Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-12-07 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER  INT HOC SIGNUM TUUM PRÆMIAT LADIS
VOL. IV.]
MONDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 7, 1807.
[NO. 62]
THIS PAPER IS PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A WEEK PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS SIX DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYA- BLE IN ADVANCE—SINGLE PAPER TWELVE AND ONE HALF CENTS—ADVERTISEMENTS ARE INSERTED AT THE RATE OF FIFTY CENTS FOR THE FIRST, AND TWENTY FIVE CENTS PER SQUARE FOR EACH SUCCEEDING INSERTION.
For Sale, Freight, or Charter. The American Ship MINERVA, Henry Keele, master, burthen 400 lbs. tobacco; will be ready to receive a cargo in ten days— Apply to
Alexander Leckie, or Thomas Wilcock.
Who have for Sale on board, 8000 bushels Liverpool SALT.
December 4. tf
A FREIGHT is Wanted For the Schooner JOHANNA, For New York, now lying at Woolside's wharf. Apply to the master on board. December 4. 3*
For LONDON. The Ship LIVE OAK, Gerrard Yarrell, master, will sail in 15 days. For passage only, apply to the master on board at my wharf at Gosport, or the subscriber
William Pennock.
Who wants to Charter. A fast sailing SCHOONER, of about 150 tons, to load for a southern port in Europe. Nov 20. tf
For Sale, Freight, or Charter. The fast-sailing brig ANN ELIZABETH, burthen 173 tons, in complete order for the reception of a cargo. For terms apply to John Brown, Marsden's wharf November 13. tf
For Sale, Freight, or Charter. The Ship WILLIAM & MARY, burthen 230 tons, or 2100 barrels, now ready for the reception of a cargo. Apply to Solomon Bedinger. October 28. tf
Scotch Coals and Empty Bottles. 100 tons of the former and 200 crates of the latter, import- ed in the ship Industry from Glasgow—For Sale by William Pennock. Who offers
The said SHIP, burthen 260 tons, for Charter. October 7. tf
Liverpool SALT and COAL. For sale on board the ship Jane, William Colley, master.— Apply to the subscriber, William Pennock. Who offers
said SHIP, burthen 420 tons, and the ship COURTNEY, burthen 200 tons for charter. October 5. tf
For Freight or Charter. The Ship THOMAS, captain Boush, will be ready immediately. GEO. MURRAY, & CO. Who have for Sale,
Old Antigua, Jamaica, & W. I. Rum, Madeira, Port, and Cape Wine, Sugar in hogsheads and barrels, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware. September 23. tf
A few barrels and half barrels of super- iour quality FLOUR, suitable for family use. For sale by A. Maclure. Nov 30. tf
10,000 bushels coarse SALT, on board the Ship Eliza, for sale. Apply to C. & F. Whittle. In Store.
A few puncheons Antigua RUM. November 30. 6
A. ATKINLEY, Silk, Cotton, and Woollen Dyer, No 13, Bank-Street,
Respectfully informs the publick that he Cleans and Dyes all kinds of Silk and Satins, finishing them with neat- ness and dispatch; all kind of Gentlemen's Clothes cleaned and dyed; best standing blue upon Cotton, Linen, Carpets, and Blankets; Cleaned Straw and Chip Hats dyed, dressed, &c. &c.—All commands will be thankfully received, executed on the short notice and on the lowest terms. November 30. tf
For RENT, That Fire-Proof HOUSE in Wide Water-Street, at present occupied by Jennings & Roddey.— Possession given the 1st of January. Noble & Arbuthnott, & Co. November 30. Im
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street,
10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 80 hhds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cogniac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales fluted Blankets, 8 bales Blue Duffs; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 54 do. Ticklenburgs and Osnaburgs; 2 do. Hefians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24. tf
Just received and for sale by the subscriber, from New-York, 4 half pipes 8 qr. casks old London particular Madeira WINE; 20 dozen Old Port do. 20 kegs Beef Tongues; 50 kegs Salmon; 50 do. Mackerel, 50 do. Tongues and Sounds; 20 do. Lard, 20 bds. Whiskey; 10 hhds. N. E. Rum; 100 boxes Candles. Also—100 barrels Flour afloat. CARY SELDEN. December 21. tf
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, November 12. Debate on the report of the committee of elections, on the contested election of Wm. McCreery.
(CONTINUED.)
Mr. Randolph said he would withdraw his motion for the committee to rise, as he perceived gentlemen persist in debating the merits of the main question.
That house had never been called upon to make a more important decision than the one now proposed. He wished he was better prepared for the discussion—he had scarcely run over the report of the committee of elections—but it was one of those questions upon which his mind had been so long unalterably fixed that he could not refrain from the endeavour to warn the committee of the dangerous ground which they were invited to tread. In undertaking to decide upon the validity of the law of a state, they touched upon a subject which should never be approached but under the most imperious necessity, and where no shadow of doubt could hang upon their decision. It might be said that with the reasoning of the report, they had nothing to do; it was the committee's reasoning, not theirs; that they acted on the naked resolution only. But it was obvious to the nearest capacity, that when the committee thought the fact of Mr. McCreery's residence in Baltimore so unimportant that no question was taken upon it, and grounded their resolution solely upon the unconstitutionality of the law requiring it, that house could not affirm the resolution without affirming at the same time the only point upon which the committee had decided in favour of the sitting member. What were they required to do? To declare the law of Maryland, long revered and obeyed, under which successive elections had been held, and never before questioned—to pronounce this law to be a dead letter entitled to no respect even from her own citizens—and to absolve them from all obedience to it. Was it matter of surprize that members of that house were startled at an innovation so daring and so dangerous? He laid it down as a principle not to be questioned that congress should never undertake to pronounce upon state regulations but in cases too clear to admit a contest, and where the decision could not be evaded without manifest detriment to the general good. It he were to be called upon to establish a criterion—an infallible touchstone of the soundness of political principles, it should be made to consist of nothing so much as a sacred regard for the rights of the states. An enlarged and liberal construction of state rights was with him an indispensable requisite, and he could never give his countenance to a political indisposed to such a construction. He viewed the proposed measure but as the commencement of a series—as the entering wedge. If they began with declaring one law of one state unconstitutional, where were they to stop? They might, they would go on (as was the natural tendency of power never to be satisfied as long as there was any thing left to devour;) until the state governments, stripped of all authority, rendered contemptible in the eyes of the people for their imbecility, and odious for their expense, mere skeletons of governments, the shadows of their former greatness, should be forever abolished and a great consolidated empire established upon their ruins. Mr. R. looked forward to such an event as the death warrant of the existing constitution, and of the people's liberties. If they wished to preserve the constitution, they must learn to respect the rights of the states, and not bring the whole artillery of the federal government to bear upon them.—In such a contest the states must fall, and when they did fall there was an end of all republican government in the country.
The 2d paragraph of the second section of the first article of the constitution had to his extreme surprize been construed by the committee of elections as restricting the states from annexing qualifications to a seat in the house of representatives.—He could not view it in that light. Mark the distinction between the first and second paragraphs.—The first is affirmative and positive—"They shall have the qualifications necessary to the electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature;"—The second merely negative—"No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained the age of 25 years, &c." No man could be a member without these requisites, but it did not follow that he who had them was entitled to set at naught such other requisites as the several states might think proper to demand. If the constitution had meant (as was contended) to have settled the qualification of members its words would have naturally run thus. "Every person who has attained the age of 25 years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall, when elected, be an inhabitant of the state from which he shall be chosen, shall be eligible to a seat in the house of representatives. But so far from fixing publick qualifications of members of that house, the constitution merely enumerated a few disqualifications, within which the states were left free to act. It said to the states you have been in the habit of electing young men barely of age; you shall send us none but such as are five and twenty;—Some of you have elected persons just naturalized; you shall not elect any to this house who have not been seven years citizens of the United States.—Sometimes mere sojourners and transient persons have been clothed with legislative authority, you shall elect none whom your laws do not consider as inhabitants. Thus guarding against too great a laxity in the state regulations by general and negative provisions, leaving them however within the limits of those restrictions to act for themselves—to consult the genius, habits, and (if you will) the prejudices of their people. The first paragraph which he had
read was positive and affirmative. By it every person having the qualification requisite to an elector of the most numerous branch of his state legislature was entitled to vote for members of the house. Yet nevertheless the qualification of the elector rested with the state. They might make it a part of the qualification of an elector that he should reside within his district, county, city or borough. Would it not be absurd to say that a man might take a seat in that house who at the same time was not qualified to vote for a member of it? It had always been supposed that the elected should possess higher qualifications than the elector. Yet here it would be entirely reversed. And why should it be supposed that whilst the constitution had vested in the state the greater power, that which was most susceptible of abuse, the unlimited right of prescribing the qualifications of the voter;—it had denied to them, by a forced implication, the right of prescribing the qualification of the person voted for; having respect, however, to the disqualifications enumerated in it; the construction of the constitution for which he had contended was so obvious and natural, that it had been adopted by the states and acted upon from the commencement of the government without any man dreaming of starting an objection to it.—And the uniform practice of near twenty years, and the laws of the states in which that practice originated, were to be overturned at once with as little ceremony as they would change one of their rules. If the doctrine of the committee of elections be sanctioned, Mr. R. said he did not know by what authority he himself could claim his seat. The law of Virginia under which he held it was equally unconstitutional with the law of Maryland. Indeed it might be demonstrated perhaps that we had been living for years under an unconstitutional government. Laws could not be valid which were passed by persons unconstitutionally elected. We should rip up the government to its very foundations. The state of Virginia appointed her electors by a general ticket (to keep out the heathen) but each elector was to come from a particular district, notwithstanding twenty-four separate districts sent twenty-four electors by general ticket. If the state had no right to prescribe that the elector should be a resident of his district, the president had been unconstitutionally elected in the first instance by the electors, and in the second by members of that house voting by states, which members themselves had no right to their seats, the law under which they were appointed being null, void and of no effect. Were gentlemen prepared for such conclusions as these?
