Lynchburg star (Lynchburg [Va.]), 1806-05-15 00:00:00

Shulim Syncl
LYNCHBURGS
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No. XXIX.]
THURSDAY, MAY 15.....1806.
[Vol. I.
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  Alexander Sharp.  Richmond.    Edward Cunningham.  Cartersville.    Walter Irvine.  New Canton.    Capt. H. Holloway.  Warminster.    Capt. W. Armstead.  New Glasgow    Micajah Clark.  Amberst.    Capt. Parry.  Staunton.    Capt. W. Garutbert.  Lexington.    Doctor B. Mosely.  Pocahontas.    Capt. W. Mitchell.  Liberty.    Samuel Read.  Upper Mills.    Samuel Armstead.  New London.    Micajah Davis,  Gwynn's    John Hook,  (Sho.)    F. Sanders,  Hale's Ford.    Major S. Price,  Franklin City.    Thomas Reid,  Do.    Jesse Harvery.  Campbell C H    Samuel Pannil.  Marysville.     Pannil's For-    Samuel Stone.  Cry.    Colo. Wilson.  Pittsylvania.    W. B. Banks,  Danville.    Capt. Dennis Kelly,  Halifax.    John Reid.  Campbell.    Capt. Cheek.  Do.    Doctor T. Powell.  Bent's Creek.    Joel Bott.  Buckingham.     New Amster-    John Cox,  (dam.)    Samuel Staples,  Henry City.    Samuel Anthony.  Patrick City.    William White.  Goose Creek.    John Patrick  James Town     Richmond,    Connelly Finalay  Kentucky,    Messrs Ellis,  Abingdon.     Pedlar,    William Tunhall.  Amherst Co.    Philip L. Grafty.  Pittsylvania.    Thos. N. Clark, P. M.  Ditto.     S. W. Point,     Tennessee.  
Well aware how important to our friends in the back country, are all congressional acts, relative to that territory we hasten the publication of the following late Law.
AN ACT.
To authorize the state of Tennessee to issue grants, and perfect titles to certain lands therein described; and to settle the claims to the vacant and unappropriated lands within the same.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That for the purpose of defining the limits of the vacant and unappropriated lands in the state of Tennessee, hereafter to be subject to the sole and entire disposition of the United States, the following line be, and hereby is, established, to-wit: beginning at the place where the eastern or main branch of Elk river shall intersect the southern boundary line of the state of Tennessee; from thence running due north, until said line shall intersect the northern or main branch of Duck river; thence down the waters of Duck river, to the military boundary line, as established by the seventh section of an act of the state of North Carolina, entitled "An act for the relief of the officers and soldiers of the continental line, and for other purposes;" (passed in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three) thence with the military boundary line, west to the place where it intersects the Tennessee river; thence down the waters of the river Tennessee, to the place where the same intersects the northern boundary line of the state of Tennessee.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That upon the Senators and representatives from the state of Tennessee, by an instrument signed and sealed by them respectively, making known, that in pursuance of the power in them vested, by an act of the general assembly of the state of Tennessee, entitled "An act to appoint agents to settle the dispute between this state and the United States, relative to the vacant and unappropriated lands within this state, and to procure the relinquishment of the claim of the United States to the same," and by a resolution of the senate and house of representatives of the said state of Tennessee, passed in the year one thousand eight hundred and 2, as instructions therein; they do, for, and in behalf of the state of Tennessee and in consideration of the provisions made in this act, agree and declare, that all right, title, and claim, which the state of Tennessee hath to the lands lying west and south of the line, herein before established within the limits of the state of Tennessee, shall thereafter for ever cease; and that the lands aforesaid shall be and remain at the sole and entire disposition of the United States, and shall be exempted from every disposition or tax made by order, or under the authority of the state of Tennessee, while the same shall remain the property of the United States, and for the term of five years after the same shall be sold; which said instrument shall be approved by the Senate of the United States, and entered at large on their journal, and deposited in the office of the secretary of state. The United States do thereupon cede and convey to the state of Tennessee, all right, title, and claim, which the United States have to the territory of the lands lying east and north of the line herein before established, within the limits of the state of Tennessee, subject to the same conditions as are contained in the act of the general assembly of the state of North Carolina, entitled "An act for the purpose of ceding to the United States of America, certain western lands therein described." And the said state of Tennessee shall thereupon have as full power and authority to issue grants and perfect titles of all lands lying east and north of the before described line, within the limits of the said state, as Congress now have, or the state of Tennessee might have, by virtue of an act of the state of North Carolina, entitled "An
act to authorize the state of Tennessee to perfect titles to lands referred to this state by the cession act," to which said act the assent of Congress is, hereby given so far as is necessary to carry into effect the objects of this compact; subject nevertheless to the following express conditions; that is to say.
First. That all entries of lands, rights of location, and warrants of surveys, and all interfering locations, which might be removed by the aforesaid act of cession of the state of North Carolina, and which are good and valid in law, and which were not actually located west and south of the herein before described line, before the twenty-fifth day of February, one thousand seven hundred and ninety, and all interfering grants which are good and valid in law, and which have been located east and north of the said line, &c. shall be located, and the titles thereto perfected, within the territory hereby ceded to the state of Tennessee.
Secondly. That the state of Tennessee shall appropriate one hundred thousand acres, which shall be located in one entire tract, within the limits of the lands referred to the Cherokee Indians, by an act of the state of North Carolina, entitled "An act for opening the land office for the redemption of specie and other certificates, and discharging the arrears due to the army," passed in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty three; and shall be for the use of two colleges, one in east, and one in west Tennessee, to be established by the legislature thereof. And one hundred thousand acres in one tract within the limits last aforesaid, for the use of academies; one in each county in said state to be established by the legislature thereof; which said several tracts shall be located on lands to which the Indian title has been extinguished, and subject to the disposition of the legislature of the state, but shall not be granted or sold for less than two dollars per acre, and the proceeds of the sales of the lands aforesaid shall be vested in funds for the respective uses aforesaid for ever. And the state of Tennessee shall moreover in issuing grants and perfecting titles, locate six hundred and forty acres, to every six miles square in the territory hereby ceded, where existing claims will allow the same, which shall be appropriated for the use of schools for the instruction of children forever. Provided, That nothing contained in this act shall be construed to affect the Indian title, or to subject the United States to the expense of extinguishing the same. And provided also, That the lowest price of all lands granted or sold within the ceded territory shall be the same, as shall be established by Congress for the lands of the United States. And provided nevertheless, That the people residing in said state, south of French Broad and Holston and west of Big Pigeon rivers, provided for by the constitution of the state of Tennessee, shall be secured in their respective rights of occupying and pre-emption and shall receive titles for such quantities as they may respectively claim, including their improvements not exceeding six hundred and forty acres each, nor exceeding the quantities they have heretofore claimed respectively, according to their conditional lines where such have been established, at a price not less than one dollar per acre. And provided further, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to enable any person or persons until authorized by the legislature of the state of Tennessee to locate any warrant issued under the authority of the state of North Carolina within the limits of the lands referred to the Cherokee Indians by the fifth section of the act of said state, entitled "An act for opening the land office for the redemption of specie and other certificates and discharging the arrears due to the army," passed in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That if the territory herein before ceded to the state of Tennessee shall not contain a sufficient quantity of land fit for cultivation according to the true intent and meaning of the original act of cession including the lands within the limits reserved by the state of North Carolina, to the Cherokee Indians, to perfect all existing legal claims charged thereon, by the conditions contained in this act of cession, Congress will hereafter provide by law for perfecting such as cannot be located in the terri-
tory aforesaid, out of the lands lying west or south of the before described line.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore. April 18, 1806.
APPROVED. TH: JEFFERSON.
FROM THE AURORA OF APRIL 23.
THE FEDERAL PARTY....Every day's experience confirms us in the belief that there exists, at the present time, an absolute necessity for the vigilance and activity of the republican party: by this party we do not mean those who are attached to the system, or to the men in power, because they enjoy patronage or places under them; we allude exclusively to the great body of independent free men, who are attached to principles, and who regard man no farther than they merit by good conduct. It is not to support an administration in power that the activity of the republican party is needful, nor is it to uphold any particular men that we are anxious for that activity. It is solely from regard for the principles on which the government is founded, and from an apprehension that by indifference or neglect on our part, the enemies of those principles may regain the ascendancy.
A people, to be free, must be jealous of their rights; there is liberty in vigilance, and at least caution can do no harm. Some may imagine, from ignorance, that there is no necessity for vigilance; others will say, from design, that there is not, and that to inculcate suspicion is to stir up discontent—but we have known what a federal party is capable of, we have felt the weight of their intolerance, we have marked the depth and intricacy of their intrigue and cunning, and we hold it to be a duty to keep pace with them in every movement that they may make to obtain the government.
