Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-05-13 00:00:00

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. [Reported for the United States' Gazette.]
Tuesday, April 19.
Mr. Quincy's speech on the bill authorizing the president to suspend the embargo—The house in committee of the whole.
MR. CHAIRMAN.
The amendment proposed to this bill by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) has for its object to limit the executive discretion, in suspending the embargo, to certain specified events;—the removal of the French decrees: the revocation of the British orders. It differs from the bill, as it restricts the range of the president's power to relieve the people from this oppressive measure. In this point of view, it differs to me, even more objectionable than the bill itself. To neither can I yield my sanction. And as the view I shall offer will be different from any which has been taken of this subject, I solicit the indulgence of the committee.
A few days, since when the principle of this bill was under discussion, in the form of a resolution, a wide field was opened. Almost every subject had the honours of debate except that which was the real object of it. Our British and French relations, the merits and demerits of the expired and of the rejected treaty, as well as those of the late negotiators and of the present administration; all were canvassed; I enter not upon these topics.—They are of a high and most interesting nature.—But their connexion with the principle of this bill is, to say the least, remote. There are considerations intimately connected with it, enough to interest our zeal and to awaken our anxiety.
The question referred to our consideration is, shall the president be authorized to suspend the embargo on the occurrence of certain specified contingencies. The same question is concluded in the proposed amendment and the bill. Both limit the exercise of the power of suspension of the embargo to the occurrence of certain events. The only difference is that the discretion, given by the former is more limited; that given by the latter is more liberal.
In the course of the former discussion a constitutional objection was raised, which, if well founded, puts an end to both bill and amendment. It is impossible, therefore, not to give it a short examination. It was contended that the constitution had not given this house the power to authorize the president at his discretion to suspend a law. The gentleman from Maryland (Key) and the gentleman from Virginia (Randolph) both of great authority and influence, in this house, maintained this doctrine with no less zeal than eloquence. I place my opinion, with great diffidence, in the scale, opposite to theirs. But as my conviction is different, I must give the reason of it;—why I adhere to the old canons; those which have been received as the rule both of faith and practice, by every political sect, which has had power, ever since the adoption of the constitution, rather than to those new dogmas.
The constitution of the United States as I understand it, has in every part reference to the nature of things and the necessities of society. No portion of it was intended as a mere ground for the trial of technical skill, or of verbal ingenuity. The direct, express powers, with which it invests congress, are always to be so construed as to enable the people to attain the end, for which they were given. This end is to be gathered from the nature of those powers, compared with the known exigencies of society and the other provisions of the constitution. If a question arise, as in this case concerning the extent of the incidental and implied powers, vested in us, by the constitution, the instrument itself contains the criterion, by which it is to be decided. We have authority to make "laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution" powers, unquestionably, vested. Reference must be had to the nature of these powers to know what is "necessary and proper" for their wise execution. When this necessity and propriety appear, the constitution has enabled us to make the correspondent provisions. To the execution of many of the powers vested in us, by the constitution, a discretion is necessarily and properly incident. And when this appears from the nature of any particular power, it is certainly competent for us to provide by law that such discretion shall be exercised. Thus for instance the power to borrow money, must in its exercise be regulated, from its very nature, by circumstances, not always to be anticipated by the legislature, at the time of passing a law, authorizing a loan. Will any man contend that the legislature is necessitated to direct either absolutely that a certain sum shall be borrowed, or to limit the event on which the loan is to take place? Can it vest a general discretion, to borrow, or not to borrow, according to the view, which the executive may possess, of the state of the treasury and of the general exigencies of the country, particularly in cases where the loan is contemplated at some future day, when, perhaps congress is not in session, and when the state of the treasury, or of the country, cannot be foreseen? In the case of the two million appropriation, for the purchase of the Florida, such a discretion was invested in the executive. He was authorized "if necessary to borrow the sum or any part thereof." This authority he never exercised, and thus, according to the argument of gentlemen on the other side, he has made null a legislative act. For so far as it depended upon his discretion, this not being exercised, it is a nullity. The power "to pay the debts of the United States" will present a case which from the nature and power, a discretion to suspend the operation of a law, may be necessary and proper to its execution. Congress by one law direct the executive to pay off the eight per cent. stock. Will gentlemen seriously contend that by another it may not invest him with a general
discretion to stop the payment; that is, to suspend the operation of the former law, if the state of the treasury, or even more generally, if the publick good should in his opinion require? An epidemick prevails in one of our commercial cities. Inter-course is prohibited with it. Congress is about to terminate its session, and the distemper still rages. Can it be questioned, that it is within our constitutional power, to authorize the president to suspend the operation of the law, whenever in his opinion it is expedient? The meanest individual in society, in the most humble transactions of business, can avail himself of the discretion of his confidential agent, in cases where his own cannot be applied. Is it possible, that the combined wisdom of the nation is debarred from investing a similar discretion, whenever, from the nature of the particular power, it is necessary and proper to its execution?
The power of suspending laws, against which we have so many warnings in history, was a power exercised, contrary to the law, or in denial of its authority, and not under the law and by virtue of its express investment. Without entering more minutely into the argument, I cannot doubt but that congress does possess the power to authorize the president by law to exercise a discretionary suspension of a law. A contrary doctrine would lead to multiplied inconveniences; and would be wholly inconsistent with the proper execution of some of the powers of the constitution. It is true that this, like every other power, is liable to abuse. But we are not to forego a healthful action, before in its excess, it may be injurious.
The expediency of investing the executive with such an authority, is always a critical question. In this case, from the magnitude of the subject, and the manner, in which the embargo oppresses all our interest, the inquiry into our duty, in relation to it, is most solemn and weighty. It is certain some provision must be made touching the embargo, previous to our adjournment. A whole people is labouring under a most grievous compression. All the business of the nation is deranged. All its active hopes are frustrated. All its industry stagnant. A dam is thrown across the current and every hour, the strength, and the tendency towards resistance, is accumulating. The scene we are now witnessing is altogether unparalleled in history.—The tales of fiction have no parallel for it. A new writ is executed upon a whole people. Not, indeed, the old, monarchical writ, ne creat regnum , but a new republican writ ne creat rempublicam .—Freemen, in the pride of their liberty, have restraints imposed on them which despotism never exercised. They are fastened down to the soil by the enchantment of law; and their property vanishes, in the very progress of preservation. It is impossible for us to separate and leave such a people, at such a moment as this, without administering some opiate to their distress. Some hope, however distant, or alleviation must be proffered. Some prospect of relief opened. Otherwise justly might we fear for the result of such an unexampled pressure. Who can say what councils despair might suggest, or what weapons it might furnish?
Some provision then, in relation to the embargo is unavoidable. The nature of it is the inquiry.—Three courses have been proposed. To stay here and watch it. To leave with the executive the power to suspend it. Concerning repeal I will say nothing. I respect the known and immutable determination of the majority of this house. However convinced, I may be, that repeal is the only wise and probably the only safe course, I cannot persuade myself to urge arguments, which have been often repeated, and to which, so far from granting them any weight, very few seem even willing to listen. The end to which I aim will not counteract the settled plan of policy. I consider the embargo as a measure from which we are not to recede, at least not during the present session.—And my object of research is, in what hands, and under what auspices it shall be left, so as best to effect its avowed purpose and least to injure the community. Repeal, then, is out of the question.—Shall we stay by and watch? This has been recommended. Watch? what? "Why the crisis." And do gentlemen seriously believe that any crisis, which events in Europe are likely to produce will be either prevented, or ameliorated, by such a body as this, remaining, during the whole summer, perched upon this hill?