Mr. R. said that a gentleman from Maryland had obliged him by calling his attention to that article of the constitution which enjoins that "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states."—Now if it were laid down as a principle that the state had no right to require the residence of a member of that house within his district, the whole representation of Maryland might be taken (as they would be taken) from the town of Baltimore. Transient persons from the other states happening to arrive at Baltimore on the day before the election, who if elected would declare themselves determined to become permanent residents, might be returned as members of that house and must maintain their seats under this decision. The house of representatives would become a mere shadow, a mockery of representation, not such as the people were attached to in support of their claim to which they had bled, but such a representation as an English lawyer allowed as to possess in the British house of commons, when he discovered that the different grants in America being held as part and parcel of the manor of East Greenwhich all the colonies were represented by the knights of the shire, for Kent. He believed they would possess just as much knowledge of the interests of their constituents, in the one case, as had been exhibited in the other, and would demonstrate the same sort of care of their persons and purses. Mr. Randolph said that he held residence within the body of the country or district to be of the very essence of representation.—To be a good representative, a man must not only reside among the people, he must be one of them, bound to them by every tie of habit, interest and affection, not a stranger or having no common feeling with them, known to them only by report, and imposed upon them by cabal, intrigue, and corruption.
He believed there were no gentlemen of that house who had maintained a more uninterrupted harmony with each other than that which subsisted between himself and the two gentlemen from Baltimore, (Messrs. Moore and McCreery.) Their whole intercourse had consisted in an interchange of civilities and courtesies. But this could not affect his opinion upon the present question. But whilst he thought Mr. McCreery certainly, and Mr. Moore possibly not entitled to a seat, he could not agree with a gentleman from N. Carolina that Mr. Barney was duly elected. He would never consent to any man's sitting in that house upon the votes of a minority of the qualified electors of his district. He respected the rights of the people not less than the rights of the states. If a majority of the electors had voted for an unqualified person, believing him to be qualified, he thought the election should be set aside, and it should be put into the power of the people to send the man of their choice who should be duly qualified. Mr. R. said that the votes not being given in exact conformity to law, perhaps the whole election should be set aside, but he inclined to the opinion that Mr. Moore was duly elected as the county member, that the votes given to Mr. McCreery were under the idea that he still continued a resident of the city—that, being unqualified, his seat should be vacated, and a new writ was issued to fill the vacancy.
If the report of the committee of elections
should be affirmed it would be an era in the history of this government. For the first time and when the nation was under the guidance of men supposed to be friendly to the interests of the states and of the people, the law of a state was to be declared unconstitutional. Before the committee undertook to pronounce this sentence, to set this awful precedent, it behoved them to pause and consider well. This decision, said Mr. R. will not be final. It will be but the fore-runner of a long series of acts abrogating the laws and usages of the states, endeared to the people by habit, and sanctified by reason. Before you enter upon this fatal act be you well assured that the right is indisputably your own, and that you are called upon to exercise it by considerations which it would be criminal to resist. Beware lest whilst you proudly assert your power, you do not meet the reprobation of the great body of the American people.
Mr. Key. If the committee will have the goodness to indulge me, I will assign the reasons which induce me to hope the present amendment may be rejected.—I am in some measure called on by the observations of an honourable member, who has taken part in the debate, and who has endeavoured to alarm our fears for the safety of the state sovereignities, in case the law of Maryland should be declared unconstitutional.—If the legislature of Maryland has in the instance before us transcended its authority, however delicate the ground we tread on, our duty must be performed.—We are to decide on the constitutional qualifications of a member returned duly elected, and on this subject our powers are judicial, not legislative.—Under the constitution we are expressly made judges of the qualifications of the members—we are sworn to support that constitution, and we must discharge our duty with integrity and uprightness.
The objection to the amendment is, that it covertly causes us to decide on the very point, which it openly professes to avoid.—Whoever votes in favor of the proposed amendment, does, recognize the constitutionality of the state law, and hereafter it will be cited as a precedent in support of state authority; and if such be the opinion of the committee, let it be openly and fairly avowed.
It has been said by an honourable gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) that if there was an unerring criterion by which to judge of a person's political sentiments, it was "his adherence to the state sovereignities," and so far I agree with him; but permit me to go one step further and say, that it is equally an unerring criterion to judge of a person's political correctness, "to ascertain his attachment to the constitution of the United States"—for it is in vain to profess an attachment to the one at the expense of the other—both, as the basis of political security, must be equally respected. The state and general governments must respectively move in their proper orbits constitutionally assigned them; and then, like a well constructed piece of mechanism, all will move harmoniously, while each part is assigned it—Should however the state governments usurp authority over the qualifications of representatives, we must not shrink from our duty, but judiciously declare the usurpation, and pronounce the act void.
The question is not fairly presented to the house—it is for you, Mr. McCreery or Mr. Barney is entitled to a seat in this house? That is a minor consideration, wholly absorbed—the real question is this: Shall a portion of the people of the United States, claiming their representative under the constitution of the United States, be restricted in their choice by a state law?—Can a state abridge the elective franchise, by superinducing other qualifications in the elected, than those required by the constitution of the United States?
I have before stated, and now repeat, that I will not vote on this subject, because I may be supposed to have an interest in the decision, as it involves principles to be decided in my own case—But though I shall not vote, I hold myself free to assign my reasons, and thereby endeavour to protect in my constituents, those privileges which the state has endeavored to take from them.
To whoever will attentively consider and compare the different passages in the instrument in my hands, (the constitution of the United States) there can exist no doubt, but that all legislation is closed as to the qualifications of the elected or representative—being a constitutional provision, neither congress nor the state legislature can interfere.
By the 2d section of article the 1st, it is declared "the house of representatives shall consist of members chosen every second year of the people of the United States, and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature."—This is all that respects voters; let it be remembered, that the convention who formed the constitution of the United States had met to form a national government, and that the right of suffrage presented itself clothed with great difficulties, no two states having precisely the same qualifications. In the state of Virginia a freehold qualification was necessary to entitle a citizen to vote.—In some states a certain amount of personal property was necessary—In others universal suffrage prevailed—In some was combined with the elective franchises a longer or shorter period of previous residence—of age—and one permitted a certain class of females to vote—From this view of the elective franchise, may at once be perceived the difficulties under which the convention acted, and the almost impossibility of a uniform qualification—for had the convention adopted as a uniform rule, the qualifications proscribed in any one state, it would have violated the habits and practices of almost every other state.—To avoid this difficulty in a government founded on compromise, and to go into operation on the subsequent adoption and approbation of the citizens, a most

happy expedient was devised; which was, to give to the electors in each state for representatives to congress, the same qualifications that were requisite for the most numerous branch of the state legislature. This could not fail to be acceptable to each state, because it adopted the usage of each state. Our patriot convention conformed as far as was practicable to the wishes of the several states, and this spirit of compromise pervading the constitution of the United States, was the pledge of its adoption.
The second paragraph of the 2d section of the 1st article of the constitution of the United States is in these words: "No person shall be a representative, who shall not have attained the age of 25 years; been 7 years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not when elected be an inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen."—Before we examine this article, let us see by whom and for whom it was framed.
The convention who framed the constitution of the United States, represented not the states , but the people of the United States.—They met to form not a state government , but a national government for the people of the United States. The sovereignty of each state was solemnly guaranteed by the constitution, and as each state, whether great or small, was equally sovereign and independent, each state is equally represented in the senate of the United States; each state sends two members; and this is the federative feature in our constitution.—But the house of representatives was intended as the immediate representation of the people of the United States. The constitution begins, "We the people of the United States," and the constitution having defined the qualifications of the electors, it proceeds to define those of the representative or elected.—It was surely competent to the convention who represented the people of the United States, to say what qualifications their agent, representative, or law maker, should have, and they accordingly fix three—1st, that he shall be above the age of 25—2dly, 7 years a citizen of the United States—and 3dly, an inhabitant when elected of the state in which he shall be chosen.
Uniformity could not, I have shown, be obtained as to the qualification of the electors, but it was most desirable in the elected, and it could be easily obtained, is accordingly specified in the constitution; and the expression of these qualifications in the constitution, is the exclusion of all others; so to define the qualifications, of the elected, was within the power of the convention; was their duty; and is set forth in the constitution itself.
