Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-07-20 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE And PUBLICK LEDGER  INT REGIAM SUB PRÆMATIÆ
[VOL. V.]
WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 20, 1808.
NO. 2.]
Dr. Tissot's celebrated Gout and Rheumatick Drops.
The Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, and the various disorders of the same nature, are so exquisitely painful, and so difficult to be cured, that they have justly excited the attention of the medical profession. Some professional gentlemen have excelled in one department of the sciences; others in another. Dr. Tissot particularly has long been renowned for the superiority of his prescriptions in chronic diseases, and the length of time which elapsed during his sole attention to the nature and effects of these affections, rendered the medicines which he recommended of invaluable importance. The beneficial effects of these drops, have been so often experienced, and their extraordinary efficacy has been attested by witnesses so numerous and so unimpeachable, that incredulity itself cannot doubt the virtue of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops. Large quantities have already been vendred, and the sale is now being extended, general, and their certainty in curing the disorders of a chronic nature is so completely ascertained, that certificates of their unbounded utility are now unnecessary. Testimonies of their value, and a volume of attested cases performed by them, may be seen upon application at T. W. Drett's genuine Drug and Patent Medicine Warehouse, No. 57, South Second-street, Philadelphia.  The price of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, is only two dollars per bottle, with copious directions.  Generous allowances made to those who buy to sell again.  Of the many respectable testimonies of the effects of the above Drops, which have been received by the proprietor, we beg leave to annex the following:
Certificate of General Ridgely of Hampton.
I certify that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply to Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the directions, they effected a perfect cure. Another time my wrist was affected with rheumatism to such a degree, as to render my hand for the time useless, when on application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder in the course of twenty-four hours was entirely removed.
I therefore, from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it a most effectual act to recommend it in similar cases to others.
Certificate of John Gibson, Esq. one of the Directors of the First Bank of Maryland.
I certify that about a year since, my foot received an injury by a fall, in a few hours after it was affected with a most excruciating pain, for which I was unable to walk, with crutches. I was apprehensive that this accident would induce a severe fit of the gout, with which I had been frequently attacked. In this situation one of my friends highly recommended a dose of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops; I immediately procured them and made the application; in less than three hours the pain entirely abated, which had been so severe, as to deprive me of sleep for several nights. By a few further applications, a perfect cure was effected. I have frequently used in other cases, both after them myself, and recommended them to others with invariable success.
Certificate of Mrs. Mary Taylor.
I, Mary Taylor, No. 135, Plumb Street, Philadelphia, aged upwards of seventy years, having been afflicted with very violent rheumatick pains for more than eight years, being recommended to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatick Drops, on only using half a bottle every rheumatick affection was completely removed, and I have continued free from all pain ever since; as witness my hand.
MARY TAYLOR The above drops are sold wholesale and retail only by BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co. Norfolk.
DR. ROBERTSON'S Patent Stomachick Wine Bitters.
Celebrated and well known for their superior qualities in reforming weak constitutions, destroying Worms, cleansing and strengthening, giving a proper tone to the stomach, and increasing the appetite—a frequent use of them is a certain preventative against those complaints so common in the spring and fall. Such as intermitting fevers, agues, autumnal fevers, dysenteries, &c. &c. They are particularly serviceable to those who make long sea voyages, and are exposed to unhealthy climates, as a powerful preservative against contagious disorders.
PRO BONO PUBLICO. Patent Water-Proof Brunswick Blacking.
prepared with oil, which softens, preserves, and beautifies the leather. Words cannot set forth its just praise, nor can its transcendent qualities be truly known, but by experience; it is especially calculated for, and particularly recommended to sailors and gentlemen who are much exposed to the wet—Viz for cleaning Harnefs, as it will effectually prevent the water from penetrating, preserve the leather from cracking, and render it supple and pleasant to the touch last, giving it also a beautiful jet black gloss, a proof of which may be seen at the warehouse.
The above Blacking is prepared and sold only by T. W. DYOTT, at his Medical Warehouse, No. 11, North Second Street, Philadelphia; sold also by his appointment, at BONSAL, CONRAD, & Co's Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVELL & CONRAD's, Petersburg.
Where also may be had, The IMPERIAL WASH, And new invented LIQUID,
For taking out stains, and preserving the quality and colour of suicides, and tops of boots. May 20. law1v
Norfolk Drawbridge.
The Directors have declared a dividend of Fifty Six Cents on the Stock of this Company, for the half year ending the 10th inst. which will be paid to the Stockholders or their legal representatives after the 10th August next.
William Cammack, Treasurer. July 13. if
On Hand, A few qr. casks of choice Teneriffe WINE,
And a few kegs fresh Dutch HERRINGS.—For sale by the Subscriber. Moses Myers. April 25. if
LANDING This Day from the schooner Adventure and brig Eliza,
55 hlids. sup. qual. Muscovado Sugar, 34 do. and 40 quarter casks particular Teneriffe WINE—For Sale by Moses Myers. July 6. if
1500 sacks SALT, Liverpool filled,
6000 bushels do. loose, and 30 crates Earthenware—For Sale on board the Ship Sichen, by A. Maclure. May 6. if
LETTER II. To the Editor of the North American.
SIR, I even trust it will not be forgotten or denied, that the prominent features of that policy by which our government was regulated, under the federal administrations prescribed the necessity, that in order to maintain an honorable peace, we should always be prepared, in some degree, for war. The experience of all ages has proved, from the wickedness of human nature, as individuals of society are unable to obtain justice from all those who surround them, except by some union or law to enforce it; so it has also more clearly proved, that no nation has ever been able to obtain the justice of others, except by some plisical force to command it.  The present political state of the world particularly illustrates this principle. Even the justice of Heaven, or the servility of slaves, would not shield us from the insults and oppression of the present European powers. Holland, Italy, Switzerland, Genoa, Portugal, and many others, had committed no injustice towards the French nation, but still they were overpowered; subjected, in the first instance, to heavy contributions, and now doomed to a tyrant's oppression. Hamburg and Bremen had done nothing to offend the power of France; but their wealth was a sufficient alluremeut to the avarice of human nature supported by power; repeated and heavy contributions were levied upon them, and they are now also doomed to that degree of bondage which may suit the emperor of France.—Prussia had not only avoided any injustice towards France; but, thro' avarice and a fancied security in the pretended friendship, she was even treacherous towards other nations. She promoted the overgrown power of France upon the unjust destruction of her neighbouring governments; and afterwards became a victim to it. Such is the picture of the wicked propensities of human nature in all ages, drawn from the practice of a few years.
Under these impressions, founded upon the experience of more remote ages, our illustrious Washington took the earliest opportunity, after the establishment of the federal government, to recommend also the establishment of some means of national defence.
This was accordingly commenced in a small military and naval arrangement; which being regulated by the wisdom of congress, was gradually progressing during the whole of the federal administration, without butthening the nation with the expense of a large army, nor yet leaving us entirely destitute of some individuals acquainted with the art of war, a small number of troops was considered necessary for the double purpose of inducing some men of talents to enter upon a military life, and as a school for these officers; while it might also be considered as so much towards the nautical defence. The peculiar advantage of this arrangement would appear, by diffusing military skill thro' a large body of troops, which a sudden case of emergency might require to be raised; and which, without some such arrangement, would be, for a long time, little better than an armed mob. The militia throughout the union, deriving instruction from the same general fund, when called to the field, would more rapidly acquire the qualifications of soldiers. A system thus operated upon, affords the means of defence upon the most economical scale; and also evades the danger to be apprehended from large standing armies; nor could such armies be so effectual a defence on account of the extension of our territory.
Many other things were attributed to the federal administration in regard to the army establishment, with a view to stigmatize their measures. When the insults of France made a provisional army necessary as a means of defence, this was proclaimed, as a step towards the assumption of power by the government. But as that army was both raised and when the case of danger had subsided, it was disbanded by the same party, the illiberal abuse reflected upon them, must now be considered, by the honest citizens, only as a deceitful exertion to remove them from office.
It might also be objected, by those who are warped into the confidence with France, (and many such are found amongst our democratiack citizens, from other countries) that the measure was useless; because these men were never called into action. To this there is a ready answer. It ever was the maxim of a wise man to place himself in such a posture of defence, that his enemies would not dare to attack him. Washington recommended a force to quell the Western Insurrection, which put it beyond a doubt, that they would make no resistance; and thus saved the lives of our citizens on both sides.—But Jefferson recommended a Mediterranean squadron so weak, that after the destruction of many brave Americans, it was found insufficient for the purpose intended. The consequence was, that a much longer and more expensive equipment was made necessary, than would have been sufficient in the first instance.
