The Patowmac guardian, and Berkeley advertiser (Shepherdstown, Va. [W. Va.]), 1791-09-12 00:00:00

The POTOMAC GUARDIAN, and BERKELEY ADVERTISER.
PRICE TWO DOLLARS PER ANN.]
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1791.
[NUMBER 44 OF VOL. I.]
WHERE LIBERTY DWELLS, THERE IS MY COUNTRY.
Franklin.
P A R I S. June 21. THE KING'S PROCLAMATION TO ALL THE FRENCH ON HIS DEPARTURE FROM PARIS.
“WHILST the king could hope to see order and happiness restored by the means employed by the National Assembly, and by his own residence near that Assembly, be submitted to every sacrifice; he was even content to bear the loss of his liberty, of which he has been deprived since the month of October 1789; but now, when the result of all these operations is found to be the destruction of royalty, the violation of property, the invasion of personal security, the establishment of a complete anarchy in every part of the empire, without any appearance of an authority sufficient to restrain it; the King, after protesting against all the acts extorted from him during his captivity, thinks proper to submit to the eyes of Frenchmen an account of his conduct.
“In the month of July, 1789, the King, relying on his own integrity, came, without any apprehension, among the Parisians. In the month of October, of the same year, fully informed of the intentions of the factious, he dreaded, least a handle should be made of his departure, in order to foment a civil war. It is universally known with what impunity crimes were then committed.
“The King, yielding to the wish expressed by the army of Parisians came with his family, to reside in the Palace of the Thuilleries; nothing was prepared for his reception; and the King, far from meeting with the accommodations to which in his other Palaces he was accustomed, did not even possess common conveniences. In spite of every constraint he thought proper the day after his arrival to give the Provinces assurance of his residence at Paris. A more painful sacrifice was still exacted; he was obliged to remove his Gardes du Corps, of whose fidelity he was assured; two of them were massacred, and several wounded in executing the orders which they had received, not to fire:—all the art of the factious was employed to represent in the worst light, a faithful Queen, whose conduct had been uniformly unexceptionable; it is even evident that all these machinations were directed against the King himself. It is to the soldiers of the French Guards and the Parisian National Guard, that the care of the King's person has been committed under the command of the Municipality of Paris, from whom the Commander General derives his authority. The King thus has found himself a prisoner in his own state—for what other name can be given to him, who is forcibly surrounded by persons whom he suspects; It is not in order to criminate the Parisian National Guard that I repeat this detail, but in order to state the real facts; on the contrary, I am ready to do justice to their attachment, when not under the influence of the factious. The King ordered the Convocation of the States General; to the Third Estate he granted the privilege of a double Representation; the re-union of the Orders, the sacrifices of the 23d of June—all have been his works, but his efforts have been slighted and perverted. When the States General assumed the name of the National Assembly, they revived the plots of the factious in several Provinces; they revived those attempts that had been made to reverse the instructions of their Constituents, which appointed laws to be enacted in concert with the King. The Assembly have removed the King from the Constitution, by denying him the privilege of sanctioning Constitutional Acts; in which class they ranked whatever acts they thought proper, restricting to the third Legislative Body the privilege of refusing its sanction.—They have given him twenty-five millions, which are entirely absorbed by the necessary expenses of his household. They have left him the profits of certain domains, saddled with oppressive forms, by depriving him of the patrimony of his ancestors; they took care not to comprehend, in the article of expense, those services done to the King, as if they were not inseparable from those of the State. Let the different parts of the administration be examined, it will be found that the King has no longer a share: he has no part in enacting laws; only he can intrust the Assembly to direct their attention to such and such subjects.
In the administration of Justice, nothing is left for him but to dispatch the commissions of the judges, and to name the Commissaries of the King, whose functions are much less considerable than those of the ancient Procurators general. The public part has been committed to new officers. One prerogative still remained, the most valuable of all, that of pardoning and remitting punishments. It has been taken away from the King, and is now vested in Juries, in consequence of their privilege of explaining, according to their pleasure, the sense of the law. Thus the Royal Majesty is impaired, to which the people formerly had recourse, as to the common centre of goodness and beneficence. The internal
Administration of the Departments is embarrassed by wheels, which obstruct the motion of the machine; the superintendence of Ministers is reduced to nothing.
The Societies of Friends of the Constitution, are much more powerful, and engross every part of the administration.
The King has been declared Supreme Head of the active administration. The King has been declared Supreme Head of the Army; however, every thing has been done by the Committees of the National Assembly, without any participation. They have granted to the King the nomination of some places, yet the choice which he has made, has experienced contradiction; he has been obliged to revise the operations of General Officers of the Army, because their choice displeased Clubs; to them only are to be attributed the greater number of the revolts of the regiments. When an army no longer respects its officers, it becomes the terror and fire brand of the State. The King has always been of opinion that officers ought to be punished as well as soldiers, and that the road to promotion ought no less to be open to the latter according to their deserts. As to foreign affairs, tho' they have granted to the King the nomination of Ambassadors, and the conduct of negotiations, they have taken from him the right of making war; they ought not however to have suspected that he would ever declare war without special reason. The right of peace making is of a different sort. The King wishes only to act in concert with the Nation; but what Power will enter into negotiations, when the right of revising them shall belong to the National Assembly?
“Independently of the necessary secrecy which it is impossible to preserve in an Assembly whose deliberations are public, who would chuse to stipulate engagements except the person with whom they were formed, had the power of ratifying them?—With respect to finances, the King had recognized before the States General the right which the Nation has of granting subsidies, and in this respect he complied on the 23d of June with every thing that had been demanded. On the 4th of February the King requested the Assembly to take into consideration the state of the finances; they deferred it too long; they have not yet a just statement of the receipt and expenditure; they allowed themselves to go into hypothetical calculations; the ordinary taxes are in arrear, and the resource which has been employed of the 12 hundred millions of Assignats is almost exhausted. They have left to the King nothing upon this occasion but a barren nomination. He knew the difficulty of this part of the Administration; and if it was possible that this machine could have been put in motion without his direct superintendence, his Majesty would only have regretted that there was no diminution of the Imposts; an object which he desired, and in which, had it not been for the American war, he should most certainly have succeeded.
