Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1809-08-04 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER.  SINT HIC ETIAM SUA PREMIA LAUD.
[VOL. VI.]
FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 4, 1809.
NO. 9.]
60 hogsheads St. Kitt's MOLASSES, 60 do. Sugar; 50 do. Jamaica Coffee, 3 do. Guadalupe do. 52,500 wt. St. Domingo do. 200 bales Sea-Island and U. land Cotton, 1000 hogsheads Richmond and Petersburg Tobacco, 5000 bushels coarse Salt; 15,000 do. Liverpool-blown do. 6 pipes Old London particular Wine, 50 crates Queen's Ware, assorted, 150 barrels Superfine and Fine Flour, Russia and Raven's Duck, Count 7 Gin, Rum, &c. For Sale on liberal terms by  C. & F. Whittle. A Good  Stanch VESSEL, Of 150 to 180 hogsheads wanted. July 28.
For Sale, Freight, or Charter,  The Brig HEROINE, Capt. John Maxwell, a new copper fastened vessel, of superior model, ex-cution, and materials, burthen 200 tons or 150 barrels, and can commence loading immediately. For terms, apply either to the captain, or  John Tabb. Who has for Sale, Afloat and in Store,  300 barrels fresh superfine FLOUR, a part for family use, 20 tons prime Hemp; and Patent Cut Nails by the cask. July 26.
For Freight or Charter, The fine fast-sailing  SHIP BETSEY, Edward Watson, Master, burthen 325 tons, and can be ready for the reception of a cargo in a few days. For terms apply to  Bowden & Milhado. July 19  Passage for London.  The Ship Patriot Græning, M. Probst, master, Will sail for London on or about the 10th of next month, and can accommodate 8 or 10 passengers; she is a remarkably strong and well built ship, of about 300 tons, almost new and has a roomy and elegant cabin—Her cargo being engaged, apply for passage only to the captain on board, or to  Niemeyer & Von Kapff. July 6.
For Freight or Charter,  The Ship MINERVA, Burthen about four hundred Hds Tobacco; she has had a thorough repair and newly sheathed, and is in complete order for the reception of a cargo. Apply to,  William Moffat. Portsmouth, 22d June.  Freight Wanted for the Schooner  GOVERNOR STRONG, Captain Burr, burthen about one hundred tons. And For Sale on board said Schooner,  100 Casks Stone LIME. Also for Sale,  A SMALL STERLING BILL. C. Fry, 14th July.
For Freight or Charter,  The Schooner Carlton, James Johnson, master, Now ready for the reception of a cargo. Apply to Wilson and Cunningham, or  JAMES JOHNSON. June 12.  LANDING At Commence-Street Wharf, and for Sale by the Subscribers, A large and general assortment of Cloths, Cassimeres, Cambricks, Muslins, Quiltings, British Canvas, and Tin Flutes, which will be sold low for cash, or approved acceptances in town.  JAMES DYKES & CO. Who want Freight, To a Northern Port for the Schooner  PHOEBE, Captain Fleming, burthen 100 tons. June 26.
For Sale by the Subscriber,  3000 bushels Liverpool stoved SALT, 250 Liverpool filled Sacks do. 400 Sacks do. filled here; 15 crates Earthenware, 6 casks Glassware, 4 casks Sheathing Nails; 7 bags Coffee, 167 bales Upland Cotton, 43 hogsheads Richmond Tobacco.  A. MACLURE. July 31.
SPRING GOODS. WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received a small supply of SEASONABLE GOODS , among which are,  4-4 Irish LINENS , part extra fine, 4-4 and 6-4 Cotton Cambricks, 7-8 and 4-4 Cotton Shirting, Superfine and common Calicoes, Ginghams; Madras Handkerchiefs, Fine Cordet and Fancy Dimities, Mens' and Wmens' Cotton Hose; do. Silk do. Cotton Umbrellas; White Jeans, part very fine, Royal Cord and other fashionable Vestings, Plain and Fancy Muslins, Elegant worked Muslin Short Dresses; Sear Suckers, Nankeens; Kid Gloves; Mens' Buckskin do.  BROAD CLOTHS. Best Superfine Black, Blue, Olive, Brown, Bottle Green, Drab, Mixed, & B and C's; middling and common do. One case Gendarmes' Silk Plush Hats. The above with our Goods on hand, comprise a very hard some assortment, and will be sold at low prices for CASH only. April 7.
A GREAT BARGAIN.  Wig-Wam Gardens for Sale For air, water, and health, none superior. July 31.  AVIS.  Le Propriétaire de ces beaux Jardins a "Brig's Point" est disposé de les vendre pour un Prix modique. L'Emplacement, l'Air & l'Eau les rendent désirable ou pour le Séjour d'un Amusement du Public. Juillet 31.  THIRD NOTICE.  All persons having proper claims against the estate of David Peterson, deceased, are hereby notified to bring them in properly attested on or before the first day of September next, or this notice will be plead against all that may or shall be omitted to be brought in, it being requisite to make my return. Daniel R. Waddey, Administrator of D. Patterson's Estate. July 28.
Wanted in a Private Family.  A GOOD HOUSE SERVANT, Who can come well recommended as being an honest and sober man—liberal wages will be given. Apply at this Office. July 28.
TENERIFFE WINE. Landing from the Brig Androscoggins, Capt. Corran,  Old London P. Teneriffe WINE, In hogsheads and quarter casks—For Sale by  Noble & Arbuthnot, & Co. July 11.
NEW GOODS.  WOOD & HASTINGS, HAVE JUST RECEIVED  30 packages Spring and Summer GOODS, Consisting of almost every description of Goods suitable for the present season. They will be sold at very low prices, for cash, or acceptances in town. June 14.
For SALE or RENT.  That large Dwelling-House, pleasantly situated on Town-Point, Main-street, at present occupied by the subscriber—That large Fire-Proof Warehouse on Write-Water street, and a small Dwelling House adjoining in Hall's lane. Possession of all or any one of them may be had immediately if required; also one end of the House in Fayette-street, at present occupied by Robert B. Taylor, Esq. as his office. Daniel R. Waddey. Who wishes to Sell,  259 ACRES OF LAND, Lying in the County of Princess Anne, on the Eastern Branch of Elizabeth River, distant from Norfolk about 5 or 6 miles by water, running across the main road from this to Kempville; part of which is heavily timbered with oak, pine, ash, &c. July 28.
Five Dollars Reward. Strayed or Stolen from my Stable on Sunday Night last,  A small BAY HORSE, With a cropped mane and tail, somewhat blind in one eye, which may be perceived by a glossy appearance, his shoes have lately been taken off—The above reward will be paid on his being delivered to me in Norfolk, or upon any person giving such information as to enable me to get him again, and all reasonable charges paid. Edward S. Waddey. July 28.  LANDING. This day on Commence-Street, from the Schooner Two Brothers, Capt. Nicholls, 9 pipes, 50 hogsheads particular Teneriffe WINE, 25 quarter casks superior quality Teneriffe WINE, For Sale by  Moses Myers & Son. ALSO,  100,000 feet Northern BOARDS, on board the Ship Orestes. July 6.
NEW RICE. Just received, and now landing from the Schooner Ploughboy,  157 tierces NEW RICE, For Sale by  Jennings & Roddey. July 26.
Wig-Wam Garden.  NINE PINS AND QUOITS, a cure for sedentary habits. July 26.  THE SUBSCRIBER Having been appointed a Commissioner of the Chancery Court for the WILLIAMSBURG DISTRICT, gives notice to those persons, who are parties to cases referred to him, that he is ready to receive their papers.  JOHN COWPER. Master Commissioner's Office, July 11, 1809.
Ginghams, Calicoes, and Shirtings.  WOOD & HASTINGS, Have just received via Philadelphia,  4 Trunks CALICOES, 3 do. GINGHAMS, 2 do. COTTON SHIRTINGS, part very fine July 8.
MANIFESTO.  VIENNA. From the Imperial Press, 1809.