It should be observed, however, that the neglect of the army arrangement, was not so material as the destruction of the arrangement for the navy. Our small naval establishment was commenced by the building of a few frigates, and the appropriation of a small sum annually to the purchase of such materials, as would enable us to enlarge our force, with the greatest dispatch, at a subsequent period, when occasion might require it. This gradual increase, though so trivial in each year as to be imperceptible to any individual, (perhaps not exceeding four cents per head throughout the union) would have been, at this time, of such importance as to enable us to command that neutrality to which we are entitled. If to the force thus gradually to have been acquired, we add the saving to the nation which would have resulted from a moderate protection of our commerce, by a firm resistance of the encroachments upon it, carried on with impunity, and to the great profit of belligerents for many years; and also to these add the amount of loss occasioned by the present inability to maintain our neutral independence, which loss cannot be less than one half the annual exports of domestick produce, say only twenty millions, besides the loss of commercial profits for the time, and the loss of our valuable seamen, the whole will represent a force so formidable, that even the gigantic power of France or Great Britain, would gladly purchase our neutrality at a high price, in preference to bringing us into the contest against either of them. Our weight in either scale, would have given it a decided preponderance; and thus we might have had our choice of both, or neither. In this estimation I have not included the weight which our commerce would command; and the loss to arise from a continuation of our present national degradation.
The objection that all naval arrangements should be discontinued, because we are unable to cope with the power of Britain, will by no means apply to the interest of America. There is a wide difference between a force calculated for conquest and naval combat, and a force only calculated for commercial defence. In one case fleets of armed vessels appear at sea with a view of breaking the maritime power of their enemies; in the other they only appear as the guards of commerce. And should some of them occasionally be lost, the nation would derive a full remuneration in the property protected by them.—The loss of property captured unjustly, is certainly much greater than the expense of a few armed vessels, and the loss of some of them occasionally; which loss never could happen, unless we were at open war. But to protect our dignity is the greatest security for peace.
The effect of the federal policy from 1790 to 1798, when we had scarcely commenced our maritime defence, and when the depredations upon our commerce both by France and England was carried to the greatest possible extent, should clearly prove what would have been the effect of a continuation of that policy. England was immediately brought into a treaty, by which our neutrality was secured, and restitution was made for illegal captures.—France, it is true, either despising our insignificant force, or calculating upon our submission, continued her lawless depredations upon our commerce.—But the government of a free and independent nation, discovering that an appeal to the honor of France availed us nothing, made an immediate appeal to our arms. The consequence was that after a short combat, by which France discovered herself in an unprofitable contest, and which increased as our force was augmented against her, a treaty was obtained on honourable terms—and thus securing our neutrality we continued in uninterrupted prosperity, until we were arrested by the effect of a change in the politics of our general government; nor did this effect appear so evidently until some time after the change had taken place. The progressive insults and encroachments upon our national dignity, was the progressive consequence of abandoning those principles which had bought and maintained them; or in other words, the consequence of altering the principles and practice of our government.
In this short consideration, I have endeavoured to measure my argument upon the principles of nature; and as it must evidently prove, upon the greatest human certainty, that a continuation of the federal policy, would have brought us to this period in peace with all the world, provided us a national defence, increased our publick and private affluence, and raised us to the highest degree of national dignity; so it shall be more clearly proved, in another argument, founded upon the same calculation, that the very policy of our present rulers has been directly such as could only invite piratical imposition, national insult, and the humiliating consideration of being thus driven from our rights in the high road of nations.
It would certainly be unfair to measure the value of any policy by one year's experience only. We must retrace the whole. We must now commence with the embargo measure; but fairly consider those which lead to it. But even this dreadful measure, under the circumstances, and in the manner in which it is imposed, shall clearly appear, in my next, only as a continuation of that destructive policy, which has nearly sealed our national degradation.
them certain supplies and sources of wealth, independent, in some measure, of their rivals the French and English. Thus this disastrous era found the Dutch masters of the Cape of Good Hope, Java, Surinam, &c.
North America is not such a country as Holland was; our possessions are contiguous, and may be explored and defended by the inhabitants. The native produce of our lands would always prove a sufficient source of wealth, if your industry was not restrained by those unnecessary and fatal non-importation and non-exportation laws, dictated by private interest, and the fear of offending his imperial and royal majesty, the false protector of traitorous confederacies, who has condescendingly undertaken to aid us to enforce them.
The fact is, the belligerents have cut off this fungus of our trade from one belligerent possession to the other; and those particularly employed and interested in it, have revenged themselves not on their rivals or the enemies of their country, but on you, the farmers and planters, by cutting off, in their turn, that trade which almost singly concerns you. In vain do they refer to the orders of the British council of 1807, to justify their hostility towards you. They did not wait for them, they anticipated these orders; but had they not been actuated by the most sordid motives, and the most inexcusable partiality for the protector of vice and extravagance, who boldly declared war for us at the very same period of time, they would have resisted the proclamations—blockades in the bud, if not by manly fighting the executioners of the Berlin decree of 1806, by a suspension of intercourse with the subjects of its author, twelve months before the date of the embargo.
The profits of bringing coffee here, and carrying it to Holland, with the auxiliary trade to Japan, or those of exchanging the coffee of Moca for that of French colonies, and carrying it to France, and other similar trades, which the American merchant might have generally enjoyed from the state of war in Europe, had they been all equally cunning, and indifferent to your trade and interests, may have amounted to a million or two of dollars annually.—But this sum, divided as it was, amongst the disinterested patriotick few, who carried for others, was certainly a pretty thing to them; not that you were entirely excluded from the advantages thereof, for as the industrious community will improve its fortunes, even by expense without discretion; the laying of Turkey carpets, and erecting Italian chimney pieces, might have made ever father of a family one dollar or two the richer, per annum.
Mr. Randolph is not the only authority you have, that such were the uses of the riches thus acquired.—Jerome Buonaparte himself, the successor to part of the dominions of the king of Prussia, and family ally of the President pro tem. marked his just attention to the circle of his associates, by ordering to half a dozen persons, in the presence of the writer, that, "by wealth alone people were distinguished here—and as to republicanism, there was no more of it amongst us than elsewhere."—If a private communication of such impression, has produced a contempt for our national character, and a consequent system of ill treatment towards us, in the brother, we have the consolation of knowing their origin, and that they had not escaped the scrutinizing eye of one of our youngest statesmen; we should hold ourselves bound in gratitude to this citizen for the publick warning, though we regret the officious display of that corrupt taste, the fruit of and the enemy of principle, in the view of the stranger, whom it did not fail to impress.
But what comparison can there be, Farmers and Planters of Maryland, between the dollar or two, which sooner or later, might fall to your share, from the profits of the carrying trade, and the forty dollars which every man of you receives from the forty millions worth of flour, tobacco, rice, cotton, pork fish, &c. brought to the sea-ports by you, and exported from thence by the real merchants of America, annually? There can be none made, but by visionary enthusiasts, or interested speculators.
The value of these exports, you received regularly, according to your means and industry, and this you expended in what conveniences you pleased; what was not laid out for apparel or groceries, you laid up to purchase lands, for your children.—If any thing perishable remained on your hands, it served to improve your soil, and the whole country exhibited a thriving and contented scene. How changed! the embargo is laid—a bushel of wheat, and a day's labour, every mean of improvement or subsistence, fallen from 100 to 50, or in that proportion; and, worse than all, no hopes of a change for the better abroad. Men who have millions of coffee, will survive your pittance of more perishable grain. To yourselves then, look for redress; exert the privilege of freemen; delay on your part is more dangerous than ambition in others; withdraw your confidence from your present functionaries, and give it to those who feel your wrongs.
A NATIVE OF MARYLAND.
NOTICE.
Lost, a CERTIFICATE, certifying my right to four Shares in the Virginia Bank Stock, in consequence of which I shall make application to the Bank for a new one. I request that any person who shall get possession of it, will return it to the subscriber. Edward Watson. April 15. law6w
BANK STOCK LOST.
LOST, Certificates for Ten Shares of VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, standing in the name of Ann and Rebecca Begg.—Any person who has, or may find the said certificates, will please to deliver them to the subscriber. Wm. G. Camp. April 13. law6w

The present situation of this country is to be ascribed to the Berlin decree, or rather to the acquiescence of our government under that outrageous, but not unprecedented attack upon the honour, the independence, and the interests of this country. — We have said the acquiescence of our government — Let us be fairly understood — We speak as far as we are informed — To this day it is not known that between the date of the Berlin decree in November 1806, & July 1807, that the American government took any measures to resist that decree, except what is contained in that most contemptible correspondence between Mr. Armstrong and Decres the French minister of marine.
