in Parliament to disavow the assertion in his journal, that unless the funds were destroyed, the English monarchy could not be secure; and that journal ever since has laboured, with all possible falsehood, calumny, and malice, to render the national creditors obnoxious, to raise a mob for the destruction of the bank. About a fortnight ago it entered into a long argument, full of falsehood, ignorance, and malignity, to shew that the stockholder, having purchased a cheaper rate than he could buy land, on the calculation of one day being deprived of his stock, would have no reason to complain should that day now arrive, instead of being, as he supposed, at a great distance. It is not true that the stocks are lower than landed property because they are less secure, but because they are unimprovable. A few weeks ago, fee farm rents of 300l. per ann. payable for ever, free of tax incumbrance, or expence of any kind except the property tax, issuing out of the best houses in Bath, the rents of which are upwards of 5,000l. per annum, sold at Garraway's, by Mr. Griffith, for less than twenty years purchase, a price beneath that of the funds. Twenty years purchase is the highest given for any property whatever, though secured in the amplest manner on land, if the property be unimprovable. Less can be made in the funds of money than by lending it on mortgage, which is actual possession of the land itself. The highest legal interest, five per cent. and an immediate premium of five per cent. more for agency, is at present daily offered without success, to raise money by way of mortgage on the finest landed estates. Land cannot pawn so well as the faith of Parliament; and shall we be told that the stockholder purchases on the calculation of one day being robbed? A pretty story about two widows is given, equally false, ignorant and malicious. It is said, supposing twenty years ago two widows had each 10,000l. One of them a frugal, prudent lady, lays out her money in land for which she obtains about 5 per cent.; the other, a dashing dame, lays it out in the funds, for which she obtains 5 per cent.; (five is not always to be had.) At the end of the twenty years, the landed lady has spent but 6000l. while the funded lady has spent 10,000l. The conclusion drawn is, that the funded lady has no such claims to protection on the state as the landed lady. Now what is the fact?—The funded lady's property has not at all improved, while the landed lady's has probably doubled in value. The one, by selling her land and buying into the funds, can have 1,000l. per annum, while the other must remain with her 500l. only, all the necessaries of life being enormously increased in price. In such a case the fundholder is to be pitied, the landholder envied. The proprietors of the times, while the freeholders suffer. Almost all landholders, who are not immediately prevented by leases, advance their rents to pay the property tax, for instance, and annually increase them as taxes and commodities rise. But what relief has the stockholder? None. He goes on, year after year, his income reduced by the advance of commodities. One thousand per annum is not now worth more than 600l. twenty years ago. The fundholder is in fact the only sufferer by the publick distresses. Landlords, tradesmen, and mechanicks have all increased their incomes in proportion to the increased expense of living. The interest paid on the national debt is not, perhaps, more at this moment than it was twenty years ago, with relation to the price of commodities, though nominally it is double; and this may explain how it is that the large amount is so easily paid. But for all this it is the fundholder and the fixed annuitant, such as a mortgagee, that suffers. Every new loan raised

for the state, ultimately and absolutely comes out of their pockets. And shall we be told that these persons, whose property is daily eaten up by the wants of the nation, should be robbed of the remainder? The suggestion is most cruel and atrocious. Does this suggestion come from Mr Windham, a Cabinet Minister ! It is avowed that he collected the money to set up the Journal which publishes it; he refused to deny in the house of commons the assertion of that Journal , that the English monarchy would never be secure till the funds were destroyed. That Journal addresses itself to the promotion of all his views, to the flattery of all his passions, animosities, and even eccentricities. Though strictly a political paper, it lately descended to defend the science of boxing, because Mr Windham is an admirer of it. It has blown hot and cold precisely as Mr Windham has blown. Abusive of Fox, Sheridan, Grey, Erskine, St. Vincent, Burdett, Bona parte, when Mr Windham was opposed to them; now it is their defender. Cold and suspicious towards Mr Pitt about the time of the dinner at Merchant Taylor's Hall, and since abusing him, because he did not take Mr Windham into the ministry; it has been equally cold and suspicious of lords Grenville and Spencer, and would have been equally abusive of them had they not given Mr Windham a place. In the whole history of Publick Journals we never have seen one so invariably devoted, so servile, so abject to any publick man as the Weekly Register is to Mr Windham. This is a matter of no importance as far as it concerns the Journal ; but it is of the highest importance so far as it shows the opinions of that Journal are those of Mr Windham, a cabinet minister. If Mr Windham means to act upon the principle that the monarchy cannot be secure till the funds are destroyed, happy would it be for this country that a crisis were his lot rather than the cabinet. Let not the landed proprietors be flattered with the notion that their lands would be secure if the funds were swept away, or that their rents would be larger. The same feeling in the landed proprietors of France produced the revolution. The nobles would not pay taxes to defray the interest of the national debt. The funds went, and the lands followed. The French monarchy fell with the funds; the French nobles fell also. Why are such libels on the faith of parliament, such attacks on the property of the subject, suffered to pass? Persons have been punished for saying the king should be destroyed, the parliament should be destroyed, the land should be divided, &c. and why are doctrines so truly, so systematically revolutionary, suffered to pass with impunity? The funding system is still sound and salutary, though somewhat feeble from having been so rapidly drawn upon. It should be eased a little by raising the whole, or nearly the whole, of the supplies within the year. The sinking fund is making rapid advances towards the extinction of the debt. Never was there a time when the country would bear burthens more patiently than the present, because it is satisfied of the justice and unavoidable necessity of the war. Ministers have no clamorous opposition to dread to inflame the people and paralyze the efforts of government. If Mr Windham gives them such advice as his Journal contains, and they listen to it, the country is gone. We hope the office he holds is merely a reward from his party for the noise he has made in parliament to push them into office, and that his opinions, if for destroying the funds, will not be listened to in the cabinet. Let him have his cheese-parings and candle ends, for raving over "the pander of all the base passions of the people;" but let him not inculcate the destruction of our funds and of our commerce, the very vitals of our national existence.
(To be continued.)
Late Foreign News.
LONDON DATES TO APRIL 4—via Boston.
LONDON, March 24—April 4.
MARCH 24. The answer to the dispatch brought from Boulogne by a flag of truce, is said to have been dispatched from Mr Fox's office on Saturday. It is to be sent from Deal by a flag of truce.
March 25.
By the Hamburg Mail of the 18th inst. which came to hand this morning, we have received the following articles of intelligence:
VIENNA, March 8. A strong British and fleet cruisers in the Straits between Sicily and Naples, and is ready to take on board the Neapolitan troops, under the command of the Prince Royal of Naples, should they be obliged to abandon the position they have taken in Calabria.
March 26.
Whilst Murat is to be created a Prince of the German empire, and perhaps an elector, Prince Louis Buonaparte is mentioned as the future sovereign of Holland. Some letters are said to have been received from the Hague, stating that he was expected there on Monday last—that Schimmelpennick was to be immediately dispossessed of the office of grand Pensionary, and that the new form of government, which has been arranged for some time, will be declared without loss of time. These intended changes have, it is added, produced universal consternation and dissatisfaction throughout Holland. The funds have fallen from ten to twelve per cent.
Buonaparte, though he is evacuating Germany, is pouring his troops into Italy; they are to be concentrated in and near Venice. From that Haley's Nest , as it has been called, built on the waves of the Adriatic, and rocked into deeper and secure repose by the tempests which for more than twelve centuries have devastated Europe, but wrecked at last in the storm of the French revolution; from that little spot, the asylum of freedom, when she fled from the destroying Aliza , Buonaparte meditates what in France will be called the deliverance of Greece, and in England the subjugation of Turkey.
Among the important contents of dispatches received from Lord Collingwood, in the correspondence between his Lordship and the Spanish Admiral D'Olive, who, it will be recollected, was taken prisoner in the battle of Trafalgar, but afterwards escaped in his ship to Cadiz. D'Olive, we understand, denies his being a prisoner, upon this unworthy and most frivolous pretence, that it was not his sword, but that of his captain, which was carried to Admiral Lord Collingwood. The fact is, that, when his ship, after having struck, was boarded by a British officer, D'Olive was lying on the quarter deck, dreadfully wounded, great part of his face having been shot away, and apparently in the agonies of death. The British lieutenant ordered that he should not be disturbed, but desired to have his sword, as a token of his surrender. A sword was accordingly delivered to him as that of the Admiral, and it is because this is now said to have been his captain's, that this degenerate Spaniard, who rather indeed should be considered as an adopted Frenchman, now refuses to deliver himself up as a prisoner. Those who remember with what considerate and respectful politeness Lord Collingwood claimed him, will know how much his treachery is enhanced by gratitude.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.—APRIL 2.
