Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1807-03-25 00:00:00

NORFOLK GAZETTE AND PUBLICK LEDGER  VINCIT OMNIA VERITAS
VOL. III.]
WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 25, 1807.
[NO. 108.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, February 18.
Debate on the resolution offered by Mr. Broom to make further provision by law to secure the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus to persons in custody under or by colour of the authority of the United States.
[Continued from the Ledger of Friday last.]
After the transaction of some business of minor importance, the house resumed the consideration of the motion of Mr. Broom, to refer his resolution relative to the writ of habeas corpus, to a committee of the whole house—ayes 49, noes 33.
Mr. Elliot (Ver.) Mr. Speaker, I made several efforts, sir, during the discussion of yesterday, to become entitled to the privilege of addressing yourself and the house, upon the present question, in which I was unfortunately disappointed. Had I succeeded, my remarks would have been very concise, and I feel no disposition even now to render them tedious. I shall take occasion, however, at the outset, to declare that I experience none of that fastidious delicacy with which the minds of some gentlemen appear to be impressed, in relation to this motion. I have no ambition to be considered one of those "silkly ducking observants, who trim their duties nicely," on a question of this character, on a subject of this magnitude. Nor do I discover that profound darkness which the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Early) has described. I grope in no gloom. All is light and luminous around me. The path is plain. The way is clear and environed with no difficulties.
Gentlemen have generally been disposed, and I think with great propriety, to consider the subject in two points of view. First, to examine the merits of the resolution upon general principles, abstracted from all connexion with events that have occurred, either recent or distant. Secondly, to consider the propriety of exercising the supreme legislative power, to preclude the recurrence of events which have sacrificed for a time "the holy attributes of the constitution," to borrow the language of the great violator of the constitution himself, at the shrine of military power.
Upon the first point, gentlemen who have expressed their sentiments, have been unanimous, or nearly so, in declaring that legal provisions of the kind now contemplated ought to be made, at a proper time; if those now existing are insufficient & inoperative. Those who have told us that the British statutes upon the subject of the writ of habeas corpus are in force in the United States, or even that it is doubtful whether they are so or not, need not have told us that they are not professional men; it was a work of supererogation. No professional man could for a moment entertain the idea that the statutes of Great Britain are laws of the United States. The question may be considered as undetermined, whether the common law of England, or any part of it, which has not been expressly recognized by our constitution and statutes, is law in the United States, considered in their federal character; it is at least well known that upon that question, a unanimous opinion does not exist in the first judicial tribunal of our country. For one, I do not believe that the United States, as the United States, possess any code of common law. I know of no laws of the union but the constitution and the statutes—That constitution and those statutes have recognized or rather referred to certain portions of the common law, and particularly to certain technical common law terms and rules, as rules of practice in the federal courts; and beyond those the courts have no common law powers. At all events we have not adopted any of the British statutes, and particularly, and by mere implication too, statutes highly penal in their operation. The doctrine is too absurd to be countenanced, upon serious reflection, by any man of common discernment. The constitution has declared that "the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of invasion or rebellion, the publick safety shall require it." But neither the constitution nor your laws made it a positive duty of the courts to issue the writ in any particular case; still less have they secured the performance of that duty by any penal sanctions. Can it then be improper to provide means to coerce the courts and officers of the United States in this particular, and to leave to all our citizens, at all times and under all circumstances, such an invaluable constitutional privilege? Very few will deny or doubt the propriety of the measure. But many will say that it is ill-timed, and the question of time naturally introduces us to the second scene of discussion.
It is said that it is improper at the present period to agitate the question now under consideration. In my apprehension the objection is a very strange one. The constitution has not been violated by the commander of your army; violated at the bayonet, and in more than one or two of its most essential articles. In addition to the celebrated part of that instrument which prohibits the suspension of the habeas corpus, except by the supreme civil power in a crisis of great national danger, several of those amendatory articles which peculiarly secure the rights of the citizen, and the adoption of which, on that account, was necessary to reconcile the majority of the people to the original constitution itself, have been disregarded and derided by a military chieftain. I allude to the following articles, all of which have been violated in most of their essential provisions.
"Art. 4. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall issue, but upon proba-
ble cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
"Art. 5. No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless upon a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or publick danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for publick use without just compensation.
"Art. 6. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and publick trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence."
It is obvious that most of the privileges intended to be secured by these articles to all our citizens, have recently been denied to some of them, at the point of the bayonet, and under circumstances of peculiar violence. It may indeed be said that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus was not denied in the first instance; that it could not be said to be suspended until the injured persons were placed in a situation which entitled them to demand it from the judicial power of their country. It is true that notwithstanding inter arma silent leges , although the laws were silent amid the thunder of arms, and although a thousand terrors hovered around those who dared to exercise their professional duties in support of the constitutional rights of the citizen, a writ of habeas corpus was claimed and obtained; and I had supposed that the very singular return which is said to have been made to the writ, was placed in our official files. On searching them, however, I do not discover it; but it has been published in all the newspapers, and a copy of it is now before me, which I will read.
"The undersigned, commanding the army of the United States, takes on himself all responsibility for the arrest of Dr. Erick Bollman, on a charge of misprision of treason against the United States, and has adopted measures for his safe delivery to the executive of the United States. It was after several consultations with the governor and two of the judges of this territory, that the undersigned has hazarded this step, for the national safety menaced to its base, by a lawless band of traitors associated under Aaron Burr, whose accomplices are extended from New York to this city. No man can hold in higher reverence the civil institutions of his country than the undersigned, and it is to maintain and perpetuate the holy attributes of the constitution, against the uplifted hand of violence, that he has interposed the force of arms in a moment of extreme peril, to seize upon Bollman as he will upon all others, without regard to standing or station, against whom satisfactory proofs may arise of a participation in the lawless combination."
"JAMES WILKINSON."
"Head Quarters, Army of the United States, New Orleans, Dec. 17, 1806."
Here is a return, not of obedience to the laws, and high reverence for civil institutions, but of disobedience and defiance. The constitution is violated in order to preserve it inviolate! Prostrated in the dust by military power, for the purpose of maintaining and perpetuating its holy attributes! And what great national object was to be accomplished by such extraordinary measures? What necessity could exist of seizing one or two wandering conspirators, and transporting them fifteen hundred or two thousand miles from the constitutional scene of inquisition and trial, to place them particularly under the eye of the national government, when, if the opinion of the officer himself was correct, it would immediately become the duty of that government to suffer them to go at large! In regard to one of them, the general was uncertain whether he had committed a major or a minor crime; and the other he explicitly pronounces, as we learn from our official documents, guilty of misprision of treason, at all events a bailable offence. He says, "from the documents in my possession and the several communications, verbal as well as written, from the said Dr. Erick Bollman, on this subject, I feel no hesitation in declaring, under the solemn obligation of an oath, that he has committed misprision of treason against the United States." Surely it is desirable to provide against the recurrence of scenes of this description. Or shall it be admitted that the whim, the caprice, the passion, or the ambition of a martial chief, may supercede at will the most important checks and safeguards of the constitution?