We have said that the Berlin decree was not unprecedented — France has before attempted a similar violation of the rights of America; it is true the attempt experienced a different reception, and a very different result was the consequence.
With pride and with pleasure we recall to our recollection that glorious era, when France invaded our rights, and we resisted them with the spirit of a free and independent people. We will here introduce to our readers an extract from a letter of the ministers plenipotentiary of the United States to France, in the year 1798, addressed to the French minister of foreign relations.
"The undersigned will not resume, citizen minister, the painful task of re-urging the multiplied injuries which have been accumulated on their country, and which have been in some degree detailed in their memorial of the 17th January last. — They cannot, however, decline to remonstrate against a measure which has been announced since that date. The legislative council of the French republic have decreed that,
"1st. The condition of ships, in every thing that concerns their character as neutrals or enemies, shall be determined by their cargoes; consequently every vessel found at sea, laden, in whole or in part, with merchandise coming out of England, or its possessions, shall be declared good prize, whoever may be the proprietors of such commodities or merchandise.
"2d. No foreign vessel, which, in the course of its voyage, shall have entered into an English port, shall be admitted into any port of the French republic, but in the case of necessity; in which case such vessel shall be obliged to depart from such port, so soon as the cause of entry shall have ceased.
"This decree too deeply affects the interests of the United States; to remain unattended to by their ministers. They pray you, therefore, citizen minister, to receive their respectful representations concerning it.
"The object of the decree is, to cut off all direct intercourse between neutrals and Great Britain or its possessions, and to prevent the acquisition, even by circuitous commerce, of those articles which come from England or its possessions.
"The right of one nation to exchange with another the surplus produce of its labour, for those articles which may supply its wants or administer to its comfort, is too essential to have ever been classed among those admitted to be in any degree doubtful. It is a right in ceding which a nation would cede the privilege of regulating its own interests and providing for its own welfare. When any two nations shall choose to make war on each other, they have never been considered, nor can they be considered as thereby authorising themselves to impair the essential rights of those who may choose to remain at peace. Consequently these rights, the free exercise of which is essential to its interest and welfare, must be retained by a neutral power, whatever nations may be involved in a war.
"The right of a belligerent to restrain a neutral from assisting his enemy, by supplying him with those articles which are defined as contraband, has been universally submitted to; but to cut off all intercourse between neutrals and an enemy, to declare that any single article which may have come from the possessions of an enemy, whoever may be its owner, shall of itself be sufficient to condemn both vessel and cargo, is to exercise a control over the conduct of neutrals which war can never give, and which is alike incompatible with their dignity and their welfare.
"The rights of belligerents are the same. If this might be exercised by one, so it might be exercised by every other. If it might be exercised in the present, so it might be exercised in every future war. This decree is, therefore, on the part of France, the practical assertion of a principle which would destroy all direct or circuitous commerce between belligerent and neutral powers, which would often interrupt the business of a large portion of the world, and withdraw or change the employment of a very considerable portion of the human race.
"This is not all. It is the exercise of a power which war is not admitted to give; and which, therefore, may be assumed in peace as well as war.
"It essentially affects the internal economy of nations; and deranges that course of industry which they have a right to pursue, and on which their prosperity depends.
To acquiesce, therefore, in the existing state of things, under a principle so extensive and so pernicious, is to establish a precedent for national degradation which can never cease to apply, and which will authorize any measures which power may be disposed to practice.
"France, therefore, will perceive that neutral governments, whatever may be their dispositions towards this republic, are impelled, by duties of the highest obligation, to remonstrate against a decree, which at the same time invades their interests and their independence, which takes from them the profits of an honest and lawful industry, as well as the inestimable privilege of conducting their own affairs as their own judgments may direct.
"It is hoped, that the remonstrances of the United States on this subject; will derive additional force from their subsisting engagements with France and from a situation peculiar to themselves.
"The 23d article of the treaty of amity & com-
merce of the 6th of February, 1778, is in these words: "It shall be lawful for all and singular the subjects of the most Christian king, and the citizens, people, and inhabitants of the said United States, to sail with their ships, with all manner of liberty and security, no distinction being made who are the proprietors of the merchandise laden thereon, from any port to the places of those who now are, or hereafter shall be at enmity with the most Christian king, or the United States. It shall likewise be lawful for the subjects and inhabitants aforesaid, to sail with their ships and merchandise aforesaid, and to trade with the same liberty and security from the places, ports, and havens of those who are enemies of both or either party, without any opposition or disturbance whatsoever, not only directly from the places of the enemy before mentioned to neutral places, but also from one place belonging to an enemy, to another place belonging to an enemy, whether they be under the jurisdiction of the same prince, or under several. — And it is hereby stipulated, that free ships shall also give a freedom to goods, and that every thing shall be deemed to be free and exempt which shall be found on board the ships belonging to the subjects of either of the confederates, although the whole laden, or any part thereof, shall appertain to the enemies of either; contraband goods being always excepted. It is also agreed, in like manner, that the same liberty be extended to persons who are on board a free ship, with this effect, that although they be enemies to both or either party, they are not to be taken out of that free ship, unless they are soldiers, and in actual service of the enemy."
"The two nations, contemplating and providing for the case when one may be at war, and the other at peace, solemnly stipulate and pledge themselves to each other, that, in such an event, the subjects or citizens of the party at peace may freely trade with the enemy of the other, may freely sail with their ships, in all manner of security, to and from any port or place belonging to such enemy. Not only goods coming from the hostile territory, but the very goods of the enemy himself may be carried, with safety, in the vessels of either of the contracting parties.
"You will perceive, citizen minister, without requiring the undersigned to execute the painful task of drawing the contrast, how openly and entirely the decree of the councils opposes itself to the treaty between France and the United States.
"In addition to the hitherto unceded rights of a sovereign and independent nation, in addition to the right stipulated by compact, the undersigned will respectfully submit other considerations, growing out of the peculiar situation of the United States, manifesting the particular hardships the decree complained of must impose on them.
"In possession of a rich, extensive, and unsettled country, the labour of the United States is not yet sufficient for the full cultivation of its soil, and consequently but a very small portion of it can have been applied to manufactures. Articles of the first necessity and comfort are imported, in exchange for provisions and for the raw materials, which are the growth of the country, and which its inhabitants are accustomed to raise.
"It is at any time extremely difficult, nor is it practicable, without great loss, to change suddenly the habits of a whole people, and that course of industry in which their population and their real interests have engaged them. An agricultural cannot suddenly, and at will, become a manufacturing people: the United States cannot instantaneously, on the mere passing of a decree, transfer, to the manufacture of articles heretofore imported, such a portion of their labour as will at the same time furnish a market for the surplus commodities and a supply for the wants of the cultivator of the soil. It is, therefore, scarcely possible for them to surrender their foreign commerce.
"Independent of the right they possess in common with others to search for and choose the best markets, it is believed, that the supplies they need could with difficulty, in the actual state of the world, be completely furnished, without the aid of England and its possession. It is not pretended, that France manufactures at present, for foreign consumption; nor do the undersigned suppose that there exists a market where the citizens of the United States can obtain, in exchange, the articles they need and are accustomed to consume, if those coming out of England and its possessions be entirely excluded. A variety of other considerations, and especially the difficulties individuals must encounter in suddenly breaking old and forming new connections; in forcing all their commerce into channels not yet well explored; in trading, without a sufficient capital, to countries where they have no credit; combine to render almost impossible, an immediate dissolution of commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain."
Our readers will perceive that the principle contained in the Berlin decree, was nothing more than an old farce, with a new title. The manly, able, and dignified manner in which the insolent pretensions of the French government are repelled by our ministers upon the occasion we have cited, will be perused with pleasure and pride by every real American, and if seriously and attentively considered, cannot fail to excite reflections, which in the present state of our country will be highly beneficial.
The decree against which our ministers remonstrated with so much ability, was one among the causes that led to that defensive war which the United States were compelled to wage with France in the year 1798, and which terminated so much to the honour and interests of our country.
It will be sufficient only to our purpose to remark, that the American government, then administered by federalists, determined to arm against France, and strange will it appear, that notwithstanding the numerous insults and injuries which France had heaped upon this country, that the measure dictated by necessity and forced by self-defence, met with the most violent opposition — Yes, the same men who have submitted to the Berlin decree at this time, are the same men who opposed resistance to the French in 1798. All the arguments which they now urge, were then urged. We were told of the mighty power and influence of France on the continent, that we should not only lose our commerce with France but with her allies,
that the consequence of a war with France would be an alliance with England, more fatal to our independence than submission to the decrees of France. The federal administration pursued its course, and none of the predictions of the French partisans were verified. Our trade to Spain and Holland (then as much under the dominion of France as they now are) experienced no interruption from the governments of those countries — There was no English alliance — In short every prediction failed, and the United States terminated their contest with France, when the causes which produced it ceased to exist.