AMERICA.—Mr. Rose gave notice of his intention to bring forward to morrow, a motion of the utmost consequence with regard to the intercourse of America with our West India Colonies. This motion he was urged to press, in consequence of what he heard was going forward elsewhere; combined with a negotiation of great importance, which was known to be on the tapis . The idea of enabling the
governors of the West India islands, to suspend our navigation laws during the war, struck him to be a project so alarming, that he felt it to be his duty at once to move for the production of such documents as he knew were calculated to show, not only the inexpediency, but the danger of such a proceeding.
April 2.—The Hamburg mail of yesterday brings us a few articles of Continental news:—
Vienna, March 19.—It is said, that a negotiation is on foot between our court and France, in favour of the king of Naples, and that the French Charge-d'Affairs Doudon, after a conference with count Stadion, sent off a courier, with dispatches relative to this subject, to Paris.
Some difficulties have arisen relative to the evacuation of Gradiaca , as it is asserted, on the part of the treaty of Presburgh, was ceded to France? general Vincent will therefore make representations at Paris.
In the course of last week, the court of France made two demands of the House of Austria: the first, its pure and simple adhesion to the new treaty of Partition between France and Prussia; the second, a permanent and perpetual passage for the French troops through the Austrian territory, into Venetian Istria and Dalmatia.
There is in Upper Carnithia a frontier town, named Ponteba , divided into two unequal parts by the river Fella . The smaller part of this town is Austria, and the other Venetian ; a bridge separates the two territories; and it is over this bridge that the French demand a passage, in order to gain the great road which leads from it into Italy.
Exertions are continually making to repair the enormous deficits of arms and ammunition of every kind, which the war has occasioned in the Heredity States .
The whole course of the Elbe is now under the control of Prussia; on Friday last, a Prussian detachment took possession of Citxhaven .
A letter received from Hamburg by the last mail mentions, that the French general Rapp, who left that city two days before, for Prussia, came there to extort another contribution. The sum which he stated himself to be authorised by Napoleon to demand of the magistrates, amounts, it is said, to between five and six millions of francs. The issue of this business it is difficult to conjecture; but it is certain that the magistrates have, for the present, refused to comply with general Rapp's demand. One of the Senators was, it is rumoured, immediately to proceed to Paris, to make representations on the subject to the French government.
Further and Later from the Continent of Europe.
In addition to the articles of intelligence given in our foreign department from the London papers received by the way of New-Bedford, we are enabled to subjoin the following, from Dutch papers as late as March 29, received at this place, by the Eliza and Mary , Capt. Starr, from Rotterdam:—
Constantinople, Feb. 12.—M. le Roux, who had been dispatched hither by the minister Talleyrand, to communicate the event of peace between France and Austria, and was also charged to remind the Porte of recognizing the imperial dignity of Napoleon, which he has performed so successfully, that the Porte has already made a declaration in which it included the formal recognition of Napoleon as emperor of the French and king of Italy. The Porte has dispatched Attif Effendi to Haled Effendi at Paris, with this declaration, the latter of whom, ever since the refusal of the Porte to recognize the emperor, has resided there in an individual capacity, but will now resume the rank of Turkish ambassador in Paris.
The Russian ambassador, count Italinsky, has delivered a protest against this measure, in which, among other observations, he demonstrates, that this change, in the conduct of the Porte, is repugnant to the alliance recently renewed with Russia. He has dispatched a courier on this subject to Petersburg, and the English ambassador has also sent a courier to his court with this very important intelligence.
Rome, March 3.—The king of Naples has commanded the inhabitants of Calabria to lay down their arms; and at the same time issued orders for the evacuation of that province. The whole Neapolitan army is to assemble in Sicily.
It is said, that the marshal Massena will be appointed governor of the two Calabrias; and that general St. Cyr will have the command of the army under the immediate orders of his imperial highness prince Joseph.
On the 28th ult. the ministers of the French government took possession of the Farnese Palace, and other edifices in this city, belonging to the court of Naples.
Vienna, March 12.—Gen. Andreossy has communicated to our cabinet, that his imperial majesty the emperor of France has appointed M. de la Rochefoucauld, his ambassador at this court. He is expected to arrive here in the course of a fortnight.
According to some German journals the formal occupation of Hanover by Prussia will shortly take place. The same paper also makes mention of a disposition, according to which, Swedish Pomerania, including the island of Rugen, is to be ceded to Prussia in lieu of a considerable sum of money.
Accounts from Hungary, say, that the Russian army posted on the frontiers, consists of no less than 300,000 men; and add that a new recruiting has been commanded in Russia.
Paris, March 23.—The Moniteur of to-day contains the following article:
"The French troops will, on the 1st of April next, be put on the peace establishment."
"The three flying armies, which have been formed at Alexandria, Rennes, and Poitiers, are dissolved; and the national guards, who had been put in requisition, returned to their homes two months since."
"The corps of reserve, commanded by the Marshal and senators Kellerman and Lefebvre, are dissolved."
"The emperor has caused his satisfaction to be imparted to those two marshals, at the zeal which they manifested in the exercise of their functions."
"In this manner are all our armies putting on the peace establishment; and we hear that the greatest part of our troops which have been in Germany, will have passed the Rhine before the end of April."
The mission of count Haugwitz being terminated, he is on the point of returning to Berlin; and it is said will to-day take his audience of leave of the Emperor.
It is said that the fate of Swedish Pomerania is fixed; and that it will be shortly occupied by Prussian troops.
LATE FOREIGN NEWS, VIA NEW-YORK.
LONDON, March 28.
The convention between France and Prussia is carrying into execution with all possible speed. Wesel and the whole of Prussian Cleves, has been occupied by the French, as the readers will see by the following account, dated from Wesel the 9th March.
"The evacuation of this city, and the whole of Prussian Cleves is now occupied. Yesterday, at two o'clock in the afternoon, about 200 French troops arrived here by water from Neuss, the citadel and fortress were immediately delivered up to the French general Beaumont. Major Scholer, however, remains here, with some officers of the artillery, to superintend the formal delivery of the magazines, &c."
Gen. Beaumont, as first aid-de-camp of his highness prince Murat, has issued a proclamation, stating the emperor's orders for his taking possession of the Duchy of Cleves, in the name of the prince whom his majesty shall appoint, in consequence of a treaty of the 13th of Feb. between marshal Duroc & count Haugwitz. The persons in the administration of public affairs are to remain in the exercise of their functions till others shall be appointed by the new sovereign."
The circumstance of Murat's aid-de-camp having been sent to take possession of the Duchy, has strengthened the belief, that that favoured relative of our imperial house is the prince to whom the territory is to be given.
March 29.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
SIR JOHN DUCKWORTH.
Lord H. Petty presented at the bar a message from his majesty, which was brought up, and read from the chair as follows:—
"GEORGE."
"His majesty being desirous of conferring a signal mark of his favour and approbation on vice-admiral Sir John Duckworth, in consideration of the service rendered by him, and the skill and gallantry displayed by him in an engagement with an enemy's fleet on the 6th of February last, wherein the whole of the enemy's force were taken or destroyed, recommends to his faithful commons to take measures for securing to the said Sir John Duckworth an annuity of 1000l. for the term of his natural life."
The occupation of Hanover, as well as other circumstances in the conduct of the court of Berlin, created, it seems, great uneasiness in the Prussian merchants, who naturally viewed them as leading to a rupture with this country. They, in consequence, applied to the minister, to know upon what foundation their commercial concerns were likely to continue, when they received the following answer:
"The elders of the two commercial deputies of this city are informed, in answer to this request, that circumstances at present are not such as to offer sufficient ground to apprehend any hostile treatment of the navigation, and the property of Prussian subjects, on the part of the English government. Should any change of circumstance occur, the merchants will be informed of them with all possible expedition. By his majesty's special command."
"HARDENBERG."
March 31.
Meditated assassination of Buonaparte.—On Monday night last, the 24th instant, a strict search was made by the magistracy of Hamburg assisted by the French minister and all the French inhabitants, throughout the whole of that city and its environs. Every hotel, inn, and publick house was inspected with the most pointed scrutiny. At an inn of the second sort, a French officer was seized, whose appearance accorded strictly with the description in the hands of the Police. On his being arrested, he immediately exclaimed, "take me, and do with me what you please: I have deserved to suffer more than you can inflict for my awkwardness." He then confessed that he had twice fired at Buonaparte on the evening succeeding the battle of Austerlitz, but unfortunately missed him.—On the affair taking wind he had deserted, and had got to Hamburg, whence he intended to have sailed for England. He was immediately sent off by the quickest conveyance to Paris, where his inevitable fate awaits him. A most respectable native of France, who came over in the last Hamburg mail, was very nearly stopped at the same time, under suspicion of being implicated in this affair, but had the good fortune to be suffered to proceed on his voyage.
