Gazette of the United States. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1796-02-22 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States
NUMBER 1078.]
MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 22, 1796.
[VOLUME IX.]
FOR CHARTER,
THE SHIP E A G L E,
ABOUT 257 tons burthen; is now in complete order to receive a cargo on board, and lays the second wharf below Pine-street. Enquire of Jehu Hollingsworth & Co.
February 8.
For Sale, or Charter,
THE SLOOP B E T S E Y,
John Dankins, master, BURTHEN about 800 barrels flour, in complete order to receive a cargo immediately. For terms apply to the Captain on board, at the subscriber's wharf or to JOSEPH SIMS.
February 12.
Who has for Sale, just imported in said Sloop, Coffee, of an excellent quality, in hds. and tierces. Sugar, ditto in hds. and barrels.
Excellent Claret in Casks,
FOR SALE BY
Joseph Anthony & Son.
February 13.
For Sale, by the SUBSCRIBERS,
IN PENN-STREET,
 130 quarter Casks fresh Hylon Tea;  100 ditto do. fresh Souchong Tea;  300 Boxes China, containing small tea sets of 42 pieces;  400 pieces Bandanoes;  4 Bales English Sail Canvas, No. 4, 5, and 6;  Willings & Francis.
January 30.
MEDICINES.
JOSEPH HUGGEFORD,
DRUGGIST,
No. 319 Pearl-street, late Queen-Street,
INTENDING to retire from business, will dispose of his whole stock of Medicines together with a complete shop furnished, which are of the latest imported and best quality. Any persons inclining to purchase the whole will be only charged a small advance on the original cost and the terms of payment rendered easy. The purchaser will have the advantage (if he chooses) of taking immediate possession of the shop and cellar as the house is engaged for another year, and on the first of May next he may have possession of the whole which is an excellent stand for business and no medical store, better established nor more extensively connected in trade on the continent. Persons not inclining to purchase the whole may be accommodated with any quantity at very reduced prices. Those persons who are indebted to the co-partnership of Peter and Joseph Huggford, will be pleased to pay the same to Joseph Huggford, on or before the 15th day of April next, as after that time all outstanding debts will be put into the hands of an attorney.
New-York Feb. 6.
WILLIAM YOUNG,
No. 52 fourth Second-street,
HAS FOR SALE,
An extensive assortment of PAPERS, from the manufacturers in Europe, and from his Manufactory on Brandywine, wholesale and retail.
WRITING & PRINTING PAPERS, viz.
 Imperial, Small folio Post, plain  Super-royal, Ditto gilt  Royal, Blossom Paper assorted  Medium, Transparent folio Post  Demy, Superfine & common foolscap  Thick Post, in folio, Marbled papers, large and small  Ditto, in quarto,  Extra large Folio Post,  Ditto, quarto,  Folio Post, wove, London brown, assorted  Quarto, ditto, Lg.-book paper  Folio wove Post, lined, Hatter's paper  Quarto do. do. Stainer's paper  Ditto, gilt, do. Common brown  Common size Folio Post Patent sheathing paper  Ditto, quarto, plain Bonnet boards  Folio & quarto Post, gilt Binder's boards.  Also, a variety of other STATIONARY ARTICLES, viz. Wedgewood and glass philosophical ink-stands, well assorted; pewter ink-stands of various sizes; round pewter ink-stands; paper, brass, and polished leather ink-stands for the pocket; red morocco portable ink-stands with plated spring locks, gold leaf and embossed papers; shining sand & sand boxes, pounce & pounce boxes, ink & ink powder, black leather & red morocco pocket books, with and without instruments, of various sizes. Counting-house and pocket pen-knives of the best quality, as-skin tablet and memorandum books. Red and coloured wafers, common size, office ditto. Quills from half a dollar to three dollars per hundred, ready made pens. Black lead pencils. Gum elastic or Indian rubber. Gil and plain mesage and conversation cards. All sorts and sizes of BLANK BOOKS ready made or made to order. Bank checks, blank bills of exchange, and notes of hand executed in copper plates, bills of lading, manifests, seamen's articles and journals, &c. &c. A well selected collection of miscellaneous books. Bibles and prayer books various sizes and different bindings. Toy books for children. Also, of greek, latin, and english classics, as are now in use in the colleges and schools of the United States. N. B. Peel's Spanish flora indigo, moulds, & other articles used in manufacturing of paper, to be had on easy terms. The market price in Cash paid for any quantity of Rags. February 15.
PUBLISHED,
Price Three Fourths of a Dollar,
No. 60,
SOUTH SECOND-STREET,
STEPHENS'S
Philadelphia Directory,
FOR 1796.
WITH A PLAN OF THE
City of Philadelphia.
January 18.
tf.
SPIRITS.
ANY Person may be supplied with Rum, Gin, Cereals, and other Spirits, upon application to the Subscriber, at his Distillery, No. 115 Story, or New-street, between Third and Fourth streets.
January 25.
N. B. Whiskey and Molasses will be purchased upon application as above.
THOMAS GAVE.
m4w
Just Arrived,
 80 Pipes Bourdeaux BRANDY;  50 Hds. do. Red WINE;  50 Casks do. do.  80 do. Sweet OIL.  For Sale by F. COPPINGER, No. 221, South Front-street.
Feb. 20.
WAGNER,
Woolen Draper and Mens' Mercer,
At No. 25, South Second-street,
HAS, in addition, to his assortment of superfine Cloths and Callimeres, Received by the Factor from London, a very elegant assortment of Gentlemen's Waistcoat Patterns; such as Sattin, Silk Mouselin, Callimere, and Merleilles, which will be sold at their just prices. January 9.
d.
MADEIRA, SHERRY and PORT
WINE.
For Sale by
EDWARD STOW, jun.
No. 4, South Water-Street.
Dec. 12.
James Tiffin,
WHOLESALE & RETAIL HATTER,
No. 70, South Second-street, near the City Tavern,
HAS just received by the late arrivals from London and Bristol, a large and elegant assortment of Ladies and Gentlemen's fashionable HATS—Also, a variety of Children's HATS of different colours, which will be sold on the lowest terms for cash. N. B. Ladies Hats trim'd in the newest fashion from London. Oct. 12.
d.
THE Copartnership of the Subscribers,
trading by the Firm of GILL & HENSHAW, is this day dissolved,
all persons indebted to said Firm are requested to make speedy payment to WILLIAM HENSHAW, No. 87, South Fourth-street, who is duly authorized to receive and settle all accounts.
Philadelphia, Feb. 19.
The Business will be continued by William Henshaw, as soon as a proper situation can be obtained.
Notes, Wanted.
MESRS. MORRIS & NICHOLSON'S NOTES,
for which valuable and well situated Lots in the City of Washington, will be given.
THOMAS NOBLE.
February 18.
COLUMBIA HOUSE,
Boarding School for Young Ladies.
MRS. GROOMBRIDGE having removed from Lodge Alley, to the corner of Eleventh and Spruce-streets, for the advantage of a large, convenient House, in a dry, healthy situation; hopes for the continuance of the encouragement she has hitherto so highly experienced; and for which the returns her former acknowledgment. Mrs. GROOMBRIDGE is assisted by Masters of the first ability; and the useful, as well as ornamental branches of education are particularly attended to. February 8.
$2w $3m
Columbian Gallery,
Chestnut-street, third Door West of Tenth-street.
MR. SAVAGE,
INFORMS the Ladies and Gentlemen of Philadelphia that the COLUMBIAN GALLERY, containing a large collection of ancient & modern PAINTINGS & PRINTS will be opened on Monday, the 22d inst.
This collection consists of the productions of the first artists, and will doubtless be pleasing to amateurs and the admirers of the fine arts. To this collection Mr. Savage has added several pieces of his own, one of which is the President and Family, the full size of Life. Price of admission to the Gallery, one quarter of a dollar. The PANORAMA, in High-street, exhibiting a View of London, continues open for the amusement of those who may be disposed to see that interesting perspective. Feb. 20.
To the Public.
AT MR. O'ELLER'S HOTEL.
A French Miniature Painter respectfully offers his services to the Public, and hopes that the moderation of his terms, the very short time of his sittings, and the rate of his abilities, will induce his visitors to become his patrons. Feb. 20.
A HAT.
TAKEN from Mr. Hill's on Thursday evening last, a good HAT, marked in the crown, the name ANDREW ALLEN—Whoever has taken it is requested to return it at No. 68, north Eighth-Street. Feb. 20.
Mr. Walter Robertson
BEGS leave to acquaint the Gentlemen, subscribers to the print Portrait of George Washington, President of the United States of America, engraved by Mr. Field, from an original picture painted by W. Robertson, that the Proofs are ready for delivery to the several subscribers at John James Barralet's, No. 19 north Ninth-street; or at J. Oumrad's, bookseller, No. 41, Chestnut-street, where the subscribers are requested to send their address. October 27.
WANTED,
ON Loan, for two or three years—2000 Dollars, for which a mortgage on Land will be given as security. The land is clear of every encumbrance. Jan. 9.
Pateron Manufactory.
At a special Meeting of the Board of Directors for establishing useful Manufactures, held at Paulus-Hook, January 25th, 1796—The Board taking into consideration the general affairs of the Society, think it necessary that a meeting of the Stockholders should be called as soon as the Law will permit; it is therefore resolved, that the Stockholders be called to meet on the first Tuesday in March next, at Egerly's Hotel, at Pateron, by ten of the clock of the forenoon of the same day, then and there to take into serious consideration, affairs of the utmost importance to the said Society; and that every Stockholder be earnestly requested to attend either in person or by proxy. A true extract of Minutes, P. COLT, Superintendant. New-York, January 26, 1796.
WANTED,
Several Apprentices to the Printing-Business. Apply at the Office of the Gazette of the United States, No. 119, Chestnut-street.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
November 25.
