Berkeley and Jefferson intelligencer (Martinsburg, Va.), 1803-12-30 00:00:00

Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer.
[No. 40 of Volume V.]
FRIDAY, December 30, 1803.
[WHOLE No. 248.]
New-Store.
JUST received, and now for sale, at the subscribers' Store, (Green Spring Mills, Frederick County.) A well-chosen Assortment of DRY-GOODS and GROCERIES. Suitable for the present season, all of which they will sell on the most moderate terms, for Cash or Country Produce. The highest market prices will be given for Wheat, Rye or Corn, in Cash or Goods.
RUSSEL & SCOTT.
Green-Spring Mills, Dec. 10, 1803.
N. B. Wanted, an active Lad who can come well recommended, to assist in the Store.
FOR SALE,
A small Tract of LAND, consisting of one hundred and seven acres.
THIS Land is very valuable, as it is a mixture of lime-stone and slate, and lies almost wholly to the sun-rise; the greater part of it is cleared and in good tenable repair; there are on the premises a good Dwelling-House and Kitchen, two excellent Springs of never-failing Water, and a good thriving Orchard of choice Apple Trees now in their prime. Any person inclining to purchase, may have immediate possession.
WILLIAM BURNS, jun.
December 16, 1803.
FOR SALE,
A SMALL tract or parcel of LAND, situate in Berkeley County, containing about forty acres, whereon the Poor-House stands, adjoining the land whereon Joseph Minginna now lives, and about half a mile from the Sulphur Spring. A proportionable part of said land is cleared and under tolerable good fence, and more may be cleared, some Meadow made and more may be made, the Buildings are one Dwelling-House, wherein the manager lives, the Poor-House (a large building) a Meet House and Spring House (all built with hewed logs) a Stable and Oven, a farther description is thought unnecessary, it being presumed no person will become a purchaser, without previously viewing the property; Cornelius Kelly, manager at the Poor-House will shew the land. The terms of sale may be known by applying to said Kelly, or to either of the subscribers,
JOEL WARD, JOSEPH FOREMAN, EDWARD BEESON, Commissioners.
December 16, 1803.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber some time ago gave his Note of hand to James Blue, for a small sum of money, which Note has been due some time, the person in whose hands the said Note is lodged, may receive payment by applying to
JOHN HILL.
Martinsburg, December 16, 1803.
N. B. I will not pay any interest after this date.
At a Court continued and held for Berkeley County, the 25th day of November, 1803.
BETWEEN
Philip Stout, Complainant,
AND
George Hoffman, Defendant.
In CHANCERY.
THIS day came the Complainant by his Counsel, and it appearing to the Court that the Defendant, George Hoffman, is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, it is ordered that the Defendant do appear here on the Monday after the third Tuesday in February next, to answer the Complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published for two months successively in the Berkeley and Jefferson Intelligencer, and also be posted up for two months successively at the door of the Court House of this County.
A Copy.
Attest,
HENRY BEDINGER, C.B.C.
NOTICE.
THERE being a very great probability of the negroes purchased by me on the 30th of September last, at the widow Edelen's sale, being free, I therefore take this method of informing the public, that I am determined not to pay the note given for those negroes, until a final adjustment of the business takes place, and a clear and indisputable title is given me.
HUGH V. PATTERSON.
December 9, 1803.
SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
November 2.
DEBATE ON THE LOUISIANA TREATY.
An act authorising the creation of a stock, to the amount of eleven millions two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, for the purpose of carrying into effect the Convention of the thirteenth of April, 1803, between the United States of America and the French Republic, and making provision for the payment of the same, under consideration.
On the question, shall the bill pass?
Mr. White moved, the further consideration of the bill be postponed until the second Monday of December next, stating as the ground of the motion he had the honor to make, that the question was then involved in much doubt and difficulty. He could not accede to the immediate passage of the bill; that by the day he had named, the Senate would be able to act more understandingly on the subject, as would then probably be ascertained whether we are likely to obtain the quiet possession of New-Orleans and Louisiana under the treaty or not, and there would still remain a great sufficiency of time to make the necessary provisions on our part, for carrying the treaty into execution, if it should be deemed necessary.
The motion for postponement being stated.
Mr. White rose and made the following remarks.
Mr. President, by the provisions of the bill before us, and which are thus far in conformity with the words of the treaty, we have until three months after the exchange of ratifications and the delivery of possession to pay the money in;—Where then is the necessity of such haste on the subject? it seems to be anticipating our business unnecessarily, and perhaps unwisely; it is showing on our part, a degree of anxiety that may be taken advantage of, and operate to our injury; and that may serve to retard the accomplishment of the very object that gentlemen seem to have so much at heart. It is not at present altogether certain that we shall ever have occasion to use this stock, and it will be time enough to provide it when the occasion arises, when we see ourselves in the possession of this mighty boon, or wherefore are we allowed these three months credit after the delivery of possession? The ratifications have been already exchanged—The French officer who is to make the cession is said to be at New-Orleans, and previous to the adjournment of congress, we shall know with certainty whether the first Consul will or can carry this treaty faithfully into operation. We have already passed a bill authorising the President to take possession, for which I voted, and it will be time enough to create this stock and to make the necessary arrangements when we find ourselves in possession of the territory, or when we ascertain with certainty that it will be given to us.
But Mr. President it is a well known fact, that Spain considers herself injured by this treaty; and if it should be in her power to prevent it, will not agree to the cession of New-Orleans and Louisiana to the United States—She considers herself absolved from the contract with France, in consequence of the latter having neglected to comply with certain stipulations in the treaty of St. Idelfonso, to be performed on her part, and of having violated her engagement never to transfer this country into other hands.—Gentlemen may say that this money is to be paid upon the responsibility of the
president of the United States, and not until after the delivery of possession to us of the territory; but why cast from ourselves all the responsibility upon this subject and impose the whole weight upon the president, which may hereafter prove dangerous and embarrassing to him?—Why make the president the sole and absolute judge of what shall be a faithful delivery of possession under the treaty? What he may think a delivery of possession sufficient to justify the payment of this money, we might not; and I have no hesitation in saying that if in acquiring this territory under the treaty, we have to fire a single musket, to charge a bayonet, or lose a drop of blood, it will not be such acession on the part of France, as should justify to the people of this country in the payment of any, and much less, so enormous a sum of money.—What would be the case, Sir? It would be buying of French authority to make war upon Spain—It would be giving the first Consul fifteen millions of dollars to stand aloof until we can settle our differences with his Catholic majesty. Would honorable gentlemen submit to the degradation of purchasing even his neutrality at so inconvenient a price?