The same evening Altona experienced a similar diligence of search, as it was supposed the party might have crossed the river.
No circumstance is more strange throughout the whole of this extraordinary affair, than the profound oblivion it has been buried in for such a length of time. It shews, however, how much the channels of communication throughout the continent are governed by Buonaparte; and we have little doubt, but the fate of this unfortunate person will be equally mysterious.
April 2.
The Hamburg mail due this day arrived in course. The following is the most material intelligence brought by it.—Buonaparte perseveres in his system of levying contributions on Germany, and Hamburg has been required to furnish a loan of six millions of livres, with a promise of protection in case of compliance. The demand has been refused, and one of the Hamburg senators is gone to Paris to make representations, which will be about as successful as those made by Frankfort.
BALTIMORE, May 16.
Extract of a letter from Commodore Rodgers, dated Algiers, December 10th, 1805.
The American brig Friendship , James Clemmens master, of Boston, was sent in here on the 17th instant, by an Algerine frigate, which met her off Ivica, bound from London to Leghorn, with a cargo of fish; the cause of detaining and sending in said brig, was her want of the new Mediterranean passport, with which every American vessel should have been supplied on or before the month of July last, according to the convention made with these Regencies, and the due notification given by the secretary of state of the United States.
The reason which captain Clemmens gives for not having the passport is, that his vessel has not been in the United States for three years past, and he imprudently thought the cruisers would receive that as a sufficient excuse, for his not being furnished with the new passport; but he has found himself grossly mistaken, and (although he acknowledges that he had seen the notification of the secretary of state) he has risked the property committed to his charge, and in some measure endangered the peace of his country with this Regency, for if they should have adhered tenaciously to their usages, she would have been considered a good prize, the passports being the essential paper of the vessel, although the cruiser was perfectly justifiable in sending her in, as they know vessels only by their passports. On her arrival I left the business entirely to the government (knowing the grounds on which the United States stand,) who without hesitation, gave up the vessel and cargo, and the Dey gave her a passport to protect her against further detention by his cruisers from this to Leghorn, and from thence to the United States; but from no other voyage in this sea, as the Mediterranean passport is indispensable. I can venture to say that no other nation would have got a vessel off, under the same circumstances for less than half the value of vessel and cargo, and we ought not to rely upon a repetition of like favours.
Extract of a letter from the supercargo of the brig Gayosa , of New-York, dated New-Orleans, April 11th.
"We were prevented from performing our intended voyage by the Spanish government, who pre-emptorily refused our passage up the Mobile river, we were ordered off after we had sent two petitions to the governor and intendant of both the Floridas." [The Gayosa was bound from New-Orleans to fort Stoddert for the express purpose of getting a cargo of cotton for New-Orleans.]
Whereas my wife ELIZA STUART,
twelve months since eloped from my bed and board; this is to give notice that I will pay no debts of her contracting.
James Stuart.
May 21.
732
VIATOR's remarks on Mr. Rice's Address, are received—He will readily perceive, that in their present shape, they cannot be inserted. That address we insert in the first page of our paper, at the request of several respectable friends, and its emission on Wednesday, arose from a misunderstanding; at the same time we would observe, that the Editor of this paper does not conceive that he is flattered by being made a copist from a cotemporary paper; the pleasure which he feels in serving the cause of learning and science, induce him to overlook an etiquette, which he would do on very few occasions. The right of making original communications to whomsoever the author pleases, ought not, nor shall not be questioned by us—nor will a preference mortify us. To return to VIATOR, we do not think the address was intended to invite a theological discussion, or to reflect on the religious tenets of any particular sect, consequently we would wish to decline the insertion of remarks, founded on a misconception, and which would lead to a religious controversy, a controversy, of all others, we wish to exclude from our paper.
A correspondent recommends to our notice the remarks copied, from the London Courier of the third of March, into the Herald of Tuesday last. Of the merit of those remarks, we can offer no opinion, nor do we think a republication of them in our paper necessary, one half of them having been published already in the Ledger of the twenty fifth of November last, not only in substance, but in the very same words. For the publication of those observations, if our memory serves us correctly, it was hinted, that we were entitled to a coat of tar and feathers .
The reader who is curious, is requested to begin at the third paragraph in the Herald , with the words "The Authors, &c." to the end, and he will find the truth of our assertions.
It is remarked in a London paper , that Buonaparte has lately become a great patron of agriculture, his neighbours the Germans and Dutch can say, that no man better understands draining .
The cards in France remain as heretofore, except that the Knave is changed into an Emperour , and commands the Kings and Queens .
By the schooner Federal George , Capt. Field, in 7 days from Boston, bound to Baltimore, we have received papers to the 16th, which contain London accounts to the 4th of April, not so late as we have received, but from which we have made some extracts for this day's paper.
Many of our readers have asked who is Prince Joachim , the brother of Buonaparte? we find it is Prince Murat , who he so calls.
A new duty on the exportation of Cotton Goods has been laid in England.
In consequence of an express sent to the President on Friday last to Monticello, Mr. Coles, his secretary, returned to the City of Washington this day, and we learn the President will follow in the course of the next week.— Alex. Daily Adv.
Sir Isaac Coffin left town yesterday for Canada.—We were mistaken, when we stated that he was appointed to command on the Halifax station, although it was so mentioned in the English papers. The admiral is on furlough to attend to some personal concerns. Boston Post.
A vote of the thanks of Parliament has been given to vice admiral Duckworth, rear admirals Cochrane and Louis, and the officers, seamen and marines of the squadron, which effected the victory off St. Domingo. In the debate on this subject, Mr. Rose took occasion to remark, that the captures made from the enemy during the administration of Mr. Pitt amounted to 109 sail of the line!
The following Speech of MR. RANDOLPH was delivered upon the question of committing the resolutions of MR. NICHOLSON to a committee of the whole House, after the rejection of MR. GREGG's resolutions.
An outline of this speech has been given before, but it has not been reported at length, until within a few days past. Considering the importance of the subject upon which this speech was delivered, and the facts and circumstances to which it refers, we persuade ourselves that our readers will find interest in the perusal of it, although the question has been long since decided.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said he would make a super-adding motion, which was that the committee should rise, and he would assign his reasons for this motion. I am well aware, said Mr. R. and I consider it the happiest and fairest feature of our policy, that in a deliberate body a majority must govern. This is a position which has often been enforced on me, and which I have sometimes enforced on others. But I hope no majority will be indisposed to act honestly—though a majority ought to govern, it should not be on motives of caprice, freak or passion, but wisely; and it ought not, at this time of day, to feel power, and forget right. The reason why I am in favour of the committee rising is the same which I advanced the other day against the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania—a reason which it is astonishing to mind does not operate on every member of the committee—the state of things here and abroad. Is there a member prepared to vote for the resolution of my excellent friend from Pennsylvania (Mr. J. Clay) or of my worthy friend from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson)? I believe not—I for one am not prepared. The other day, when I said I was disposed to treat with Britain for the very reason that I was indisposed to treat with her in 1793, I perceived a sneer on the faces of gentlemen, and that they scouted the idea. But what is the fact? The gentleman from Massachusetts quoted the message of the President shewing that this business is still pendente lite . What information does the President in that message give us? That he had tried negotiation and failed? That, as in another quarter, our minister had been shoved neck and shoulders out of the cabinet? No—that negotiation is still pending

between our minister and the minister of Britain. Can then gentlemen, while the business is re infecta, feel disposed to act either on the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, or that of the gentleman from Maryland?
Again—Must we not every day expect information from Europe; and ought not this information to have an influence on this assembly, if indeed we are a deliberative assembly. Surely it ought. On political empirics, who prescribe the same medicine to every disease, this information may have no effect. But on the minds of sober men, it ought to have, it must have an effect. The situation of the powers with whom these momentous discussions may have been materially changed by the events of the last ninety days. Will gentlemen undertake to say that motives which influenced the mind of a Bernstoff, ought to have no weight with us? Will they, under these circumstances, go into committee to grope in the dark, to catch at something, on a subject of which they know little in relation to events of which they know less? No—this is not the moment to act. The committee have declared that that moment has not arrived. They have, in their capacity of a House, refused to discharge them from the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and have in the same capacity, refused to act upon it. And what does this prove but that the moment for action has not come; unless, indeed, this venerable assembly will condescend to become the wet nurse of the bantling of the two gentlemen from Pennsylvania, who, provided they can maintain it at a distance, hope their misdirection will be overlooked—a faux-pas, which, if it can be kept in an obscure farm house, may be smothered over. I, however, am not disposed to offer it the pap-spoon; still less am I disposed to be disturbed by its cries, or those of its brethren.