But on this occasion the tocsin of party is sounded, and around the banners of party we must rally, or subject ourselves to new denunciation. I am not the champion of democracy, or federalism, or of any man or set of men; but I am, what every member of this house is bound by oath to be, the champion of the constitution of my country—a constitution unnecessarily assailed and rudely violated. While that proud edifice shall occupy its present situation, I will place myself before its walls, and face the foe, whether that foe shall be a Burr or any other military usurper: I will lean against its noble pillars, and, if it be destined to sink beneath the shock, perish, amid the sublime ruin! On a question like the present, the minor interests of party should sleep. At any rate it must be suspected that there is a snake in the grass—lured an-
guis in herba, a secret spirit of dissatisfaction with the administration of the national government, must be supposed to exist and to operate? Why so? has the government avowed its approbation of its military chief? For me, I acquit the administration. The general has taken upon himself the responsibility attached to his conduct, and upon his shoulders let it rest. It is time, however, to be explicit upon this subject. I concede to the administration, integrity and general ability, but do not agree to the ascription to it of that infallibility and perfection, the belief of which constitutes, at the present moment, the criterion of exclusive republicanism. In truth, I have heard so much of the virtue, the patriotism, and the perfect wisdom of the present administration that I am not anxious to hear much more upon the subject. As I surround myself with no disguises, I openly and frankly declare that I am becoming a sceptical. It may be as dangerous to wander in the wilds of political as in those of religious scepticism, but I must take the course pointed out by duty, and risk the consequences.
We must at least be suspected of being envious of the fame, or hostile to the character of general Wilkinson. To that officer I have once stood in the relation in which a soldier stands to his general; in that situation I was his friend, and even his partisan; and I have always considered him as possessing considerable military merit. I will admit, also, that in the present instance he has acted without corruption, and has only been more rash and arbitrary in his conduct, than a man of more prudence and reflection would have been. But I think I have heard a hint that it may turn out he is entitled to a statute of gold. Let me forward gentlemen not to commit themselves in favour of such a proposition. Let them wait the course of events, and prepare themselves for disclosures, which, if I am not mistaken, will convince every one that such a measure would at least be extremely improper. Whatever rumours may have reached us this morning from the western world, I should have held a very decided language upon this subject yesterday. If there is to be a golden statue in the case, I should prefer giving it to the gentleman from Delaware, who has drawn our attention to the present subject of discussion; as the agitator, however, of a subject, the agitation of which was extremely desirable, and, in my apprehension, indispensably necessary, he is undoubtedly sufficiently rewarded by the consciousness of having performed what he deemed his duty. Again and again I warn gentlemen to abandon the idea of a statute of gold. From the same quarter we are told that the salus populi may have required and may justify the lex suprema of military despotism. This doctrine is unknown to the constitution. That sacred record of our rights proclaims itself and itself alone (and the people, when they adopted it, ratified the decree) the lex suprema , the "supreme law of the land." It acknowledges no superior. It contemplates no case in which the law of arms can effect a throne upon its ruins.
Again, we must be prepared for the insinuation that we countenance treason, and sympathize with traitors. It is surely wrong at this time to make our walls echo and re-echo, and winds around us the charge of treason. Sub judice lis est . Let the courts decide. I have not been "one jot or tittle" of evidence to prove the unfortunate persons now in confinement guilty of treason. Probably they may have been guilty of a misprision, or mere knowledge of a meditated treason; and at all events their conduct has been such as to require years of repentance, to restore them to the confidence of society and their country. But upon general principles, without reference to any particular case, I hope that the resolution, which only contemplates the appointment of a committee, for the purpose of inquiry, will not, by any side way operation, be defeated and destroyed.
Mr. Sloan (N. J.) Like the gentleman from Vermont who has just sat down, I had a great desire yesterday to express a few words on the motion before the house, but I was not able to get a chance to address the house at that time. I must now beg leave to detain the house some time longer than would have been necessary then, in consequence of the lengthy speech we have heard from the gentleman from Vermont. That gentleman has said he will not only protect the constitution, but if it must die, he is willing to perish in its ruins. That gentleman I expect alluded to ancient times, as he often does in his learned way; when he made that figure, he alluded, I expect, to the case of Sampson, who after the loss of his sight also perished in the ruins of the destruction which he had made.
I beg leave to ask whether this gentleman's sight does not also begin to be dimmed as Sampson's was. He says he begins to doubt the wisdom of our present administration, and the wise measures they pursue. I expect the sight of that gentleman is not only dim, but I'm afraid he will be soon perfectly blind.
Some time ago, the gentleman from Vermont exhibited a scene of prolificancy which was never before paralleled in this house. He brought forth nine resolutions at once, and prefaced them by a long speech like that we have heard to day, in which he attempted to excite to this house the danger in which we stood with foreign powers.
Those resolutions brought up to my mind, the recollection of a fable which I once read when I was young. It was in a book which I beg leave to recommend to the gentleman from Vermont, if he has never read it. The book I mean is Esop's Fables.—There is the story of a conversation between a fox and a lioness. The Fox boasted of her great prolificancy , and reproached the lioness for bringing only one at a time. The lioness replied, that she indeed bore but one at a time, but that one was a lion.
After making these observations Mr. S. begged leave to consider the merits of the question. I consider it, said he, as highly improper at this time. Whether it would be proper at any future period I don't pretend to say. It is likely that prosecutions will be commenced against general Wilkinson. And will not this house show as much candor as the editors of newspapers who say nothing on criminals left for trial lest there should be a bias made on the publick mind. No person can candidly say that gen. Wilkinson ought not to have deprived these men of liberty to prevent their treason and the destruction they meant against these United States.
Why such sympathy for these persons? In what circumstances were they taken? Were they taken from their homes and their fire-sides and denied the habeas corpus for some months as has been in former cases, which, compared to this, were only as a drop to the bucket. These men were taken in the act of treason or misprision of treason, against these United States. We ought to wait till we know further into the matter before we decide.
Is any member so lost to humanity in this house as to reprobate the conduct of the executive or of general Wilkinson in this matter? The former insurrections compared to this, was more properly opposition to government, opposition to obnoxious and unjust laws, and which have been since repealed, and are now justly consigned to eternal infamy.
The matter rests solely on two plain questions. The first is, was the confinement of these persons necessary? And secondly, was the civil authority adequate to their safe keeping? It is plain their confinement was necessary, and as to the second question, it appears from the affidavit of gen. Wilkinson, that Ogden, one of the conspirators, was released by habeas corpus after being confined.
If a force of 6000 men had come against New Orleans as the general expected, and he had not arrested and sent these persons away, and they had been released by Burr after capturing the city, these persons whom we see on this floor to have so much sympathy, would be the first to charge gen. Wilkinson with a neglect of duty. I have no doubt but this would be the case.
I consider the conduct of gen. Wilkinson not only justifiable, but highly commendable, and I am astonished that any one should withhold the tribute so justly due. I would say: Well done thou good and faithful servant, thou hast deserved well of thy country.