To the tempest which is abroad we can give no direction; over it, we have no controul. It may spend its force on the ocean, now desolate by our laws, or it may lay waste our shores. We have abandoned the former, and for the latter, though we have been six months in session, we have prepared no adequate shield. Besides, in my apprehension, it is the first duty of this house to expedite the return of its members to their constituents. We have been six months in continued session. We begin, I fear to lose our sympathies for those, whom we represent. What can we know in this wilderness, of the effects of our measures, upon civilized & commercial life? We see nothing, we feel nothing, but through the intervention of newspapers, or of letters. The one obscured by the filth of party.—The other often distorted by personal feelings, or by private interest. It is our immediate, our indispensable duty, to mingle with the mass of our brethren and by direct intercourse to learn their will; to realize the temperature of their minds and to ascertain their sentiments concerning our measures. The only course that remains is to leave with the executive the power to suspend the embargo. But the degree of power with which he ought to be invested to be collected from all the unforeseen circumstances, which may occur, during the recess; or shall it be exercised only on the occurrence of certain specified contingencies? The bill proposes the
last mode. It also contains other provisions, highly exceptionable and dangerous; inasmuch as it permits the president to raise the embargo "in part or in whole" and authorises him to exercise an unlimited discretion, as to the penalties and restrictions he may lay upon the commerce he shall allow. My objections to the bill, therefore, are, first that it limits the exercise of the executive, as to the whole embargo, to particular events, which if they do not occur, no discretion can be exercised, and let the necessity of abandoning the measure be, in other respects, ever so great, the specified events, not occurring, the embargo is absolute at least until the ensuing session: next that if the events do happen, the whole of the commerce he may in his discretion set free, is entirely at his mercy; the door is opened to every species of favouritism, personal and local. This power may not be abused; but it ought not to be trusted. The true, the only safe ground, on which this measure, during our absence, ought to be placed is, that which was taken in the year 1794. The president ought to have authority to take off the prohibition, whenever in his judgment the publick good shall require; not partially, not under arbitrary bonds and restrictions; but totally, if at all. I know that this will be rung, in the popular ear, as an unlimited power. Dictatorships, protectorships "shadows dire will throng into the memory." But let gentlemen weigh the real nature of the power I advocate, and they will find it not so enormous as it at first appears, and in effect much less than the bill itself proposes to invest. In the one case he has the simple and solitary power of raising or retaining the prohibition, according to his view of the publick good. In the other he is not only the judge of the events, specified in the bill but also of the degree of commerce to be permitted, of the place from which and to which it is to be allowed, he is the judge of its nature, and has the power to impose whatever regulation he pleases.—Surely there can be no question but that the latter power is of much more magnitude and more portentous than the former. I solicit gentlemen to lay aside their prepossessions and to investigate what the substantial interests of this country requires—to consider by what dispositions this measure may be made least dangerous to the tranquillity and interest of the people; and most productive of the peculiar good, which is avowed to be its object. I address not those who deny our constitutional power to invest a discretion to suspend, but I address the great majority, who are friendly to this bill, who, by adopting it, sanction the constitutionality of the grant of such authority; to whom therefore, the degree of discretion is a fair question of expediency. In recommending that a discretion, not limited by events, should be vested, in the executive, I can have no personal wish to augment his power. He is no political friend of mine. I deem it essential both for the tranquillity of the people and for the success of the measure, that such a power should be committed to him. Neither personal, nor party feelings shall prevent me from advocating a measure in my estimation salutary to the most important interests of this country. It is true that I am among the earliest and the most uniform opponents of the embargo. I have seen nothing to vary my original belief, that its policy was equally cruel to individuals and mischievous to society. As a weapon to controul foreign powers, it seemed to me, dubious in its effect, uncertain in its operation; of all possible hostile machinery the most difficult to set up, and the most expensive to maintain. As a means to preserve our resources, nothing could, to my mind, be more ill adapted. The best guarantees of the interest society has in the wealth of the members which compose it, are the industry, intelligence and enterprise of the individual proprietors, strengthened as they always are by knowledge of business and quickened by that which gives the keenest edge to human ingenuity—self interest.—When all the property of a multitude is at hazard the simplest, and the surest way of securing the greatest portion, is not to limit individual exertion, but to stimulate it; not to conceal the nature of the exposure, but, by giving a full knowledge of the state of things, to leave the wit of every proprietor free, to work out the salvation of his property, according to the opportunities, he may discern.—Notwithstanding the decrees of the belligerents, there appeared to me a field wide enough to occupy and reward mercantile enterprise. If we left commerce at liberty, we might, according to the fable, lose some of her golden eggs, but if we crushed commerce, the parent which produced them, and with her, our future hopes perished. Without entering into the particular details, whence these conclusions resulted, it is enough that they were such as satisfied my mind, as to the duty of opposition to the system, in its incipient state, and in all the restrictions which have grown out of it. But the system is adopted. May it be successful! It is not to diminish, but to increase the chance of that success, I urge that a discretion, unlimited by events, should be vested in the executive. I shall rejoice if this great miracle be worked. I shall congratulate my country, if the experiment shall prove, that the old world can be controuled by the fear of being excluded from the commerce of the new. Happy shall I be, if on the other side of this dark valley of the shadow of death, through which our commercial hopes are passing, shall be found regions of future safety and felicity.
Among all the propositions offered to this house, no man has suggested, that we ought to rise and leave this embargo until our return pressing upon the people, without some power of suspension vested in the executive. Why this uniformity of opinion? The reason is obvious: the greatness of the compression. If the people were left six months without hope, no man could anticipate the consequences. All agree that such an experiment would be
unwise and dangerous. Now precisely the same reasons which induce the majority not to go away without making provision for its removal, on which to feed popular expectation, is conclusive in my mind, that the discretion proposed to be invested, should not be limited by contingencies.
The embargo power, which now holds in its palsy-grip, all the hopes of this nation, is distinguished by two characteristics of material import, in deciding what controul shall be left over it during our recess. I allude to its greatness and its novelty.
As to its greatness, nothing is like it. Every class of men feels it. Every interest in the nation is affected by it. The merchant, the farmer, the planter, the mechanick, the labouring poor; all, all are sinking under its weight. But there is this peculiar in it, that there is no equality in its nature. It is not like taxation, which raises revenue according to the average of wealth; burthening the rich and letting the poor go free. But it presses upon the particular classes of society, in an inverse ratio, to the capacity of each to bear it. From those who have much it takes, indeed, something. But from those who have little, it takes all. For what hope is left to the industrious poor, when enterprise, activity, & capital are proscribed in their legitimate exercise? This power resembles not the mild influences of an intelligent mind, balancing the interests and conditions of men, and so conducting a complicated machine as to make inevitable pressure bear upon its strongest parts. But it is like one of the blind visitations of nature; a tornado or a whirlwind. It sweeps away the weak. It only strips the strong. The bumble plant, uprooted, is overwhelmed by the tempest. The oak escapes with the loss of nothing except its annual honours. It is true the sheriff does not enter any man's house to collect a tax from his property. But Want knocks at his door and Poverty thirsts his face into the window. And what relief can the rich extend? They sit upon their heaps and feel them mouldering into ruins under them. The regulations of society for what was once property, to be so any longer. For property depends on circulation; on exchange; on ideal value. The power of property is all relative. It depends not merely upon opinion here, but opinion in other countries. If it be cut off from its destined market, much of it is worth nothing, and all of it is worth infinitely less than when circulation is unobstructed. This embargo power is therefore of all powers the most enormous; in the manner in which it affects the hopes and the interests of a nation. But its magnitude is not more remarkable than its novelty. An experiment, such as is now making, was never before—I will not say tried—it never before entered into the human imagination. There is nothing like it in the narrations of history or in the tales of fiction. All the habits of a mighty nation are at once counteracted. All their property depreciated. All their external connexions violated. Five millions of people are engaged. They cannot go beyond the limits of that once free country; now they are not even permitted to thrust their own property through the grates. I am not now questioning its policy, its wisdom, or its practicability. I am merely stating the fact. And I ask if such a power as this, thus great, thus novel, thus interfering with all the great passions and interests of a whole people, ought to be left for six months, in operation, without any power of controul, except upon the occurrence of certain specified and arbitrary contingencies? Who can foretell when the spirit of endurance will cease? Who, when the strength of nature shall outgrow the strength of your bonds? Who knows that the specified events will happen? Or if they do, who can give a pledge that the patience of the people will not first be exhausted? I make a supposition Mr. Chairman—You are a great physician. You take a hearty, hale, man, in the very pride of health; his young blood, all active in his veins, and you out-stretch him on his bed, you stop up all his natural orifices, you hermetically seal down his pores; so that nothing shall escape outwards, and that all his functions and all his humours shall be turned inward upon his system. While your patient is labouring, in the very crisis of this course of treatment, you, his physician, take a journey into a far country, and you say to his attendants, "I have a great experiment here in process, and a new one. It is all for the good of the young man. So do not fail to adhere to it. These are my directions and the power with which I invest you. No attention is to be paid to any internal symptom which may occur. Let the patient be convulsed as much as he will, you are to remove none of my bandages. But, in case something external should happen, if the sky should fall, and larks should begin to appear, if three birds of Paradise should fly into the window, the great purpose of all these sufferings is answered. Then, and then only, have you my authority to administer relief."