It must be obvious to you, Mr. Chairman, that this is not the fit time to decide on our British relations—that while there is a pending negotiation with her, all such discussion must be premature. These resolutions are the productions of a political hot-bed—they are not the growth of a genial sun, but reared in a forcing house; and I will tell gentlemen, that politics bear forcing as little as the physical productions of nature.
A gentleman from Massachusetts, whom I now see in his place, offered a few days ago to this committee a string of observations, which he declared were not intended either for a resolution not then before the committee, or for that offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania. Now the committee having determined not to discuss the resolution offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and as those remarks were not offered on the subject then before the committee, we have been left to guess they were intended for the question now under consideration—and as I believe they were full as applicable to this as any other question, I hope to be indulged in making a few observations relative to them. But at the same time I disclaim the preface that gentleman prefixed to his remarks, viz. that he did mean to examine the question before the committee. I do mean to examine that question, to show why this is not the proper time for acting on this subject: to show that all discussion on it is premature; and that we ought to abstain from acting upon it until we shall have heard from the other side of the Atlantic.
As well as I remember, the gentleman set out by recalling the attention of the House to the message of the President of the 17th of January last. Yet, Sir, he began in the style of old times— infandum renovare dolorem —to call the House back to the message of the 17th of January. To what part of it? To that part which is publick, or to that part which is locked up in the escrutorio of the clerk, or is in his breeches pocket, for aught I know—that part which it is his business to keep from the eyes of the nation? Now what is our situation? A brave Senator, with our doors open, calls the attention of the House to an amphibious and ambiguous message, part secret and part publick. And is this the situation in which gentlemen would put us? Are we thus to be knocked down with the hammer of Executive infallibility? I hope not. When that message came, on the 17th of January, how long had we been in conclave? I believe a fortnight. When did the dispatches arrive? I undertake to say, because I know it, it was prior to the 20th of December—because I made proper enquiry at the office of the Secretary of State, where I had myself received dispatches from London. What are the contents of those dispatches? Did they advocate the course this house has pursued, or a course totally different? And yet that very message has been quoted under the idea that no man could say to the contrary, and that we would sink beneath the weight of its authority. Those dispatches came to this country before the 20th of December. On that day I returned from Baltimore, and received a communication from their author of a contemporaneous date; I have called at the office of the Secretary of State, and was informed by the head of that department that they had both arrived at the same time. And it was then I discovered that the head of the second department under the government did not know that they were in existence, much less that his opinion on them had not been consulted, that I declared what I repeat, that there is no cabinet. You have no cabinet. What! the head of the treasury department, a vigorous and commanding statesman, a practical statesman, the benefit of whose wisdom and experience the nation fondly believes is always obtained before the great measures of the government are taken, unacquainted with, and unconsulted on important dispatches, and yet talk of the cabinet? Not merely unconsulted, but ignorant of the documents. Well—the act passed, and on the 16th of January was sent to the other House—and on the 17th dispatches come which have materially changed the decision of the House; and am I, feeling this, and knowing the house had been trifled with, to be denounced for telling you if you had had the necessary information, your decision would have been different from what it was? I know this—for many gentlemen who voted for the measure adopted, told me their votes would have been different had they had the necessary information. I say the decision of the House, if we had known what we ought to have known, and which had been received four weeks before, would have been different; and I have no hesitation in saying there is no cabinet, when I see a man, second to none for vigorous understanding, and practical good sense, ousted from it. I say as I have said before, if the Executive wants our confidence, let him give us his. But when we are excluded from his confidence, let him not demand ours. I will not give mine on these terms, and I have no hesitation in saying so. Yes, Sir, I say with open doors what I said when your doors were shut, and what I believe—that it is not for the master and mate (and I speak it without disparagement to any man) in bad weather to go below, and leave the management of the ship to the cook and cabin boy. The nation expects to know—they believe they do know, the opinion of the Executive. But do they know it? Where have they got it? Does it appear in this string of resolutions? Have we the opinion of the President? Have we his constitutional recommendation? No. You have nothing—Let the clerk produce the budget! But we shall be told that this House has a right to give direction to the President. This is the last refinement on courtly flattery. Shall the House act on information neither official nor constitutional, on the stale pretext of giving the executive a direction, when they believe they are acting on what gentlemen get up and give as reason to believe are the secret wishes
of the executive. It is out of the question for any persons who are men of understanding, to condescend, under such circumstances, to do the work of the cabinet or the water closet. No—tools must be found! and to such tools such work will be, as it has been uniformly committed. I do not only say they must be, but that they have been found. But at the threshold of every thing I can offer, I am met by these Nestors of the land, by these old coachmen who love the smack of the whip, who talk of old times, of the stamp act, of the non-intercourse, and other revolutionary acts. But let me tell gentlemen this is all violence and declamation. You would not suppose that the maxims of Chesterfield had been studied by the gentleman from Pennsylvania—and yet the fact is that manner is every thing. But I beg you to compare the matter I have offered with the mild, meek, and peaceable sentiments of gentlemen. Because one gentleman has delivered his sentiments in a voice that freezes before it reaches this quarter of the House, and another gentleman mumbles out confide the national debt; does that affect the principle at issue? And because another man, with some warmth, recommends a different course, are you therefore to stone and crucify him?
The gentleman from Massachusetts, to whom I have alluded, has told us what the question between this country and G. Britain is. He says that the tobacco and flour, the rice and cotton, transported by our vessels, come as much within the question quo ad enemy's property, as the colonial trade. But is there any presumptive evidence that the rice, the cotton, the tobacco, or any other articles of American growth that are carried by our vessels, are enemy's property? There is none. Now take the other side of the question—recollect that Holland, France and Spain have not a ship on the ocean; that the coffee, sugar and cotton of her colonies, which find their way to Europe, must go there under the cover of a neutral. What is the presumption? That a large part of those productions, thus transported, are relatively to Britain enemy's property. How is a discrimination to be made between those products which are, and those which are not the property of an enemy? Is it not a fact that a few disreputable characters will bring a stigma on a whole neighbourhood? Will any man deny the fact? Are the French and Spanish colonies independent? And what is the fact? That under the neutral flag the whole of the immensely valuable productions of these colonies find a conveyance. What do we say? That we have a right to carry those productions from the colonies to the belligerent nations? No—We say the bringing them to the United States and paying duties on them, neutralises the property. But do they? Indisputably not. The moment you concede the point that you cannot carry on a direct trade, it becomes a question no longer of principle—but a question on which you must treat on the ground of expediency. And you must treat—you will treat—relative to it. There is one consideration, which whether it has or has not engaged the attention of gentlemen, ought not to be lost sight of—and that is that our bulky productions can be carried by only two powers in the world—by ourselves or Great-Britain—No other nation possesses the tonnage—Go then into war with Great-Britain, and where will you find the tonnage to carry your products? you cannot find it. But, on the other hand, the British fabrics may be brought in Danish bottoms. There will be neutral tonnage enough to bring to your doors the productions of Britain. But where will you find the neutral tonnage to carry your produce abroad?
We are told that this is not a war measure—that Grotius and Puffendorf, and other distinguished civilians have decided that it is a pacific measure. But it unfortunately happens that great statesmen, on the theatre of active life, will not suffer themselves to be dictated to by the mumbler of antiquity; and gentlemen who will not be governed by circumstances, who exclaim fat justitia ruat coelum , must be content with making diagrams in their closets, while these active statesmen are deciding the destiny of nations. They tell us—they have Grotius and Puffendorf at their backs—but I would rather have at my back the posse comitatus of the ten miles square, weak and inefficient as I know it to be. Yes, it is too true, the gentlemen will not listen for a moment to circumstances. It is in vain that we see Great-Britain armed, that she has a fleet in the W. Indies—that she has a ship over every square league in the ocean. They will not consider the propensity of an armed nation to strike.—They will listen only to newspapers, and pamphlets and circular letters.—Putting all these things out of consideration, they are for playing the part of Bobadil. They will not reflect that circumstances always govern practical men—they persist in their abstract theories. These Laputan and Lilliputian politics won't do. What are gentlemen about? While they are disputing whether the egg shall be broken at the big or little end, and whether the committee shall be discharged from the resolution in the House, or the House shall first go into committee, and the resolution be there discharged, they are pursuing measures which will be felt in Britain, and will forcibly re-act on ourselves. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Crowninshield) has told us what he would, and what he would not do, if he were a citizen of the republick of St. Marino. We would suppose from this declaration that he was an inhabitant of Fusco, about to carry on war against Lilliput. Such a man may be celebrated as a seaman, and may be able to make an able Lord of the Admiralty over a fleet of privateers; but as a politician he is a Lilliputian delegate.