“The King has been declared Supreme Head of the Administration of the kingdom, and he has been able to change nothing without the decision of the Assembly. The Chiefs of the prevailing party have thrown out such a defiance against the agents of the King, and the penalties denounced against prevaricators have occasioned so much alarm that these agents have remained without force. The form of Government is in two respects particularly faulty; the Assembly exceeds the limits of its power in interfering in justice, and the internal administration; by its Committee of Researches it exercises the most barbarous of all despotisms. It has established Associations known by the name of Friends of the Constitution, which present corporations are infinitely more dangerous than the ancient; they deliberate on every part of the government, and exercise a power of such preponderance, that all the Bodies, and even the Assembly itself, can do nothing except by order. The King does not think it possible to preserve such a government. In proportion as the period of the labours of the Assembly approaches, the fages of whom it is composed lose their credit.
The new regulations, instead of pouring balm upon the sores, on the contrary, inflame their malignancy; a thousand Journals and libelous pamphlets perpetuate the disorder, which the Assembly is unable to remedy; their labors tend only to a government metaphysical in its principles, and impracticable in its execution.
“Frenchmen, is it this which you intended by sending your Representatives? Did you desire that the despotism of clubs should replace the monarchy under which the kingdom has prospered during fourteen hundred years? The attachment of Frenchmen to their Monarchs is ranked among the number of their virtues. I have received marks of it too affecting to be ever forgotten: the King would not bring forward the following, were it not to represent to his faithful Subjects the disposition of the factious. The people kept in pay for the triumph of M. Necker affected not to pronounce the name of King. They, at this period, persecuted the Arch-
bishop of Paris. A courier of the King was searched, and the letters which he carried broke open. At this time the Assembly seemed to insult the King; it was determined to carry to Paris the words of peace; during his journey, they stopped in order to suppress any cry of Vive le Roi . They even made a motion to carry him off, and to put the Queen in a convent; this motion was applauded. On the nights of the 4th and 5th, when it was proposed to the Assembly to go and hold their sitting in the presence of the King, the answer was, that it was not consistent with their dignity to go thither; from that moment the scenes of horror were renewed. Upon the arrival of the King at Paris, an innocent was massacred almost under his eyes, in the very garden of the Thuilleries; all who abused Religion and the throne received the honors of triumph. At the Federation the 14th of July, the National Assembly declared, that the King was the head; but in order to show that they could name another, his family was placed separately from him; it was then however, that he spent the most agreeable moments of his residence at Paris.
“When, from religious motives, Mesdames wished to go to Rome, notwithstanding the Declaration of Rights, their departure was opposed; they were carried to Bellevue, and then to Arney-le-Duc, to wait the orders of the Assembly for their departure; the authority of the King was disregarded. In the tumult which factiously disposed persons excited at Vincennes, those who assembled around the King from a regard to his safety, were maltreated; so far was their insolence carried, that their arms were broken in the presence of the King, under whose protection they were. In order to get rid of an indisposition, he was preparing to go to St. Cloud; in order to stop him, they availed themselves of the respect which they knew he entertained for the religion of his fathers. The Club of Cordeliers brought a charge against him, as refractory to the law—in vain M. de la Fayette endeavoured to protect him; they violently seized the faithful servants who surrounded him, and he again resumed his prison. In fine, he was obliged to order the removal of his chapel, to approve the letter of the Minister to Foreign Powers, and to go to mass at the new curacy of St. Germain l'Auxerrois. With such motives, and in the impossibility which the King feels to prevent evil, it is natural that he should endeavour to ensure his personal safety.
“Frenchmen, and you who are called inhabitants of the good city of Paris, withdraw your confidence from the suggestions of the factious, return to your King, he will always be your friend, when your holy religion shall be respected, when government shall be secured upon a firm footing, and liberty established upon an unshaken basis.
(Signed)
“LOUIS.”
Paris, 20th June, 1791.
P. S. “The King forbids his Ministers to sign any order in his name, till they have received farther orders; and enjoins the Keeper of the Seals to remit to him the Seal, when it shall be demanded on his part.
(Signed)
“LOUIS.”
Proceedings of the National Assembly, June 21.
AT nine, on Tuesday morning, the National Assembly met, and the sittings were opened by a communication from the president of the King's flight.
A motion was made and carried unanimously, to the following purport:
“The National Assembly, constituting the representatives of the nation, decrees, 1st, That the decrees already passed, or to be passed, and which cannot be sanctioned by the royal prerogative on account of the King's absence, shall still preserve the name, and have the force of laws throughout the kingdom, and the seals of office already approved of shall be affixed to them.”
“The chief minister of justice shall be authorized to affix the seals of state to all the acts of the legislative power, and to sign his name to them.”
“The National Assembly orders, that the minister for the home department shall instantly dispatch couriers to all the departments of the kingdom, with an order to all the public officers, national guards, and the troops of the empire, to stop every person who shall attempt to quit the kingdom; as well as to prevent every species of goods, arms, stones, or money, horses or carriages, from passing; and that, should the couriers overtake the King, or any individuals of the royal family, or those who may have assisted in their escape, the said public officers, national guards, and others, shall be bound to take the necessary measures to prevent it, to detain those persons who have attempted it, and to give immediate notice of it to the legislative body.
