Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-12-05 00:00:00

CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES.
IN SENATE.
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 22.
{Debate on Mr. Hillhouse's Resolution for raising the Embargo.}
MR. POPE'S SPEECH, CONCLUDED.
 The gentlemen have not explained their object in referring to this object; was it to prove that it did not operate upon France, but did upon Great-Britain, or that it had no effect upon either? If it was their design to prove by this document that France is reconciled to bear the inconveniences of this measure herself, on account of its more severe pressure upon her enemy, which may be the fact—it establishes the very reverse of what the gentlemen contend for.—They have endeavoured to prove that it has had no effect, nor will have any upon either. We have been told that we have been commanded by one power to make war upon the other—that it had been the policy of both belligerents to draw us into the contest, is evident; and if our embargo has enabled us to resist their dictatorial mandates, or insidious policy, it is fortunate for this country. It has been said that we had as well give up our ships to the enemy, as let them rot in our harbours. I think very differently, I would rather have them sunk in the ocean, than give them up to enrich our enemies. There is something of principle concerned in this. [Mr. Lloyd said he had not expressed this idea; he had said that it affected the national wealth no more that the vessels should be lost at sea, than that they should rot at the wharves.] Mr. P. said he considered the present contest between us and the belligerents, not merely as a question of profit and loss.—There was something of principle, honour, and independence at stake; and he was not disposed to calculate how much money would be gained by succumbing to a foreign power. This is not the question with congress or the nation. After the manner of the gentleman from Connecticut, who was fond of illustrating his ideas by very familiar examples, I will suppose that gentleman was in the habit of dealing largely with two merchants A. and B. that the intercourse between them was mutually advantageous—these merchants suddenly quarrel—A. tells him he shall not trade with B. and that if he attempts it he will stop him by force, & rob him of what he may be found carrying to B. B. tells him he shall not trade with A. under similar pains and penalties, unless he will first go to B. and purchase of him a license to deal with A. What would the gentleman do? I presume he would either chastise both for their insolence and injustice, or that if it was not convenient, he would tell them I will have no intercourse with either of you. He would certainly resist their insolence and injustice by force; discontinue all intercourse with them, or submit to their terms. Would the gentleman, in such a case, calculate whether it would be his interest to submit to the disgraceful conditions of B. who happened to be the stronger of the two, than bear the inconveniences resulting from a non-intercourse? Would the gentleman submit to disgraceful conditions for the pounds, shillings and pence, he would make by a renewal of intercourse with them? I presume he would not. Great-Britain and France, in defiance of all law, justice and right, have, by their decrees and orders, interdicted our trade to a very great extent. Great-Britain, however, will permit us to trade, provided we will agree to pay her for the privilege. Now, sir, it appears to me that we must resist their decrees and orders by war, non-intercourse, or we must submit. Are we to be told that honour and independence are out of the question, and that we ought to submit to disgraceful conditions for the sake of trade because we shall make money by it? Surely not. 
However the gentleman from Connecticut and myself may differ in other respects, I concur with him in opinion, that we have nothing to hope from the friendship or justice of the belligerents, and that the most efficient means of coercing them is by operating on their interest. If then his position be correct, that our only means of bringing Great Britain to terms, is to affect her interest, and if it is true, as is generally believed, that our commerce is very advantageous to Great Britain, shall we not, by suspending that commerce, operate on her interest, and will not her interest induce her to do us justice, in order to renew it? The gentleman from Connecticut has told us that our embargo, with the aid of a non-importation act, would produce no effect, because the West India planters can convert their sugar plantations into cornfields, and that, therefore, they could not be starved. Does the gentleman suppose any man of common sense ever believed that this system of starving, as it has been called, would destroy the belligerents? No, sir; it was expected to operate upon their interest; the only way in which the gentleman tells us they can be coerced.
If, as the gentleman supposes, the West India planters will be compelled by our embargo to employ their capital and land in the culture of corn, in order to subsist, will they not be materially injured by it? Will not the shipping interest engaged in carrying West India produce to Europe be injured, and will not the consumers in the mother-country be injured by a rise in the prices of West-India produce, independent of the injury to the government on the score of revenue? If it had been the interest of the sugar planters to employ any portion of their capital in raising corn, it is wonderful they have never before made the discovery. The gentleman from Connecticut has also informed us that these islands can be supplied from other countries. If other countries can supply the West-Indies with those articles which they have heretofore received from the United States, I would thank the gentleman to inform us why those other countries
have not rivalled us in this market; for it is not a new one; it has been known for a great length of time. Those countries from which these islands can be supplied must have been, I presume, employed heretofore in more lucrative pursuits; and, according to a position advanced by the gentleman himself, on the subject of manufactures, those other countries could not be induced to abandon suddenly their present pursuits, in order to supply the West India market. If Great Britain can procure these supplies elsewhere, it cannot be her interest to do so, because it is not presumable that she can procure them on as good terms as from the United States.
The gentleman has informed us that Great Britain can be supplied with cotton from the East Indies and other countries. I will ask the gentleman if Great Britain can procure this article from the East Indies and other countries in sufficient quantity, and on as good terms as from the United States. If she cannot, which I suppose to be the case, she must feel our embargo in her manufactures, one of the vital sources of her strength and prosperity.—We are told that a non-importation act would have no effect, because it could not be enforced, smuggling would be carried on to a very great extent;—that a non-importation act would, like all other laws, be partially violated, was to be expected.—Every law is violated, but with due vigilance such a measure could be enforced to a very great extent. This measure would not be efficient, says the gentleman, because Great Britain will find a market for her manufactures in new Spain and South America. I will ask the gentleman, whether South America has not been supplied heretofore with British manufactures to a considerable extent, and does the gentleman seriously believe that she would find a market in that country for the immense quantity of her manufactures hitherto consumed in the United States?
"It has been said that, by embarking in the colony trade of either of the belligerents, neutral nations, in some sort, interpose in the war, since they assist and serve the belligerent, in whose trade they so embark. It is a sufficient answer to this observation, that the same course of reasoning would prove, that neutrals ought to discontinue all trade whatsoever with the parties at war. A continuance of their accustomed peace trade assists and serves the belligerent, with whom it is continued; and if this effect were sufficient to make a trade un-neutral and illegal, the best established and most useful traffick would, of course, become so. But Great Britain supplies us with another answer to this notion, that our interference in the trade of the colonies of her enemies is unlawful, because they are benefitted by it . It is known that the same trade is, and long has been, carried on by British subjects; and your memorialists feel themselves bound to state, that according to authentick information lately received, the government of Great Britain does, at this moment, grant licenses to neutral vessels, taking in a proportion of their cargoes there, to proceed on trading voyages to the colonies of Spain, from which she would exclude us, upon the condition, that the return cargoes shall be carried to Great Britain, to swell the gains of her merchants, and to give her a monopoly of the commerce of the world. This great belligerent right, then, upon which so much has been supposed to depend, sinks into an article of barter. It is used, not as a hostile instrument, wielded by a warlike state, by which her enemies are to be wounded, or their colonies subdued, but as the selfish means of commercial aggrandizement, to the impoverishment and ruin of her friends; as an engine, by which Great Britain is to be lifted to a vast height of prosperity, and the trade of neutrals crippled, and crushed, and destroyed."
According to the course of reasoning adopted by the gentleman from Connecticut, the object of Great Britain in blockading the continent, is not to starve it, it must therefore be to secure to herself the benefit of all the commerce carried on with the continental powers. In such a state of things, while those
who were trading under the licences of foreign governments, were making their fortunes, the honest Americans, who would not consent to degrade their country by navigating the ocean under the protection of any government but their own, would be plundered by both belligerents. If we are to consider the belligerent nations as pirates, no longer bound by those principles of publick law to which civilized nations have hitherto subscribed, and are prepared to purchase our rights on the seas, let us do it as a nation by paying them a sum in gross, and thereby placing our citizens on equal ground. We are told that we can carry on a considerable commerce with countries not within the scope of the decrees or orders of the belligerents—this argument is specious and captivating; let us examine it; for I feel as much solicitude as the gentlemen in opposition to remove this embargo, whenever it can be done with propriety—on this as well as on the subject of an armed commerce, the gentleman will pardon me for requesting information. If we remove our embargo as to Portugal and other places to which our trade is not interdicted, and by a law declare that our citizens shall trade only to those countries permitted by the belligerents, would not that be submission to her orders and decrees, and if we open our ports and restrict our commerce to those countries, could we ever after hope for a relaxation of the orders of council? Would not Great-Britain have every inducement to perpetuate such a state of things, which would afford to her the benefits of commerce without its inconveniences? The gentleman from Connecticut has informed us that the object of the administration in adopting the present system, is to put down commerce, and promote manufactures. If the administration has any concealed motive for this measure, I am a stranger to it. It is well known that it has been a favourite object with the present administration, to pay the publick debt, and it would be strange, indeed, that it should pursue a system which cuts off our only source of revenue. This conjecture of the gentleman is too improbable to require a serious refutation. On the policy of promoting manufactures, I shall make but few remarks, as it will hereafter be a subject of distinct consideration. I have supposed that it would be sound policy in this government to diminish, in some degree, the inducements now held to our citizens to embark in foreign commerce, and induce them to vest their money in the interior—the increase of manufactures would lessen our dependence on foreign nations, and render us more dependant on each other. There would be more intercourse between the people of the different states, which would tend to nationalize us, and give more strength and permanency to the American union. To what extent this policy should be carried, I am not now prepared to say. A distinction has been taken between native and foreign commerce, or what is more commonly called, the carrying trade. The policy of encouraging our citizens to participate in the carrying trade, is one thing, our maritime rights is another. The gentlemen in the opposition complain that this measure bears peculiarly hard on the commercial states. On the subject of commerce, as all others of national concern, I am disposed to consider the United States as an integer, and to forget the lines of partition by which we are separated into different states and districts, for the purpose of internal government—but as the gentlemen have contrasted the commercial with the agricultural states, I am willing to meet them. I had thought that this measure its pressure was greater upon one part of the country than another, operated more severely upon the growers of cotton than on any other part of the nation, and they ought, if influenced by pecuniary considerations, to be the first to complain. The people I represent are an agricultural people; and I ask the gentleman of what importance it is to them whether their produce is carried in foreign or American vessels? For what are the agricultural people now suffering, but to maintain our maritime rights. Sir, we are willing to discard all calculations of profit or loss, and make a common cause with our brethren of other states in defence of our national rights and independence.