Though the Presburg treaty of peace bore, in all its essential articles, the stamp of those unhappy circumstances, which imposed upon his imperial majesty the duty of rendering every other consideration subordinate to the momentary necessities of the monarchy, yet in the execution of this treaty the severe conscientiousness was not to be mistaken, with which his majesty has ever been anxious to discharge obligations once incurred.  The articles which imposed upon Austria severe sacrifices, and painful renunciations, were executed without reserve or limitation; while those which were inserted for the alleviation of Austria were either not at all carried into effect, or only after arbitrary and disadvantageous alterations; or at the close of fatiguing negotiations, and, in part only, at the expense of new sacrifices.  Scarcely one of the conditions of this treaty, which affected the interests of the emperor's court, his princes, or his subjects, was fulfilled to the full extent, within the period prescribed, and to the real satisfaction of the parties.  Neither his imperial highness the archduke, then elector of Salzburg, nor his imperial highness the grand master of the German order, obtained the full enjoyment of the possessions or revenues assigned to them.  His royal highness the archduke, then Landgrave of Breisgau, was, according to the express terms of the treaty, to receive an indemnity of the full value of the lands and revenues he had lost. Every attempt to realise this precise engagement, in any way, remained without effect. It even appeared, in the course of frequently renewed negotiations, that the French cabinet had at no time the intention of compensating his royal highness even in part; and the ministers of his imperial majesty were forced more than once, to endure the mortification of seeing the just demands of the princess of the imperial house, treated as objects which merited no serious consideration.  A like fate was reserved for every complaint which was made concerning the violated interests of his majesty's subjects or revenues. From the day of the exchange of the articles of peace, no further contributions were to be raised, and all arrears in military requisitions were to be discharged by the payment of 40,000,000 francs. The payment was made, but the hoped-for alleviation did not take place. On the one hand, new and oppressive requisitions for the support of the French army were made, because the French magazines were suddenly found empty, which had been lately richly filled at the expense of the country. On the other hand, a number of valuable objects, the undoubted property of his majesty, lying in various of the ceded provinces, were yielded to the new possessors of them, for a consideration ascertained by express treaty; and this remained unpaid. The loss sustained by these two articles amounted to 24,000,000 florins. All endeavours to procure satisfaction for this, were in vain.  Nevertheless his imperial majesty would have endeavoured to forget this loss and these affronts, if ever painful, could the great end of peace, purchased by such great sacrifices, have been attained. To devote himself in uninterrupted repose to the welfare of his people—to provide for the success of the interior administration, and divers fresh dangers by suitable measures of defence;—this was the wish, this the just expectation of his majesty. To frustrate this pacific plan by all means, has been, from the conclusion of the Presburg peace to the present moment, the undeviating effort of the French government.  Before any articles stipulated in favour of Austria were carried into execution by France, his imperial majesty found himself involved in unpleasant discussions by demands of a very questionable kind. In order to facilitate the military communication between Venice and the provinces on the opposite coast of the Adriatic sea, an uninterrupted march for the French troops was required through the imperial dominions, and this not for the moment only, but to be confirmed by a formal convention as a permanent arrangement. The weightiest objections, derived partly from former relations towards the republic of Venice, which had never obtained or required this prerogative—partly from the condition of these maritime provinces, by no means well supplied with provisions—partly from the danger of occasioning neighbouring states to make little demands—were opposed to this proposal; they obtained neither a reply nor even a hearing. The will of the emperor Napoleon, which had been already intimated—the intimation that more serious evils might occur, if this were not readily endured—the threats to renew the war, and proceed at once to take possession of the frontier provinces; these were the unanswerable arguments before which every remonstrance was to give way. As in that, so in all later discussions, no others were ever urged by the French cabinet.  A fertile source of unpleasant embarrassments was soon after opened by the unexpected appearance of a Russian fleet, which had seized the harbour and territory of Cattaro. The delay of the French plenipotentiaries, in taking possession of this port within the period assigned by treaty, was the sole cause of the intervening occurrence, and Austria was forced to suffer for their negligence. It was in vain that every thing was done to convince the French cabinet, that how little soever his imperial majesty could be answerable for this accident, he would do yet every thing in his power to convince, by every becoming measure, the perfect purity of his designs, and the wish to fulfil even this stipulation of the treaty with literal exactness—it was in vain that the required convention for the right of passage was assented to and concluded: it was in vain that on the tumultuous entreaties of France, the Austrian seaports were shut against the Russian and English flag—a measure which struck a deep wound into the reviving commerce, the consequent internal prosperity and into the finances of the monarchy: it was in vain that troops were sent out in order, in common with the French, to effect the surrender of Cattaro. No notice was taken of either of these steps. The Austrian territory on the right bank of the Isonzo, which ought to have been yielded up by the French troops within two months of the exchange of the ratifications of peace, not only continued in their possession, but was even formally organized and considered as French property; the fortress of Brannau was not delivered up. But, what was more offensive
than all the rest, the great French army prolonged their abode in Germany and incessantly tore up the frontiers of the monarchy from the side of Bohemia and Franconia.  The procrastinated delivery up of Cattaro was but an insignificant pretence for this highly vexatious proceeding. But what at the same time was taking place in Germany, furnished a clue to the real motives.  The Presburg treaty had introduced important changes in the possessions of several princes of the empire of the south of Germany. Nevertheless, in this treaty, the former constitution of the empire was not merely maintained in silence, but even expressly confirmed. The title of "emperor of Germany," was without any scruple or objection, admitted into the treaty of peace; and the recognition of the royal title in the houses of Bavaria and Württemberg stipulated, with the express addition that the bond which had united these princes to the German Imperial Confederation, should not be considered as broken by the new prerogatives granted them.  In the mean while, under the veil of secrecy, the probably long fostered plan of utterly annihilating the imperial constitution had grown to maturity at Paris. A considerable number of the greater and smaller German princes had offered their countenance to this plan. Without giving the slightest previous intimation of so important an event to the legal head of the empire, the princes who were under French authority, or French influence, on a sudden burst asunder the bond to which were joined so many of the most sacred rights of the sovereign and the subject, and constituted the emperor Napoleon their chief, under the title of a protector. It was only at the moment of a publick notification of this proceeding, that his majesty was informed, that "henceforth the emperor Napoleon would know nothing of the existence of an emperor of Germany and a German constitution." In order to give greater effect to this declaration, recourse was had to all the menacing expressions, which had hitherto undeviatingly accompanied every measure of the French cabinet, with redoubled emphasis, and under circumstances which his majesty would gladly bury in oblivion.  No doubt could be entertained of the import and purpose of this proceeding; and the consequences to be expected from it were too palpable to need the occurrence of a mournful experience before they could be fully surveyed.  His majesty was at once aware of the lamentable fate prepared for all Germany; he was at once aware of the augmented and present danger which arose to the Austrian hereditary dominions, from a system which placed all adjoining countries in immediate dependence upon France. No one could have disputed with the emperor the right to protect himself against the introduction of such a system, by the utmost resistance. But however powerful the motives might be which impelled to this, his majesty to the assertion of this right, at a consideration which preponderated over all of them, preferred him to observe an opposite conduct. The immediate preservation of the Austrian monarchy was the emperor's first and holiest duty; and on the mournful concurrence of events which had taken place; this was become the common interest of all the regents and nations which had not altogether and forever renounced the felicity of independent existence. In the situation of the emperor at that epoch, to have set the existence of Austria on a throw would have been a most unfruitful attempt to what his majesty owed to himself and his faithful subjects, and would besides, have broken in upon all the prospects and hopes of redemption entreated by all fellow-sufferers with himself.  His majesty thought himself so much the more entitled to adopt as the basis of his policy, a system of a temporary renunciation of all resistance which might compromise the repose of the monarchy at so dangerous a moment, as the earlier history and uniformly consistent character of his government must forever absolve his majesty from the suspicion of considering exclusively his private interest, and indulging a selfish indifference to the welfare of neighbouring states. What the emperor had done, during a long series of years, to oppose a barrier against the torrent of universal ruin which had been rushing on, was known a what had frustrated his efforts was not less notorious. Now it was of moment to yield to necessity. An insulted and ultimately resistance would have been then as assuredly and essentially calamitous to Austria, Germany and Europe, as at an earlier period the inactivity of other powers, and their deplorable system of separation.  His majesty, therefore, resolved to prevent all useless and painful discussions of a subject, the bearings of which were, besides, subject to no doubt. This resolution was facilitated by the unqualified subservency and subjection which appeared to promote, on all sides, the success of so violent a revolution, through the silence of all other powers, and especially by the marked indifference with which a considerable part of Germany beheld the destruction of the ancient institutions. To be compelled to maintain by arms, a crown which had been entrusted to him by the legal election of the imperial states, which had been worn with glory for centuries by his illustrious ancestors, for the protection and welfare of the empire, would, under these oppressive circumstances, have cost the dignity and sensibility of his majesty to a painful extent. He laid down this crown.  It might have been believed that so important a step would at least have not failed to improve his relations towards France. But the state of things remained the same. None of the ostensible conditions of the peace were performed; even attempts to procure their execution was answered with reproaches and threats. Far from any way looking into the account all that Austria had done for the maintenance of peace, the French cabinet seemed, on the contrary, resolved to avail itself of every proof she had given of moderation and submission, as a basis and step to make still severer demands; and it is hard to determine whether this constant and hostile irritability might, even then, have led, in spite of all the efforts of his majesty, to the breaking out of a war with Prussia had not obtained a necessary pause.  His majesty could not possibly behold with indifference the progress and issue of this war. The fate which had befallen the Prussian monarchy and the royal house of its sovereign, was in itself severe enough to excite the liveliest sympathy; and the

...the interests of the Austrian states on so many and such critical points, that the gloomy apprehensions for the future appeared to be justified on all sides. To take a share in such a contest at any other period would, from the most urgent and laudable motives, have been his duty; but now, motives of which all others were forced to yield, had imposed the necessity of following a contrary system; and his majesty, with the same firmness with which he had been able to yield up his own prerogatives and own advantages, now renounced that higher satisfaction which the application of his resources in behalf of his neighbours would have afforded him. At all times hostile to an ambiguous and insincere policy, he did not, in this situation of things, permit himself to maintain a false or half neutrality; and the strictness with which from the beginning of the war he adhered to this resolution, forced the emperor Napoleon to become the unwilling eulogist of it.
Peace took place without the interference of his majesty, though the mediation he had not long before proposed to the belligerent powers merited a reciprocal attention. The conditions were by no means of a kind to appease or merely mitigate the earlier formed apprehension of the emperor. But as his majesty, invariable in his peaceful projects had made no resistance to the changes in the government effected at Naples and in Holland, he has also accommodated himself to those which had been settled at Tilsit. It would have been in vain for him to attempt deceiving himself concerning the fearful and dangerous extent of the advantages which were secured to the emperor Napoleon by the Tilsit peace; and yet, contemplated for a certain point of view, it seemed as if the very extent of these advantages afforded some prospect of repose by the gratification of certain desires, which it is easy to see would follow. If this glimmering of hope vanished but too soon, he cannot at least be reproached by the French government, with having attended to it for a moment.
In the meanwhile all the subterfuges which had been employed to delay the execution of the treaty of Presburg from time to time till October in the year 1804, lost even their ostensible meeting. The evacuation of certain points of the Austrian territory possessed by the French troops could not with decency be any longer postponed. A negotiation was begun. The fortress of Braunau was given back. The possessions on the right bank of the Isonzo were lost. Under the arbitrary denomination of an exchange, the earldom of Mount Falcone, on the left bank of that river, was ceded to Austria, as an indemnity; but this had not a tenth part of the actual value of what was to be given back on the conclusion of peace.
It soon appeared that even this shadow of moderation, this half return to friendly relations, was but the introduction to new embarrassments and the most oppressive demands. The emperor Napoleon had resolved that his war with England should be the concern of the whole continent, his hatred of the British government, the inheritance of all sovereigns and nations; and the oppression which, in order to injure England, he had laid upon the industry and trade of every country which his troops or decrees could reach, should be the line to be adopted by all states. Under the pretence of not having rendered sufficient homage to this un-heard of system, a few months after the Tilsit peace, the house of Braganza was driven from the throne of Portugal! At the same time a distinct proposal was made to his imperial majesty utterly to abandon all connexions with England; and the choice between such a resolution and an immediate war with France, was the intimation which accompanied this proposal, without any further modification or mitigation.