“The National Assembly declares to all the citizens of Paris, and to all the inhabitants of the empire, that the same firmness and energy which have enabled them to contend with so many difficulties,

shall be observed in their deliberations on the present occasion of the escape of the King and royal family; it recommends to the citizens the necessity of preserving the most strict good order to preserve the public peace; that the National Assembly has taken the most active measures to find out those persons who have rendered themselves guilty, by assisting in the escape of the King, and that it will uninterruptedly employ itself in providing such means that public affairs shall not suffer by the event: that it is the duty of all citizens to repose their confidence in them, in whatever regards the salvation of the empire, and that whoever shall excite disturbances, put citizens in fear of their lives, or threaten their property, shall be deemed guilty:
"Orders, That all citizens shall hold themselves ready to act for the preservation of public tranquility, and the defence of their country:
"Orders, That the administration of every department, and the municipal officers of the kingdom, shall promulgate the present decree, and watch over the public security.
"The minister of war shall be directed to dispatch M. de Rochambeau, immediately, with the necessary orders to put the frontiers of the kingdom in a state of defence, and to arrest all those persons who shall be suspected of having assisted in rescuing the King.
The National Assembly further decrees, That all the seals of office, as well as others made use of by the different committees of the National Assembly, shall be got together, and placed under the direction of four commissioners, appointed by the National Assembly, of whom one always shall be in attendance, to expedite its decrees. That notice shall be written, without delay, to all the directors of departments in the provinces, charging them to be extremely vigilant in not suffering any fictitious decree to be spread through the country.
"The National Assembly decrees, That the public ministers shall retire to an adjoining room, and give the necessary orders that the present decrees be put in execution.
"Decrees, That the ministers shall be authorized to hold a communication with the Assembly, as often as they shall judge necessary."
JUNE 23.
M. Alexander Lameth reported from the Military Committee, and Committee of Constitution, a plan for forming a body of from three to four hundred thousand of the National Guard, at the disposal of the nation.
"The National Guard shall be called out as follows:
"The Departments of the North, Pas-de-Calais, Jura, the Upper and Lower Rhine, and all the departments on the German frontier, shall furnish as great a number of men as their situation will permit.
"The other departments shall furnish from two to three thousand each.
"Every citizen willing to bear arms, shall cause his name to be mustered by the Municipality.
"The National Guards shall be formed into battalions of ten companies, each company to consist of fifty men.
"Each company shall be officered by a Captain, Lieutenant, and Second-Lieutenant.
"The battalions by a Colonel and two Lieutenant-Colonels.
"The companies shall nominate their officers, and the battalions their Brat-Major.
"Each National Guard shall receive fifteen sous per day, the Second Lieutenant three times, the Lieutenant four times, the Captain five times, the Lieutenant-Colonel six times, and the Colonel seven times that sum.
"Their pay shall continue no longer than while their services are required, after which they shall return without distinction to their former companies.
"Regulations shall be instantly prepared for these troops."
The plan was unanimously adopted. A proposal from M. Grandpre to furnish sixty thousand muskets was received, and the Minister at war directed to treat with him on the terms.
The Committees of Enquiry and Reports informed the Assembly, that they had concerted effectual measures with the department for preserving the tranquility which the capital then enjoyed; that they would not adjourn, and would be always ready to receive the commands of the Assembly; that the Department and the Municipality, would continue to sit day and night; that measures had been taken for the speedy distribution of the decrees of the Assembly to the sections of Paris, and the districts in the country; and proposed to decree that letters should be delivered as formerly without interruption.
M. Freteau said, the Diplomatic Committee had before them information from the French Ambassador at London, that the British fleet was ready to sail, but its destination appeared to be for the Baltic, and ought to give no alarm.
M. Charles Lameth said, that arming a fleet, was neither a work of difficulty nor of length. He moved, "That the Diplomatic and Marine Committees should deliberate on the measures necessary for that purpose, and that all the officers of the Gendarmerie, many of whom were at Paris, should be ordered to repair to their stations."—Decreed.
On the report of the Military Committee, in concert with several general officers, it was decreed unanimously.
"That the oath directed to be taken by the army shall be administered in the following form— "I swear to employ the arms put into my hands in defence of my country, and to maintain the constitution,
tution, decreed by the National Assembly, against all enemies, foreign or domestic, to die, rather than suffer the French territory to be invaded by foreign troops, and to obey such orders only as shall be given in conformity to the decrees of the National Assembly."
"That Commissioners chosen from among the Members of the Assembly, shall be sent to the frontier departments to administer this oath, to concert with the administrative bodies and commanders of troops, such measures as they shall think necessary for the maintaining of order and the safety of the state, and to make all necessary requisitions for this purpose."—Commissioners were immediately appointed.
Mr. Elbeck moved, "That all Members of the Assembly holding military commissions, should instantly take the oath," and begged leave to set the example.
All the Members of this description, and many who had formerly held commissions, came forward as one man; most of them took the oath in the words of the decree, and a few with some qualification.
M. de la Fayette entered, took the military oath, and declared, that all his companions in arms were eager to do the same.
Two hundred Bretons presented themselves at the bar, and offered to march instantly on any service, and shed the last drop of their blood in defence of the constitution.
L O N D O N.
July 5. It evidently appears that Louis 16th. intended to escape to Mentz, the capital of the Elector of that name, where the chiefs of the counter revolution now are. It is certain that he never meant to go to Brussels, and the report of the government messenger of his having passed Douay, is wholly unfounded. The King was to have met the Prince de Conde, the count d'Artois, and M. de Calonne at Mentz, where the two former arrived the 13th instant, accompanied by the dukes of Bourbon and Enguin, and were received under the discharge of a salute of Artillery, and on the parade by a company of grenadiers.
The Elector, accompanied by all the French general officers at that place, received their highnesses with great pomp; the palace was very superbly illuminated, and there was a grand supper in the evening. The count d'Artois resides at the Electoral palace. The prince de Conde and his sons at an Hotel, where he is attended by a royal guard.
The Princess de Lambelle was one of the fair fugitives from Paris, in consequence of the royal departure. Her highness had procured a passage from Calais but two hours before an embargo was laid on all the shipping in that port.
On her arrival at Dover she took up her residence at Minet and Fector's, and from the sanguineness of her hopes, she sent an express to Madame du Barre in London, assuring her of the Royal Family's perfect safety. She decorated her servants with white cockades , and also wore the emblem of Gallic royalty herself.