Mr. SHERIDAN presented a petition against the convention bill from a numerous body of associated men, consisting of priors, batters, weavers, cordwainers, bookbinders, carpenters, joiners, smiths, &c. &c. &c. to the number of 19,000, which if there had been a longer time allowed, would have amounted to 30,000. He next presented a petition of a similar construction, from the friendly society of working bakers, to the number of 1,000. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt) had asserted that the friendly societies would not be affected by these bills, if they passed into a law; but he suspected that when that part of the bill should be discussed, the right hon. gentleman would be convinced that he had been mistaken. He next presented a petition against the bills from 4,000 of the inhabitants of Birmingham. Here again it had been pressed for time or it would have had an astonishing number of more signatures. Such too was the situation of the people who signed this petition, that in consequence of some ministerial manoeuvre, they were denied a public meeting, for no newspaper would publish an advertisement to call a public meeting, nor was a single handbill suffered to be circulated for that purpose. Yet notwithstanding all these discouragements, in a day or two had 4,000 signatures been subscribed.
Sir E. KNATCHBULL did not rise to oppose the motion for the petition to lie on the table, but to caution the inhabitants how it accepted that petition as the sense of the inhabitants of Birmingham. He was directed to this caution by a petition which lay upon the table of the house, and was presented in his absence by his honorable colleague (Mr. Honeywood) which was stated to be the petition of the mayor, recorder, freemen and inhabitants of the city of Rochester. It was signed by 1,500 persons, among whom names there were not more than 150 names of freemen, though Rochester contains 700 freemen, and between thirty and forty thousand inhabitants. He did not mean to cast a reflection on the persons who signed that petition, but he knew there were numbers who did not know they signed. At the same time he had to observe that the conduct of the chief magistrate of that city, was reprehensible in suffering a procession at the same time, which was a disgrace to the city, wherein the effigy of a reverend and respectable bishop was carried about the town and afterwards burnt—(a laugh). He said it was no laughing matter, for not only the person of that prelate, but the church itself was insulted, and he had to remark that many of the persons who signed that petition, were the very persons who conducted that procession. He wished his honorable colleague had given him notice that such a petition was to be presented, as he should then have thought it his duty to attend, and mention the circumstances at the time.
Mr. HONEYWOOD said, that it was not for want of respect or attention, that his honorable colleague had not proper notice given that such a petition was to be presented; but because he himself knew nothing of it till it was sent to him, and on account of the amazing rapidity with which the bills were hurried through the house, he was desired to deliver it soon. He did call upon his honorable colleague to apprize him of it, but he could not find him, and the urgency of the occasion would not admit delay. The meeting however, as he before stated to the house, was regular; and, notwithstanding the reflection drawn upon the chief magistrate, he would assert that his conduct had been bold and proper, in coming forward at such an alarming crisis like an independent man. That gentleman was as good, pure, and peaceable a character as the honorable baronet; and in regard to the furs which had been made about the procession, perhaps it would have been better if it had been omitted. About the time of that procession, Mr. Honeywood arrived in Rochester. The people, having by some means received intelligence of his approach, assembled on the road at the other end of Chatham, and begged his permission to attend him, and draw him without horses to his inn. This he declined, being apprehensive some misconstruction would be made, and passed through Chatham as usual, attended by the people only, who behaved with the utmost decorum. When he came to the entrance of Rochester, however, they took his horses from the carriage, and drew him to the inn, where he addressed them from the step, and exhorted them to depart in good order, and in less than ten minutes they had entirely dispersed, leaving the streets of Rochester as quiet as the bar of the house of commons then was. Some time after this he heard a buzz, and upon looking out of the window, he saw some boys beating an ass, with no common figure upon it, and there the matter, so far as he knew, ended. He had occasion yesterday to be at Rochester again, when he was informed that the figure on the ass had been burnt, but he heard of no other irregularity, nor had he ever heard, till now, that any of the people who signed the petition were concerned in the procession, an assertion which he was much inclined to misbelieve. Respecting that procession, however, he had to state, that some hand-bills were afterwards distributed, one of which he had not seen, but he thanked his honorable colleague for lending one, wherein the mayor, recorder, and two other magistrates expressed their disapprobation of the procession. He thought it would have been much better if the honorable baronet had attended, when the bill was presented; but he was glad that he had now given him an opportunity to explain.
Sir Edward Knatchbull did not mean to throw the most slightest reflection on the mayor, but he thought it most reprehensible to let the procession pass by his house; and as to the signatures of the handbill, one of the magistrates (Mr. Manscroft) was not in town at the time, he told him so, and had, therefore, merely signed it to suit his own private purposes. Mr. Honeywood informed the house that the mayor had no knowledge of the procession till it was over. Sir J. MORRIS asserted the house, that the petition from Birmingham, did not contain the sense of the majority of the inhabitants there; that it was procured by fallacious means from the lower orders of the people, who were induced to sign it by the connexion of a petition for peace with the petition against the bills, and that no public meeting had been called for the occasion.
Mr. Sheridan reminded the house that he had stated the petition to be signed by 4,000 of the inhabitants of Birmingham; and consequently, no man who knew the immense population of that town could imagine it was signed by the majority. If he had brought the letter which he received from a respectable gentleman of that town with the petition, he could have mentioned the more precise reasons why a greater number of signatures was not obtained. One cause was, the rapidity with which the bills were passed; another was, that an attempt had been made by the opposite party, to promote a violence if the meeting was called; and a third, and very obvious reason, was that which he had stated, that no advertisement had been published, and no handbills permitted to be circulated about the town. Thus the people were deprived of a public meeting. And now he would say a word or two upon
the Rochester tale, which if the case had permitted, would have come with a better grace from the neighboring city of Canterbury; as it was of that species which is commonly called a Canterbury tale. He must remark that it did not apply to the petition which he had just presented from Birmingham; and as he was about to present a petition from Warwick, he thought it had better be repeated, or some such ridiculous story substituted, since it would apply equally as well to Warwick as to Birmingham. He concurred with the baronet in all that he said, so far as it involved the persons who subscribed to the petition. He deprecated the circumstance, so far as it related to a reverend prelate, but suspected it had arisen from a statement in the public papers, which he hoped was a misstatement, as he could not for a moment imagine, that any learned and dignified person could be so infatuated, as to ignorant of the principles of our constitution, to say, that "the mass of the people had nothing to do with the laws, but to obey them." Sir Edward Knatchbull explained again that he did not mean to throw any reflection on the persons who signed the petition, but he thought the mayor reprehensible in suffering the procession.
Mr. Sheridan observed that this was an extraordinary explanation; for all that he could understand it was, that either the honorable baronet thought there was no harm to bury a bishop, and therefore did not mean to reflect on the persons who permitted it, or else there was harm, and those persons who permitted the act were implicated in it.
Mr. Fox begged leave to say a few words. The procession he with every other person must equally condemn; therefore he hoped that he should not be understood to defend it, but he could not help remarking how much just indignation was shown by the house at one time to irregularities of this description, and how little another. There had been frequent instances of partial attacks towards him, when, because his person could not be attacked, the unfortunate animal, which was of the same name, was condemned to suffer, and yet no notice had been taken. Another instance was that when a distinguished himself for the love of science and liberty, and will be remembered so long as science and liberty shall be respected. That reverend person, to the disgrace of this kingdom, has been forced to seek an asylum in a foreign country, in consequence of such indecent outrages—outrages which, to the disgrace of this kingdom, will stain the page of history for having passed unpunished. The person he alluded to was Dr. Priestley, who was not only burnt in effigy, but assaulted in his own house, and against whom those very French principles had been put in practice, which were so industriously imputed to him. The miscreants who insulted him not only carried an effigy of straw about the town, but they enclosed the heart of an animal in it, which they pierced with a pike, and exposed the effigy stained and streaming with blood in that horrible condition. They afterwards bore that bleeding heart before the effigy, which they consumed, insinuating thereby, that in that manner they would have destroyed the person himself as a traitor. This was not then used as an argument; but he reminded the house that it was the nature of violence to produce violence, and the nature of insult to produce insult; and that it was not by acts of oppression and cruelty, but by justice, equity and forbearance that the people and the government were to be united. It therefore became the house to convince the world that it acted with impartiality, and that it should not fly out with indignation at one indecent action, when it disregarded others ten thousand times more detestable. With regard to the admission of the petitions as the sense of the majority of the places from which they came, it was absurd; for they were to be considered only by the persons who signed them, and he therefore thought the title should always be, the petition of the undersigned.
Mr. WILLIAM SMITH was of the same opinion. Much also had been said of misrepresentation, but if he had been in the House when the petition from Birmingham was presented, he should have stated, that no other purpose had been expressed to the public notice of the meeting than an address of congratulation, and that the recommendatory clause for the adoption of additional measures was inserted after, and that gentlemen who signed the petition went away without any idea of such a clause.
Mr. Sheridan presented two separate petitions against the bills from the inhabitants of the town of Warwick, against the respectability of whose names there could be no complaint, since the first signature on the list was lord Damer, and soon after followed the name of a person who, tho' no bishop, so long as unrivalled worth and unrivalled learning were entitled to respect would be respected. It was that of Dr. Samuel Parr.
Mr. Sheridan next presented a petition against the bills from the inhabitants of the town of Kilmarnock. Notwithstanding the declaration of their opinions, he had an opportunity of knowing the sentiments of many of them, ever since had the honor of bringing forward a motion relative to the Royal Boroughs, and he could positively assert that there never was a time when the people there were more dissatisfied than at present. It was indeed a sullen and silent dissatisfaction, from which the right honorable gentleman opposite might argue approbation, but it was such a mode of reasoning as a man might use who runs another with a blow, and observes, that he expresses no dissatisfaction.
General Macleod informed the House, that if many petitions had not come from Scotland, this was no argument of the approbation of the bills: when we consider the nature and severity of their laws, we need not wonder if the people of Scotland are timid in asserting their rights. He was happy that this petition, of which before he had no knowledge, and which supported another from Paisley, had been presented. He then commented on the distinction which was made of late between the higher and lower orders of the people, and observed that such distinction was most dangerous to social life, to our beloved monarch, and to the constitution. What is it that the rich hold their estates by, but by the sufferance of the lower order of the people; and are not their rents enforced in some degree by law, and their rank in life entirely beholden to that sufferance? He cautioned the house to take care how such opinions got abroad; for if once the lower orders of the people are made sensible of these invidious distinctions, as they are the most powerful of two classes, some fatal consequences may ensue.