Though under the circumstances of the moment and the measures already forced upon his majesty in the year 1806, concerning the exclusion of the British flag from his ports, and by means of the entire blockade which the emperor Napoleon had ordered of the continental harbours, the commerce of the Austrian dominions was already in a high degree crippled and destroyed; nevertheless, the step now required gave the evils its utmost extension, and in fact, the effects became too soon visible to their full extent. Considering from a higher point of view, the sacrifice which his majesty on this occasion, made for the maintenance of peace was of no small importance. It broke the bonds which had hitherto connected the common interests of the European states; it impeded every reciprocal communication; it lessened the means of defence possessed by the greater states, and completed the abject condition of the smaller; and in as far as motives of personal hostility, with which Austria had nothing in common, co-operated, it could not but be more sensibly felt by the emperor. When this sacrifice was to be offered up, his majesty felt still more acutely than before, how difficult it would be to fix any external limit to his pacific submissiveness opposed to the overgrown pretensions of the French cabinet.
Soon after this negotiation, the restless ambition of this cabinet manifested itself in a new shape, apparently less hostile to Austria. Proposals were made to his majesty which respected the dissolution and partition of a great adjoining empire. The palpable injustice of such an enterprise (which made a stronger impression upon his majesty, because the very cabinet which had made the proposal, had hitherto suffered no opportunity to press by without declaring that the preservation and integrity of that empire was one of the fundamental maxims of its political system) would have been quite sufficient to restrain the emperor from giving his approbation to it; but besides this, a sound policy and the true interest of his monarchy would never have allowed him to take a share in it. The proffered increase of territory would have been at best, an illusive gain to his majesty; on the other hand, the only sure consequence would have been the introduction of a French army into the interior of his states. And what the consequence of this latter circumstance might have been; was exhibited on another theatre of French policy with fearful and warning perspicuity.
The transactions beyond the Pyrenees, by which a dynasty closely connected by family bonds with the Austrian house was robbed of that throne and freedom which, without any personal reference, have deeply affected his imperial majesty. Not less would his majesty have been touched and affected by the unmerited fate of a noble and high-minded nation, which, at one blow, deprived of their dearest blessings, their independence, their constitution, their laws and their princes, had no other than the desperate resource remaining of a glorious resistance. But the circumstances by which this shocking catastrophe had been prepared and occasioned, added to its natural effect. For 12 years had the Spanish court, in order to purchase from a formidable neighbour, if not friendship, at least forbearance, sacrificed its resources, treasure, troops, fleets and colonies. The will of the emperor Napoleon was as omnipotent in Spain as in France. But instead of this excess of subserviency availing to save what alone was remaining to it—its independent name, internal security, and domestic peace—this court found rather, in its mistaken endeavours to obtain repose, the immediate source of its ruin. His imperial majesty had also declined to sacrifice for the maintenance and assurance of peace; only one boundary he had not overstepped. He had at all times cavilled maintaining the dignity of his throne, and the right of leaving no man unemployed for its defence. That when that is trusted with, and this is
neglected, nothing can withhold the state from ruin; the fate of Spain has confirmed by a frightful and warning experience. In the then situation of Austria, such an example could not fail of its effect; an army of 200,000 men environed the monarchy, and waited but for the signal of attack. The conquest of the Western States being thus completed by that of Spain and Portugal, and the principle that every thing is just and lawful which the interest of the emperor of France required, being openly avowed in this outrageous violence, and without reserve proclaimed in the official papers of the government; and that restless love of dominion, for which Europe seemed hardly large enough, having on no account found its limit; nothing was more natural than the expectation, that the next mortal blow would be aimed at Austria. The apprehensions and the sentiments of the world were in concord with such an expectation.
What at the same time was taking place in Italy, gave new force to these threatening omens. That broad circle of dominion which at one time was denominated under the name of the "New Federal System"; at another, under the more expressive appellation of the "Great Empire," had long embraced the whole of the Italian States. This was not enough. The subjugation was to go into the detail—to be more immediate and complete. The Pope had, in the sense of his duty, resisted a series of pretensions which would have wounded the dignity of the head of the Church, and his ancient rights as a Sovereign. In an instant every thing, which reverence for his sublime person, and esteem for the greater part of Christendom, which beheld in him a common father, seemed to prescribe even to unsparing violence. The provinces were taken away, which remained to the Pope after earlier encroachments. Rome itself became the seat of a military prefecture, and it could not be concealed from the world that his Holiness endured, in his own capital, the fate of a state prisoner. The provinces belonging to the Church, as well as the principalities of Parma and Piacenza, and the kingdom of Etruria, which France herself had erected, and now suddenly and tyrannically destroyed, were incorporated either with France or the kingdom of Italy; and Austria learnt on this occasion, by a solemn oration in the French Senate, that "it is the will of the Emperor Napoleon that the whole coast of the Mediterranean and Adriatic sea be united with the French territory, or with that of the Great Empire."
To rely, under such circumstances, upon the uninterrupted continuance of peace, how ever strong the resolution might be to do the utmost to obtain it, would have been obvious infatuation. From day to day the necessity might occur of vindicating the independence of the monarchy from pretensions utterly inadmissible, or immediate attack; from day to day the approximation of this critical moment became more apparent. If there were means of averting this, they could be found only in the adoption of a perfect system of defence—only in a military constitution which might set bounds as effectual as possible to the hope of subjugating the monarchy with ease. In this sense and with this design alone, did his majesty adopt those measures which were to lay a broader foundation for the reinforcement and completion of his army. The enlightened patriotism of his faithful subjects promoted the success of those measures. Every mind was impressed with the conviction that his majesty sought nothing but well guaranteed repose; that nothing was more foreign from his breast than a longing after war; and that inevitable necessity alone could induce him to demand new sacrifices from his people. The paternal regulations of the emperor were every where carried into execution, with a confidence honourable alike to the government and the citizen.
The true character of these measures could be mistaken or misinterpreted by foreign powers, only in case they were resolved to deny Austria the right of self preservation. Every thing which was established at that period remained within the strictest limits of a just system of defence. It was confined to the organization and completion of the military powers of the nation; and so much the less reason was there to apprehend that this could give offence to any state, as similar, and far more extensive establishments had been made for several years before and were every day making not only in France, but in other adjoining countries. The kingdom was surrounded by foreign armies, who were put upon a war establishment, and every moment ready to march. The Austrian troops were on the peace establishment; they were dispersed in their ordinary garrisons, and no where collected together. A position exciting less suspicion, and giving less alarm, could not well be expected from a great state.
Even on the part of the French cabinet there was no reason to expect complaint; as his majesty on every occasion which presented itself, give proof of his unshaken adherence to the pacific system he had hitherto followed. While, to avoid unpleasant discussions, his majesty maintained an uninterrupted silence on some very essential matters of complaint—while, by virtue of an arbitrary decree, more than 80 Austrian vessels had been taken by French cruisers (a procedure which afforded no very promising prognostic of the freedom of the sea)—the Austrian court was incessantly engaged in repelling from itself and its subordinate agents the fancied or feigned accusations which were brought forward by restless French agents, principally at Trieste. Not one of these accusations could be verified. They were all victoriously refuted. His majesty, did not, however, rest here. In order to close a source of groundless, yet ever returning complaints, and at the same time to give the French government a proof of readiness which even anticipated its desires, and which, as the emperor flattered himself, would allow no doubt to arise concerning his real sentiments, his majesty did not hesitate, how severely soever this further restriction upon the last remains of commerce would be felt in his maritime provinces, to shut his harbours (though not required to do so) against the flag of the North American states.
But nothing now had the power to induce France to estimate more justly the conduct of his majesty. The steps which his majesty had taken to secure the existence and independence of his states, in case of a nearer approaching danger, passed in the eyes of the emperor Napoleon for so many unwarrantable attempts to counteract the plans which had long been prepared, and were to determine the future destiny of his kingdom. These steps were treated as hostile movements against France. The most anxious endeavours of the Austrian minister to set this matter in a proper light were without effect. Their explanations were not worthy of any attention. The French cabinet intimated in an official note of the 30th of July, 1806, "War is inevitable, unless the military movements made throughout the Austrian monarchy be succeeded by measures of directly contrary tendency;" and this also, after the same note had immediately before expressed, "The French army in Germany, as well as in Italy, is twice as strong as it was in 1805, independently of the troops of the confederation." From that day war was to be considered as declared. The language then held was never retracted. At Paris, Bayonne and Erfurt, it remained unalterably the same. If, in the mean while, events occurred which held the French armies engaged on other points, this could be considered only as a compulsory postponement of equal hostilities. The resolution was embraced to bring the point to decision as soon as possible. The relations between Austria and France had taken a certain direction;
and an essential change in those relations was for this reason impossible—that the condition of peace imposed by the emperor Napoleon was of such a character that it could not be even a subject of deliberation.
Although in the month of August, steps were taken which caused an immediate rupture to be apprehended. The German princes dependent upon France were called upon to furnish troops even beyond their contingents, to collect them together into camps and to be every day prepared to march. That, which with intentional perversity was called "the armaments of Austria," was assigned as the reason for these measures. The French armies themselves made movements, the direction and object of which were for a long time veiled in obscurity. During several weeks, the strongest apprehensions were raised on different points of the Austrian frontier, and numerous French agents, from Lisbon to Constantinople, already announced the speedy ruin of this monarchy.
The tempest however dispersed for a time. But not to suffer the moment to pass away without profiting from it, the French cabinet required the immediate and unconditional recognition of the French prince who had been nominated king of Spain, amid the most determined resistance of the Spanish nation. The prize set upon this recognition was the removal of the French troops from the hitherto closely environed frontiers of Austria to a somewhat more remote, but not less dangerous time, that he was indebted for the altered position of the French troops, merely to the necessity of employing them on another theatre, and by no means, from consideration for Austria. The unconditional recognition of the new king of Spain was, under these circumstances, an indispensable procedure; and since, moreover, the most weighty objections to this measure presented themselves on all sides, his majesty thought himself justified in not carrying it into effect. But even in the negotiations on this proposal, his majesty evinced, with a clearness which could not be mistaken, his invariable desire to avoid whatever could give the French government just reason for dissatisfaction.
The residence of the emperor Napoleon in Erfurt cast a new and no very joyous light over the real state of things. What was mentioned there, what was required from him amid the most vehement threats, was to be considered as nothing but a commentary upon the declaration of the 30th of July. Far from relinquishing either the substance or the form of that declaration, the emperor Napoleon on the contrary boasted, that, as a proof of extraordinary forbearance, and at the same time as an especial complaisance to the friendly mediation of an independent sovereign, "he has hitherto spared Austria."