But it is objected, that the expressions used in the constitution are negative ones, and do not prevent the states from superadding other qualifications. To this I answer, first, that if the words are changed into positive instead of negative forms, it makes no difference in the meaning; for instance, each representative shall be above the age of 25, &c. creates no difference in the construction or meaning of the article.—You may make a new article to remove the difficulty, but the present one cannot be altered in signification, whether the terms remain negative or are changed to affirmative ones.—I will hereafter consider the effect of these words, when used to describe the qualifications of the president.
Secondly, as to the power of the states to superadd other qualifications to the three enumerated in the constitution of the United States: I say, and I lay it down as a political truth, that the states , in their sovereign capacities, have no power, right, or authority to interfere with the elections of representatives to congress, except so far as the constitution of the United States gives them special power so to do.
By what authority do the several states interfere in elections of representatives to congress? Let each man honestly put this question to himself.—Is it under the principles of state sovereignty? No.—By what authority then? I answer, by the express authority of the constitution of the United States, in these words—1st paragraph of 4th section of article 1st—"The time, place and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the place of choosing senators."
Every man acquainted with our political institutions must say, that the state legislatures derive their authority from the above article to interfere with the United States' elections.—It was impracticable for the convention to introduce an election law into the constitution; they therefore left certain powers with the states.—What are these powers? To regulate the time, place and manner of holding elections.—It is a special, limited power, for particular designated objects. The 1st branch of the power gives to the state legislatures authority to regulate the time of holding the election.—Surely the time of holding the election has no relation to the residence or qualification of the candidate.—2dly—the state legislatures may regulate the place of holding elections, manifestly this power has no reference to the qualification of the candidate, and 3dly, the state legislatures may regulate the manner of holding elections; now the manner of holding an election has no connection with the previous residence or qualifications of a candidate, but it implies, that the election may be vive voce , by ballot, by districts, for the convenience of voters, or by the state in a general ticket.
When the constitution designates three qualifications and no more, and when that same constitution gives to the states the limited power to prescribe the time, place and manner of holding elections, can any reasonable man believe, that the states have power to add qualifications of age, property, or residence?—If the states have power to add one qualification, they have power to create all.—If they can make one year's previous residence in a district necessary, they have equal power to make forty necessary.—And if they can limit the residence (as in this case of Mr. M'Creery) to a particular part of the district, they may to a particular house in the district, and so localize a man, as to take all power of election from the people—totally destroy the elective franchise—they may say with equal power, that no man under £1000 a year shall be a representative.
Mr. Chairman, the people of every state have a direct interest in every member of the house of representatives. These members do not represent in this house the people of any particular state, but the people of the United States generally; and are competent to raise taxes from the whole people of the United States, though all the representatives of any other state should oppose the law; and to bind all the people in every state by their votes and acts;
hence the people in each state are interested in the qualifications of the representatives of every state, and no one state can destroy this right.—It was from this great principle, that every representative, from whatever state he comes, may by his acts and votes bind the citizens of other states, declare war, or levy taxes, that the constitution defined the qualifications of the elected; limited the power of the states simply to the time, place and manner of holding the elections, and declared in terms too plain to be perverted, "We the people of the United States have declared who may elect, and who be elected, and we leave to the states, (until congress shall otherwise direct) the power to prescribe the time, place and manner of letting such qualified electors choose such qualified representatives."
It has been said, but falsely relied on, that if the states have power to fix election districts for the electors, they may equally locate the representative; but this is a great mistake; the constitution permitting the states to determine the manner of holding elections, permits them if it suits their convenience to hold them in districts; but the attempts to curtail and rob the people of their elective franchise, by making the eligibility of the candidates depend on the locality of his residence, is out of their power, and not given to them by the constitution.—As to the propriety and policy of such power being placed in a state, it is not now a question. We are not framing a constitution.—We are examining where it is placed by our constitution.—If it is not well placed, there is a constitutional mode of altering it.
But gentlemen say, that the states for twenty years past have added qualifications of residence to representatives. To this I answer, that if the representative is a resident of the district, he must necessarily be of the state, and of course has the constitutional qualification.—But I perceive great danger in this doctrine.—Violations of the constitution by some of the states, are now called as precedents, from which destructive conclusions are drawn, although the cases cited have never been acted on.—Thus the assumption of power by the legislatures of some states, is made to justify itself. If these innovations thus practised, and never brought judicially into the view of this house are permitted to go on, they will in time, like water dropping on a stone, wear away the very substance of the constitution.
Now is the time to act on the subject.—It is fair before us on the report of the committee.—And in what capacity do we act? In our judicial capacity—as judges under these words in the first paragraph of the 5th sec. of the 1st article of the constitution: "Each house shall be the judges of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members."—We have no discretion as a legislative body.—We cannot look into the policy or propriety of the qualifications.—We are sworn to support the constitution; we sit as judges under it; and it is our bounden duty to declare if the state of Maryland has violated the United States' constitution, by imposing on a representative other qualifications than that instrument requires.
It is a sound rule in construing instruments to examine the different parts of them, and if the same words are used on a similar subject, they must have the same interpretation. I pass by the senatorial qualifications where the same negative expressions are used.—I will proceed to the qualification of the president of the United States.—Art. 2d. sec. 1st paragraph 5th—"No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the adoption of this constitution, shall be eligible to the office of president; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained the age of 35 years and been 14 years a resident within the United States."—The expressions used in this article are in negative terms, in the same manner as those used with respect to the qualifications of the representatives.—And does any reasonable man; and does any friend of the constitution say, that the states can superadd or add any other qualifications to the president, than those designated by the constitution?—If negative expressions apply to one case, so do they to the other.—If the doctrine of reserved powers applies to one case, so it does to the other. What would be the absurd consequence of investing the state sovereignities with power to add other qualifications to the president? The nine small states might add qualifications of age, residence or property, and the eight large states from their numbers might elect a president without any of the qualifications limited by the majority of the states. What a singular phenomenon this would produce; a president elected by a large majority of the electors, without the qualifications prescribed by a majority of the states.—An argument producing such absurdities need not be pressed further.—It is impossible to let the states interfere with the qualifications of the representatives, and yet restrain them from interfering with the qualifications of the president.—Very nearly the same expressions are used in each case, in the same instrument, defining qualifications.
A distinction is attempted which cannot be maintained, to wit: "that the president is elected for the United States, and that no state can alter the qualifications in which all have an interest." I admit it;—and this argument is most strong in my favour, for all the citizens of the United States have an interest in each representative, and therefore no state can alter the qualifications of a representative—each representative may by his single voice declare war or lay taxes—He who can command the sword and purse of the people must represent them, and consequently each member must represent the people of the United States, not the people of his state; for to say that a person can by his voice lay taxes on persons whom he does not represent or make them go to war, is a principle hostile to republicanism and tears up the foundation of our government. It is said the states ought to have power to add qualifications of residence, or the people may choose transient persons; but this argument proves too much, because when pushed far, it proves the people not competent to self government.
I derive some consolation from the circumstance that I am a young member of little or no political influence, hence my arguments have nothing to recommend them but their intrinsic weight; and in a constitutional question, this is most desirable.—We should be on our guard against the high character and influence of the gentleman from Virginia, whose opinions, from his standing in society may be received as correct, without accurately investigating them.—But is my doctrine new, Mr. Chairman?—No, Sir, it is a doctrine co-eval with the constitution, and supported by our ablest men—In a work of high celebrity, the Federalist , (composed by Jay, Hamilton, and Madison; men eminently distin-
guished for their patriotism and their talents, and who with dignified reputation, have filled the highest offices in our country), this doctrine is explicitly stated and ably maintained.—The same doctrine is supported in the debates in the Virginia Convention, when some illustrious characters exhibited their acknowledged talents.—There, Sir, an objection was made to the Freehold qualification in the representative—the darling object of Virginia—Those who made this objection never supposed the qualifications were not fixed by the constitution—for men of such talents and reputation would never have urged that as an objection to the constitution, if for a moment they had supposed the legislatures of the states, competent to make such alteration.
I have yet, Sir, another high authority—a learned commentator on Blackstone, every way distinguished for his worth and his learning, has on this very subject suggested doubts "If state qualifications," that is a freehold required by the Virginia laws, were not rendered void by the constitution of the United States.—See Judge Tucker's Commentaries vol. 1, folio 268.—The judge's doubts are suggested only; but this was all he could do, for delicacy and propriety would not permit him to give an absolute opinion on a subject which might come judicially before him—fortified with these opinions and justified by the constitution itself, I fear no hazard in the assertion, "that the states are not competent to divest the people of their elective franchise secured by the constitution, and that such an attempt is a usurpation of power on the part of the states."
To guard the elective franchise sacredly, is the first of republican duties—it is the shield with which the people protect themselves.—And this franchise is equally endangered whether the law imposes a qualification on the electors or elected.—If only freeholders can vote, the number of voters is diminished; if only freeholders can be elected, then the number out of whom the choice is to be made, is lessened.—Suppose 500l. a year required in an elector, none but the rich could vote.—Suppose 500l. a year required in the elected, then none but the wealthy could be chosen; and the power of prescribing such a qualification makes the people victims.—Fortunately the constitution of the United States requires no property qualification in the elected, but leaves the door open to merit of every description.