Mr. Wilmot stated, that no distinction had been made by any member, but that it came in a letter from Birmingham, which an honorable baronet (Sir J. Morland) had read. He then adverted to the Coventry petition, presented the preceding evening by Mr. Fox, the prayer of which he had refused to support, and said it was not the sense of the majority of the inhabitants of that city.
The Speaker submitted to the house, whether members ought not to attend in their places to make their observations at the time the petitions were presented, and not to revert, in the course of other business, to former petitions, the great inconvenience of which was so apparent as not to require his notice.
Mr. Fox said, that the Coventry petition was signed by 2,300 persons; and he did not go further when he presented it, than to state it to be the petition of those who signed it. If any one person had a less right, too, to make any objections to that petition than another, he thought it was the honorable gentleman, because the petitioners could not find the noble lord his colleague (lord Sheffield); and they therefore waited on him, requesting his concurrence, which he refused to give, and of course, they had then a right to apply to any member they pleased, and they applied to him (Mr. Fox) as a person agreeing with their sentiments. The honorable gentleman, therefore, could not complain that he had not complete notice of it; and, Mr. Fox said, he presented it purposely on the night when the call of the house took place, to give the fairest opportunity for any objection, though another time would to him have been more agreeable.

Mr. Wilmer said that he staid till past one o'clock, when he retired with fatigue.
Mr. Francis observed, that, at all times, distinctions were unjustifiable, and more particularly now; for the lower orders were the people most interested in the passing of the bills, and ought to be most favored, because the higher orders always had other avenues, and better means of access, to procure a redress of grievances.
Mr. Vanittart observed, that the French, who had set out with the doctrine of equality, had now discovered that the preservation of society required various classes and ranks.—Here he was called to order by Sir Francis Basset, for speaking on a subject not connected with the question.
Mr. Sheridan presented a petition against the bills from the town of Dunse in Scotland.
Mr. Fox presented one to the same effect from the gentlemen, freemen and merchants of Dartmouth in Devonshire. It contained one hundred and sixty names.
This drew forth a few observations from Mr. Fox and Col. Rolle, upon the unanimity of the people in that county, which ceased by a call to order by Sir Francis Basset.
Mr. Coke presented a petition against the bills from a number of the most respectable inhabitants of the borough of Great Yarmouth, in the county of Norfolk. As that borough was immediately under the direction of government, he said, of course, there were many people there who had not signed it, among whom were the receiver-general and officers of the customs.
Col. Rolle presented a petition, signed, he said, by hundreds of people in the borough of South Milton, in Devonshire, requesting Parliament to adopt measures for the prevention of seditious meetings.
Mr. Thornton presented a petition from the inhabitants of Colechester against the bills. He took occasion to state, that it was signed by very many of the respectable persons at that place; that it lay for signatures only during the space of seven hours, from a fear that it would get too late to the House, and that it received in that time the sanction of 800 names. He expressed the greatest mortification that he could not join in sentiment with his constituents so far as related to the bills before the House, but he fully coincided with them in their wishes for a peace, and hoped the House would hereafter come to such resolutions as would open a door for treating at the first favourable opportunity.
Mr. Sheridan commended the firmness and candor of the honourable gentleman, and hoped he agreed with his constituents, in their idea of the unexampled rapidity with which the bills were hurried through the House; and if he did, he hoped that it would prevail with him to urge the necessity of taking a longer time for their consideration.
Mr. Wilberforce presented an unanimous petition from the mayor, aldermen, and inhabitants of Leeds, for the adoption of measures to prevent seditious meetings.
Lord John Russell presented a petition from the city and suburbs of Winchester, against the bills, which was signed by a great number of respectable inhabitants regularly convened.
The Secretary at War brought up Col. Hay's letter of service, dated April 2, 1794, which was ordered to lie on the table.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer now moved the order of the day, for the House to resolve itself into a committee on the seditious meeting bill.
Mr. Curwen rose and stated, that on a former night he had intimated his intention of moving that the further progress of this bill should be postponed, to give the people in remote parts of the country, time to exert their right in petitioning the legislature. It was on the present occasion a matter of considerable regret to him, not to see in his place a right honourable gentleman (Mr. Dundas) as from the sentiments he manifested on a former discussion, he must hope from the number of petitions presented against the bills, to see him in opposition to the measure. He had said, that it would not become the House to proceed, if the majority of the country were against these bills; he gave him credit for the sincerity of the declaration—he had agreed to the call of the house on that principle—and now if he were present, he must admit, that probably on no other occasion did more petitions against any measure find their way to the house. Ministers were astonished at the circumstance, and the only subterfuge they had left was to say, they were procured by means of misrepresentation. The right honourable gentleman, who had enjoyed such an unrivalled share of popularity, could not, aided by this, and the representation of his friends, procure petitions in favour of those tyrannic measures, so repugnant to the feelings and the hearts of Englishmen. But when he saw how the right honourable gentleman applied his popularity, and the confidence of the people, to the ruin of the country, and when that gentleman was convinced that the eyes of the people were opened, he was not surprised to find him averse to delay.—The language which had been held at the ministerial side of the house, in drawing a marked, a wide line, between what some persons observed were the lower and higher orders, could not be sufficiently reprobated. The effect it must have on those who demanded or expected the protection of parliament, was that it was indifferent to their complaints, as the higher order only consulted its own interests. At no former period was any such language used—the measures, to give them dignity, required delay; and the people, in proportion as they were aggrieved, would resent and condemn the precipitancy of ministers. But to this it would be answered, that the delay demanded was to excite clamour. If clamour had been raised against such harsh measures, never, he would insist, was the cause of clamour better grounded or better justified. The united voice of the people felt a lively interest in every thing that related to the king, and operated to alter the constitution—They knew how much they are interested in the welfare of both—and on the subject they had but one feeling.
The first day of the session, ministers, through
the medium of his majesty's speech, declared what their subsequent conduct contradicted. They now libel the people with a charge of being seditious, merely to introduce bills into parliament, of which they dare not avow the real purpose. But the people renounce the calumnious assertion of their being seditious or traitorous to their sovereign, and will, he hoped, ere long approach the throne with due humility, and petition his majesty to remove from his councils those men who abuse his confidence, and stigmatize and libel his faithful people. The bill went farther than what met the eye; it created a wide distinction between the ranks in society, and made that difference between the electors and their representatives, which would operate to make the latter neglect their duty towards the former. When he considered that out of five millions and a half of people, only 4000 were concerned in the representation, the necessity of reform should not be rendered still more necessary by parliament refusing to hear the voice of even that number of constituents. The commons as being the democratic branch of the Constitution, was particularly consonant to the feelings of Englishmen; but when he saw the torrent of honor and emolument rush into the house—and when he saw a disposition not to hearken to the petitions of the people, it would lose its consequence, and forfeit the veneration of the country. Would it not then be asked, be folly and madness to attempt to pass the bill, contrary to the voice of the nation? there were two points which he wished to discuss—first, the necessity of the times; secondly, how far the necessity of the times required such a harsh measure! As to the necessity of the times, that was a question which every sober and dispassionate man would disavow, as from the most learned authorities, he could assert, that the existing laws were amply sufficient to carry into effect every purpose for which ministers pretended the bills were introduced. As to the harshness of the measure, its coercion was alarming and would defeat its purpose. He denied the necessity, because ministers refused to go into a Committee to demonstrate that seditious practices did really exist. If they did exist, how could they be suffered with impunity? The charges made of the circulation of seditious writings at Copenhagen-house, could not be borne out by a noble lord, aided by the scraps he produced; but he could not blush for the weakness of administration, because they did not blush for themselves. He next adverted to the alarms artfully raised by ministers during last year, of treasonable plots and seditious conspiracies, all of which were refuted by a jury of Englishmen. He cautioned them to beware how they stretched laws further than was required, without being informed, in a manner the most clear, of the magnitude of the danger. The house is told, the laws are not sufficient, but he cautioned parliament to beware how it extended the penal laws; for if juries conceived them coercive and severe, they would acquit the prisoner, and defeat the ends of those by whom they were enacted. The people should not be precluded from coming to the bar—the house should not put themselves in a situation of showing indifference to the desires of the country; the people should be allowed time to discuss the bills, and to petition; and if they were dead to their liberties, they should wear their chains. But he was assured that they had roused from their slumbers and that there was not a man in the country, who was not either a slave or a tool, who would not petition against the bill. When gentlemen at the other side of the house attributed unworthy motives to those who opposed the bills, they acted on narrow and unfair grounds. He imputed to no man interested views, for he had always acted for himself, without regard to party interest, or being actuated by party animosities.—If he had erred in judgment, it was a circumstance experienced by those who were fallible; but he was never biased by attachment to any private friend, to act contrary to his opinions as a faithful representative. As an honest man he must pronounce the present bills gross encroachments on the rights and privileges of Englishmen. If they were forced on the people, there was no moral obligation why they should submit. Let ministers delay and receive the sentiments of the nation; they may profit by the advice of opposition, as they had before, for to them were the country indebted in preventing a war with Russia, and hostilities with Spain. Englishmen had sucked it with their mothers' milk, a love of liberty: they would never submit to be slaves, and those who attempted to wrest from them their Constitution, would be lost, he predicted, in the struggle. Mr. Curwen concluded, by moving, "That the further consideration of the bill be postponed till this day se'n-night."
Mr. Harrison rose to second the motion. He declared it his opinion, as far as he could judge, that the people of the country were totally averse to the bill. Time, he insisted, should be given to obtain the opinions of the people in the remote parts of the kingdom. It was a measure that ought not to be adopted by ministers, without their affections from parliament. It was a measure in his mind not to be endured; for it was abominable, and destructive, and a most daring violation of the liberties of the country. Admitting the arguments of ministers in their full extent, and even allowing their calumnious assertions, still the measure ought to be spurned with indignation, and the people should manifest their abhorrence against a bill subversive of the Constitution. It was still more strange to see ministers, at this critical period, venture to introduce a measure that tore away the security of the subject, and destroyed the great charter of the nation, as established by the bill of rights.