The campaign in Spain, led to a pause of some months; but no sooner did the emperor Napoleon believe, that to a certain degree he had assured himself of the conquest of that unhappy country, than the storm burst forth against Austria with renewed violence. It was from the interior of Spain that the first command issued for the armament of Germany. The emperor's return to Paris was the signal for the most detestable lampoons, in which the pretended designs, the past calamities, the present external and internal calamities, and even the most illustrious persons of the Austrian house, were treated at one time with derision, and at another time with bitterness; and no means were left unemployed to alienate the esteem and confidence of his people from the sovereign, his servants and system of government. Chance alone could not have caused these articles to appear in every public paper simultaneously. It was impossible to mistake their origin. At the same time, the German princes under the influence of France were occupied in putting their collective military power into a state of preparation. All the French troops which remained in Germany and Italy assembled at several principal points; and it was no further to be doubted that the long determined attack upon Austria was delayed only till the arrival of fresh reinforcements; and when possibly the threatening preparations made might have a disheartening influence upon the counsels of the Austrian cabinet.
His imperial majesty had laboured with sincere and indefatigable perseverance for the maintenance of peace. He had, during 3 long years, submitted to many severe and unjust demands of the French cabinet, without giving utterance to a single complaint. He had brought a long series of costly sacrifices to his longing wishes for repose. He had even at different times indulged the idea of forming, by means of new treaties, more definite relations with France; an idea which, in fact, could never be realized, because his majesty sought for nothing by it but pledges for the permanence of repose, and security for himself and his neighbours: that is, he sought such conditions as the French cabinet must necessarily oppose, and not accede to in the pursuit of projects of a totally different character. When, finally, every thing was thought to be exhausted which had been imagined, in order to put the amicable sentiments of Austria to the severest proofs, the French government, nevertheless, succeeded in driving his imperial majesty to resistance, by insisting that he should desist from those measures which were an essential part of the defence of the country. To purchase peace at this price was impossible. The monarchy was from that moment annihilated, when they on whom was imposed the care for its preservation were ready with their own hands to destroy the last bulwark of their existence.
The emperor could not have deceived himself concerning the import of his desire, nor would he have ever formed such a pretension, if that, which could not but necessarily follow it, had not already constituted a part of his plans. Whatever may be done, either now or hereafter, to conceal the point of view from which the present relations must be judged, there will always remain but one single charge, against which Austria has nothing to say. To lay claim to independent existence at a crisis when one state after another was losing its ancient constitution and independence—this alone was Austria's offence. The often repeated expression of the emperor Napoleon, that he has nothing to require of Austria, could have no other import than this: that Austria should felicitate herself on the integrity of her empire (for the moment at least, and till further arrangements,) but stripped of all the attributes which could impart to her firmness and worth, without enjoying any security for the future; without the political influence which is inseparable from the existence of a great state, or claiming a voice in the common concerns of Europe. If this intimation that France required nothing of Austria, were not sufficiently refuted by a long series of facts, but principally by the insolent pretension to condemn as unwarrantable measures of mere territorial defence, it would still, in the form in which it stands, characterize more distinctly than the ablest description the state of the monarchy till then, and the condition of Europe.
His majesty has recourse to arms, because the duty of self-preservation does not permit him to comply with the condition upon which alone the French cabinet grants the continuance of peace, viz. to yield up the means of a just defence, because he dares no longer delay the protection of countries and nations, which God has entrusted to him, against an invasion long planned, more than once clearly announced, and now ripe for execution; because he is sufficiently acquainted with the thoughts and wishes of his people, to know that there is not one among them
who would not prefer the utmost exertions in their power to an ignoble self-annihilation by voluntary subjection.
His majesty has embraced this resolution with a feeling which must inspire himself and every just defender of his cause with confidence; for not only is the step which his majesty has been impelled at length to take the most just in itself, but his majesty rejoices in the consolatory and inestimable assurance that the whole world acknowledges it to be so. The emperor's just principles; his detestation of unnecessary wars; his long, but ineffectual efforts to avoid the conflict which has now burst forth, are so notorious; and the designs of the enemy are so little concealed, and the motives which have called for this final resolution are so decisive, that truth and justice must be banished from the earth, if all free judgments were not unanimous concerning the origin of this war.
The immediate object of his majesty is to put an end to that unnatural and ambiguous state in which Austria during three years has vacillated; a state which, under the vain denomination of peace, has involved it in all the sacrifices, burthens and dangers of the most oppressive war: and to place the country in a situation which may secure it the honourable repose of a real peace. But such a situation cannot subsist while foreign armies, it matters not under what pretence, are allowed to hold the monarchy in a state of perpetual siege; it cannot subsist while the political and military relations of the states which surround Austria, are of such a quality, that it needs only a single order, a hint from a foreign country, to spread over the whole Austrian frontier the apprehension of hostile incursion; and while seriously intended, or merely illusive movements, or only the threatening proximity of a numerous army, ready to strike, compel the adoption of extraordinary means of defence, and costly armaments.
The security of the Austrian monarchy cannot, therefore, be sought in an insulated state. It cannot be conceived as separate from the state of adjoining countries, and from the general condition and constitution of the collected system of European state policy. Austria can find a perfect guarantee of her independence, only in that degree of independence in the powers which surround her, which the claim of universal dominion, from whatever quarter it proceeds, would render impossible. Austria cannot and ought to look with careless indifference upon the state of those powers, more especially Germany and Italy. Her interest is too closely, too indisputably interwoven with the interest of those countries. The central position of her monarchy causes her to come too frequently in contact with those states; and the station she has held for centuries, and the share she has taken in all great European concerns, has connected her too intimately with the whole body politic, to permit her, without sustaining a mortal wound, to be torn from it.
His imperial majesty's wishes and sentiments are in perfect harmony with the unalterably prescribed interests of his dominions. Next to the duty of providing for the welfare of his subjects, and the support of his throne, his majesty will at all times consider those as the most sacred which spring from a sincere regard for the repose, felicity, prosperity, and lawful freedom of his neighbours. The Emperor will never deem himself authorised to interfere with the internal relations of foreign states, or to assume to be the judge of them, or their system of government, or their development of their power. He demands a just reciprocity. Far removed from ambition and jealousy, the emperor will envy no other sovereign, his power his fame, or his just influence; it is only in the exclusive claim to these prerogatives that lies the object of general apprehension, and the root of everlasting wars. It is not France which has generated the present conflict, in the prosperity and maintenance of which his majesty will always feel an interest, but the progressive extension of a system, which under the indefinite title of a French Empire, allows Europe to enjoy no other than its law. That conflict will cease, and all the wishes of his majesty will be fulfilled, when the reign of moderation, forbearance, the reciprocal independence of every state, respect for the rights of each, the inviolability of treaties, and the preponderance of pacific councils, shall assume the place of an arrogant system of sole and exclusive dominion.
By what means, and to what extent these just wishes may be realized, his majesty leaves in the hands of Providence. Only thus much he ventures confidently to promise, that even for his own supreme interests, for the undiminished preservation of his monarchy, he will never adopt or require measures which can encroach on the well acquired rights, independence and security of other states, and that if the success of his arms should correspond with the justice of his views, the same results of the war from which Austria expects a guarantee of her independence and her future repose, will at the same time be in perfect harmony with the true interests of her neighbours, and the common welfare of Europe.
Boot and Shoe Manufactory.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Opposite the Market, (westward) has received by captain Lewis, on Monday last from Philadelphia, a large quantity of the best
Boot Legs, Vamps, Tops, &c.
that has (probably) ever been in Norfolk. With the Philadelphia Upper Leather for Boots—the choice of Seal and other Leather here—good workmanship—great attention—no disappointment—a regular bred foreman—and a tolerable supervisor—He has already furnished and will continue to furnish, better Boots and Shoes and better treatment to customers than has been rendered here by any person in this way; on these conditions only he expects custom.
He has now from Baltimore, &c. three good HANDS for Ladies' Work, and a good flock of KID and MOROCCO; all the materials and workmanship shall be good, or an allowance made for that which is not; but the greatly increased price of all the materials, and the high price of labour in this way, will not admit of the Shoes being sold at the price of the run-work, generally offered for sale here.
He is now getting almost all kinds of Boots & Shoes made. The advantage of getting Boots and Shoes made in the place of good materials and workmanship, where the responsibility of the manufacturer is bound, is too obvious not to be seen except by those who have eyes and will not see.
He has on hand a large assortment of Boots, where gentlemen may be fitted at any time, with a certainty of getting such as are good, as he has no run work done, and a large assortment of Shoes of nearly all kinds. His terms are each only.
A LEASE
For the eligible PROPERTY he now occupies is to be disposed of—it has about three and an half years to run.
Martin's Double Brand FLOUR, in barrels and half barrels, manufactured solely for family use. July 6.
WANTED.
Rough Oak bbl, and lidd. STAVES, of the best quality, for which cash will be given. Robert Matland. April 25.

THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
TO SHEW THE VERY AGE AND BODY OF THE TIMES, HIS FORM AND PRESSURE.
FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 4, 1809.
THE SYREN has returned, and by this day's mail we have received the general heads of the information by her. It seems then, that all our hopes of conciliating the Emperor, to induce him to relax his decrees, have vanished "into air, thin air." We have never expected any relaxation of the French decrees, and are not disappointed—We have inserted two letters from the National Intelligencer, we call no man's veracity in question, but we know that a letter of the Eighteenth of June, has been received from Bordeaux, which was sent down by express after the ship Hope, which states directly the reverse of what is stated in the National Intelligencer, and which is in substance confirmed by the Syren.
It is a source of serious concern, the large amount of American property that will fall under Buonaparte's decrees in Holland, Germany, Denmark, and other countries under his control.—Amidst all this distress, there is some hope that the Archduke Charles will be able to resist the tyrant, until infatuated Europe can rally, and restore the harmony of the political balance.
AUSTRIAN MANIFESTO. This important and highly interesting state paper, is commenced in our first page, and if nothing very important arrives so as to induce a division of it, we shall give it all in one paper, notwithstanding its great length. We hope none of our readers will be deterred on account of the length of this document, from giving it a patient reading; we undertake to say that the interesting subject, and able manner in which it is discussed, will amply reward the reader for the time and attention which he may bestow. To all those who appreciate the blessings of independence and self-government, and abhor a foreign domination, this document will make a deep, lasting, and it is to be hoped, a valuable impression. By this state paper we arrive at the knowledge of facts hitherto concealed by the most hypocritical professions—The views of Napoleon are exposed, with dignity and moderation. Can we Americans persuade ourselves that the Tyrant, has never had us in contemplation? The barriers between us and him, are few, but powerful, those broken down, we should find ourselves occupied with more serious considerations, than the veracity of a foreign minister, or in discussing abstract questions of the law of nations, touching the powers of a minister to bind his government.