One argument, Mr. Chairman, remains to be considered—greatly relied on, but which will not stand the test of rigid examination. Gentlemen say, that the constitution only requires three qualifications in the Representative, and that the states have authority to superadd others, under the 10th Amendment to the constitution, which is in these words.
"The powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people." I ought here to state, that I do not consider the qualifications of representatives, as at all coming within the meaning of powers granted by the constitution—but rather as the means by which the powers granted are to be carried into effect—as an incident to the organization of the house of representatives.—Yet I will not detain the committee on this subject, but leave their good sense to examine it, and proceed to answer the argument.
"Powers not delegated by the constitution to the United States, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people."
I consider the states , and the people as expressed in this article, not to be synonymous terms, but used to contravert the one from the other.—I beg the committee to retain one clear distinction in their minds, "that the government of the United States, represents the states in their sovereign capacities in the Senate; and the people of the United States are represented in the house of Representatives."—with this distinction kept in view a brief exposition of the powers reserved , will at once appear. The powers reserved, are reserved to the sources from whence they came. —Before the adoption of the constitution of the United States the several states were independent sovereignities.—As such, each had a right to levy war, make treaties, coin money, &c. &c. Those portions of the sovereignty of each state, have for the general safety of the union been delegated exclusively to the United States.—But other sovereign powers such as Legislation, &c. have been retained by each of the states.—The meaning of this article then is, that all sovereign powers not delegated to the United States, nor prohibited to the states, respectively, remain to the states in their sovereign capacity.—So in like manner all powers vested in the people of the U. States which are not delegated to congress, nor prohibited to the people, belong to the people, as the fountain of power in a republican government.—Now the qualifications of a representative to congress, never could emanate from the states in their sovereign capacities, because such power or appointment was unknown to the states in those capacities, and never did exist with them; of course could not be reserved to them.—But the qualifications of a representative to congress did flow from the people of the United States, who created the appointment for their own protection and government; and any power to alter these qualifications, not given by the constitution to the United States, nor prohibited to the people, is reserved to the people, and not to the states.
To form a correct idea of this subject, and of the true meaning of the article of reserved powers, it is only necessary to trace with precision in what body the power was originally lodged—to that body, it is reserved.—If it was lodged in the states as sovereignities, then the reservation is to the states in that capacity.—But if it was a power in the people, and such as the states in their sovereign capacity had never exercised, or could exercise (as in the present case) then it was reserved to the people—to be used or controuled by them, in the manner prescribed by the constitution.
I have trespassed long on the indulgence of the committee—My apology is, that the subject is one of vast importance and interest to the people. And whatever may be the decision of the house, my consolation arises from an honest but feeble attempt, to protect to the people the blessings of the constitution of the United States, which forms the rock of our political safety, and which we must support with reverence, if we wish to remain happy, united and free.
FRIDAY, Nov. 27.
Mr. J. Clay presented the following memorial from the merchants and traders of Philadelphia: To the President, Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America.
The memorial of the merchants and traders of the city of Philadelphia respectfully represents,
That a strong confidence in the neutral position and character of their country, and in the pacific policy of its government, has encouraged and induced many of your memorialists to embark their property extensively in foreign commerce, and to adventure a large proportion of their wealth upon distant voyages—that recent and unexpected events so far affect the security of their enterprises, as to impel them to make known their sentiments and wishes to congress.
Your memorialists cannot but view with extreme solicitude the apparent state of the negotiation between their country and Great-Britain, upon the events of which, the safety of their property so materially depends. Their alarm and anxiety increased by reports (perhaps unfounded) of the nature and extent of the demands made by the government of the United States, cannot but be great, while they are wholly destitute of information from official sources, calculated to direct their conduct. They mean not however to intimate a wish for disclosures incompatible with the due reserve of government, but candidly to present to its view their difficulties and embarrassments.
In common with their fellow-citizens, your memorialists entertain the strongest sense of the necessity of supporting the honour and independence of their country.—They feel that the national interest is inseparably connected with such support, and although in the event of war, as individuals they must be deeply affected, they have not a wish that considerations of private interest should induce a sacrifice of national honour and independence.
But from the wisdom and patriotism of the national legislature they conceive the expectation well founded that the commercial interests of the United States, with which the common welfare is inseparably connected, will not be committed by an unyielding adherence to doubtful or unsettled principles.—They therefore with confidence submit their hopes that while essential rights, to which, as an independent nation, we are indisputably entitled, will be maintained to the last extremity, matters of seeming interest, but of less importance will be referred to a more propitious and less hazardous moment for adjustment.
Under these impressions, your memorialists deem it an indispensable duty to themselves and to their fellow-citizens of the landed and other interests, most respectfully to suggest to congress that the act (at present in suspension) entitled an act "To prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise, passed the 18th day of April, 1806," should it go into operation will not tend to promote the desirable results of national reparation and amicable adjustment of our differences with Great-Britain. In effect that your memorialists consider the said act, in its application to this country as extremely embarrassing, and in its operation on the government and people of Great-Britain as irritating and inefficient.—That the repeal of the said act would be productive of beneficial effects, in as much as it would relieve our own citizens from embarrassment, demonstrate a disposition to treat on terms of liberality, and be considered as a pledge of candour and magnanimity in the conduct of the negotiation. While in the event of failure to produce a fair and honourable accommodation, the evils of war, which must severely and equally affect the farmer, merchant and mechanick, would be borne with less regret, as being rendered inevitable.
In submitting their opinions to the national legislature, your memorialists have not, they conceive, overlooked the delicacy of the subject to which they relate—and they have anxiously endeavoured, in representing the objects of this memorial, to connect the national honour and interest with their individual claims and privileges.
Relying on the exercise of a wise, just and dignified policy, your memorialists respectfully refer the matters herein stated to the consideration and decision of congress.
The memorial having been read, Mr. J. Clay moved that it be referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Mr. Rowan did not feel himself competent to judge on this subject; but would barely suggest to the consideration of the house, whether after the attack on the Chesapeake a petition of this nature should be referred. He himself had disapproved of the act of which this petition prayed a repeal; but it had been passed, and since its passage the memorable affair of the Chesapeake had taken place; and it had been said by the British government that if this act were suffered to go into operation it would be considered as a declaration of war. Under these circumstances he could not as an American vote for a reference of a memorial on this subject. Had he been entitled to a vote previous to the affair of the Chesapeake, he should have voted for a repeal of the law; but now he was opposed to considering the subject at all; they were not now in a situation to parley. And he hoped, whatever might hereafter be done, that the house would not now enter into a consideration of this subject. In rising to express this opinion, he was actuated by the same sentiments that would guide him in common life. If he had committed an injury, in fair words he would retract it; but if a threat were used, he would not. This law had caused a sensation in the cabinet of England, and whatever might be the consequence, they must now make a proper stand; even a reference of this memorial would be a degradation of their dignity.
(Debate to be continued.)
NOTICE.
A petition will be presented to the next General Assembly of this Commonwealth, praying that an act may pass to divorce me from my wife Anne. Michael Kaeffer.
December 2.
To Anne Kaeffer.
Take notice, that I shall proceed to take the depositions of sundry persons in support of the allegations contained in the above mentioned petition, at the house of Thomas Darden, in the town of Portsmouth, on Thursday the 10th day of the present month, between the hours of 9 and 4 o'clock of the said day, when and where you may attend if you please.
3*
Michael Kaeffer.
Ten Dollars Reward.
Ranaway from the subscriber on the 18th November, a Negro Woman named LUCE, about thirty years of age, an impudent wench when spoken to; she has been seen several times about the borough since her absconding, and has told several that she works out by the day, others say so is free. The above reward will be given on bringing her home to me.
Christopher Williams,
December 4.
No. 7, Bowb's Lane.

When we stated in our last the circumstance respecting the French Seaman, we did not know that two other seamen belonging to the United States, service had been within a few days past taken down on board the Patriot, but which we are assured from good authority is a fact, whether by force or by their own consent we are not informed.
As much as we advocate the policy and civility of restoring deserters, we think there is a respectful mode of proceeding in order to obtain the end. It is not to be expected that in an American port, a seaman is to be permitted to be taken, or to depart, from the service without the consent of the government or his commanding officer. Such a practice is repugnant to every sense of propriety, and but that we are not disposed to use harsh expressions, we should employ much stronger terms.
BUONAPARTE'S DECREE. —Every account confirms the determination of the emperor to enforce this decree. The seventh article demands more serious attention—"no vessels coming directly from England, or from the English colonies, or having been there since the publication of the present decree, shall be received into any port." To dismiss this article without observation is impossible. It is in effect an interdiction that no belligerent ever assumed, or any neutral ever submitted to. According to this imperial decree an American merchant cannot trade with the same ship, one voyage to England, and the next to France. The ship having been once in England, after the publication of this decree, is forever excluded a French, Dutch and Spanish port. The 8th article confiscates vessel and cargo for evading or violating the 7th. Upon the same principle we may be told next, that every American Merchant who has traded to England since publication of this decree, is prohibited to trade to France, and her dependencies ever after.