We are told there is in the hands of the French prefect at New-Orleans a royal order of his Catholic majesty, founded upon the treaty of St. Idelfonso, for the delivery of possession of this territory to France; but which has never been done; the preceding conditions not having been performed on the part of France. This royal order, it is probable, will be handed over to our commissioner, or to whoever may be sent down to receive possession. We may then be told, that we have the right of France, as she acquired it from Spain, which is all she is bound by her treaty to transfer to us; we may be shewn the Spaniards, who yet claim to be the rightful owners of the country, and be told that we have the permission of the first Consul to subdue or drive them out, and according to the words of the treaty, to take possession. Of our capacity to do so I have no doubt; but this we could have done, Sir, six months ago, and with one sixth of fifteen millions of dollars, when they had wantonly violated the sacred obligations of a treaty, had insulted our government and prostrated all the commerce of our western country—Then we had indeed a just cause for chastising them, the law of nations and of honor authorised it, and all the world would have applauded our conduct. And it is well known, that if France had been so disposed, she could not have brought a single man or ship to their relief; before the news could have reached Europe, she was blockaded in her own ports by the British fleets. But that time was permitted to go by unimproved, & instead of regretting the past, let us provide for the future.
Admitting then, Mr. President, that his Catholic majesty is hostile to the cession of this territory to the U. States, and no honorable gentleman will deny it, what reason have we to suppose that the French prefect, provided the Spaniards should interfere, can give to us peaceable possession of the country; he is acknowledged there in no public character, is clothed with no authority, nor has he a single soldier to inforce his orders. I speak now sir, from mere probabilities. I wish not to be understood as predicting that the French will not cede to us the actual and quiet possession of the territory. I hope to God they may, for possession of it we must have. I mean of New-Orleans, and of such other positions on the Mississippi as may be necessary to secure us forever the complete and uninterrupted navigation of the river. This I have ever been in favor of, I think it essential to the peace of the Union, and to the prosperity of our western country. But as to Louisiana, this new, immense, and unbounded world, if it ever should be incorporated into this union, which I have no idea can be done but by altering the constitution, I believe it will be the greatest curse that could at present befall us, it may be productive of innumerable evils, and especially of one which I fear even to look upon.
Gentlemen on all sides, with very few exceptions, agree that the settlement of this country will be highly injurious and dangerous to the United States; but as to what has been sugges-
ted of removing the Creeks and other nations of Indians, from the eastern to the western banks of the Mississippi, and of making the fertile regions of Louisiana a howling wilderness, never to be trodden by the foot of civilized man, it is impracticable. The gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Cooke) has shewn his usual candor on this subject, and I believe with him, to use his strong language, that you had as well pretend to inhibit the fish from swimming in the sea as to prevent the population of that country after its sovereignty shall be come ours. To every man acquainted with the adventurous, roving, and enterprising temper of our people, and with the manner in which our western country has been settled such an idea must be chimerical. The inducements will be so strong that it will be impossible to restrain our citizens from crossing the river. Louisiana must and will become settled, if we hold it, and with the very population that would otherwise occupy part of our present territory. Thus our citizens will be removed to the immense distance of two or three thousand miles from the capital of the Union, where they will scarcely ever feel the rays of the general government—their affections will become alienated—they will gradually begin to view us as strangers—they will form other commercial connexions, and our interests will become distinct.
These with other causes, that human wisdom may not now foresee, will in time effect a separation, and I fear our bounds will be fixed nearer to our houses than the waters of the Mississippi. We have already territory enough, and when I contemplate the evils that may arise to these states, from this intended incorporation of Louisiana into the union, I would rather see it given to France, Spain or to any other nation of the earth, upon the mere condition, that no citizen of the United States should never settle within its limits, than to see the territory sold for an hundred millions of dollars, and we retain the sovereignty. But however dangerous the possession of Louisiana might prove to us; I do not presume to say that the retention of it would not have been very convenient to France, and we know that at the time of the mission of Mr. Monroe, our administration had never thought of the purchase of Louisiana, and that nothing short of the fullest conviction on the part of the First Consul, that he was on the very eve of a war with England—that this being the most defenceless point of his possessions, if such they could be called, was the one at which the British would first strike, and that it must inevitably fall into their hands, could ever have induced his pride and ambition to make the sale. He judged wisely, that he had better sell it for as much as he could get, than lose it entirely.—And I do say that under existing circumstances, even supposing that this extent of territory was a desirable acquisition, fifteen millions of dollars was a most enormous sum to give.
Our commissioners were negotiating in Paris, they must have known the relative situation of France and England; they must have known at the moment that a war was unavoidable between the two countries, and they knew the pecuniary necessities of France and the naval power of Great Britain—These imperious circumstances should have been turned to our advantage, and if we were to purchase, should have lessened the consideration. Viewing, Mr. President, this subject in any point of light—either as it regards the territory purchased, the high consideration to be given, the contract itself, or any of the circumstances attending it, I see no necessity for precipitating the passage of this bill; and if this motion for postponement should fail, and the question on the final passage of the bill be taken now, I shall certainly vote against it.
Gen. Jackson rose, and was replying at length to Mr. White, when he was called to order by the Chair, as having departed from the question of postponement, in which decision, notwithstanding Mr. White had also departed, and some members expressed a wish that the General should proceed, he immediately acquiesced, and sat down. We therefore, (and as some of the ground

the General took was touched on again in his reply to Mr. Wells,) decline inserting what was then delivered.
After Gen. Jackson sat down an adjournment took place to the next day.
November 3.
Mr. Wells—Mr. President—Having always held to the opinion that when a treaty was duly made under the constituted authorities of the United States, Congress was bound to pass the laws necessary to carry it into effect; and as the vote I am bound to give may not at first seem to conform itself to this opinion, I feel an obligation imposed upon me to state, in as concise a manner as I can, the reasons why I withhold my assent from the passage of this bill.