On the arrival of the French messenger at Dover with the news of the interception, the Princess expressed the most extreme anguish of mind, and immediately took her passage for Ostend in one of the Minet and Fector's packets.
July 6. Last Tuesday night at ten o'clock, Mr. Timms, the long expected messenger from Peterburgh, arrived at the secretary of state's office, Whitehall, with dispatches from Mr. Fawkener, the English envoy extraordinary to that court, for negotiating a peace between Russia and the Turks.
We speak from the best authority in saying, that nothing decisive is concluded on. The secrecy which prevails in the higher departments of government, precludes us from stating minutely what are the particular points on which the two courts differ in opinion; but it gives us much satisfaction to assure the public, that although Mr. Fawkener's dispatches do not afford us the agreeable news of his having already fulfilled the object of his mission, we may entertain well founded hopes of its being very shortly accomplished, as every thing was in a fair way of adjustment.
Should a peace between Russia and the Porte be concluded on, the fresh disputes between the latter power and Austria will of course terminate likewise. Indeed we have reason to believe that the King of Prussia has undertaken to accommodate the business, and for this purpose has sent Colonel Biffchoffwerder to the Emperor in Italy. We do not entertain any serious apprehensions that the recommencement of hostilities between the two latter powers will either be of any longer duration, or produce any further mischief.
Notwithstanding the present calm, the peace of Europe looks far from being settled. France is in the most critical situation, both in respect to the formation of her government and the disposition of the Royal Family. Spain is dreading the approaching flames of France. The Congress seems to be at fault in settling the interpretation of the convention at Reichenbach: The mediation of England and Prussia drags on heavily; whilst the former is already engaged in an extensive war in India. Combining these circumstances, the great probability is that a flame will break out somewhere, and how far it will reach, or when terminate, it is only in the power of time to decide.
Our court appears to stand in a very embarrassing dilemma, which is further increased by news received on Friday from Holland, which we believe is nearly as follows:
The Empress of Russia has made an offer to the King of Sweden of restoring to him some of his an-
cient provinces, which were the principal cause of the late war, on condition of his rendering her his assistance. The King of Sweden has accepted this offer, and we understand that government has received certain information that the combined fleets of Russia and Sweden will sail down the Baltic to oppose the entrance of our fleet in it. That it is further intended by these powers to demand a categorical answer of the court of Copenhagen, while their combined fleets are lying before that city, as to the line of conduct it means to pursue, and provided the answer is not satisfactory, to force the Danes to a compliance with these measures.
This news seems further confirmed by the orders that went to Spithead on Friday last for Lord Hood's fleet to be in readiness to sail at a few hour's notice, and we have no doubt but it will sail in the course of the present week, as some decisive step must be taken immediately to counteract the effect of the combination between Russia and Sweden, as well as for the protection of Denmark. The King of Prussia has urged us to be speedy in our measures and is much dissatisfied that we appear less ready than himself to rush into a war. At all events it appears necessary that our court should immediately take some decisive line of conduct; for the present is not the moment when palliative remedies can be usefully applied.
UNITED STATES. CONNECTICUT.
DANBURY, August 15.
A Letter from a person in the army of Lord Cornwallis, dated at Fort William, Bengal, in India, Jan. 22, to his father in Fairfield—mentions, that the war in those parts is at a very great height. That his Lordship had lately taken the command of the British forces, consisting of about forty thousand regular troops, worsted by the enemy with a force of 300,000, and are now in fear of a second defeat.
The writer was one of those brave sons of American liberty, who effected the capture of his present commander.
NORTH-CAROLINA.
NEW BERN, August 29.
DIED, on Friday, the 12th instant, Col. GEORGE MITCHELL, of Onslow county. The particulars of the tragical manner in which this gentleman came to his untimely end, have been related to us in the following manner:
Col. MITCHELL and ROBERT W. SNEAD, Esq; were competitors for the honour of representing the county of Onslow in the Senate of this State.—The exertions of the candidates and of their friends had been productive of much ill-will and animosity, before the close of the poll, when Mr. Snead was declared duly elected.
After the election was closed, Mr. Snead was observed to call Col. Mitchell from amongst the people assembled at the Court-House, and to go with him into a thicket just by. Shortly after, the report of a pistol reaching the ears of those who were at the Court-House, attracted them to the spot from whence it issued; where, in the presence of Mr. Snead only, lay Col. Mitchell a corpse. Two fresh wounds were discovered on him; one from a pistol-shot, passing through from his shoulder out below his ribs; the other on the skull, apparently from a heavy blow with the butt of a pistol. Mr. Snead was thereupon apprehended, but has been since admitted to bail.
Col. Mitchell bore an unblemished character—was very active during the war, and had for many years the honour of representing his county in the General Assembly. He has left a widow and eight children.
N E W - Y O R K.
NEW-YORK, August 29.
Capt. Smith, lately arrived at New-London from St. Eustatia, says, that a vessel had arrived there from the coast of Guinea, and brought advice that an English factory, on the coast, had been recently cut off, by the Negroes, who sacrificed the whole, except one who happened to escape—among the killed is said to be Capt. William Wingel, of New-London. By this effort of the Negroes, 700 of them emancipated themselves—So much for the Guinea trade!
S C R I P T!
The Script mongers expect, that all the discount of the United States will flow in a constant stream through the National Bank, and there deposit its golden sands, to be divided among them, by whole heaps at a time! They would, however, do well to consider, what will become of their golden mountains, in case that the future Congress refuse to pass any new law relative to the Bank. If that institution is to rest upon no other foundation, than the law passed at the last session, let any one of the Script-mongers tell us, whether the directors are authorised by it to continue in office above one week in each year? and whether any business can be legally transacted in the Bank, during the remainder of the twelve months?
The law itself says, "there shall be an election" (of the directors) "on the first Monday of January in each year," and "those who shall be duly chosen at

any election, shall be capable of serving as directors—until the end or expiration of the Monday of January next ensuing the time of such election, and no longer!