We have observed in the commencement of these remarks that the government of the United States had no other communication with the French government respecting the Berlin decree, than that already noticed — the miserable correspondence between Mr. Armstrong and Decres. In July 1807, Mr. Armstrong gives Mr. Monroe an account of the further explanation given to him by Mons. Decres, equally evasive and unsatisfactory as the first — In September 1807, Mr. Armstrong was furnished with the opinion of the grand judge, afterwards confirmed fully by facts.
We shall at present conclude our remarks by selecting a few extracts from the writings of the advocates of France in 1798; the reader can compare them with the sentiments and writings of certain persons in 1808, and he will then account for the abandonment of the ocean and commerce, in such manner as his judgment may direct.
Extract from a Publication which appeared in the Aurora, entitled "Is war with France advisable?"
"Why not consider, whether it may not be cheaper to sit down under the loss, than to repair it; or trust to a returning sense of justice in the French republic, to make us ample compensation for her spoliations, as Great Britain has promised. Eighty millions of dollars of loaned debt, are the fruit of eight years war with Great Britain, besides an equal sum, which may be considered as sunk by depreciation, without being brought into view. At that rate, we spent about twenty millions of dollars a year, during the war. If the spoliations upon our commerce amount to a tenth part of that sum, it does not require much skill in arithmetic to show, that this is buying protection at a very dear rate. Considering the matter, then, merely in a mercantile light, every dollar that we saved to our commercial citizens would probably cost the agricultural interest ten to protect it. And after all, it is not quite clear, that our commerce would not continue to suffer as much, as if we had not thought fit to engage in a war, on that account. Though the French cannot cope with the British navy at present, it may perhaps be doubted, whether her fleets could not venture to face any which the United States may be able to equip; especially if peace should happen shortly to take place between those belligerent powers. The seas now swarm, it is said, with French privateers, whose depredation would probably be a match for that of our maritime warriors; even if the former did not possess the advantage of being prepared for business."
"But, if we go to war with France, will the matter rest there? Almost all Europe is now engaged in alliances offensive and defensive with her. — May not Spain and Holland, at least, be excited upon, as thus becoming our enemies? What then will become of our commerce, with three out of four of the most commercial nations in Europe? Are we prepared to make such a sacrifice? Are we willing to incur the expense of a war, without an object, with three such powers? Is there no danger that a new partition treaty may be agitated at Madrid?"
Extract from the same.
"Far be it from me to say, that the government is bound to protect, where it can, according to its means, and where it cannot protect, to make compensation, where the justice of the case demands it. But, unless it be shown, that entering into a war will ensure protection, I cannot suppose it incumbent on the United States to adopt that measure. As to the subject of compensation, that may either be obtained from the nation injuring us, by negotiation, for which, the friends of Britain may be referred to the treaty with that nation; or by the states themselves, really recompensing the losses of those citizens, who, in pursuing a legitimate commerce, have been deprived of their property, without compensation for the same being obtained from the nation offering the injury. This is what I deem these citizens morally entitled to receive; and the United States will find it much cheaper to make this compensation out of the public treasury, than to run the hazard of a war, the events of which are incalculable, to obtain such a compensation from the nation by whom their property has been taken."
The plan of paying American citizens out of the American treasury, for French depredations, did not it appears originate with the Louisiana Treaty.
Extract from a publication entitled "Facts and Considerations against War, or an Alliance with the British Monarchy." Vide American Museum, page 214.
"7. Were the United States to join Great Britain in her present war, they would bring themselves effectually under the pecuniary burdens, which her wars and projects of ambition and commerce have brought upon her; for our consumption would be confined to her manufactures, and produce, from which her taxes rise. The consumer of all taxed goods, pay the duties, when the country wherein they were made, imposes on them."
"8. Were the United States to join Great Britain in her present war, we should subject ourselves to expenses, proportionate to the dreadful expenses, which her projects of war, ambition and commercial ruin to France, have brought upon her. A Great Britain, with 15 millions of people, spends yearly 270 millions, we, who are probably five millions, must spend 90 millions."
"9. To defend our commerce, by making a common cause with England, we should then expend 90 million of dollars, for an object, the profits of which
are, probably, not more than 10 millions of dollars."
"10. To take the chance of commerce, in the best state of peace we can preserve, we should, probably, confine our expenses to 5 or 6 millions of dollars, and draw as good profits, as we have done in the unfavourable year 1797; when our exports (including South Carolina) were probably 60 millions of dollars."
"11. If we do suffer, in the non-shipment or interception of foreign goods, destined for our ports, the manufacture of the United States will be immensely benefited."
"12. Great Britain has a very strong interest to get us engaged in this war, as it will prevent this quickening and growth of our own manufactures."
"13. The expenses of the United States would probably be greater, in proportion, than those of England. They press their seamen at 5 dollars per month. The average wages of seamen at this time, in the United States, is three or four times as high, as they are in England. War would raise them: clothing, copper, anchors, arms, and many other things, would be higher here; because we get them, or the materials, from England; and have to make up many of the u, at higher rates of labour, than prevail in Great Britain."
"14. If we go to war with France, we shall lose the trade to France, Holland, Spain, and much, if not all, of Italy. Our fishers must suffer particularly; for France, Spain, Italy, and the French, Spanish, and Dutch colonies, take off much the greater part of their produce; and supply us with most of our fish salt."
"15. It appears, as if the powers of Europe, universally acquiesce or aid in the French plans against England. If we join, the same concert will probably take place as to us. Our Lisbon, Hamburg, and Bremen trade, are perhaps as dependent on our peace with France, as is our trade to Bordeaux or Cadiz."
"16. If we preserve our peace with France, and that country and Great Britain continue at war, great investments of money from England, and other parts of Europe, must take place here; as the highest confidence in our prudence, and disinclination to expense, will be established. A sad reverse will take place, if we engage in a war, with any other nation, at this time."
"17. If we preserve our own peace, it is probable, that stout English ships, armed en flute, will bring us uncommon quantities of British goods, on low terms; because the prices will fall much more in England, than insurance in such ships will rise. Thus, revenue and domestick supply, from England, will go on. The goods of the powers allied against England, will come to us of course, if we keep peace with them, that is with France, Spain, Holland, &c."
April 29, 1798."
Extract from a publication which appeared in the Boston Chronicle, on arming Merchantmen, addressed to Samuel Neuell, Esq. member of congress.
"It is said by a certain number of men, who are warmly engaged for warlike measures, that our honour and security, as an independent nation, are attacked, and that we ought to arm in defence of them. This is the language of even some, whose official business it is to preach peace on earth. But if we are, upon the feeling of an affront, to arm ourselves, and to take the consequences of a war, why do we not declare war against the dey of Algiers and the bey of Tripoli? These sovereigns make depredations upon our navigation, and enslave our citizens; yet we do not wage war on this occasion; but give millions to one, and frigates to the other, in order to induce them to allow our ships to pass unmolested on the ocean, the highway of nations. This is wisdom in our government; because a war would be expensive, ridiculous, vain and fruitless. A nation is not to act on the principles of knight-errantry, to fight without an object or hope of success. Suppose we were to involve our nation in war, what advantage can possibly be derived from it? The French, with an artful address, have laid by their commerce, and no prizes could be made upon them. We do not wish to extend our national territory by conquest; and if we did, there is no country which we can possibly invade."
"If we do not engage in a contest, merely to vindicate our injured honour as a nation, what is the object of a war with France? I leave you to point out the single advantage, because my imagination cannot comprehend one."
"Should we turn our attention to the disadvantages resulting from the measure, they are easily seen, and are very numerous. If you have a war with France, it brings you into an alliance offensive and defensive with a sinking nation, against one you cannot injure, and which at present is supported by powerful alliances, and crowned with unexampled victories. You cannot deal in that way without destroying publick or private credit, by emitting large sums, which will be under the cankering process of depreciation whilst they are in the press. Your funding system, your banks, and all the machinery now depending upon artificial schemes will go down together. England cannot lend you money, because she has none to lend: that nation is already bankrupt. Should you get an army on foot, and a navy at sea, you will find it very difficult to disband the one, or haul up the other: the expense of these will render the United States sick of being an independent nation."
DEMOCRATICK GRATITUDE.
"WASHINGTON HIMSELF WAS NOT MORE INSTRUMENTAL IN ESTABLISHING THE LIBERTIES OF AMERICA, THAN MR. DUANE IN RESTORING AND PRESERVING THEM." Balt. Whig.