We have presented our readers with the speeches of Mr. Randolph and Mr. Key, upon the subject of the Baltimore contested election. A number of other gentlemen spoke on the subject, but as these two speeches embrace all the points which formed the discussion, and display great talents and ingenuity, we shall not probably again notice the debate. We must confess that we had heretofore conceived that the states possessed the right as contended by Mr. Randolph; but the strength and force of argument employed by Messrs. Findlay and Key, have caused us to doubt. It is an interesting subject, and produces this singular novelty, that the United States' government are defending the people from the encroachments of the state governments.
On the night of the 11th ultimo, some French privateers landed one hundred soldiers on the island of St. Bartholomews, and took possession of the fort; they are said to have treated the small Swedish garrison with great barbarity.—They carried off three or four vessels, and some property taken from the shore. It appears to have been nothing but a marauding expedition, as they embarked again the next day, and went up to Guadalupe with their prizes and booty.
Mr. Clay's motion for a reference of the Philadelphia memorial was rejected by SO to 50.
If we are to judge from the debate on the memorial of the merchants of Philadelphia to congress, the temper of that body is more hostile to Great Britain than it appeared at the opening of the session. It is impossible to say what will be the result of their deliberations upon the great questions of war and peace. Too much perhaps, under the influence of our wishes, our opinions have generally inclined towards peace. But we perceive so many bitter, (oftentimes unnecessary, because not applicable to the subject under consideration) reflections on the government and conduct of Great-Britain, and upon her conduct exclusively, that we are forced against our inclination to conclude that a most inveterate and irreconcilable hatred, exists in those who govern the councils of our country, towards Great-Britain, which nothing will satisfy but war.
We learn that our government received no letters from Mr. Monroe by the British packet lately arrived. It was before known that on the 7th September, Mr. Monroe addressed a note to Mr. Cannings in consequence of his instructions by the Revenge, complaining of the aggression on the Chesapeake, calling on that government for reparation of the wrong, and for a final discussion and understanding on their claim to take whomsoever they chuse to call their seamen, wherever found; and assuring him at the same time that he was authorised to concur in arrangements liberally calculated to take away all ground for that practice. It is now rumoured that the answer was that by the president's proclamation we had taken the business of satisfaction for the aggression on the Chesapeake, so far into our own hands; that still however the British government was ready to enter into a discussion of that act, if it could be done separately, leaving their general claim to future negotiation; but as Mr. Monroe considered himself unauthorised to settle this act separately, that government would enter with him into no explanations concerning it, but would send a minister to this place for that special purpose. Whether this is a mere manoeuvre to avoid a settlement, and lose the subject altogether in the endless mazes of negotiation, is to be judged of by the promptitude or the delay of this mission. In the mean time our peace is left at the mercy of their
officers whose interest and wish is war with all mankind; and how can it be pretended that the subjects have no connection? they claim a right to take those whom they call their seamen—(and under that cover ours also) wherever they find them, even without their own jurisdiction. And 1st. Their officers are in the daily practice of taking them from on board our merchant vessels, and with them many more of ours than of theirs. 2. They have repeatedly done the same in foreign ports and countries, particularly in Canton, in Lisbon, and now lately in Madeira, going ashore and seizing them in the streets and houses of the place. 3. In the instance now in question, they have extended it to the taking them by force from our national armed ships. And 4. The next step may be to patrol by their press-gangs the streets of New-York and Norfolk, and take from thence all those who may suit them: their principle evidently goes to this extent—Is it then sufficient to receive satisfaction for an act done under one particular branch of this abuse, without any assurance that it will not be repeated the next day under the others? certain it is there never can be friendship, nor even a continuance of peace with England so long as no American citizen can leave his own shores without danger of being seized by the first British officer he meets, and made to serve as a common seaman on board their ships of war: and equally so, that if the general question is not settled now, we may give it up forever, and let our citizens understand that they are abandoned by their country to the unbridled power of every British naval commander. Nat. Intelligencer.
From the Repository. FACT AGAINST ARGUMENT. Can Cotton be profitably exported from Bengal to Europe?
In considering how much we should be losers by a British war, it has been insisted, that Bengal can supply Great-Britain with cotton, after a very little time, and that the final effect would be to injure it not to destroy the culture of that article in America. It was said by Pacificus and some other writers, that the cotton of Bengal could be imported and sold at 12d sterling per pound.
This was denied by citizen Duane, who boasted of his knowledge of Bengal. Unhappily the following facts come in to defeat col. Duane's opinions.
The ship Exeter, capt. Osgood, owned by Mr. Pickman, of Salem, arrived in Boston the beginning of last month, with 1200 bales of raw cotton, imported from Calcutta, which cost 8 cents and a half per pound, and which it is expected will bring 16 cents per pound here, thus paying a very tolerable freight to the owner.—300 lbs. weight of this cotton is screwed into so small a compass as to measure but 9 cubick feet.
Earther facts. —Considerable quantities of raw cotton have been imported the last year from Bengal at the same prices, and reshipped to Holland, where it is sold at 28 cents per pound, gross sales, leaving a handsome profit to the importer.—The net produce to the importer is about 18 to 20 cents.
Again —Another ship, the Pallas, capt. Edwards, is to bring at Calcutta for Boston, with raw cotton, the product of India.
It is reported, that 37,000 bales of 500 lb. each, were exported from Bengal the last year—and they can't easily undersell us in Great-Britain.—They will certainly do it in case of a war with Great-Britain.
PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 28. Yesterday arrived ship Eliza Ann, Williams, from London. Sailed from Cowes, the 14th of October, and left there the United States'schooner Revenge, captain Read, to sail next day for Brest.—On Falmouth, spoke the ship Union, Jacobs, from Philadelphia, to Antwerp, detained and sent in by a British cruiser. Capt. W. informs that it was understood at the time of his sailing that Mr. Munroe would spend the winter in England.
The passengers in the Eliza Ann, all speak in terms of confidence that our differences with England will be amicably accommodated.
Interesting to Commerce. The last London papers contain the following article, interesting to our merchants who trade to India—"Instructions, we understand, have been sent to India, to impose an additional duty of 10 per cent. on all neutral vessels trading to all ports, of the country, within British jurisdiction."
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE, Via Philadelphia.
TUNIS, July 25. In the month of June, 1806, the Bey of Tunis, tired of the dependence which the Dey of Algiers imposed on him, took the resolution to free himself from the yoke, and to avenge the Tunisians of the injuries the Algerines caused them the year before, when the latter took Tunis and decapitated the bey. An article of the treaty at that time concluded, obliged the Tunisians to demolish the fortresses on the frontiers; but the Bey immediately set about repairing them; at the same time he established two camps on the frontiers of the two regencies, and having discovered that some of his subjects corresponded with the Bey of Constantine, he caused nine to be arrested, one of whom had his head cut off, and the other eight received a thousand strokes of a stick, and the envoy of the Bey of Constantine was banished the country. At the same time the Bey of Tunis declared that he had no hostile view, and that he only meant to secure his independence.
On this information, the Dey of Algiers assembled an army, under pretence of reducing some rebels to obedience, but shortly declared his real intentions, and in the beginning of July his troops began their march to attack the Tunisian states.
The Tunisian army was commanded by Mustapha, surnamed the Englishman, formerly Bey of Constantine, but obliged to fly from Algiers, and take refuge at Tunis. The Dey of Algiers, before he came to the last extremity proposed, as conditions of peace, that he should be paid a large sum of money, and that Mustapha and his son should be delivered up to him. At first, there were some negotiations entered into; but at the end of August war was definitively declared. Two Algerine corsairs attacked a Tunisian vessel, in sight of Algiers, but the latter escaped through her superiority of sailing. Things remained, notwithstanding, in the same state, each party contenting himself with making preparations, until the beginning of January, 1807, when two Algerine frigates commenced the blockade of the harbour of Tunis. Notwithstanding
the Tunisians threatened with a numerous army, to attack Constantine, whose new Bey, with all his family, had been murdered, the expedition was retarded from day to day, and a great number of Arabs joined the Tunisian army, which amounted to 40,000. The Sheicks of Constantine entered into a negotiation; and the Dey of Algiers, uneasy at its progress, and harassed by the rebels of Oran, made some offers of accommodation about the end of March; but the danger daily becoming more pressing, he detached, on the second of April, a reinforcement for the army; and at the same time four vessels laden with artillery, sailed for Bonne.
The Tunisians laid siege to Constantine, but experienced an unexpected resistance, and nearly the whole of the advanced guard of the Tunisians were made prisoners. The cowardice of the Agas, and a sudden panic seizing the Tunisians, obliged them at last to raise the siege, and retire in the greatest disorder, pursued by the united troops of Algiers and Constantine. The Dey of Algiers caused this victory to be celebrated with the greatest pomp, and announced his intention of making the regency of Tunis a fourth province of Algiers, and created a new Bey for that city, which he considered as already conquered. In the mean time the Bey of Tunis assembled the remainder of his forces, and gave the command to the keeper of the seals, with orders to give battle to the Algerines, which he did on the 12th July, in which the Algerines were completely beaten; all their artillery, baggage, stores, 130 tents, and 4000 camels fell into the hands of the Tunisians. The greatest part of the Algerine army were composed of Turks, and taken prisoners.—The extreme heat of the weather prevented the Tunisians recommencing the siege of Constantine; but they are preparing for the enterprise with great prospect of success; the Algerine power being so much reduced, as to require a length of time to recover from its disasters.