P E N N S Y L V A N I A.
P H I L A D E L P H I A, August 31.
There was a time, when (to use Edmund Burke's rant) ten thousand swords would have leaped from their scabbards, to avenge even a disrespectful look cast at the Queen of France.—But, alack! how much Edmund's bowels yearn, to think, that a private citizen has dared to present a cocked pistol, or blunderbuss, at both their Majesties; and threatened to fire upon them, if they advanced a single step;—when (shocking to loyal ears!) so far from seeing ten thousand swords even peep out of their scabbards, in defence of royalty,—he soon saw fifty thousand swords and muskets brandished, to defend his conduct, and to escort their captive Majesties to Paris!
Mortified as the King of France must have been, at the time when the Bastile was demolished, it may, in the event, prove a very fortunate circumstance for him. If that Hell-upon earth was still in being, his Most Christian Majesty might himself, at no very distant period, take up his abode there. And mankind in general are so well pleased to see every punishment bear some analogy to the crimes of the offender, that he would probably meet with less commiseration, amidst the horrors, of the Bastile, than in the elegant apartments of the Louvre.
Were the Bastile yet in existence, and Louis confined there, the very sight of that prison would constantly keep alive, in people's minds, the remembrance of those cruelties formerly exercised by their Despots; and must considerably abate their compassion for the man, who was himself fallen into the pit, into which he had cast so many others before. This is but natural: And on the same principle, we may suppose, that the wretch, who was roasted alive in the brazen bull which he had contrived for the torture of others, excited less pity amidst his dreadful sufferings, than he would have found, if his bull had been first destroyed, and his punishment afterwards confined to simple hanging. For, whilst the people had his infernal engine before their eyes, each man shuddered at the idea of his own danger; and, supposing even he could suppress his resentment against the wicked projector, still he could not have much pity to spare for such an inhuman villain, who was reaping the fruit of his own devices.
By the last accounts from France it appears that the Pope has revoked all his bulls and anathemas, against the proceedings of the National Assembly, &c.—This circumstance, it is said caused great rejoicings and illuminations in France.
Of 4,853 quarter-barrels of gunpowder which have been deposited in the magazine of this state since January last, only 370 barrels were imported.
The balance of the claims of the state of South-Carolina against the United States, amounts to upwards of fourteen millions of dollars.
The affairs of France have long exhibited an interesting spectacle to mankind—the friends of the human race have rejoiced in the downfall of one of the most stupendous fabrics ever erected by the demon of despotism, and have earnestly wished to see the glorious Temple of Freedom erected on its ruins. The progress that has been made in this great work, is truly astonishing. At the present moment a principle of enthusiasm in the cause of liberty appears to have taken possession of the minds of the great body of the people; and actuated by one impulse, in whatever shape or form the ancient tyranny appears, it is instantaneously resisted.
The recent attempt of the King, and its consequences, exhibit the new character of the people in a most respectable point of light. At the moment when a selected body of troops were called upon to assist in aiding the flight of the King, their arms fell from their hands, and those whom it was expected would have been the faithful adherents of the Monarch, were instantly transformed into the guardians of the public safety.—Well might Louis declare, that he was now convinced that the people were in favour of the Revolution.
Four thousand emigrants have embarked at Londonderry this season, for the United States.
By the last Georgia Gazettes, it appears that General Jackson is canvassing the election of General Wayne. Mr. Jackson has published a number of affidavits, to shew that bribery and false returns were among the expedients adopted to carry the election against him. In the presentment of the Grand Jury of Chatham, this election forms the most conspicuous article in the list of grievances.—We may therefore expect there will be business for the committee of elections in the next Congress.
M A R Y L A N D.
A N N A P O L I S, September 1.
In a boxing-match, on Tuesday last, between James Smith and Thomas Daniel, the latter unfortunately lost his life by a blow or kick from the former, which killed him on the spot. The inquest, which sat on the body, gave a verdict of man slaughter .
B A L T I M O R E, September 2.
London papers, received by the July British Packet , (arrived at New-York from Falmouth) further advise. That the Emperor of China had declared war against the Empress of Russia, and had forbidden the importation of Russian furs into his dominions.—That letters from Vienna mention, that the Captain-Pasha had sailed from the canal of Constantinople for the Euxine Sea, with a formidable fleet, with the
intention of giving battle to the Russians.—That the Russians had been repulsed, with great slaughter, by the Turks, in their attempt to take Brailow by a coup-de-main—and that the grand Ottoman army, under the command of the new Grand Vizier, was advancing towards the Russians in great force, and in high spirits.—That letters from Brussels say, that a congress was to be held there of malecontents and foreign Princes, to choose a Regent for France—and that it was supposed the choice would fall on Monsieur, brother to his most christian Majesty, a prisoner, at the Thuilleries, in Paris.—That a letter from Paris, of the 29th of June, mentions, that when the Royal captives entered that city, it is not a little remarkable, that of the immense multitude assembled from Neuille to the Thuilleries, not one pulled off his hat to the King—that the Soldiers too did not appear under recovered arms, but, on the contrary, with their muskets shouldered, thus shewing that they were not there to do honour to, but to ascertain the safety of the Royal Family.—That after the flight of the King of France was known, the National Assembly of that Kingdom sat one hundred and twenty-four hours without intermission; the members relieving each other, for rest and refreshment, by turns; an evidence of their firmness and heroism in the moment of danger.—That the Brotherly Society of Paris had presented an Address to the National Assembly, requesting that orders might be given for the appearance of the King and Queen of France at the Bar, to answer for their late conduct.—That the only tumult in France since the King's flight, happened on the 23d of June, at Breſt—that an officer there, having avowed the publication of some papers, or hand-bills, calling the National Assembly traitors, the mob immediately cut off his head, and carried it round the city on a pole—and that some of his comrades suffered likewise.—That a great many French officers had gone into foreign countries, having been induced to take this step both on account of the flight of the King, and of his return.—That two of the regiments of Pen-thievre had van away, and one of them had been guilty of firing on the National Guard—that some of the officers had been taken and imprisoned.—That several very distinguished French exiles had arrived at Rome; among whom are the Prince of Rohan, the Bishop of Noyon, in Picardy, and the Prince de Ventimille.—That Spain is dreading the approaching flames of France—that should this kingdom effect a revolution, Portugal, if the people are not too lazy, will naturally follow the example.—That the French look down on pigmy kings with contempt; and the poor imprisoned Louis, with his Queen and Family, are scarcely considered as on a level with the meanest citizen—that the Rights of Man are extended even to chimney-sweepers, but are denied to Kings alone—that they seem to consider the being born a king high treason against nature—that though the man may be possessed of every excellence which makes human nature amiable, yet the guilt of being a king is unpardonable, and is, therefore, to be punished without mercy.