Mr. Wallis affirmed, that the petitions had been obtained by means of the grossest misrepresentation; and delay would answer no purpose, but to create mischief. He saw the object of gentlemen when they called for procrastination, and who were averse to have the measure made more palatable, because it would not, in such a shape, occasion the opposition it deserved.—Their conduct in this business, shewed, they were not averse to illegal resistance, so far as it was revolutionary, but not connected
with what produced the revolution of 1688. That measure was attained without any violation of the constitution, but gentlemen at the opposite side of the house went farther, and directly attacked the constitution, in support of which they affected so much tenderness. They aimed by their language, to influence the freedom of debate, by raising the sword, and lighting up the flame of civil war. He maintained that the exertion, and propagation of the principles of the London Corresponding Society, by citizen Lee, were connected with the insult offered to the King. The attempt of ministers to defeat their machinations gave offence to some gentlemen; but he was convinced, that by adopting the present measures, the country would be saved. It had been advanced by an honourable gentleman, that it was immaterial whether the nation degenerated into a state of anarchy or of despotism; but the gentlemen who opposed the bills, would find in a state of anarchy, no protection for that property, which they boasted gave them as large a share of interest in the welfare of the country as others, and which may not be the case if the present necessary measures of his majesty's ministers were not adopted. He would not say that any of the parties who assembled at Copenhagen-house actually put the instrument into the hand of the miscreant who attacked the sovereign, but he would assert, that the language used at that meeting was such as to influence and work on the mind of the ignorant, and was calculated to produce every outrage against the laws. The best security of a British sovereign he admitted, was to live in the hearts of his people—his present majesty enjoyed in a pre-eminent degree, the affection of his subjects; but this could not protect him from the hand of the conspirator, who in aiming a blow at the king, aimed it also at every subject in the kingdom.
Mr. Whitebread said he rose to plead guilty to the charge made against his honorable friend who made the motion, and confessed his object was merely to create delay. The constitution, wily authorized delay for deliberation—delay in this instance was congenial to the pure spirit of the constitution; and of the delay he was not ashamed. Parliament was answerable to the people for the preservation of the law, and it was its duty to protect the constitution and liberties of the country. Every moment's delay in the present business was a matter of triumph and exultation, for it operated to unmask ministers, and remove the veil from before the eyes of the people. The honorable gentleman who spoke last, asserted, and asserted roundly, that the petitions against these odious bills were obtained by means of misrepresentation. He denied the fact. Could the honorable gentlemen in conscience say, that he thought the petitions did not speak the sentiments of the people? They had, as far as they were enabled by the privilege of deliberation, by the result of that exercise, firm persuasion of the dangerous innovation of these measures on the constitution, and manifested their abhorrence of the detestable bill. Some gentlemen had argued, in his opinion, rather indecorously, that the petitions did not speak the sense of those people by whom they were signed; and others declared in rather a sarcastic tone, that they proceeded from the poor, and not from the rich. This was a scandalous and invidious distinction, for in his opinion the indigent had more to flake than the opulent, for the latter could find the way to redress, when the former were shut out, if not sheltered by the constitution in preserving to them their inalienable right, the right of petitioning. The charge of misrepresentation rested with ministers: they misrepresent the bill themselves, in advancing that it will guard against the mischiefs which it is intended to correct, and against which they complain. Thus far it is a fatal and daring attack on the liberties of the subject, while it is inadequate to the purposes it professes to have in view. Ministers, if convinced that the measure only needed to be understood to be adopted, should certainly agree to the motion, confident that when the people were convinced of the propriety and adequacy of the measure, they would support government by their petitions. It had been intimated that his honorable friend had disclosed their intentions, by not wishing it to go into a committee, for the purpose of suffering it to come before the public in its original and natural garb. To this assertion he was not disinclined also to plead guilty. He was not averse to hear it come before the world in that questionable shape, to evince to the people the stretch of power at which ministers aimed, and not to let it go forth, after having been smoothed down, and fashioned, in conforming in a great measure, to the successful opposition which it endured. The voice of the people had the desired effect on ministers: he knew they wished to abandon the measure altogether; they made it now indeed a nullity, and were determined to preserve the shadow, merely, as they conceive, to preserve their credit; but he hoped the futility of the transaction would not be soon forgotten. The bills, it is said, are brought forward to protect the liberties of the people. But how were they to be protected: Was it like those flaming bigots who upheld their institutions by the rack and the stake? Did they, taking an example from the promoters of certain tenets of religion, wish to emulate the inquisition, by the harsh and coercive measures they have introduced. How must the house be shocked to see members, in support of the constitution, come forward with measures as despotic as any that have disgraced the most atrocious tyrant that ever crawled on the face of the earth? The constitution was founded on justice and mercy, and must sink, if attempted to be upheld by force and blood. In the bill there was nothing but blood: in the measures of ministers there was nothing but mischief and horror! If anything could add to the solemnity of the proceedings of the house, he advised parliament to hearken to the voice of reason, and hear evidence at the bar, and not calumniate with violence, and convict without trial. It had been repeatedly asserted that the Corresponding Societies held seditious doctrines, and ministers have not done their duty, or exhibited the shadow of proof for the introduction of the bill, until they have actually proved their assertion. Until this is done, they remain refuted, and he in candour must advance, that no such doctrines as those which they attribute to that body of men have been uttered or advanced. Was it not notorious, that the ministers of the crown have deceived the country by forged plots, and unfounded conspiracies? Did they not, to serve their own views, to excite the honest feelings of Englishmen, for the purpose of aiming a dagger at the very vitals of our liberties, keep the country in a state of painful anxiety and distressing alarm, when not the least foundation existed for their interested and wicked rumours? He was borne out in this indisputable assertion, by a string of facts, fresh in the memory of the house. His right hon. friend had observed, in strong and pointed terms, on their last plot, during the summer, known by the name of the Pop-gun plot. When the house considered the despotic proceeding on that occasion, they will now refuse to call evidence to shew what foundation there is for the
present measures. The preamble of the bill contained, he insisted, a gross and unjustifiable calumny against his majesty's subjects, and the house did not do its duty if it did not enquire into the fact. If they continue to say it is a charge, and not a calumny, that was a miserable quibble, and to deny investigation in such a case, was neither creditable to their feelings as men, nor to their honor as legislators. It was such the case, he would not be suppressed even in this enlightened age. If men were put to the torture, when ministers were driven to the necessity of producing evidence in favour of their measures. If these men had transgressed against the law, or against the constitution, was it judicious in administration, to draw them beyond the pale of security, and exclude them from the protection of both, when they surrendered a will to conciliate parliament, and shewed a disposition to prove the innocence of their conduct? Would it not be much better, would it not be infinitely more advisable to redeem them, than to serve them to despotism? They evinced, by their petitions, their desire to return to their duty, and they should be received. But nothing could out by ministers in their attempt of a few having an opportunity of polluting the whole people, without giving them an opportunity of confounding their calumniators. The deliberations of the house, he pronounced, at the moment he was addressing parliament, were surrounded by the army. The military to be was distributed, as in a few minutes to appear in any part of the city it necessarily required. How to account for such measures, he could not see, except they proceeded from an unknown conscience, or an intention to keep up the favourite system of alarm. Did the bill give any additional security to the king? No, it gave the reverse of security. Was there, during the last year, any tumult to warrant the preamble of the bill?—none.
If the enactments of the bill were against the sense of the people, and if they were carried into effect, he would say with his right honourable friend, in that case, resistance will not be a matter of moral duty, but of prudence. He would not say by what means tyranny was carried into execution, whether by act of parliament or otherwise; in any case it was abhorrent to the feelings of Englishmen. If parliament sanctioned despotic acts, it became the accomplice of ministers—now, under the present bill, could the people complain of their grievances; the destruction given of the late meeting of the Common-hall, must convince the house, that under its operation, the present bill, from the acknowledgment of certain magistrates who gave an account of the proceedings, that assembly must become null and void. They would have taken care to dismiss men who paid to little attention to their hangarings. An honourable gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce) declared his sentiments in favour of the bill, without recollecting, that it passed, no meeting would take place to petition against the slave trade, as that would be considered as approaching to French principles, and the assembly could consequently be dismissed. In case of dissolution of parliament, it was well understood that high sheriffs were nominated to answer the purposes of government. In case the present bill passed into a law, that abuse would take place annually, and in a short period, the constitution would be completely subverted. Under the present act, any magistrate can interfere with the privacy of domestic comfort—he can intrude into a family, and enter the house without being responsible for such an unjustifiable intrusion. Who could then support a bill liable to such objection; for if such were allowed, who was there who did not foresee that such a circumstance must be attended with bad consequences? Were they afraid of the meeting at Copenhagen-house? If the bill was not to operate as they assert, such meetings were not prohibited. How could rational beings fumble on such absurdities? Every measure of the present minister: his invading the country in war—his defeats and disasters—the blunders of ministry—and their prodigality, certainly rendered them unpopular, but never in any serious mind, operated to the insult of the sovereign. The bills, in fact, were calculated for their security, and not that of the king, on whom they meant to cast the odium of their misconduct or disgrace.
Who could read the atrocious libel, attributed to Reeves, and which was pronounced by the Secretary of War innocent in its nature, without perceiving that chain of facts which led to the present despotic measures? Who could see without grief a distinguished leader in the present cabinet, who was the principal cause of exciting the American war, and the calamities that followed? When the Jacobins attempted to assassinate king William, no such laws were brought forward, as the present. At the close of the American war, Englishmen should recollect that the corrupt ministers of the crown were dismissed, conformable to the petitions and voice of the people; a more disastrous period was drawing near; to suppress the voice of the people was the object of those who have plunged the country into ruin—the people may sleep, but they are not dead—they have roused from their slumbers, and are resolved to maintain their invaluable rights, and hurl destruction on the heads of the enemies to their liberties.
Mr. Addington conceived the present a salutary measure, but if the country was in a state of tranquillity, the house should pause a little before they agreed to the present bills.
Sir William Lemon declared himself a friend to the king, and an enemy to seditious meetings, but the present bill was such as must create the jealousy of Englishmen: he was, therefore, for delay, that the sense of the people may be heard.
Philadelphia, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 22, 1796.
An Express from the Southward alighted at the House of the French Consul, on Saturday morning last—We hear that he brought dispatches from Norfolk, which arrived there in a Corvette, in 36 days from France. Nothing new has yet transpired.
By Saturday's mail we received Charleston papers to the 5th February, inclusive—from which all the Foreign Intelligence in this day's Gazette is selected—except the articles by the P-ggy, from Rochefort.