There are two acts necessary to be performed to carry the present treaty into effect; one by the French government, the other by our own. They are to deliver us a fair and effectual possession of the ceded territory; and then, and not till then, are we to pay the purchase money. We have already authorized the President to receive possession. This co-operation on our part was requisite to enable the French to comply with the stipulation they had made; they could not deliver unless some body was appointed to receive. In this view of the subject, the question which presents itself to my mind is, who shall judge whether the French government does, or does not, faithfully comply with the previous condition. The bill on your table gives to the President this power: I am for our retaining and exercising it ourselves. I may be asked, why not delegate this power to the President? Sir, I answer by enquiring why we should delegate it? To us it properly belongs; and, unless some advantage will be derived to the United States, it shall not be transferred with my consent. Congress will be in session at the time that the delivery of the ceded territory takes place; and if we should then be satisfied that the French have executed with fidelity that part of the treaty which is incumbent upon them first to perform, I pledge myself to vote for the payment of the purchase money. This appears to me, arguing upon general principles, to be the course which ought to be pursued, even supposing that there were attending this case no particular difficulties. But in this special case are there not among the archives of the Senate sufficient documents, and which have been withheld from the House of Representatives, to justify an apprehension, that the French government was not invested with the capacity to convey this property to us, and that we shall not receive that kind of possession which is stipulated for by the treaty? I am not permitted, by the order of this body, to make any other than this general reference to those documents.
It is to be observed that the latter part of this article refers to that convention which stipulates for the payment of money to the French government. But who, I ask, could understand it in this way? The convention here referred to is said to be "relative to a definitive rule between the contracting parties." Why those dark, obscure and unintelligible expressions? Is a consideration a "definitive rule?" The first article speaks of the cession as being made, from a desire to give to the United States a strong proof of the friendship of the First Consul, and when you turn to the convention which is said to establish the "definitive rule," you find a provision binding the United States to the payment of money to the French Republic, but not a word is said about its being the consideration of the cession. Suspicion hangs over the whole of this business. If the territory is beyond all doubt to be put quietly and peaceably into our hands, whence the necessity of sending down to receive it, an imposing force? Admit that a nominal possession of the territory has been given up by the Spaniards to the French, the latter, it is well known, have not a single soldier at any of the posts. Suppose upon the arrival of our troops the Spanish troops should refuse to obey the orders of the French prefect, who then can only give you possession by the twig of a tree or the knob of a door; your army left to possess itself of the fortifications as it can, is half-destroyed ere resistance by the Spaniards is overcome. In that case shall we be willing to pay the whole amount of the fifteen millions of dollars? I trust not. If however, we pass this bill, we shall have no control over the subject. We have already strong reasons for doubting the validity of the French title to the territory in question; suppose our doubts should be confirmed before the payment of this money, will you then consent to
pay any part of it, for what you will not be able to hold? I conceive, therefore, that I am fully justified in withholding my assent from the passage of this bill, seeing that no advantage can result from delegating this power to the President; that it may be without inconvenience exercised by ourselves, as we shall remain sometime in session; that even in common cases the unnecessary delegation of power is not to be justified; and in this particular instance, circumstances exist of a very extraordinary nature which renders it peculiarly improper.
Suffice it to say that they have strongly impressed me with an opinion that if even possession is rendered to us, the territory will come into our hands without any title to justify our holding it. Is there not on the face of this instrument itself some marks of suspicion? You find in the treaty not a single word relating to any substantial consideration to be paid by the United States. It is said that the "First Consul of the French Republic, desiring to give to the United States a strong proof of his friendship, doth hereby cede to the said United States, in the name of the French Republic, for ever and in full sovereignty, the said territory, with all its rights and appurtenances as fully and in the same manner as they have been acquired by the French Republic, in virtue of the above mentioned treaty concluded with his Catholic Majesty." It is true you perceive in the 9th article of this treaty, a general reference to two conventions, signed at the same time with the treaty, which respect the payment of money by the United States to France, and which we regard as the only consideration for the territory ceded to us. Let us attend to the words of this article. "The particular convention signed this day by the respective ministers, having for its object to provide for the payment of debts due to the citizens of the United States by the French republic prior to the 30th Sept. 1800, is approved, and to have its execution in the same manner as if it had been inserted in this present treaty, and it shall be ratified in the same form and in the same time, so that the one shall not be ratified distinct from the other."
"Another particular convention signed at the same time as the present, relative to a definitive rule between the contracting parties, is in the like manner approved, and will be ratified in the same form and in the same time, and jointly."
Mr. Jackson—Mr. President, in answering the honorable gentleman who has just set down I shall take the liberty of commencing with repeating what I said yesterday, in answer to another honorable gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. White) that every argument they have made use of would better have applied at the time the treaty was on its passage, for ratification, or at the time of the passage of the bill for taking possession of Louisiana; and it appears extraordinary now after voting, if not for the treaty, for the bill, to see those gentlemen rise to oppose the conditions to be performed on our part, when France has issued the necessary orders on her part. The delay of the passage of the bill before you may have the most fatal consequences, and if, as some gentlemen have hinted on former occasions, the French are sick of their bargain, will give them an opportunity to break it altogether, or create such jealousies between the two nations, as may render the ceded territory and its inhabitants of little value to us. In my opinion policy as well as justice requires, that we should comply with the stipulation on our part promptly and with good faith, and leave no opening for complaint with the other party. We shall then stand justified in the eyes of the world, and to ourselves, not only to take, but keep possession of this immense country, let what nation will oppose it.
But the honorable gentleman (Mr. Wells) has said that the French have no title, and having no title herself, we can derive none from her. Is not, I ask, the king of Spain's proclamation, declaring the cession of Louisiana to France, and his orders to his governor and officers to deliver it to France, a title? Do nations give any other? I believe the honorable gentleman can find no solitary instance of cession or conveyance between states; the treaty of St. Idelfonso was the ground work of the cession and whatever might have been the terms to be performed by France, the king of Spain's proclamation and orders, have declared to all the world, that they were complied with. The honorable gentleman however insists that there is no consideration expressed in the treaty, and therefore it must be void; if the honorable gentle-
man will but look attentively at the ninth article, I am persuaded he will perceive one; the conventions are made part of the treaty; they are declared to have execution in the same manner, as if they had been inserted in the treaty; they are to be ratified in the same form, and in the same time, so that the one shall not be distinct from the other. What inference can possibly be drawn, but that the payments to be made by them was full consideration for Louisiana? But the honorable gentleman lays a stress on that part of the treaty which declares that "The First Consul of the French Republic desiring to give to the United States a strong proof of his friendship, doth hereby cede to the United States the territory, &c." Inferring from thence that our title rests on the friendship of Bonaparte alone. Sir, let my opinion of the present government of France be what it may, and I confess it is not favorable, Bonaparte by the consent of the nation is placed at its head; he is the organ through which the will of the nation is expressed, and is, and must be respected as such by all other powers. No nation has a right to interfere with the rule or police of another. It is enough that the nation wills it, that Bonaparte's act is the act of the whole nation, which cannot recal it, even if Bonaparte should cease to govern and another form of government be adopted. But, Sir, admitting the objection of the honorable gentleman, in its utmost latitude, as to pecuniary considerations; are there no other considerations among powers and potentates? Does not policy sometimes induce a cession of territory to prevent a larger portion from being sacrificed? Is not the establishment of manarchical connections, sometimes an object and consideration for a cession? The very instance before us is a convincing proof—the establishment of the King of Etruria in Italy. Honorable gentlemen have however, whenever the treaty has been the subject of debate, expressed their fears, that the treaty of Idelfonso has not been complied fully with by France, that Spain will keep possession, and that we shall be involved in war with that power. The king of Spain's proclamation fully satisfied me on that head, and I hope, and believe, he will be more prudent than in existing circumstances, to involve himself in war with us. The English nation, after the handsome letter of Lord Hawkesbury to our minister Mr. King, expressing the approval of his Britannic Majesty of the treaty, cannot in decency interfere; and Bonaparte is bound in honor and good faith, to protect us in the possession of that country; disgrace would cover him and his nation, if he took any part against us. Whom then should we have to contend with? With the bayonets of the intrepid French grenadiers, as the honorable gentlemen from Delaware last session told us, or with the enervated, degraded, and emaciated Spaniards? Shall we be told now that we are no match for these emaciated beings.