If a conflict, with the federal party from the very commencement of the national government—if a steady and unceasing opposition to its measures and their advocates, originated in no other than to put places and patronage in the hands of men professing principles opposed to federalism; then indeed, was that opposition dishonorable, and as such ought now to be abandoned. But, if the hostility to federalism originated in a conviction: That the federal party, or its leaders, aimed at a consolidated, energetic, and irresponsible government, organized after the manner of that of Great Britain.
That it wished to deprive the great body of the people of any share in their own government.
That it wished to raise up a church Establishment in support of the government: and—
That every other species of tyranny hypocrisy and fraud were to be employed here as under the English monarchy:
Then do we say that opposition to federalism was glorious and honorable and that it should be eternal, unless the former principles and the former objects of the party were renounced and abandoned.
The question, then, is—have these principles and objects been abandoned? If we depend upon the public professions of the party, the answer will be affirmatively; love, veneration, regard and adoration, for and of the constitution, are now heard almost exclusively from the party, which formerly advocated measures and doctrines destructive and repugnant to its best provisions. But if we examine their practices and enquire into their secret professions, we must conclude, that experience has shown them the necessity for more art and hypocrisy than in former times were exercised; and that, whilst publicly they profess and appear to practice republican principles and virtues, they are still the inveterate foes of free government and equal rights. Look at the condition of Connecticut, and learn what are the doctrines taught at Yale College—in that Seminary it is that the truth and the whole truth of federalism is told—there it is that the young men are tutored and confirmed in the treasonable and treacherous opposition to the rights and freedom of their fellow citizens—from its presi-
dent Dwight we learn the actual sentiments of the federal party. If any one doubts, let him read and reflect upon the following expressions in the lectures of this high church and state gentleman:—
"No government adopts measures so wise and uniform as the government of G. Britain: the powers of the several branches of that government are already sufficiently limited."
"The government of G. Britain is remarkably excellent: we see the truth of this observation exemplified in the pre-eminently happy effects it produces among the people of that nation, who are better acquainted with the principles of that government than the people of any other country whatever."
"The English public papers are remarkable specimens of elegance and correctness both in style and sentiment; but the French and American papers are in these respects truly ridiculous."
"We fall far short of the British nation, both in national information and virtue."
"With respect to the veneration the people in this country bear to the constitution, it sinks into contempt when compared to the British constitution. I consider our constitution merely as wet paper."
"I have considered the general government, ever since its first establishment, in no better situation than a child tottering across a floor, for whom I was in constant anxiety lest he should fall."
"That a country possessing 10,000,000 of square miles should exist for any length of time under a government of so little efficiency as ours, is the most chimeraical idea that can be suggested—the fact is, the country cannot hang together."
"If you place any reliance upon the virtue or patriotism of the American people, you rely upon a broken staff. I have not even a hope that our national government can continue."
Whilst such are the principles and sentiments of federalism, let us not be told that there is either honor or integrity in winking at their present progress; for progress they do make let what will be said.
Since the year 1800, the federalists as a party bearing their own name, have not attempted opposition in any of the states south of the Hudson, except Delaware, until the present time: Even in the New England states, they had begun to be passive spectators: how are the parties, in those states, now situated.
In Rhode Island, the republicans after many struggles became predominant: while they were united the federalists were quiet; they are now divided among themselves, and the federalists have in consequence determined upon opposition, and will most probably be successful.
In New Hampshire, the republicans are predominant, but their majority is insignificant, and the first discord will place Federalism again at the helm.
In Massachusetts, there is a great and well organized federal party, superior to their opponents in numbers and indefatigable in industry.
In Vermont, the republicans are so much divided as to be unable to obtain a governor from among themselves—the federalists are united and industrious.
In Connecticut, federalism rules with unbridled tyranny, boasting of the principles or maxims of government, cherished by the whole party, but concealed every where else.
Such is the situation of New England—we hesitate not to say; that by the employment of artifice and by exciting the local prejudices of the people of these states, a very large majority may be brought to act against the very principles of our constitutions.
In New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, federalism has not dared until lately to act openly: the divisions in New-York were promoted, and encourage by federal artifice, the present time is taken to reap the fruit of such labors.
There is no man of sense, that in all the other states, the triumph of federalism has not been averted; nevertheless true that, should the remains be brought into action, it will prove dangerous.
The republican party is not stronger as it was in 1798. The existence or non existence of a free form of government in the United States, depends on the single impulse of patriotism, or the into activity by the artifice of the federalism—all, that was necessary was obtained; the great body of the

people left the ex- things; the voted their good of their affairs. Alms and orth-
thofe, who had- lican party, from when in possession of- courted the vanquished feds. Being gratified in the objects of- ambition or interest, no longer thought of the activity and watchfulness necessary in presence of an enemy indefatigable, revengeful and full of hopes of the future.
Now there can scarcely be said to be a national republican party—there was one in 1799-1800—It is true there would soon be one, if it were known that there was the same necessity, and to show that there is such necessity is the duty of a republican print.
What, we ask, is it that makes the federal party at this day come forward? Are the New York federal address, that we subjoin, patriotism and love for our republican institutions are the alleged motives, but can any one believe this to be the case—is not this profession proved to be hollow and fallacious by the whole course of federalism—if, indeed, it were true, that the situation of this country is more degraded and unhappy than it was eight years past, some negative merit might be claimed by federalists; but it is not so—the state of internal and external affairs is infinitely more prosperous and safe at present, notwithstanding the unexampled condition of the world and the peculiar difficulty and delicacy of our actual situation. We know that the federal administration squandered millions, for which it left no equivalent but disgrace to the nation, will it be just, necessary or honorable to replace such a party again in power? We know that since Mr. Jefferson's election, eighteen millions of principal of the public debt have been paid without direct or internal taxes; is this an evidence of our having made a bad exchange?
The truth simply is, that in the present critical situation of foreign relations, and during domestic divisions and feuds among the republicans, the federalists believe they have a most favorable opportunity for creating alarm and hostility against the republican party and the republican institutions. For what is now attempted in New York will soon be attempted in Pennsylvania, and if the attempts shall be successful in these states why may not the general government be again at the mercy of a party inveterate in their hostility to every thing republican, and anxious to revenge a six years' course of defeat and humiliation.
HYMNS.
Just published and for sale at the Star Office, (Price, Twenty Five Cents,) A choice selection of Hymns:
This first part, contains the newest and so much admired Spiritual Songs practised with such beneficial effects, during the late Camp, and other Meetings, in the counties of Amherst, and Bedford, and in the vicinity of Lynchburg.
GAMUTS
Also For Sale at this Office.
VIRGINIA. At a quarterly Court continued and held for Pittsylvania County the 19th day of March 1806.
John LeGrand Plf. } IN AGAINST Jesse Wilson & George Adams Def's } Chancery.
THE defendant Jesse Wilson, not having entered his appearance and given security, according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this State; On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant Wilson do appear here on the third Monday in June next, and answer the Bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published, in some one of the News papers of this State for eight weeks successively, and posted up at the front door of the Court-house of said County, on some Court day. And it is further ordered that the defendant Adams do not pay, convey away, or secrete any money, goods or effects, of the defendant's in his hands until the further order of this Court.
A Copy Teste, WILL. TUNSTALL C. P. C. 8w
BURG.
Y, MAY 15, 1806.
EUGENIUS" in our next.
"KICKLEPITCHER" shall appear the week in June, should the causes that called forth the sketches then exist.
Murder!!!
On the evening of the 25th, of last month was murdered on board the sloop Richard, at Sandy Hook, John Pierce, an American seaman, by captain Whitty commander of the Leader, a British ship of war. See the particulars under the New-York head.
What will the late congressional apologies for the murderous outrages of Great Britain now say in extenuation of this execrable act of atrocity within the precincts and jurisdiction of the United States? Is it any thing more than might have happened every spring and summer since 1803, not only before the port of New-York, but all along our coast?—Have not the Cambrian, the Leader, and the Driver, British vessels of war, during that period, infested the American coasts, captured American vessels, and impressed American seamen, interrupted American commerce, and insulted and violated the rights and dignity of a free country, even within that limit of jurisdiction acknowledged sacred by every civilized nation.—On the same day that Pierce was killed, upwards of 100 that were fired at vessels entering the Hook for New-York—& that every that had not a similar effect with that by which this unfortunate poor fellow's blood was shed, is altogether owing to accident. In every instance the intention, the design was alike murderous.—It is however matter of exultation that the nation's spirit is roused, that the sympathy is universal, and that the powers lodged in the Executive, will be instantly exercised as the magnitude and atrocity of the outrage demand.