Mr. S. made sundry observations, relative to the faculties of man compared with those of the deity in going from parts to the whole from the whole to parts, and quoted some lines from Pope's Essay on Man which he read from a bit of paper in his hand. Mr. Sloan then concluded by politely observing that he hoped the gentleman from Delaware had had a good rest and comfortable sleep the last night after his long speech of yesterday.
THE SUBSCRIBER
Has removed to capt. Will's store, on Marsden's wharf, who offers for safe sale, 223 barrels superfine Flour 56 half barrels do. 4,000 bushels Indian Corn. And in store, 100 barrels Virginia Pork 100 do. Shad 10 tons Fustick 20 firkins Butter. George Wilson.
March 2. Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Campbell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only.
Theo. Armistead. We will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20.
Just received and for Sale, Muscovado Sugar in hhds. tierces and barrels; Molasses in hhds.; Cogniac Brandy and Holland Gin in pipes.  And in Store, 8 chests Hyson Tea; Soap, Candles, and Butter of best quality; 30 tons Fustick; and a few barrels Honey—by James M'Clenachan.
February 27. LOTS FOR SALE. The subscriber will sell fourteen LOTS in the Borough of Norfolk, well situated for private residence. A credit of one and two years will be given for two thirds of the purchase money. A plan may be seen by applying to Robert B. Taylor.
March 18. NEW CUT-NAIL MANUFACTORY, ON TOWN POINT, A small distance below County Wharf, Wide Water Street. THE Subscriber has, at a considerable expense, fitted up, in addition to his other business, a complete set of machinery, adequate to finish 500 to 600 lbs. of Nails daily. He is also provided with a good stock of Iron; and with a sufficient number of skilful workmen.
He has on hand a constant supply of Nails, Flooring Brads, and Springs, which he offers for Sale at the reduced prices as follows, by the keg, for cash only, viz. 8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d Nails at 7 1-2d per lb. 8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d Brads at 7 1-2d per lb. 6d, Nails at 9 1-2d per lb. Sheathing, do. at 1 3-4d per lb. 6d, Brads at 4d per M. 4d, do. at 2d 3-4d per M. 2d, do. at 2d 3-4d per M. 4d, Nails at 2d 3-4d per M. 3d & 2d do. at 2d 3-4d per M. ALSO—HOOP AND BAR-IRON ASSORTED. LEVIN DORSEY.
June 2. One front PEW in the gallery of Christ Church, No. 44, for Sale, and a Negro BOY for hire the residue of this year. Apply to Wm. Hartshorne, jun. January 25.

WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 25, 1807.
The Washington papers are silent upon the subject of the treaty; hence we infer that nothing more will be done until it has been revised in London.—Meantime we understand, that dispatches from Washington were received a few days since at this place, and have been forwarded to Mr. Monroe, by which it would appear that he is not expected to return so soon as has been stated. It is not improbable that the administration, being early apprised of the objectionable part of the treaty, had desired Mr. Monroe, conditionally, to remain until the treaty should be sent back.
To the EDITOR of the PUBLICK LEDGER.
Sir,
I addressed my first letter to you under the full conviction that something of the kind was required by the complexion of the times. That some effort was requisite to arouse the dormant, lethargick spirit of the nation, to awaken it to a sense of danger, and to call forth the talents and exertions of the country, in defence of its prostrate liberty.—Should I fail in these objects, I shall surely lament it; and falling with the ruins of my country, I shall enjoy the glorious consolation that I have discharged my duty.
When we daily hear, and I fear shall too soon feel, the effects of despotism; when every vessel that is wafted to our shores furnishes intelligence of crowns demolished, empires overthrown, nations blotted from the map of the world, and the sword the only arbitrament of right, is there an American who is not alarmed at, who is not feelingly alive to the execrable tyranny recently experienced by some of our citizens from the military of the country? Success, sir, begets converts; impunity leads to iteration; one aggression excites to another; the compunction sometimes felt at the first commission of iniquity abates by repetition; the incipient step is ever the most difficult, and power unjustly acquired or illegally exercised, unless timely checked, if not nipped in the infancy of existence, soon becomes so dormant as to stifle even reason herself. The crisis imperiously calls for the united efforts of every friend to the country; our rights and privileges are prostrated at the feet of the military, and by that military which should have been the guardians of those rights and privileges. Our liberties are endangered, and if the recent exercise of usurped authority be not speedily stamped with the seal of public indignation and reprobation, I dare to predict, that our liberties will not long survive the fallen liberties of Europe.
The country had not recovered from the consternation, dismay and apprehensions which were felt in consequence of the violent outrages perpetrated at New Orleans, when its feelings and anxieties were excited anew, by a measure equally unconstitutional, and more alarming.—More alarming, because proceeding from those who should have been the constitutional protectors of the peoples' rights. Shut up from communication with their constituents; sitting in conclave; enveloped in secrecy, the senate of the United States pass an act, suspending for three months the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus; and suspending it, not only in cases which shall arise, but in those which have occurred prior to the passage of the proposed law.* This act, when tested by the constitution, will be found equally violative of its fundamental principles as of its express provisions. This act, as it passed the senate, declared "that in all cases where any person or persons charged on oath with treason, misprision of treason, or other high crime or misdemeanor, endangering the peace, safety or neutrality of the United States, HAVE BEEN or shall be arrested, and imprisoned by virtue of any warrant or authority from the president of the United States, or from the chief executive magistrate of any state, or territorial government, or from any person acting under the direction or authority of the president of the United States, the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall be, and the same hereby is suspended for and during the space of three months, from and after the passage of this act, and no longer." From the context, it is evident that this act was intended for other purposes than a simple suspension of the habeas corpus: This act seems intended to embrace all measures which had been pursued under the president's proclamation relative to Burr, and all acts which in future should be committed. All persons who "HAVE BEEN or shall be arrested;"—here we see that the nefarious conduct of our military commandant would have been embraced in the law; all the violences and usurpations so loudly complained of would have been shielded and justified. The operation of this law would of course have been retroactive; and thus measures violently iniquitous, tyrannical and oppressive, would have been countenanced and sanctioned by law. What mean we by "retroactive operation?" An operation upon occurrences which existed prior to the law; this law then would have been an ex post facto law. What says the constitution of the United States? In the 1st art. 9th sec. 3d paragraph,
* See the act.
it declares, and that peremptorily, that "no bill of attainder, or ex post facto law shall be passed." Can language be more explicit? can the provisions of a written compact be more clearly defined, or positively declared? No ex post facto law shall be passed, says the constitution; the senate pass an ex post facto law—the law of the senate is therefore an unconstitutional law. Did not experience attest the truth, would it have been believed, that the senate of the United States, selected for their virtue, wisdom and patriotism, could even for a moment have deliberated upon a proposition in itself illegal and unconstitutional? What, sir, had not the constitution, the laws, the privileges, the rights, the liberties of the country, been sufficiently wounded, intringed and sacrificed to military domination? Was it necessary to accumulate injuries and insults upon us? Was it decent to pollute the sacred fane of liberty, by sheltering her violators under it? It is not, it cannot be denied, that the conduct of the military has been unconstitutionally oppressive and tyrannical; even a worthy senator,† one who was entrusted with the honourable mission of conveying in petto the execrable act of the senate to the house of representatives, has declared the conduct of the general illegal and unconstitutional; and yet for his illegality and unconstitutionality of proceeding, he deserved the thanks of the country.‡ And is it come to this, that the approbation of the nation is to be lavished upon the violators of its constitution? What, sir, approbate a man who has trampled upon the civil powers of the land, usurped the authority of the laws, and daringly infringed the constitutional privileges of his fellow-citizens? And is the constitution of so little value that it is to be made the sport of every military despot in the land? The cause of the publick was supported and defended by men whose abilities and patriotism deservedly rank them high in the estimation of the nation;§ the learned eloquence of Mr. Bayard was exerted in vain in opposition to the act of the senate—it passed, and despotism, military despotism, was vindicated and applauded in a land boasting of freedom.