To those remarks we shall add those of the Commercial Advertiser of New-York, to whom we are indebted for this Manifesto.
"With much pleasure, we this evening present to our readers this very able and interesting state paper. It details in the language of energy and truth, the numerous acts of violence, treachery, insult and injuries which the emperor of France had exhibited towards Austria, and which led to the present vigorous and sanguinary contest. It shews, among other things, that although, by the treaty of Presburgh, Buonaparte guaranteed the continuance of the ancient Constitution of Germany; yet, he impiously violated that constitution and his own solemn pledge by forming the confederation of the Rhine. It shows also, that, while he was pledging to support the Turkish empire, he unblushingly proposed to the emperor Francis the partition of her dominions.
"No one can forget, that Buonaparte marched his troops unopposed into Madrid and dethroned the Spanish monarch under pretence of merely passing through the kingdom to expel the house of Braganza from Portugal and to partition that empire. Had not Francis possessed the firmness and the virtue to spurnat the treacherous lure—Had he yielded to the disgraceful project of dismembering the Turkish empire, the tragic scenes of Madrid would have been enacted within the walls of Vienna. The imperial family of Austria would long before this have been dragged in chains to Versailles or Bologne; and the sceptre of their hereditary dominions would have been swayed by another Buonaparte. Perhaps (and it is devoutly to be wished) this firm and honourable resistance of Austria may, under the guidance of Providence, prove a check to the career of the most ambitious and relentless tyrant that was ever let loose to scourge the nations of the world."
"On the Manifesto before us, an English paper thus remarks:— 'We venture to class it among the most eloquent and impressive state papers which the diplomatic literature of any cultivated language can exhibit. It is not written with that animation and fire which become addresses to an army or a populace; but it is a dignified and solemn appeal to the moral sense of cultivated and thinking men throughout Europe.—Unlike a French Manifesto, it is more profound than acute; and will make a deeper impression the longer it dwells upon the mind.'
"What appears to us the most promising feature of the whole, is, that it holds forth no illusive hopes of success, and does not affect a confidence which would be infatuation if it were sincere. The imminent danger of the conflict, and the extremity of the calamity, in case of defeat, are fully impressed upon the cabinet of Vienna."
"Should the arms of Austria be ultimately unsuccessful, this Manifesto will be, by anticipation, a solemn appeal to the upright. Few both of distant countries and future ages, whose notions of right and wrong, like those of the Roman patriot, will remain unaffected by the decision of arms; and who if Buonaparte be destined to add a new conquest, more tremendous than any which has preceded it, will hereafter deem him, as they do now, and have done heretofore, the reproach and scourge of the age and generation."
[MR. ERSKINE'S DEFENCE, AS SUPPOSED.]
From the U. States' Gazette—July 26.
We insert the following communication at the request of a friend, without vouching for the correctness of the opinions expressed in it. When we came to see Mr. Erskine's instructions in full, a more correct opinion may be formed as to the merits of the question.
To the Editor of the U. States' Gazette.
SIR, In examining the instructions of Mr. Canning to the British minister in this country, so far as they
are given to us, I am led to make the following remarks:
It appears that Mr. Erskine had stated to his government his belief that the persons composing our present administration were really desirous to effect an amicable accommodation with Great-Britain.—In a dispatch of the 28th of January, Mr. Canning informs Mr. Erskine, that if it really be the case that the members of the American government have such disposition, his majesty's ministers will be ready to withdraw the exceptional orders in council, so far as respects America, on certain conditions.—Let us fairly examine these conditions, in order to see whether Mr. Erskine has, or has not, pursued his instructions in such respects as they may be consistent with the rules of common sense, and with the nature of our constitution.
1st condition—"That America shall withdraw her interdictions, embargo, &c. so far as they relate to the ships of war and trade of Great Britain, leaving them in force as to France, and the powers who adopt her decrees." With this condition there has been full compliance, so far as there was authority vested in the executive, except in regard to Holland. At the period of the negotiation, Holland had, by proclamation, excluded her subjects from all neutral trade: it would therefore have been absurd to have suffered an ideal point to operate as a bar to the arrangement, more especially as that arrangement was to be regarded merely as the prelude to a treaty.
2d condition—"That America is willing to renounce, during the present war, the pretensions of carrying on, in time of war, all trade with enemy's colonies, from which she was excluded during peace." This condition is palpably a subject for treaty.—However the president may be disposed to accede to it, he has no power to make any engagement to bind his government. This condition, also, as to its immediate operation, is a mere shadow, under the interdiction of our trade with France, previously stipulated for.
3d. "Great Britain, for the purpose of securing the operation of the embargo, and the bona fide intention of America to prevent her citizens from trading with France, and the powers acting under her decrees, is to be considered as being at liberty to capture all such American vessels as may be found attempting to trade with the ports of any of these powers." &c. &c.
This condition is puerile and useless. The complaint would be made by a person acting in violation of the laws of the country; and the acknowledgment of the fact would oblige our government to sue on the forfeited bonds.
"On the receipt of an official note, engaging to adopt these conditions, his majesty would be ready to repeal the orders in council, &c. &c. Had the British ministry been acquainted with our constitution, or had they really been desirous of an amicable adjustment, they would have been satisfied with such engagements as the president is authorised to make; such engagements he has given, and any other assumption of authority on his part would but have entitled him to a share of the blame and ridicule which must attach to Mr. Canning."
It may fairly be presumed that Mr. Erskine communicated his orders "in extenso," to Mr. Smith. And he no doubt received from our administration a repetition of those assurances, which it appears, he had heretofore made known to his government, and on which Mr. Canning's instructions are stated to be founded. Whenever Mr. Canning shall venture to give Mr. Erskine's explanations to the publick, we shall find, no doubt, that those assurances have been repeated to him: assurances which, whether verbal or written, are merely to be considered as the opinions of influential characters, and in no way binding on our government, but which, from their nature, ought not to be committed to paper.
The sole error of Mr. Erskine appears to have arisen from his belief that his superiors were really anxious to effect an adjustment of our differences; and, under that impression, he would naturally feel safe in having executed his instructions, so far as from their crudeness and absurdity, was practicable; in refusing to fulfil the arrangement, the British ministry have afforded an undeniable proof of their unfriendly disposition towards us, and they will doubtless find it an easier task to have excited than to tranquillize the spirit of the American people.
A LOVER OF HIS COUNTRY.
MR. COLES,
The gentleman, to whom the dispatches sent by the Mentor to France were entrusted, arrived here this morning and immediately proceeded to Washington. He left L'Orient on the Syren on the 18th inst. immediately after she was freed from quarantine. He was landed at Paulus Hook, and commenced his journey without delay. We shall have the body of intelligence brought by her in to-morrow's mail. The arrival of the Augusta at Salem from Bayonne and of the Hope at New York from Bordeaux, are later from France, but from the remoteness of these ports, they could not bring news from Paris of so late a date.
Mr. Coles had not heard of any new order for detaining American vessels in France, as mentioned by the arrival of the Hope.
We understand, that the arrival of the Syren confirms the statements heretofore given of our affairs not being improved in France. Buonaparte's severe defeat upon the Danube, was known there in its true extent. Never, it is admitted, did he suffer in a comparative degree; not only the flower of his army but of his officers was destroyed: on the 2d day of the battle he drew up his select veterans into the front, but they were swept off as if with a scythe.
(North American.)
GEORGE-TOWN, August 1.
Yesterday capt. Coles, of the United States' cavalry, the messenger who went out in the Mentor, with dispatches for France, arrived at the office of the Secretary of State. Capt. Coles came home in the Syren, which sailed from L'Orient on the 18th June, and arrived at New-York on Saturday last.—We suppose he has brought dispatches to our government, but what they contain is not yet made known. We learn, however, by letters and papers, that no alteration had taken place with respect to our relations with France. Buonaparte has declared that he is too much engaged as a general, to attend to trifling politics, such as the propositions of our government. All American vessels which had arrived, or which might arrive in any of the countries under the control of Buonaparte were seized and would be sequestered. The Mentor was expected to sail for America in about a week after the Syren, on board of which it was supposed Mr. Armstrong would take passage.
The following are the names of the general officers killed and wounded in the great battle of the Danube:
KILLED. Lannes, Monton, St. Hilaire, Boudit, Claparide, Foulers, Despange, Durosnel, St. Sulpice, Corvoni, Lallemant, Molitor, Davenay, Lereveux, Debra. WOUNDED.
Massena, Oudinot, Clement, Piaz, Dorsinne, Le-grange.
There were 34 colonels killed, and 1500 other officers. The French accounts say they lost 30,000 men; the Austrians say the French lost 48,000.
From the Salem Gazette. In the newspaper called The Boston Federalist of the 23d inst. the Editor, Mr. Everett, has introduced the following paragraph:
"COL. PICKERING."
"A report (to which some of our publick papers have given currency) is abroad, of deepest concern to col. P. The charge is too serious for his silence or our repetition. His friends at Baltimore seem to be of the same opinion. We are not so much his enemies as not to wish, at least for the sake of our country, to see the integrity of col. P. freed from that suspicion which must rest upon it, while this charge is suffered to circulate without notice. Whatever may be the opinion of his friend who appears in his behalf in the North American, it is presumed he will not, at this day, so far mistake the mood of the publick mind as to suppose that a repetition of his charges against our rulers, will be received as a proof of his own innocence. We extract the following from the North American, a mouth piece of the British faction in Baltimore."
Mr. Everett then inserts two paragraphs from the Baltimore North American, in which the editor, Jacob Wagner, Esq. notices the "report" (as Everett calls the libel in the Baltimore Whig) to which he has reference, and which Mr. Wagner ranks among the "profligate accusations" made against me, and of which, he justly remarks, there is no end.