But we are told again, that this is a peace measure, and that we ourselves are the belligerent parties, who style it war measure. One of the profoundest statesmen told Joseph the second, one of your jingrak men, that if he should attempt to force the navigation of the Scheldt, the fort would fire upon him. What said Joseph? I will not stoop to time and circumstance—he talked of natural rights, and go he would never dare to fire. Compare the relative situation of the little republick of Holland, when her days of glory have passed away, when she has fallen into the hands of a conqueror—compare her present situation with that she enjoyed before the wings of her power were clipped by France. The emperor Joseph sent out his fleet, and the only intelligence he received of their fate, was that the Dutch had fired. He deemed it impossible—he could not believe that the little republick of Holland should fire on the Austrian Eagle. He thought as gentlemen think, he was deceived; and you will be deceived too. For this commercial principle is not a principle of peace, but of war. Gentlemen may go to Carthage, if they please, stop at Genoa, and pass on to London, and they will find each of those nations commercial in proportion as they were warlike, and warlike in proportion as they were commercial. And why do commerce and war go thus hand in hand, but because commerce always disposes the nation to go to war, which is not disposed to give up a lucrative trade. The idea of the pacific tendency of commerce is a mere ignis fatuus . We find Holland ceased to be a great commercial power, when she ceased to be able to fight the combined fleets of France and England.
But I shall be told that whithersoever it may lead us, this spirit of commercial monopoly ought never to be extinguished—I shall be told it is a base principle to crouch even to necessity; that we ought to set not only reason and common sense at defiance, but likewise necessity, which knows no law, but prescribes law to all. Well, I am free to confess, if this assertion is not beyond my comprehension, I have for the first time in my life found the reason of the plan-
ter's servant, who on being asked what was the matter with his horse, said he was ashamed because he was dead—the poor animal had ingloriously crouched to the base principle of necessity, and had given up the ghost, when he ought to have kept the field. And this is what we are called upon to do by gentlemen who will not acknowledge the law of necessity, and who scout it as a principle which it does not become us to act upon. If these notions are to prevail, let us take Don Quixote as our first minister of state and Sancho Panca as the second in command. These are the natural hands to hold the reins of government, in case all regard to the principle of necessity is disclaimed. I hope gentlemen who hold this doctrine, never mean to die, to sleep, or to weep at the distresses of their fellow men, or in any other way acknowledge the base principle of necessity.—But I, who profess to yield a compliance not only to the laws of necessity, but of probabilities, and who consider politics as only a science of probabilities, can no longer find a medium between myself and those, who disclaim all regard to the laws of necessity, and am obliged to confess that I am among the number of those who would negotiate with Great Britain.
I am perfectly aware of the tedious time the committee must have had in listening to my remarks—not more so, I assure you, to them than to myself. I am aware of the arguments offered directly out of doors, and indirectly in this House, against the course which I believe it is for the interest of this nation to pursue. One of the first causes of surprise which presented itself to me on coming to the seat of government was that, while the people of the United States thought all eyes were fixed on the shores of the Atlantic, all eyes were in fact fixed on the half way house between this and George Town—that the question was not what we should do with France, or Spain, or England; but who should be the next President. And at this moment, every motion that is made—I do not mean, in the parliamentary sense of the word, in this place—is made with a view to the occupation of that House. And it is for this reason that certain men are to be put down, and certain men are to be put up.—As I have said before, I have conceived it the greatest happiness attendant on the government of this people, that all their political relations, the different parties and their connexions and bearings and effects, could be debated in the face of the nation. Now, we are told from good authority, that there is a certain party called the federal party, and that there are other parties in the United States, called republican parties. Well, sir. Certain gentlemen have been held up as willing to court the attention and support of the federal party—men by whom no villain has been spared, let him belong to what party he may—men by whom no villainy has been spared, to whatever party it may have attached. So much for federalism—there is another question relative to what is generally called quiddity .—I am willing to meet gentlemen on that ground.—If we belong to the third party, be it so. I am willing to meet them on other ground.
[There was here a loud call to order in which Mr. Thomas joined. The Speaker decided that Mr. Randolph was in order. An appeal was taken to the House, who confirmed his decision.]
Mr. Randolph proceeded. I am obliged to the gentleman for the respite he has given me, as I really felt much exhausted. I know where the shoe pinched. I will take gentlemen on another principle of Burrism, as it is called. Will gentlemen attack us on that ground? Will they say we are the rotten part of the republican party—the go-betweens of any sects—the solicitors of any office—the tools of any fiction? Now, sir, on the subject of federalism—I mean no imputation to any man or party of men—are we the advocates of federalism? Does the administration, (and especially the department of the navy,) or does it not administer the government on the principles of federalism? Has that department ever been administered on principles more federal? There is another department—the post office department—the sweetest engine ever put into the hands of an unprincipled man. Are we for administering the government on principles of Burrism?—This is a delicate subject, I speak with a full consciousness that it is. Now for the last ism —Yazooism. Are we Yazoo men? Have our enemies ever charged us with this?
Mr. Randolph here made an allusion, which from noise in the house we did not hear, to a misconception by Messrs. Sumpter and Marion of a previous remark made by him relative to militia generals:—and then asked; is there a man who would disdain to sit aside of such men? The allusion I made was fully understood; but those, whom it fitted, were willing to shift it from their own shoulders on those whom it did not fit.
I am really sorry, Mr. Speaker, for the time I have occupied. When I came into the house yesterday, it appeared to me as if the proposition before us was to appoint a board of commissioners to settle the account current of every member with the house. We heard a great deal of palaver and blarney; but of a description which can never take me in. I abjure it. I raise my hand against it—I will never become its dupe. I am willing to allow that in the heat of debate, expressions improper for me to use, but not improper in their application to those to whom they referred, may have escaped me—the verba ardentiæ of an honest mind. I scorn to retract them. They were made in the presence of the nation, and in their presence I will defend them. I will never snivel, whatever may be the result. I have moved that the committee should rise with a perfect knowledge of the existing circumstances. I knew the moment we adjourned over on Saturday, that the old story would be repeated, that gentlemen would seek the Lord, agree upon some given principle, that all might go together. And I have not been disappointed. But it is for you to say, whether at this moment, when you are watching your daily and nightly mails for news from Europe—when you are oscillating between Buonaparte and the coalition—you are prepared to decide ultimately on this subject. I feel for one that I am not. As to the accusation of being the apologist of Britain, it is the idlest charge that ever was made. When I first took a seat in this House I was denounced with being a French partisan, because I opposed those men who then held the reins of government in their hands in their measures for carrying us into war with that nation; and now that I am for pursuing the same course towards Great-Britain, which I was then in favour of pursuing the same course towards France, I am charged with being the apologist of Britain—To this denunciation I am willing to submit, which all men must submit to who are not willing to risque the peace of their country.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Snow Wentworth, Whitesides, 10 days from Baracoa, Ballast, Geo. Wilson. Capt. Whitesides sailed from Cape Francois on the 27th of April in the sch'r Clarissa Townsend, of and for Philadelphia; on the evening of the next day in the Caicos passage, was captured by two French schooner privateers, and a felucca and carried into Baracoa, after plundering him of every article of wearing apparel. On the 6th of May a French felucca privateer came into Baracoa, who had been engaged with two Baltimore schooners, mounted one long twelve pounder, and had 40 men, out of which she had 7 killed, and 18 wounded, her bows and quarters stove in, her hull, rigging, and sails greatly injured. The priva-
teersmen declare that in consequence of this action, they will put to death every American they meet coming from St. Domingo. Left at Baracoa sch'r Reynard, Chester, from this port, discharging; —, McLaughlin, of and from Charleston, bound to Jamaica, was taken by a French privateer, detained two days, given up and allowed damages, and waste sail for Jamaica in a day or two; John, Hathaway, to sail for Jamaica in a few days.
Ship Two Brothers, Harshorne, 64 days from Liverpool, Salt and Crates, to the Master.—April 26, in lat. 41, long. 52, shipped a sea, which swept away both boats, Lewis Reynolds, of York Town (Vir.) the second mate, and the Cook were washed overboard, the larboard quarter boards stove in, and every thing swept off the decks.—Spoke May 2d, in lat. 39, long. 52, the ship Enterprize, of Hollowell, from Liverpool bound to Alexandria 38 days out—9th, lat. 39, long. 62, ship Nancy from Liverpool of and bound to New-York, out 46 days.