Having shewn (as I believe) so clearly that "he who runs may read" the unconstitutionality of the act of the senate, let us examine it upon the ground of expediency. Where was the public safety so endangered as to require this exercise of the powers of congress? Did invasion resound upon our shores? Had rebellion raised her brazen front in the land? Were we not in a state of peace and tranquility? and did not the president congratulate congress on the pleasant prospect, that all our differences with foreign nations were in a fair "train of amicable adjustment?" Here let me ask that learned statesman, and republican patriot, Mr. Giles, from whence he drew his evidence and information, that the publick safety required this step, when he introduced this serious proposition into the senate? Was the publick safety endangered when the persons from whom this danger was apprehended, were many of them already in confinement? Were the Spanish forces on the Sabine, the evidence of terrible invasion; or were Mr. Burr's ninety or an hundred school boys,|| the terrific phalanx of rebellion, which was to crush the liberties of the country? Was it not enough that the military commandant at New Orleans was continued in power; was, and yet is permitted to hold his commission, and without being called to answer for his conduct, still suffered to wreak his vengeance on the unoffending, unarmed citizens of the country? Was not all this, I ask, enough? Was it proper further to aggravate our injuries? Was it necessary to pull down the temple of our social rights, to screen the usurpations, despotism and tyranny of the military, from the just vengeance of violated law?—The moment that this proposition was decreed by the senate, the liberties of America trembled and tottered to their base. Had this act become a law, the freedom of the people would have been placed at the mercy of every petty corporal in the land; we might have chanted a requiem to liberty. She would have been found in the "tomb of all the Capulets." Thanks to the majority of the late house of representatives, we are yet free; their virtue and patriotism demand the esteem, and justly deserve the confidence of the nation for their prompt and efficient defence of its freedom. With that decision and just indignation, which should ever characterise the representatives of freemen when their liberties are endangered, they spurned the proffered law; disrobed of its mantle of secrecy; burst open the doors of information and confidence to their country; and with reprobation justly due to it, hurled this bantering of tyranny to its merited fate. "Let it be impressed on your minds, let it be instilled into your children, that the liberty of the press is the palladium of all the civil, political and religious rights of an Englishman," is the eloquent advice of one, long celebrated for his attachment to liberty. This great truth is equally applicable to Americans, and the history of every country will evince, that with the freedom of the press fell the freedom of the nation. In our country this truth should never be forgotten; it should be the matin task and vesper exercise of our schools; it should be imprinted on tablets of gold
† S. Smith, Maryland.
‡ See his declaration in the senate.
§ See Mr. Clay's speech in the senate.
|| See Countess Morda's letter to the secretary of war.
in the capitol of the nation, where the youth of the country in annual peregrinations should swear, like the son of Hamilcar, eternal enmity to the wretch who would dare invade it. But I fear, sir, it is already forgotten; the liberty of the press is already invaded; the press is manacled; the press is not free. "We cannot deceive the world by the affectation of a free press when it does not exist," is the melancholy language of the "Orleans Gazette;" its editor is imprisoned; the guardian of publick and private rights, is now groaning under the pressure of military tyranny, and unless soon rescued, must expire under its unrelenting persecution. These are indeed times to try men's souls—every thing valuable and dear is at stake, and perhaps even you, sir, may not dare to give publicity to these honest effusions of a mind conscious of the justice of its cause and the magnitude of the question at issue.
Every mail from New-Orleans brings us intelligence of additional injuries, and insults, and oppressions our citizens are hourly experiencing from the military; these oppressions and injuries are not only avowed, but with audacity declared that they would be persevered in—"They have seen (say the grand jury of New-Orleans) with no less astonishment than grief, the laws and the civil authority prostrated before a military force—they have seen the citizens of the United States, and of this territory, seized upon, and imprisoned by that force, and deprived of the benefit of that great bulwark of civil liberty, the writ of habeas corpus—Nay more, they have seen the general commanding the American army here, come before this honourable court, and openly avow such illegal acts, and declare his determination to PERSEVERE in them."¶ Here, sir, we have a catalogue of injuries, insults, oppression, tyranny, audacity, and iniquity, so flagrant, calamitous, and flagitious, that the mind of man is scarcely capable of embracing it.
"Ye Gods! is there not some hidden curse, Some chosen thunder in the stores of heaven, red With some uncommon wrath, to blast the man who Builds his greatness on his country's ruin." Was it for this, that our fathers dared the dangers of the "tented field,"—was it for this, that becatombs of slaughtered heroes, moistened with their blood, the plains of America? where is the spirit of '76, which led her sons to victory and freedom? the conduct of the commander is too daring, and too dangerous to be received with indifference or submission. The voice of liberty summons to her aid; let us arouse, Sir, let us demand, imperatively demand, from our publick servants, a speedy assertion of our rights, a prompt retribution of our wrongs. I have waited with anxious expectation an early call of congress; the nation asks it, and the times require it. From Mr. J. Randolph (whom every honest man wish to see re-elected into the national councils) the crisis demands his every exertion from his enlightened and penetrating mind; from his stern integrity; from his inflexible patriotism; from his ardent love of liberty, much will be desired, and much may be expected.
LIBERTY. NO TYRANNY.
March 6.
¶ See Grand Jury's presentment at length—Jan. 27.
Died the 19th inst. in this borough, Mr. PATRICK BURKE, at the very advanced age of one hundred and four! He was a native of Ireland, and came to this country about 16 years since.
—Yesterday morning, Captain AMBROSE SHIRLEY.
[In the first page of this day's paper, the debate on Mr. Broom's resolution is continued. But owing to an irregularity in the receipt of the papers, we committed an involuntary mistake by inserting the speeches in the first page before these which follow, which should have preceded the former. The whole of the debate in this day's paper is copied from the Gazette of the United States, the former parts of the debate from the National Intelligencer, which has at present discontinued this debate. If the talents of the speakers, and the goodness of the cause bear a correspondent relation, what must we think of a cause, supported by Messrs. Sloan and Jackson, compared with Messrs. Broom and Elliot.]