Every man who prefers celibacy to the married state, dooms one female at the same time to a single life.
April Resolves.
What is become of the superficial Lynchburg Resolutions of the first of April? Are the party ashamed of the vile things they have engendered? Are the resolutions so foul as, on second thought, to be suppressed—to be deemed unfit to bear the light? Is the conspiracy "defunct?" The knot had decreed that the resolutions in question, should be published in two of the Richmond papers, ushered into the world quotha with names, formalities &c. &c. to give them (bless us) consequence and weight with the public! Vast indeed, about this time, were the swagger, huggemugger, inflation &c. of a few:—but the moon has since changed! Six weeks have silently passed away since the anniversary festival of All Fools , and even yet, we neither hear nor see any thing of the Resolutions. This we regret exceedingly: our expectations were ardent, as such resolves must unquestionably (in such times) have afforded much matter for merriment. Enough however is known of men, and things, to furnish light, laughable, ante-hip-pc-chon-diacal paragraphs during the approaching hot weather.
Now, impartial reader, say, frankly say, since in the dark men have set their heads together against us—will it in us be unjustifiable or improper to group and set together in our way the self fame heads, and plant them, such as they are, thick and thin, in the sun's meridian glare, and shew the world how the * * * hang together?—Who will have a right to complain?
Matters entirely local rarely interest the public, unless they involve some principle in which the public interest is concerned. The public cannot be indifferent to a system of oppression, a league deftly and darkly entered into, and purely for the purpose, of crushing an individual, and all this merely on account of the independence of his sentiments, and because he dares, and shall dare to utter, and publish the truth. By every man possessed of an honest and independent mind, the underhand measure will be spurned indignantly, and reprobated. As it merits, so will it meet the public execration.
But should the Knot even succeed in extinguishing the Star, which permit us loudly to tell your worship, we are persuaded they never can effect, the reformation of certain abuses, (within the short space of six months) sufficiently known throughout all the country, will remain a lasting monument of the efficacy and utility of a Free Press .
SKETCHES OF THE HISTORY OF FRANCE, FROM THE EARLIEST HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS, TO THE PRESENT TIME 1806, WITH SOME REMARKS CONCERNING THE LIFE AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, NOW EMPEROR OF FRANCE."
THE third chapter comprehends the period and principal events in France from the death of Charles the VII, to the accession of Lewis the XVI, which took place in 1774, a period of about 313 years.—The following account of one of the most distinguished princes that ever filled the French throne cannot fail of exciting interest:
"Henry of Bourbon, king of Navarre celebrated as Henry the fourth of France, though a protestant, was saved at the
massacre of St. Bartholomew, because he had married a sister of the king. He was moreover the next male heir, and was proclaimed king by some of his subjects, while others, calling themselves confederates, proclaimed his brother the cardinal of Bourbon who was a Catholic. And although the Cardinal was a prisoner to Henry, yet the confederates administered the government, and waged war, in his name.
"These miseries & distraction long continued. At length Henry being advised by one of his friends, who afterwards rendered himself so famous as the duke of Sully, renounced the Protestant Religion. This being done, France every where submitted to his power, and he mounted the throne under the name of Henry the fourth, and from him have sprung the race of Bourbons.
"Henry's virtues & talents have justly entitled him to the surname of Great. Yet transcendant as these were, he could not escape the persecutions of the priests, and fell at last in the 58th year of his age, and 22st of his reign, by the dagger of an assassin, whose religious zeal had prompted him to destroy, one of the best men, one of the greatest kings, and one of the most sincere friends, who ever adorned the pages of history or the walks of human life. This melancholy and deplorable event proceeded from the hand of Francis Ravaillac in the year of the Christian Era, 1610.
"But let us pass over the untimely and disastrous fate of the great, the good, and virtuous Henry. The picture of France still affords ample scope for further commentary. We are now about to proceed with the reigns of the Bourbons; and although that family swayed the sceptre of France more than two centuries, yet during all this time, there were no more than five kings.
"Lewis the 13th, the son of the celebrated Henry the fourth by Mary of Medicis, whose fate we have just deplored, inherited many of those vices, which were conspicuous in the characters of his mother, and grand-mother the celebrated Catharine, who was the authoress of the massacre of the Hugonots.
"Lucon, afterwards Cardinal Richelieu was the minister of Lewis. To his talents and designs, much of that picture which France exhibited may be imputed. The ancient privileges of the parliaments were greatly abridged; nay almost annihilated. The designs of Richelieu involved France in numberless indistricable calamities: So that Lewis, after a reign of wickedness, of intestine broil and commotion, of foreign and civil war, after exhibiting a picture of folly, ambition and opposition, at the age of 42, made way by his death for the celebrated Lewis the fourteenth, who at the death of his father, was no more than five years old.
During the minority of Lewis the fourteenth, no important events happened. After he obtained the reins of government he made every exertion which circumstances would permit, to increase his dominions, and to complete what Richelieu had begun, by abridging the liberty and privileges of his subjects, so as to render France an absolute monarchy. The greatness of his talents, the length of his reign, and the splendor of his character and court, enabled him to lull the rights of the subject into slumbering inactivity, and no efforts were made by the noblesse, either to demand or enforce the rights of parliament according to the constitution of France; notwithstanding the distresses of the country, and the complete union of the princes under the federal head, had removed all local difficulties."
Special notice is taken throughout this chapter of the spirited independence of the parliaments of France; and of the ceaseless encroachments, and tyrannous usurpations of the prince. The following will serve as exemplifications.
"In 1753 the king, in an absolute manner, forbade the parliaments from making cognizance of ecclesiastical proceedings. The parliament refused to obey, presented remonstrances, and finally came to a resolution, that obedience to the king's injunction would be a violation of their oaths. The opposition of the parliament excited the indignation of the sovereign. Four of these members who had delivered their sentiments with most freedom, were imprisoned, and the rest were banished to different provincial towns. In the mean time the king supplied their places, and provided for their duties, by establishing a special tribunal, by letters patent, called the Royal Chamber, for the purpose of trying civil and criminal suits. The counsellors, having imbibed the spirit of the parliaments, refused to plead before the new court, and the people seemed to be falling, more and more, into anarchy and confusion.
"The intrigues of the court, had excited a war with Great Britain; the king being intent on prosecuting it, determined to reconcile the people, and therefore recalled the parliament. The members were received amidst the acclamations of the Parisians. The archbishops, who had been the cause of the troubles, were banished to different parts of the kingdom; and thus a temporary calm was restored.
"In 1756 and 1757, the independent conduct of the parliament had again roused the indignation of the sovereign. They had, in the midst of a bloody war, refused to register certain taxes which they considered oppressive. The kings attended by his guards, appeared in the assembly, he suppressed the chamber of inquests, and supported the obnoxious designs of the clergy. Fifteen counsellors and one hundred and twenty-four members gave in their resignations, and the people loudly participated with their champions. The king, who had been educated in the school of despotism, would have disregarded these things, if experience had not taught him, that the affections of the people were the best guards of the throne. These disputes had excited one Francis Damien to assassinate the
king. He made an attempt—wounded the king slightly—was apprehended, and put to the torture. Damien declared that it was not his intention to kill the king. He considered that a slight wound, might induce him to restore tranquility to the kingdom, by re-establishing the parliament, and banishing the archbishop of Paris, whom he considered as the author of the troubles. If Damien was a fanatic, let it be remembered, that he was a fanatic in the cause of liberty; but let the motive be what it may, it is certain that the king did again banish the archbishop, and accommodated his differences with the parliament of Paris, who again resumed and discharged their functions.
Again—"The power of the first monarchs of France, even in those days when all disputes were settled by the sword, was bounded by the national assemblies, which are sometimes called councils, assemblies or parliaments. Even the great Charlemagne, whose talents and power far surpassed that of his successors, frequently convoked the assemblies, and it appears that by the council or assembly of the nation, the will of his father concerning the succession was not only set aside, but, that this great man obtained his power by election. It is not necessary to give more particulars concerning this important political right, which, from the arliest ages, though sometimes suspended, was never lost.
Again—"The flame spread rapidly through the kingdom; the parliaments of Paris and Rouen distinguished themselves by their firm and animated language, a specimen of which here follows:—"The subject (laid the latter) has a right to the easiest and least burthensome method of contributing to the wants of the state. The right which is founded in nature, belongs to every nation in the world, whatever may be its form of government; it is principally the right of the Franks, and in a more especial manner, that of your province of Normandy." "The Norman character furnishes on this head the most remarkable monuments of our national immunities, and of the justice of the kings, your august predecessors. We there find that no tax can be laid on your subjects of this province, unless it be agreed to in the assembly of the people in its full force; it makes part of your people's rights, which you swore to maintain before HIM BY WHOM KINGS REIGN."