Ship Ticonic, Parsons, 55 days from Plymouth, Ballast, Moses Myers.—Left there 23d of March, the following vessels detained—ship Franklin, Dana, to sail for London the first wind, part of her cargo damaged; brig Two Marys, Bourne, of Boston, bound to Holland, cargo landed partly damaged; ship Ambition of New-York bound to Amsterdam, part of the cargo landed; brig Lydia of Plymouth (Mas.) bound to Antwerp, under quarantine; brig Dragon, of do. from Lisbon bound to Corunna released.—Spoke April 26, in lat. 38, long. 44, ship Alexandria, of and bound to Alexandria, 23 days from Lyning-ton.
Brig Sophia, Hoving, 49 days from Cowes, Ballast, Noble, Arbuthnott & Co.
Sloop Katy Maria, Storer, 6 days; sch'r Samuel, Hudson, 7 days; and sch'r Success, Vanpleck, 3 days from Philadelphia.
Sch'r Federal George, Field, 7 days from Boston, bound to Baltimore.
The ship Commerce of Haverhill, from Lisbon for this port was spoke on the 18th April in lat. 43, 20, long. 45.
The ship Alexander, King, of this port bound to Liverpool, was spoke on the 12th of April in lat. 42, long. 31—out 13 days.
The ship Alexander, Lane, from this port bound to Amsterdam, was spoke on the 8th inst. in lat. 42, long. 55—out 9 days.
The ship Amiable Antoniette, Williams, from this port for L'Orient, was spoke on the 22d of April in lat. 41, 20, long. 43, 10.
The brig Virginia, Hill, of this port sailed from L'Orient for Lisbon the 6th of April.
The Harriot, Leech, was to sail for this port from Madeira the 7th of April.
The NORFOLK RACES,
Will commence on MONDAY, the 26th instant,
1st Day, a sweepstakes for 3 and 4 year old colts, 2 mile heats, 100 dollars entrance.—Closed.
2d Day, a purse of 400 dolls. 4 mile heats, weight for age, 25 dolls entrance.
3d Day, a post sweepstakes for 3 year old colts, 1 mile heats with 86ibs. on each, 50 dollars entrance—to which there are two subscribers and many more expected.
4th Day, the Ladies' Purse of 100 dolls, 1 mile heats, with ketches, the best 3 in 5, 10 dolls entrance.
5th Day, a purse of 200 dolls. 2 mile heats, weight for age, entrance 20 dolls. and the pay for each day the cash posted up.
Good Stables and Litter found gratis, and the best attention and accommodation paid the gentlemen of the turf.
Tolls will be collected in the following manner:
  Four Wheel Carriages, - - - - - 1 dollar,   Two do. do. - - - - - 50 cents,   Each Man and Horse, - - - - - 25 do.   Persons on foot, - - - - - 6 do.   Those who come through the woods double price. 
R. H. Cooke. May 23. 1 760
NORFOLK BOROUGH.
At a Hastings' Court, continued and held the 29th day of April, 1806—Moses Myers, James Taylor, jun. and John Camp, are appointed to hold the Election for Common Council-Men, for the present year, in ward No. 2.
A Copy, Teste, WM. SHARP, Clerk.
Pursuant to the above order, an Election will be held at the house of Moses Myers, on the 24th next month.
Moses Myers, James Taylor, jun. John Camp. May 23. tde 761
Just received and landed from on board the schooner Silvia, capt. Joseph Lewis, from Boston, 10 Bales GURRAHS, entitled to drawback—For Sale by
Thomas Lempriere, At Messrs. Oliveira, Fernandez, & co. Wide Water st. March 23. 3t 759
FOR SALE, One Hundred and Thirty Shares of Virginia Bank Stock, and Exchange on London. Thomas Payson. May 23. tf 758
FOR CHARTER, The Ship TICONIC, Burthen 340 hds. is ready to receive a cargo.—Apply to Moses Myers. May 23. tf 754
FOR SAVANNA, (Georgia,) The Sloop SALLY, Capt. Bangs. Will sail in a few days. For freight or passage, apply to Fisk & Catlett. May 23. tf 755
FOR BOSTON, The Schooner SILVER, Captain Levin, will sail in 3 or 4 days. For freight or passage, apply to Fisk & Catlett. Who have for SALE on board said vessel, 50 Tons of PLAISTER of PARIS, which will be sold low if taken from along side. May 23. tf 756
I WANT TO CHARTER, A sound British SHIP, of about 300 tons, for London. John C. Niemeyer. May 23. 3t 757
For Rent, or Lease,
Two Fire-Proof WARE-HOUSES, on Maxwell's Wharf.—To permanent tenants the terms will be moderate.—And for Lease,
A convenient building LOT, fronting on Main-Street 46 feet, and about 120 feet in depth. This Lot is advantageously situated near the Old Market place. Apply to Francis Smith, Agent for the Proprietors. May 16. 6t 799
FOR RENT,
(And immediate possession given) The HOUSE lately occupied by Messrs. Shanks & Binford, in Brewer-Street. Apply to Robert Gibson. May 19. 758

LANDING From on board the Schooner Isabella, James Pitts, master, from Lisbon.  3000 Bushels loose SALT, 16 Pipes London Particular Lisbon WINE, 2 Hogsheads do. do. 30 Boxes Sweet ORANGES; 60 do. LEMONS, 408 Fruits White FIGS, 200 do. Comadre do. superior quality, 300 lbs. Superior CHOCOLATE, 160 do. Kernels of ALMONDS, 7 Baskets soft shelled do. 6 Cases assorted LIQUORS, 4 do. do. 2 do. MARASQUINO — All fresh and in good order for Sale on moderate terms, by Oliveira, Fernandes, & Co. May 9. tf 723
D. R. WADDEY, & Co. Have just received per the Ship Dumfries, from London, an additional assortment of SHIP CHANDLERY, Among which are a large quantity of BUNTING, broad and narrow, of every colour, which they offer for Sale. Also on hand, Teneriffe WINE, Holland & Country GIN, 4th Proof Cognac BRANDY, of superior quality, Hibbert's Brown STOUT, in casks of 6 1-2 dozen, Double Gloucester CHEESE, Old L. P. Madeira WINE, fit for immediate use, Muscovado SUGAR, in hds and bds — LOAF do. in do. N. E. RUM and WHISKEY. May 5. tf 718
SPRING GOODS. COCKE AND SANTFORD, No. 40, Main-Street, have received per the Ships Two Brothers from Liverpool, and Dumfries from London, an extensive assortment of SPRING GOODS, consisting of Irish Linens assorted, 4-4 and 6-4 Sheetings, French Cambricks and Long Lawns, Fine Pocket Handkerchiefs, 7-8 and 8-4 quarter Diapers, Table Cloths, Chambray Muslin, Cambrick do., Cambrick Dim-ties, Furniture do., Fashionable Shawls, Lace Veils, Black net Shawls, Superfine Cloths and Cassimere, Cotton Cassimers and Grandreils, Umbrellas and Parasols, Kid Shoes, Hats assorted, in cases, Seine Twine, Ozanburghs and Hempen Rolls, Cotton and Silk Hosiery, Checks and Stripes, Callicoes and Ginghams, Fashionable Waistcoating, Whit-sand coloured Janes, Powder, Shot, &c. &c. ON HAND, Yellow NANKINEENS, first chop, Berboom CURRAHS — and 8000 wt. BACON, April 25. 2m 695
SPRING GOODS. RICHARD TAYLOR, Has received by the Ship Dumfries, from London, a handsome assortment of Spring and Summer GOODS, which he offers for Sale by wholesale and retail, for Cash or approved paper. April 25. 2m 696
Landing on Gibson's Wharf, from on board the Schooner Catharine Shepherd, Capt. Webb, from Surinam, a choice CARGO of MOLASSES in hogsheads and tierces, And from on board the Sch't Union, Capt. Buck, from Antigua, Antigua RUM of superior quality. In Store, Tobago RUM, Madeira and Teneriffe WINE, 7 years old; Molac CLARET in cases of 1 dozen each; A few kegs Hog's LARD, &c. Harrison Allmand. The Sch't Catharine Shepherd is offered for Sale. April 28. tf 704
Landing from on board the Ship Susan and Sarah from Bordeaux, 30 Pipes choice 4th pf. Cognac BRANDY, 100 Cases Medoc WINE, of Pontet Canet, of the vintage of 1800, 50 Cases FRUIT in Brandy, 50 do. CASKS, OLIVES, and ANCHOVIES. On hand of former importations, 500 Hogsheads CLARET; 200 Cases do. Entitled to drawback, and for Sale by Moses Myers. March 26. tf 612
ROBERT GIBSON, Has removed to the Fire-Proof Warehouse in Wide Water-Street, nearly opposite Commerce Street. Feb. 28. tf 536  TO RENT, (And possession given immediately.) That commodious STORE on Main-Street, No. 22, near the old market-place, together with a large Cellar and other apartments, well calculated either for Groceries or Dry Goods. ALSO, Two large DWELLING-HOUSES, with Stores in front, on Bank-Street. — Apply to Robert Farmar. Who has for Sale, on low terms, A few CANAL SHARES, The property of a gentleman to the Northward. April 4. tf 640
Will be landed Tomorrow on Commerce-Street Wharf, 118 Bags Caracas COCOA, 18 Barrels Superior quality SUGAR, 1 Tierce 9 Bales COTTON — For Sale by Jas. & Thos. Tucker. April 16. tf 669
PROPOSALS BY ROBERT D. RICHARDSON, For Printing by Subscription, for the benefit of Mrs. WINCHESTER, a Pamphlet, entitled A Plain Political Catechism; Intended for the use of Schools in the United States of America, by the late Rev. Ebenezer Winchester, author of a "Course of Lectures on the Prophecies, &c. &c."