It appears to me sir, that the commercial people ought to be the last to complain. Our government has imposed discriminating tonnage duties, to give our own vessels an advantage in our own ports over foreigners. We have remitted the duties on foreign articles imported into the United States, intended for exportation. Our government has evinced every disposition to foster commerce, and maintain our maritime rights. We are told that the people are opposed to this measure. To the voice of a free people, I shall always bow with reverence. But, sir, it ought to be remembered, that in this country, the will of the majority must prevail—it is a fundamental principle of our government, and if we are to judge from recent events, a great majority of this nation are in favour of this measure. We are informed, and it has been intimated on this floor, that rebellion in the eastern states will be the probable consequence of perseverance in this measure. Are we to be driven from the course dictated by the publick interest, by alarms of this sort? Are we told by a minority that we must recede from the ground we have taken—that we must admit the government has not sufficient energy to enforce its authority, or that they will rebel. Will gentlemen inform us who they are that are prepared to erect the standard of rebellion against their own government, on the very graves of the brave Bostonians, who first raised the standard of American Independence. They must be some new people who have obtruded themselves on our shores—they cannot be Americans—I will not think so unworthy of my countrymen—I believe the American people are generally attached to their government. I trust it is but the clamour of the moment, which will cease the moment the will of the government shall be decisively and constitu-
tionally expressed. It has been frequently said that Great-Britain is fighting for the liberties of the world—that she is the only barrier between France and universal dominion; and therefore that our weight ought to be thrown into the scale of England, to assist her in this mighty conflict. If our friendship is necessary to England, ought she not to entitle herself to it, at least do us justice, and respect our rights. Shall we submit to insults and indignities from Great-Britain, to induce her to save us from subjugation by France? Shall we admit, for a moment, that we cannot maintain our independence?—The gentlemen in opposition have protested against submission; they have not declared themselves for war; if they are for it, I hope they will avow it—they have proposed no substitute. I am not prepared to say how long good policy will justify a continuance of the present system; but, sir, I am ready to declare that I will adhere to it, until a better can be substituted. If it be true, as the gentleman from Connecticut has informed us, that the most efficient means of coercing Great-Britain, is to affect her interest, and if it be true that our embargo will compel the West India planters to convert their sugar plantations into corn fields for subsistence; if it will produce a scarcity of cotton in Great-Britain, or enhance the price—if by a non-importation act we can deprive her of a market for a large portion of her manufactures, the present system, with the addition of a non-importation act, if firmly adhered to, and well executed, may have the desired effect. When I cast my eyes over these states, and observe the freedom and happiness they enjoy, I feel constrained to pause before I consent to take a step which will involve them in the calamities of war.—When I consider the peculiar character of the contest between the two great belligerents of Europe, I feel very unwilling to be drawn into the vortex, lest the fate of this happy nation may become too closely connected with the destiny of one or the other of these contending powers. At the same time that I consider it my duty to make war the least alternative, I know the American people would prefer it rather than submit to a sacrifice of their national independence. The conduct of the belligerents, and the state of our country, furnish strong reasons for believing that the period is not distant, when the alternative must be accepted; if the present system should prove inefficient. I hope I have not, in the warmth of debate, violated that decorum which the dignity of the Senate requires to be observed. I certainly have not intended it. I shall conclude, with requesting to gentlemen to reflect, that in this hour of difficulty and danger, unanimity constitutes the basis of our national security.
 Mr. White. —Mr. President, I have listened with great pleasure to the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Pope) who has just sat down; but although entertained with his eloquence, have not been convinced by his arguments. I shall not follow him through the New-England memorials, or discuss with him the policy of a non-intercourse law, as that is not the question before the senate; neither shall I join issue with him as to the apparent expediency of laying an embargo at the last session of congress: but I will endeavour to shew that the operation of this measure, upon the country, has been such as now calls most imperiously upon this body to pass the resolution before us. The importance of this subject is admitted on all sides, and the anxiety known to exist throughout every section, and almost in every individual of the community, in relation to the decision now to be had upon it, is the fullest evidence of the deep and unusual degree of interest universally felt throughout the country, and attaches to the voice we are to give, the highest responsibility. Such a responsibility I am not willing to meet without assigning some of the reasons that influence my opinion. And this I shall do the more cheerfully, as I know they will be in conformity with the sentiments of a vast portion of those I have the honour to represent. The embargo when laid was admitted to be a mere experiment, but one which we were admitted not to resist, as it was to do great things for the United States. It was in a few months to reduce the West Indies to a state of starvation, and to bring the two great belligerent powers of Europe to our feet. In the prophetick language of the president, is was to “keep in safety our merchandize, our vessels and our seamen, these essential resouces;” and we were told on all sides, by the numerous advocates of the measure, that it would speedily bring the French and British governments to a sense of justice. But has it, or is it likely to accomplish any of these desirable objects? I grant you, it has kept our merchandize in safety, it by that was intended to lock up in our barns and store-houses, all the produce of our country, to rot upon our hands. And as to our dismantled ark-roofed vessels, they are indeed decaying in safety at our wharves, presenting daily to the merchant a melancholy memento of his present or approaching ruin, and forming a suitable monument to the memory of our departed commerce. But where are our seamen? Gone sir—driven into foreign exile in search of subsistence. The very measure that was to preserve them to their country has banished them from it, and many of them forever. Even the vigilance and terrors of our gun-boat navy, have not been sufficient to confine and starve them in our ports. But, sir, the most mortifying disappointment we have to sustain, is, the total indifference with which this boasted measure of our administration has been treated by both the belligerents.—Instead of coercing them to do us justice, we now know officially that it is neither felt, or thought of in France; and the British, so far from offering us terms on the subject, will not even ask us to take it off. Here I will beg leave to read a short passage from Mr. Canning’s letter to Mr. Pinkney, of the 23d September last, shewing most distinctly the sense and determination of the British govern- 

ment on this subject:—“His majesty (says Mr. Canning) sees nothing in the embargo laid on by the President of the United States of America, which varies this original and simple state of the question. If considered as a measure of impartial hostility against both the belligerents, the embargo appears to his majesty to have been manifestly unjust, as, according to every principle of justice that redress ought to have been first sought from the party originating the wrong; and his majesty cannot consent to buy off that hostility which America ought not to have extended to him, at the expense of a concession made not to America, but to France.”
“If, as it has been more generally represented by the government of the United States, the embargo is only to be considered as an innocent municipal regulation which affects none but the United States themselves, and with which no foreign state has any concern; viewed in this light, his majesty does not conceive that he has the right or the pretension to make any complaint of it; and he has made none. But in this light, there appears not only no reciprocity, but no assignable relation between the repeal by the United States of a measure of voluntary self-restriction, and the surrender of his majesty of his right of retaliation against his enemies.” Here the embargo, as a measure of coercion or retaliation on our part, is officially treated by the British minister even with ridicule; he tauntingly admits, what is unfortunately too true, that it is a regulation which affects none but the United States themselves; and tells us that his majesty neither does nor means to complain of it. And although the gentleman from Kentucky, informs us, he has not met with, yet I have seen a recent report made a French minister to the emperor, in which the embargo is approved of and applauded, as what it really is, a measure favourable to them, and an act of great self-denial on our part. Under all these circumstances, and every gentleman knows the facts I state to be correct, why in the name of Heaven continue it? What beneficial end can it produce? The country is at this moment bleeding from every pore under it, without the remotest prospect or probability of ultimately deriving the least possible advantage or security from the measure. And it is not among the least discouraging of the circumstances belonging to the present state of things, that we are able to make no calculation as to the probable time when we may see the end of the evil; for upon the same principle, that the embargo is continued now, it may be continued for twenty years or for forty years, or at least during the war between the two great contending powers of Europe; which, I presume, no gentleman here expects will be at an end in the life of the present emperor of France, and as long as an Englishman exists with the means and courage to defend the independence of his country.