LONDON, October 12.
GIBRALTAR, Sept. 14. "On the 12th, the Serapis, capt. Lloyd, arrived from Malta, in twenty days passage. She brings accounts from Egypt to the middle of July, at which time every thing was quiet in Alexandria.
"The accounts from Spain state, that two French armies had already entered that country—the one to take possession of Portugal, and the other to garrison Algesiras, the Spanish lines, and all the forts in this neighbourhood.
EGYPT. Extract of a letter from an officer, dated Alexandria, July 14.
"We are all daily in hopes either that the army will be withdrawn from this country, or that we shall be reinforced so as to enable us to commence offensive operations, as nothing can be more tiresome and melancholy than our present confined situation, cooped up in a miserable town, without any variety of relaxation. We are well supplied with provisions by the Arabs, but we suffer much for the want of water; all that the troops get is so brackish, that it is impossible to swallow it without being mixed with wine or spirits. Dysentery in consequence is becoming very prevalent, and the Ophthalmy has become so general, that upwards of three fourths of the army have been attacked with it.
"We frequently hear from the prisoners at Cairo; they are tolerably well treated, except in being very strictly confined.—Captain Delancey, of the 20th dragoons, died lately at Cairo, of the dysentery; he is universally regretted. The Turks offered to give up all our prisoners, if we would evacuate the country—this, of course, could not be accepted. Fifteen thousand men, could, with the assistance of the Mamelukes, easily conquer the whole country; and there is no doubt but that the Mamelukes would openly declare for us, if a sufficient army was sent here, but they do not chuse to expose themselves to the vengeance of the Turkish government, till they are certain whether we intend remaining in the country or not, which our present small force renders so doubtful. Our army here is at present perfectly useless, and ought either to be augmented or withdrawn, as it is so many men lost to the service of the country, without any rational object, or end in view.
October 14.
Several private letters have been received from Lisbon, brought by the Albion cutter, the arrival of which at Falmouth we announced yesterday.—They are of the 27th and 28th ult. and state, that on the 24th, Mr. Gambier had privately intimated to the British Factory, and the intimation was communicated with all convenient dispatch to all Englishmen resident in Portugal, particularly those connected with trade, that it would be advisable for them immediately to put themselves in a state of readiness to embark with their property; and they were directed to conduct the preparation without any bustle or publick exhibition that should be likely to betray their purpose; all secrecy, however, was soon over, for it became known on the 25th that all hope of an amicable accommodation between Portugal and the enemy had completely vanished. The prince having manfully resisted every means employed by the agents of France to reconcile him to his own disgrace and subjugation of his country; having totally rejected the demands of the enemy, the French and Spanish ambassadors had, on the 27th, demanded their passports, which were granted to them on the morning of the 28th. Their departure was hourly expected, and the utmost possible exertion was, of course, immediately set on foot to accelerate the preparation of our countrymen to leave Portugal; and also, as it is mentioned, of the Portuguese government to proceed to the Brazils.
In consequence of an application from lord Strangford, the Prince Regent had issued an order to the several officers of the customs to allow the reshipment of British property without payment of any duties—and also that such officers should, together with the military, if required, afford every assistance in their power to forward such reshipment. This order strongly implies the amicable disposition of the Prince Regent, who has been recently heard to declare, that "nothing could alienate him from the English interest, but the conduct of England itself."
Notwithstanding all that has yet happened, it is the opinion of many, that the difficulties which present themselves to the emigration of the Portuguese court, are so great as to render it next to impossible to be executed; and that therefore some sort of ar-
rangement may yet take place between France and Portugal. A short time will remove all uncertainty.—The French army was to enter Portugal on the 12th inst. but even in that event it could not reach Lisbon from Bayonne in less than a month or five weeks.—Long before that time shall have elapsed, the final determination of the Portuguese cabinet may be expected to be known.
It appears by the accounts now received, that not more than five ships of the line were fully equipped, and stored for the reception of the royal family. Four regiments newly clothed and armed, were also ready to accompany them. Whether the other ships, about 16 or 18 in number, could be got ready in time, was a matter of uncertainty.
We understand that orders have been sent to Torbay, for such vessels as are ready for sea, immediately to proceed to Lisbon. If the Portuguese government seriously resolve to go to the Brazils, the convoy of our fleet must be desirable to them; at the same time it is extremely advisable for us to take care that the Portuguese fleet shall not fall into the hands of the French.
Several remittances have been received by different mercantile houses from their connections in Portugal, and to such an amount as naturally to induce the expectation of their immediate departure from that country. We do not understand that a single order for remittance to Portugal was received by the last packet.
The following is the substance of what private letters brought by this conveyance contain upon this topic. The latest are of the 28th of September:
"The demands of the French government were as follows:—Four millions of Crusades, to be immediately paid in specie—all the ports of Portugal to be shut against British commerce—British subjects to be imprisoned, and their goods confiscated—the fleet to be surrendered to France, and the garrisons of the kingdom to be protected by troops from France and Spain.
"The whole of these demands were immediately rejected, and the determination made known to the various ambassadors; those from France and Spain instantly demanded their passports, which were granted. They had not however, quitted Lisbon, at the time the Albion left the Tagus, but it was understood that they were adjusting their accounts, and would depart in two days. The Prince-regent had signified his unshaken determination to adhere implicitly to his alliance with Great Britain, and had permitted the shipment of all goods and property belonging to the subjects of England, without the payment of any government dues, or adhering in any manner to custom house ceremonials. Many of the merchants had begun to prepare for their return to England; and the court were pursuing similar measures, and resorting to every means of dispatch to enable them to retreat to the Brazils. The homeward bound fleet for England is appointed to sail on the 6th inst. an arrangement which will afford great facility and protection to the English merchants, should no favourable change take place in the determination of the French."
The outward bound fleet for Portugal and the Mediterranean, sailed from Falmouth on the 10th, under convoy of the Minstrel sloop of war. Should the former find the country in a state not to admit of their unloading, they will at least afford means by which many English families may escape the effects of Gallic tyranny.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Sch'r Caroline, Hopkins, 15 days from St. Jago-de-Cuba, Sugar, Francis Smith.—Left there Nov. 25, ship Eliza Ann, Forey, of and for Charleston, to sail in 10 days.—Schooner Harriot, Smith, for New-York, in 10 days; Mindwell, ——, for Philadelphia, in 12 days.—Sloop Viper, ——, of New-York, for Charleston, in 3 days.
In Hampton Roads bound to Alexandria, ship Thomas, Jones, 60 days from St. Ubes, in distress, having suffered considerably by constant gales of wind.—Left at St. Ubes, ship Intrepid, King, of this port, for Cork, to sail in 3 or 4 days.
PALMER'S Packet will sail for Alexandria on Wednesday next. Dec. 7.
On Wednesday next, the 9th instant, at 12 o'clock, WILL BE SOLD, without reserve, before the New Market,
70 hogsheads prime SUGARS.
All sums under 200 dollars cash; over 200 and under 500 dollars 60 days; above 500 dollars 60 and 90 days—approved endorsed notes.
13 pipes old L. P. Madeira WINE.
For approved endorsed notes at 120 days.
S. Marks, Jun. December 7.
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE.
George Murray, & Co. December 7.
NORFOLK BOROUGH.
At a Husting's Court, continued and held the
24th day of July, 1807. John Dixon and Sarah his wife, John Allen and Francis Keeling his wife, and Anne Moore Valentine, an infant under the age of twenty-one years by the said John Dixon her guardian and next friend,
Complainants. In Chancery. Against Jacob Valentine, administrator of the goods and chattels of John Valentine deceased, administered by Anna Valentine, the former administratrix, Defendant
This suit abates as to the complainant John Dixon, by his death—the attachment awarded against the defendant being returned executed, and he having failed to file his answer; on the motion of the complainants, it is decreed and ordered, that Master Commissioner Cowper, examine, state, and settle an account of the Slaves and other personal estate of John Valentine, deceased, which came into the hands of the defendant Jacob Valentine, and report any matters specially that either party may require.
A Copy, Teste, Wm. Sharp, C. C.
Master Commissioner's Office, Norfolk Borough, December 4, 1807.
The parties named in the above order, are hereby notified, that I have appointed Tuesday, the 9th inst., to proceed to the examination of the papers submitted to me in this cause, on which day at 10 o'clock in the forenoon of the said 9th instant, the parties are desired to attend with their books and accounts at my office.
John Cowper, M. C.

Wood and Hastings, No. 76, Main-Street, Have received from London and Liverpool, via Baltimore, 60 packages composing a complete assortment of Fall and Winter GOODS; Amongst which are Best blue, black, bottle green, and olive broad Cloths; fashionable Caffemiers; coarse Cloths; coarse and fine Coatings; Flannels and Baizes; Kendal Cottons; blue and white Kerseys and Halfhicks; blue and drab Plains; Flushtons; Rose and fringed Blankets; Carpets; Swans- down; Bennett's Cord and Toilette; Velving; Durants; Calimancos; Russells and Bumbazets; Manchester Cords and Velvets; silver Cords and tabby Velvets; Irish Linens; Sheetings; Diapers and bed Ticks; Calicoes; Dimities; Cambric Muffs; Ginghams; fancy Muffs; Hosiery; Pins; Thread, &c. &c.