Last session we were impressed with the necessity of taking immediate possession of the Island of New Orleans in the face of two nations, and now we entertain doubts if we can combat the weakest of these powers, and we are further told we are going to sacrifice the immense sum of fifteen millions of dollars and have to go to war with Spain, for the country afterwards, when last session, war was to take place at all events, and no cost were equal to the object. Gentlemen seem to be displeased because we have procured it peaceably, and at probably ten times less expence than it would have cost us had we taken forcible possession of New Orleans alone, which I am persuaded would have involved us in a war, which would have saddled us with a debt of from one to two hundred millions, and perhaps have lost New Orleans, and the right of deposit after all. I again repeat, Sir, that I do not believe Spain will venture war with the U. States. I believe she dare not—If she does, she must pay the cost. The Floridas will be immediately ours—they will almost take themselves. The inhabitants pant for the blessings of your equal and wise government; they ardently long to become a part of the United States. An officer duly authorized and armed with the bare proclamation of the President, would go near to take them: the inhabitants by hundreds would flock to his standard, the very Spanish force itself would assist in their reduction: it is composed principally of the Irish brigade and Creoles.—The former disaffected and the latter the dregs of mankind. With two or three squadrons of dragoons and the same number of companies of infantry not a doubt ought to exist of the total conquest
of East Florida by an officer of tolerable talents. Exclusive, however, of the loss of the Floridas, to use the language of a late member of Congress, the road to Mexico is now open to us, which if Spain acts in an amicable way, I wish may, and hope will be shut as respects the United States forever.
For these reasons I think, Sir, Spain will avoid a war in which she has nothing to gain, and every thing to lose. But what possession, say the honorable gentlemen, are we to receive, the twig of a tree or the knob of a door? No, sir I reply, but possession of New Orleans, the capital and its defences. By whom, will the honorable gentlemen ask? I answer the same men who the honorable gentlemen were so anxious to send forward and take forcible possession, the last session, which could not have raised to involve us with the French, for if we had succeeded and taken possession, whose territory should we have violated? Spain was barely the tenant at will of France, and France the real owner. If in private life, I were to enter a house the honorable gentlemen had purchased, and kick his tenant out, would he not feel aggrieved and seek redress. So would France, if we had rashly taken the measures proposed, and what should we have had then to do? Fling ourselves at once into the arms of Britain for protection. Is this what the honorable gentlemen wish? It cannot be. I hope, Mr. President, that the citizens of the United States, will never see the day when their defence shall depend on a British army or navy, or the army or navy of any other power on earth. We are happily divided from the distractions and tumults of the eastern world by the Atlantic Ocean, and I trust we shall steer clear of entangling alliances, with any of them.
[Mr. Jackson's speech to be continued.]
PARIS, September 30. MELANCHOLY PICTURE.
In the course of the last Republican year, ending Sept. 23, according to the Report of the Prefect of the Police to the Grand Judge, four hundred and ninety men, and one hundred and sixty seven women have been murdered, of whom sixty five men and fifty two women were foreigners, strangers, or have not been owned. Six hundred and forty four divorces have taken place. One hundred and fifty five murderers have been executed. Twelve hundred and ten persons have been condemned to the gallies, to the pillory, or to the chains; fifteen hundred and twenty six to hard labour, to longer or shorter imprisonment. Sixty four have been marked with hot irons—Among the criminals executed were seven fathers who had poisoned their children; ten husbands, who had murdered their wives; six wives who had poisoned their husbands, and fifteen children who had poisoned or otherwise destroyed their parents.
During the same period, twelve thousand and seventy six public women, or street walkers have been registered, and have paid for the protection of the police. Fifteen hundred and fifty two kept mistresses are known and noted at the prefecture of Police, and three hundred and eight public brothels have been privileged by the Police Prefect at Paris.
STAUNTON, (Vir.) December 9.
A melancholy accident happened on Thursday the 1st instant, in this county. The kitchen of Mr. Coiner was consumed by fire, and with it two of his children, one about two and the other about 4 years of age, together with a negro child. Mrs. Coiner and the children being at home by themselves, she, while cleaning the house, told them to go to the kitchen, a few minutes after having occasion to go there herself discovered it enveloped in flames, supposed to have originated by the children in playing with the fire, dropping some coals into a quantity of flax contiguous to the door, which prevented her from entering; she immediately ran to a hole in the wall, where she beheld her tender offspring with uplifted hands, supplicating assistance; her exertions to rescue them were vain: on taking hold of their arms they slipped from her grasp, the skin remaining in her hands; she made a second effort, and got the head of one through the crevice, but being unable to get it farther, it was consumed together with the others, in the sight of its agonized parent.—Their bones were gathered up on the following day and decently interred.
GETTYSBURG, December 7.
Last week, William B. Underwood, printer of the Gettysburg Gazette, was arrested, at the suit of Col. George

Spangler, of York county, for the sup- posed publication of a false, scandalous and malicious libel against the said G. Spangler. The libel was contained in a handbill, clandestinely printed and cir- culated a short time previous to the last election. On Friday the Court, con- sisting only of Judge Gilliland, Judge Agnew and Judge Scott, ordered Mr. Underwood to be held in 1500 dollars bail for his appearance at February term next. It may not be improper to mention that Col. Spangler has heretofore acted with the party denominated democratic, and that the abuse bestowed upon him arose from a suspicion that he held anti-hot- head, or anti-jacobin principles. At the last annual election he was elected a member of our State Legislature, for York county. [Adams Centinel.]