Extract of a letter on Doctor Perkins's Magnet remedy, from a Physician in Maryland.
"I am much obliged to you for your account of Doctor Perkins's magnet operation—of this mode of cure in certain chronic cases I have heard before, though never through evidence so authentic. If this theory of the electorick could be reduced by clear experiment to certainty, how much would poor suffering man be relieved! though to tell you the truth I have not much faith in the durability of the cure. In two cases, since I received your letters, I have actually succeeded in removing an acute pain in the jaw, by the application of a steel magnet, by rubbing the end of it over the outside of the lower jaw, and keeping the mouth open—in a few minutes the pain ceased; but returned in about an hour with great violence."
THE TWENTY-SECOND OF FEBRUARY.
This being the anniversary of the President's Birth day, the dawn was ushered in with a salute of fifteen cannon, and a joyful peal from the bells of Christ's Church. At noon, the Members of both Houses of Congress, Heads of Departments, Foreign Ministers, The Reverend Clergy of all denominations, The Cincinnati, Civil and Military Officers of the Union and State, and many other respectable Citizens and Foreigners, waited on the President at his House to congratulate him on the occasion. The military companies in uniform paraded in honor of the Day—and this evening there will be the most splendid Ball ever given in the United States at the Amphitheatre, which has been prepared with a rich variety of emblematical devices, and every requisite accommodation.
Appointment—by Authority, WILLIAM J. MILLER, Esq. formerly of this city to be Consul for the United States at Calcutta.

By the ship Peggy, Capt. Elliot, from Rochfort, arrived here on Saturday after a passage of 70 days, we are favored with Paris papers to the 1st of Dec. from which the following articles are translated.
BORDERS OF THE RHINE, Nov. 8.
There are yet changes in the disposition of the French army. The divisions of French troops commanded by Gen. Lefebvre, Hatry, d'Herville, who were advanced on the other side of the river Seig, and which we thought to be destined to march before to the Lahn, in order to operate advantageously to the army of Gen. Pichegru, are fallen back again. We understand they are about to take an excellent position behind the Seig.
This has been a movement of necessity, occasioned by the approach of large body of Austrian troops, who advanced to attack these republicans and especially by the failure of supplies in a defolate and ruined country.
The Austrians seeing this retreat, immediately advanced opposite Bonn, with a view of seizing a bridge of boats placed between that place and the right bank; but Gen. Emore, seeing that such a manoeuvre might give them great advantage, passed the Rhine at the head of a hundred grenadiers and some dragoons, and whilst his small troop skirmished with the enemy, he drew away the bridge to the left bank.
By the movements of the Austrians, it is perceived that they have received reinforcements, and that their end is to march in force on the Lower Rhine, in order to make an attempt on Dusseldorf, and dispossess the French beyond the Rhine.
Whilst a body of the army inclined thus to direct their operations, another body commanded by Gen. Borus, made all the necessary dispositions in the valley of Ehrenbreitstein, to hazard the passage of the Rhine, in order to cut off a part of the army of Gen. Jourdan, which has proceeded to Hundsruck; but all the projects of the enemy have been defeated by the generous republicans; by means of the combinations taken by them, they appear to be entirely thwarted. Already the French have obtained many advantages, which augure favorably for their future operations.
General Marceau has obtained a considerable success near the Nahe, behind which a body of Austrians were entrenched. These were beaten and a number taken prisoners, among whom are some officers of consequence. Whilst this was passing on one side, another part of the republicans have taken post in the large ill situated opposite Neuwied, from which the Austrians have been totally expelled.
From Adjutant General Coulangé, to the General of the Brigade commanding at Liege and its environs.
"It is malevolence which spreads alarm on account of our armies. This malevolence will be defeated by our success, when we learn that Gen. Marceau, commandant of the right wing of our army has completely beaten Clairfayt, that from 4 to 500 of his men are killed, many made prisoners (amongst whom are his first aid-de-camp and 7 or 8 officers of his état-major) when we learn that the left wing of our army, under the orders of Gen. Hatry, has equally beaten the enemy, and forced it to pass the Sieg; that this left wing is ready to pass this river to chase the enemy, and clear entirely the right bank of the Rhine, especially the part occupied by the army of the Sambre and the Meuse.
"This is an excellent manner, by which to silence the reports of our malcontents. I desire you to make known this news."
" COULANGE, "
November 20.
"At this moment (nine o'clock in the evening) I hasten to announce to you that the siege of Mannheim is raised, after a very serious action, in which the Austrians have been completely beaten."
BRUSSELS, Nov. 24.
The preparations of the enemy on the right bank of the Rhine, near the fortress of Ehrenbreitstein, are continually going on, and there is no doubt of their intending to hazard a passage of the Rhine in the environs of St. Goar. The republicans have made the best dispositions for receiving them, if they persist in the hardy project, and we expect every moment to receive interesting news from this part of the Rhine. In the mean time, as the Austrians keep up a heavy fire upon Coblenz and its environs, the French commandant of that city has ordered that no citizen go out after five o'clock in the evening, as he cannot answer for the evils that may arise from a non observance of this regulation. At the same time the bridge of the Moselle has been covered with litter, no doubt with a view of passing it in the night with the artillery, and without the enemy perceiving them.
By the same letters we learn, that the republicans, after having retaken the island situate opposite to Neuwied, they have begun to re-establish the bridge of boats which was there, before it was taken by the Austrians, between it and the left bank of the Rhine.
NANTES, Nov. 3.
We hear nothing said either of Charette or his army. Some say this rebel is passed to the side of the Chouans; others assert that he lies sick of a violent malady, from which he is not likely soon to recover.
For some time there have arrived here every day lists from the communes of La Vendee, which have been given up.
In the cantons under the influence of Stofflet all is tranquil, and persons travel more in safety than in Vendee.
From Charleston Papers.
HAMBURGH, November 20.
Since the action of the 10th and 11th instant, in which the field was bravely disputed on both sides, but in which the Austrians only gathered fresh laurels, field marshal Clairfayt having success-
fully directed his operations against that wing of general Pichegru's army, which was protected by Mannheim—immediately dispatched major, now col. Williams, to the head quarter of general Wurmer, with orders to treat the beautiful city of Mannheim with the utmost severity. The field marshal therefore began the most terrible bombardment upon that city, which commenced between five and six o'clock in the evening of the 10th, and lasted till four o'clock next morning. It was repeated on the night of the 11th, and so terrible was its effect, persons who were at that time in Frankfort, say, that the flames illuminated the whole horizon, so that the conflagration could even be discovered in that city.
On the 13th, Mannheim had not surrendered—but in the morning of that day, two Austrian trumpeters were let into the town, from which it was confidently inferred, that the capitulation was going forward. The French garrison, indeed, will find it difficult to hold out any longer, as the destruction of the Rhine bridge, and the capture of the Fort of the Rhine, has cut off all communication between them and the opposite side of the Rhine.
PARIS, November 21.
Bread and every article of life are scarce and dear beyond example, and twice the bread has been forcibly taken from the market at the Palais Egalite: the consequence was, that those who brought bread to the market did not appear there the next day, and bread could only be had in bye places, and of course at a much higher price than in the market. This is the inevitable effects of all sorts of pillage—and till measures are taken to secure those who attend the markets, from plunder, nothing effectual can be done, nor can any regular supply be expected.
We are informed, that accounts had arrived from Vienna, that Madame de la Fayette had obtained leave to go to her husband; we now learn that the emperor has released M. de la Fayette, who is going to Hamburg, and from thence to America. The same account mentions the release of Bureau Puzy and Latour Maubourg, ex-constituents, who were confined with M. de la Fayette.
LONDON, November 23.
Dispatches of which the following are copies and an extract, have been this day received by the right hon. Henry Dundas, one of his Majesty's principal secretaries of state, from Vice Admiral Sir G. K. Elphinstone, K. B. and Major Generals Alured Clarke and J. H. Craig.
Cape Town, Sept. 23.
Sir, my letters from St. Salvador, by the Chatham brig, will have acquainted you of our leaving that place. I have now the honor to inform you that all the India Company's ships, having troops on board, arrived off the Cape of Good Hope on the 3d, and entered Simon's Bay, on the 4th inst. where I found the admiral in possession of the harbor, and major General Craig at Muizenburg, a post of importance about 6 miles on the road to this place, with a corps composed of Seamen and Marines from the fleet, six companies of the 87th regiment that came in it, and a detachment of the India company's troops from St. Helena, amounting in all to about 1900 men; and the enemy, who had peremptorily rejected all negotiation, in a state of active hostility against us. Under these circumstances it became necessary to endeavor to effect the execution of our orders without loss of time; I therefore, in conjunction with and aided by the admiral, disembarked the regiments, artillery, and necessary stores, and forwarded them to the advanced post as fast as possible.
[Here follows the march of the British soldiery on the 14th, from Muizenburg to the post of Wynberg, where general Clarke remarks that the enemy were in force, with nine pieces of cannon, and had determined as he was told to make serious resistance.]
The general then observes, that finding themselves so pressed by us, and at the same time alarmed by the appearance of Commodore Blankett with three ships the admiral had dispatched into Table Bay to cause a diversion on that side, of which they were very jealous, they retired with the loss of a few men.
I determined to halt for the night in the position I found myself, which proved favorable for the purpose, with the intention of prosecuting my march at day light next morning. In this situation an officer arrived with a flag and letter from Governor Sluysken, asking a cessation of arms for 48 hours, to arrange and offer proposals for surrendering the town; but I did not think it prudent to grant more than 24, in which time every thing was settled agreeable to the articles of capitulation that I have the honor to enclose, whereby the regular troops that formed the garrison became prisoners of war, and his majesty is put into full possession of the town and colony.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
ALURED CLARKE.
P. S. The quantity of ordnance, ammunition, naval, and other stores that we find here, is very considerable. The regular troops made prisoners of war amount to about one thousand, 600 of which are of the regiment of Gordon, and the rest principally of the corps of artillery.
Total Return of killed and wounded under gen. Clarke—1 rank and file, killed; 1 serjeant, 16 rank and file wounded.