The above is extracted from the leading democratick paper in this city. We republish it without comment: nothing could be said of it which could gratify the feelings of degraded Americans!
Fed. Repub.
From the Federal Republican. Questions proposed to Gen. Samuel Smith.
1. Did not Commodore Mowatt some time in the year 1797, or '98, declare, that he would capture all vessels belonging to S. Smith and Buchanan? and did he not proceed to put his threat in execution, alleging as the reason of his conduct, that your vessels, though ostensibly bound to British ports, were in fact carrying supplies to the island of Saint Domingo?

2. Did you not thereupon write to the Secretary of State, requesting him to desire the British minister to direct the British Commodore not to capture your vessels?
3. And to induce Col. Pickering to comply with your request, DID YOU NOT POSITIVELY ASSURE HIM UPON YOUR HONOUR, THAT YOU NEVER HAD SHIPPED ANY PROVISIONS FOR THE ISLAND OF ST. DOMINGO?
4. Did not Col. Pickering, upon this solemn assurance, make the proposed communication to Mr. Liston, and were not your vessels afterwards suffered to proceed?
I fancy, Sir, you will hardly have the boldness to deny the truth of these facts. To what then do they amount? Why to this, that you pledged your honour to the Secretary of State for the truth of a fact, which was false; that, by causing a false suggestion to be made to the British minister, you have to the utmost of your power tarnished the faith and honour of America. That the fact was false, you will not now deny: indeed, you have admitted the truth of it.
I shall, Sir, in a short time consider your statement of the contract with Commodore Barney, and will expose the fallacy of your defence.
THIÉSEUS.
From the New-York Gazette.
From Washington, July 9.
The President of the United States made the following appointments this day—
“WILLIAM DUANE, lieutenant colonel commandant of the twenty fifth regiment Pennsylvania militia, to be lieutenant colonel of the first regiment of riflemen in the United States service.
“JONAS SYMONDS, lieutenant colonel of the fiftieth regiment Pennsylvania militia, to the command of the sixth regiment of infantry in the United States service.”
ALEXANDRIA, July 16.
Passed by this morning for Washington City, a French brig of 20 guns and full of men, 10 days from Guadalupe with dispatches for the French minister.
Extract of a letter dated Paris, April 10, 1808.
“It is generally believed, that this government has ordered the minister of exterior relations to communicate to that of the United States, that the several administrations of France will no longer hold any correspondence with Mr. Skipwith, as American consul; of course it is expected that the President will name another to fill that office.
“We are told that the Osage, which brought Lieut. Lewis with dispatches for general Armstrong, had 6000 private letters on board; they are all here at the general post office, but not any one yet delivered.”
BALTIMORE, July 15.
Capt. Palmer, of the ship, in six days from Passamaquoddy, states, that the British June packet had arrived at Halifax, where it was reported that Mr. Rose was soon to return to the United States.
It also stated on the same authority, that the May packet, which carried an account of the adjournment of Congress, had arrived in England.
Phil. Pap.
WEST INDIES.
It will be found by examining the ship news, that provisions are becoming quite cheap in the British islands, while the ports of her enemies experience almost the distress of famine. From which it appears, that the embargo is peculiarly severe on the French, Dutch and Spanish colonies, and a source of great profit to the British merchants, in Nova Scotia and Canada, who furnish employment to hundreds of American seamen. In a republic, the majority have a right to do what they please; but it is our duty to record historical facts; and this embargo is as singular an item, in duration and effect, as is on the page of history.—Fed. Gaz.
PHILADELPHIA, July 13.
From the following proceedings, it is evident that Snyder's party intend to support Mr. Clinton for president. Gen. Montgomery and Gen. Gillin, the chairman and secretary of the meeting, are on the electoral ticket formed at Lancaster.
Democratic Proceedings.—By the Republican Argus we learn that a convention has been held at Sunbury by thirty-four delegates from the several towns of Northumberland county.
General William Montgomery was called to the chair; general Robert Gillin, appointed secretary; upon which the delegates produced their certificates of election from their respective townships, as follows, viz:
Augusta, Samuel Aul, Esq. Samuel Bloom—Belfast, Samuel Mclay, Esq. Gen. Christ. Baldy—West Belfast, John Wilson, Thomas Youngman—Bloom, John Chamberlain, James Thornton—Cattaraugus, John Clark, Michael Tower—Chilisquaque, Samuel Bond, Esq. James Giffin—Cotre, John Bolander, Esq. James Topley—Derby, Col. Robert Clark, John Frost—Mahoning, Gen. Wm. Montgomery, Col. Daniel Montgomery—Mahony, A. McKenney, Esq. Jacob Sheller—Milflins, Solomon Bost, Solomon Frederitz—Penns, Col. Frederick Evans, Philip Moore—Point, Matthew Huston, gen. John Bell—Turbot, Gen. Robert Gillin, Robert Smith, Esq.—Samburg, Hugh Bellas, Esq. Dr. Peter Grahl—White Deer, Anw. M'Clenachan, Wm. Chamberlin—Washington, John Brown, Shallenberger.
After some previous proceedings, the Argus says: “Mr. Mclay called the attention of the delegates to the objects for which the committee of the county called them together; the support of an electoral ticket for president and vice-president of the United States, and of the election of Simon Snyder as governor of this state. These questions were announced upon with his usual force of reasoning and justness of observation. We regret our inability to gratify our readers with a full report of the sentiments expressed by him, but this regret is diminished by the address to the citizens of this country, in the forming of which, as he was one of the committee, it may be fairly considered as his sentiments, and which address embraces a comprehensive view of the subject before the meeting.
“After full discussion and consideration on the matters comprehended by the succeeding resolutions, they were adopted by the meeting as follows, viz:
“Whereas it appears that our opponents, in principle, are attempting to divide and weaken our efforts by scattering the seeds of jealousy and distrust among the republican citizens of this state, and the United States, by reports that some of our republican electors will not be governed by what is believed to be the general opinion of the party, but will, when they are assembled in their electoral college, vote for James Madison for president, in opposition to the general understanding of the convention held at Lancaster who put them in nomination.
“And whereas the corresponding committee appointed by the said convention, have suggested the propriety and expediency of an expression of publick opinion, on the candidates nominated as a guide to the electors which are to be chosen in compliance with the suggestion of the committee.
“Resolved, That in full confidence that the electors nominated by the convention at Lancaster, will vote for George Clinton as president, and James Monroe as vice-president of the United States, this meeting will use all fair and honourable means to support those electors.”
NEW-YORK, July 9.
Arrived brig Astrea, Cottrill, in 20 days from Point Petre, Guadalupe, sugar and molasses. The sch'r Milford sailed the day before for Philadelphia, and spoke her off the Capes of Virginia on the 7th inst. Left there, June 17, ship Northern Liberties, Clough, to sail in 2 days; brig Aspasia, Foster, the next day, both for New-York; brig Aurora, Christian, for do. in 12 days; sch'r Hope, in 10 days, for do. and several others. At Bassarotte, ship —, Ledet, for New-York. Flour FORTY-FIVE dollars, and scarce, the inhabitants on an allowance of 6 ounces per diem. Beef 30 dollars, pork do. fish 12 dollars. In Point Petre bay was boarded by a British man of war brig, and treated politely. The same brig of war boarded the Aurora on her outward passage, two of the men belonging to the Aurora ran away with the long boat.
July 12.
Arrived the schooner Mary Ann, Sheffield, from Naples, and 75 days from Cognac. Sailed in company brig Elias, Lovett, of Beverly, under convoy of a Swedish frigate. April 29, fell in with lord Collingwood's fleet of 11 sail of the line, steering for Toulon. On the 14th of May, captain Sheffield arrived at Gibraltar, where he found 23 sail of British transports full of troops, getting under weigh—was informed by the health officer that they were bound to Cadiz to take possession of that place, which the Spaniards had given up to the British. Came through the Gut with the above fleet, and left them steering for Cadiz.
The Agent for the British Packet, received orders yesterday to stop the sailing of the Duke of Kent Packet, off the 18th inst. Though the news of the arrival of the Osage and the Packet had not reached Washington, yet we find in the government paper of Friday last, an hourly expectation of their arrival as they had been advised of their sailing from England. This circumstance may have been the cause of the stoppage of the packet till the 18th.—Indeed, we should not be at all surprised, if the time of her sailing is postponed to a more distant period, as it is certain that the Osage has brought out very important communications from Mr. Pinkney, the discussion of which may take up some time between our executive and the British minister. It is most ardently hoped, that something may be done to better our situation.
We have seen a gentleman of intelligence who came passenger in the Sophrona from Antigua, who informed us, that the price of flour on the 24th of June was 15 dollars. That a supply of corn had arrived there from the Western Islands, and that more was daily expected.