Mr. Everett, affecting some concern for my reputation, attacked by the "profligate accusation" in the Whig, intimates a wish to see my integrity freed from the suspicion which (he says) must rest upon it, while this charge (as he calls that infamous slander) is suffered to circulate without notice. Thus under the mask of candour he raises and gives currency to a suspicion that I have committed some crime of a nature so heinous that the charge is too serious for him to repeat. Yes, the charge is too atrocious, and at the same time too monstrously absurd, for him publicly to repeat. I do not find that one of the democratic newspaper editors in New-England, with all their profligacy, has yet had the hardihood to republish the libel. To hint (as Everett has done) the suspicion of a heinous crime, will better answer their purposes. Still further to aggravate suspicion, this candid editor adds, that "a repetition of my charges against our rulers will not be received as proof of my own innocence:" as though I had ever exhibited any charges against our rulers which were unsupported by evidence, and evidence generally drawn from their own publick documents.
The libel in question accuses me, through the agency of my nephew Samuel Williams in London, of forming an intrigue with the British minister, Mr. Canning, for the purpose of effecting a separation of the United States. This libel, which is FALSE, and without a shadow of foundation, and which on the face of it is stamped with imposture, Mr. Everett affects to consider as a serious charge. Mr. Wagner, in his remarks, calls it a slander and a profligate accusation. Those remarks would tend to repel all belief that the charge had any foundation.—But to frustrate this tendency, Mr. Everett denounces the North American, as "a mouth piece of the British faction." And who is Mr. Wagner, whose newspaper is thus denounced? The same person who was many years chief clerk in the department of state—whom Mr. Madison found and gladly retained in that office as long as he would hold it—I think five or six years. Yet Mr. Madison knew that Mr. Wagner was a decided, incorruptible, unchangeable federalist; that very stability of character was a pledge of his fidelity. Accordingly, Mr. Madison, some two or three years since, speaking to Mr. Hillhouse and me of Mr. Wagner, commended him in very warm and handsome terms; summing up his character in these remarkable words, "In short, he is fit for secretary of state."
And who is Mr. Everett, the editor of the Boston Patriot? An apostate federalist. While federalism was in fashion, he served under its banners, and zealously contributed federal pieces, which were published at Walpole in New-Hampshire (where he then lived) in the distinguished federal paper called the Farmer's Museum, edited by Joseph Dennie, esq. And now this turn-coat, this apostate, Everett, has the impudence to set himself up as the grave censor of federal men and federal papers!
One word more as to his concern for my reputation. By the gravity of his manner in noticing the "report" which he pretends to think so seriously affects my character, he doubtless intended to point its malignity, that it might inflict the deeper wound. Yet that "report," that "profligate accusation," is so monstrously absurd in its details, that it would be an impeachment of Mr. Everett's understanding to suppose that he believed one word of it to be true.
T. PICKERING.
Winham, July 25, 1809.
WASHINGTON, July 31.
The following extracts of letters received in this city, from a respectable source, will serve as an explanation of the news in this day's paper from Bordeaux:
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Bordeaux, dated June 16, 1809.
"Yesterday the commissary of marine for this port, greatly alarmed us by making a very injudicious communication to the chamber of commerce of this city, on the subject of American affairs. It appears that the minister of marine instructed the commissary to inform the chamber of commerce of Bordeaux of the late act of congress interdicting trade with France and England; at the same time recommending to them to suspend for the present, all operations with the United States. In conformity to the orders of his superior, the commissary thought proper to annex comments of his own, of a very alarming nature, which were immediately communicated to the merchants on the Exchange, and as the whole wore an official form, an immediate rupture between the two countries was considered as inevitable. The commissary, finding he had gone too far, sent for one of the members of the chamber, through whose influence he prevailed on that body to return his letter, promising to write another more consonant with the minister's views. Thinking it highly probable some of the American merchants may have communicated this alarm to the United States by this ship, I have thought it my duty to state to you, Sir, these facts, that in such case its bad effects may be counteracted."
Extract of another letter from the same gentleman, dated Bordeaux, June 17.
"The ship Hope having been detained a day longer on account of some Merinos seized on board, gives me an opportunity of stating to you, that upwards of a dozen letters from Paris by the mail of to-day, mention, that his Imperial and Royal Majesty has revoked his Decrees in favour of Holland, by opening the ports of that country to neutrals." I am induced to give some credit to this news, from the sensible effect it has had on the price of colonial produce."
"Holland according to our laws, is not considered as a dependency of France, but as an independent nation; the Emperor makes and revokes the Decrees of Holland (as they are called) at pleasure—"They manage these things better in France."
SALEM, July 25.
Mr. Thorndyke from Bayonne, has given us the following as the tenor of reports and opinions
as that place will be in three weeks, returned to Spain that country was from other countries; there had been an interview of the king of Spain with the French emperor at Bayonne. The result of this interview was, that the king of Spain had been induced to abdicate in favour of the French emperor, and that the French emperor had been induced to restore the king of Spain to his throne. The king of Spain had been induced to do this, because he was told that if he did not, the French would be obliged to abandon the country.
Mr. Thorndyke was in Bayonne when many of the prisoners from Saragossa passed through there. They were carried on by forced marches, and were in a wretched worn down condition; they had been most cruelly treated on the road, and 5 or 600 were said to have been actually shot because they could not support the march. Of this barbarous deed Mr. T. has not the least doubt, for it was declared to him not only by Spanish but by French officers who were present; and it was the subject of common conversation, and horror, in all circles.
He saw also the brave Palafox on his way to the interior as a prisoner. He was then considerably unwell. As an officer of rank he was allowed some indulgence, and lodged at the same house with Mr. T. He conversed freely, and lamented the cruelties to which his suffering companions had been subjected; but remarked, that they were not behind-hand of the French in their inveterate hatred. When Saragossa surrendered, Marshal Lanes refused, with a compliment upon his bravery, to take his sword; but he had since been deprived of it.
Mr. T. saw there the emperor Napoleon, who did not then keep himself so impenetrably guarded, as he was said to do in the early periods of his usurpation. Curiosity frequently caused the people to crowd round him; he was frequently in the harbour in a barge, in an exposed situation; and had any one been desperate enough to attempt his life, frequent opportunities were not wanting.
With respect to the war with Austria, well informed people, who know how to make computations from what is suffered to be published, did not doubt the French had lost at least 30,000 men.
Mr. T. having spent about two years in France, and been in different provinces, has had opportunity to observe the misery produced by Buonaparte's ambitious measures. A constant state of warfare has drained off the men, so as to leave agriculture as well as commerce in a languishing state; and in travelling the country, he frequently observed six or eight women to one man engaged in the labours of the field, and was assured this was the cause of it. The system of conscription is horrible: the best families are broken in upon and many ruined by it. He has seen many thousands of these conscripts at Bayonne, where they were drilled a few weeks in marching, &c. (without arms) and then sent, many of them broken-hearted, into Spain, to be incorporated among the old troops.
Not enured to military hardships, and most of them perhaps never having handled a musket—raw and inexperienced—destined to a warfare among the mountains of Spain, and against their hardy inhabitants—they entered that kingdom as certain victims to Buonaparte's ambition—never to revisit their country and friends—never again to enjoy the domestic comforts from which they have been torn away.
LONDON, June 12.
Accounts have been received from Buenos Ayres, brought by a vessel from Cadiz, announcing the total defeat and submission of Liniers to the patriotic party, who had established a junta, proclaimed Ferdinand VII. and forced Liniers to sign a declaration that he would surrender the government on the arrival of the person appointed to succeed him. In the conflict we learn, that thirteen of his adherents had been put to death.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Sch'r Phoebe, Otis, 6-days from Boston. Sch'r Essex, Fabins, 8 days from Salem. Sch'r Vandyck, PUNCHARD, 7 days from Salem. The schooner Tartar, Keele, of and from this port, bound to St. Bartholomews, ran on Annegada, on the night of the 13th June—vessel lost; materials and about 100 bbls. flour saved.
PORT OF NORFOLK AND PORTSMOUTH.
CUSTOM-HOUSE—ENTERED.
Brig Experiment, Dickson, Madeira. Sch'r Essex, Fabins, Salem. Phoebe, Otis, Boston.
CLEARED.
Ship Fame, Benthall, Jamaica. Brig Anne Elizabeth, Bayton, Ireland. Sch'r Thomas & Thomas & Henry, Fletcher, Martinique. Commerce, Cole, New-York. Two Friends, Mersereaux, Perth Amboy. Sloop Manhattan, Peake, Newburyport. Elouisa, Wadsworth, New-York.
All those who have claims against the Barque Bremen, J. C. Dorman, master, are requested to render their accounts on or before the 5th inst. to Niemeyer & Von Kapff. August 2.
4000 bushels CORN for Sale. Deliverable at a neighbouring port. Apply to C. & F. Whittle. A few cases excellent Claret for Sale. August 2.
WHISKEY.
50 barrels choice RYE WHISKEY. For Sale by Martin Fish. August 2.
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK.
WANTED TO PURCHASE.
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK. For which Cash will be given. Application to be made to the SECRETARY OF THE MARINE INSURANCE COMPANY. JOHN GRANBERRY, President. Office of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk, Dec. 14.
NOTES OF HAND.
according to the new form established by the Director of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office.

Eagle Fire Company of New-York.
Office of the Company, No 59, Wall-Street.
PROPOSALS
For Insuring Houses, Buildings, Stores, Ships in Harbour, Goods, Wares, and Merchandize. FROM LOSS OR DAMAGE BY FIRE.
The Legislature of the state of New-York, having incorporated the Eagle Fire Company of New-York, with a capital of five hundred thousand dollars (with the liberty of increasing the same, if the business of the company should require it, to one million of dollars,) for the sole purpose of insuring buildings, and every kind of personal property from loss or damage by FIRE; and the capital of five hundred thousand dollars having all been paid, or secured to be paid, according to law; the directors feel a particular satisfaction in offering to their fellow-citizens, throughout the United States, the means of security against that kind of loss which frequently, in an unexpected moment, involves in destruction the earnings of a life of industry and frugality, and reduces the independent and affluent, together with their families, to poverty and distress. To provide an additional guard against calamities of this nature, has been the primary motive of this institution; and the directors engage to conduct its concerns, with a fairness, candour and liberality, which will justly entitle it to the confidence and patronage of the public.
No insured person will be liable to make good the loss of others; but in case of fire, the sufferer will be fully indemnified. The Company also make good losses on property burnt by lightning.
Classes of Hazards, and Rates of Annual Premiums for Insurance against Fire.
No. I.
HAZARDS OF THE FIRST CLASS.
Brick or Stone buildings, covered with slate, tiles, or metal. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 62 1-2 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.
No. II.