F R E D E R I C K T O W N, September 6.
On Thursday evening, the 26th ult. a quarrel arose between Mr. Neil Gun, store keeper, in New Market, nine miles from this town, and Mr. Meden Madlock, late an inhabitant of Frederick; when, in order to put a speedy issue to the contest (which appeared doubtful on the side of Mr. Gun) he stuck a pen-knife into the body of his adversary, who is, we are informed, in a distressed and languishing situation.—Mr. Gun immediately went off, and has not since been heard of.
S H E P H E R D ' S - T O W N, September 12.
Some late paragraphists in the English papers have compared M. La Fayette to Cromwell—but with what justice, time will elucidate. Two years experience have however afforded no traits in his character and conduct to justify such a comparison, except his bravery and firmness. Among the numerous instances of patriotic intrepidity and consistency, which the late crisis produced, this great character stands unrivalled—his promptitude and decision on this emergency, in taking such measures as the soundest wisdom, and most consummate prudence could dictate, evince that the vigor of his mind, and his political resources, are adequate both to the high station he fills, and the most trying exigencies that can occur.
The papers received by last post does not afford us any information from our army at the Westward. The CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES convene at Philadelphia, on the 24th day October next.
The Census of the several States, as returned into the office of the Secretary of State, is received, but must be postponed until our next.
It is supposed, on a very moderate estimation, that not less than from 50 to 60 persons pass through this town daily, on a visit to Miss Rozo Orendorff, near Sharpsburg—some, through curiosity—others, conscientiously affected, from the surprising situation and appearances presented by this young woman.—Many of the visitors travel the distance of 200 miles.
John Crane, tried at Winchester on the 1st inst. for the murder of Abraham Vanborn, as mentioned in our last, has appealed to the General Court to be held at Richmond in October next, for the final determination of his unfortunate situation.
A treatise on the inoculation of horses for the strangles has just made its appearance in London. It is a plain, sensible, and useful tract, in which the author recommends inoculating young horses with the matter from the glands of a distempered horse: The mode which he has pursued, has been to introduce but wetted with the infectious matter into an incision on the inside the upper lip, leaving it there till it is discharged by suppuration or accident:—Little previous preparation or subsequent treatment is necessary, especially if the operation is performed at the time which Mr. Ford, (the author) judges most advisable, "at the age of a month or six weeks while the foal sucks the mare."
To-Morrow will be put to Press, And in a few days published, by the Printer hereof,
A PAMPHLET,
Being a LETTER from Miss S---A to Mrs. R—,
Who, on her way to BATH, visited
Saint Rozo Villozo!
The most celebrated personage in this part of the country, and now residing near SHARPSBURG.
F O R S A L E,
At P U B L I C A U C T I O N
On the 4th day of October next, at ten o'clock, (Where twelve months credit will be given) At the plantation of Thomas Crow, near Hall's mill, Cows, Hogs, Farming Utensils, and Household Furniture—Corn on the ground, Hay, and several other articles.
Due attendance will be given by me,
THOMAS CROW.
Sept. 5, 1791.
A GRAMMAR SCHOOL,
WILL be opened in MARTINSBURG, on the 20th of September next, where the Subscriber purposes teaching the Latin and Greek Languages, in the manner practised in Dickinson College, (Carlisle)—Those who favour him with encouragement, may rely upon strict attention being paid, not only to the instruction of the youth committed to his charge in the above-mentioned languages, but also to their manners and morals. The price of tuition at 5l. per ann. Subscriptions will be taken in by Mr. ROBERT M'KNIGHT, Martinsburg, and Mr. SAMUEL PORTER, Williamsport.
JOHN M'CORMICK.
August 31, 1791.
ANY person wanting to hire a good Saddle Horse, may be supply'd on application at the Printing-Office.
Martinsburg Races.
THE RACES at MARTINSBURG, will commence on TUESDAY, the 4th of OCTOBER next, on which day will be run for, over a fine course, near the town, the JOCKEY CLUB PURSE of FORTY GUINEAS, free only for Members of the Club. Heats, 4 miles each. Aged horses carrying 126. Six years old 119. Five years old 108. Four years old 98. And three years old a feather.
No horse will be permitted to start unless the rider be dressed in a silk jacket, half boots, and jockey-cap.
A meeting of the Members is desired the day preceding the races, at the house of JAMES GRAHAM, MICHAEL M'KEWAN, Sec.
August 26, 1791.
On Wednesday, the day following, will be run for, over the same ground, a PURSE of THIRTY POUNDS, Maryland currency, three mile heats, free for any horse, mare, or gelding, paying one shilling in the pound entrance, and carrying weight agreeable to the rules of the JOCKEY CLUB.
And on Thursday following, will be run for, over the same ground, a PURSE of TWENTY POUNDS of the above currency, free for any horse, mare, or gelding, except the horses winning the two preceding days—two mile heats—paying entrance and carrying weight as above.
The horses to be entered with WILLIAM SKINNER and ROBERT M'KNIGHT, on the day preceding each race, or double entrance will be demanded.