Under Gen. Craig—5 rank and file killed; 1 major, 2 captains, 1 subaltern, 1 drummer, 32 rank and file, wounded; 5 rank and file missing.
November 25.
Letters from Newcastle, received in town yesterday, state, that several thousand Colliers have arisen, and are committing dreadful ravages. The cause of this insurrection is said to be the scarcity of provisions.
Gen. O'Hara, in the Glory man of war of 98 guns, captain Grey, left Portsmouth on Tuesday morning for Gibraltar, at which place he is going to resume the government.
A letter from Scarborough, dated November 23, says—The Vengeance French national cutter, of 20 guns and about 100 men, commanded by Capt. Ledelle, has captured the following vessels
between Hatcliff Foot and Flambro' Head, from Friday to yesterday morning:—The British Tan, captain Chace, of Yarmouth, for Newcastle, with 863 sacks of flour, and sent for France; the Marquis of Tillbarden, capt. Rentail, of Perth, cargo sundries, sent for France; the Mary Maria, of London, in ballast, taken off Whitby; and the Thomas and Mary, Gray, of Sunderland, with coals, which last vessel they gave up to the prisoners, and is arrived at Scarborough. Capt. Chace is taken to France.
November 26.
The Thetis frigate is arrived at Portsmouth from Halifax—this vessel brings home about seven tons of treasure, chiefly taken by the cruisers on that station.
November 27.
Letters from the Cape of Good Hope, received by the Orpheus, state, that General Clarke has proceeded from thence, with his whole force, for the immediate attack of Batavia and Ceylon, the principal Dutch settlements in the East-Indies.
November 28.
In the sitting of the Council of Five Hundred of the 22d instant, the following article was adopted, on the proposition of the committee of finances:
"Whereas it is of importance to quiet the fears of all holders of assignats, by acquainting them with the amount of the assignats in circulation, as well as with the value of the national domains, which they represent, the council considering that, if the sale of the national domains were not suspended, it would be hurtful both to the republic and the holders of assignats, already issued or to be issued hereafter, resolves, that the said sale is to be suspended until the 1st of next Prairial."
The unfortunate Stanislaus, late King of Poland, is ordered by the Empress of Russia to Mohilow, one of the cities which our ally, the Empress, has benignly adjoined to her own territory. In the mean time, her general, Suwarow, is giving feasts and balls at Warsaw, and endeavoring to make the people forget the ruin of their state, and the annihilation of their independence.
Lieutenant Bird sailed on Tuesday from Dover, in the Two Sisters, Capt. Schoulted, for Calais; commissioned to negotiate, if possible, an exchange of prisoners, for the unfortunate Due de Choiseul and his noble comrades, lately shipwrecked on the coast of France with their emigrant corps.
Mr. Bessel, who was assistant commissary of stores to the Duke of York's army, after being mulcted in different fines, to the amount of sums of which he had defrauded government, has received sentence, that from his scandalous and infamous conduct, he is unworthy to remain in his Majesty's service, and is therefore to be cashiered with every mark of ignominy and disgrace.
December 1.
All the inhabitants of Alsace have been summoned by the Toclin to act against the Imperialists.
Hollies seems to have entirely ceased in Italy—of Sardinia, it is said, that the king is determined to compel obedience by a military force. The arch bishop of Cagliari has proposed to refer the matter to the pope—but it does not appear probable that the king will admit of his holiness's mediation.
Field Marshal Clairfayt having announced his intention of providing with arms all who choose to arm themselves in defence of the German Territory the greatest energy and zeal are displayed by the inhabitants.
Several corps of this new militia have already met with an opportunity of distinguishing themselves, and fought with the utmost gallantry and valor. Detachments of this militia scour the woods, and dislodge the French, who conceal themselves in thickets by day, and sally forth in the night to rob and pillage. They have already taken and delivered to gen. Clairfayt a great number of these robbers.
The suppression of seditious and treasonable meetings is, if we may believe the promises of a member of opposition, not the only good consequence likely to result from the bills now before Parliament; Mr. Sheridan pledges himself net to continue the prattling representative, &c. &c.—What ministry will gain by this in the dispatch of public business, is inconceivable to all but those who know the resorta of opposition by experience.
A very smart shock of an earthquake was felt last week during the great storm, all across the island from Lincolnshire to Cheshire; but more particularly in Derbyshire; and at Workop in Nottinghamshire, a meteor was seen which made those who saw it conceive that what they felt was occasioned by an air-quake.
The meeting of the inhabitants of St. Ann's Solio, on Monday, and of St. James's yesterday was as decided against the bills, as all the other parishes of Westminster. At St. James's Mr. Byng was called to the Chair; Harry Houle, the Father of Westminster, moved the resolutions and they were most ably seconded by Mr. Francis.
A feeble opposition was set up by Mr. Devaynes, but the sense of the parish was so decidedly declared, that the Courtiers gave up the field. Mr. Fox made a most happy address to the parishioners, and was received with the most enthusiastic tokens of affection.
The Ward of Castle Baynard, yesterday resolved on a petition to the house against the bills. The Alderman, Sir John Hopkins, had refused to call a Ward meeting, but they did it without him.
December 2.
The Mediterranean merchant ships captured along with the Censeur man of war, were all carried into Cadiz, to the number of forty one. The Censeur lost about nine or ten men killed. The French men of war had no troops on board. Only two ships were permitted to enter Cadiz harbour; the rest rode in the bay. Arrangements were made for the exchange of all the prisoners by the British and French Commissioners; and the cartel ship, the Constant Trader of London, with 480 men on board, was permitted to sail to Gibraltar, under condition that she should bring back an equal number of French; but the English sailors, it is alleged, broke the cartel, and carried the vessel into Ulverston.
A government messenger has arrived from Vien-
na: He brings dispatches from the British army on the continent at the head quarters, of which, letters have been received, giving an account of the surrender of the garrison of Mannheim consisting of 6000 men, prisoners of war after the town had sustained a dreadful bombardment of two days; by which a great part of it was laid in ruins. The official details had not, however, come to hand.
It is added, that the Austrian generals were pressing on towards Landau—The French army under Pichegru is represented as retiring to the strong lines of Weissenburg. Respecting the situation of Jourdan, accounts are extremely uncertain, some speaking of him as retreating, and others as advancing.
Field marshal Clairfayt's object seems to be this—to force the French back behind the lines of Germersheim and the Queich, near Landau, because the surrender of Mannheim is a necessary consequence of this retreat; which event having taken place, the whole Austrian force will bear down on Coblenz and Dusseldorf, where the French can as little maintain themselves, as at Cologne: and the field marshal will be able to terminate the campaign by taking up his winter quarters on the right bank of the Rhine, between Mannheim and Landau on the one side, and between Coblenz and Treves, Dusseldorf, and Maastricht, on the other. By these measures, the French will be confined within a devaluated country they depended on for provisions, and placed between the victorious Austrian armies and countries which they have desolated and exhausted by heavy contributions, and requisitions.
December 4.
Private letters from Paris by the last conveyance give however some clue to the measures which are to be adopted; and we were yesterday told by a Gentleman who is better informed than almost any man in his country of French affairs, that the principal point on which the Committees depend for the restoration of public credit is by re-establishing all the old mercantile corporate bodies, and companies, on whose credit, assisted by the mortgage of all the national lands and properties yet unsold, they hope to be able to issue a new paper currency, which may have a general circulation. As it cannot be denied that there still remains in France persons of property and respectability in the mercantile line, who would be flattered by seeing the principles of the new Government so favourable to trade, and the renewal of old established charters, it is impossible to say, whether the French may not succeed in a certain degree to raise a temporary credit, so as to be able to carry on their affairs a little while longer.
The Plague has raged with such violence in Smyrna and Scanderoon, that only a few people being left in the towns of Ilick and Irak, those places are to be totally destroyed by fire.
December 7.
Among the instances of gallantry and loyalty displayed by the French noblesse in the course of the revolution, the following is of a description entirely new, and reminds us of the days of ancient chivalry. Madame de Bennes, of a distinguished family in lower Normandy, made the campaign of 1792 with her husband, in one of the Norman companies. After the retreat of the duke of Brunswick, she entered as a volunteer into the infantry of the Legion of Damas, in the pay of Great Britain. Her husband having been killed in 1793, fighting by her side, the commander of that corps endeavoured to persuade her to quit the profession of arms, and the prince stadholder offered her a pension to live upon in the Netherlands. Her reply was, that having taken up arms in defence of her religion and her king, she could not lay them down at a time when the desire of avenging the death of her husband afforded her an additional motive to proceed in a military career.
Possessed of these heroic sentiments she made the campaigns of 1794 and 1795, respected by the whole regiment on account of the decency and propriety of her conduct, and admired for the intrepid courage which always led her to the most dangerous post. Madame de Bennes followed her regiment in the expedition to Quiberon, and was taken prisoner on the 22d of last July, but escaped just before she was to be shot, also her sex was known to her judges. She reached London last Thursday in the utmost distress, having no clothes, but a drummer's jacket, and two coarse woollen petticoats; no recommendation but certificates of her heroic conduct, and no resource but in the generosity of some of her countrymen.
PORTSMOUTH, Dec. 3.
This morning admiral Christian, and gen. Sir Ralph Abercrombie, and all the officers, embarked on board their respective ships at St. Helen's and will certainly sail again immediately when the wind comes fair; all the ships having their damage completely repaired.
BOSTON, February 15.
Yesterday arrived the brig Ruby, Capt. Cole, seventy one days from Cadiz—Has brought the Treaty, between the United States and Spain. The 16th ult. spoke a vessel from London, 36 days out; which had on board the Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation, between the United States and England—RATIFIED. She was bound to Charleston, (S. C.)
A subscription for printing Mr. HARPER's address to his Constituents in South-Carolina, was opened a few days since, and a thousand copies subscribed for in two days.
CHARLESTON, [S. C.] February 3.
Yesterday arrived the schooner Saucy Jack, Boggess, Norfolk, 35 days; sloop Polly, Lewis, Cherrington, 4 days; sloop Hiram, Earle, Providence, (R. I.) 15 days; schooner Lively, Howland, North-Carolina, 4 days, ship Betsey, Philips, Liverpool, 106 days; brig Hope, Hooper, Marblehead, 9 days.