Mr. Broom (Del.) Mr. Speaker, I confess that the opposition which this resolution has met with, does surprise and astonish me, and more especially when I consider the quarter from which it comes. That those, who have been the most clamorous about the rights of the people, who have been jealous in the extreme of even the lawful exercise of power, who have assumed to themselves almost the exclusive privilege of protecting our rights, should now refuse even an inquiry, whether those rights cannot be better protected, is to me a problem which I cannot solve, unless I suppose that these were principles and professions intended only for opposition, but never as the guide of administration. But when the principle is avowed that no laws shall be enacted, for better securing our personal rights, and that no inquiry even on the subject shall be made at this time, lest it might cast a censure on the conduct of an officer who has violated them, I consider it my duty to protest against it. Sir, is it come to this, when the commander in chief of the army of the United States shall turn his arms against our constitutional rights, that we shall not provide against future violations for fear of exciting a prejudice in the publick mind against that officer? Prostrate indeed must be our condition when we can see our great rights of personal liberty trampled upon by a military commander, and be deterred from legislating lest the punishment of future violations should be construed into the murmur of disapprobation of the past. For my own part, I de-
precate such a state of things, and in spite of party, trust that the highest legislative body of a free people, will not be found so unfaithful to themselves and their country, as to give it their sanction. But why, it is asked, am I thus zealous for the rights of the citizen? I arraign not the motives of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes) for opposing this resolution, and without a word in explanation of my own, I would be willing that the publick should judge between us of our motives by our conduct. But, sir, it gives me pride and pleasure to avow my motives. I have beheld with indignation and horror, citizens of the United States illegally arrested, denied their constitutional privileges, and transported at the will of a military commander nearly 2,000 miles before they were delivered up to the custody of the law. Instead of seeing such conduct marked with abhorrence, I found the guardians of the people's rights singing praises to the sacrifices of the patriot and the honor of the soldier. I beheld these victims of power delivered over in solemn pomp to the ministers of justice, that they might crown with law, the acts of tyranny and oppression. When I found these violations repeated and even aggravated; when I beheld a citizen of the United States arrested at the point of the bayonet without any warrant whatever; imprisoned for weeks in his own country; cut off from all intercourse with family and friends; denied access to courts, and privilege of counsel, and deported under military escort from New-Orleans to Washington, without any accusation, I considered it high time for congress to put a stop to an evil which affected the rights of the whole community and seemed to acknowledge no limits. I did hope that all would be sensible of these outrages and with hearty zeal provide by efficient laws for the prevention of them in future. I did expect that the violations of the constitutional rights of any citizen however mean and abject his situation, would, as it was a common interest, be made a common cause. —With such a view of this case, I could not reconcile it to myself to be a silent spectator. It is asked why so much sensibility for men who are charged with treason against government. I answer, that it is no matter how infamous the crime or how hardened the villain. Whenever the rights of personal liberty are attacked in the person of such offenders, it is a side blow aimed at the whole community, which they will and ought to feel most sensibly, and whenever the prejudices against a crime are made the pretext for the illegal oppression of the person charged, the attack is too dangerous to be trifled with, and I do consider that he who can without concern look upon such violations of the rights of others, and indifferently folding his arms console himself that it is not his own case, is not worthy of the character of an American or the privileges which he enjoys. If these men are guilty of treason, their crime is of the highest kind; depraved indeed must be that heart which can conceive treason against the United States. I have no charity for the crime, and with all my heart would punish it. But I cannot consent to break through laws and constitution to punish the traitor, much less one who is only suspected of treason. Now let me ask gentlemen in my turn, why they feel so much sensibility about gen. Wilkinson, and so little about the rights of the citizen? are they afraid that the administration will be implicated with the general, or are they indignant at even the suspicion that the powers that be, can do wrong? For myself, though I am willing to reposes all just confidence in the officers of our government, I am not so blinded by my devotion as to be willing to fall down in the dust and kiss the foot that tramples on me. I am not prepared to surrender my rights at the footstool of ministerial or military power; neither am I willing to cry peace! peace! when I see the rights of others invaded.
The gentleman from Virginia has thought proper to congratulate me on my conversion to democracy, and to express his pleasure that my eyes have been opened—The gentleman would have done well to consider before this compliment in what situation it placed him; for if I am advocating the principles of democracy, he is opposing them; and if my eyes are open, his must be shut. I wish it to be understood that I am not advocating the speculative abstract rights of man, but good old constitutional rights, such as have secured the civil liberty of England, from time immemorial, and such as will secure our own so long as we please to preserve them inviolate—and I shall not be deterred from my course, even by the charge of democracy. I mean here no disrespect to democracy, such as it ought to be understood, but only to that canting kind which promises much and performs but little. In a country boasting less of democracy than our own, such conduct as we have witnessed, would have produced the most dangerous convulsions. Suppose that in England, without any suspension of the habeas corpus his majesty's secretary of state, upon his own warrant had caused any British subject to be seized and dragged to the Tower, and there denied all intercourse with friends or counsel, and denied the privilege of habeas corpus; judging from the temper heretofore manifested, it would not be difficult to pronounce the consequences. The enraged passions of the multitude would be appeased with nothing but the restoration of rights thus unwarrantably suspended. It is alleged as if in justification of gen. Wilkinson's conduct, that twelve years ago, a member now of this house from Pennsylvania, was arrested upon the charge of being concerned in the western insurrection, and for three months denied the writ of habeas corpus. Without determining the degree of censure which ought to attach any where, I must remark that if in truth he could not obtain the writ, his case affords a strong proof that the laws are defective, and ought to be remedied. Whether the motives of gen. Wilkinson be good or bad, it is not now necessary to inquire. I am not moving an inquiry into past events, in order to punish those who have been guilty of violating our laws. I am merely asking that we should inquire whether laws ought to be enacted more effectually to punish or prevent them in future, and I urge it as the strongest reason for such an inquiry. The existing laws have been found by experience insufficient to prevent such abuses; and I contend that the punishment already provided, is by no means adequate to violations so gross, as those we have lately witnessed. But gentlemen contend that we don't know whether our privileges have been abused, until we hear gen. Wilkinson's justification. Sir, we are not indebted for our knowledge to whisper or rumour. There is no longer any room to doubt whether our constitutional rights have been violated. We have received official information of the facts, and that information is re-

corded on our journals. The message of the president of the 22d of January, informs us that two persons had been seized at New Orleans by gen. Wilkinson, and embarked for ports in the Atlantic states, and promises that upon their arrival they shall be delivered over to the custody of the law. Gen. Wilkinson states that Mr. Bollman, one of the persons so seized, was required by the superior court, but that he got rid of that affair under the usual liability for damages.