Extract of a letter from Barbados, dated the 9th of June.—“Since our last flour has declined in price, in consequence of the importation by the fleet being very considerable.
“We have plenty of salted provisions from Ireland, and cheap, and an overstock of both dry and pickled fish from Halifax and Newfoundland.
“You have calculated erroneously in America, if you expect to starve the British islands by your embargo. We are beginning to find that we are perfectly independent of your supplies; and we have reason to think that the only great sufferers by this would be starving system, will be yourselves.”
July 14.
By the brig Junius, arrived at Philadelphia, in 11 days from St. Croix, we learn that 11 or 12,000 barrels flour had arrived at that island and St. Thomas; and that at St. Croix flour was selling at 16 dollars per barrel.
From the [London] Star.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE STAR.
SIR. I find in the report of Sir James Macintosh's decree, in your paper of Monday, a topic of so much conversation, and the decision considered by many as something new. The judge himself seems to believe that he is the first that has considered the law of nations as paramount to the particular instructions of the king; and as the subject is important, and frequently agitated, I should be glad to find some of your correspondents, learned in the law of nations, and particularly in that branch of it relating to prizes, induced by this occurrence to satisfy the publick thereon. For my own part I have always conceived, though I have been often contradicted in the opinion, that the present very learned and highly respectable Judge of the admiralty, has uniformly maintained the same doctrine. He has indeed said, repeatedly, that the instructions of his majesty were the rule of the court; but in every case unless I am greatly mistaken, referring to particular instructions which he considered as relaxing, but never as extending the rights of the crown beyond the limits of the law of nations. How else are we to interpret the following passages, viz:
MARIA—PAULSEN—June 11, 1799—1 ROB. 350.
“In forming that judgment I trust it has not escaped my anxious recollection for one moment, what it is that the duty of my station calls for from me; namely, to consider myself as stationed here not to deliver occasional and shifting opinions to serve present purposes of particular national interest, but to administer with indifference that justice which the law of nations holds out without distinction, to independent states, some happening to be
neutral, and some to be belligerent. The seat of judicial authority is locally here, in the belligerent country, according to the known law and practice of nations; but the law itself has no locality. It is the duty of the person who sits here to determine this question exactly as he would determine the same question if sitting at Stockholm; to assert no pretensions on the part of Great Britain, which he would not allow to Sweden in the same circumstance, and to impose no duties on Sweden as a neutral country which he would not admit to belong to G. Britain in the same character. If, therefore, I mistake the law in this matter, I mistake that which I consider, and which I mean should be considered, as the universal law upon the question; a question regarding one of the most important rights of belligerent nations relatively to neutrals.”
I am confident I have somewhere met with a dictum of the learned Judge, in which he avers that if he finds the crown wrong, however painful such a case would be, he must pronounce against the crown. I cannot lay my hand upon it; but if I be right in my recollection, Doctor Robinson, or some other of the learned members of the court, will remember, and perhaps do the publick the favour to point it out—it would be pity that in such a discussion a declaration so like the man, and so honourable to the sovereign who employs such men, should be omitted in the case of the Elsebe 5 Rob. page 175, where the question was whether the crown had a power of releasing several vessels, being part of the second Swedish convoy (an order for such release having issued by government) the same opinion appears, though not totidem verbis .
“If he (the party) had appealed from the government to a court of legal redress, the court must have received the complaint, and have proceeded to an ultimate determination on the quantum of grievance alleged” page 179. “The fact being then completely established, the question of right arises how far the Crown can release at any time before adjudication, without the consent of the captors? It is an important question connected with most momentous consequences. No reflecting man can approach it, without feeling that he has to weigh a matter of extreme delicacy, though perhaps not of equal difficulty. Be the delicacy or the difficulty what it may, however, it will be the duty of the court to meet with firmness any exigencies which the administration of justice may impose on it.”—Page 121.—In short, the entertaining this question at all, shews the opinion of the court, that the acts of the Crown may be the subject of judicial enquiry and decision. The Crown was clearly in the right in this important case: let any one who doubts it look to the case at length, and he will satisfy himself at the same time, that had it proved otherwise, on investigation, the crown must have lost the cause.
It would, indeed, destroy all law, and render the works of the learned commentators on national rights, the musty volumes that some modern refineries have wished to make them; if the sovereign of any nation were to be authorised to issue such orders as he pleased, to the prejudice, not only of his friends; and however instances may have occurred in which the power has been exercised, I believe the principle was never admitted.
A diversity of opinions may, indeed, exist on subjects of minor consideration:—for instance, a judge of a very high court may discriminate between the payment of duties in a bond or a bank note. It would be great condescension in such an one, and savour too much of official drudgery, to know that the mode of payment by bond is the practice of his own country—much more to allow it to have the effect of a payment in any other; but a judge like Sir James Macintosh, who knows the right of the Crown to yield any part of its prerogative when the national interest require it, as well as the illegality of extending its power beyond them; would probably agree with Sir Wm. Scott, that “an official letter from the Secretary of State for the foreign department to the minister of that country, whose subjects were principally interested in the question (such, for instance, as the letter from Lord Hawksbury, to Mr. King, the American minister, of the 11th of April, 1801,) binds the state unless disavowed.” As to the decision of Sir J. Macintosh, there can be no doubt of its rectitude, and very little that it is in conformity with the views of the government at the time of issuing the orders in question. It is probable that the case of these particular colonies, to which a trade was allowed to foreigners in time of peace, was not contemplated when the orders issued; or that the usage, deviating from the general colonial practice, was not known. It was a matter of question here, some time ago, whether the trade to Batavia was thus open, and referred to authorities in Holland to ascertain the fact—it was not decided for a long time. I doubt whether it is yet. In the case before us, it was ascertained, upon distant enquiry; and under these circumstances, I think, the council may be fairly enough acquitted of any intention of extending the power of capture to a trade allowed to the neutral in time of peace.
CONCILIATOR.
* William—Trefry, Appeal March 11, 1808—5 Rob. p. 385. † Elsebe supra —5 Rob. 175.
On Saturday the 22d instant, before
the New-Market, will be Sold, 5 pipes 4th proof French Brandy, 3 do County Gin, 5 hogsheads and 3 barrels Loaf Sugar, 24 tiers Rice.
And at the same time and place,
12,000 R. O. Hogshead Staves, 9000 W. O. do. 4000 Heading, and 23,000 Shingles—lying on Frost's Wharf. Terms of sale. 60 day for all sums over 300 dollars, with approved endorser, under each.
S. Marks, Jun.
On Monday the 1st of August, at 11
o'Clock, will be Sold at my Office for Cash, Four Valuable SLAVES,
Lydia, Charles, Frank, and Hannah, sold under a conveyance of Edward M'Guire and Daniel Dorney to Shanks and Binford, to satisfy a debt due by Michael Corran
William B. Lamb.
July 20.
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS,
1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Mattress Tickling, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff.
February 26.
THESPIAN SOCIETY.
A Meeting of the Members of this institution is particularly requested at the Theatre on Saturday Evening at 7 o'clock precisely. The object of the Society, it is hoped, at this time, will be a powerful excitement to punctual attendance.
The Managers.
July 20.
FOR RENT.
That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at present occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris.
Also,
That commodious House on Catharine-street, at present occupied by Mr. James Dykes, adjoining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses. For terms apply to
James Tucker.
July 20.
FOR SALE.
On board the Schooner Bartholomew, lying at Newton's wharf,
75,000 feet Northern BOARDS.
For terms, apply to Captain Crawford on board, or to
Christopher Fry.
July 20.
FOR PHILADELPHIA.
The Schooner KITTY ANN, Edmund Richardson, master. For freight or passage apply to A. MACLURE, or to the master on board lying at Mather's wharf.
Who has for Sale,
4 boxes Havanna SUGAR,
1 barrel LIME JUICE. July 18.
The Schooner MOHAWK,
Burthen about 900 barrels, in good order, is offered for Charter, if wanted by any merchant obtaining permission of government.—Apply to
Christopher Fry.
Who has received,
9 hogsheads good SUGARS,
which will be sold low for cash. July 15.
Just received from New-York, a fresh supply of
BARNE'S DOUBLE ALE,
which will be sold at the rate of thirty-seven and a half cents per gallon out of the house; the same and no other on draught in the house at the usual price.
Families or Masters of Vessels can be furnished with barrels, half barrels, or small kegs of the above at a short notice.
William Tonkin,
Corner of Wid. Water and Commerce-Streets.
N. B. Will be kept for the accommodation of customers, a constant supply of BARNE'S DOUBLE ALE and Philadelphia PORTER in bottles. July 15.