In 1764, the court being resolved to enforce obedience, commanded the different governors of the provinces, to register the Edicts by force and to compel obedience. The parliaments of Thoulouze and Provence, opposed these tyrannical measures. They used the most energetic and positive language, and the latter determined to arrest the governor, notwithstanding he acted under the authority of the king, and try him as a criminal. The parliaments of Rouen and Grenoble followed the example, and the respective governors, the duke of Harcourt, the duke of Fitzjames and Mr. Meunil, were all arrested.
In 1766, the parliament of Brittany having refused to register an Edict, the king resolved to make them an example of tyrannical vengeance. The old parliament was dissolved, a new commission for sixty others was made out. Prosecutions were ordered to degrade the old members; but suddenly the king either recollecting the admonition of the ill-fated Damien, or from some other cause, stopped the proceedings and published a general amnesty. The counsellors of the parliament, treated the king's affected clemency with disdain. They alleged, that having taken their oaths to the old parliament, they would not plead before the new commission. The king, enraged at this opposition, ordered them to be drafted as soldiers. Those upon whom the lot fell were obliged to join their respective battalions, and the others were incorporated in the city guard.
"The parliament of Paris applauded the conduct of the Bretons, & encouraged them to persevere; but the freedom of their remonstrance drew upon them the vengeance of the king. He appeared in the public court, reprimanded the members and declared "I will not suffer an association to be formed in my kingdom which might grow into a confederacy of resistance."
The following spirited stand, against tyrannous monarchical encroachments, bears some analogy to the condition of these states, when they were British colonies.
"In 1770, the Dauphin, afterwards Lewis 16th, received the hand of the late queen, Maria Antoinette. The general joy, which this event produced, did not impede the trial of the duke de Aiguillon; at the moment when the nation awaited with awful suspence the important decision, the king thought proper to stop the course of justice, and to inhibit all further proceedings against the duke. He forbade the peers from attending the parliaments. The parliaments however acted with their wonted resolution; that of Paris prohibited the duke from exercising the rights of Peerage until his character should be cleared by a public trial. Though their arrest was annulled by the king, the other parliaments were not behind them in vigor and resolution. Lewis, after having severely reprimanded the parliament of Paris, imprisoned two of their members in the castle of Vincennes.
"Unflinched by these violent measures, the rest of the parliaments displayed a most virtuous and unyielding magnanimity, by repeated deputations and remonstrances. The king, enraged at such opposition, arrived suddenly at Paris, surrounded the parliament by his guards, dismissed two of the chambers of inquests and requests, and ordered the proceedings against the duke de Aiguillon to be erased from the records. The parliament was compelled to yield to mi-
litary force; though they openly declared that the late act of arbitrary power, proved, that the king designed to change the form of government."
How insecure are even rigid rectitude and the most exalted intellectual attainments when under the dominion of a merciless, tyrannous, despot, who makes his caprice, or the whim, or malignity of an unprincipled minion his rule of action.
"The duke of Choiseul, who had secretly favored the measures of the parliament, was not only displaced, but banished. The approbation of the people was some consolation for the loss of popular favor. This event did not secure the submission of the parliaments. The king issued a Royal Edict, which enjoined, that the parliaments should register all future Edicts even though opposed by their own remonstrances.—This, the parliament of Paris refused to register, until the king in person compelled them to enter the fatal Edict upon their journals. At the next meeting the parliament declared, that this was an act of force, and entreated the king to withdraw it. Their language was bold and animated—"Your Edict Sire is destructive of all law: your parliament is charged to maintain the law: and the law perishing, they should perish with it. These, Sire, are the last words of your parliament."
"Lewis enraged at the obstinate perseverance of the parliament, gave way to violent measures; the members were arrested in the night by parties of the guards; a letter de cachet was presented to each member, and they were required to declare whether they would continue to oppose the king's pleasure or resume their functions. In the moment of confusion and surprise, a few members acquiesced, but soon after retracted. They were then commanded to attend the court, and receive their dismissal. In the presence of their sovereign, the parliament observed the same inflexible firmness, and were banished from the capital."
Neither her sex, nor our author's gallantry, has shielded the aged countess Du Barre, from a stroke en passant . The fact is double an historical one, and exhibited as found: but if true, it must be an incontrovertible proof, how despicable the monarch must have been, and how destitute of every essential princely virtue. From the privations and oppressions which women have undergone, in almost every age, and nation, we are inclined to think that reprisals in any shape, on the other sex although, in themselves neither just nor justifiable, are entitled not to the severest criticism, nor to the most rigid condemnation. If women in certain instances be vicious, and depraved, men only have made them such.
"Thus died Lewis the 15th, in the 59th year of his reign and the 65th of his age; "his example had loosened the bonds of morality; his profusion and prodigality had exhausted the resources of his country, his pride and ambition had trampled upon the remnant of the constitution."
"The countess Du Barre, the mistress of Lewis the 15th, had urged him to use those harsh and decisive measures in suppressing the ancient parliaments; and although he had accomplished this design, the spirit of freedom was still cherished. The fortitude and perseverance of those assemblies had given birth to new ideas throughout the nation. The late remonstrances had taught them to understand their rights. The flame long pent up, and liberty enchain'd by the shackles of despotism, at length broke forth with accumulated force and overwhelmed the throne, the clergy and the nobility; the consequences of which will be hereafter noticed.
FOR THE STAR.
NO. II.
"'Tis education forms the common mind."
I HAVE experienced the evil of a superficial education, as the public have seen by some late disastrous circumstances of my life. The disgrace and reproach, I suffered on account of pride and impudence, have been a topic of general discourse; but, fortunately for me, a door is now opened for the salvation of my character by the special grace of a few gentlemen of distinction.
By a close self-examination and study of human nature, I see and lament the folly and mistake of parents in giving their children what they call an ornamental education, without any solid acquirements or improvements in literature. Like the christian, whose understanding is illuminated with the rays of divine truth, I see and abhor the vice and folly of the world.
It is said by many, that a knowledge of the customs and fashions of the world gives a person an easy carriage and graceful deportment, and above all things inspires him with assurance and self-sufficiency, which raise him above insult and oppression; therefore such knowledge is of the highest value, and ought to be the first acquirement of youth.
A man of assurance will attract the attention of people in general, who will exalt him, if he have talents, knowledge and prudence to support his presumption; but, if ignorance be combined with his boldness, as often happens, he will become an object of the most satirical censure, ludicrous remark and contemptuous smile. However advantageous a good flock of confidence may be, in passing through life successfully, an excess of it plunges a person into more difficulties, & renders him infinitely more despicable, than the want of it. Because modesty may be an impediment in the disclosure

and application of talents and knowledge, and boldness supports ignorance, it is no reason that a forward, presumptuous spirit should be inspired or encouraged in youth. If diffidence meet with neglect, ridicule or insult from the ignorant, it always receives peculiar favor, respect and attention from the intelligent and virtuous.
A knowledge of the modes and fashions of the world, a foppish dress, a ceremonious address and an audacious front entitle no person to the appellation of gentleman . Youth are too much inclined to impertinence, to effentation and pleasure—they need not the instruction or persuasion of parents to practise the vicious ways of the world. But, if parents afford their children all the luxuries and delights of life, give them extravagant ideas of dress and grandeur, and teach them the fine arts of flattery and deceit in the outward civilities and ceremonies of behavior, it cannot be expected, they will have any relish for science or morality, but an ardent thirst for voluptuosity and dissipation. Those, whose wealth or knowledge of the world has raised to distinction without any literary or moral attainments, consider the exterior acquirements the most useful, and only necessary education for their children. Of course they early introduce their sons to public scenes, expose them to temptations and familiarize them to the various habits, characters and situations of life, that they may not appear awkward and embarrassed in any fashionable amusement or practice of the world. Thus, by flowing all their care and cost on the external accomplishments and idle gratifications of their children, and neglecting their minds, they bring them to premature manhood, render them proud & presumptuous, corrupt their principles and avert their attention from industry, morality and learning. Such parents triumph and rejoice in the grand acquisitions of their sons, and consider their boldness in vicious practices as a mark of genius. They ridicule the folly of their neighbors, who keep their children under the regular restraints of virtue and in the constant pursuit of learning.
Because men are often measured and valued by their external appearance, it is no reason, that the polish of the person should be preferred to the erudition and solid improvement of the mind. All are anxious to make a gracious appearance, and to seem wise; and many, if they can enjoy such a reputation, are content without learning or virtue. The tinsel and gloss of artificial manners and superficial learning are fascinating to youth, and often mistaken for genius and knowledge. Young persons, who are educated in the deceitful airs and frivolous notions of behavior, glory in their imagined superiority, and look down with supercilious contempt upon others, who are not permitted by their parents to deviate from the paths of virtue and science, to gather the flowers of vanity and folly. Pert coxcombs, empty blusterers and tawdry courtiers may ridicule, overbear and contemn young men, who are ardent in the pursuit of science and virtue; but a few years will sink the former into insignificance and contempt, and raise the latter to honor, fame and distinction.