Another message informs us of their arrival here, and that measures are taken to hold them in custody. These facts warrant me in saying, that, in defiance of the constitution of the United States, persons have been seized by military authority, that they were demanded by the civil authority, that the military refused to deliver them up, and that they were transported under military guard, and by military authority alone, to this city, and that here the first steps were taken to put them into the custody of the law. Is it possible that we can shut our eyes upon these transactions, or reconcile it to ourselves to become the mere passive spectators of this violent usurpation of power? What excuse can any man render to his country for his supineness, in case of the commission of future violations? Can he plead his ignorance of what is officially communicated to him? or can he say he was not warned of the dangerous consequences of these measures, or of the insufficiency of the laws to prevent them, and they look to us, as their representatives, to use every means in our power to prevent the recurrence of them. Can any man be willing that his right to personal liberty shall depend on the will of the executive or military officer? If he can, he does not deserve to possess the right, and is well represented by those who refuse to protect it. But let me caution gentlemen that this is not the temper of the majority of the nation, and that they have not so far sunk into apathy, or forgotten their rights of personal liberty, as to support the power that openly violates them. Let gentlemen beware how far they rely on the confidence heretofore placed in them; upon questions of policy in the administration of government the people reposing confidence in those who govern, may not give themselves much trouble to think whether they are right or wrong—but when great constitutional rights are invaded, opposition arises not from matter of opinion only, but national feeling inspired by a common sense of danger; and if such invasion is made by those in whom too much confidence has been placed that opposition will be heightened by resentment and indignation. I wish gentlemen to be sensible of their great responsibility. If these measures had been pursued during the recess, with what anxious eyes would the nation have looked forward to the meeting of congress—The executive standing alone would as they ought, have borne all the responsibility: but when all branches of government are in the full exercise of their functions, and no inquiry is made nor notice taken of it, the people can hardly believe in the extent of this usurpation of power; because to believe it they must impeach the fidelity of their representatives. The constitutional checks of one branch upon another were intended to prevent the unlawful exercise of power by either; but if representatives can content themselves with officially viewing the prostration of the constitutional rights of the citizen, at the nod of a military commander, and can see with indifference the highest executive authority, availing themselves of such means to produce what they term the end of justice, these intended checks not only cease to be salutary, but become dangerous, by affording only a false security. In speaking of probable cause of arrest, I confined my observations to the case of Mr. Alexander. I have seen no message informing us of the particulars of this case, but it is said that this gentleman in his professional character, moved the court at N. Orleans for a writ of habeas corpus, for one of the persons arrested by military orders; upon the refusal of the general to obey the writ, he either moved, or was about to move the court, for an attachment against him, and was soon after arrested by order of the general, and transported to Fort M'Henry at Baltimore; from thence he was brought to this city, and taken before a judge of the territory of Columbia, where he was informed that there was no charge against him sufficient to warrant his arrest, and he was accordingly discharged. I now put it to the candour of gentlemen to say whether in this there was any probable cause of arrest, or whether the same outrage might not be practised upon any other citizen of the United States, upon the same principle, by the commander of any fort or garrison; and I will ask, also, whether the general might not as well have sent him to California, or Nootka Sound? for he was not charged with any offence upon which he was liable to arrest. If we have constitutional privileges, we must be always ready to protect them; and if the privileges now violated, are not worth protecting, where are we to make the stand? when we see a cancer even in the extremities of the body politic, we must apply the knife, or the caustick, or it will reach the vitals. There ought to be no temporizing; for it will become the more inveterate and confirmed, the longer we delay. Without the most prompt attention to the preservation of our privileges, we may have the form, but we shall not long have the substance of a free government; and of all governments I think that the worst, where the sound of liberty supplies the place of the reality, and a thousand petty tyrants take shelter under the cloak of republicanism. This resolution is opposed by a gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bidwell) on two grounds. First, that we must necessarily decide on the innocence or guilt of general Wilkinson—Second, that the laws are already sufficient. With respect to the first, I have already contended that the law, providing only for future cases, will have no retroactive effect. I would be sorry to try gen. Wilkinson or any other person, without suffering him to be heard; but we know from his own letters that the laws have been violated—We know that these violations seriously affect the dearest rights of the citizen, and we cannot deny that such violations ought to be guarded against by efficient laws.—These facts then are sufficient to justify an enquiry, whether such efficient laws do exist; and as they are facts which no one will deny, it cannot injure gen. Wilkinson or any other person if we make laws to guard against the recurrence of them in future. It is said these men could not be tried at New-Orleans—it is not material to involve in our discussion this question; for if they could not be tried they might have been imprisoned there until they were transferred according to law to the place where a trial could be had—but it can never be
justifiable in a military officer to seize and deport to any part of the United States any citizen, whom he might suspect of guilt. If it were admitted an officer might carry a man from place to place until he found judges and juries disposed to convict—the constitution to the contrary notwithstanding.—Gen. Wilkinson's zeal may have been sincere and his motives pure, and the pressure of circumstances such as to make him feel justifiable in his conduct—but, sir, we never can with safety entrust such unlimited discretion to any military officer; and such conduct, however innocent the motives, ought to be guarded against by the most severe laws. The second objection of the gentleman from Massachusetts is, that the laws are already sufficient. They surely have not been effectual to prevent the abuse of the privilege of habeas corpus. This writ was issued at New Orleans and general Wilkinson took upon himself the responsibility of refusing to obey it. The writ was issued at Charleston and the officer refused to obey it—and the military continued in possession of their prisoner until they arrived at the place of their destination. The people of England never considered the writ of habeas corpus perfectly secure until it was strengthened by the statute of Charles. It seems generally agreed that provisions similar to that statute would be useful; but some gentlemen say that it extends to the United States and the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) admits that if it does not extend, similar provisions ought to be made. Statutes declaratory of the common law are sometimes received in our courts; but I believe that it never was considered that penal statutes could extend without express legislative provision. In Delaware, Pennsylvania, and New-York, and perhaps other states, laws have been made to supply the provisions of the statutes of Charles, and upon the principle that the statute did not extend. If these provisions are useful and there could be a doubt about the statute the laws of the U. S. ought to provide, although the constitution secures the privilege, and the laws authorize the judges to grant the writ; yet without penalties, the privilege is too liable to be abused. If an officer refuses obedience to the writ of habeas corpus, what remedy has the injured party? he must sue for false imprisonment, and if any prejudice exists against him, or in favour of the officer, he will recover only nominal damages. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes) avows, that if he was on the jury, he would give no damages if he was convinced the officer acted with honest intentions; and we can well conceive such prejudice to exist against a man charged with a heinous offence, as would prevent him from recovering real damages; for the abhorrence of the crime is often transferred to the party accused.
When illegal conduct is committed under colour of authority, the whole community is affected, and an atonement ought to be made to society as well as to the individual.
The remedy for false imprisonment should still exist, but the officer should be subject to a penalty not to be assessed at the discretion of the jury, but to be fixed by law. The officer should also, having abused his power, be for ever disqualified from holding any place of profit, honour, or trust, under the United States. By this, no man would be deprived of a trial by jury, because the penalty and disqualification, should only attach, upon being found guilty by a verdict of a jury. It is objected by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Early) that this resolution is not brought forward in due time. To this I answer that the events that have given rise to it are of recent origin. The gentleman also objects that we should be obliged to call on the president for information. If he is afraid of such information, it surely furnishes some reason to suspect, that there is something rotten. I do not charge the executive with the conduct of general Wilkinson, the share of responsibility which may belong to that quarter depends on circumstances with which we are probably unacquainted, and on the course which they may hereafter pursue.
Mr. Jackson, (Va.) had hoped that the gentleman from Delaware would have contented himself with protesting his regard for the rights of the citizen, and not troubled the house with the long speech which he had delivered on the occasion. Mr. J. said it gave him an alarm to find such sympathy for men guilty of the most atrocious crimes. Treason in some countries may be an act of magnanimity, but here it is the worst of all crimes, because it aims at the destruction of the best government and the happiest state of society in the world.