MARTINSBURG, December 30.
On Monday last David Hunter, Esq. was unanimously admitted, as Clerk of the Court of this County—vice Henry Bedinger, disqualified.
FROM NATCHEZ, Dec. 2.
A detachment of artillery, (militia) and two companies of infantry, sailed this day for New Orleans. The go- vernor goes to morrow, escorted by the Adams troop of horse.
FROM N. ORLEANS, Nov. 27.
In my last I hinted my apprehensions of the possibility of some difficulties occur- ring in the way of transferring this coun- try to the United States. Although we find by advices from Washington, that the same fears prevail in the government, I have the satisfaction to inform you, that here the idea is now dissipated. The of- ficers or commissioners appointed for the purpose appear perfectly disposed to ac- celerate the business. General James Wilkinson, one of the American commissi- oners, arrived here on the evening of the 25th, from Pensacola, on his way to Fort Adams, and after having passed yester- day in company with the Governor, the Marquis de Cassa Calvo, M. L'Aussat and the American Consul, set out last night for his post. The zealous attenti- on he received from the Spanish and French commissioners leave no room to doubt but that every thing will be satis- factorily arranged.
The General expects to be back here by the 10th of next month; so that we flatter ourselves with the expectation of be- ing enrolled under the American stand- ard before the end of the year.
Nov. 29
The French prefect takes possession of this place to morrow. The thing was so unexpectedly announced, that it has thrown the whole town into agitation. Men who at first signed complimentary addresses to him, have this day refused to hold their commissions under him. Particulars of this occurrence by the next mail.
Another letter, Nov. 21.
Possession is to be taken of this place to- morrow, by the Prefect, who will in the course of a few days deliver it to our Com- missioners, who, together with the troops, may be looked for in 8 or 10 days at furthest. Every thing seems to indi- cate that matters will be amicably adjust- ed here.
The subjoined extract of a letter from Ca- diz, is from an English gentleman who has resided for some time in Spain, and has good opportunities of being well in- formed.
"At the commencement of last war, Spain, like the other powers of Europe, joined against France: and it is well known that by the success which attend- ed the French arms, the Spanish govern- ment at last sought safety in a peace with France. By that very peace it may be considered to have sealed its own de- struction; French emissaries overran the whole kingdom; French principles were circulated with a zeal and order that baffles all description. The govern- ment paralyzed by fear, happy at the momentary respite from dissolution, fearful of offending their new made friends, and hoping, perhaps, that a fitter season would arrive at a future peri- od for repressing that spirit, suffered its influence to spread, till its hydra form now defies its power. It is only by French sufferance; by French restraint, that it is kept within any bounds; and both the French and Spanish govern- ments are equally well acquainted with the circumstances.
"To be brief, the infection has spread over Spain, from one end to the other, through both cities and villages—even the great mass of the peasantry are under its influence; the army and na-
vy are not free from it; and what is more strange, even the clergy, whose com- plete ruin is inseparable from a revolu- tion, are so blind and infatuated as to wish for one. At least such is the ge- neral testimony of the best informed here, and I fear it is but too well founded. Those who are able to think, see a vol- cano ready to swallow up the state, and view it as a dreadful but unavoidable e- vil. Those who cannot think are so stu- pid as to desire it, and consider all the e- vils that have been brought upon them by the late war, as so many crimes charge- able against their own government."
POLITICAL SKETCHES.
There are several essential requisites for forming real and substantial republi- cans, besides a love of liberty and hatred of tyranny; particularly a discriminating intelligence, public spiritedness, purity of morals and steady habits. The repub- lics of Asia and Europe were subverted, and most of them terminated in horrid despotism, not by reason that the people who composed those republics were des- titute of love for their own personal liber- ty, for the love of that is as natural as the love of life; but because they did not love and practice the virtues which are the stability of a republican government, because they had become corrupt in their morals and manners, because suffering themselves to be duped by the knavish arts of demagogues, they depressed good men and promoted and exalted the bad.
The following lines of Dr. Young are particularly applicable to republics:
"Whatever secondary props may rise From politics, to build the public peace, The basis is the manners of the land: When rotten these, the politician's toils But struggle with destruction; as a child With giants huge; or giants with a Jove."
In the republics of Greece, "liberty subsisted in its excess, its delirium, ter- rible in its charms, and glittering to the last with the blaze of the fire that con- sumed it." And how came it to pass that it was consumed at all, and especial- ly so quickly? The Greeks were in- telligent, they were brave, they were ardent, and were jealous of their rights in the extreme; but they were capricious, rash, precipitate and violent: their wis- est and best men were often consumed by the heat of their sudden and ill-judg- ing fury, while artful demagogues, flatter- ing their prejudices and inflaming their passions with calumnies, made each sub- servient to their own selfish views.
The Romans, for a long time, were a very sedate people, simple in their man- ners, steady in their attachments and habits, industrious, frugal, strangers to luxury, contemners of wealth, contented with a bare competence, veneraters of religion, strict observers of oaths and promises, enthusiastic lovers of their country. Long continuing to cultivate those republican virtues, they long pre- served their liberty; nor did they become the abject vassals of despotism, till by the loss of their pristine national charac- ter and by a general depravation of man- ners, they had prepared themselves for the degradation of such a condition. The Romulus, in the time of Julius Cæsar, having become in their manners and ha- bits, entirely different from their plain and virtuous ancestors, an essential change in their government was the na- tural and inevitable consequence.
Two centuries ago, the people of Hol- land nearly resembled the old Romans. Like them they were poor, and like them they were industrious, frugal, hard- y and brave: and every partial and minor interest was made to yield to the love of country. Under those favorable circumstances, the tree of Liberty, nour- ished at the root with genuine republi- can virtues, grew and flourished, and its fair branches overspread the land; but as public and private virtues decay- ed, this tree continued to wither till it became a sapless hideous trunk, a mere skeleton of its former substance. Look at Holland now. "How fallen, how lost!" "Her glory is departed;" her liberties and her independence are gone, perhaps, forever. She is perhaps a sub- jugated province of France, and has on- ly the name of a nation. And was this direful event merely the result of exter- nal intrigues and violence? Not so— time was when the Hollanders would have repelled even the most mighty and desperate invader, or "died in the last ditch." Time was, when they resolved
* One remarkable proof of the steady habits of the old Romans was this:—tho' husbands had the power of putting away their wives at pleasure there was not a single instance of divorce that happened at Rome, during several centuries.
to transport themselves into Asia, and establish there a free and independent government rather than submit to the de- graded conditions of subjugation, with which they were threatened. But the Hollanders have lost the noble undaunt- ed spirit and the plain republican manners of their ancestors, became luxurious, selfish, venal, effeminate, less courage- ous than their great grand mothers; and by discarding republican virtues, and suffering the prevalence of general cor- ruption of manners, they forged for them- selves, those chains, which they now patiently wear.