CONDITIONS. I. The work will be printed on paper of a superior quality, with a handsome type, and will comprise in small octavo, about eighty pages. II. It will be put to press as soon as subscriptions can be obtained for five hundred copies; and no money will be required but on the delivery of the book. III. The price for each copy, neatly covered with blue paper, will be Fifty Cents. Among the various Political Tracts which have been published in these United States, there are but few more entertaining, and truely interesting, than the Political Catechism, by Ebenezer Winchester, that distinguished Republican. — The accuracy of his information, the elegance of his diction, and the extent of his knowledge, in addition to the genuine spirit of candor which this production breathes throughout, unite to prove, that it may not only be a valuable acquisition to the rising generation, but highly beneficial to experienced politicians. Subscriptions received at this Office. April 2. tf 720
30 Pipes Country GIN, 10 do. real Cognac BRANDY, 20 Puncheons W. I. RUM, 15 Quarter Casks Old Sherry WINE, 30 Barrels WHISKEY, 30 Hogsheads Apple BRANDY, 30 Bags PEPPER, 50 Boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 do. Dipped do. 2 Bales FINE CASSAS, 5 do. Beerboom CURRAHS — For Sale at reduced prices by S. Marks, jun. & Co. April 2. tf 631
IRISH LINENS, &c. The Subscriber has received from Dublin, by the Ship In-trepid, a choice assortment of Irish Linens, Sheeting, Diapers, &c. which he offers for Sale on moderate terms. Richard Taylor. May 10. 2m 747
SPRING GOODS, Received by the DUMFRIES from LONDON, for Sale by J. & W. Southgate. April 25. 3w 694
FOR SALE, 3000 Pieces Yellow NANKINEEN, 11 Boxes Imperial TEA, 6 Casks Hyson do. The above of the best quality and entitled to drawback. Apply to Robert Maitland & Co. WHO HAVE ON HAND, Hibbert's best bottled Porter and Brown Stout. Also, Old L. P. Madeira Wine, fit for immediate use. March 5. tf 560
CASH Given for Twenty Shares of VIRGINIA BANK STOCK. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. March 14. tf 579
NOTICE. MARTIN FISK has taken Mr. CHARLES J. CATLETT into partnership, the business in future will be transacted under the firm of Fisk & Catlett. Who have for Sale, 4000 pieces Yellow NANKINEENS first chop, Fresh Imperial Hyson and Young Hyson TEAS, 150 Crates Crockery WARE, well assorted, 8 Tons Patent SHOT, assorted, 75 Kegs English GUNPOWDER, 100 Boxes London Crown GLASS, 100 Kegs White LEAD, ground in oil, 1500 lbs. Seine TWINE, 150 Casks NAILS, assorted, cut, and wrought, 50 Bolts OZNABURGS, 200 Boxes Mould CANDLES, 25 do. Spermaceti do. 50 do. Fresh CHOCOLATE, 200 lbs. Spanish flat INDIGO, 50 Boxes fresh MUSTARD, (Dixon's Manufactory) 100 Rheams Writing PAPER, 200 do. Wrapping do. Also — This Day Landing, 50 Barrels BEEF, Boston Inspection, 50 do. MACKAREL, 12 Hogsheads choice retailing MOLASSES. Feb. 24. tf 525
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER, AT HIS LUMBER YARD ON CALVERT'S WHARF, 700,000 SALE SHINGLES. 50,000 BUILDING do. 50,000 STAVES — White and Red Oak. 10,000 CYPRESS PALES. 5,000 CEDAR and CHINQUEPIN POSTS. Also — shall keep a supply of PLANK AND SCANTLING. Thomas H. Parker. August 19. tf 77
NEW CUT-NAIL MANUFACTORY, ON TOWN POINT, A small distance below County Wharf, Wide Water Street. THE Subscriber has, at a considerable expense, fitted up, in addition to his other business, a complete set of machinery, adequate to finish 500 to 600 lbs. of Nails daily. He is also provided with a good stock of Iron; and with a sufficient number of skillful workmen. He has on hand a constant supply of Nails, Flooring Brads, and Sprigs, which he offers for Sale at the reduced prices as follows, by the keg, viz.
  10d, 12d, 20d,  Nails,  8d per lb.    8d,  do.  9d per lb.    Sheathing  do.  7 1-2d per lb.    6d,  do.  10d per lb.    4d,  do.  3s per M.    3d,  do.  2s 7 1-2d do.    8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d,  Brads,  8d per lb.    6d,  do.  4s 6d per M.    4d,  do.  3s do.    3d,  do.  2s 7 1-2d do.    2d,  do.  2s 7 1-2d do.    ALSO — HOOP AND BAR-IRON ASSORTED. LEVIN DORSEY. March 18. 330
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE, Norfolk, Virginia, August 31, 1805. HIS Britannick Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, hereby gives notice, to the merchants concerned in the trade to His Majesty's Dominions, that according to the terms of the Act of the 37th of the King C. 97, no British built vessel captured by His Majesty's enemies, afterwards purchased by citizens of the United States, and sailing under a Sea Letter can be admitted to entry under the said Act, as an American vessel. John Hamilton. 114
COW-POX. The subscriber informs the publick, that some VACCINE MATTER which he has received from Philadelphia, has succeeded; and that those persons who have been prevented taking the disease from the loss of the infection here, can now be inoculated. George Balfour. Feb. 12. tf 505
For Sale by the Subscriber, at his Bake-House, on Commerce-Street, 500 Barrels Navy BREAD, 200 do. Superfine Pilot do. 100 do. Ship do. All of which will be sold on reasonable terms, or exchanged for West-India produce. Stephen Harris. PILOT BREAD in half barrels of a superior quality, for Sale as above. March 26. tf 614
Lost or Mis-printing, Fifty Reams of Demy Printing PAPER, shipped at New-York about the 23th of December last, on board the Amanda, Capt. William Smith, directed to the care of Messrs. Gracie, Anderson, & Co. Petersburg. Information of the above will be thankfully received by William Boylan. Halifax, April 30. 724
WANTED, 25 Shares of Virginia Bank STOCK. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. April 4. tf 643  For SALE by the Subscribers, a general assortment of Ship Chandlery, Cordage, and Cables, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12 inches, English PAINTS and OIL, Sheathing PAPER, Bar IRON, TOBACCO, Richmond Inspection; FLOUR, PORK, Prime and Cargo, New-York Inspection, 200 Ga. CASES; 20 Boxes SEGARS. They have also on hand, an extensive and good assortment of GROCERIES. Noble, Arbuthnot, & Co. March 31. tf 623
FOR RENT, The three large and commodious Ware Houses on the lower end of Gibson's Wharf. — Possession may be had immediately, by applying to John Southgate, or William Dickson. Feb. 26. tf 534
Now landing from on board the Sch't Eliza Ann, captain Herbert, from Guadalupe, 64 hogsheads Prime Sugar, 10 Tierces 65 Barrels } Best Green COFFEE. 43 Bags For Sale by William Pennock. April 30. tf 709
For Sale by the Subscriber, 10 Casks Young Hyson TEA, 5 do. Imperial do. 12 do. Gunpowder do. Moses Myers. April 23. tf 700
135,000 wt. Prime Green COFFEE, Landing this day on our wharf, for sale on liberal terms. C. & F. Whittle. April 16. tf 668
Landing from on board the ship Sheffield, and for Sale by the Subscribers, on their Wharf, 282 Hogsheads CLARET, 50 Cases do. 6 do. BURGUNDY, 56 do. HERMITAGE, 25 do. Sallad OIL, 25 do. Preserved FRUITS, 25 do. OLIVES and ANCHOVIES — All of very superior quality, and entitled to drawback. C. & F. Whittle. March 24. tf 601
I wish to Purchase, Six or Eight Negro BOYS, from 15 to 18 years of age. Thomas Warren. April 15. tf 661
We have received by the brig Fame, Capt. Cox, from Jamaica, 75 Puncheons high proof RUM, 4 Hogsheads MOLASSES. — For Sale by Redmond & Frith. Feb. 24. tf 523
All persons having claims against the Estate of ROBERT WARREN, deceased, either by bond or open account are desired to bring them forward for settlement, and those indebted to make immediate payment to Warren Ashley, Administrator. December 9. tf 339
I will give the following prices for 200 Cords of Oak BARK, to be delivered at Satter's, free of damage. Spanish Oak, - - 10 dolls. per Cord, Willow do. - - 9 do. do. Red do. - - 8 do. do. Young White do. - - 7 do. do. Theo. Armistead. April 23. 3m 687
FRESH TEAS. Just received from Philadelphia, in whole, half, and quarter chests, Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson } TEAS. all of this Spring importation, and we warrant them of the very first quality imported, by wholesale or retail. Fisk & Catlett. Who have this day landing, 75 tierces choice NEW RICE, in whole and half tierces. April 21. tf 683
WANTED TO PURCHASE, A NEGRO WOMAN, who is a good House Servant and Sempstress; one without children will be preferred. For one well recommended, a liberal price will be given. Apply to the Editor. Feb. 3. tf 479