The conduct of such a physician, in such a case, would not be more extraordinary than that of this house, in the present, should it adjourn and limit the discretion of the executive, to certain specified events, arbitrarily anticipated; leaving him destitute of the power to grant relief should internal symptoms indicate, that nothing else would prevent convulsions. If the events you specify do not happen, then the embargo is absolutely fixed until our return. Is there one thing among us that has such an enlarged view of the nature and necessities of this people, as to warrant that such a system can continue six months longer? It is a presumption, which no known facts substantiate, and which the strength and the universality of the passions such a pressure will set at work in the community, render, to say the least of every dubious credit. My argument, in this part, has this prudential truth for its basis.

If a great power is put in motion affecting great interests, the power which is left to manage it should be adequate to its control. If the power be not only great in its nature, but novel in its mode of operation, the superintending power should be permitted to exercise a wise discretion. For if you limit him by contingencies, the experiment may fail, or its results be unexpected. In either case, nothing but shame, or ruin, would be our portion.
But I ask the house to view this subject in relation to the success of this measure, which the majority have justly so much at heart. Which position of invested power, is the most auspicious to a happy issue?
As soon as this house has risen, what think you will be the first question every man in this nation will put to his neighbour? Will it not be—“What has Congress done with the Embargo?”—Suppose the reply should be—“They have made no provision. This corroding cancer is to be left absolutely on the vitals six months longer.” Is there a man who doubts but that such a reply would sink the heart of every owner of property, and of every labourer in the community? No man can hesitate. The magnitude of the evil, the certain prospect of so terrible a calamity thus long protracted, would itself tend to counteract the continuance of the measure, by the discontent and despair, it could not fail to produce in the great body of the people. But suppose in reply to such a question, it should be said—“The removal of the embargo depends upon events. France must retrace her steps. England must apologize and atone for her insolence. Two of the proudest and most powerful nations on the globe must truckle for our favour, or we shall persist in maintaining our dignified retirement.” What then would be the consequence? Would not every reflecting man in the nation set himself at work to calculate the probability of the occurrence of the events? If they were little likely to happen, the distress and discontent would be scarcely less than in the case of absolute certainty of six months perpetuation of it. For if the events do not happen, the embargo is absolute. Such a state of popular mind all agree is little favourable either to perseverance in the measure, or to its ultimate success. But suppose that the people should find a discretionary power was invested in the executive, to act as in his judgment according to circumstances, the publick good require. Would not such a state of things have a direct tendency to allay fear, to tranquillize discontent, and encourage endurance of suffering? Should experience prove, that it is absolutely insupportable, there is a constitutional way of relief. The way of escape is not wholly closed. The knowledge of this fact would be alone a support to the people. They would endure it longer. They would endure it better. We should be secure of a more cordial co-operation in the measure, as the people would see they were not wholly hopeless, in case the experiment was oppressive. Surely nothing can be more favourable to its success than producing such a state of publick sentiment.
But it is objected that a power like this, is too great to be invested in the executive. In my opinion, as I have before urged, it is less than that which you are about to confer. But what is this great discretion, so dangerous and alarming? It is simply a power to remove a prohibition, when the publick good, in his judgment, requires. It is merely a power to do good; without the possibility of doing harm. If the specified events do not happen, then it is absolutely a six months embargo. Worse than this, it cannot be should he have the discretion, and fail to exercise it. But suppose the events do not happen, and the state of the country requires, that the embargo should be raised; then discretion becomes only an instrument of good; a means of escape from ruin. There is only one apprehension, which is in opposition to this reasoning; and that is, that the executive might raise the embargo before a fair experiment of its efficacy. Can there be, possibly, any just ground for such a fear? Is not the executive, in a manner pledged for its success? Is it not eminently his measure. It is not too much to say that he is, and that he ought to be the last man in the nation who can be convinced of its inefficacy.
But there is another objection. It would expose the president to frequent solicitations for its removal. The preparing such solicitations would be a work of time, and while pending, by keeping hope alive, would tend to tranquillize the people. Should such solicitations spring from any party spirit, would not its rival party counteract and defeat their efforts? But suppose that real sufferings, previous to the next session, should break down party distinctions; suppose that men of all political sects should unite, in judgment, concerning the wisdom of abandoning the measure, are we prepared to say, that in such a state of things, it shall not be removed?
But I confess there are some other reasons which have great weight, in my mind against this limitation of executive discretion by events. First it is altogether doubtful whether the contingencies will happen; and if they do, and thereupon the embargo should be raised, there is no possible security can be given that, as soon as our property is again upon the sea, the obnoxious policy will not be renewed. The fear of commissioned piracy, when it is combined with a predetermination not to protect commerce against it, furnishes quite as sound a reason for a perpetual as for a temporary abandonment of the ocean. But a more powerful argument in my mind, against this specification of events, on the occurrence of which alone the embargo shall be raised, is that reasoning according to the known principles of human conduct, it seems full as likely to prevent as to promote that change of European policy at which we aim. I think it is clearly to be seen, from the nature of the British decrees, which in a manner carry their own antidote with them, and by their operation defeat their own object that a change of measures will be produced from the evils inevitably resulting, independent of any act of ours, not to neutrals merely, but to the English themselves. From the perpetually shifting administration of that government, resulting partly from its nature and partly from the characters of the men now the rivals for power in it, there can be but little doubt that a change will soon be wrought, and a wiser course towards neutrals be pursued. The ready way to prevent such a change is to unite the pride of the whole nation in opposition to our pretensions. Let us once declare to the world, that before our embargo policy be abandoned, the French orders and the British decrees must be revoked, and we league whatever honourable spirits exist in both those nations against
us. Not to do that, under a threat, which we would do, either from a sense of justice, or from a sense of interest, is a common and a necessary principle of national, as well as personal dignity. No nation will easily be brought to acknowledge that it is so dependent upon another that by its withholding intercourse an abandonment has been necessarily effected of a settled plan of policy. The admission sinks the nation, making it, from the rank of an equal to that of a dependant. Again, by proclaiming to the world the terms, on which our executive may raise the embargo, we compromise our own honour. This weapon has two edges. It not merely pledges us to raise it, when those events occur, but what is worse it pledges us to keep it on, until they happen, we solemnly avow our purpose, can we recede from it afterwards, but with disgrace. It is infinitely wiser to leave the reasons for the embargo, in that obscure and mystical light, which has characterized the whole course of its existence. Let us not commit ourselves as to its object. Let it continue to be as it has yet been, sometimes intended to save our seamen, and sometimes intended to save our property. No to constrain France, and now to take vengeance on Great Britain. At one time let its end be to protect commerce, at another to encourage manufacturers. To day let it be an attempt to preserve our neutrality. Tomorrow a trial, “who shall do one another most harm.” Thus we leave ground enough to retreat upon, “in the undefined field of contingencies.”
But there is another most weighty objection to this restriction of executive discretion by events.—Such a course places the whole commerce of the United States at the mercy of foreign nations. The language of this policy is—“rescind your decrees and your orders, or we will, in our wrath, abandon the ocean.” Now suppose that Great Britain, governed by a spirit of mercantile calculation, should reply—“Is this your mode of vengeance? Take the whole benefit of it. It is the very thing we wish. You are our only rivals. By driving you out of the market, we gain more than we lose by your retirement.” Are gentlemen prepared to prove that such will not be her interest; or are they quite certain, if it be not, that she may not mistake her interest, under the influence of some stronger passion? What then will be our situation?—Why, the melancholy alternative will alone be left us of abandoning forever the highway of nations; or retrenching with shame, a policy to which we had pledged ourselves without sufficient caution. I do, indeed, believe that the commerce of the United States is important enough to France and Great Britain, to incline both those nations to grant us for its continuance many and great commercial privileges. But that it is so consequential to either, as that for its enjoyment, the one could be tempted to forego a policy, which has for its object to crush the only obstacle in its way to universal empire, or the other induced to abandon a system, adopted as the only means for the preservation of its national existence, now in peril, on all sides, I confess, I am very far from believing.