The effects of moral as well as natural causes being certain and uniform despo- tism, or at least an abridgement of civil liberty, will in all cases, succeed the losses of republican virtues, as surely as darkness succeeds the departure of the sun. [BALANCE.]
Truth from a Democrat.
Mr. Blake, editor of the National Ægis , a short time since had sufficient independence to differ from his brother Democrats relative to the Politics of Eu- rope; for which he received severe re- primands from the leaders of the jacobin party: in his defence he gives the fol- lowing comprehensive character of them, which may be considered correct, com- ing from one who must be intimately ac- quainted with them: "Reproachful and overbearing, they demand a timid and servile acquiescence. Impatient of con- trol or contradiction, they revolt at the appearance of restraint or resistance. Obstinate and unaccommodating, they require of every advocate of their cause to become like mere clay in the hands of the potter." [Ibid.]
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Richmond, in answer to his corres- pondent in Baltimore.
"DEAR SIR,
"I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 30th ultimo, in which you desire me to give you some ac- count of the prevailing dress of the ladies in Richmond. It gave me a little surprise that you should expect information on this head from me, who, you know, am not a fashionable man—but it happens that I was for once at a ball in this city not many evenings ago, and therefore have it in my power to inform you, that a few ladies appeared in the same dress, or dress rather, which you seem so much to reprobate in some of the fair in Baltimore. They exposed to view such parts of the body as the old fashioned writer of a legacy to his daughters, tho' "that nature intended to be concealed" and which you represented as too indeli- cate to be expressed even in writing: sup- posing therefore, that it would offend your delicacy in the reading, I shall not tell you particularly what my eyes be- held—Suffice it to say, that these few were almost naked. I had not the effron- tery to examine very exactly, but I think the greater part of their sweet persons was entirely bare; and indeed such parts as they pretended to cover, could not, strictly speaking, be said to be conceal- ed; for the covering was certainly much thinner than the fig-leaves of our grand- mother Eve. Being, as you know, no great antiquary, I rely say this on the presumption, that fig-leaves in Paradise were as thick as ours.
"I know very well, Sir, that you who were educated in, and surer not yet to have discarded the prejudices of what we call the Old School, will here take up a lamentation over the disparity of the times, and conclude that these la- dies were no better than they should be; at least, that they did not consider mo- desty as an ornament to beauty, or any security to female virtue. But, though I would not be so rude as to contradict you, I cannot but hope that your calcu- lation will deceive you. The ladies I speak of are the very paragons of virtue; and I cannot but consider this nakedness as an indication of unsuspecting inno- cence. You, who put so much faith in Divine revaluation, will not hesitate to acknowledge, that Adam and Eve, be- fore the fall, were entirely naked, and that they sought no covering until their innocence was gone. Had you been in our ball room, then, I am persuaded, you would have been led to reflect on the primeval purity of the human race; and, instead of exclaiming as you do, O tempora! O mores! it is probable we should have heard you congratulating these pretty creatures, on their having almost escaped the general contagion. You see then that we rather improve than dege- nerate under the new order of things; and for my part, I should anticipate the utmost perfection in the offspring of these half naked fair ones, but that it is ge- nerally supposed they do not intend to
marry. I must confess to you, however, that others did not form the same jud- ment of appearances that I did. It would have diverted you, to see the queer looks of some of our married men. They look- ed, for all the world, as if the ladies had forgotten, in their hurry, to complete their dress, and were totally unconsci- ous of the figure they cut. For fear of alarming their modesty by too sudden a discovery, which they through a direct look would occasion, they viewed them with side glances, and put one in mind of Virgil's "transversum tæpibus hircis," which, as you are a scholar, I shall leave you to interpret according to your fancy. I must not omit to inform you that I dis- covered a good deal of tittering and whispering among a few graceless young lads in the ball-room, whom I could not but suspect of forming some dangerous conspiracy. As much therefore as I ap- prove of this new female fashion, I am persuaded that these youths are not sufficiently virtuous for such a naked display of innocence. I am," &c.
The only sign of modesty (says a Phil- adelphia paper) in the present dress of the Ladies is the pink dye of the stock- ings which makes their legs appear to blush for the total absence of petticoats.
Col. Bodens, who was very fat, being accosted by a man to whom he owed mo- ney, with a "How do you do?" answer- ed "pretty well, I thank you, you find I hold my own." "Yes sir, (rejoined the other) and mine too, to my sorrow."
THE Members of the "Martins- burg Literary Society," are requested to attend at Capt. John Robinson's Tavern, at six o'clock on Saturday evening the 31st instant.
LAST NOTICE.
THE subscriber for the last time ear- nestly requests all persons indebted to the estate of Mrs. Susannah Wol- gamott, dec. to come forward immedi- ately, and discharge their respective ac- counts. All who fail to comply with this notice, may depend that the most speedy and effectual method will be re- sorted to in order to enforce payment. Those who have claims against said Estate, are requested to exhibit them properly attested, as it is positively de- termined that a final settlement of the Estate shall take place immediately.
WILLIAM MACKEY, sen. Martinsburg, December 30, 1803.
Farmers and Merchants, Take Notice,
THAT the subscriber has got Ta- bler's MILL on Opequan, (be- tween three and four miles from Mar- tinsburg) in complete order for the re- ception and manufacture of Grain; and that for every hundred bushels of clean merchantable Wheat, weighing 60 pound per bushel, brought to said Mill, he will deliver 20 barrels of Superfine Flour, and will be responsible for the inspection in any market in the United States.
He will give the highest price in Cash, for Wheat, Rye and Corn.
LEONARD CROW.
December 30, 1803.
6w.
THE subscriber, some time in Sep- tember 1802, gave his note of hand to a certain John Rail, late of Berkeley County, for the payment of £40 14 8 Pennsylvania currency, which said note I have overpaid; this is therefore to cau- tion the public from taking an assignment thereon, as I am determined not to pay it unless compelled by law.
AARON FARIS. Berkeley County, December 30, 1803.