Many parents, who wish their sons to be fine gentlemen , instruct them in all the vain ceremonies, empty compliments and little acts of simulation and dissimulation—crowd them into every society, and teach them to speak and act among men with the freedom and assurance of equals or superiors; of course they soon learn the ways of the world, and become horse-racers, cock-fighters, gamblers, &c. Thus they are pushed forward into the world, without any real knowledge or fixed principles to fortify their minds against temptation and corruption.
That politeness, which is seasoned with sincerity is ornamental to youth, & may be an object of their attention, but it is matter of consideration secondary to religion and learning, and generally suggested by common sense, and rendered familiar by intercourse with good society. The forms and graces of behavior are "the mint anise and cummin, not the more weighty matters" of education. The manners of the present age are so surfeited with vanity and deception, that youth cannot acquire what are called the polite accomplishments, without being corrupted. The best method of educating youth, is to "make the body and mind improve together," and by all means in early life to create in them a taste and respect for virtue and learning. "The management of their person is not to be overlooked, but the cultivation of their minds is much more to be regarded." According as this is managed, "you will see the mind follow the appetites of the body, or the body expresses the virtues of the mind."
Crito. Amherst, April, 1806. Delegates elected to the next General Assembly. C. K. Mallory, Elizabeth City. Samuel Watts, Warwick. J. Burnham, Charles City. Dixon Brown, New Kent. John Christian, Fluvanna. Cornelius Egmon, Hampshire. John D. Watkins, Norfolk Borough. Robert Christian, Munroe. John Forbes, Dr. John Wils, John Snyder, William Donaldson, William Newum, jr., Andrew Burns, Isaac Estill,
New-York, April 26. Last evening, the sloop Richard, from Brandywine was fired at by the Leander, and whilst laying to, a ball struck John Pierce, (brother to the captain) in the neck, as he was standing at the helm,
and killed him immediately. Two shots were fired at the sloop, the first went about ten yards off.
The ship Aurora, Fairchild, from the Havannah, belonging to Samuel Russel, was captured off the Hook yesterday, by one of the blockading squadron, after having a pilot on board, and ordered for Halifax.
The brig Ceres, from the West-Indies, was captured yesterday off the Hook by the above blockading squadron, and ordered for Halifax.
The three masted schr. Nimrod, Manning, from Currao for N. York, was captured yesterday morning off Sandy Hook, by the British ship of war Leander, and ordered for Halifax.
The frigate Cambrian, now off the mouth of our harbor, is from Halifax, and the Driver sloop of war from a cruise. The Leander, we understand will sail for Halifax on Sunday next.
Mer. Adv. April 28. Indictment for Murder. —The grand jury at the suggestion of a republican member, found a bill, on Saturday last against Henry Whitney, captain of the Leander, for the murder of John Pierce.
The public will learn, with surprise and indignation, that the identical British frigates, and sloop of war, the Leander, Cambrian, and Driver, which committed so many outrages and insults in the spring of 1804, and in the spring of 1805, off and even within the harbour of New-York, are now cruising off that place for their former purposes. They did not suffer a single vessel to pass Sandy Hook, on Thursday last, without stopping and detaining it: the brig Comet, for Nantz, was not liberated on Friday night.
Such gross and reiterated outrage and insult ought not to be borne with any longer, although they are the work of our "best friends," and since a change of ministry has not produced a change either in the policy or the menaces of the English, it is time there were a force in the neighborhood competent to preserve our citizens from plunder and the nation from disgrace.
Aurora. From the Baltimore American of April 29.
SCRIPT. By this morning's mail, we received the following paragraph from our correspondent at New-York.... "Just as our paper was put to press, Ten Cart loads of provisions, which had been procured in this city for the British squadron now blockading our harbor, & which had been arrested on the way to the ships, and brought back to town, were conveyed to the alms-house, amidst the loud huzzas of the multitude."
The corporation of New-York have resolved to bury JOHN PIERCE, (the man who was killed by a shot from the British ship Leander) in the most public manner, and at the expence of the city. They have likewise requested the captains of American vessels in the harbor, to hoist their colors half mast, and invited all classes of citizens to unite with them on the melancholy occasion. Thus manifesting their lively sense of the indignity offered our country & their detestation of the atrocious murder, committed without provocation, and in violation of every principle of justice and humanity.
The Mayor of New-York has officially informed the President of the U. States of the improper conduct of the British ships of war stationed off that port. We may therefore expect that all the means which the Executive possesses, will be exerted to obtain a redress of wrongs, and ample satisfaction for the murder committed within the jurisdictional limits of the United States.
Captain JAMES BARRON is appointed Commodore of the American Squadron in the Mediterranean—and Captain Stephen Decatur, jun. to command the frigate Chesapeake, ordered on that service. Political Register.
Mr. MONROE, minister of the United States to the English government, has transmitted, at the request of the envoy of the king of Prussia, resident in London, and by order of the king, a gold medal, to Doctor RUSH, of Philadelphia, as an acknowledgement of the high sense entertained of his medical writings. The medal contains on the one side, a likeness of the King of Prussia, and on the other, an appropriate device. Amr. D. Adv.
James Houstoun, Esq. has been appointed by the President and Senate, District Judge for the Maryland District, vice James Winchester, Esq. Deceased. Robert Wright, we understand, is appointed Attorney-General of this State, vice Mr. Pinkney. (Baltimore Federal Gazette.)
Revolt in Spanish America. —Captain Webb, of the brig Eliza from Maracaibo, informs, that just before he failed, orders had been received from the Governor of Caracas, to have the militia immediately organized, and the city put in the best state of defence, as a very alarming revolt had taken place in the interior. Phil. Gaz.
By the Pastor, capt. Caldwell, the editors of the New-York Gazette have received London papers to the 9th, and Greenock papers to the 13th ult. They contain but little news, as will be seen by the subsequent extracts.—Parliament had been engaged in a serious discussion
on the propriety of appointing Lord Ellenborough, the chief justice to a seat in the cabinet.
CHARLESTON, April 26. General Miranda. —Capt. Edes, arrived yesterday morning from Barbadoes, informs us, that an express boat from Trinidad, brought accounts 2 days before he failed, that Gen. Miranda had effected a landing at Barcelona, on the Spanish Main.—It was further stated, that he had been joined by two British frigates. This intelligence had excited considerable interest at Barbadoes. Reports fixed Miranda's force from three to five hundred men.
The British outward bound Jamaica fleet, consisting of eighty-four sail, under convoy, had touched at Barbadoes, and failed again, several days before Capt. Edes left that port. The British admiral had called in all the armed vessels on that station—his realons were not known.
FROM THE AURORA.
New-Rochelle, April 23, 1806. MR. DUANE, I see by the English papers, that some conversations have lately taken place in parliament in England, on the subject of repealing the act that incorporated the members elected in England, so as to form only one parliament.
As England could not domineer Ireland more despotically than it did through the Irish parliament, people were generally at a loss (as well they might be) to discover any motive for that union, especially as it was pushed with unceasing activity against all opposition. The following anecdote, which was known to but few persons, and to none I believe in England, except the former minister, will unveil the mystery.
When Lord Malmesbury arrived in Paris, in the time of the Directory government, to open a negotiation for peace, his credentials ran in the old style of "George, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, king"—Malmesbury was informed, that though the assumed title of king of France in his credentials would not prevent France opening a negotiation, yet that no treaty of peace could be concluded until that assumed title was renounced. Pitt then hit on the union bill under which the assumed title of king of France was discontinued. THOMAS PAINE.
LONDON, March 1. Last night Paris papers to the 20th ult. were received. The following are the most prominent articles: Paris, Feb. 8. —The head quarters of prince Joseph are at Ferentino. On the 8th February his advanced guard passed the Garigliano at Cipranco. The army is on the march for Naples; the right commanded by General Regnier, the centre by Marshal Massena, and the left by Gen. Lecchi, commandant of the Italian troops. March 1.
It was very currently reported yesterday, that an overture had been received from the French government, tending to a negotiation between the two countries. There is no truth in the report, which has probably arisen from the circumstance of a communication having been received by the transport board, by way of Morlaix, on Saturday, which, however, is supposed to have related solely to the business of an exchange of prisoners. [It is nevertheless very probable.]