We are but yet a young nation. The U. States are scarcely yet hardened into the bone of manhood. The whole period of our national existence has been nothing else than a continued series of prosperity. The miseries of the revolutionary war were but as the pangs of parturition. The experience of that period was of a nature not to be very useful after our nation had required an individual form and a manly constitutional stamina. It is to be feared we have grown giddy with good fortune; attributing the greatness of our prosperity to our own wisdom, rather than to a course of events and a guidance, over which we had no influence. It is to be feared, we are now entering that school of adversity, the first blessing of which, is to chastise an overweening conceit in ourselves. A nation mistakes its relative consequence, when it thinks its countenance, or its intercourse, or its existence, all important to the rest of the world. There is scarcely any people, and none of any weight in the society of nations, which does not possess within its own sphere, all that is essential to its existence. An individual who should retire from conversation with the world for the purpose of taking vengeance on it for some real or imaginary wrong, would soon find himself grievously mistaken. Notwithstanding the delusions of self flattery, he would certainly be taught that the world was moving along just as well, after his dignified retirement, as it did while he intermeddled with its concerns. The case of a nation which should make a similar trial of its consequence to other nations, would not be very different, from that of such an individual. The intercourse of human life has its basis in a natural reciprocity, which always exists, although the vanity of nations, as well as of individuals, will often suggest to inflated fancies, that they give, more than they gain in the interchange of friendship, of civilities or of business. I conjure gentlemen not to commit the nation upon the objects of this embargo measure, but by leaving a wise discretion during our absence with the executive, neither to admit nor deny, by the terms of our law that its object was to coerce foreign nations. Such a state of things is safest for our own honour and the wisest to secure success for this system of policy.
FOR NEW-ORLEANS, The new Brig LOUISIANA PACK-ET, Richard Hurst, master, will sail directly for that port the first of June. For freight or passage, having excellent accommodations, as she is intended for a regular packet, apply to Jennings & Roddey. Im
WANTED, A few Virginia BANK SHARES. Apply at the Office of the Publick Ledger. May 6. 6
FOR RENT, The Store and Dwelling-House on Market-Square, at present occupied by Mr. Vincent Parlato. WM. B. LAMB. May 11. 6
JOHN FRY, Boot and Ladies' Shoe Maker, FROM PHILADELPHIA, Informs the inhabitants of Norfolk and its vicinity, that he has commenced business at No. 64, Main-Street, near the Herald Office, where he has furnished himself with an assortment of BOOT LEGS for Cossacks and Back Straps, together with an assortment of Morocco and Kid Skins, all of a superior quality, which he is determined to manufacture in the most substantial and fashionable manner, and at the lowest prices for cash. May 11. 3
THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 13, 1808.
Wednesday's mail brought us only papers of antecedent dates to those received on Tuesday, and last night's mail brought us no papers north of Richmond; to what cause we are to ascribe this irregularity and disappointment we know not. We cannot however suppose that all the printers to the north of Richmond neglected to forward their papers, still less can we imagine that they could contrive that their papers of subsequent, should arrive before those of prior dates. The facts we know and their effect will appear, and on account of which we hope we shall meet the indulgence of our readers for the want of intelligence in our paper of this evening.
MR. QUINCY ON THE EMBARGO.—We give this gentleman's excellent speech upon the propriety of giving the president the power of raising the embargo during the recess of congress. The view which Mr. Quincy has taken of that ruinous measure does honour to the head and heart of this gentleman, and we lament in common with many, and expect ere long we shall lament with all, that more consideration had not been given to the remarks contained in this speech.
Most truly does Mr. Q. say that a perpetual embargo was never contemplated before—we say a perpetual embargo, because it is evident that its continuance is made to depend on the measures of other governments, and not on our own, and as far as those governments may find it their interest to drive us from the ocean, destroy our resources, and check our growing prosperity, just so far it is probable they will continue in that course which is most likely to produce those effects.
That the embargo will last until the meeting of congress, the slightest attention to the law authorizing its suspension, must convince every one.—How much longer it will last, depends upon what we for one place no confidence in—the wisdom of our rulers.
As a temporary measure, and as a measure of precaution, we believe the embargo had few if any opponents, but as a permanent system and a mode of punishment to other nations, and as a system of warfare upon them, we do think that it is a measure to be deprecated more than any other that was ever in practice or contemplation. It is a measure from which there is no hope for relief, from which no consolation can be derived, except those miserable expectations that the sufferings of others will exceed our own! It is demanded by the advocates of this measure, and demanded with a confidence, that seems assured of victory, “In the present situation of the country, what other measure than an embargo would be advisable?”—After all that has been said and written upon the subject, after such luminous arguments have been enforced by such splendid talents, a discussion upon the expediency of the measure will readily be dispensed with.
But we ask who brought the country in this situation? Here we are told that this inquiry will avail us but little, that it cannot afford relief, and that true patriotism will be discovered in supporting government in the present crisis, and not in complaining of the past measures of the administration. It has ever been the trick of men in power to identify themselves with the government, and to hold up those who expose their errors, as the enemies of their country. This trick has been practiced with success in this and other countries, for a time at least, but the voice of truth has at last been heard, and we trust it will be heard once more.
The source from whence all our present misfortunes (and those greater which hang over us) are to (and will be) be traced, is in that system of policy which has been pursued by the administration, by neglecting to place the country in a respectable state of defence, by gradual means, and before necessity should dictate the measure.
It required no depth of foresight to discover the course which the present contest in Europe would take. The spirit in which the war, (after the treaty of Amiens) commenced, was announced in terms too emphatick to be mistaken. If the nature of the war was not sufficient to awaken the vigilance of our administration, the information of an honest and able Minister abroad, deserved more consideration than it received. Early in the contest, this faithful servant advised of the course which it would take, and earnestly recommended a reliance to be placed in our own strength, rather than in the justice or moderation of other nations. A spectator of the mighty events which were daily passing before him, his vigilance could not be eluded, and his patriotism would not suffer him to observe them without apprehension for the fate of his own country, in which a very different sentiment prevailed—for at one time we were told that a just nation (like ours) would be trusted on its word; at another time we were told that we ought not to call forth our resources at every speck of war that appeared in the horizon; and so it was, that every measure that would produce expense, and come in conflict with a certain system of economy, was discountenanced at Washington—now mark the consequences—those indeed were foreseen, and foretold by those who accustomed themselves to adopt maxims of policy drawn from experience. The nations of Europe discovered that we were governed by men
who had determined to hazard the safety of the nation upon the success of their experiments. Sufficiently disposed to injustice, those nations scarcely preserved any shew of decency, until their aggressions reached a point that attacked the honour of the nation on the one hand, and threatened its independence on the other, exemplified in the attack on the Chesapeake, and Champagny's letter, besides a great deal more that might be enumerated, and much more that has not been disclosed.
Does any man suppose that the attack on the Chesapeake would have been made, if the system of defence commenced by Washington, and continued by Adams had been persevered in? No—Admiral Berkeley would have known that it would have drawn the vengeance of his nation upon him.—What the minister of Buonaparte might have done, cannot be imagined.—Buonaparte appears to be regulated by none of those maxims or rules, which are prescribed to other persons. But they all have one tendency, his own aggrandizement and the humiliation of other nations
There are many honest and well meaning politicians, who are opposed to naval and military preparations, under the idea that to be useful, their expense would exceed the ability of the country to bear them. The taxes which are imposed to meet the expenses of government do certainly take so much of the property or substance of the citizen. But the amount of those expenses in part return again into the mass of the wealth of the nation, whereas the property taken by the embargo system is lost altogether.
We would appeal to every class of citizens, and to each individual of every class, and ask him, if he believes that any system of taxation which it is presumable would have been adequate to placing the country in a most respectable state of defence, would have deprived him of as much of his substance or property as the embargo has already? For its full effects we would refer the reader to the speech of Mr. Quincy noticed in the commencement of these observations, a part of its effects must have been felt by every one.
Every day and hour increases the difficulties and distresses of the country, and from which we see no hope of relief but in a change of rulers. To complain of pain, and refuse to follow the advice of the physician, is little short of suicide—to complain of measures, and to continue confidence in those from whence those measures have proceeded, is little short of madness—We call not in question the purity of motives, but the wisdom of measures tested by experience. We believe, indeed we know that there are as honest men in the administration, and among those who support it, as among those who are opposed to it, but the former have mistaken the interests of the country, and a CHANGE IS NECESSARY TO THE UNION AND SAFETY OF THE NATION.
The following shews the mode of choosing Electors for President and Vice-President in the different states, with the number of votes in each.