THE Underwritten, Consul General of Portugal, having seen an advertisement of Florentino Rozza, in the Aurora of Saturday last, stating his supposed motives for resigning his pretended Office of Vice-Consul for Portugal—THIS IS TO CERTIFY, that he never was acknowledged as such by the Consul General of Portugal; nor did he ever hold any Commission to that purpose from said Court of Portugal.
IGNATIUS PALYART.
February 22.
31.

Washington Canal Lottery, No. I.
WHEREAS the State of Maryland has authorised the underwritten, to raise twenty-six thousand, two hundred, and fifty dollars, for the purpose of cutting a Canal through the City of Washington, from the Potomac to the Eastern Branch Harbour.
Table with 3 columns: Prize Amount, Number of Tickets, Total Value. Includes prizes of 20,000, 10,000, 5,000, 1,000, 500, 100, 50, 25, and 10 dollars.
5847 Prizes, 11638 Blanks, not two to a prize. 175,000 Tickets, at Ten Dollars, - 175,000
The drawing of this Lottery will commence, without delay, as soon as the Tickets are sold, of which timely notice will be given.
Such prizes as are not demanded in six months after the drawing is finished, shall be considered as relinquished for the benefit of the Canal, and appropriated accordingly.
(Signed) NOTLEY YOUNG, DANIEL CARROLL, of D. LEWIS DEBLOIS, GEORGE WALKER, WM. M. DUNCANSON, THOMAS LAW, JAMES BARRY.
City of Washington, Feb. 11.
For sale at this Office.
The Constitution of the United States, price 20 cents.
Last report of the late Secretary of the Treasury, containing a Plan for the further support of PUBLIC CREDIT, 75 cents.
Germanicus 20.
Proceedings of the Executive respecting the Insurgents; forming an interesting History of the late Insurrection in the four Western Counties of Pennsylvania.
Interesting summary of the events which have taken place in the Republic of Geneva—written by M. de Nivernois, 12 1-2 cents.
Twenty-six letters; on the most interesting subjects, respecting the American Revolution, containing much information not generally known to the Citizens of the United States, written in the year 1780, 25 cents.
Also a few copies of the Accounts of the Receipts and Expenditures of the United States, during the year 1794—price one Dollar and 50 cents. December 20th, 1795.
City of Washington.
SCHEME of the LOTTERY, No. II, FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE FEDERAL CITY.
Table with 3 columns: Prize Amount, Number of Tickets, Total Value. Includes prizes of 20,000, 15,000, 10,000, 5,000, 1,000, 500, 100, 50, 25, 10, and 5 dollars.
This Lottery will afford an elegant specimen of the private buildings to be erected in the City of Washington. Two beautiful designs are already selected for the entire rows on two of the public squares; from these drawings, it is proposed to erect two centre and four corner buildings, as soon as possible after this Lottery is sold, and to convey them when complete, to the fortunate adventurers, in the manner described in the scheme for the Hotel Lottery. A net deduction of five per cent. will be made to defray the necessary expenses of printing, &c. and the surplus will be made a part of the fund intended for the National University, to be erected within the City of Washington.
The drawing will commence as soon as the Tickets are sold off. The money prizes will be payable in thirty days after it is finished, and any prizes for which fortunate numbers are not produced within twelve months after the drawing is closed are to be considered as given towards the fund for the University, it being determined to settle the whole business in a year from the ending of the drawing and to take up the bonds given as security.
The real securities given for the payment of the Prize are held by the President and two Directors of the Bank of Columbia, and are valued at more than half the amount of the Lottery.
The twenty four gentlemen who by appointment of the late Commissioners assisted in the management of the Hotel Lottery are requested to undertake this arduous task a second time on behalf of the public; a sufficient number of these having kindly accepted, it is hoped that their friends to a National University and the other federal objects may continue to favor the design. The synopsis of one of the Colleges, to form a branch of the National Institution, is already in the press, and will be speedily published, together with its constitution.
A complete PLAN of the whole of this Important Institution, compiled from a selection of the best materials, ancient and modern, will be submitted to the public whenever the same may have gone through such revisions as may be necessary to establish the perfect confidence and general approbation, so essential to its present rise and future existence for the general good of America.
By accounts received from the different parts of the Continent as well as from Europe, where the tickets have been sent for sale, the public are assured that the drawing will speedily commence, and that the care and caution unavoidably necessary to insure a fair disposal of the tickets, has rendered the mere suspension indispensable.
February 24, 1795.
SAMUEL BLODGET.
Aug 30. Tickets may be had at the Bank of Columbia; of James West & Co. Baltimore or Gideon Denison, Savannah; of Peter Gilman, Boston; of John Hopkins, Richmond; and of Richard Wells, Cooper's Ferry.
Ephraim Clark,
CLOCK & WATCH MAKER, PHILADELPHIA. Has received by the different arrivals, A VERY LARGE AND EXTENSIVE ASSORTMENT OF Gold, Silver, and Metal Watches; ALSO, A GENERAL SUPPLY OF TOOLS, FILES, AND MATERIALS; CONSISTING OF—
All orders from the Country carefully attended to. February 11.
TO BE SOLD,
That well known Estate,
The Tammany Hill Farm,
Late belonging to Godfrey Malbone, Esq. deceased, SITUATED in Newport, Rhode-Island, consisting of about 700 acres of choice arable and pasture land, within a mile of the central part of Newport. This estate is advantageously situated, plentifully watered—commands an extensive prospect of the town, ocean, country, &c. &c. Has upon it orchards, of the best engraved fruit trees; and three handsome farm houses, in good repair. In the elegant and extensive gardens, belonging to the farm, are several fish-ponds, bathing streams, summer-houses, &c. &c. Together with a quantity of Connecticut free stone—the ruins of a large mansion house, consumed by fire.
For terms of purchase, &c. apply to Francis Brinley and William Hunter, Esquires, at Newport, Rhode-Island; Dr. Lloyd, and Mr. Nathaniel Brinley, at Boston; Mr. Samuel Breck, jun. Philadelphia; or to Richard Harrison, Esq. at New-York. Feb. 13.
JUST PUBLISHED,
[Price, one dollar and a half]
And to be sold by Messrs. Bailey, Rice, Davies, Stephens, Ormerod, and Dobson,
The United States Gazetteer;
OR, A GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY.
CONTAINING an authentic and full account of the different states; their situation, extent, boundaries, soil, produce, climate, population, trade, and manufactures; with the amount of their exports for four years subsequent to the adoption of the federal government. Also the extent, boundaries, population, and soil of their respective counties. Together with an authentic description of the rivers, lakes, bays, harbours, mountains, caves, mines, minerals, and springs. Likewise the cities, ports of entry, (with the amount of their exports individually for one year) post towns and villages; with the number of their dwellings, public buildings, latitudes and longitudes bearings and distances from Philadelphia and the metropolis of the state wherein they are situated. Also the times of holding the courts of justice in the chief town of each country, carefully collected from the laws of the different state legislatures. To which are added, the residence and number of the several tribes of Indians within the territories of the United States from the latest information.
The whole embellished with nineteen maps and a handsome title page.
At any of the above places may be had also, a large neat map of those countries through which the Apostles travelled, in propagating christianity. Elegantly engraved and printed on fine paper. Price one half dollar. February 1.
American Landscapes.
PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING IN AQUATINTA
TWENTY-FOUR VIEWS,
SELECTED from the most striking and interesting Prospects in the United States; each of which Views, will be accompanied with a descriptive account of its Local, Historical, and other Incidental Peculiarities
By G. I. PARKYNS,
Author of the "Monastic Remains and Ancient Castles in Great Britain."
Conditions
1. That the work shall be published by Subscription; and that each Subscriber shall engage to take the whole set of Views, and shall pay for each engraving, if black or brown, 2 Dollars; and if coloured 5 Dollars. 2. That the dimensions of each engraving shall be 24 by 17 inches, executed in aquatinta, and published upon paper of a superior quality. The publication to commence immediately; and one engraving to be delivered to the Subscriber, on the first Monday of each succeeding month, until the proposed series shall be finally completed. 3. That with the last View of the series, shall be delivered an engraved title-page; an elegant characteristic vignette; a map of the route, connected with the prospects exhibited in the course of the Work; and an Alphabetical list of the Subscribers. Subscriptions are received by Mr. Harrison, at his Print Shop, Maiden Lane, New-York, by Mr. Carey, Book-seller, No. 118, Market Street, Philadelphia, and by all the principal Book-sellers in the United States. February 28.
Delaware Bridge.
THE President and Managers of the Company for erecting a Bridge over the river Delaware, at the Borough of Easton,
Give this Public Notice,
That they will, until the first day of February next, receive proposals of suitable plans or models for the said Bridge; as also for the erection thereof, and the delivery of materials. The length of the Bridge will be at the least 600 feet, and must not be composed of more than three arches.
Any person inclined to engage in the above undertaking, will please to direct their plans and proposals to the Secretary of the Company at Easton.
By order of the President and Managers,
JOHN ARNDT, Secretary.
Easton, Pennsylvania, Nov. 12. m w & s
FOR SALE,
A very valuable ESTATE,
Called TWITTENHAM.
SITUATE in the township of Upper Derby, and county of Sussex, 7 1-2 miles from Philadelphia, and half a mile from the new Western road; containing 230 acres of excellent Land, 45 of which are good watered Meadows, 90 of prime Wood Land, and the rest Arable of the first quality. There are on the premises a good two story Brick House, with 4 rooms on a floor, and Cellars under the whole, with a Pump Well of excellent Water in front; a large frame Barn, Stables, and other convenient buildings; a Smoke-House and Stone Spring House; two good Apple Orchards, and one of Peaches. The Fields are all in Clovers, except those immediately under tillage, and are so laid out as to have the advantage of Water in each of them, which renders it peculiarly convenient for Grazing. The situation is pleasant and healthy, and from the high cultivation of the Land, the good neighbourhood, and the vicinity to the city, it is very suitable for a Gentleman's Country Seat. The foregoing is part of the Estate of Jacob Hamman, deceased and offered for sale by MORDECAI LEWIS. Oct. 9, 1795.
Bank of Columbia,
FEBRUARY 12th, 1796.