Also, an assortment of French Lutestrings; silk Velvets; black and white silk Hose; silk Gloves, assorted colours; fancy silk Handkerchiefs; white kid Gloves; leather do.; Capes; silk Cords and Taffets; Gauze and Cotton Trimmings, &c. LIKEWISE, 10 bales India Cottons, 2 do. Coarse Linens; 1 chest white Rolls. October 5. tf
MACKINDER & WHITE, Have received from London in the ship Planter, and Nabby, from Liverpool, their Fall and Winter GOODS.
The best superfine Black, Navy Blue, and fashionable mixed Cloths, Caffemiers, Patent Cords, Swansdown, black silk Florentine, Gentlemen's patent silk and beaver Hats; La- dies' Trafalgar, Calabria, Buenos Ayres, and Cottage beaver Bonnets; Childrens' beaver Caps and Bonnets; Ladies' plain and fancy Kid and Morocco Shoes; red and black Morocco Nelson's comforts; Gentlemen's Hessian and Spanish Boots, and dress Shoes and Pumps; superior rich gold Epauliers; lace and silver Fringe; plain, tamboured, and Leno Muslin for dress; Calicoes, Chambrays, and Ginghams; rose and striped Blankets; Kendal Cottons; strong white Plains; mixed Fearnoughts; Flannels; Manchester Cords; blue and drab Plains; Dimities and Mouselines; 4-4 Irish Linens; 5-4 and 6-4 Sheetings; Hosiery; Cutlery in boxes assorted; coarse Hats do.; Nails, Window Glass, &c. The above are offered for sale by wholesale or retail, at the lowest terms for Cash or approved paper. September 25. tf
German Winter GOODS. 65 dozen Men's Thick Filled Stockings, 40 do. Children's do. do. 50 do. Men's half do. do. 110 do. Men's and Boys' Gloves, 25 do. do. Cans and Mitts, 25 do. Travelling Sacks 10 do. Ladies' House Socks—Just received and for sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. November 20. tf
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4. tf
200 barrels FLOUR, of superior quality for family use, 10 hogsheads Tobacco, suitable for the West-India Markets. 100 barrels New York Pork, city inspection, 50 do. Carolina do. 50 hds. 25 barrels Antigua Sugars, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee, Madeira Wine, London Brown Stout, Philadelphia Porter, Claret, Hermitage, Burgundy, &c. &c.—For sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. November 11. tf
For SALE, 50,000 white oak hogshead drawr Staves 50,000 red do. 30,000 rough do. 20,000 Cypress Pales 2,000 Cedar and Chiriquipin Posts 50,000 building Shingles. Proby, Harmanson & Co. March 2. tf
For SALE, Imported in the Galliot Fortune, captain Norton, from Te- neriffe, 100 pipes and 90 hlids. L. P. Tene- riffe WINE, of superior quality. Apply to Phinehas Dana. September 28. tf
Coarse Liverpool SALT, For Sale on board the Ship Courtney, capt. Bryant, lying at my wharf. Apply to William Pennock. Who has on hand, Liverpool Blown and Cadiz SALT. September 16. tf
FANCY FURNITURE, Japanese and Gilt—viz. Cain Seat, Rush and Windsor Chairs; Re- cess Seats; Settees and Window Stools; Card, Pier, and Tea Tables; Work, Wash, and Candle Stands; Bedstead, Bed, and Window Cornice. Likewise, Pictures framed and reguited, and articles in fancy line made to order. Also, Coach, Sign, and Ornamental Painting; Freema- sonry and Military Flags done in the best manner, by J. & W. Cook, No. 69, Church-Street. Nov. 25. 9
The Subscriber offers for Sale at his Store in Market- Square, 20 hogsheads W. I. RUM, #10 pipes Cognac Brandy; 5 do. Country Gin, Sugar—Brown and Loaf, by the barrel or hogshead, Tea—Imperial, Hyson, and Young Hyson—ALSO, A parcel of DRY GOODS, Consisting of Woollens, Calicoes, Hats, and Hardware. In addition to the above, he intends keeping a constant supply of PORK and BEEF. Bread—Pilot, Navy, and Ship, of the first quality—Fam- ilies may be supplied with small quantities of Pilot Bread, of a superior quality. Cordage of any size or description for negotiable notes or West-India produce. Any orders for the above articles, will be complied with at the shortest notice. Cary Selden. Nov. 23. tf
Baltimore Baker's FLOUR, of superior quality, for family use, for sale by T. & W. A. Armistead, Nov. 18. Campbell's wharf.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Opposite the Market, (westward) offers for Sale, Warranted New-York SHOES, and will return the money when Shoes are bought upon his partic- ular recommendation, if they should not wear well. He thinks he has exerted himself as much to get the best and handsomest Shoes and Boots of the manufacture of the United States as any man in them, and has the assurance of the manufacturers in New-York, Philadelphia, Newark, and Baltimore, where the Shoes and Boots are made purposely for this market , that they shall be in all cases customers' work; and the report of a great number of those who have purchas- ed Shoes, confirms their being so. He has now on hand, A general assortment of fresh New-York SHOES. For Ladies there are a variety of new Kid Patterns; Velvet Slippers, different colours, neat workmanship; of Silk & Tab- by Velvet; Morocco Boots, Bootees, and Walking Shoes, to tie and not to tie, with cork soles a without, &c. For gentlemen, Etoile's well known stout and light fine seal lea- ther Shoes and Moccasin Pumps, with several other kinds; For Misses, a variety of Morocco and Leather. For Boys, ve- ry fine for dancing, common, strong, lined and bound, and coarse. For Children, Morocco Bootees, different colours, sized from 3 to 1, leather Pumps, Shoes and Bootees; and for Servants, such as appear to be of very superior quality. There is attached to the Store a very comfortable back room, where Ladies may retire for the purpose of trying on Shoes or Boots. He has a great variety of English Kid Shoes, some of which having been long on hand, will be sold at 7, 6d. and a quantity of the most fashionable Embellishments, quite fresh at reduced prices. He has on hand, SHOES made by a very faithful workman in this vicinity, of the best wax-leather, in a shape to suit old gen- tlemen, with which he will be regularly supplied. Vernon's elegant Baltimore BOOTS, kept in such quantity as to give a probability of fitting any person; sold at the prices in Baltimore. New-York Pilots' BOOTS, an improvement up- on the plan of Fishermens' Boots. A considerable quantity of Boston SHOES and BOOTS, kept for the purpose of supplying those who must have what they think cheap, not appearing to know, that the best things, are generally, cheapest; these will be sold low. He is in expectation of a quantity of the most elegant Philadelphia KID SLIPPERS, by the first vessel. With due encouragement, he is perfectly confident he can supply his former and better Shoes and Boots, than has been furnished by any person in this place heretofore; and if bet- ter, ultimately cheaper—but without it, it is impossible to keep a good assortment. He has also, A quantity of India COTTONS; a few tons of BAR IRON; and Pennsylvania BUTTER in small kegs, nicely pickled, at 20 cents.