I am willing to believe, and do believe, what the honourable gentleman from Kentucky has just now in substance declared, that the gentlemen who supported the embargo laws at the last session upon this floor, supposed they would be speedily productive of great and beneficial results upon our foreign relations; that they would bring the two great belligerents, and especially England, to just and reasonable terms; and that there would be no occasion for continuing them longer, than until they could be known on the other side of the Atlantick. But in all this they now see and know their mistake; they now know, from the most authentic sources, that these laws have produced no alteration either in the conduct of France or England in relation to us; that, in fact, they are applauded by one, and treated with contempt and derision by the other, whilst we are ourselves the suffering and bleeding victims of the rack upon which we vainly expected to torture them.
It is the fate of humanity to err; the wisest and the best of men are liable to it. And all we seek of these honourable gentlemen, now, is to come out openly, and acknowledge in the face of the nation, the egregious mistake into which they fell; and unite with us in redressing the injuries, and healing the wounds they have so unnecessarily inflicted upon their devoted country. I make this appeal to them with the more confidence, because I know every gentleman here has too much character and patriotism to be influenced, by the pride of opinion, to consistency in political error. I will submit to you, Mr. President, whether we have not before us sufficient evidence to show that the administration themselves are now convinced of the imbecility of this measure: and would willingly get rid of it, if they could do so, consistently with the character of infallibility, they wish to preserve in the public opinion. I deduce this conclusion from the offer they say they have recently made to the British government, to take off the embargo, as to them, and continue it against France, provided they would rescind their orders in council. An offer, which if indeed made uninformed with other terms, is a complete acknowledgment of a conviction of error on the part of the administration; because, after they had subjected the country to all the deprivations, and ruinous effects of the embargo for more than six months, it was coming to the precise ground we were requested to take in relation to France, by the British government, a year before the embargo was laid, in the famous note of lords Holland and Auckland, to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, accompanying the British treaty formed by those gentlemen. All they then asked of us was, that we should “not acquiesce in the palpable violations of our rights directed by the Berlin decree if attempted to be enforced;” but surely they could not have contemplated more, than if France did attempt to enforce that decree, we would interdict all intercourse with her, and continue our commerce with Great Britain; which would be the effect of the stipulation recently proposed. This proposition from the British government, however, in December, 1805, was spurned with disdain;—and now, when the country is half ruined with the experiment of a perpetual embargo, such as I believe was never before practised upon any people, we condescend to beg those very terms, they refused to grant them. Sir, the truth is, the administration must now be convinced that the embargo is injuring none but ourselves, and as it must eventually ruin us if persisted in. I regret too, this proposition as made, because it has furnished to Mr. Canning an opportunity of offering a most sarcastic insult to the government of this country. He tells Mr. Pinkney, in reply to it, “that his majesty would not hesitate to contribute in any manner in his power to restore to the commerce of the United States its wonted activity; and if it were possible to make any sacrifice for the repeal of the
embargo, without appearing to deprecate it as a measure of hostility, he would gladly have facilitated its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people.” His majesty! would not hesitate to contribute in any manner in his power to restore to the commerce of the United States its wonted activity, and if it were possible without any sacrifice, for the repeal of the embargo, would gladly facilitate its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people. I have no faith, Mr. President, in the security of this profession: but I feel most sensibly the severity of the sarcasm, as applied to a measure of our own administration, that we were confidently told was to bring England to our own terms.
I will now, sir, with the indulgence of the senate, endeavour to examine, as concisely and correctly as I am capable of, the operation of the embargo upon the commerce and general prosperity of the United States. According to the last report of the secretary of the treasury, it will be found that the goods, wares, and merchandise of foreign growth and manufacture, exported from the United States in the year prior to the 1st day of October, 1807, amounted to $59,643,558. All the revenue, all the national and commercial wealth that would have arisen from this very extensive trade, is completely destroyed by the embargo; it is a total loss to the country that can never be recovered. In the same report, it appears that the goods, wares, and merchandise, of domestic growth and manufacture, the actual produce of our own country, exported from the United States in the same year, amounted in dollars to 48,699,592. The whole commercial profits and national wealth that would have arisen from the exportation and proceeds of this immensely valuable produce, is for the present, lost to the country, and a large portion of the merchandise, the produce itself must be forever lost if the embargo be long continued. All, or nearly all of the produce of the fisheries, amounting in dollars to 2,804,000, as likewise the agricultural produce of the country, a few articles, such as tobacco, rice, cotton, &c. excepted, which I have not included in this estimate, amounting in dollars to 18,621,000, making in the whole twenty one million four hundred and twenty five thousand dollars, that must be forever lost to the fishermen, the farmer, and the merchant, because they are articles of a perishable kind, such as fish, wheat, flour, Indian meal, flaxseed, beef, pork, &c. that will not admit being kept on hand for a market. So that if the embargo be now continued, the country, in fact, may be said already to have sustained a clear loss, in her native produce only, of more than twenty-one millions of dollars by the measure: besides the duties that would have arisen from near a million and a half of tonnage, now idle in our docks—and the immense expense of large detachments of militia, regular troops, and a fleet of gun-boats, to enforce the laws. And so obnoxious are those laws, that altho’ to enforce their execution, we have blockaded our own ports, and hung our citizens, they are still openly resisted by force, and seriously endanger the domestic tranquility of the country. But, sir, it is to be observed, that the actual loss sustained during the embargo, is not the only evil arising from it—another more permanent is to be apprehended. It will have the effect of throwing the commerce of the world into other and different channels of inducing foreign nations to seek in other countries, what they have heretofore been in the habit of purchasing from us, and what we now deny them. In the single article of cotton, for instance, we now or did export more than fourteen millions of dollars worth annually, and principally supplied the British manufactures with this article; but it is well known that the soil and climate of the Brazils is equally congenial to the growth of this crop with our own, and with due attention to the cultivation of it, is capable of supplying abundantly all the manufactures of England—Surely then I shall be correct in stating that the embargo is a premium sufficient to stimulate them to this exertion, and to enable them ultimately to supplant us in the sale of this very valuable staple of some of our southern states.—And the intimate connexion known at present to exist between the British government and the regency of that country, will greatly aid in producing this result.
Now, sir, let me enquire, during the existence of the present state of things, whence we are to derive our revenue? A consideration, certainly of no small importance to a government, depending entirely for her revenue upon commerce. Our commerce is now completely at an end, and of course our revenue; by the way, another loss to the nation of at least fifteen millions of dollars annually by the embargo. This I know cannot be felt during the present year, because our treasury is now overflowing with the proceeds of the last. But from what sources are you to obtain money next year for the support of government, and the payment of the national debt? Are gentlemen ready to resort to a direct tax? No, sir, they love place and power too well. That was once done for the purpose of raising money, I believe to defend commerce, and the people of this country, on that occasion taught their servants a lesson, that will not shortly be forgotten. The president I know in his late message has given a favourable account of the present state of the treasury; and most kindly indeed expresses much concern as to the best use to be made of the surplus revenue of the next year. Sir, among all the cares and troubles of his successor, I venture to predict that this will not be one of them; he will not be plagued with surplus revenue next year. Mr. Jefferson’s overweening anxiety for the publick good must have blinded him to the obvious fact, that before he can be well warm in his seat at Monticello, the revenue now bonded for will be collected, and as in consequence of the present abandonment of commerce, there will certainly be no other bonds to become due, it follows necessarily, in the course of your annual expenditures, that by the next meeting of congress, your treasury will be empty; so that instead of being troubled with surplus revenue, it will require all the fiscal talents of the next incumbent of the palace, be him whom he may, to provide the sum essential for the support of government.
The gentlemen who advocate this, I don’t know what to call it, terrapin policy—I beg pardon, sir—when driven from every other bold, invariably launch into futurity, and tell us that if we dare to put out our heads in any part of this wide world, we shall get them broke, or in other words, if we take off the embargo, we shall have war. Laying out of view any comparison between the probable expense of war, and the actual loss sustained by the embargo, the former bearing no comparison with the latter, let us examine for a moment what foundation there
is for this assertion, and whether we might not at this time, even admitting the British orders of council to have their full operation, carry on safely a more extensive and valuable commerce, with at least three fourths of the commercial world. I have before me those orders of council; the only restricting clause is in the following words:
“His majesty is therefore pleased, by and with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that all the ports and places of France, and her allies, or of any other country at war with his majesty, and all other ports or places in Europe, from which, although not at war with his majesty, the British flag is excluded, and all ports or places in the colonies belonging to his majesty’s enemies, shall from henceforth be subject to the same restrictions in point of trade and navigation, with the exceptions hereafter mentioned, as if the same were actually blockaded by his majesty’s naval forces in the most strict and rigorous manner.”