HAZARDS OF THE SECOND CLASS.
Brick or Stone buildings, covered with wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 93 3-4 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.
No. III.
HAZARDS OF THE THIRD CLASS.
Buildings, the sides of which are part of brick or stone, and part of wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 125 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.
No. IV.
HAZARDS OF THE FOURTH CLASS.
Buildings, the sides of which are entirely of wood. Goods hazardous, and not hazardous, contained in such buildings. 187 1-2 cents per 100 dollars per annum, for sums not exceeding 10,000 dollars in one risk.
Ships in Port, or their Cargoes, Ships Repairing or Building, may be insured against Fire.
This manner of classing hazards will give a general idea of the rates of insurance, but there will necessarily be an increase of premium in all cases where the local situation, and other circumstances, increase the risk: such as joining, or being contiguous to wooden buildings, or buildings occupied in carrying on hazardous business—distance from water—no engines or firemen in the town or place, &c. &c. The premiums may also, in some cases, be reduced on wooden buildings in the country, when standing single or detached, or surrounded with circumstances of peculiar security:—But in all cases, if the sum to be insured on or in the same building exceeds 10,000 dollars, an additional premium will be required.
Soap Boilers, Tallow Chandlers, Brewers, Maltsters, Bakers, Rope Makers, Sugar Refiners, Distillers, Chemists, Fishmongers, Stable Keepers, Tavern Keepers, China, Glass, or Earthenware Sellers, Oil and Colourmen, Turpentine Works, Paper Mills, Printing Houses, Coopers, Carpenters, Cabinet Makers, Coach Makers, Boat Builders, Ship Chandlers, Apothecaries, Theatres, Mills and Machinery, and all Manufactories that use Fire Heat, are deemed extra hazardous, and must be particularly described in the policy; and for all such risks an additional premium will be required.
Conditions of Insurance.
I. All applications for Insurance must be made at the office of the Company, in writing; and the subject offered for Insurance accurately described.
II. If the property offered for Insurance is within the district of a surveyor of this Company, he will examine and report thereon; but if not within any such district, then the applicant must himself furnish an accurate and just description thereof, viz. of what materials each building is constructed; whether occupied as private dwellings, or how otherwise; where situated; the name of the present occupiers; how situated with respect to other buildings. And in the insurance of goods, wares and merchandise, the place where the same are deposited, is to be described; also, whether such goods are of the kind denominated hazardous, and whether any manufacture is carried on in the premises, all which is to be certified and attested in such manner as the nature of the case may admit. And if any person or persons shall insure his or their buildings or goods, and shall express them to be described in the policy otherwise than they really are, or as the same be charged at a lower premium than is herein proposed; or if such description be false or fraudulent, such insurance will be void and of no effect.
III. Goods held in trust, or on commission, are to be declared as such; otherwise the policy will not extend to cover such property.
IV. Every Policy of Insurance, made by this Company, shall be signed with its seal, and signed by the President and Secretary; and the person for whose interest the insurance is made, must be declared and named therein; nor can any Policy, or interest therein, be assigned but by consent of the Company, expressed by endorsement made thereon.
V. No Insurance will be considered as made or binding, until the Premium is paid.
VI. Persons insuring Property with this Company, and who have already made other Insurance on the same property, shall give notice thereof in writing, at the Company's Office, before or at the time of the execution of the Policy; and persons who, after insuring Property with this Company, have Insurance made on the same property elsewhere, shall, with all reasonable diligence, notify the same in writing at the Office of the Company, and have the same endorsed on the policy, or otherwise acknowledged in writing; in default whereof, the Policy shall cease, and be of no effect: and in case of loss, each party insuring shall be liable to the payment of a rateable proportion of the loss or damage which may be sustained.
VII. No loss or damage by fire will be paid, that may happen or take place in consequence of any invasion, civil commotion, riot, or military or usurped power whatever.
VIII. Books of Accounts, Written Securities, Notes, Bills, Bonds, Deeds, Ready Money, or Bullion, cannot be insured.
IX. Jewels, Plate, Medals, or other Curiosities, Paintings and Sculptures, are not included in any insurance, unless such articles are specified in the policy.
X. All persons insured by this Company, sustaining any loss or damage by fire, are forthwith to give notice to the Company, and as soon thereafter as possible, to deliver in as particular an account of their loss or damage, signed with their own hands, as the nature of the case will admit of, and make proof of the same by their oath or affirmation, and by their books of accounts, and other proper vouchers, as shall be reasonably required; and shall make such, whether any and what other insurance is made on the same property; and shall procure a certificate, under the hand of a magistrate, notary public, or clergyman, most contiguous to the spot where the fire happened, and not concerned in such loss, that they are acquainted with the character and circumstances of the person or persons insured; and do know, or very likely believe, that the fire, which really and by misfortune, and without fraud or evil practice, have sustained by such fire, loss and damage to the amount herein mentioned; and, as well as their affidavit and certificate are produced, the loss shall be payable:—Also, if there appears any fraud, of
the swearing, the claimant shall forfeit his claim to restitution or payment, by virtue of his policy.
XI. In case any difference shall arise, touching any loss or damage, it may be submitted to the judgment of Arbitrators, indifferent persons, whose award in writing shall be binding on the parties. And when any loss or damage shall happen, the company shall pay for the same, in sixty days after the loss shall have been ascertained and proved, without allowance of discount, fees, or any deduction whatever.
XII. Insurance may be made for seven years, by paying the premium for six years, and for a less number of years than seven, a reasonable discount will be allowed.
The Subscriber being appointed Surveyor
for the Eagle Fire Company, upon application, will survey, and value, such buildings, (or property contained therein) upon which Insurance may be required.
Francis Foster, Church-Street, Norfolk. Feb 13.
Extract from "an Act to amend the several Acts amending the Charter of the Borough of Norfolk, passed January 27, 1803."
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the said Court of the Borough of Norfolk, shall annually appoint three persons residing within each ward, a majority of whom may act as superintendents to conduct the elections of Common Councilmen within the same, for one year thereafter; and the said superintendents of elections shall take an oath, faithfully to execute the trust reposed in them; and such of them as shall act in each ward, shall appoint convenient places within the same, where elections shall be held; and previous to any election, shall give one month's notice of the time and place of holding the same, in one of the Norfolk Newspapers; and before admitting a person to ballot, shall cause his name to be entered in a Poll-Book, to be kept for that purpose, and shall be the sole judges of the qualifications of each voter. And as soon as the Poll shall be closed, the ballots shall be publicly examined, and the two persons having the greatest number of votes shall be declared duly elected; but if it shall be found that any two or more have an equal number of votes, the election between them shall be made by lot. No person shall vote in more than one ward, under the penalty of ten dollars, to be recovered for the use of the Corporation, before any Justice of the peace of this Commonwealth; and the said superintendents of elections shall return the said Poll-Book, with a certificate of their own qualification, and the number of the votes for each person, and of the persons elected, to the court of said Borough, and to the Clerk of the Common Council; and a vacancy in the Common Council shall be filled by a like election, to be held in the ward where such vacancy may happen; and the qualifications of any person or persons elected as aforesaid, shall be adjudged of by the whole number of persons elected, or a majority of them; and if any person returned shall be adjudged disqualified, notice thereof shall be given to the superintendents of election of the ward to which such person belonged, who shall forthwith hold another election in manner aforesaid. July 11.
Two Valuable FARMS for Sale.
I offer the following Valuable Property for Sale, viz my Farm in Harvey's Neck, and a Tract of Land lying on the N. E. side of Pequiriman's River, containing 106 acres (directly opposite the Farm), one other Tract containing 270 acres, lying on the S. W. side of said river, about four miles above the Farm, both these tracts are well timbered.
I will also sell the FARM on which I live, and my wharf and Lots in Edenton, with the improvements. The Farm in Harvey's Neck contains 220 acres, 200 of which are cleared and in a high state of cultivation; in point of fertility of soil, it is not surpassed by any in this part of the state, the soil is well adapted to the cultivation of Wheat and Indian Corn, Wheat in particular, the White Clover grows (almost spontaneously,) in the greatest abundance. I have made on this farm in one season from 50,000 hills, 320 barrels of Corn; this place is situated on the S. W. bank of Pequiriman's River, near the mouth of it, a delightful prospect, in an agreeable neighbourhood; on it is a convenient Dwelling-House, with every necessary out-house. The two Tracts on the same river is considered as appendages to this Farm, for the purpose of supplying it with rail timber, &c. There is an excellent well of water, and the situation is considered to be as healthy as any in that part of the country; with the farm may be had from 13 to 20 good orderly Negroes, 100 head of sheep, 150 head of hogs, 40 or 50 head of cattle, horses, oxen, and all the farming utensils, &c.
The Farm on which I live, contains 500 acres, 200 of which are cleared and under good fence and in prime order, the rest is covered with good timber; the soil is well adapted to the cultivation of wheat and corn, and with very little labour from 30 to 40 acres might be cultivated in Rice to great advantage; it is supposed (and I have no doubt of it) that this place would admit of having one of the best Herring and Shad Fisheries in this state, and could be carried on very extensively at a small expence; the situation is excelled by none, it lies on the bank of Albemarle Sound, being the N. E. point of the bay of Edenton, 4 miles by water and 5 by land from the town; it is an elevated situation and very healthy; there is on the Farm a convenient Dwelling House and every necessary out-house, a most excellent well of water, a number of choice fruit trees, and a large garden newly inclosed, which affords the greatest abundance of vegetables of every kind necessary for family use. This Farm is a most desirable situation for a gentleman who wishes to retire with his family on a country seat. With the Farm may be had from 10 to 20 valuable negroes, 75 to 100 head of sheep, 50 head of cattle, 100 to 200 head of hogs, horses, oxen, and every necessary implement of husbandry. The Wharf and Lots in Edenton is one of the best situations in town for shipping business and a retail store; a large new Ware-House three stories high, stands on the head of the wharf, and several other houses. The property will be thrown, and the terms (which will be very moderate) will be known by applying to me.
JOHN SKINNER. Moseley's Point, June 4, 1809.