Just received by Ferguson's Packet from Baltimore, a fresh supply of Vernon's Winter BOOTS. November 27. tf
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf
For SALE, or will be bartered for Staves, Corn, or Flour, 5000 bushels Liverpool SALT, loose and in sacks, 1 ton Shot, assorted; 2 ton German Steel. James Young. November 13. tf
For SALE, by the Subscriber, 34 hogsheads WHISKEY, 50 crates Earthenware; 10 casks Glass do. 65 boxes 8 by 10, 37 do. 10 by 12 Window Glass, 16 grove Wine Bottles; 18 boxes Castine Soap, 1 hogshead and 5 barrels Philadelphia Loaf Sugar, 10 hlids. Petersburg, 2 do. Richmond, and 4 do. York Ri- ver Tobacco; 15 bales Cotton, 58 whole and 9 half tiers Rice. A. Maclure. November 13. tf
For SALE, 80 hlids. choice retailing Molasses, 34 tiers Currants; 20 kegs Capers, in very fine order. James Young. November 11. tf
Wanted on Hire. A NEGRO MAN, accustomed to wait in a house; and a NEGRO WOMAN, who can cook, wash, and iron. Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. Nov. 9. tf
Thomas H. Parker, Offers for Sale, His Great-Bridge MILL, newly fitted up to run two pair of stones. The advantages of this mill are very great, only ten miles from Norfolk, and si- tuated on a never failing stream; although she works at pre- sent only two pair of stones, yet the stream affords an abun- dant supply for ten pair. Also, a MILL (known by the name of Bell's Mills) about two miles farther, now in com- plete order, running one pair of stones and two faws. This Mill is supplied with water from very extensive swamps, and in wet season very plentifully; at this place there is a store, the situation of which, for a lumber store, is equal if not su- perior to any in that part of the country—This Mill can be supplied with excellent timber from a tract of land only one mile distant from it, which the subscriber also offers for sale. This tract contains between 5 and 600 acres, almost entirely covered with timber; the soil, the subscriber confidently be- lieves, is not inferior to any in the lower part of Virginia. Any person purchasing this Plantation would have the benefit of a reed swamp within three miles of it, in which any num- ber of cattle may be kept fat during the whole winter. October 5. tf
For RENT, A commodious small DWELLING, with all suitable out-houses and a good garden, pleasantly si- tuated on Smith's Point. Possession may be had on the first of November. P. Barraud. October 5. tf
For RENT. The STORE, No. 86, Main-Street, with or without the house. Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
For RENT, That commodious Dwelling-House, adjoining the Subscriber's, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes; also a convenient Dwelling-House near the Bridge, adjoining Mrs. Archer's, at present occupied by Mr. Nichol- son; also that pleasant retired House on Brewer-street, oc- cupied by Stephen Harris; and some Ware-Houses on my wharf, with or without the wharf. For further particulars apply to James Tucker. October 12. tf
For RENT, That commodious Dwelling-House, adjoining the Subscriber's, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes; also a convenient Dwelling-House near the Bridge, adjoining Mrs. Archer's, at present occupied by Mr. Nichol- son; also that pleasant retired House on Brewer-street, oc- cupied by Stephen Harris; and some Ware-Houses on my wharf, with or without the wharf. For further particulars apply to James Tucker. October 12. tf
St. Mary's College. GRAND LOTTERY, BALTIMORE. Authorised by the General Assembly of the State of Mary- land; the Scheme of which Lottery is the most brilliant ever offered to the citizens of the United States, containing be- sides a large number of other good prizes, 1 prize of - - - 30,000 Dollars, 1 do. of - - - 15,000, 3 do. of - - - 10,000, 2 do. of - - - 5,000, 8 do. of - - - 1,500, 7 do. of - - - 1,000. Not two blanks to a prize, and the lowest prize twelve dol- lars. The Scheme contains only 21,500 Tickets; 10,000 of which are actually sold to a company of gentlemen in New-York, to whom the managers have obligated themselves to commence the drawing in the City of Bal- timore, on THURSDAY, the 31st day of December next and to draw 500 tickets per day. Tickets and Shares are now selling in a variety of numbers and very rapidly at Ten Dollars and an half each, for a very short time, at G. & R. WAITE'S truly fortunate Lottery Of- fice, corner of Market-street and Charles-street, Baltimore. The grandeur of the Scheme of the above Lottery, toge- ther with an assurance from the managers that it will positive- ly commence drawing on the 31st day of December next, have been a sufficient inducement for the subscribers to come to the City of Baltimore, for the express purpose of facilitat- ing the sale of the Tickets. G. & R. Waite.
One of the above firm will personally attend the drawing daily to take down the numbers correctly, as will also one of their clerks. The next New-York Lottery will not commence drawing till April next. Tickets of which Lottery may be had at Waite's Offices, in Maiden Lane, New-York. N. B. Distant adventurers accompanying their orders with Bank Notes of any description, to either of Waite's Offices in Baltimore or New-York, may have Tickets and Shares forwarded to any amount with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent them of their success. All prizes sold by G. & R. Waite will be paid by them. A list of all prize drawn will be sent to the Printer of this Paper, for the in- spection of adventurers. October 14. 3m
We want to Purchase, A few Shares of STOCK in the Vir- ginia Bank. Campbell & Wheeler. May 22. tf
St. Mary's College Lottery of Balti- more. TICKETS for Sale by Rowland & Triplett. October 16. tf
REMOVAL. WOOD & HASTINGS, Have removed to No. 76, Main-street, opposite Market- square, (lately occupied by CATON & VEALE) They have on hand a general assortment of English, India and French Goods. September 11. tf
Forty Dollars Reward, Will be given to any person who will apprehend and deliver to Warren Ashley, Esq. of Norfolk, or the subscri- ber, two runaway Negro Men, named JEMMY and JEFF- ERY, purchased a short time since as part of the Glebe property in Hampton. Jemmy is about 22 years of age, very strong and well built, and about 5 feet 9 inches high.— Jeffery is at least 6 feet high, about 21 years of age, very black and likely. These Negroes absconded from the sub- scriber with a wish to be sold in Norfolk or Hampton, where they have been seen frequently since their having quitted my plantation. All captains and masters of vessels are her- by cautioned against receiving them on board, or employing them in any way. Henry Heffernan. Glebe, Middlesex, July 4. tf
400 barrels Tar, 20,000 pipe Staves, 30,000 White Oak Hogshead do. 50,000 Red do. do. 100 Barrels Flour.—For Sale by L. Mansfield. Portsmouth, May 8. tf
Now landing from on Board the Schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castle Marble Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hlids. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucea Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucea Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12. tf
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse— For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proe Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Of- fice of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25. tf
To RENT, That commodious TAVERN oppo- site the Borough Court-House, at present occupied by Mr. Thomas Holliday, and possession given the 15th of next month. Also for Lease, That vacant LOT on Commerce and Little Water-Street. For terms apply to James Tucker. July 22. tf
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. Feb. 20. tf
For RENT, And possession given the 1st of Jan. next. That commodious three story brick DWELLING HOUSE in Church-street, at present occupied by Mr. Bath. Rodman. And a convenient two story DWELLING HOUSE, with a fine extensive garden, in the Fields near Smith's Point, at present occupied by Mr. Stratton, possession of which may be had the 1st of January—Application to be made to Wm. Plume & Co. Nov. 18. tf
Landing this day at Commerce-Street, Gallego's Superfine FLOUR. James Herron. November 30. tf
Received per Schooner Traveller, from Bos- ton, and for Sale, By EDWARD CLARK, 10 tons small, flat, and square Bar Iron, 100 bundles assorted Nail Rods. Nov. 13. tf
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Camp- bell's wharf, fronting and wharf and Wide Water- street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his as- sortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 4 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 bhd. and 6 bhs. Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bhs. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sausages, 41 kegs and 2 bhs. Salmon, 5 bhs. Mackerel, 15 cases Salad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31. tf
Landing from the ship Planter, and for sale at the subscriber's, at a low advance, A PARCEL OF Woollens, Bed Ticks, Hosiery, and other GOODS. Thomas Blanchard. September 28. tf
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just re- ceived from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the full quality Also, a few hundred weight renet Salt Petre, Hardham's Soud, No. 9, and 37, in 1 1/2 and 1 3/4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evans's belt Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiv- ing from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. tf
200 boxes Mould CANDLES, 30 half boxes brown Soap, 10 boxes white do. 6 bags Coffee, 5 tiers do. prime green, 4 hogsheads and 10 barrels loaf Sugar, 12 do. Muscovado do. 10 quarter casks old Sherry Wine, 2 bhs. old L. P. Madeira do. 3 hlids. Red Port, 50 do. retailing Molasses, 15 crates well assorted Queen's Ware, Country Rum and Gin in hds. and pipes—For Sale by Phinehas Dana. June 8. tf
Now landing from the Schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hlids. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hlids. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce Street to William Hull, Jun. October 16. tf
GERMAN LINENS, &c. 16 bales coarse Linen, 450 pieces Paper Hangings, 4 do. Russia Sheeting, 80 boxes Window Glass, 3 boxes German Nails, 100 do. Shout Pipes, 2 do. Reams Sheeting, 120 do. Spanish Segars, 1 do. fine Flanders do. from 8 to 20 dls. per box, 3 do. Platillas, 200 doz. empty Bottles, 1 do. fine Dowas, 200 wt. renet bottling Wire, 2 do. Table Cloth, 800 do. Gun, 1 do. common Shirt Li- nen, 11,000 best Coffee bags, 1 do. extra fine do. 4,500 cheap Gunny Bags, 1 do. Bed Tick 2 yards wide, 5 boxes Tumblers, Decan- ters, &c. Also, 6 elegant Tereffial Globes, A large invoice of Lace, 3 pair large Looking Glasses, Jewellery and Dice, in gilt frames, of the first elegance, Elegant Chessmen, Elegant marble Statues, Flagelots and Clarinets, Urn and Vases, Violins, Bows, and Fies, Liquor Casks, Oil Cloth, Flutes with four and six keys, Water and Waffle Irons, do. patent lined, Coffee Mills and Toasters, Ladies' Dressing Boxes, Velvet Ribbons, Toilet Looking Glasses, Fine Thread Stockings, Shaving Cufs, Elegant Cutlery, Elegant Writing Decks, An invoice of Watches, Scarf Plath for Saddles, Watch Chrystals and Beads, Seine and Sewing Twine. For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. September 11. tf
NOTICE. Those who have claims against the es- tate of CHARLES WILLETT, deceased, are requested to bring their accounts properly authenticated; and those who are indebted are particularly requested to make payment as no indulgence can be given. William Storrs, } Executors. Thomas Davis, } September 30. Lawton
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office. ALSO, NOTES for the Virginia Bank; Checks; Bills of Lading, and of Exchange, printed on pa- per of superior quality; and Shipping Articles on large pa- per, and approved form. LEDGER OFFICE.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.