As much as I condemn and feel disposed to resist these arbitrary regulations, they certainly do not interfere with, or in any respect embarrass our trade to Indostan, China, Java, Sweden, Gibraltar, England, Scotland, Ireland, Spain, Portugal, Sicily, the whole extent of the Mediterranean, the Atlantick coast of Africa, Arabia, the Western Isles, and Madeira, Nova Scotia, Canada, the Spanish, Swedish, and British West Indies, the Floridas, the Brazils, and all the rest of South America, except Cayenne, as likewise the north west coast of America. These countries too, as will appear by the last report of the secretary of the treasury, receive annually nearly four fifths of the whole native exports of the United States; and are certainly none of them, notwithstanding what has been said by the gentleman from Maryland, (Gen. Smith) within the purview of the British orders of council. That gentleman, when on this part of the subject, I will do him the justice to acknowledge, told us he had risen in great haste, and was unprepared; and indeed, sir, it would require great haste, and great want of preparation, to justify some of the statements made by the gentleman to the Senate. Among other things equally extravagant, he told us, in the face of the British orders of council, I have just read, that we were now interdicted by those orders from any trade with Spain or Portugal; and after referring to Mr. Canning’s reply to the committee of merchants, viz.
“That neutrals are not now excluded from the ports of Portugal and Spain by those orders;” triumphantly asked us to tell him, as lawyers, whether, if a vessel engaged in that trade was carried into a British court of admiralty, she would be tried by Mr. Canning’s conversation with the merchants, or according to the law of the land? I answer the gentleman, not as a lawyer, but as a man of common sense, that according to the law of the land, she must be acquitted. Sir, the express language of these orders, is, “that all the ports and places of France and her allies, or of any other country at war with his majesty, and all other ports or places in Europe, from which, although not at war with his majesty, the British flag is excluded, &c.” And will the gentleman undertake to say here, that Spain and Portugal are now the allies of France, or that the British flag is now excluded from their ports? No sir. The gentleman knows they are, at this moment, waging a most exterminating war with France, in defence of their very existence; and that they derive their principal support and subsistence under the British flag. There is no man who can read and understand plain English, and shall examine these orders, but will tell you in a moment that the ports of Spain and Portugal, so far from being within their spirit, are not now even within the letter of them. But independent of this, there was a special proclamation of the king dated on the 4th of July last, notifying to the world, that the blockade no longer existed as to the ports of Spain. The advices, the gentleman has been pleased to detail to us, as received in private letters from Europe, I shall take no notice of; they are entitled to none, unless he will first submit those letters to the senate, and then we shall give to the information they contain, that weight to which the characters of his correspondents, and their means of acquiring correct information, may entitle them. Gentlemen, by turning to the last report of the secretary, to which I have before referred, and I wish them to examine for themselves, will find that of the 49,699,592 dollars worth of produce and other merchandise, the actual growth and manufacture of our own country, exported from the United States in 1807, we sent,
To England, and her dependencies in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, $ 27,917,077 To Spain, and her dependencies in Europe and America, 3,998,575 To Portugal, and her dependencies in Europe and America, 1,399,616 To Sweden, and Swedish West-Indies, 472,666 To China, the East and West-Indies generally (not included above) Africa, and north west coast of America, 1,919,908 Making in the whole, $ 35,707,842
Almost four fifths of the whole native exports of the United States for that year, which we might export nearly as safely, now as then, but for the embargo; for it cannot, it certainly will not, be now contended, that any part of this commerce is embraced by the British orders of council, and the French decrees in relation to it, from a total inability to execute them, are a mere nullity. It is not, therefore, as has been said the decrees and orders of foreign powers, that have reduced our country to its present distressed and embarrassed condition. It is our own folly, the embargo, that now palsies the labor, the energies and enterprise of our citizens, and locks up more than thirty-five millions of dollars, the native produce of our country, to perish and sink upon our hands. I want to hear sir, for I have not heard yet, how this enormous, this unnecessary and ruinous sacrifice of national and individual wealth, can be justified to the publick. There is no man who holds more indignantly than I do, those French decrees and British orders; but before my God, I do most religiously believe that the embargo is a thousand times more injurious to our country than they both could be rendered.
Instead of availing ourselves of the immensely extensive and valuable commerce now open to us, with at least three fourths of the commercial world, it has now become a great favour, if we can be permitted by the president and his gun-boats, to sneak
along shore from one of our own ports to another, with as much flour and pork as we can eat on the passage. Sir, this is the next commercial country in the world to England; we are, in fact, in this respect, their only competitors, and whilst, as at present, they have an opportunity of monopolizing all the commerce of the world, do you believe they will ever ask you to take off the embargo? No sir. This would be an act of madness in them, equal almost to our continuing it. They do not wish to meet upon the ocean again their industrious and enterprising rivals. They are no doubt pleased to see us shackling and crippling ourselves.
Much has been said by the gentleman from Maryland (General Smith) on the subject of tribute, and in a manner I do not well understand, unless it be, to retort upon the gentleman in his own language, ad captandum . I wish it, however, to be understood, that no part of the commerce I have undertaken to shew the United States might now carry on, would be subject to any tribute. I wish it to be further understood, sir, that I would not only see this country clad in hom-spun, but covered in sack cloth and ashes, rather than she should consent to pay tribute. I would see every commercial city upon our shores, and every rag of canvas we hold, in flames. I would see our soil smoking with the best blood of its inhabitants, and the bones of our citizens mingled with the ashes of their dwellings, rather than see this people pay tribute to any nation on earth. I trust there is not in either house a member, who would not sooner risk his life and spill his blood, than give a vote that should reduce his country to a condition so slavish and degrading. And I hope, Mr. President, that no insinuation has, or will be made here, calculated even to intimate an idea, that the gentlemen of this body who may vote for the repeal of the embargo laws, would subject this nation to tribute. Such an insinuation would not only be unbounded, illiberal, and derogatory of this floor, but in other respects highly unjustifiable.
It has been asked by the gentleman from Kentucky, why do not those who oppose the embargo propose some substitute? Certainly it cannot be expected of us to offer ourselves as the pioneers of the administration: but in reply to the question, I will refer gentlemen to a confidential letter submitted to the senate a few days past: gentlemen need not be alarmed, I am not going to tell what that letter contains. If any substitute be necessary, in that, is pointed out the one I would adopt: there is marked a sale, a high, and an honourable course, that if pursued, without I believe endangering our peace, would add alke to our national character and our national wealth.
It has been well observed by the gentleman from Virginia before me (Mr. Giles) that it was time we had become a nation, that we were nationalized. The sentiment was worthy of that gentleman, and one to which I entirely subscribed.—But is the system of which this measure is apprehended by many to be but the commencement, calculated to nationalize? No, sir: much better calculated, I fear, to estrange the extremes of the union from each other, and to familiarize our ideas to an event, that I deem it almost treason to think of; and that every honourable and patriotick American must view as the most calamitous curse that could be forced upon this country. I beseech gentlemen, therefore, to beware how they press this system too far, as there is a section, a very respectable and powerful section of this country, that with commerce is rich and happy; deprived of that commerce, a large portion of its population must starve. That population expect, and as a portion of the community have a right to expect, that their only means of subsistence shall be fostered and defended, and not sacrificed to manufacturing whims, or local prejudices. I do not mean to intimate, that the embargo grew out of these causes; but the continuance of it at present, under existing circumstances, after the galling experience we have had, and when it can obviously produce nothing but distress and embarrassment to ourselves may engender and nurture jealousies that perhaps time will not allay. I believe the people of this country, would submit to any privations for the publick good, but they must first be convinced that the publick good requires the sacrifice. It must, it will astonish every unprejudiced and reflecting man in the community, if this ruinous measure is persisted in, after the experience we have received, and when we have before us the most conclusive and irresistible evidence to shew, that it is utterly inadequate to the accomplishment of any of the objects for which it was said to be intended. And conduct that cannot be accounted for on any reasonable ground is apt, however unjustly, to be attributed to unworthy motives. I trust therefore, that gentlemen on their own accounts will not reject this resolution; that they will, at least, first deliberate and look to the consequences; that they will feel well the publick pulse, before, by this rash prescription, they stagnate the national blood.
NOVEMBER 28.
On motion of Mr. White, ordered that the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, respecting roads and canals, made 4th April last, together with the memorials of the President and Directors of the Delaware and Chesapeake Canal Company, of 1st December, 1805, and 10th January, 1807, be referred to Messrs. White, Reed, Mitchell, Anderson and Pope.
The Senate then resumed the consideration of the motion of Mr. Hillhouse to repeal the acts laying an embargo—when
General Smith of Maryland delivered a speech which occupied the whole day.
NOVEMBER 29.
Mr. Anderson withdrew his motion to reconsider the vote of the 25th inst. for receiving and reading the instructions of the legislature of Massachusetts to their Senators on the subject of the Embargo, which were then read.
The Senate then resumed the consideration of the motion of Mr. Hillhouse to repeal the acts laying an embargo.
Mr. Hillhouse made a speech, which continued until past 4 o’clock, when an adjournment took place, without any decision on the motion.
FOR SALE,
30,000 ACRES valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana.—Particulars with regard to local advantages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to purchasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS I’UNNO, in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER, in Savannah. Feb. 8. 1808

THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
MONDAY EVENING, DEC. 5, 1808.