On Friday, the day following, will be run for, over the same ground, a handsome Sweepstakes, free for any horse, mare, or gelding, except such as have won some one of the purses—one mile heats—with a catch upon each.
WILLIAM SKINNER, ROBERT M'KNIGHT, DAVID WOLGAMOTT.
To be sold, by the Subscriber,
140 Acres of Land
IN BERKELEY COUNTY,
Within 4 miles of Shepherd's-Town, about 60 acres of which are now under improvement; on which is a new square LOG-HOUSE, and the fence in good repair.
All persons indebted to the Estate of ROBERT BUCKLES, senior, deceased, are requested to make payment; and those who have any demands against the same, are likewise requested to bring them in, as an immediate settlement of the above estate is intended.
WILLIAM BUCKLES, Executor.

SEAT OF THE MUSES.
PICTURE OF AFRICAN DISTRESS.
I. HELP! oh help! thou GOD of christians! Save a mother from despair; Cruel white men steal my children— GOD of christians hear my pray'r. II. From my arms, by force, they've rended; Sailors drag them to the sea; Yonder sail at anchor riding, Swift will carry them away. III. There my son lies pale and bleeding, Fast with thongs his hands are bound; See the tyrants how they scourge him, See his sides a reeking wound. IV. See his little sister by him. Quaking, trembling, how she lies; Drops of blood her face besprinkle, Tears of anguish fill her eyes. V. Now they tear her brother from her, Down below the deck he's thrown, Stiff with beating, through fear silent, Save a single death-like groan. VI. Hear the little daughter begging, Take me, white men, for your own— Spare! oh spare! my darling brother, He! my mother's only son! VII. See upon the shore she's raving— Down the falls upon the sands! Now the tears her flesh with madness! Now she prays with lifted hands! VIII. I am young, and strong, and hardy, He's a sick and feeble boy; Take me, whip me, chain me, starve me, All my life I'll toil with joy. IX. Christians! who's the GOD ye worship? Is he cruel, fierce or good? Does he take delight in mercy? Or in spilling human blood? X. Ah! my poor distracted mother, Hear her scream upon the shore; Down the savage Captain struck her, Lifeless on the vessel's floor. XI. Up his sail he quickly hoisted, To the ocean bent his way— Headlong plung'd the raving mother, From a high rock in the sea.
P A R I S, JUNE 29. ADDRESS OR PROCLAMATION OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF FRANCE.
"The NATIONAL ASSEMBLY to the FRENCH. A GREAT attempt has just been made. The National Assembly was near the conclusion of its long labours; the Constitution was almost completed; the tumults of the Revolution were about to cease; and the enemies of the public welfare were eager, therefore, to sacrifice the whole nation to their vengeance. The King and the Royal Family were carried off on the 21st instant. [When this part of the Address was read in the Assembly, there was a murmur of discontent. The Reporter of the Committee of the Constitution, in which it had been drawn up, requested that it might be heard with attention, and the members became silent.] "But your Representatives will triumph over all these obstacles. They estimate calmly the extent of the duties imposed upon them. The public liberty shall be maintained; conspirators and slaves shall understand the intrepidity of the French nation; and we make, in the name of the nation, a solemn engagement to revenge the law or die. "France would be free, and she shall be so. It is intended to make the revolution recede, but it recedes not. It is the effect of your will, and nothing can retard its progress. It is necessary to accommodate the law to the state of the kingdom. The King, in the constitution, exercises the power of the Royal sanction over the decrees of the legislative body; he is the head of the executive power, and in that capacity causes the laws to be executed by his Minister. "If he quits his post, although carried off against his will, the Representatives of the Nation have the right to supply his place. The National Assembly has in consequence decreed, that the seal of state, and the signature of the Ministers of justice, shall be added to all its decrees, to give them the character of laws. As no order of the King would have been executed without being counter-
signed by the responsible Minister, nothing was necessary but a single delegation by the Assembly to authorize him to sign the orders, and those only issued by them. In this circumstance they have been directed by the constitutional law relative to a regency, which authorises them to perform the functions of the Executive Power, until the nomination of a Regent.
"By these measures your Representatives have insured order in the interior part of the kingdom: and to repulse any attack from without, they add to the army a reinforcement of three hundred thousand national guards.
"The citizens then have, on all sides, the means of security. Let them not be overcome by their surprise; the constituent assembly is upon its duty; the constituted powers are in activity; the citizens of Paris, the national guards, whose patriotism and fidelity are above all praise, watch round your representatives; the active citizens throughout the kingdom are in arms, and FRANCE MAY WAIT FOR IT'S ENEMIES.
"Are they to fear the consequences of a writing forced, before his departure, from a seduced King? It is difficult to conceive the ignorance and blindness that have dictated this writing, which may deserve to be further discussed hereafter; at present, your Representatives content themselves with examining some particular sentiments.
"The National Assembly has made a solemn proclamation of political truths, and of rights, the acknowledgment of which will one day produce the happiness of the human race. To engage them to renounce this declaration of rights, the theory of slavery itself has been presented to them.
"Frenchmen! we have no fear in recalling to your memories the famous day of the 23d of July, 1789; that day, on which the chief of the Executive power, the first public functionary of the nation, dared to dictate his absolute will to your Representatives, charged by your orders to form a constitution. The National Assembly lamented the disorders committed on the 5th of October, and ordered the prosecution of the persons guilty of them; but, because it was difficult to discover some rioters amongst such a multitude of people, they are said to have approved all their crimes. The nation is, however, more just. It has not reproached Louis XVI. with the violences that have occurred under his reign, and those of his ancestors. —(Considerable applause.)
"They are not afraid to call to your recollection the Federation of July. What are the statements of the persons who have dictated the letter of the King, with respect to this august act? That the first public functionary was obliged to put himself at the head of the Representatives of the Nation, in the midst of the Deputies of all the kingdom. He took a solemn oath to maintain the Constitution. If the King does not hereafter declare that his good faith has been surprised by seditious persons, he has, of course, announced his own perjury to the whole world! Is it necessary to go thro' the fatigue of answering the other reproaches of this letter?