Mr. J. deprecated legislating from the impulse of the moment. It had proved the bane of that party under whose banners the gentleman from Delaware had marshalled himself. If a man ventured to expose the conduct of the then existing administration, he was to be gagged with the sedition law; if he failed in shewing due respect to the ruling powers, he was to be transported by the alien act.
Mr. J. conceived that the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus were amply secured by the constitution, an authority paramount to any act of the legislature. It was in his opinion so guarded as even to endanger the acquittal of criminals.
Mr. J. proceeded to observe, that if any officer will violate the constitution and take the responsibility, it is in vain to make laws in order to prevent it. But were there no circumstances to justify Wilkinson? He saw treason lurking on every side.—There are cases which necessity affords a complete palliation. The president's message does not confirm the declaration of the gentleman from Delaware that there were no grounds for charge against Alexander. Mr. J. here read Wilkinson's affidavit. Does it not show, that they are all linked together? Wilkinson believed, and no doubt justly, that these persons could not be safely imprisoned at New-Orleans. When it appeared that the judges, at least one of them, was desirous not to oppose the treason, it would have been madness in the extreme to have left the traitors there, and especially when it was expected that Burr would soon arrive with a powerful force.
The relief for abuses of the writ of habeas corpus is in trial by jury. This is the best relief. But the violator is also liable to impeachment and is amenable to the government. The outrages spoken of have a remedy; the privilege of the writ is amply secured. If the constitution has been broken, a law would also have been broken in the same circumstances. Mr. J. then concluded by announcing his determination to vote against the reference of the resolution.
Several members were rising to speak, when an adjournment was moved and carried—ayes 60. (Debate to be continued.)
To the Editor of the National Intelligencer.
SIR, I have just learned that my name has been offered to the publick through the medium of the Aurora as one concerned in the expedition said to be contemplated by Mr. Burr. I have witnessed too well the spirit of persecution for some time past dominant in the U. States, not to have anticipated surmises of every kind against the son-in-law of that gentleman, but I could not have believed in the profligacy of a direct assertion on that account. It is now my intention to provoke the earliest investigation by a suit to be instituted against the Editor of that paper, but as this measure may operate as a farther stimulant to abuse in a corrupt adversary, I must pray you to give publicity to this letter, and to this my declaration, in the most unequivocal manner, that I have never had any communications either directly or indirectly, with Mr. Burr on the subject of the charges exhibited against him, and that I have no knowledge whatever of his views, other than such as is possessed in common with my fellow citizens from the information of general Wilkinson.
I am mortified in being compelled to a declaration of this kind in vindication of my character, and indeed, sir, I should never have condescended thus to humiliate myself, but that during the time to which the charge must allude, I was invested with one of the most important offices of my country.
I am, Sir, with great respect, Your obedient servant, J. W. PREVOST.
New-Orleans, Jan. 6, 1807.
* Mr. Prevost is a judge. Mr. Burr married his mother, which is the connexion alluded to.
New-York, March 18.
His Britannic majesty's frigate Greyhound of 32 guns, and brig Harrier of 18, have captured a small Dutch squadron, in the Indian seas, after a gallant action.—The action took place on the 5th of July, between the small Dutch ports of Bouthan and Bolacemba. The British ships were commanded by Capt. C. Elphinstone, who gives the following account of the engagement:
"The enemy, for they proved to be a Dutch squadron, immediately drew out in order of battle on the larboard tack under their topsails. The frigate taking her station in the van, an armed ship astern of her, the large ship in the centre, and the corvette in the rear. Fortunately for us, the frigate, by fore-reaching upon her second astern, caused a small opening in their line. It was suggested to me by Mr. Martin, master of his majesty's ship Greyhound, that if we could close with the enemy, while in that position, our attack might be made to advantage. Accordingly under French colours we bore up as if with an intention to speak the frigate, and when within hail, all further disguise became unnecessary. We shifted our colours and commenced firing, which was instantly returned with a smartness and spirit that evinced they were fully prepared for the contest. The Harrier, who kept close astern of the Greyhound, on seeing her engaged, bore up and passing between the frigate and her seconds astern, raked them both. The latter with such effect, that they bore up in succession to return the fire, thus leaving the frigate separated from them. Being resolved to avail myself of this advantage, and being anxious to be in a position for supporting the Harrier now engaged in the centre of the enemy's line, I wore close round the frigate's bows, raking her severely while passing; and when on the starboard bow, by throwing our sails aback, we fell into the desired position.
"The cannonade from the Greyhound was now admirable, while that of the frigate visibly slackened, and at last, after an action of forty minutes, wholly ceased. On hailing to know if they had struck, they answered they had, and lieut. Home took immediate possession of her; on directing our fire at the ships astern, they all followed her example, excepting the corvette, who from being in the rear, had suffered little in the action, and now made off towards the shore. Captain Toybridge immediately wore in pursuit of her, sending at the same time a boat to take possession of the large ship, whose fire he had nearly silenced early in the action; perceiving that the corvette sailed remarkably well, and that she could spread more canvas than the Harrier, her masts and rigging being entire, I recalled the latter from a chase which was likely to become fruitless.
"The prizes proved to be the Dutch republican frigate Pallas of 36 guns, commanded by U. S. Aalsters, a captain in the Dutch navy; the Victoria, a two decked ship of about 800 tons, commanded by Klaas Kenken, senior captain in the Dutch Company's service; and the Batavier, a ship of about 500 tons, commanded by William De Val, a captain in the same service; both the company's ships are armed for the purposes of war, and richly laden with the produce of the Moluccas.
"The ship which escaped, I learn from our prisoners, was the republican corvette William, mounting twenty 24 pounders, and manned with 110 men.
"The Greyhound and Harrier had 1 man killed and 11 wounded.
"The Dutch ships had 10 killed and 30 wounded. The captain, pilot, and 4 seamen of the Pallas; and 1 lieut. and 1 seaman of the Batavier, afterwards died of their wounds.
LONDON, January 15.