NOTICE.
The partnership of Wilson, Cunningham & Co. having been dissolved by mutual consent, all those indebted, as well as those who have claims against them, are requested to settle the same with Alexander Wilson or J. B. Cunningham, who are fully authorised to liquidate the business of said concern.
William P. Moore,
Alexander Wilson,
James B. Cunningham.
Norfolk, July 15, 1808.
The business heretofore carried on by the above firm will be continued by the subscribers, under the firm of Wilson & Cunningham.
Alexander Wilson,
James B. Cunningham.
ADVERTISEMENT.
To a Gentleman who has not been seen or heard of by his friends in his native country since March, 1806.
This gentleman may with perfect safety, both as to publick and private concerns, impart his situation and place of residence to THE EDITOR OF THIS PAPER, who can give him any information about his family. This advertisement is made by those most interested in him, and the reference may be confided in.—The gentleman to whom it is addressed, will know it by these circumstances. He left his native country in March 1806. He was the only surviving son of his father whose name was Thomas, born 1740 and married M. E. His brother John who was elder than him, had died before. His twin sisters were C. & A. of whom the former was dead before 1806. He was born in the parish of B where the estate of his ancestors is. Educated at L in the county of R. and taken care of by his aunt Cecilia. July 15.
Collector's Office, Norfolk, 14th July, 1808.
THE President of the United States having deemed it expedient to extend the time for granting permissions to send vessels in ballast to places in the West-Indies, or to any part of America North of the line, for the purpose of bringing property into the United States, under the 7th section of the act of 12th March last, Notice is hereby given that permissions will be granted at this office on the principles pointed out by the law, provided that application be made prior to the first day of August next, as no permission will afterwards be granted.
WM. THOMSON, D. C. For LARKIN SMITH, COLLECTOR.
JOHN PENDRED'S Boot and Shoe Manufactory, No. 70, Main-Street.
THE publick are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands.
N. B. Orders for double Backstraps, single do. and Coats, executed with the greatest dispatch. July 18.
FOR SALE.
A good House Servant, Gardener, and Carriage Driver. Apply at the Ledger Office. July 18.

TRIAL OF COMMODORE BARRON.
As soon as a sufficient number of Subscriptions are procured, to defray the cost of the Paper, WILL BE PUBLISHED, AT THE LEDGER OFFICE, NORFOLK.
THE WHOLE PROCEEDINGS IN THE TRIALS OF Commodore JAMES BARRON, Capt. CHARLES GORDON, Commandant of the United States' frigate Chesapeake, JOHN HALL, Esq. Captain of Marines, and WILLIAM HOOK, Gunner.
These Trials will be found highly interesting to the public in general, and to the Officers of the United States' Navy in particular. Every circumstance relative to the important affair, which gave occasion for these Trials, will be found detailed with great exactness; and many official documents which have not yet been published will appear with this work. The interest which the nation has taken in this affair, and the circumstances connected with it, render it unnecessary that the Publisher should offer any remarks upon the value of the work. Officers of the Navy will be greatly interested in having the proceedings of the most important Trials that have occurred in the service.
The Publisher has been favoured with a record of the proceedings; he will pay particular attention to the correct execution of the work, which it is expected will contain from two hundred and fifty to three hundred pages, octavo.
CONDITIONS. I The work will be printed on a good fair type, and on good paper. II The price to Subscribers will be One Dollar and Seventy-five Cents, in boards, delivered at any place where Subscriptions are received, according to order. III The amount of Subscription to be paid on delivery of the Work. IV The usual allowance to the trade.
Subscription Papers will be sent in a few days to the principal towns in the United States, of which notice will be given in the papers of those towns. To the Editors of Papers who will give this advertisement a few insertions, the Publisher will be much obliged, and reciprocal whenever they may request it.
The Editor of the Publick Ledger.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has established
A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY
For this purpose he has employed the journeymen who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those who will be served who choose to promote an institution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.
New SHOES from New-York,
as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at 9s. and 8s. 9d. for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d.; and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.
Gentlemens' SHOES and PUMPS
of many kinds, made in his factory, and in Newark. VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt elegant—Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he believes there are very few gentlemen who cannot be fitted.
A few hundred bushels of ground Alum Salt; India Cottons, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash.
Best LONDON PORTER.
July 6. NORFOLK BOROUGH. At a Hastings Court continued and held the 25th day of May, 1808.
Cornelius Cruywaygan, Compt' against Maritz Boetzels and Moses Myers, Defendants.
The defendant Maritz Boetzels not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is now ordered that the said defendant Maritz Boetzels, do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of said Borough: and it is further ordered, that the defendant Moses Myers who hath effects of the said Maritz Boetzels in his hands, do not pay, convey away, or secret such effects, but retain them until the further order or decree of this court.
A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
NORFOLK BOROUGH. At a Hastings Court continued and held the 24th day of May, 1808.
Thomas Jones, Compt' against Thomas Wright, administrator with the will annexed of Thomas Newton, deceased. Defendant.
The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in July next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers printed in this Borough for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of the said Borough.
A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM SHARP, C. C.
VIRGINIA, to wit:
At a Chancery District Court held in
the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808. Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend, Plaintiffs. Against Mary Slater, widow and devisee for life of John Slater, deceased, Richard and William S. Slater, sons and devisees of the said John Slater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Tabb an infant under the age of twenty one years, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Slater, deceased, and as executor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Slater, deceased, Defendants.
On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendant Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country: It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and pasted at the front door of the former capitol in this city.
A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
NOTES OF HAND,
according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.
We have for SALE on our Wharf, 200 hogsheads MOLASSES, 53 do. superior quality Muscovado Sugars, 218 bags Guadalupe Coffee; 10 puncheons Rum, 60,000 wt. Jamaica Coffee, in hds. barrels and bags, 10,000 do. Leghorn do. 30 kegs Raisins, 20 cases superior quality Claret, 6000 bushels Rye, 8500 do St. Ubes, 2500 do. Turks-Island, 5000 do. coarse Liverpool Salt, 10 pipes old Madeira Wine; 4 do Country Gin, 50 barrels Rye Whiskey; 20 hds. Philadelphia Porter 1 new 14 inch Cable 120 fathoms. C. & F. Whittle. July 13.
BANK NOTES
As below described, were put into the Post-Office at this place on the 27th May last, enclosed in a letter addressed to Messrs John Warder & Sons, Philadelphia, and which letter has never been received; it is therefore apprehended that the Bank Notes may have fallen into improper hands, and should such appear in circulation we earnestly request that they may be stopped; any satisfactory information regarding them will be thankfully received, and if required liberally rewarded.
Buchanan & Pollok. Petersburg, July 5th, 1808. Bank of Virginia, payable at their Office of Discount and Deposit, Petersburg, to Robert Burchett, President thereof, or bearer, B No. 332. 9th February, 1805, $100 C 806. 6th July, 100 D 153. 7th February, 100 394. 9th do. 100 700. 6th May, 100 753. 7th do. 100 788. do. do. 100 $700
The Subscriber is disposed to Contract for a quantity of BRICKS and LIME. Terms will be made known on application to John Saunders, Ast. M. Ag. Fort Nelson, June 17.
Landing at Southgate and Dickson's wharf, from the ship Fame, from Jamaica, and for Sale 86 puncheons choice 4th proof Rum, 20 hogsheads do. Molasses, 4 casks Ginger; 18 bags Peanuts. William Dickson. June 13.
LABOURERS WANTING.
The President and Directors of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company want to hire for the ensuing season, a number of Hands to work on the Canal; they will be provided with good who-some food, and the usual quantity of whiskey per diem—liberal wages will be given, and their wages paid at the end of every month. Apply to Richard Blax, William Cannack, or Samuel Proctor, Overseer. May 5.
LANDING From on board the Swedish Sloop African, captain Portelly, from St. Bartholmews, 2800 HIDES, Spanish, 10 tierces fine Green Marseilles COFFEE, 15 seroons Floatant INDIGO—15 casks by Wilson, Cunningham, & Co. IN STORE.
10,000 wt. good COFFEE, 15 hogsheads good 2d quality SUGAR, 10 do. N. E. RUM. May 27.
WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received from Baltimore and Philadelphia, a hand some assortment of SPRING GOODS, which with their goods on hand, comprise a large and general assortment, and they will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash only. May 9.
NOTICE. The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2.
Phoenix Fire Office.