The King is said to have experienced some inconveniences in his residence at Paris, and not to have found the same pleasures as formerly; by which it is implied, no doubt, that a nation ought to regenerate itself without any agitation, without disturbing for an instant the pleasures and the indulgences of Courts. As to the addresses of congratulation and adherence to your Decrees, these, say they, are the works of the factious.—Yes!—no doubt, of TWENTY-SIX MILLIONS of the factious!
It was necessary to reconstitute all powers, because all the powers were corrupted, and because the alarming debts accumulated by the despotism and the disorders of government would have overwhelmed the nation. But does not Royalty exist for the people? And if a great nation obliges itself to maintain it, is it not solely because it is believed to be useful?—The Constitution has left to the King this glorious prerogative, and has confirmed to him the only authority which he should desire to exercise. Would not your Representatives have been culpable, if they had sacrificed twenty-six millions to the interest of one man?
"The labour of citizens supports the power of the state; but the maxim of absolute power is to consider the public contributions as a debt paid to despotism. The National Assembly has regulated its expenses with the strictest justice; they thought themselves bound, when acting in the name of the nation, to act munificently, and when they were to determine what part of the public contributions should be allowed to the first functionary, thirty millions were allotted for him and the Royal Family; but this is represented as a trifling sum!
"The decrees upon the subject of peace and war have taken from the King and his ministers the power of sacrificing the people to the caprices of courts; and the definitive ratification of treaties is reserved to the representatives of the nation. The loss of a prerogative is complained of. What prerogative? That of not being obliged to consult the national will, when the blood and the fortunes of citizens were to be sacrificed. Who can know the will and the interests of the nation better than the legislative body? It is wished to make war with impunity. But have we not had, under the ancient government, sufficient experience of the terrible effects produced by the ambition of ministers?
We are accused of having despoiled the King, in forming the judicial power, as if he, King of a
great nation, ought to appear in the administration of justice, for any other purpose than that of causing the law to be observed, and its judgments executed? It is wished that he should have the right of granting pardons and changing punishments; but does not all the world know how such a right would be exercised, and upon whom the benefit of it would fall? The King could not exercise it by himself; and after having prohibited Royal despotism, it was very natural to prohibit that of the Ministers.
"The necessity of circumstances has sometimes obliged the National Assembly to meddle, contrary to its inclination, in the affairs of administration. But ought it not to act, when the government remained in blameable inertness? Is it, therefore, necessary to say, that neither the King nor the Ministers have the confidence of the nation?
"The societies of friends of the Constitution have supported the revolution; they are more necessary than ever, and some persons presume to say that they govern the administrative bodies, and the empire, as if they were the deliberating bodies!
"Frenchmen! all the powers are organized; all the public functionaries are at their posts; the National Assembly watches over the safety of the state. May you be firm and tranquil! one danger alone threatens us. You have to guard against the suspension of your labours; against delay in the payment of duties; against any inflammatory measures which commence in anarchies, and end in civil war. It is to these dangers, that the National Assembly calls the attention of citizens. In this crisis, all private animosities and private interests should disappear.
"Those who would preserve their liberty should shew that tranquil firmness which appals tyrants. May the factions who hope to see every thing overturned, find order maintained, and the constitution confirmed and rendered more dear to Frenchmen, by the attacks made upon it! The capital may be an example to the rest of France. The departure of the king excited no disorders there, but, to the confusion of the malevolent, the utmost tranquillity prevails in it. To reduce the territory of this empire to the yoke, it will be necessary to destroy the whole nation. Despotism, if it pleases, may make such an attempt. It will fail, or at the conclusion of its triumphs will find only ruins."
This address was unanimously approved by the Assembly, and ordered to be sent to all the departments.
MY Wife HANNAH, by information, has gone away and left this County, and carried with her my daughter ANNA, now about one year and nine months old:—whoever brings the said child to me, living at Mr. JOHN TAYLOR's, 3 miles from Shepherd's-Town, shall receive a generous reward, besides all expences.—I hereby forewarn all persons not to trust the said HANNAH one farthing on my account, as I shall not pay any debt of her contracting, after this date. THOMAS LEE. September 1, 1791.
A Mill for sale.
BY Virtue of a Decree of the Court of BERKELEY County, and State of VIRGINIA, will be exposed to sale by PUBLIC VENDUE, upon the first day of February next, if fair, if not the next fair day, a MERCHANT-MILL, with the Lot, Premises, and Buildings thereunto belonging, late the property of HENRY COOKCUS, deceased, and now in the possession of CHRISTIAN ORENDORFF.
Also, the Stone Dwelling-House, and Ground-Rents of the said estate, late of the said COOKCUS, deceased, all situate in Shepherd's-Town, in the County and State aforesaid.
The terms of sale will be, one third part of the purchase money to be paid in twelve months from the day of sale, one other third part within two years after the day of sale, and the remaining third part within three years after the day of sale.
By order of the Court.
JOHN KEARSELEY, HENRY BEDINGER. } Trustees. BERKELEY COUNTY, July 25, 1791.
At a Court of Quarter Sessions, held for BERKELEY County, the 16th day of August, 1791.
WILLIAM MUNFORD, Compt. vs. MARTIN KERSHNER, Deft. } In Chancery.
THE Defendant not having entered his appearance agreeable to an Act of Assembly, and according to the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is no inhabitant of this County: On the motion of the Complainant, by his Council, Ordered, That the said Defendant do appear here on the third Tuesday of November next, to answer the bill of the Complainant, and that a copy of this Order be forthwith inserted in the Virginia Gazette for two months successively, and published at the Church in the Parish of Norborne, in the County aforesaid, on some Sunday after divine service, and also at the Court-House door of the said County.
A copy. Teste. MOSES HUNTER, C. B. C.