THE subscriber, having determined to quit the house he at present oc- cupies as a Tavern, and to relinquish that business early the ensuing Spring, solicits every person indebted to him, in any respect whatever, to call immediate- ly and settle up their accounts, either by discharging them with cash, or by giving obligations for their payment in a short time, as he earnestly wishes to settle his affairs as soon as possible.
As another inducement, he would just beg leave to remark, that there are some just claims against him, he is de- termined speedily to discharge, and that he shall also have to pay the account of T. Smith (just or unjust) that lately made such a handsome figure in the pub- lic prints.
JOHN ROBINSON. Martinsburg, December 30, 1803.

THE HAPPY FIRE SIDE.
The following neat and elegant production, we are confident will be read with pleasure, by every lover of chaste and unaffected poetry.
HOME.
WHEN Evening flings her dusky shade, O'er day's departing close; When labour drops the pen or spade, For pleasure, or repose.
With hasty step, and gladsome heart, I seek my much lov'd home; A cot that boasts no builder's art, An unadorn'd dome.
Yet there the virtues with their train Of social joys resort; There health and peace, and freedom reign, Fair exiles from a court.
When heard the scrapings of my feet, What raptures stir within! Affection pipes her welcome's sweet, A pleasing, tuneful din.
My children fly to share my kiss, A little artless group! There centred is a mother's bliss, And all a father's hope.
My roving partner, in her turn, Anticipates desire; And oft, as if it would not burn, She trims the blazing fire.
Officiously she now displays The dish and cleanly platter; And when excuse for aught she prays, Contentment cries "no matter."
Thus round my soul endearment twines With stronger, faster hold; Yes, Hymen's lamp still brighter shines, And charms still new unfold.
As thus connubial pleasures rise, To gild my dear abode, To Heav'n I lift my grateful eyes, And thank a bounteous God.
Proposals for publishing In the City of Philadelphia, A PERIODICAL WORK ENTITLED THE LITERARY MAGAZINE, AND AMERICAN REGISTER.
THIS work, if public patronage en- courages its prosecution, shall be published monthly.
The number shall be, occasionally, or- namented with an engraving, execut- ed by the best artist that can be obtain- ed, and delivered to subscribers at the price of FIFTY CENTS. Each number shall contain, at least, eighty pages in large octavo, and shall comprehend seven departments.
The First Department shall include ori- ginal, moral, literary or scientific pe- rformances, and biographical or histo- rical sketches.
The Second Department shall contain reviews of American publications, and of English works republished here.
The Third Department shall comprise such extracts, from foreign publicati- ons, as shall be considered peculiarly interesting, and deserving the attenti- on of the people of America. The es- sence, especially of periodical publica- tions, shall be carefully extracted.
The Fourth Department shall consist of pieces of original or selected poetry.
The Fifth Department shall include no- tices of publications preparing for the press; notices of literary characters and incidents; and such portions of information of a scientific, commer- cial, and agricultural nature, as shall be deemed most remarkable and most deserving of notice.
The Sixth Department shall contain an accurate detail of political intelligence, foreign and domestic, particularly a clear summary of the proceedings of the Congress of the United States during their session.
The Seventh Department shall consist of all such interesting or important oc- currences, as the passing month shall have produced; such as casualties, crimes, &c. and shall likewise contain as full and accurate a list of marriages and deaths, in the United States, as can be procured.
The work will be published by Messrs. John Conrad, & Co. and will be con- ducted under the immediate direction of an Editor, who, in addition to his own labours, has received assurances of the assistance of several of the first literary characters in this city and in New-York.
A work of the nature now offered to
the attention of the people of the United States, has long been demanded. It is conceived, that, if properly conducted, it would eminently promote the litera- ture of this country, and would prove, in all respects, favourable to the grati- fication of taste and extension of useful in- formation.
The Editor promises, if encouraged by liberal subscriptions, all that his ta- lents and labours can perform toward the successful execution of the work which he has proposed to undertake, and he hopes that this appeal to literary taste, that this desire to diffuse knowledge a- mong all classes of society, will not, like other attempts, which have preceded this, be rendered fruitless, by a cold and de- pressing reception.
Having established a correspondence with Messrs. CONRAD, & Co. I shall re- ceive the above work at an early period after its publication, and will have it de- livered with regularity to such persons as may please to patronize the undertak- ing.
J. ALBURTIS.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his customers and the public gene- rally, that he still continues to practice PHYSIC, SURGERY, MIDWIFERY, &c. and asserts, that from his long, attentive and extensive practice in the above arts, that he is thereby enabled to execute with accuracy any operation thereof that he may be required to per- form; and farther asserts, that where nature is sufficient to co-operate with art, that it shall not be from inattention in him, or misapplication in his Medical services, that will in any way prevent a speedy restoration in those who may be under the necessity of applying for relief, and may please to favour Their most obedient and Humble Servant, JACOB P. HARRIS.
He has just received a Fresh supply of
MEDICINES AND PAINTS,
ALSO, A few East and West-India FRUITS.
(which he will sell low for Cash) such as ORANGES, ALMONDS, FIGGS, RAISONS, Bloom and Common, French PRUNES, &c. &c.
THOSE indebted to him by accounts of long standing, are earnestly requested to come and discharge their respective dues, as it is inconvenient for him to in- dulge any longer, he therefore hopes there will be a compliance with this re- quest, otherwise he will be under the disagreeable necessity of having recourse to such means as will be expedient and sure in obtaining payment.
J. P. HARRIS.
Martinsburg, December 23, 1803.
NOTICE.
ALL persons indebted to the late con- cern of James S. Lane, & Co. are requested to come forward and discharge their respective balances. It is hoped, as the request is reasonable, that this no- tice will be attended to.
JAMES S. LANE.
Shepherd's-Town, December 23, 1803.
ALL persons who stand indebted to John Reynolds, late of Berkeley County, either by Bond, Note, or Book Account, are desired to come forward and discharge the same before the first day of February next, as no longer indul- gence can be given.
DAVID OSBORNE.
Jefferson County, December 23, 1803.
TO BE RENTED, A CONVENIENT SMITH SHOP and two Sets of TOOLS, with which may be had to hire, a NEGRO MAN that has worked for some time in the Shop. For terms apply to the sub- scriber.
LYDIA JOB.
Middle-Town, Berkeley County, December 23, 1803.
TAKEN up by the subscriber as an estrays, a reddish brindle BULL, with a crop off of the left ear, and a half penny cut out of the under side of the right ear; supposed to be two years old, and appraised to 3 dollars. The owner is desired to prove property, pay char- ges and take him away.