CONGRESS.—The House of Representatives have entered upon the Report of the Committee upon Foreign Relations. The first Resolution, in these words, "Resolved, That the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honour and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great-Britain and France," produced an animated debate; in which, from a sketch that is in the Monitor, Mr. Quincy delivered an elegant, ingenious, and impressive speech. As the National Intelligencer promises this speech in his next, we have postponed the insertion of this debate until we receive Mr. Quincy's speech. An Amendment to the Resolution was proposed by Mr. Dana, which was to insert between the words "to" and "the," (marked in Italicks) the following: "abandon the navigation of the ocean, in consequence of"—then the Resolution would have read, "Resolved, That the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honour, and independence, submit to abandon the navigation of the ocean, in consequence of the late edicts of Great-Britain and France." As this Amendment went to pledge the assertion of the rights, honour, and independence of the nation, the advocates for the "terrapin policy" voted it out.
We have devoted a very considerable part of our paper of this day, to the conclusion of Mr. Pope's and Mr. White's speeches on the resolution of Mr. Hillhouse, for raising the embargo. The speech of Mr. White contains a candid view of the subject, addressed to the reason and understanding and not to the passions of the nation. Although every part of this speech deserves the utmost attention, the reader cannot fail to notice in a particular manner, the following:
"It has been asked by the gentleman from Kentucky, why do not those who oppose the embargo, propose some substitute? Certainly it cannot be expected of us to offer ourselves as the pioneers of this administration; but in reply to the question, I will refer gentlemen to a confidential letter submitted to the Senate a few days past; gentlemen need not be alarmed, I am not going to tell what that letter contains. If any substitute be necessary, in that is pointed out the one I would adopt; there is marked a safe, a high, and an honourable course, that, if pursued, without, I believe, endangering our peace, would add alike to our national character and our national wealth."
We have no hesitation in expressing our belief that Mr. White alluded to a letter of General Armstrong of the 27th of December, 1807, which is no doubt alluded to in the letter of Mr. Sawyer, published in our last. The manner in which the communications from our foreign ministers, are presented to the publick, instead of informing, serve only to perplex, and mislead; we would be understood to speak principally in reference to the communications of our minister in France. It the conduct of the French government was such as to satisfy Mr. Armstrong twelve months since, that we had nothing left but resistance, what must have been his opinions, subsequent to that period? It is surprising that the people are permitted to know so little of what is passing with the French government, at the same time every thing that can tend to irritate against Great-Britain, is most liberally dealt out. It has been usual for Mr. Madison to make an annual report of the impressment of American seamen. General Armstrong has, no doubt, informed his government of the seizure of American vessels in France, Holland, Hamburg, Leghorn, &c. and of the imprisonment of American seamen in French jails, why are not these, and other facts, interesting to the people, laid before their representatives; and by them communicated to the people?
A gentleman who arrived here on Saturday, in 21 days from Cape Francois, informs us, that an express had arrived at the Cape, bringing information, that General Ferrand had surrendered the City of Saint Domingo to the British, and that it was garrisoned with troops of that nation. Samana, it was also said, was taken by the Spaniards. The surrender of the former was a voluntary offer on the part of General Ferrand.
The war between Christophe and Petion still ragged with unabated fury. The former had been successful latterly, particularly in the destruction of Petion's naval force.
The British cutter Alert, captain Turnbull, arrived here yesterday from Plymouth. By a passenger we have been favoured with a London paper of the 15th of October, the only one we understand brought in this vessel. Its contents are not very interesting, but such as were most so, are copied into this day's paper. It appears that explanations have been made by the government of Portugal upon the subject of the convention, and the British army was marching to the frontiers of Portugal, to be ready, it is presumed to enter Spain when necessary. It will be seen by an article in this day's paper that the French are acting on the defensive in the Pyrenees. Verbally we understand that general Wellesley had arrived in England, a few days before the Alert sailed.
A report of a revolution in the politics of Russia which is noticed in this paper, had been received in England. We should consider such an event as highly probable. To Russia the war has been greatly disasterous, nor does it appear that she can profit by a continuation. Experience has taught her, that a war with England, has produced ruin to her navy, commerce, manufactures, and agriculture.
Like the United States, Russia was made to believe, that by a non-intercourse with Great-Britain, with other commercial restrictions, and self-denying ordinances, that the ruin of Britain was certain—but like the United States, her measures tho' in some degree distressing to her adversary, have been ruinous to her own interests.
Corn Exchange, London, Oct. 5.—Wheat 84s. to 88s. per quarter.—Flour 75s. to 80s. per sack, equal to about $12.50 per American barrel. Prices of Stocks.—Three per cents 65 per cent.—Omnium 2 3/4 dis.
CHARLESTON, Nov. 22. The ship Winifred, arrived last evening from Barracoa, has on board 56 French passengers, (white and black) which capt. Bonnell was compelled to take on board by the Spanish government—a cartel, having on board 175 Frenchmen, had sailed a few days before capt. B. for Samana (St. Domingo) and two or three other vessels bound to the United States, had taken a number on board.—All Frenchmen who would not take the oath of allegiance to Ferdinand VIIth, were ordered to leave the island.
Received by Captain Gould's Packet, from Baltimore.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, December 1. Several private petitions were referred. Mr. Morrow presented a memorial from sundry revolutionary officers, stating their services and privations and praying for relief, was read and referred. The house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Helms in the chair, upon the report of the committee upon the petition of the 36 American seamen confined in Carthagena.
Mr. Love moved that the blank be filled up with the words ten thousand. Mr. Smilie and Mr. Williams expressed a wish for further consideration, upon which the committee rose, reported progress, asked and obtained leave to sit again. The house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Storer in the chair.
Mr. Burwell addressed the house during nearly two hours—in which he gave a most elaborate and irrefragable defence of the administration. After which the question was put upon the first resolution of the committee of foreign relations, which passed nem. con.
The first part of the second resolution passed nem. con. The second paragraph was carried, 94 in the affirmative—21 in the negative.
Upon the third resolution being put, Mr. Randolph wished to know what measures were to be pursued? And Mr. Nicholas delivered a few remarks, but they could not be heard: when the resolution was carried nem. con.
The speaker having resumed the chair, Mr. Dana repeated his observations of Monday last, and moved the same, which was lost: 26 in the affirmative; 96 in the negative. Yeas and Nays.
Messrs Dana, Taylor, Williams, Love, Mosely and Gardiner then spoke: at the conclusion Mr. Gardiner moved the previous question, which was lost.—The speaker then demanded if the main question shall now be put? 55 in the affirmative.
Messrs Randolph and Rhea, both rose to address the house, when the speaker declared them out of order as the house had decided to vote upon the resolution immediately. Mr. Williams appealed from the decision of the chair to the house, upon which a discussion upon the point of order took place—Messrs Randolph, Williams, Gardiner, Pitkin, Linnemore, Allston, Marrion, and Macon, took a part in the debate, when the house adjourned at half past three o'clock without a decision.
From the National Intelligencer.
SENATE—Nothing done.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, December 1.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The house again in committee of the whole; the first resolution under consideration in the following words, Resolved, That the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honour and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain & France. The question was taken on the resolution, and CARRIED, nem. con.
The second resolution having been read in the following words:
Resolved, That it is expedient to prohibit by law, the admission into ports of the United States of all publick or private, armed or unarmed ships or vessels belonging to Great Britain or France, or to any other of the belligerent powers having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States;—and also the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of the said powers, or imported from any place in the possession of either.
Mr. Randolph called for the division of the question, taking each clause of it separately. The question was taken on the first clause, ending with the word "United States."—Carried without opposition.
The second clause was agreed to by the committee—84 to 21.
The third resolution, in the following words, having been read:
Resolved, That measures ought to be immediately taken to place the country in a more complete state of defence.
The resolution was agreed to without opposition.
The committee then rose, and reported the resolution to the house.
Foreign Intelligence,
Received at the Ledger Office, by the Cutter Alert, from Plymouth.
LONDON, October 5. On the subject of the reported revolution at St. Petersburg, there is as yet no further information. A ministerial paper of this day ("The Morning Herald,") quoting a letter from Holland, dated the 2d instant, states "that the Russian nobles had protested against the intended departure of the Empress from his capital, in order to meet Bonaparte."
This we are inclined to believe, and to no further extent has our belief been carried.
The nobles of Russia, it is not unworthy of remark, possess a full share of pride, and with it a large portion of interested feeling. They are nearly all tenants. They export the produce of their own estates, their hemp, tallow, sheetings, &c. and import in return colonial produce, French wines and brandies, and, though last not least, large sums in solid cash from Great Britain. Nothing can be more probable than that such a body of men feeling their country degraded, with disasters of every kind staring them in the face, and being all times materially affected in their private interests, should insist upon a change, either of their ruler, or in his measures. Such changes are not brought about in other countries without long and laborious efforts; in Russia the practice is easy and familiar. The advantages arising to Europe from such a change, in the present posture of affairs, would be invaluable; but on these we must for bear to comment until our inferences can rest on some sure foundation. In the mean time we shall only observe, that the Paris papers, and the Swedish letters, are certainly at variance. The former would persuade us that Russia is in the strictest alliance with France, and ready to assist her to the full extent of her resources; the latter intimate that a negotiation has commenced which is likely to terminate in a peace with England. These differences might be easily reconciled, if we could but suppose, that when count Romanzoff left St. Petersburg, the emperor was inclined to aid the plans of Buonaparte, but that after his departure a sudden change had taken place, which defeated the views of the French party in that capital. The conjecture is not unfeasible—may it soon be realized.