   States  Votes.      NEW-HAMPSHIRE, general ticket,  7    MASSACHUSETTS—mode of electing not yet regulated by law, at the last election by general ticket,  19    RHODE-ISLAND, by general ticket,  4    CONNECTICUT, by the legislature,  9    VERMONT, by the legislature,  6    NEW-YORK, by do.  19    NEW-JERSEY, by general ticket,  8    PENNSYLVANIA, do.  20    DELAWARE, by the legislature,  3    MARYLAND, by districts,  11    VIRGINIA, general ticket,  23    NORTH-CAROLINA, by districts,  14    SOUTH-CAROLINA, by the legislature,  10    GEORGIA, by do.  6    KENTUCKY—This state is divided into two districts; the counties on the south side of Kentucky river elect four electors, and those on the north side the same number,  8    OHIO, by districts,  3    TENNESSEE, by do.  5    Votes,  175   
It is not expected that the federalists will make any attempt to elect a federal President and Vice-President at the next election; they will, however, have a respectable vote, and be able to determine who shall be elected from among the republicans. The following votes may be counted upon by the federalists:
   In Massachusetts (if elected by the legislature), 19   Connecticut, 9   New-York, 19   Delaware, 3   Maryland, 4   North-Carolina, 1   55  
Eighty-eight votes will elect, out of which the federalists have fifty-five. We have no data to form an opinion which of the republican candidates the federalists to the north will prefer.
DIED—On Wednesday last, after a short illness, MR. WILLIAM HILL, a native of Liverpool, and for many years past a grocer and boarding-house keeper in this Borough. He has left a distressed wife and five small children to lament his loss.

BEWARE OF TREACHERY!
A Boston paper of May 2, says, "We have it from good authority, that 80,000 muskets, inspected by order of the emperor of France, and thrown by as refuge, useless arms , were purchased last summer, at the rate of half a dollar each, and shipped to the United States."
On Thursday the 5th instant, the directors of the bank of Pennsylvania, unanimously elected Joseph Parker Norris , president, in the room of Samuel M. Fox , deceased.
By this morning's mail we have received from Boston, a very interesting pamphlet, being a letter from Col. Pickering to Gov. Sullivan, dated 22d ult. in answer to his of the 18th March. It takes up several topics of the politics of the present times, and handles them with a force and clearness peculiar to the writer. Col. Pickering states that when a little more time was requested, than the four hours in which the embargo was passed in the senate, Mr. Adams said—"The president has recommended this on his high responsibility. I would not consider—I would not deliberate—I would act. Doubtless the president possesses such further information, as will justify this measure." What blinder submission does Buonaparte exact from his legislature, or the Dey of Algiers from his Divan?
Of his calumniators he says to Gov. Sullivan, "Your reproaches, sir, and the reproaches of other men like you, detract nothing from my peace of mind. Improbis vituperari laudari est. And let me assure your excellency, that although this kind of praise will not make me vain, it will never make me angry."
Again: "I have hitherto treated the various calumnies invented and diligently published against me, with silent contempt. In one instance, indeed, some of my friends solicited my consent to a public prosecution. I yielded to their request. In my absence, the libeller was indicted, convicted and punished. And what can your excellency imagine to have been one ground taken by his counsel, in defence, or to mitigate the punishment of the libeller?—Wantonly and cruelly assailed as I have been in news-papers devoted to the vilest calumnies—slanders at this time renewed with increased virulence—shall I be charged with vanity if I mention it? It was to this effect, as stated to me soon after, by one of the counsel for the prosecution; that the counsel for the libeller urged before the court that the fairness of my character was so well known, and my reputation so firmly established, the libel could have done me no injury. —But, Sir, that trial was local; and perhaps the knowledge of the proceedings has reached but a few persons, while I have been slandered before the nation. Perhaps I have too long silently despised the calumnies and their authors. But at the present time a governor of the commonwealth of Massachusetts has lent himself to their aid."
He then carries a narrative of his political life down from the year 1767, to the present time; comprising its most material incidents in about ten pages.
We shall give further extracts to-morrow.
North American.
[We may form some idea of the ardor with which the late elections in New York was conducted, from the following extracted from the Report of a Committee appointed to prepare an address to the Citizens of Schenectady in the state of New York.]
"Grain and provisions, the staple articles of this part of the country, being alike the produce of every quarter of the globe, new sources of supply will open themselves to the enterprise of Great Britain and her colonies: and when once a stream has taken its direction in a certain channel it becomes difficult, perhaps impossible, afterwards to divert it from its course; at any rate a competition will be produced which will reduce the prices of our provisions and produce so much as must be very injurious to the agricultural interests of the country."
For what has the embargo been laid? One of the oldest and ablest of our statesmen has solemnly declared that he denies any man not in the secrets of the cabinet to tell. Mr. Jefferson does not tell—Col. Pickering declares he cannot tell—Congress do not tell; but to add insult to the distress of the measure every flippant sycophant retails out his unmeaning jargon as reasons most satisfactory for adopting it. The president recommends it as a measure of precaution, the committee of commerce and manufactures in congress recommended it as a measure for coercion to force Great Britain and France to respect our neutral rights. How the embargos to compel Buonaparte to respect neutral rights when he seems this to interfere with his determination to destroy Great Britain: and how the embargo, by quickly resigning to "Great Britain the undisturbed commerce of the ocean, whilst she can live without our provisions and obtain the raw materials for her manufactures elsewhere, whilst her manufactures from their excellence and the demand for them must find a way to every corner of the globe in spite of human power and ingenuity," remains for said committee to tell. Whether the motives for the recommendation and adoption of this pernicious measure are to be sought for in the depths of presidential wisdom, and passive obedience and blind credulity in the infallibility of a political pontiff; whether in the mazes of foreign intrigue and the corruption of foreign influence; whether in the fear of foreign power and internal timidity and weakness; whether in a design to secure power by arming our fears to raise a standing army; whether in the disordered brain of a bewildered philosopher for the purpose of trying a political experiment; whether in the bottom of a malignant heart to blast the labours of the heroes and worthies of our country and prostrate the last hopes of republican freedom, or whether the embargo is merely a political juggler to supply the place of first principle, or a temporary expedient to save the vessel of state a little longer, now tossed on a tempestuous sea without rudder or compass—Whether the embargo is the offspring of all or of any of these causes, it is to all intents and purposes, precisely such a measure (whatever its name) which all the nominal powers of Europe have been directed by their master to adopt for the purpose of excluding British commerce from their ports.
While such is the fact as to the effects of the embargo, and while the reasons for adopting the measure are so carefully hid from publick view in midnight darkness as incapable of bearing the light
from their odious deformity, and blasting nature; while from the high colouring promptitude and zeal with which every petty irregularity by the pettiest officer of the British navy is held up to publick view to impose upon our feelings and give a false bias to the publick judgment: and while, notwithstanding our relation with every petty tyrant of Barbary, and of every wandering tribe on our frontiers, pass in review in every annual presidential message, our relations with France, the arbiter of continental Europe, by its power, its tyranny, its philosophy and its intrigue, the scourge of man and the disturber of the nations have been past over for seven successive years in the most perfect silence; while such are the palpable facts from whence we are to judge, who that is left to judge by reasoning from effects to their cause, or judging of a tree by its fruits, cannot trace the embargo to its putrid source.
What judgment shall we form of our legislators? In the "Senate" says Mr. Pickering "these papers (communications from the president) were referred to a committee—The committee quickly reported a bill for laying an embargo, agreeable to the president's proposal. This was read a first, a second and a third time and passed: and all in the short compass of about four hours. We were hurried into the passage of the bill as if there was danger of its being rejected if we were allowed time to obtain further information and to consider a measure of such moment, of such universal concern; but these requests were denied—The president said the papers communicated by him to congress showed that great and increasing dangers threatened our vessels, our seamen and our merchandise; but these papers exhibited no new danger; none of which our merchants and our seamen had not been well apprized. The merchants and seamen could accurately estimate the dangers of continuing their commercial operations. The great number of vessels loading or loaded and prepared for sea—the exertions every where made on the first rumour of the embargo to dispatch them demonstrate the president's dangers to have been imaginary, to have been assumed." The picture drawn by this patriotic and accurate painter requires no explanation. Does any one imagine that if the president had directed them to place a crown upon the head of the nephew of the great Napoleon, the demand would have been less reluctantly complied with—Mute, tongue tied, aping Buonaparte's dumb legislature, with a silent vote, did they pass that act, that fatal act that was to sacrifice the earnings of industry, palsy enterprise, murder private credit, dissolve the plighted faith of man to man, torture human feeling, ruin peace of mind, reduce the affluent to beggary, grind the faces of the poor, and cause suffering humanity to do violence to justice by appropriating what ought to satisfy a just debt, to keep a fellow being from starving. These are not imaginary evils. They are melancholy realities. Instances of every one of them might be produced without number. But who that has eyes or ears stands in need of such evidence. Whoever doubts the evidence of his senses, will more readily doubt a statement of facts. Callous must that heart be that can witness the complicated existing evils without a pang. Insensibility fit only for a demon of darkness, must that man possess, who can add insult to injury by asserting the propriety, the utility and even the popularity of the measure: yet strange to tell such a being in human shape now and then shews himself.