RUTH THATCHER.
Berkeley County, 23rd 11th Mo. 1803.
A Valuable Tract of LAND For Sale.
TO be sold the plantation whereon I now live, containing 463 acres, ly- ing and being in the County of Jefferson, State of Virginia, within 3 miles of Shep- herd's-Town, 1 from Potomack River, 75 from Baltimore, 60 from the Federal City, and 70 from Alexandria, (produce may be taken down by water to either of the latter places.) There are on the pre- mises 3 good Dwelling Houses and a ve- ry large square log Barn, 2 never fail- ing Springs, with a good stone Spring House. Near one half of this Land is cleared, the other half clothed with very valuable Timber; there are 3 valuable Apple Orchards, 12 acres of Timothy Meadow, and more may easily be made; the soil is equal if not preferable to any in Jefferson County.
Also another Tract of first rate Land, containing 176 1-2 acres, adjoining the aforesaid tract; on this tract are a good House and Barn, a never failing Well near the house and a good young Apple Orchard; about one half of this tract is cleared, the other half clothed with excellent Timber; the whole can be easily divided into 3 or 4 Tenements.
The Terms will be made known by the proprietor living on the Land.
JOHN STIPP, sen.
Jefferson County, December 16, 1803.
THE subscriber respectfully informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Mar- tinsburg and its vicinity, that his DAN- CING SCHOOL will commence the last half quarter on Monday next. All those who wish to join it for half a quar- ter, will meet with a thankful reception from their humble servant
D. HARTSHORN,
Martinsburg, December 16, 1803.
FOR SALE,
A NEGRO WOMAN about 24 years of age; and her Child, a BOY about one year old—The Woman is well ac- quainted with every kind of house work, and can spin cotton or wool. For terms inquire of the Printer.
December 16, 1803.
PUBLIC NOTICE.
I DO hereby caution the public from purchasing from William Bready, a certain Tract of Land situate about eight miles from Martinsburg, adjoining lands of Wm. Porterfield and others, as I have a lease of said Land for two lives, and am determined to retain possession, un- til the lease is purchased and compensa- tion given for certain improvements made thereon.
EDWARD WHITE.
December 16, 1803.
Fall Goods.
THE subscribers beg leave to inform their friends and the public in general, that they have just received and finished opening a large and extensive as- sortment of FALL and WINTER GOODS.
Selected by one of the firm from the lat- est importations from Europe, which, in addition to their former Stock, makes their Assortment more complete than ever, the same they are determined to sell at a more reduced price than usual for CASH or COUNTRY PRODUCE.
As a dissolution of their Co-partnership will in a few months take place, a very moderate profit will be taken, that they may be enabled to sell off their Stock; those who may want any article in their line, will find it considerably to their interest by giving them a call.
They return their sincere thanks to the inhabitants of Martinsburg and its vicinity, for their generous support since their commencement in busi- ness, and assure them they will do all in their power to merit a continuance of their favours.
N. B. Those who are indebted to us for goods a long time standing, must not think hard of it if the sheriff should call on them for payment, as every in- dulgence has been given that could be asked for.
The highest price given in CASH, for merchantable WHEAT, RYE, CORN or FLAX-SEED, and an al- lowance made if merchandise is taken in exchange.
P. NADENBOUSCH, & Co.
Martinsburg, October 28, 1803.
PRINTING.
In all its variety, executed at this Office with correctness and expedition.
Meminger & Cooper
Have removed their Store from the house next to the Globe Inn, to the old stand formerly occupied by P. Nadenbousch, & Co. at which place they now offer for sale, in addition to their former stock, a number of
FRESH FALL GOODS.
They will not assert that their Goods are extraordinarily cheap, but hope those who favour them with their custom, will be inclined to continue.
GRUBB'S
BAR-IRON,
At six dollars for 112 lbs. to be had of them, and a general assortment of FINE-GROVE CASTINGS.
WHEAT, RYE, CORN, OATS, FLAX-SEED, and clean LINEN and COTTON RAGS, bought, or taken in payment for Goods.
Martinsburg, October 14, 1803.
The Subscribers have just received a general assortment of
CASTINGS,
of the best quality. THOMAS SMITH, & Co. November 25, 1803.
August term, 1803, HAMPSHIRE COUNTY, ss.
LEWIS MOORE,
AGAINST
JAMES DAILEY.
In CHANCERY.
THIS day came the Complainant by his Counsel, and it appearing to the Court that the defendant is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, it is ordered, that the defendant do appear here on the second Tuesday in February next, to answer the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be forth- with inserted in the Berkeley and Jef- ferson Intelligencer and continued for two months successively, and also be posted up for two months successively at the door of the Court House of this Coun- ty.
A Copy. Teste, ANDREW WODROW, c. h. c.
Valuable PROPERTY for sale.
TO be sold or rented, the Plantation whereon I now live, containing 267 acres, a part of which is sown down with wheat and rye. There are several springs in convenient situations, two of which are strongly impregnated with sul- phur. On this place are a good Apple Orchard, and about 12 acres of Timothy Meadow, and more can be made. Two convenient dwelling houses, one of them two stories high, the other one and an half. Also a new Merchant Mill, and Saw Mill, working under a 19 feet fall on Sleepy Creek, with two overshoot water wheels; the Grist Mill has one pair of French Burrs, and one pair of Alleghany stones, 4 1-2 feet diameter. The stream on which the Mill stands is navigable. Timber is floated down to the Mill, from the upper country, and plank, &c. can be rafted from the Mill down to the river Potomak. This property is situate 6 miles from the Potomak river, and 4 miles from Bath, Berkeley County, Vir- ginia. The terms, &c. may be known by applying to the subscriber.
FREDERICK SNYDER.
April 29, 1803.
The following BLANKS, printed with NEW and ELEGANT TYPE, are always kept for sale at this Office: DEEDS, Common BONDS, Apprentices INDENTURES, Promissory NOTES, County Clerks', Sheriffs', and Constables' BLANKS, of all kinds, &c. &c. &c.
MARTINSBURG, Berkeley County, Virginia; Printed and published by JOHN ALBURTIS.
TERMS OF THE INTELLIGENCER.
The price of this Paper is two dollars per annum, one dollar payable at the time of subscribing, and one when the year expires. Distant subscribers pay for the whole year in advance. The price of Advertisements, to non-subscribers, is one dollar per square for three weeks insertion, and for continuance after that time 25 cents per week; Subscribers will continue to receive a reduction of one-fourth on their advertisements.