Yesterday, in the court of common council, Mr. Waitman made the motion of which he had previously given notice, "That an humble address and petition be presented to his majesty, expressing their astonishment and grief at the extraordinary and disgraceful convention lately entered into by the commanders of his majesty's forces in Portugal, and the commander of the French army at Lisbon, praying his majesty to institute such an inquiry into this dishonourable and unprecedented transaction as may lead to the discovery and punishment of those by whose misconduct and incapacity the cause of the country and its allies have been so shamefully sacrificed. This motion, we are happy to say, was unanimously agreed to. In thus taking the lead and expressing the sentiments which are felt in every Britis heart, the city of London has done itself great honour, and we trust that the example, so worthily given, will be as extensively followed. The Morning Post denies that the ministers were averse to an inquiry. But where is the proof of this gratuitous assertion. From the night when they ordered the park and tower guns to be fired on the arrival of the disgraceful convention, up to the present moment, they have not by any one act, officially announced, retracted the approbation, so signally expressed, of a transaction which filled every other mind with disgust and abhorrence!
The inhabitants of the United States appear to differ totally from the government, with respect to the efficacy of the embargo. They begin to discover that a measure, which they were taught to believe would in the course of a few months compel England to retract her orders in council, and France to rescind her prohibitory decrees, has not had the smallest effect upon either; that they respectively adhere to the principles they at first adopted, and that there is little chance the "self-denying ordinance" of the American government will be attended with the effect expected. The people are sick of the embargo. It has ruined the shipping and commercial interests, and the agriculturist has the produce of his labours rotting upon his hands. The notable expedient of converting the American sailors into husbandmen is found not to answer. The farmer will not be at the expense of growing an article for which he is not sure of a market; and the people are consequently thrown out of employment.
HORNE TOOKE.—This gentleman died yesterday. His literary acquirement were considerable, but it was as a political character that he principally attracted publick notice. He was anxiously attended, to the moment of his dissolution, by his friend, pupil, and patron, Sir Francis Burdett.—Mr. Tooke, we believe has left two daughters.
From the Oporto Gazette, Sept. 14.
Letter written by the camp marshal general, Bernardino Freire de Andrada, dated at head quarters at Mejra, the 6th September.
I have the honour to transmit to your excellency a copy of a letter from gen. Murray, which I have this moment received, and which certainly corresponds with the opinion I have always entertained on the conduct of our allies. Our flag is hoisted on the tower of St. Julien, and it is garrisoned by the regiment of artillery of Corte. The admiral commanding the Russian squadron has sent his compliments on the occasion. And thus, sir, we hope, under Providence, that nothing will obstruct the prosecution of our endeavours, and the sincere intentions with which so many men of honour and probity have engaged in the service of our prince and country. I am, &c.
Copy of a letter from general Murray, above referred to.
After my arrival in the camp, I have just received a letter from the adjutant-general, written under an idea that I should have the honour to see you; but as this will not take place as soon as I could wish, I must address you in writing. The adjutant general assures me, in the name of the general, that it was merely through a mistake that the English flag was hoisted on fort St. Julien; that nothing could be more distant from his intentions; and that the moment he was apprized of it, he caused it to be taken down, and the Portuguese placed in its stead. It would certainly have been better if this had not occurred, but I trust that your excellency, and the Portuguese nation, will be satisfied it proceeded only from a mistake. I am further to inform your excellency, that there is now in fort St. Julien a body of Portuguese artillery which had been in the French service. It appears to me from the tenor of the letter, that the general thinks it advisable to remove it from thence, but he at the same time directs me to request your excellency's
opinion and wishes on this subject. I cannot conclude without expressing to your excellency my sense of your obliging attentions since my corps has been united with yours, and to assure you that I am, &c.
MURRAY.
In Camp, Sept. 5, 1808.
General Freire de Andrada.
Oporto, September 14.
COPY OF A LETTER. Senior Jose Felisberto de Cerqueira.—We have at length reached the fortunate moment, in which I can send your pleasing intelligence. The English, after having defeated the common enemy in the field of battle, have also prevailed over him in a treaty; and this city will be saved from the destruction which was to be apprehended if the French had fortified themselves in it, and continued their accustomed excesses. I have not been able to see the convention, in which it is said there are conditions favourable to the French, allowing them to take away their baggage, their own artillery, and some horses; but let them take away what they may, at least we already enjoy liberty. Our temples are freed from the profanation of those villains, our lives and our families are, thank GOD, in safety; and as we are to be given up to the English, our dangers are at an end. I hope the posts will be re-established, that I may receive your communications, and send you accounts of what has passed, or may hereafter occur. You may send an answer by the bearer, who is to return with expedition.
Believe me, &c.
MANDEL DE COSTA RAMOS.
Lisbon, Sept. 6, 1808.
"HEAD-QUARTERS, OYERAS, Sept. 10.—The British army is encamped on the right and left of Lisbon, and on the left side of the Tagus. They are also in possession of the line of forts from the rock of Lisbon to fort Belem inclusive. The French are embarking, and it is thought that our head-quarters in a few days will be removed from hence to Lisbon. Six companies of the 20th regiment of infantry are to cross the Tagus to-morrow morning to Elvas, which is (I think) about 150 miles; and it is thought we are to station about 15,000 men at the passes on the frontiers. We have a great many general officers here, about forty-seven. Don Miguel Sataro acts as British consul at Lisbon.
"SEPTEMBER 11.—Since I wrote to you yesterday, our head-quarters has been ordered to Belem. The news here this day is, that the Spaniards stopped the Russian ambassador at Badajoz, on the frontiers of Spain; that they have sent hither his despatches by a Spanish officer, and that they have been delivered to the commander in chief. Others are said that the Spanish officer took them on for the purpose of accelerating the measures which it is said they are intended to promote, and to expedite the receipt of them. The French, it is said, have begun to fortify the frontiers in the neighbourhood of the Pyrenees, and to act on the defensive!"
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
British brig Meanwell, Tapsire, 9 days from New-Providence, Sugar, C. & F. Whittle.
British brig Point Shares, Stowe, 13 days from Turks Island, Salt, John Granberry.
British cutter, Alert, Turnbull, 56 days from Plymouth, Ballast.
Sch'r Caroline, Hopkins, 15 days from St. Thomas, Rum, Molasses & Fruit, Francis Smith.
To BURWELL WILKS, Esq. Brunswick County.
SIR, HAVING seen a challenge directed by you to Gen. Ridgely of Maryland, wherein you expect no horse which he might name—I will run my Colt Sir Solomon by Tickle Toby, against your celebrated Horse Potomac by Diomed, or any other horse in the United States of America, four mile heats, agreeable to the New Market rules, over the NEW Course at Norfolk, on the first Tuesday in June, 1809, for the sum of Five Thousand Dollars, or any other amount which you may choose to name. I will also bind myself to procure you good Stables and Litter, and pay all reasonable expenses.
Calcb Boush.
Princess-Anns, Dec. 3, 1808.
P.S. I shall expect to hear from you through the same medium, on or before the first day of February next.
C. B.
The CARGO of the British Brig Meanwell, from St. Kitts—Consisting of
Prime SUGAR and MOLASSES, For Sale, by C. & F. Whittle.
Dec. 5.
The CARGO of the British Schooner Commerce, captain Collins, consisting of
COFFEE and SUGAR, For Sale by C. & F. Whittle.
Dec. 5.
FOR RENT,
THE BRICK STORE.
Lately occupied by Mrs. Cox, facing the Market. Apply to Messrs. Wood & Hastings, or Robert Taylor, sen'r.
Dec. 5.
FOR SALE,
The CARGO of the British brig Euphemia, from Liverpool, 210 ton Stowed SALT.
Robert Dickson.
Dec. 5.
The gentlemen who were members of the CHAMBER OF COMMERCE in the Borough of Norfolk, are respectfully requested to attend A MEETING proposed to be held at the Exchange Coffee House, on Saturday evening the 10th of December, on business important to the honour and credit of that society.
Luke Wheeler.
Dec. 5. 3
TO BE RENTED,
AND POSSESSION GIVEN IMMEDIATELY,
Several TENEMENTS in the town
of Portsmouth.—They will be let at REDUCED PRICES, provided good tenants can be had.
Also that desirable little FARM, the
COTTAGE, near the Town.—The House will be in good repair, and the land in rich.
William Leigh. Dec. 5. 3v

By virtue of a deed in trust, will be sold for ready money, on Tuesday the 13th instant, before the Exchange Coffee House, at 12 o'clock, A HOUSE & LOT, near Mr. David Pierce's, adjoining the lot of Thomas Newton, dec'd. and John Bramble.
Dec. 2. The Trustee.