Much does the president care for our seamen, our vessels and our merchandise! Merchants themselves were out of the question, out of the sphere of his philosophical consideration. He does not even name them in his message. They are only subjects to try his political experiments upon.—But the sailors the objects of his paternal solicitude—nay, even the British sailors, for whom lest search should be made by their own government on board of our merchant vessels, an advantageous British treaty is returned, they must be secured from danger at sea, to be starved on shore, or beg a wretched pittance at the hand of charity.
Under these circumstances it is fair, is it manly, impartial or honourable, officially to blazon forth every petty act of wrong of the meanest British navy officer, officially to ring upon it every charge which ingenuity can invent to catch the national feeling and arouse it against that nation, and even notwithstanding a disavowal of these acts of her agents, and a spontaneous offer of honorable reparation for the wrongs: whilst the affronts of her enemy are officially pocketed, her indignities and outrages of vastly greater enormity tamely submitted to and passed over in silence. Such conduct whilst it provokes pity and contempt from the one nation leads from insult to aggression by the other. Nay so bold has our tame compliance with every imperial decree rendered the tyrant of France that without ceremony he assumes the reins of government and ventures on the highest act of sovereign power, that of declaring war for us. Away with the name of independence when the reality has not a being. If we submit to lick the dust under Buonaparte's feet we are unable to beard the British lion.
The interest of the country, the voice of the nation is for peace—A fair, manly, impartial neutrality. Our situation is such we cannot help being affected by the two great contending powers of Europe.—When we reflect what they are, and what we are, our situation is truly critical. Behold continental Europe, France has destroyed by her power, corrupted by her intrigues, and poisoned by her philosophy to such a degree that every power on the continent of Europe, at this moment, lies prostrate at her feet groaning under the most execrable tyranny. Who is ignorant of this? who does not know that Great Britain is maintaining a manly contest for her very existence, her religion, her liberty, her law? Who does not acknowledge that the British navy alone stands between us and the iron grasp of Buonaparte; who among us believes that if Britain falls we shall maintain our independence.
Is it meant by this chicane to fleece us, to draw us into a French alliance more destructive than her power, to Frenchify our morals, religion and our feelings, the better to fit us for the Gallic yoke. Fellow-citizens! Pause. Though the yoke has been long preparing, it is not riveted on your necks. You are on the verge of destruction. We beseech you to pause before you take the fatal leap. Retreat from the precipice before the fatal blast sweeps you off—one way of retreat is still left, one only way. Dismiss your unworthy servants that have been leading you blindfold to destruction. A momentous election is approaching on its vast results depend. Remember that the state legislators you choose at
the approaching election appoint the electors who choose the president and vice-president of the United States for four years ensuing the 4th of March 1809. Remember that they also choose your council of appointment who appoint the judges on your bench, your civil and military officers.
Fellow-Citizens, You call yourselves christians—Be so in reality not in name only. Recur to the fountain of truth for your politics as well as your religion, your duty is there pointed out as with a sun beam. The characters you ought to choose are therein delineated with such exactness as cannot be mistaken, and the inevitable consequences of your choice; you are directed therein to choose "out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness. " The mouth of wisdom declares unto you the consequences of your choice "when the righteous are in authority the people rejoice: but when the wicked bear rule, the people mourn. By the blessings of the upright the city is exalted; but is overthrown by the mouth of the deceitful." Listen to the words of the son of Jesse an honourable and a mighty prince in the last moments of his days. He declares them to be the words of the almighty, "he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God—and he shall be as the light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds: as the tender grass springing out of the earth by the clear shining of the sun after rain."
The time has been you rejoiced in the blessings of peace, in the comforts of plenty. During the administration of Washington and Adams your fields brought forth abundance and you found a ready market for your produce. The farmer and the labourer, the merchant and the mechanick rejoiced together. The murmuring of want were not heard in your land. The nations of the earth wondered, and admired your happy condition. The adoption of the constitution was hailed as a new era in the science of government. No sooner had democratic hands assumed the reins than the fair prospect became obscured, your sky began to lower. For seven years has the political gloom been thickened into darkness, Egyptian darkness that is now felt.—The storm has begun to burst—the voice of mourning is now heard from one extremity of the union to the other, and to finish the scene a foreign despot dictates peace and war to you.
We conjure you before it is too late, make conscience of improving the talent committed to your care—the privilege of choosing your own legislators and rulers. It is not a matter of indifference whether you vote at the approaching election or not; you are required to occupy, not to bury your talent in the earth. Your own good, the good of that society of which you are a member require it. Ignorant and vicious legislators will enact pernicious laws and make an improper choice of officers to rule over you. Be Americans, sacrifice party distinction for the good of your country—avoid sycophants, office hunters; and follow not the advice of persons to whom you would not trust in the management of your private affairs. Be assured he that fears not God will not regard man—Vote for men who will make conscience of enacting wholesome laws and making a judicious choice in their elections."
BOSTON, May 3. COMMERCE.
On the 18th of March, in the British House of Commons, leave was given for a bill for allowing his majesty to permit the importation of goods from countries from which the flag of Great Britain is excluded, under any flag whatever.
It has been stated in the British Parliament, that the emperor Alexander, during his war with Buonaparte, suffered a direct commercial intercourse between his ports and those of France, in Russian bottoms.
A gentlemen who left Lisbon on the 7th of March, states, that individuals who might be delinquent in paying their proportion of the late French requisition, were threatened with being punished with death.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED. Ship Trent, Lander, 10 days from Salem, Wine, Oil, &c. to the master. Schooner Sylvia, Lewis, 12 days from Boston. Schooner Industry, Decoste, 4 days from Newbedford. Schooner Cyrus, Howes, 5 days from Boston.
Neburypourt, May 1. Arrived brig Hermon, Chase, from Trinity (Martinique.) Left, April 1, brig Nancy, Adams of Boston, condemned as unseaworthy. She was loaded and nearly ready for sea, when she sprung aleak, and was obliged to discharge her cargo—the government ordered a survey, and pronounced her as unseaworthy; the only American vessel there. An English brig and schooner were continually in Trinity Bay. Two French brigs of 16 guns, 24 pound cannonades, were lying at Trinity; one at Marin, and one at Fort de France. Was boarded off Trinity by the British brig Superior, ordered on board with my papers, had several letters broken open.—April 3, between Deseada and Point Chateaco, was boarded from the British sloop of war Lilly, capt. Sheriffe, then at anchor at Deseada, (which they had taken possession of 28th March,) with the Express brig. The boarding lieutenant treated me with great rudeness, and brought me under the guns of the Express, at 8, P. M. In the morning went on shore with my papers, which were examined by capt. Sheriffe, who treated me very politely, and permitted to proceed. April 17, lat. 32. 7, long. 68. 44, was boarded from H. M. frigate Ville de Milan, 44, Sir Robert Laurie, (formerly a French frigate, and blockaded in Trinity in 1804.) 4 days from the Chesapeake, and ordered on board with my papers, detained 2 hours, & treated politely. The officers expressed fears of an American war, but were in hopes all our affairs would be amicably adjusted. Prices at Trinity—Beef 35 to 40 dollars; flour 25; pork 50; butter 75; lard 50; bacon 50; and very scarce—produce very plenty and low.
Neucomt's Packet will sail for New-York on Tuesday next. May 13.
NOTES OF HAND,
according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.
Will be Sold to the highest bidder, on MONDAY the 16th instant, at the Dwelling-House of the late Phinehas Dana, Esq. deceased, All his Household and Kitchen FURNITURE,
Several very valuable House Servants, an elegant Philadelphia made Coach, with plated Harness nearly new; two handsome Bay Horses, well matched and well broke; a very good Driver, and a valuable Ship Carpenter. The terms will be made known on the day of sale.