A cabinet council was held yesterday at Mr. Fox's office. It was not followed by the sending off any messenger, which would probably have been the case, had any overtures of the kind reported been received by government. The Diligence sloop of war has arrived at Deal, with a convoy of 26 sail of transports, having on board general Paget's brigade, and the 6th division of the German legion from the continent.
The admiralty board has ordered the squadron along the French coast from St. Malo to Ostend, to be considerably strengthened.
Saturday government received advice of some movement on the enemy's coast, indicative of an early attack on Guernsey and Jersey, and all the high frigates and sloops at Portsmouth have been ordered to sail immediately for their defence, under the orders of capt. Griffiths, of the Constance, of 24 guns. Orders have likewise been sent to Portsmouth, to equip the Thistle of 28 guns, with all possible dispatch, to receive the flag of the Prince de Bouillon.
According to private letters from Holland all intercourse between that country and Berlin, has been prohibited by the Batavian government.
Land for Sale.
By virtue of a Decree of the county Court of Campbell pronounced at their February Term last, I shall proceed on the premises to expose to sale by way of public auction for ready money, a tract of land situated in the county of Campbell, being the same tract purchased by Daniel Gray of Samuel Galbraith, situate or lying near the waters of Falling river. The Sale will take place on Saturday the 7th day of June next.
THOMAS ROBINSON, D. S. For WILLIAM ANDERSON. May 13, 1806. 3w
NOTICE. THOSE persons who have business with the subscriber, as Administrator of the estate of Doctor Charles D. Jones dec'd, are informed, that he has constituted and appointed Josiah Leake attorney at law of Lynchburg, his agent to adjust the business of said estate. Provision will, as early as the nature of the case will admit, be made for liquidating every legal claim in the order of its dignity. It is desired that the claims against the estate may be brought in legally authenticated, as early as convenient, in order that the necessary arrangements may be made, by the sale of property or otherwise, to discharge them. Law suits being both expensive and troublesome, he trusts they will but in few instances be resorted to, as prompt measures will be pursued, to meet all just claims by a much shorter and more certain route. JESSE ANDERSON. May 9, 1806.
Those who have business to settle in relation to the above mentioned estate, are requested to make early arrangements for that purpose. So soon as the May terms are over I shall be at leisure to take up the business. JOSIAH LEAKE. 2t
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Cannafax dec'd, are requested to bring them forward properly authenticated for payment, on or before the first day of August next, as I wish to close my executorship—This advertisement will be plead in Bar of all claims not made known on or before that day. RADFORD CANNAPAX, Exr. May 12, 1806. 1w.
One Cent Reward.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber living in Bedford county, an orphan boy about 14 years of age, named
JOHN COATS, Bound by an order of Court of the county aforesaid. It is likely that this runaway will change his name and attempt to go by that of JOHN BROWN. Any person who will deliver to me the boy aforesaid, shall receive the above generous reward in full.—I forewarn all manner of persons from harbouring or trading with him, at their peril. Adam Bayer, jun. 10th April, 1806. 1w.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to us by William Harris, late of the county of Bedford, to secure certain debts due to William Brown, & Co. and Brown, McCrede, & Co. We shall on Saturday the 14th of June next, proceed to sell by way of public auction, a tract of
LAND, Situated in Bedford county, on Elk creek, containing Two Hundred and Twenty Five Acres, more or less, adjoining and bounded by the lands of Joseph Slaughter, John North, Waddy Cobbs, Jesse Tait's Estate, and down Elk creek to the said Slaughter's line; the same being a part of a tract purchased of David Wright. Also the following
SLAVES, to wit: Rachel, Hannah, Rose, Harriet, Phoebe, Jude, Joanna, Linda, Sukey, Lett, Wallis and Pope.—The sale will take place on the Land, and for Ready Money.—A description of the Land is deemed to be unnecessary, as it is presumed that those who are disposed to purchase will make themselves acquainted with it. William Callaway } Trustees. Christopher Clark, } John Dabney, } May 10, 1806. (3w)
ANY person, having in possession my 3d and 4th Vols. of Moore's Tour through Italy, will please to return them immediately. CHARLES HOYLE junr. 1st April, 1806.
Coaches and fashionable Gigs.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public that he has just commenced the coach making business in all its various branches in the Town of Lynchburg, where fashionable pleasure carriages of all descriptions will be neatly and faithfully executed on the shortest notice. He has on hand a large quantity of well prepared, and seasoned materials for the above purposes—Orders from any part of the country will be thankfully received and executed with fidelity and dispatch.
MILBY COTTINGHAM. Lynchburg, April 15, 1806. 8t
RAN away from the subscriber in Pittsylvania County, on Monday the 21st of April last, a likely young NEGRO MAN named DICK, who I bought of a Mr. Harden last summer, he lays he was raised in Orange County, he is now well set, black, sensible, and artful—had on when he left me no other clothing but an ozanburg shirt, and Virginia cloth pantaloons.—Any person who will apprehend and bring, or contrive said negro to me, shall be handsomely compensated for their trouble, &c. ARMISTEAD SHELTON. May 2d, 1806. 3t
Advertisement. I have for sale 2000 acres of Land lying in Kenhawa County, on the eighteen mile creek, and on the main road leading from Point Pleasant to Charles Town,—the greater part of this land is of the first quality, with a considerable proportion of low grounds, and well timbered.—I will sell a great bargain in this land, either altogether or divide it so as to suit purchasers, or exchange it for land or other property in this country.—Terms may be known by applying to the subscriber living at Brown Lestwich & Co's store near the meadows of goose creek. JONAH DOBYNS. Bedford, 22d April, 1806. 4t
FOR SALE, A Tract of LAND, Containing One Hundred and Fifty Acres, lying on the main Road leading from Lynchburg to two public Ferries on Stanton river, in the county of Campbell, three miles from the Court-house.—This place is considered to be an excellent stand for a Tavern or other public business—The Land lies well, in a pleasant situation, and a considerable quantity of it good for Tobacco. There are eighteen acres cleared last winter and now under a good inclosure.—In case I do not sell privately prior to the first day of August next—on that day I will offer it at Public Sale on the premises.—One half Cash will be required, the balance in twelve months.—Otherwise I will Rent it for the term of Three years, together with Two likely
NEGROES: ONE a Woman now in the prime of life, an excellent Cook and capable of any other sort of house business—the other a Boy sixteen years of age.—I will give liberty to clear such a quantity of Tobacco ground as shall be agreed on.—I shall shortly have necessary buildings for the convenience of a family, completed on the place. Those in either case above mentioned, wishing to trade, are requested to apply to the proprietor residing on the premises. FRANCIS MILLER. 28th April, 1806. T.F.
FOR SALE. A Valuable Estate in Henry County on the Horse Pasture Creek known by the name of Jordan's Choice containing 1000 acres of the old survey, all of which is of prime quality; adjoining is a new survey of 86 acres well timbered, and on the opposite side of the plantation, 500 acres which tho' it does not join, is sufficiently near and convenient to furnish the necessary supplies of wood for fencing and fuel. This plantation for 30 years last past has never rented for less than 7,500 lbs. of Lynchburg crop inspected Tobacco, weighing 1250 or upwards per Hoghead—and during that period the rent was 500 dollars per annum. At present, only one half of the cleared land is under lease for 5,250 lbs. of Tobacco.—Immediate possession of the residue will be given, and further particulars made known by the subscriber, who has also for sale ONE tract of land on Otter about 6 miles below Lestwich's Mill, at present occupied by Mrs. Vannerfon, containing about 320 acres.
ONE tract of land on Otter creek in Botetourt, containing 200 acres—occupied by John Johnson.
ONE Ditto.—Ditto—occupied by William Young, jun.—containing 200 acres. ONE Ditto.—Ditto—occupied, containing 400 acres. ANDREW DONALD. Bedford County, Feb. 24 —1806. 1t

For the following spirited Essay, we are indebted to the Virginia Argus. The same range of thought and scope of reasoning are prominent in this, that characterize the Pamphlet, noticed in this, & the Star of the two last weeks. Both are distinguished for boldness of conception, & energetic brevity: both must be the production of the same pen. — But unfortunately Bonaparte is an usurper: — The daring outrage where by he first silenced the constituted authorities of France must remain an eternal monument of violence, atrocity and injustice, for which neither the splendor of his subsequent unexampled military achievements, nor his exalted intellectual attainments can ever atone. The example set is a ruinously seductive one, and may, in after ages, be imitated to the subversion of order and the destruction of the liberties of the world. The essay nevertheless will be read with interest.
FOR THE ARGUS.
CONCERNING THE LATE COALITION AGAINST BONAPARTE.