BRIG MOSES MYERS.
NOTICE —All those who had an interest in the American Brig Moses Myers, Master, or her cargo, captured by the French in the year 1800, on a voyage from Madeira to Norfolk, and re-captured by the British privateer Rover, and carried into Halifax, Nova Scotia, by applying to the subscriber, will receive their proportion of the funds collected from the recaptors, by the agents of the claimants, according to a decree of the high court of appeals in Great Britain.
Robert Maitland. November 4.
FOR LIVERPOOL. The fast-sailing coppered Ship CALEDONIAN, John Dickson, master, burthen about 500 hogsheads of tobacco—will receive on freight a cargo immediately, and sail on the embargo being off.
Also for Freight or Sale. The fast sailing coppered Ship ARTE, Samuel Davis, master, Philadelphia built, burthen 200 tons, seven years old, now ready to receive a cargo.
Also for Freight or Sale. The Brig EXPERIMENT, Henry Dickson, master, burthen 140 tons, and will carry 1100 barrels flour. For terms apply to William Dickson. October 7.
Superfine FLOUR of Gallego's Mills, For Sale, by James Herron. Dec. 2.
Sixty Dollars Reward.
DESERTED from the United States Navy Yard, at Gosport, on the 23d of last month, three sailors, viz. JOHN MORRIS, DAVID MURRAY, and WILLIAM JOHNSTON. MORRIS is a short thick man, about 5 feet 6 inches high, much marked by the small pox; MURRAY is a small man about 5 feet 3 inches high, a dark complexion; JOHNSTON is about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, very much knock-kneed. They deserted with a jolly boat, with a brim stone bottom, 14 feet long, branded U.S. on the stern, stem and keel. Whoever will deliver the boat at the Navy Yard, shall be compensated for their trouble, and a reward of TWENTY DOLLARS, will be given for apprehending each of the above named deserters.
John Shaw, Captain Commanding U. S. Naval Force at Norfolk. Dec. 2.
The Members of the Dismal Swamp Company,
are requested to meet at Suffolk on the 28th day of December. That place is preferred for a meeting, because it is a very small distance from the land, and the members will have a better opportunity of information as to the whole business of the company than at any other place—Those who may not attend will be pleased to give powers to others to act for them.
William Nelson, John Bracken, Corbin Griffin, Managers. Dec. 2.
Norfolk Borough, At a quarterly session court held the 28th day of November, 1808.
The Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, Against Felix Corran, Michael Corran, Noble and Arbuthnot, & co and Theodoric Armitstead. DEFENDANTS.
THE defendant Felix Corran not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant Felix Corran do appear here on the fourth Monday in February next and answer the bill of the Plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of said Borough: and it is further ordered that the defendants Michael Corran, Noble and Arbuthnot, & co and Theodoric Armitstead, who have effects of the said Felix Corran in their hands do not pay, convey away or secrete such off etc, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court.
A Copy. (Teste,) Wm. Sharp, c. c. Dec. 2.
NOTICE. THE co-partnership of BRUNET & THOMPSON, will be dissolved on the 31st instant. All persons having demands against the said firm, will present their accounts for settlement; and those indebted, will please make payment to Wm. H. Thompson, who is authorized to settle the accounts of said concern.
Henry Brunet, Wm. H. Thompson. Norfolk, Dec. 2.
FLOUR.
FOR SALE, BY JOHN GRANBERY, AT HIS WARE-HOUSE ON COMMERCE-STREET, A small quantity of very excellent New Flour, in barrels and half-barrels, now on hand, fit for family use, and a regular supply expected from the Columbian Mills—Richmond inspection.
CASH given for good new flour barrels and half-barrels. Nov. 9.
FOR SALE
On board the British ship Halliday, capt. Marshall, just arrived from Liverpool, 355 tons stoved SALT, 145 do. common do. 100 crates well assorted Earthenware, and 12 dozen Mats—by C. & F. WHITTLE. September 5.
FRESH GOODS.
WOOD AND HASTINGS, Have just received, Cambricks and Common Callicoes, Cotton Stripes, Cotton Cambricks, Irish Linens, Long Lawns, Linen Cambricks, &c. ALSO, A few pieces of best London Superfine Broad CLOTHS, and most fashionable Coat BUTTONS, which with their Goods on hand, will be sold at very low prices for Cash. September 9.
German Linen for Exportation.
NIEMEYER & VON KAPFF,
OFFER FOR SALE At their Warehouse in Water-Street, at the corner of Maxwell's wharf, for cash, or approved paper only.
54 packages of German Linen,
consisting of 140 pieces Ornabrige, 60 pieces Ticklenburgs, 500 pieces White Rolls, 900 Toedons, 80 pieces Hessians, 1 case Plaitillas, 1 case Shirt Linen, 1 case Sheetings, 1 case Table Cloths, 1 case Bed-Ticking.
ALSO,
40 pieces best Russia Canvass, 65 do. Topgallant Duck, 8000 Coffee Bags, 3,500 Gunny Bags, 90 boxes best Spanish Segars, 50 boxes English Pipes, 700 Straws 1-2 pt. Tumblers, 30 doz. do. Decanters, 350 pieces excellent Oil Cloth, 350 pieces Paper Hanging, 3 cases Port-Wine.
And at their Store in Main-Street, a great variety of
Cutlery and Fancy Articles.
Apply as above. Nov. 9.
J. & W. SOUTHGATE,
OFFER FOR SALE, For Cash or short credit, at their Store, No. 1, corner of Commerce and Main-Streets,
A General Assortment of GOODS,
suitable to the present and approaching season; Among which are, Superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 6-4 and 7-4 coarse Cloths, Flannels, Baizes, Coatings, Thicksets, Corduroys, Blankets, Plains, Halfthicks Scarlet Cardinals, &c. &c. Kenal Cottons in assorted bales, Coarse Hats in assorted boxes, Nails and Spikes of all sizes, F and FF glazed Powder and Shot—ALSO, 200 good Bacon Hams, 30 kegs Lard, 60 barrels Smithfield Apple Brandy, 100 sacks Liverpool fine Salt, 60 barrels very white Allum Salt, 80 barrels good Coffee, Likewise, 2 grand and 6 small fine toned PIANO FORTES. And a handsome English made GIG and HARNESS, almost new September 21
Female Education.
MISS FLETCHER has removed her School to the house formerly occupied by Mr. Kirk as a School-House, (probably better known as the Old Methodist Meeting-House) where she continues to teach Young Ladies the following useful and ornamental branches of Female Education, viz. Reading, Writing, Grammar, Geography, and the Elements of General History Also, a variety of Needle Works, Tambouring, Embroidering, and Filigree. All these branches are taught by Miss F. for 32 dollars per annum. The French Language, Music, Drawing and Painting, are taught if required; for which an extra charge of 2 dollars per quarter, is made, for each branch. Nov. 11.
FOR SALE
In our Ware-House, where the largest vessel can come along side, 15,000 bushels of CORN, 8000 do. do. white, 90 bales Cotton. Also,
4000 bushels coarse SALT,
150 sacks Ground Allum do. 45 hogsheads old Antigua Rum, do. Jamaica do. 40 hogsheads Sugar, 80 barrels do. A few cases excellent Port Wine, Coffee in hogsheads, Madeira Wine, 45 crates Earthenware, Tobacco from several inspections. GEO. MURRAY, & Co. September 9.
THE SUBSCRIBER
Wishes to Sell, and will Sell or Rent on moderate terms, That very excellent Wharf and Lot, in the town of Gosport, at present occupied by William Smith; the Wharf, Ware Houses, and Dwelling-House are all in good repair.
Thirteen Lots in the Town of Suffolk;
And the following Property in Norfolk, Two good Fire-Proof Warehouses on the Eastern side of Commerce-Street, Nos 4 and 6. Two Dwelling-Houses and Lots on Boush-street, in good repair, and very pleasantly situated Apply to John Granbery. September 14
NOW LANDING
On our Wharf, and for Sale on a liberal credit, from on board the British Schooner Commerce, Capt. Collins, from Jamaica, A Cargo of high proof RUM. C. & F. Whittle. September 2.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar.
The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf (the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armitstead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
TO RENT,
And immediate possession given, The HOUSE and LOT, with a spacious Garden, on Duke street, at present occupied by Mr. John Stratton. Apply to William Plume & Co. Nov. 23
TO RENT,
The LIVERY STABLES lately occupied by Lewis Armitstead, on Wolf street, opposite the United States Bank—attached to which is a comfortable small two story Dwelling House, and another building which at times has served as a kitchen to the dwelling, or as a blacksmith or farrier's shop to the stable. The whole together, or either separately will be rented on moderate terms, and possession given immediately. Luke Wheeler. Nov. 25
Landing on Commerce Street, from sch'r. Lady Hope
100 barrels MACKAREL, 500 GRIND STONES, 100 boxes MOULD CANDLES, 60 tons PLAISTER PARIS, A quantity of WRITING PAPER, FOR SALE BY MOSES MYERS. Nov. 25.
FALL GOODS.