MRS. MACDOUGAL, INFORMS her friends and the publick, that she has taken that handsome house belonging to Mr. Roberts, in the centre of Market Square, where she will receive Boarders on moderate terms — the strictest attention will always be paid to the diet rooms, and lodging, and every endeavour used to render a transient or permanent abode at her house satisfactory. September 25. tf 169
FOR RENT, (And possession to be had immediately) A comfortable small TENEMENT, on Smith's Point, neatly fitted up; having two rooms below with two closets in each, and three rooms above, a new double storied Brick Kitchen, and other requisite out buildings. A spacious Garden and large front Yard are attached to this Tenement. P. Barraud. Jan. 29. tf 456
FOR SALE, A HOUSE and LOT, (or a part thereof) situated on the west side of Great Water-Street, at the head of Woodside's wharf, running to Holt's Lane; the House is 60 feet in front and 30 in width; the Lot 60 feet in length and forty feet deep, renting at 936 dollars per year — on a lease for 99 years renewable for ever, subject to an annual ground rent of 120 dollars. — Enquire of the Editor of this paper. April 21. tf 685
For Rent, The Store, Compting Room & Cellar No. 41, Main-Street, lately occupied by Mr. Wm. M'Cutchen. Apply to Thomas Willock. March 17. tf
FOR SALE, A likely Negro MAN, about 20 years of age, not sold for any fault, but for want of employment; price 320 dollars. Apply to the Editor of this paper. May 7. 1aw3w 719
BLANK NOTES AND CHECKS for both Banks, for Sale at this Office.
JUST RECEIVED, By the ship Rota & Betsey, Capt. Richardson from London, and for sale by the Subscriber, A LARGE SUPPLY OF DRUGS AND MEDICINES, of all kinds. Patent Medicines, Perfumery, &c. &c. Also received by the ship Almina, Capt. Stever
A LARGE ASSORTMENT OF SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS, Consisting of Amputating, Trepaining, Cupping, Midwifery, Tooth of different sorts, Crown and Common Lancets, and Surgical Pocket Instruments &c. &c.
HARDHAM'S SNUFF, No. 9. Also, by the ship Olive Branch, Capt. Le Breton from Bristol, A LARGE & EXTENSIVE ASSORTMENT OF GLASS & FURNITURE, For Apothecary's and Practitioner's Shops. Those who favour us with their orders will be supplied on the most reasonable terms, and the articles of the best and freshest quality, as our importations are regularly twice a year, and laid in with cash, from the most respectable Druggists in London. MEDICINE CHESTS made up as usual. Also, a few elegant Mahogany Chests of the newest construction, with furniture complete, PERRY'S ANTI-BILIOUS PILLS. Frederick Huermann & Son.
One Hundred Dollars Reward. WILL be given, to white or black, that will deliver to me dead or alive, a negro named DAVEY, who runs away from me on the 24th instant. He is about 5 feet 9 inches high, very black, well made, and very active, with a full face, and speaks part when spoken to. He has been a servant to a family as a carriage driver, and has been lately put to the ship-carpenter's and caulker's trade, and works well at the latter. As he is a lazy fellow, he no doubt, will attempt to live with some person as a servant. He made an attempt to run away from his former master, and made for the northward, but was apprehended in the town, and I have no doubt but his intention is again to get off to the northward, either by land or water. I recollect a very notable white speck on his upper middle fore tooth, which will be discovered on examination. He may have other marks for what I know, not having owned him more than four years. I cannot describe any particular ones about him, but make no doubt he has scars, as he has been whipped before I purchased him. He is very fond of spirits, and will get drunk when he has an opportunity; plays cards, and is much given to roguery. He wore off with him blue negro cotton cloth, and had second hand clothing; and no doubt he will change both his clothing and his name, as he is an artful fellow; and if taken, will fight; and when taken, if not well secured, will make his escape. I do hereby forwarn all masters of vessels and others from harbouring or carrying him off at their peril. The above reward, and all traveling expenses, will be paid, if the distance exceeds 75 miles. John Drew, Jr. Port Tombstone, near Edenton. tf 557
VILLAINY EXPOSED. On the 11th of August, 1805, JOHN ROBERTS, master of the Schooner Aurora of Baltimore, sailed from Norfolk with 500 bus. of Coal, taken at City Point from on board the ship Bellise, John Hair, master, from Glasgow. The said Coal was shipped for Mr. Merry, the British minister at Washington; but instead of proceeding to that place, the said Roberts went round to Philadelphia, and there disposed of the Coal on his own account; after which he sold the vessel, and has not been heard of since. It was stated by him at Philadelphia, that the Coal was Virginia produce, and he entered a protest on oath before Nicholas Dicheol, Esq., Notary Public in Philadelphia, asserting that he sailed from Norfolk bound to Baltimore, with the Coal on board as ballast; and having in a heavy gale of wind sprung his foremast, was drove out to sea, and compelled by stress of weather to put into that port. Being bound to an adjoining state, and the cargo under the value specified in the 14th section of the Coasting Act, he was authorized to proceed without a clearance; but on his arrival at Philadelphia, being other than a district in the same or in an adjoining state, in order to his being permitted to an entry he made the said protest, and reported his vessel agreeably to the 22d section of the said act, declaring at the same time that the cargo was shipped by and consigned to himself. Should the said JOHN ROBERTS have returned to Baltimore, or his residence elsewhere be ascertained, it will be subserving the cause of justice to make it known to the Collector of that port, or those of Philadelphia, Norfolk or Petersburg. February 28. tf 532
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE, Norfolk, Virg. Jan. 18, 1806. HIS Britannick Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, in consequence of instructions by him received from his government, takes this method of communicating to such officers on the British half-pay establishment, as are resident within his district, the following Notice from the Army Pay-Office, in London, in respect to the form of the Certificate required from British half-pay Officers, by whom it is highly essential that the regulations therein specified should be strictly complied with. John Hamilton, Consul.
PAY-OFFICE, Horse-Guards, August 28, 1805.
NOTICE is hereby given by direction of the right honourable the Pay-Master General of his majesty's forces, that the affidavits of Officers on half-pay and military allowances, who reside in the United States of America, commencing subsequently to the twenty-fourth day of December 1805, will not be passed at this office, unless the officer's place of residence, and also the county, district, or place for which the magistrate acts, before whom the said affidavit is made, (the competency of whom must be certified by the British Consul, if any shall be resident in the province or state, or by the governor, chief justice, or some other person in authority in the government thereof,) are therein specified, agreeable to the undermentioned form. D'd. Thomas, Accountant.
A. B. maketh oath, that he had not between the twenty-fourth day of — and the twenty-fifth day of — any other place, or employment of profit, civil or military, under his majesty besides his allowance of half-pay, (or his military allowance, as the case may be) as a reduced — in here, together with his place of residence.
Sworn before me at — this — day of — in the year of our Lord The Magistrate to sign his name here, and the county or place for which he acts. N. B. Chaplains must insert in their affidavits the following words between the words "Majesty," and "besides," viz. "or any Ecclesiastical Benefice in Great-Britain or Ireland." No alterations or interlineations of any sort will be allowed to be made in the above mentioned affidavit. January 20. tf 446
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Price Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.