NO man ever excited so much speculation, or has been the author of so many great events as Bonaparte. He has been the subject of eulogy and of invective — of hope and of fear — of terror and confidence — his enemies impute to him all the worst attributes of man, and his friends are influenced by a confidence which has no limits. Under such circumstances, it is not a matter of surprise, that the public prints should occasionally exhibit him in all the extent of difference, with the aid of hyperbole and exaggeration, each one being influenced by the passion which predominates in his own bosom.
The commercial and social intercourse which exists between the United States and Great Britain, and the projects of some Americans to strengthen these ties by a political union, have afforded many opportunities for the intriguers and deluded zealots to propagate opinions of discontent and horror against Bonaparte. Unfortunately too for the cause of truth, there are but few editors of news papers, who have been disposed to admit articles of explanation or vindication — while on the other hand, publications, which, it believed, could not fail to excite horror, have been circulated.
Even a few individuals who have been disposed to counteract these errors, have either been deterred by the fear of exciting indignation against themselves, or forfeiting the countenance and patronage of some popular men who were known to advocate different opinions.
While a powerful French army hovered on the coast of England, it was natural for all those who felt an interest in the welfare of that nation, or who feared that Bonaparte aimed at universal empire, to express such sentiments as were dictated by their hopes and fears — and it was a natural transition to extend the same feelings towards all those who co-operated with Great Britain. Hence it has happened that a great deal has been spoken and published in different parts of the United States, reflecting the best wishes for the success of the coalition — nor will it be denied, if the previous conduct of Bonaparte had given reason for such fears but the opposition was improper. While these things were going on, there were a few who expressed and supported different opinions; who denied the existence of such projects, and foretold, not only that the confederated armies would be overthrown, but that Bonaparte would be governed by his former engagements, made to the French people, and promulgated to the world.
The late events all show that the emperor of France, in this memorable war, forgot not his former promise — "That he had, indeed, contended for the repose of France, and the happiness of the world," and notwithstanding all his conduct before the late successes, clearly manifested that this promise was never forgotten; yet the enemies of France, and the defamers of the emperor, pretend to believe that his projects had for their final object the conquest of Europe, and the subjugation of the world. In consequence of these delusions, a yell was raised which spread from one to another; the impression far and wide; a general presence was excited, and no voice which was intended to oppose the torrent of error was heard, and if heard, was regarded; so far from it, there was a wish that he should be not only defeated, but destroyed.
Let us now enquire who are they for whose benefit the accusers of Bonaparte desire his power to be destroyed, his pro-
jects to be frustrated, and France to be dismembered? It is for the fugitive and parvaidal Bourbons. And why do they cry aloud for the restoration of the Bourbons, and desire once more to reinstate the ancient aristocracy, who have so often sheathed their swords in the vitals of their country? Do these politicians wish to see France once more covered with victims and drenched with blood; the inhabitants clothed in sack cloth and ashes; and whole hecatombs of human victims immolated, to make way for, and secure the reign of vengeance, tyranny and violence? Let their wishes be what they may, such surely would be the results.
It is time that these deluded enthusiasts should pause. Let them cast their eyes over the blood-stained pages of eight centuries of oppression. Let them retrace the sanguinary steps of their favorites, the Capets. Let them behold the vindictive swords of the fugitive nobles elevated by implacable arms, and directed by a vengeance which had no limits, against a whole nation; a nation which had risen, claimed and enforced, in opposition to tyrannical usurpation, its ancient and long lost rights. Yes, rights, which emanated from those bold and enterprising warriors which rescued the country from Roman bondage. A moment's reflection would teach any man of common sense, that a people who had fought and beaten Europe in arms, would not tamely ground their arms to a few helpless refugees, who have fled and taken shelter in the most secure corner of Europe.
Was it for this that Bonaparte and his army of heroes were doomed to destruction, or in the delusion that a wise, liberal and beneficent policy might be expected from the combined powers? But how can this question be answered? Who can tell that the combined powers would not, if they had destroyed Bonaparte and dismembered France, proceed next to destroy every man who had borne a part in making France what it is? If the combined powers had been actuated by liberal, just and beneficent intentions, why did they not give examples of these sentiments and delinquents in cases where they would be unopposed? Why did they not turn their eyes upon Poland; upon India, upon Ireland, and upon the ocean? In this wide scope, they would have found ample opportunities to prove to all the world that they honestly believed that the war which they waged against France was dictated by philosophy, justice and necessity, and, as they pretended, for the security and happiness of the world.
Far different was the conduct of the confederates. No ray of hope was afforded in any of these important relations; so that while this mighty project against France was going on, and ready to burst with a tremendous explosion, the chains of slavery and subjugation were forged anew, and the peaceful enterprises of the ocean were not only disturbed, but forbidden.
It will be answered that the confederation was formed, not against France, but against Bonaparte. Poor, pitiful subterfuge! What more is Bonaparte than an elected chief, whose distinguished talents and matchless achievements — whose public and private character procured for him the distinction & elevation which he holds?
How could it be otherwise? Late in the year 1793, Bonaparte, by the intrigues of traitors, was compelled to abandon his native island, Corsica, where he lived in retirement; he sought and received employment in the French army; his talents and heroism soon gave celebrity; rank ensued, and his deeds have surpassed all example. The popularity and power of this extraordinary character, has not, nor does not derive its support from any other source than the conviction which exists in the mind of every Frenchman, that he deserves the nation's confidence and gratitude. Nor is there a Frenchman who does not well know that the combined nation, tho' said to be against Bonaparte, was against France.
These things are known to all the world; and although every Tyro in history will be compelled to acknowledge them, yet they make a leap over all that is true, reasonable and just, and endeavor to destroy their victims with the taunts of calumny; and to heighten the picture of injustice, they attempt to canonize some of the tyrants and oppressors of the present age. Among these, Louis the 16th has been represented as a mere model of virtue and benevolence, and that, as a punishment for his death, not only all Frenchmen who then existed, but all who have borne a part in any of the subsequent events, and above all, Bonaparte ought to be destroyed. They say that Bonaparte is a tyrant, and at the same instant declare that sanguinary and regicide France, as they are pleased to expel themselves, deserves to be ruled with a rod of iron. If they are in earnest in these declarations, then Bonaparte is the man of all the world whom they ought most to respect, and for whose preservation they ought to confederate, until the French people shall be sufficiently scourged; such is the paradoxical nonsense which is daily uttered and re-echoed.
Strange, indeed, if Bonaparte is a tyrant, that among the mighty hosts whom he has commanded in different quarters of the globe in so many battles, and in all the stages and events of reviews, marches, and military operations, not one more superlatively wicked than all the rest, has been found to strike the foremost man of all the world, and thus enrol his murderous name high in the annals of infamy.
To restore the Bourbons, to reinstate the ancient privileges, and to cover emancipated France with new terrors and chains — these were the projects of the humbled coalitions, and these are the things for which those who weep over the triumph of Bonaparte, the battle of Austerlitz, and the treaty of Presburg, give way to groans, sighs and tears. If the deluded enthusiasts, retailers and trumpeters of these errors and creeds, believed in an hundredth part of the miseries, to
which the degraded and oppressed peasantry of France were formerly exposed, they would turn away from these erroneous opinions with shame and mortification, and would consider, not only Bonaparte, but all others who contributed to oppose or prevent the restoration of the ancient order of things, as the benefactors of mankind. As it does not fall to the lot of all who read news papers, to be acquainted with the history of nations, a few examples illustrative of these truths will now be given.
"In the time of Louis the 14th, the Count de Charolois was accustomed to shoot his peasants, by way of amusement, and instead of being executed for these assassinations, he was frequently pardoned by the king. The reply of the king upon one of these occasions, was worthy of a monarch who was indirectly an accomplice, in all the murders after the first — "I will pardon you, but at the same time, promise like grace to any one who will kill you."
Again. "The inhabitants of Mount Tura were actually slaves at the commencement of the revolution, being the absolute property of the noble chapter of St. Cloud. Jean Jacob, one of the natives who repaired to Paris in 1789, solemnly declared, that in his time, M. de Beaufrémont, Abbot of Clairvaux, was accustomed to fire at the peasants. This amusement he said was then so common, that it obtained the name of the chaise of the slaves, o peasants, just as in this country we say, the chaise of the fox. Such were some of the atrocities of the ancient privileged orders. Such are the things which they who wish for the destruction of Bonaparte, are willing to restore. Indeed — and was it for this, that Europe has been convulsed, that her potentes have confederated, her treasure has been exhausted, and her blood has been wasted? Is it to allow to such a Charolois and Beaufrémont, the privilege of shooting poor people when they please!?"
But even admitting that the general conduct of Bonaparte was as culpable as it has been represented, and that he was advancing with rapid and gigantic strides to universal dominion, which all the powers of Europe cannot stop, would it not be highly indecorous, as well as imprudent, to irritate and provoke one to whom the mighty nations of Europe were about to prostrate themselves, as subjects or tributaries?