WOOD & HASTINGS,
Have just received a general assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS, Which they will sell at very reduced prices for Cash, by Wholesale and Retail, at No 76, Main-street. October 19
For SALE at my Brew-House,
strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store,
Wines, Liquors, and Groceries,
wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18.
We have for SALE on our Wharf,
200 hogsheads MOLASSES, 53 do. superior quality Muscovado Sugars, 37 do. inferior do. 238 bags Guadalupe Coffee; 10 puncheons Rum, 60,000 wt. Jamaica Coffee, in hds. barrels and bags, 10,000 do. La Guira do. 80 kegs Raisins, 20 cases superior quality Claret, 6000 bushels Ives, 5500 do. St. Ubes, 2500 do. Turks-Island, and 5000 do. coarse Liverpool Salt, 10 pipes old Madeira Wine; 4 do. Country Gin, 50 barrels Rye Whiskey; 20 hds. Philadelphia Porter, 1 new 14 inch Cable 120 fathoms. C. & F. Whittle. July 13.
FOR RENT,
And immediate possession given, that commodious Fire Proof Dwelling House, situated at the corner of Commerce and Wide-Water Streets, now in the occupancy of the subscriber as a tavern and boarding house, and formerly occupied by Mrs. Bryan in the same line. The house is in good order and clear of all incumbrances and will be rented on very moderate terms. The person who takes the house can have a part of the furniture at a low price with a liberal credit. Likewise will be rented with the upper part of the house if wished for, the Beer and Porter House, which is fitted up in a neat and handsome manner. For terms apply to the Subscriber upon the premises. Wm. Tonkin.
ALSO,
will be rented a Lot on Town Point, well enclosed, with a dwelling house in good order, calculated for two families, with Kitchens and other out-houses—also a large shed, which may be converted into a carpenter's or cooper's work shop. The terms will be made very reasonable Apply as above. Nov. 14.
Ten Dollars Reward
For Negro ALECK, purchased of Mr. Hubbard of this place, of a very dark complexion, has lost his upper fore teeth; had on when he went away a coarse check shirt and cassimere pantaloons, long coat and white hat; he was seen near Tappahosier's Ferry, York, where I suspect he is still lurking, or at Williamsburg where he has a wife. George Veale. August 22.
NORFOLK DRAW BRIDGE.
AT the instance of some of the principal Stockholders of this Company, a General Meeting of the whole is requested at the Exchange Coffee-House in Norfolk on Monday the 5th of December next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, to take into consideration a subject of high interest to the concern. L. Wheeler, Pres't. Wm. Pennock, James Taylor, jr. Nov. 14
FOR SALE,
3000 bushels Turk's-Island SALT, Now on board the Sloop Julianna, Capt. Stowe. Also,
21,000 feet MAHOGANY,
A few puncheons Old Antigua Rum, New do. Molasses, Sugars, Indian Meal in barrels. John Granbery. September 21
JUST RECEIVED,
And for Sale, by the Subscriber,
50 hhds. New-England RUM, 150 bbls. Boston No 1 & 2 Beef, 6 keg family Butter, 50 sacks Liverpool Salt, 50 gr casks D.G. choice Sherry Wine, 30 chests Fresh Hyson Tea, superior quality, 40 do. do. do. do. do. do. 150 wt light fresh Nutmegs and 100 wt. Cinnamon, 1000 wt light Pimento, 100 wt light New-Orleans Indigo, 10 hhds. and 100 barrels Loaf Sugar, 20 bbls. Hoffman's fine Loaf Sugar, for family use, 50 bags Coffee, 250 boxes M-uld and Dipt Candles, 100 boxes old brown Soap, 25 boxes No. 1 & 2 Chocolate, 50 boxes, 10 groce each, T. D. London Pipes, 25 boxes Cotton and Wool Cards, assorted, 50 kegs English glazed Gun-Powder, 5 tons London Patent Shot, assorted, 50 crates Queens' Ware, assorted, with plates and dishes only—also a few crates of Bowls, 100 kegs London White Lead ground in Oil, 50 boxes London Crown Glass 10 by 12, 80 casks, 100 each, Green Copperas, 20 dozen Spades and Shovels, assorted sizes, 50 casks Cut Nails, assorted, from 4d. to 20d. 10 ton Swedes' Iron, assorted, small, flat and square bars, 700 Grind Stones, assorted, for vessel and plantation use, 130 casks Stone Lime, 30 bundles Northern Hay, 130 Sides Sole Leather, Philadelphia Calf Skins and Boot Legs—Also a quantity of Harness Leather, 6 Trunks Ladies Morocco and Leather Slippers, 1 trunk coarse Boots, suitable for Sailors and Servants, 200 Reams Writing Paper, 500 do. Wrapping Paper, 10 groce Playing Cards, 100 kegs Wight and Harris's choice Manufactured Tobacco, 50 kegs Leiper's Snuff in pound and half pound bottles, 300 Straws one and half pint Tumblers, 50 dozen Wine Glasses, &c. &c. 50 boxes Dixon's fresh Mustard, Martin Fish. WHO HAS IN STORE, AND AFLOAT, 2000 bbls. Alexandria Superfine Flour fresh ground from new wheat. 50 bbls. Fine Flour, 250 do. Superfine Old Flour—and Exchange on Boston at 60 days for $2500. November 28
FOR SALE, or will be Bartered, in part for Tobacco, Flour, or Naval Stores.
150,000 wt. Muscovado SUGAR, 200 hhds. MOLASSES, 500 sacks Liverpool SALT, 8000 bushels Carls SALT, superior quality, 25 crates QUEENS WARE. James Young. October 21.
FOR SALE,
On board the British ship John, capt. Gilmer, just arrived from Liverpool, 250 Tons STOVE SALT, loose and in sacks 50 crates QUEEN'S WARE—By C. & F. Whittle. October 24
For SALE, or will be Bartered for Tobacco,
78 puns. choice Old Demarara RUM, James Young. October 19.
TURK'S-ISLAND SALT,
FOR SALE, On board the Swedish schooner Gustav Adolph. Apply to Wilson & Cunningham. October 21.
JUST RECEIVED,
By the Rising States, Captain Gilbert, A SUPPLY OF Withington's New York double ALE, first quality, brewed this fall.
Also on hand a quantity of
Barnes' New York double ALE, first quality, on draught and in bottles. Philadelphia PORTER, by the barrel or dozen. Wm. Tonkin. Nov. 23.
TO BE RENTED,
And possession given the 1st of January, The HOUSE and LOT on Catharine Street, occupied by Mr. Francis S. Taylor, adjoining Mr. John Taylor's. ALSO,
The Fire Proof WAREHOUSE on
Maxwell's wharf, now in the occupancy of Mr. John Macgowan, to which is attached a valuable privilege with respect to wharfage. Apply to John Nivison. Nov. 18.
Received per Schooner Reliance,
1 package Navy, Flying Artillery and sailors' BUTTONS, 1 bale CHECKS, (American factory,) 1 case Straw BONNETS and Willow Sheets—FOR SALE BY E. Sturtevant, 77, Main-Street. Nov. 30—31
COW POCK.
DOCTOR BALFOUR informs those persons who have not had the Small Pox, and who are anxious to avoid being susceptible of it (as it is said to exist in the county of Princess Ann about Nott's Island, and there has been a case in Richmond,) that he now has several arms with a genuine vaccine pock, fit to inoculate from. He will take a young man as a student of physician. Nov. 16.
NOTICE.
All persons indebted to the estate of David Patterson, deceased, are desired to make immediate payment; and those having claims to render them properly attested, to D. R. WADDEY, Adm'r. Nov. 16.
CAUTION.
THE PUBLICK are cautioned against crediting any of the crew of the Ship John, of Liverpool, as I will not be responsible for any debts they may contract. John Gilmer, Master of the Ship John. Nov. 18.
MACKINDER & WHITE,
OFFER FOR SALE, FOR CASH or APPROVED NOTES, 2000 barrels NAVAL STORES, 100 bales Georgia Upland COTTON, 28 bales New Orleans do. 62 barrels APPLE BRANDY, 8 hhds. Richmond TOBACCO, 20 hogsheads York-River, do. 24 hhds. Petersburg, do. 100 barrels Smithfield and Carolina PORK, 22 pipes HOLLAND GIN, 9 pipes COUNTRY GIN, 100 boxes FRESH IMPERIAL and GUNPOWDER } TEAS. And 500 bbls. Fresh Alexandria Superfine FLOUR. ALSO,
A General Assortment of DRY GOODS,
suitable to the Season. Nov. 14.
FOR RENT,
That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also,
That commodious House on Catharine-street,
at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes, adjoining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses. Also,
A very convenient Dwelling-House,
just finished, on Commerce-street. For terms apply to James Tucker. Who has in Store,
A few thousand bushels Liverpool
stoved SALT, loose and in sacks, that will be delivered in small or large quantities to suit the purchasers. August 15.
Richard Jeffrey & Co.
No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter,
An assortment of MEDICINES,
of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt-Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters,
Virol, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap,
Evans's best Crown Lances, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries.
MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family
use, with printed directions, put up as usual. NORFOLK:
PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK,
BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.