FOR SALE,
A very valuable Tract of LAND, Containing eleven hundred acres, situated at the mouth of York River, in Gloucester County, remarkably pleasant and healthy, abounding with the finest fish, oysters, and wild fowl. The soil is well adapted to the culture of corn, small grain, tobacco and cotton; there is about 400 acres cleared and under good fences—the range for stock of all kinds is equal if not superior to any, having a large firm salt marsh attached to it. The timber is fully sufficient for the use of the plantation. The improvements are a good Overseer's House; an excellent Barn, Corn, and Negro Houses. Should have no objection to divide the Land, so as to suit purchasers, provided the whole could be sold—one third of the purchase money will be wanted in cash, the balance will be made easy; a great bargain may be had in the purchase, and the privilege of sowing 130 acres in small grain in the fall, which is now in corn; possession at Christmas next.
Any person who may wish to purchase, it is presumed will view the premises, which will be shown by Mr. William Thornton, who resides on the plantation, or the Subscriber, William K. Perrin. Gloucester County, June 24, 1809.
A BARGAIN OFFERED,
In a fine and Valuable FARM, in the County of Princess Anne.
THE Subscriber is disposed to sell his Plantation called LEVEL GREEN, situated in the county of Princess Anne. It contains about 500 acres; and, as it may be advantageously divided into two or three Farms, the subscriber will accommodate a purchaser, in selling either the whole or a part. He will also give a long credit. This tract of Land is certainly the most desirable in the county, lying on the Eastern branch of Elizabeth River, and distant from Norfolk Market only five or six miles by water, and 8 or 9 by land. The soil is excellent, about one half of the tract being cleared land, and fit for immediate culture; the other heavily timbered with Oak, Pine, Ash, and Hickory. It has also the advantage of several good landings—Any one disposed to view the land, and to purchase, may apply, in the absence of the subscriber, to JAMES ROBINSON, or JOHN READ, who reside in the neighbourhood. Tully Robinson. Dec 7.
LANDING
At Newton's wharf, the CARGO of the Big George, from Manzanillo, Consisting of Fine Muscovado SUGAR, in Hhds. Clayed Sugar White and Brown in Boxes, Green Coffee; and a few tons Liquorice. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. July 17.
NOTICE.
The Subscriber intends leaving the United States in a few days. Bartholomew Redmon. Norfolk, July 21, 1809.
ANTIGUA RUM.
Landing from on board the sch'r Catharine Shepherd, 25 puncheons Antigua RUM. And in Store, 15 punch. choice 6 years old RUM. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey, July 21.
NOTICE.
The Subscriber desires all persons who have claims against him to present them for settlement, and those who are indebted to him are requested to make immediate payment. John Hamilton. July 9.
FOR SALE,
2 Carriages and 6 excellent HORSES, 2 Shares in the Norfolk Theatre, 1 Pew in the Episcopal Church, 1 Pew in the Presbyterian Church, Household and Kitchen Furniture; 3 Milch Cows, 1 Tract of Land in Wake County, N. C. 540 acres, 1 Tract of Land in Granville County, N. C. 760 acres, A Negro Family, consisting of a valuable Gardener, his wife and three small children. Should the abovenamed articles not be disposed of in a short time at private sale, they will be Sold at Publick Auction—payment will be taken in Tobacco at the market price, or in Newbern and Cape Fear Bank Notes. For further particulars apply to William H. Thompson. July 3.
Green Coffee and Loaf Sugar.
20,000 lb. choice Green COFFEE 8,000 do. first quality Philadelphia Loaf SUGAR. For Sale on reasonable terms by Donaldson, Thorburn, & Co. March 22.
THE COMMISSIONERS
For Paving the Streets in Norfolk, are desirous to contract for as much clean coarse Sand as shall be necessary for the paving of Market-Street; and also for 50 to 100 tons of coarse Gravel. They would prefer the delivery to be upon the spot as the pavers progress, but if this cannot be done, it may be laid upon the wharf nearest to the work. Ready cash will be paid for it as fast as it is delivered. June 26.
Bills on London,
For Sale by J. & W. Southgate. May 8.
Just Received,
A few bales very fine India Cottons, Nankenees of superior quality; Bandanna Handkerchiefs, Sewing Silks; Russia Sheetings, &c. For Sale by Wood & Hastings. May 9.
LOST OR MISLAID,
The following LAW BOOKS: 4th Volume of Robinson's Admiralty Reports, 5th do. Comyn's Digest; Powell on Contract. Also, The 2d, 4th, and 12th Volumes of CARY'S AMERICAN MUSEUM; and a folio edition of Pliny's Natural History, printed in the Old English Black Letter, and in the reign of Elizabeth or James I. I will sell very reasonable
The following LAW BOOKS:
Bacon's Abridgment, Gwillim's Edition, Fearn on Contingent Remainder and Executory Devises, Fountain on Equity; Espinasse's Nisi Prius, Jones's Law of Biltment; Gilbert's Law of Evidence, Garrison's Chancery Practice; Seton's Practice in B. R. Milford's Pleadings; Lilley's Entries, Pothier on Obligations; Powell on Contract. These are mostly London, and the latest editions. John Cowper. July 17.
Just Landed,
104 barrels Muscovado SUGAR, 10 boxes clayed do. 150 barrels Old Rye Whiskey, 150 do. Alexandria superfine Flour, 200 do. Middlings—For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. Who offers for RENT,
A Dwelling-House with five Rooms,
pleasantly situated in the fields. May 17.
FOR RENT.
A Convenient Dwelling-House on the Main-Street, near the Bridge, next door to Mrs. Archer. Also,
That commodious House on Catharine-street,
at present occupied by Mr James Dykes, adjoining the subscriber; they have excellent gardens, and all convenient out-houses. Also,
A very convenient Dwelling-House,
just finished, on Commerce-street. For terms apply to James Tucker. August 15.
BEST FRENCH HATS,
Now opening and for Sale by WOOD & HASTINGS. Also, just received on consignment,
3 Trunks CALICOES,
3 cases Shirting Cottons; 2 do. Colrain do. 1 do. Platillas; 1 do. Ginghams, French Sewing Silk. June 26.
50,000 lbs. prime Green COFFEE,
For Sale by J. & W. Southgate. July 11.
FOR SALE,
A neat well-finished Fire-Proof DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in Cumberland-Street, and at present occupied by Miss Ellegood. Also, one half of a very valuable Water Property, fronting Elizabeth-River 410 feet, thence towards the shore 300 feet; also, an unimproved Lot, well enclosed, adjoining Capt. John Store's Dwelling-House; and a House and Lot in York-Town, in a very eligible situation for a retail business, being adjacent the Ferry to Gloucester, one end fitted up for a shop. For terms apply to ROBERT GIBSON. Who finding for a long time past his own applications for the collection of his debts in vain, has appointed Mr. Thomas Davis, (who is well acquainted with his accounts) his attorney, with full power and instructions to close said debts as promptly as possible, that he may be enabled to satisfy his creditors. May 8.
FOR RENT,
A HOUSE and LOT,
On Catharine-Street, adjoining Mr Wm Thomson's; possession may be had immediately by applying to the subscriber. Who will give Cash for
200 cords WHARF WOOD, on delivery.
RICHARD TAYLOR. July 6.
FOR SALE,
100 hogsheads choice MOLASSES.
JAMES YOUNG. July 11.
NOTICE.
All those having claims against the Estate of JOHN CALVERT, deceased, are hereby requested to bring them in properly attested; and all persons indebted to the same, to make immediate payment to Richard Taylor, Executor. June 19.
THE SUBSCRIBER
Wishes to Sell, and will Sell or Rent on moderate terms,
That very excellent Wharf and Lot,
in the town of Gosport, at present occupied by William Smith, the Wharf, Ware-Houses, and Dwelling-House are all in good repair. Thirteen Lots in the Town of Suffolk; And the following Property in Norfolk,
Two good Fire-Proof Warehouses
on the Eastern side of Commerce-Street, Nos 4 and 6. Two Dwelling-Houses and Lots on Boush-street, in good repair, and very pleasantly situated. Apply to John Granbery. September 14.
NOTICE.
THE Partnership of T. & W. A. ARMISTEAD is this day dissolved by consent of parties. The settlement of its concerns devolve on W. A. ARMISTEAD, who is authorised to grant discharges, and on whom all persons having claims against the Firm, are requested to call. January 5.
W. A. Armistead and George Kelly,
have entered into Co partnership. Their business will be conducted under the Firm of ARMISTEAD & KELLY. January 16.
FOR RENT,
That large and commodious
Three Story Fire Proof House,
on Wide Water-Street, at the head of Rothery's wharf, lately occupied by Messrs. Noble and Arbuthnot & Co. as a Shipchandlery Store. Apply to Lilias M'Pherson. May 12.
Nicmeyer and Von Kapff,
Offer for Sale at their Ware-House, in Water-Street, for Cash or approved Paper only, the following
GERMAN LINENS,
650 pieces SACKING, 200 do OZNABURGS and TICKLENBURGS, 450 do WHITE ROLLS, 80 do HESSIAN do, 30 do fine PLAILILLAS, 35 pieces SHIRT LINEN, 45 do fine SHEETING, 70 do TABLE CLOTHS, 39 do BED TICKING, 65 do Stout RAVENS DUCK. ALSO,
11,000 BAGS of different sizes and qualities.
110 boxes Spanish SEGARS, 40 do Crown GLASS, 150 do English PIPES, 5 gross empty BOTTLES, 600 do CORKS, 100 wt Bottling WIRE, 20 gross Cowskin WHIPS, 600 wt. GLUE, 100 wt. Oznaburg THREAD 600 Straws half pint and gilt Also, at their Store in Main-Street, Looking Glasses, Glassware, Cutlery, and fancy Articles. We will take in barter, about 25,000 wt. of Green Coffee
Richard Jeffrey & Co.
No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just received from London, per the ship Planter,
An assortment of MEDICINES,
of the first quality. Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound canisters; Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evan's best Crown Lances, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiving from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries. MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual.
JOHN PENDRED'S
Boot and Shoe Manufactory,
No. 70, MAIN-STREET. The publick are respectfully informed, that he has furnished himself with a quantity of the choicest materials in his line of business, and has in his employ some of the best workmen in the borough, and having been long experienced in the business himself, his factory will not be conducted by proxy; he therefore hopes to merit the patronage of the gentlemen of Norfolk and its vicinity, and assures them that no pains shall be wanting on his part to give satisfaction to those who favour him with their commands. N. B. Orders for Double Backstays, single do. and Cossacks, executed with the greatest dispatch. August 1.
NORFOLK:
PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK,
BY WILLIAM DAVIS,
FOR THE PROPRIETOR, Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars Yearly, in advance.