Every body knows that Great Britain, Russia and Austria, lately confederated against France, and exerted all the means which they possessed for the purpose of destroying the French Empire; they pretended to fear the projects of Bonaparte, while two of these powers were preparing chains for the inhabitants of Asia, and seemed to threaten every thing between the Black Sea and Indian Ocean with subjugation. And although those things were well known to all Europe, they denied to France the right of securing her own repose, by natural and reasonable boundaries.
Notwithstanding this powerful confederacy, and hostile attitude which Bonaparte was obliged to assume and support, it is universally admitted, that he has done more to assist arts, sciences, agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, during his short and splendid course, than was ever performed by all the Bourbon Kings? New roads, canals, public improvements & institutions, alike useful necessary & ornamental, every where appear.
The reader is desired to reflect upon this picture; and if true, let him say whether it is good for the interests of the world, that this course of things should be changed; that havoc, desolation, carnage and depopulation, should convert France into a howling wilderness, merely because the inhabitants have thought fit to elevate an enterprising and distinguished individual to the highest station of human glory; or because the fugitive and parvaidal Bourbons pour out their puerile complaints?
To those who wish to impose upon France such great changes, and misfortunes, a few questions are propounded. — Do they know any thing of the history and half depopulated, and enslaved countries which are situated between the Indus and the Ganges? Have they ever heard of the fertile plains, and once peaceful inhabitants of Indostan? Do they ever reflect upon the wide difference between peace, happiness, and national independence, and war, misery, and subjugation? Do they believe if military depredations should be organized between the Rhine and the Po, that a host of Clives, Rumbolds, Hastings, Allias, Alarics, Odoacers, Suwarrows, Korsakows, and Kutusows, would not every where spread terror, dismay and death — would not they literally, cry, havoc, and let slip the dogs of war!
Fortunately for the world these scenes of imaginary woe, have been prevented by the capture of Ulm, the battle of Austerlitz, the treaty of Presburg, but above all by the genius of Bonaparte; so that now he has before him an illustrious opportunity of proving that he has indeed contended for the repose and security of France, and the happiness of the world.
To those who ask why these things are published, it might be sufficient to reply "they contain the truth;" but the writer chooses to say more. Such publications appear, at this time, to be particularly necessary, not only to counteract groundless prejudices, but to caution the Americans from suffering either fears, hopes or dislikes to entangle them in the wars, projects and disputes of Europe. Let us preserve a fair and even course. Let us render injury to neither. But if peradventure, wayward and uncontrollable events have given occasion for reasonable complaints, let us make such honorable reparation as is suitable to the duties and principles of a nation, which in her regards for national independence, forgets not the attributes of justice.
AN AMERICAN.
20 Dollars Reward
RAN away from the Subscriber on the first of January last, a NEGRO MAN named HARRY. (commonly called Gatewood's or Jones's Harry) The above reward will be given to any person that will deliver said Negro Man to me in Bedford County, or a generous reward to any person that will secure him in jail to that I get him. — The said negro has for many years been employed as a waterman on James River.
JESSE ANDERSON. Bedford, April 23....1806. NOTICE,
IS hereby given, that on the tenth day of June in the year of our Lord 1806, will be exposed to public sale on the several premises, in Bedford county the following Lands, Mills, and Slaves,
ONE TRACT OF LAND,
about two hundred and twenty three acres purchased by Joseph Nichols from L. Woodward. — ALSO
One hundred acres of land, lying near the Ivy Mills, conveyed by Jos. Poindexter of said county to Joseph Nichols by Deed bearing date 23d. July, 1803, and also on the same day on the premises, will be exposed to like sale the Ivy Mills and one acre of land, on which the same are built, in said county, by said Poindexter to said Nichols by Deed bearing date the day and year last aforesaid also on the same day at the said Ivy Mills will be exposed to like sale the following Slaves, to wit: Cæsar, Isaac, Clay, Jude, Milly, & Rachael,
the property of Joseph Nichols, and by him conveyed to the subscriber by Deed bearing date the 23d day of July, 1803, to secure the payment of sundry Bonds executed to said Joseph Poindexter, as the same shall become due and payable and more particularly described in said Deed, or so much of the same as shall be necessary to raise the sum of four hundred and fifty-four pounds, thirteen shillings and ten pence, with interest and the costs of sale, &c. The sale to begin at 10 o'clock, at the Ivy Mills, and to continue according to the provisions of said Deed, until so much of said lands and slaves shall be sold as shall amount to monies aforesaid.
THOMAS WIATT, Trustee. October 21th, 1805.
400 Dollars Reward.
THE above reward of 400 dollars is hereby offered for the detection and prosecution to conviction of the Villain or Villains who, on Saturday night last, set fire to the house of Dr. Waddy Tate, on the back street in the town of Lynchburg, now occupied by Paxton & Houston Cabinet-Makers.
On behalf of the citizens of Lynchburg and in pursuance of their subscription. JOHN WIATT, Mayor. April 9. 1806.
At a Court continued and held for Amherst County the day of March, 1806.
Dennett Witt, Plff. AGAINST James M'Clain & Robert Shields, Adms. of John Shields, dec. Defs. IN Chancery.
THE defendant James M'Clain, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the third Monday in August next and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Lynchburg Star for eight weeks successively, and posted up at the front door of the Court-house of this county on some court-day.
A Copy — Teste, S. GARLAND, D. C. A. C.
A Gold Watch Lost.
LOST on Thursday, the 11th of July, in the Town of Carter'sville, an ELEGANT GOLD WATCH,
half capped and jewelled; horizontally constructed; Makers name, MAR. GETTS, London, No. 1. Gold chain, key, and Cornelian seal, set in gold. Whoever will deliver the said Watch, &c. to Mr. Samuel Irvine, of Lynchburg, or Mr. Edmund W. Rootes, of Richmond, or to the subscriber, in Amherst, shall receive thirty dollars reward.
ALEXANDER B. ROSE. September 23, 1805.
RAN away from the subscriber living in Campbell County on Otter river, on Sunday night last, a NEGRO MAN by the name of JAMES, and a Girl named SALLEY, the man about thirty-five or forty years of age, of low stature, has a scar over his right eye, bald headed. — The girl thirteen or fourteen years of age, yellow complexion. It is likely he has a pass — any person that will deliver them to me, or Thomas Jones near Lynchburg, or secure them so that I get them again shall be handsomely rewarded. WIAT ARNOLD. April 29, —1806.
CHASE'S TRIAL.
This day is published BY SAMUEL H. SMITH.
TRIAL OF SAMUEL CHASE.
An ASSOCIATE JUSTICE of the Supreme Court of the United States, IMPEACHED BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, for HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS, before the Senate of the United States.
Taken in short hand BY SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS LLOYD.
In two large Octavo Volumes — in Boards, price — to subscribers four dollars and a half — and to non-subscribers five dollars.
A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this trial than the Editor contemplated. He has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the public at an earlier period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the Managers and Counsel. The publication might long since have been made in a less perfect dress; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be a precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the public with the expectation of the Editor that it will be considered as meriting the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised, and inserted at length, in connection with whatever else formed a part of the trial. Federal City, March 24, 1806.
10 Dollars Reward
WILL be given to any person who will deliver me my POCKET BOOK containing a bond for 520 dollars, due 8th September next, from Burgess Griffin for Thomas Jefferson to Vernon Metcalf and assigned to the subscriber; also a bond from William Laine (waggoner) for seventeen pounds sixteen shillings and six pence to Dillard and Cabell, and one other bond from Richard Herndon to Elisha Edwards of Kentucky, due the 1st day of March 1807, — with some other papers not recollected.
Said pocket book was lost on Easter Monday last, on the road (it is supposed) from Jacob Wood's Mill in the county of Amherst to Mr. Seaton M. Penns of said County.
The obligors in the bonds above mentioned, are hereby requested, to guard against any fraud which the holder of the above pocket book may attempt to practise, to withhold payment until applied to by the subscriber.
WILLIAM PENN. Amherst Ct. House, 25th April. 1806.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE public are hereby informed that B. ESSEX,
From Fredericksburg, just arrived at this town, has taken a tenement in the house at present occupied by Mr. THOMAS WIATT, where he has commenced, and purposes carrying on the TAILOR'S BUSINESS.
He makes Gentlemen's clothes in the different modes, with neatness and dispatch, and is acquainted with the latest modes in use. — He also makes Ladies' Great Coats, Pelisses, Spencers, &c. in different fashions, and in the neatest manner. From his knowledge of, and attention to the above business, he hopes to be encouraged therein by the citizens of this Town and its vicinity.
Lynchburg, May 6, 1806.