Late act of the General Assembly making some alterations in the Charter of the Bank of Columbia (but not to have effect until the consent of the Stockholders in the said Bank be given at a general meeting, and transmitted, under their corporate seal, to the governor and council) being too long for insertion in a newspaper, I am directed by the President and Directors to notify the Stockholders of the alteration, as follows:
By the original law, the Stock of the Bank of Columbia is to consist of 10,000 shares of 100 dollars each, to be paid by annual instalments of 10 dollars on each share, except the first three payments, which are directed to be made, and which have accordingly been made, at shorter periods. A failure in making any of the payments required by the law, operates a forfeiture of all preceding payments.
The late act provides that the Stockholders may pay up, as soon as they think proper, the several instalments still to become due on their shares, or any part thereof—but the aggregate amount of the voluntary payments to be made is not to exceed in any one year 100,000 dollars. No forfeiture is hereafter to be incurred by any Stockholder for non-payment of any of the remaining instalments due on his shares—and each Stockholder is to be entitled to receive of the future dividends in proportion to the sums actually paid by him to the Bank.
Thus, it is proposed that each Stockholder shall be at liberty to pay up the instalments still remaining unpaid on his shares, or not, as may best suit his convenience and interest, without any risk of forfeiting the payments already made, or his share of his future dividends in proportion to his payments.
There has already been paid to the Bank 40 dollars on each share, or 400,000 dollars of the Capital Stock.
A meeting of the Stockholders will be held at Georgetown on the 20th day of March next, to elect twelve Directors for the year ensuing—and it is presumed by the President and Directors that the question as to the acceptance or rejection of this late act of the General Assembly will at that time be decided. (222200M) S. HANSON, of Sam. Calhier.
Insurance from Loss by Fire.
THE Insurance Company of North-America, to accommodate the Public, throughout the United States, with respect to insurances from Fire on BUILDINGS of every description, hereby publish, that resolutions to this effect have passed their Board; and that hereafter they shall be ready to make such insurances on terms to be fixed by their President and Committee, agreeably to circumstances. Those who are anxious to effect insurances, will find their advantage in sending the most particular statement of their buildings, and the relative circumstances. Persons not having a correspondent in this city, or who prefer doing this business with the Office directly, by means of letters, post paid must not fail to enclose a builder's description of the dimensions, condition, materials and situation of the building proposed to be insured, especially with respect to its contiguity to other buildings, and whether those buildings be of wood, or brick, or stone. It must be particularly stated, whether the building itself, or those in its neighbourhood, be occupied as dwellings, or used as magazines or manufactories, and for what particular purpose; and to obviate all objection, it is expected that this builder's statement, and the representation annexed, shall be severally signed by the parties, and accompanied by a magistrate's certificate, that they are persons of good repute. For the government of the Public, they deem it expedient to notice, that although the premium must be fixed according to the degree of hazard in the estimation of the President and Committee of the week, yet it will probably not be more than from about half to one per cent. annually, except where a house or store is not only itself built of wood, but situated next other buildings of the same material. On such risks not more than four thousand dollars will be written on one policy. Houses and stores built of brick or stone, and situated in open streets in any of the principal towns or cities where fire engines and fire companies are established, and not containing articles particularly combustible, will be considered risks entitled to assurance at the lowest of these rates. On single hazards, even of the best kind, where from remoteness those advantages cannot be enjoyed, the Company will not assure more than five thousand dollars. No policy will be signed 'till the premium be paid.
Any person insuring for seven years, will be charged only the amount of six annual premiums; and for three years, a deduction of one-third of a year's premium will be made.
By order of the Board,
EBEN. HAZARD, Secretary.
Office of Insurance Company of N. A. 2222. Philadelphia, Jan. 26, 1796.
PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION,
S K E T C H E S
OF THE
HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,
From the peace of 1783, to the termination of the present Session of Congress.
BY MATTHEW CAREY.
CONDITIONS.
I. This work will be comprised in two or three octavo volumes, each about 400 pages. II. The price to subscribers will be two dollars per volume, handsomely bound. III. No money will be required till the volumes are delivered. IV. Should any of the subscribers disapprove of the work when complete, they may decline receiving it. V. It is expected to be ready for press in the spring of 1797. VI. As soon after the above time, as one thousand copies are subscribed for, the printing shall commence, and shall be finished as speedily as possible. VII. Subscriptions received by the Author, No. 118, Market-Street, and by the chief Book-sellers throughout the United States.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE object of the proposed work, is, to present to public view a connected series of the chief events of a period of American history, that does not yield, in importance, to any period of equal length, in the peaceful annals of any country in the world.
Desiring to excite no expectations but such as he shall endeavour to satisfy, the writer is thus early in announcing, that the body and confidence of a regular history, is not to be looked for in this work: neither his talents nor his avocations allow him to hope for this. His humble task shall be to sketch out the most prominent features. It shall be his study to collect and arrange the most interesting materials—to smooth the rugged path—for abler hands, who, by such means, will find their labours abridged, and their progress accelerated.
His chief view will be, to give the History of the United States as a confederated Republic. Nevertheless, notice will be taken of the most remarkable circumstances in the history of the individual States, as far as they can be collected. This information shall be classed under separate appendixes.
The Author solicits the assistance of such Gentlemen as may be possessed of documents calculated to promote the execution of his plan. They shall be received with due gratitude—carefully preferred—and safely returned. February 9.
Portraits.
ANY Ladies and Gentlemen, who are desirous of having their Likenesses taken, may have them done by applying to the Painter, at No. 112, corner of Union and Fourth Streets, where they can be referred to specimens. October 29.
JAMES M'ALPIN,
TAYLOR,
No 3 South Fourth Street,
RETURNS his thanks to his Friends and the Public for their liberal encouragement, and has now finished a continuation of their series.
At his Shop Gentlemen may be furnished with the best materials, and have them made up and finished in the most fashionable manner. He will thankfully receive any orders and pay a prompt and punctilious attention to them. Oct. 15.
PROPOSALS,
FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION,
A NEW EDITION OF
MILLAR'S ELEMENTS
OF THE
LAW OF INSURANCE.
THE present publication shall, by additions to the Small Treatise published in Britain in 1757, be augmented to the size of two volumes royal octavo, containing at least 600 pages each, on a small pica type.
It had been suggested to the compiler, by many persons conversant in the law and practice of insurance, that a complete compilation of the authorities on this single subject would be of great utility; to which persons particularly interested in this one branch of law might have recourse, instead of being under the necessity of purchasing and turning over a variety of voluminous publications. To answer this end or convenience, it is proposed to defer the first volume of the present work to the reception of a very full collection of authorities; not in a state of abridgment, as was the case in the former edition; and which could never supersede recourse to the originals; but to be inserted verbatim from the most approved original compilations, and arranged in the mode which appears easiest for consultation.
This First Volume, or Dictionary of Authorities, will comprehend,
1st. The ancient Marine Ordinances of the foreign states of Europe: which form the common law of Insurance. At present it is unfortunate that a collection of these is scarce to be found anywhere else than in that scarce and dear book, Magens's Essay, in two volumes, 4to.
2d. The Statute Law of Great-Britain in regard to Insurances. The American legislatures have hitherto done nothing upon this subject.
3d. A very full collection of the reports of adjudged cases in the courts of England and Scotland, and of those of the States of America so far as they can be obtained. This will form by far the greatest as well as the most important part of the first volume. By means of his friends at the English bar, the compiler hopes to bring forward a number of reports of adjudged cases never before published, so as to make the series on this subject more complete than any now extant.
The second volume will consist of an Institute, or Elementary Treatise, on a plan something similar to that of the former edition; but with a great addition of new matter; so as to extend this part of the work to about double the former size. A more practical arrangement will also be studied.
The whole will be attended with very full Indexes of the different parts.
Price to subscribers six dollars and one half for the two volumes in boards.
The work will be put to the press whenever a sufficient number of subscriptions have been obtained to indemnify the publisher for the actual expense of publication.
Subscriptions will be received by Thomas Dobson, and all the Booksellers in Philadelphia.
January 19. 222262V
BURR MILL STONES
Made by OLIVER EVANS, at his Factory, in the old wind-mill in Elsmley's alley, South Second-Street, a little below Dock-Street.
WHERE those who apply may be supplied with stones of such quality as will suit their purposes. Also, stones for grist-mills to run on, and Plaster of Paris ground fine for manure, and
Calcined for Stoco-Work.
He keeps for SALE,
At his dwelling No. 215 north Second-Street, a little above Vine-Street.
Boulting Cloths,
A complete assortment of both imported and American manufactured for merchant and country work, which he warrants good.
ALSO,
The Young Millwright's and Miller's GUIDE. Containing a system of mechanics and hydraulics as they apply to water mills with the whole process of, and all the late improvements on the art of manufacturing flour &c. intended to be useful to all concerned in building or using water-mills, which book is sold by Matthew Carey and Robert Campbell, booksellers. Sept. 25. 3td22awtf.
JUST PUBLISHED,
And to be sold by the Editor,
AN ACCOUNT
Of the Receipts and Expenditures
Of the UNITED STATES,
For the Year 1794.
Printed by order of the House of Representatives.
CONTAINING—
Statements of the duties on merchandise & tonnage
Duties on bills and spirits distilled.
Revenue arising on postage of letters.
Monies received into the Treasury in the year 1794.
Payments to the Executive,
Legislature,
Judiciary, Treasury,
Department of War, State, and the Mint,
Government of the Western Territories,
Commissioners of Loans,
Pensions, Annuities, and Grants,
Army of the United States,
Naval Department,
For fortifications of ports and harbours,
For maintaining intercourse with foreign nations, light-houses, beacons, &c. for interest on domestic debt, for domestic loans, for reduction of domestic debt, French and Dutch debts, relief of inhabitants of St. Domingo.
Bills of Exchange, &c. &c. &c.
STATEMENTS of balances of appropriations of monies arising from foreign loans transferred to the United States of appropriations and expenditures, of receipts and expenditures. Appendix, containing an account of the foreign and domestic debt to the close of the year 1794.
PHILADELPHIA:
PRINTED BY JOHN FENNO,
—No. 119—
CHESTNUT-STREET.
[Price Eight Dollars per Annum.]