The DWELLING-HOUSE of the deceased is offered for rent—also, that occupied by Wright Southgate, Esq.—A House in Bermuda-Street, lately occupied by Mr Allan Gorham—A House in Wide Water-Street—A Store on Commerce-Street wharf, and one half of the Wharf known by the name of Gorham's wharf. JAMES YOUNG, Adm'r. May 6.
A. F. DU SEIN, & CO. No. 26, Market-Square, offers to sell at reduced prices, by the piece or by the yard, for Cash only, India Cottons of every description, Cambricks, Linens, English and German Osnaburghs, Gingham, 3-4 and 4-4 Calicoes, Chambrais, Stockings, Thread, Pins, Mock Madras, White and Printed Jeans, Muslins, Book Muslins, Lens, Silk and Laced Cambrick Shawls, Silk Handkerchiefs, French and English Superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Silk Umbrellas, Cotton do. Blue and Yellow Nankeen, and a great variety of other articles too tedious to be described. Also,
24 casks Bordeaux Claret, 60 gallons, 2 do Vin de Grave, 36 do. 50,000 Corks for Bottles, 300 Kheams Writing Paper, and a few baskets of Sweet Oil. May 13.
A NEGRO WOMAN for Sale. She is an excellent Cook and House Servant—Price 300 dollars, Cash. Apply at the Ledger Office. May 13.
York County Court, April 18, 1808. Ordered, That Thomas Griffin, Gawin L. Corbin, and Peyton Southall, gentlemen, be appointed Commissioners to let to the lowest bidder at the expense of this County, the building of a CLERK'S OFFICE as soon as possible, for the use of the said County, on the publick square in the town of York, on the plan and of the dimensions following, viz—The House to be of brick and covered with slate or tile, 20 by 12 feet in the clear, 10 feet pitch in the clear, a chimney, a brick floor, and a passage at the entry; two and an half bricks thick to the water table, and two bricks thick above—the wood work where not to be nearly painted; bond with approved security for the due and faithful performance of this work of the undertaker is to be taken, and returned by the said commissioners to this Court. Copy, Attest, S. Shields, Jun. C. Y. C.
The Commissioners above named are anxious to proceed in the execution of the above order, as early as possible, and will be glad to receive proposals for the erection of the building mentioned in the preceding order immediately. Thomas Griffin, Gawin L. Corbin, Peyton Southall, Com'rs. York Town, 9th May, 1808. 3w
FRANCIS SMITH, Offers for Sale on moderate terms, 40 punch. choice Grenada RUM, A few puncheons old Antigua, 2 pipes fourth proof old Cognac Brandy, 5 do London particular Madeira Wine, 4 hnds and 30 barrels Muscovado Sugar, 5000 wt Green Coffee; 70 boxes Spanish Segars, 25 boxes 10 by 12 Window Glass, 20 do Mould Candles; 12 do Soap, 1 case 7-8 Irish Linen; 1 do Hats, 240 barrels and 50 half barrels superfine Flour, 47 kegs Crackers, and 35 dozen old L. P. Madeira Wine. May 11.
Just landed from on board the schooner Ploughboy, Capt. Hull, from Charleston, 50 tierces fresh RICE, 15 Bales Upland COTTON—For Sale by GEORGE RAINCOCK. May 11.
WANTED, 3000 bushels CORN. JAMES HERRON. May 11.
WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received from Baltimore and Philadelphia, a handsome assortment of SPRING GOODS, which with their goods on hand, comprise a large and general assortment, and they will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash only. May 9.
WHITE JEANS, &c. Just Received A few pieces very fine White JEANS, Real Patent NANKKEENS, Best NAVY CLOTHS, and fashionable BUTTONS. For Sale by WOOD & HASTINGS. May 9.
Just received and for Sale by T. DYOTT, No. 89, Main-Street, A fashionable assortment of Jewellery, Consisting of Ear-Rings, Necklaces, Bracelets, Brooches, Finger Rings, Watch Chains, &c &c—Also, some Cutlery, Perfumery, Windsor Soap, Wash Balls, Tooth Brushes, Toilet Powder, Playing Cards, &c. May 9.
LABOURERS WANTING. The President and Directors of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company want to hire for the ensuing season, a number of Hands to work on the Canal; they will be provided with good wholesome food, and the usual quantity of whiskey per diem—liberal wages will be given, and their wages paid at the end of every month. Apply to Richard Blow, William Cammack, or Samuel Proctor, Overseer. May 6.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, At the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz— 8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1-2d lb. 6d. Nails, 9 1-2d 4d. do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d. do. 2s. 3d. or 12d Sheathing, 7 1-2d 6d. Sprigs, 4s. 6d per M. 5d. do. 2s. 9d 2d. and 3d. do. 2s. 3d He offers also for cash only— HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thos. Seaman.

RICHARD & JOHN TAYLOR, Have received by the Ship Rolla, Captain Garey, from London, A few Packages of GOODS, suitable for the season. They have also on Hand, Cambrick; common and furniture Calicoes; plain and striped Dimities, White and coloured Jeans; Irish Linens, Sheetings and Cot- ton Shirtings; London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 4-4 and 6-4 Cambrick Muslins; Ginghams, Silk and Cotton Chambrys, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Gloves and Hosiery, of all kinds, Sacking, Oznaburgs, and Brown Rolls, Pipes by the box, and Copperas by the barrel, And an assortment of HARDWARE, NAILS, &c. all of which they will sell low for Cash, or undoubted Paper at Sixty Days—Also for Sale, 150 barrels NEW PORK, 50 kgs Lard; Old Jamaica Rum and Sugar. May 6. 1m
EDUCATION.
MISS FLETCHER, Respectfully informs the public that she intends opening SCHOOL on Monday the 8th instant, in that healt- hy and pleasantly situated House, No. 9, at the corner of Holt and Chapel-Streets, where she will give Lessons to a few young Ladies in the following branches of Female Edu- cation—Reading, Writing, Grammar, Geography, Arith- metick, Marking, Flowering, Lace-Work, Tambouring, Embroidery, Filligree, Drawing, and Painting—Miss F will take but a small number of pupils, and to the morals, manners, and improvement, every necessary attention shall be paid. May 6. 3w
A STRAY COW.
Came to my place near Fort Norfolk, about 12 months ago, a large RED COW; she has lately had a Calf, and may now be of some use to the owner, who is required to prove his property, pay expenses, and take her away. Francis S. Taylor. May 6. 3w
SHOES.
E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main-Street, Has received per Schooner President, and is now opening a supply of Ladies' Morocco & Kid SLIPPERS, Misses' Kid, Velvet, and Morocco do. ALSO, by appointment, Byrne's celebrated incomparable JA- PAN VARNISH, for Boots and Shoes. This composition unrivalled for its excellence, as well as be- ing highly beneficial to the leather, produces the most beau- tiful shining black ever beheld. May 4. tf 1500 sacks SALT, Liverpool filled, 6000 bushels do. loose, and 30 crates Earthenware—For Sale on board the Ship Salem, by A. Machure. May 6. tf
Military LANDS for Sale.
1100 acres of LAND lying in the State of Ohio, on the waters of the Little Miami, in two different surveys—The subscriber having seen the Land, can affirm that there is no Land in that State superior to it in point of fertility, situation or climate. Any person wishing to purchase the above Land will know the terms by applying to CHARLES SNEAD, living in Northampton, Eastern- Shore, Virginia. May 2. 8*
TIMBER.
The following Timber is wanted for the Navy Yard at Gosport—Persons disposed to furnish it will be pleased to make immediate application to Theo. Armistead, N. A.
   To be marked Feet    A 6 Gurdur Beams —47—10 by 12  B 40 Joists —36— 3 12  C 40 do. —18— 3 12  D 7 Gurdurs —30—12 12  E 7 do. —20—12 12  F 7 do. —38—12 12  G 7 do. —48—12 12  H 20 do. —40—12 14  I 20 do. —28—12 14  K 30 do. —36— 3 12  L 35 do. —33— 4 12  M 76 Principal Rafters —30— 4 10 & 4 by 6  N 38 Collar Beams —28— 4 9  O 46 Peasants —33— 4 5  P 40 do. —24— 4 5  R 186 Jack Rafters —30— 3 5  S 186 do. —20— 3 5  T 186 do. —24— 3 6  W 16 do. KP —16— 4 10  Y 35 Plait —33— 4 12    The above Timber must be of Heart Pine or Poplar. April 29. tf
ADVERTISEMENT.