The Subscriber, Agent to the PHOENIX ASSURANCE COMPANY, of London, for the State of Virginia, begs leave to inform the publick, that he is now fully empowered to subscribe Policies of Insurance for property against Fire throughout the United States of America, in conformity to the Proposals herewith subjoined. N.B. FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS can be insured in one risk on Buildings and their contents, and also on Ships and their Cargoes on board, in the First Class, but in all cases where Ten Thousand Dollars are exceeded, a special agreement must be made with the Agent, and an increase of premium added to those mentioned in the proposals, of not less than one eighth per cent. on the whole sum insured. Richard Taylor. September 8.
FOR SALE, 30,000 acres valuable LAND, situated upon the river Washita, in one of the most fertile parts of Louisiana—Particulars with regard to local advantages, situation, title, and the most favourable terms to purchasers, will be made known by application to THOMAS TUNNO, in Charleston, or MORRIS MILLER, in Savannah. Feb 8.
ADVERTISEMENT. A good Price will be given for the First Vol. of the History of France, BY GIFFORD. This Book was sent to the late Mr. Merrick to be bound, and sold at Auction with the rest. Apply at the Ledger Office April 29.
Two thousand Spanish HIDES, For Sale by William Plume, & Co. June 6.
NOTICE. The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
6 pipes Cognac BRANDY, A few casks Hyson and Hyson Skin Tea, Claret of an excellent quality in casks, demijohns, or bottles, to suit purchasers. For Sale by Thomas Balls. July 13.
ENGLISH KID SHOES. WOOD & HASTINGS, HAVE JUST RECEIVED, 1 trunk fashionable English Kid Shoes, For Sale at a very low price. To close a consignment, they will sell the best of Hussar BOOTS at 8 Dolls. per pair, Backstrap do. at 10 do. June 9.
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18.
FOR RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24.
NOTICE. Whenever hereafter any person or persons, shall prefer his or their petition, to the Judge of the Virginia District, for the purpose of obtaining a mitigation or remission of any fine, penalty or forfeiture, incurred under the laws of the United States; such petition must be deposited with the Clerk of the District Court, and by him, be transmitted to the Judge. By order of the Honourable Cyrus Griffin, Judge of the United States for the District of Virginia. Teste, Seth Foster, Clerk. June 15.
I will give Cash for barrel STAVES For fifteen days from this date. Moses Myers. June 6.
At the Old CUT-NAIL Manufactory, corner of Main and Church-streets, the subscriber keeps on hand constant supply, and can furnish at short notice, any quantity of Nails, Flooring Brads and Sprigs, at the following reduced prices, by the Keg—for cash only, viz—
8, 10, 12, and 20d Nails and Brads at 7 1/2 lb. 6d Nails, 9 1/2 lb 4d do. 2s. 9d. m. or 11d 3d do. 2s. 3d. or 12d Sheathing, do. 7 1/2 lb 6d Sprigs, 4s 6d per M. 6d do. 2s 9d 2d and 3d. do. 2s 3d We offers also for cash only—HOOP IRON ASSORTED. Thomas Seaman.
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No 44, Church Street. May 29.
FOR RENT. The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Blanchard. April 7.
5000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Machine. March 2.
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Warehouse or Campbell's wharf the above Articles, or the manufacturer of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo Armstead. Feb 20.
He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Richard Jeffrey & Co. No 66, Main-street, corner of Bark-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Panton, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality. A few hundred weight reduced Salt Petre, Chatham's Snuff, No 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's belt Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. Oct. ber 5.
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's cultivation—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 30 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and a few Casks Coffee; 25 hds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackarel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26.
FOR SALE, 4000 bushels Ground Alum SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7.
FOR SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. Ad in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb 18.
Mackinder & White, Have just received in on board the schooner Liberty, Capt Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS, of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Picklenburgs, superior Cloths, Gentlemens' Silk Hats, Tarasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 15.
WHITE JEANS, &c. Just Received A few pieces very fine White JEANS, Real Patent NANKKEENS, Best NAVY CLOTHS, and fashionable BUTTONS. For Sale by WOOD & HASTINGS. May 9.
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg, of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17.
DR. ROBERTSON'S Celebrated Stomachick Elixir of Health. Which has proved by experience, to be the most valuable medicine, ever yet offered to the publick for curing the Gout, Cramp, and wind in the Stomach: also a certain cure for the Dysentery, or Bloody Flux, Cholera Morbus, severe Gripings, and all other diseases of the bowels, a dose never fails to remove a cold if taken soon, after its first appearance. It is also celebrated for carrying off superfluous bile, removing habitual costiveness, flatulency at the Stomach, severe head aches, &c. &c. The following certificates are selected from the many respectable ones lately received by the proprietor, and are now in his possession.
Certificate of Mr. William Julian, carpenter and builder, No. 69, South St. to the Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—My wishes to promote the interest of superior merit, and to afford consolation to the afflicted, induces me to request you will pay my case before the publick, as an incontrovertible proof of the astonishing efficacy of Dr. Robertson's invaluable Stomachick Elixir of Health. I do hereby certify, that I was seized most violently with the dysentery, or bloody flux, which reduced me so much that I was confined to my bed, and became so weak that I could not move without assistance. My situation at that time became seriously alarming, as no relief could be obtained. I was given over, and even death would have been desirable to me, had not a friend of mine, who by chance called to see me, who had just recovered from a similar complaint, though not so severe as mine. He informed me that he was cured by taking Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and advised me to send to you for a bottle. I immediately did so, and by following your instructions given with the bottle, before I had taken half a bottle, I found myself much relieved, and my disorder greatly abated, and by continuing to take it, in one week I was able to walk out, and in less than a fortnight was able to attend to my business.
I therefore recommend every family to be provided with this invaluable medicine, particularly those who live at a distance from the country, where assistance cannot be immediately obtained. As I am convinced that Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, is the most effectual remedy in the world. I have since recommended it to several of my friends in similar complaints, who have always been relieved immediately after taking it. Should any person with to be more fully convinced of my case, I will with pleasure explain it to them by applying to me. I am with a due sense of the benefit I have received thro' the efficacy of your medicine, Sir, your humble servant, WM JULION.
Mr Drott, Philadelphia, July 15th, 1807.
Certificate of Mr. George Stokes, South Water-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the benefit of the afflicted, I think proper to inform you that Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, has been to me, of the most essential service. I had been a long time afflicted with a pain in my Stomach, and continual head aches, attended with a sickness at the Stomach, which brought on a vomiting and weakness, which continued on me until I became a very weak state, without being able to get any relief, until I tried one bottle of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which entirely cured my disorder, except a weakness and want of appetite, for which I have since taken Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Wine Bitters, which quite restored my strength and appetite, and I now enjoy better health than I experienced for many months before—As I consider your medicine to have been the means of giving my life, I so it to you to publish my case for the benefit of others, who by abiding by the direct ones given with your invaluable medicine, will embrace the same means by which I have happily effected my recovery. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE STOKES.
Mr Drott, Philadelphia, August 1, 1807. ADDITIONAL CERTIFICATES. Of Mr. John T. Solomon, Sixth near Race-Street, Philadelphia.
SIR—For the good of the publick and benefit of the afflicted, I think it proper to inform you, that having laboured for upwards of six months, under a very bad cough, attended with a difficulty of breathing, pain in my breast and side, and a sickness at my Stomach; having lost all appetite, I became so very much reduced in my strength as to be unable to walk. I was considered in a consumption, and given up for a lost man. In this hopeless situation I had recourse to Dr. Robertson's Stomachick Elixir of Health, and to my great astonishment, before I had taken one bottle, found myself very much relieved. I expected a great quantity of phlegm, which has eased me of one of the most violent coughs that ever man had; I have taken it regularly every day, and now find myself completely recovered, and shall certainly, for the benefit received, recommend it as far as I can, believing it to be a most efficacious medicine in the above complaint. I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obliged humble servant, JOHN T. SOLOMON. August 22.
Certificate of Mr. John Lee, Philadelphia.
DEAR SIR—By the administration of Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, and that the publick may be acquainted with the good effects I have received from it, I wish you to publish the following: About a fortnight ago I was seized with the influenza, or a violent cold, attended with a pain in my limbs, and a violent cough, which settled on my lungs, and having been for some time before in a weakly state, I expected a consumption must soon have followed. Had I not been advised to try Dr. Robertson's Elixir of Health, which has effectually removed my complaint, and I now feel better health than I have for some time before. It is impossible to say too much in favour of this invaluable medicine, as I am clearly convinced it is the most efficacious remedy ever offered to the publick, in the above complaint. I am, Sir, your obliged servant, JOHN LEE. November 11.
The above Medicine is sold wholesale and retail by the proprietor, T. W. DYOTT, No. 11, North Second-Street, Philadelphia; and by appointment at BONSALL & CONRAD'S Book Store, Norfolk; and at SOMERVELL & CONRAD'S, Petersburg. May 25.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.