A good Price will be given for the First Vol. of the History of France, BY GIFFORD. This Book was sent to the late Mr. Mirick to be bound, and sold at Auction with the rest. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 29. tf
STOLEN from a House in this Borough, about the 15th or 16th instant,
TWO TABLE SPOONS, both marked T. M. G. in a cypher. Any person that will inform the Editor of this paper where the Spoons can be obtained, shall be well rewarded. N. B. Silversmiths and others are requested to stop them if offered for sale. April 25. tf
On Hand, A few qr. casks of choice Teneriffe WINE, And a few kegs fresh Dutch HERRINGS—For sale by the Subscriber. Moses Myers. April 25. tf
STOLEN, A SILVER CANDLESTICK, Stamped on the base J. Lowes. The negro woman who it suspected took it about a fortnight since, may have offered it for sale or pawn for rum, of which she is very fond—FIVE DOLLARS will be given to the person who may bring it to the Office of the Ledger. April 22. tf
NORFOLK RACES, Over the New Bridge Course, will commence on MONDAY the 6th of June, free for any Horse, Mare, or Gelding, (ex- cept those owned by Burwell Wilkes, of Brunswick County, Virginia, or in which he may be interested in the running of) agreeable to the weights of the New-Market Course, and the rules of the course.
FIRST DAY. A Post Sweepstakes for 3 and 4 year Colts— weight for age—one mile heats—50 Dollars entrance. SECOND DAY. A Purse of 400 Dollars—four mile heats—30 Dollars entrance—weight for age. THIRD DAY. A Purse of 100 Dollars—one mile heats—the best three in five, with each weight—10 dollars entrance. FOURTH DAY. A Purse of 200 Dollars—two mile heats—20 Dollars entrance—weight for age. A SADDLE and BRIDLE will be run for eve- ry afternoon during the Races. Proof of the Horses ages will be required—Entrance made with Col. Kemp, at the Exchange, by 8 o'Clock, P. M. each day. The Course is well enclosed with a high fence, and so ditched as to secure its being in good order. R. H. COCKE, & CO. May 9. tdr
PRO BONO PUBLICO. Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Black- ing, prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beau- tifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but by experi- ence; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recom- mended to sportsmen and gentlemen who are much exposed to the wet, as it will effectually prevent the water from pen- etrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the very last, giving it also a beau- tiful jet black gloss.
Where also may be had, THE IMPERIA WASH, For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of saddles, and tops of boots—$1.50. A quantity of Patent Medicines. Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops; Dr. Robinson's Elixir of Health and Wine Bitters; Lee's Worm Destroying Lozenges; Lee's Ointment for the cure of the itch in once using; Anderson's Pills, &c. &c. Any person wishing to have any of the above articles to sell again may be supplied by applying immediately to T. DYOTT, No 89, Main-Street May 9. 3
Ten Dollars Reward. RANAWAY from the Subscriber on the 29th of last month, a French Mulatto Girl named SOPHIA, about 16 years of age. I will give the above reward to any person or persons that will deliver her to me. BOBE, No 82, Main-Street. May 9. 3
FOR RENT, The STORE-HOUSE on Main-Street, lately occupied by Hunter & Gatewood, immediate posses- sion may be had. Apply to John Nivison. May 6. 6
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg , of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all per- sons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17. tf
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2. tf
FOR SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4. tf
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8. tf
FOR RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-Street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
FOR SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse— For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Of- fice of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25. tf
FOR RENT, That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at pre- sent occupied by Mr. Stephen Hanis. Also, That convenient House, where Mr. Cornelius Calvert formerly lived; they have very fine gar- dens and all convenient out-houses—possession may be had on the first day of May next, on application to James Tucker. April 13. tf
Mackinder & White, Have just received from on board the Schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Ticklenburgs, superfine Cloths, Gentlemen's Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 15. tf
FOR SALE, An elegant and fine toned HARP, made in Paris, and lately imported, with spare strings, and a large collection of MUSICK; the price 250 dollars. Ap- ply at the Ledger Office. May 6. tf
ENGLISH GOODS.
Appleton & Co.
By the John Adams, St. Johns, from Liverpool, No. 16, Calvert-Street, Baltimore, have received their regular sup- ply of GOODS, calculated for the present and approach- ing season, Cambrick and Common Callicoes, Plain and striped Dimities; Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans; Furniture Chintz; do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths; do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres; patent Nankeens, Cords; Grandurells; Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambrick Muslins, Japan, Haricord, and Check do. plain and figured Mull do. Leno, Victory, and Riddle Muslin; coloured do. do. do. 4-4 plain Book do.; Ginghams; Silk do. Sattins, Persians, and Sarsnets; Bonnet Silks; Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs; Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, do. Braces, do. Laces and Footings, do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks; Buttons; Birmingham Ware In Store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted pa- per at 60 days. April 15. 10
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Allum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7. tf
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Matras Ticking, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26. tf
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA, will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf
For SALE, On board the ship Dammascotta, Robert Duckendorff, master, at Commerce-Street Wharf, Coarse Liverpool SALT, St. Vincent's RUM and MOLASSES. Moses Myers. April 15. tf
FOR RENT. The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Blanchard. April 7. tf
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street March 30. tf
A WET NURSE FOR SALE.
A Strong NEGRO WOMAN, with a good breast of Milk, and her Boy six weeks old—The Woman is used to washing, ironing, and house-work.
ALSO, A NEGRO WOMAN, an excellent Cook and House Servant. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 22. tf
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has esta- blished
A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY. For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those will be well served who choose to promote an in- stitution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.
New SHOES from New-York, as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.
VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt the most elegant made in the United States. Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he be- lieves there are very gentlemen who cannot be fitted. A few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cot- tons; Brown Sugar, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. April 25. tf
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just re- ceived from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality.
Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound cannifers, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiv- ing from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. tf
COW-POCK.
The Subscriber informs those who wish to be vaccinated, that a parcel of fresh matter lately received from Philadelphia, has succeeded, and is now fit to inocu- late from. George Balfour. April 20. 1m
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18. tf
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808. Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs. Against Mary Scaler, widow and devisee for life of John Scaler, deceased, Richard and William S. Scaler, sons and devisees of the said John Scaler, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb an infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Scaler, deceased, and as execu- tor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Scaler, deceased, Defendants. On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: It is ordered, that the said defend- ant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and an- swer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
CASH for Warwick STAVES. Moses Myers. April 20. tf 6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Machure. March 2. tf
NOTICE. I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS, deceas- ed, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admr'x. December 9. tf
AT PRIVATE SALE, BY S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26. tf
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18. tf
6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat. IN STORE, 35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 100 hogsheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 30 tierces London Brown Stout, 20 hogsheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Macina Wine, fit for use, 600 ready made Check Shirts; 20 hds. Petersburg Tobacco, 50 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Hermitage For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. February 6. tf
Thirty Dollars Reward. RANAWAY from the Subscriber on the 22d of last month, a bright mulatto, named CALEB, about 24 years of age, bow legged; he has a red mark upon his neck just below his right ear, (as well as I can recollect) I will give the above reward to any person or persons that will se- cure the said negro so that I get him again, and if delivered to me all reasonable charges shall be paid. H. PITTS. Northampton, Eastern Shore, Virg April 11, 1808. 7*
NORFOLK, April 25, 1808. MR. GEORGE REID, Sir—Take notice that I shall make the deposition of Ma- thew Hubbard, senior, at the office of Robert B. Taylor, at- torney at law, in Norfolk, between the hours of ten in the morning and four in the afternoon of Friday the 27th day of May next, to be used in a suit depending in the Borough Court of Norfolk, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defend- ant. This notice is given in this mode, as you do not reside within the State of Virginia, and have no known agent or at- torney within the state to whom notice can be given. I am, your obedient servant, Im TILDSLEY GRAHAM.
The following prices will be given in Cash for 500 or 600 cords of BARK, deliverable at my Tan Yard, Spanish Oak, - $ 6 per cord, Willow or Water do. 5 Red do. 4 Young White do. 3 50 Beach Bark, - 3 50 With a view to prevent disappointment to those who pur- chase this article, arising from the uncertainty of the quantity which may be brought to market, I will receive all which may be delivered at my landing before the first day of June, provided it be well cured and in good order. Theoderick Armistead. April 4. 2m
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR. Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.