Buonaparte and the Hamburgh Deputies.—A morning paper gives the following statement of the interview between Buonaparte and the Deputies from Hamburgh:
"The accounts from Hamburg give most distressing details of the fate of that city, and a most curious account, for the truth of which we can vouch, of the reception of the Deputies from that city experienced from Buonaparte. He refused even to receive their proposals, and treated them with the utmost rigour and contempt. He told them, that he conceived the measures he had taken "were the only means of forcing Great Britain to make peace;" and that therefore, nothing should induce him to depart from them. In vain they told him that Thirty houses had already failed in Hamburgh , in consequence of those measures. His unfeeling answer was—"SO MUCH THE BETTER, in as much as it will ruin many more than that number in ENGLAND!" Still they told him, that perseverance in those measures would reduce the whole city of Hamburgh to bankruptcy! His answer was again—"SO MUCH THE BETTER; then you will not be able to carry on
your commercial intercourse with Great Britain!"—Against this brutal exultation they ventured to oppose the dreadful effects which would arise from the whole commerce of the world being stopped! His reply was—"I wish it to come to this pitch, that there should be no commerce at all; The land only shall be killed, and there only shall be exchange of linen against cattle, and of grain against cloth! THE FOURTH CENTURY MUST BE REVIVED before the world can be reduced to its proper State!" He said he knew he should be called a CALIGULA and a Nero. He cared not for it. He allowed that his own sea-ports would be ruined; that he could not help it. He declared that the Deputations which he knew were on the road to him from Nantz, Bordeaux, &c. &c. with remonstrances against his Decree against the English, should not be admitted into his presence. After repeatedly calling Hamburgh—"Une ville Anglaise," he concluded with these remarkable and never to be forgotten words—"ENGLAND MUST BE HUMBLED AND DEALT WITH IN A VERY DIFFERENT MANNER FROM THAT IN WHICH SHE HITHERTO HAS BEEN TREATED! Russia and Prussia are at war with me, but upon fair and very different grounds; my conduct to them is therefore very different from that to England . Have I not Berlin in my possession—and have I inflicted on that city the smallest injury? Was not every thing in my power? We're not the men, women, and children at my feet, and might I not have sold them as slaves? I have not done it yet, but mark my words, IT MAY YET COME TO PASS! "
January 18. A considerable insurrection, if that epithet can be properly applied to an effort to shake off French tyranny, has broken out in the Hessian territory. The inhabitants of that country, driven to desperation by the exactions and vexations to which they have been subjected since the French took possession of it, have come to a resolution worthy of more success than, we fear, will attend their present attempt. About ten thousand men, consisting principally of disbanded soldiers and some peasants, assembled lately near Eschwege, and having nominated an officer of the regiment of De Wurm, captain D'Uslar, their commander with the rank of colonel, proceeded to organize themselves as a regular force. Those among them who had served as non-commissioned officers, were appointed officers; and they armed themselves in the best manner they could, seizing all the arms, swords, &c. which they could find. A col. Schmidt, who had entered into the French service, and was at Eschwege for the purpose of forming a regiment out of the disbanded Hessian troops, was seized by the insurgents, and compelled to swear, on a Hessian standard, that he would renounce the service of Bonaparte. The insurrection, it is supposed, was not confined to the Hessian territory, but to have extended itself to Saxony and Hanover also.
Both the provinces of Mecklenberg, hitherto fertile and flourishing, are now literally a wilderness and a desert! Not a horse, sheep, cow, or article of stock of any kind, is to be seen! Not a grain of seed corn has been put into the ground!
A gentleman who lately left Rome, declares that the reduction of Naples has cost France 35,000 men. Vast numbers of them have perished from unwholesome vapours of the Calabrias; more in fact than have fallen by the swords of the Calabrese. In Naples, scarce a night passes without several Frenchmen being murdered.
King Joseph has not for many months ventured to sleep in the city. He has fitted up and fortified the palace of Capo di Monte, whither he retires every evening.
Lucian Bonaparte lives in the neighbourhood of Rome, in a state of domestic but elegant retirement. The large fortune which he amassed during his embassies to Spain and Portugal, enables him to do much good in his neighbourhood. He employs a great number of persons in making various improvements, which he and his wife daily inspect. He avoids all political society, and is very generally respected.
CUSTOM-HOUSE—ENTERED. Sch'r Huldah & Anna, Fitzhugh, New-York.
CLEARED. Ship Thomas, Boush, Cork. Sloop Governor Hodgson, Steele, Jamaica.
BY WILLIAM B. LAMB. On Saturday next, at 11 o'Clock, at his Office,
14 Mahogany Chairs, 1 do. Dining Table, with two ends, 2 do. Knife Cases; 1 Bedstead and Bed, 1 Carpet; 1 Negro Boy, JAMES, 1 Negro Woman, MARIA. Terms, Cash. March 25 2
A FREIGHT Is wanted for the Sloop SALLY, Capt. John Williams, burthen 500 barrels, and a good vessel. We have for Sale,
150 bbls. superfine and fine Flour, 8 hlds. and 15 boxes Pennington's Leaf Sugar, 3 chests Young Hyson Tea, And a few firkins good Butter. And will give Cash for
Rough W. O. hhd. & bbl. Staves. Apply to Rowland & Triplet. March 25. 3t
For Sale, Freight, or Charter, The good Brig SALLY & JENNY, John Hipkins, master, burthen 900 barrels, will be ready to receive a cargo in a few days. Apply to Francis Smith.
Who has for Sale, 28 pipes L. particular Madeira Wine, ten of which are Alder's brand, and now fit for the table. 250 kegs of Lard—And for Rent, Two Ware-Houses on Maxwell's Wharf. March 25. 3t
GERMAN LINEN.
To close sundry consignments, I will sell for approved endorsed paper at 4, 6, and 8 months, 45 pieces heavy Ticklenburgs, 90 do. assorted Ornambrg, 50 do. fine Platillas, 24 do. do. Flanders Sheeting, 15 do. do. do. Shirt Linen, 330 do. German Rolls. Also low for Cash, 110 boxes Window Glass; 90 do. short Pipes, 7 do. half pint Tumblers; 12000 Bags of various kinds. John C. Niemeyer. March 25.

FOR FREIGHT or CHARTER, The Phila. built Ship William Penn , coppered, burthen 360 tons, now ready to re- ceive a cargo. Apply to Edward Wilson.  March 23.
FOR SALE, The Schooner FARMER , lying at Camp- bell's wharf; she is a staunch well built craft, and sails remarkably fast, only four years old, burthen 19 tons. For terms apply to Price & Waddey.  March 20.
FOR SALE, The Bermudian built copper fastened Brig MARTIN , burthen 135 tons or 1400 barrels, in good or- der and well found, can be sent to sea at a small expence—a liberal credit will be given. Also the Cargo of the said Brig, consisting of Superior Antigua Sugars, in hhds. tierces and barrels. Apply to C. & F. Whittle.
FOR SALE, The fine new Schooner Ploughboy , Frederick Hall, master, will be ready to sail about the 1st of April, fitted out elegantly as a packet, and intended as a regular trader from this to Charleston and Baltimore. For freight or passage apply to the master on board, or to D. R. Waddey, & co.
Who have just received, 20 barrels Whiskey; 15,000 wt. Coffee, of good quality, which they offer for sale at reduced prices. March 20.
For Freight or Charter, The Schooner BEAVER , Eben Jordan, master, burthen 106 tons, will be ready to re- ceive a cargo within three days. Apply to the master on board at Gorham's wharf, or to Phinehas Dana.
Who has for Sale landing from said Schooner, 30 hogsheads of good SUGAR, and 2 do. Molasses. And in Store, 250 boxes Mould Candles; 6 hhds. and 10 barrels Loaf Sugar. March 18.
For Charter, A British SHIP, of from 150 to 300 tons. MOSES MYERS. March 6.
FOR SALE, On board the ship Betsey , from Liverpool. 7,000 bushels coarse Salt 1168 sacks fine do. filled in Liverpool 94 crates Earthenware.
The BETSEY is a fine fast sailing ship, almost new, and will return direct to Liverpool for freight apply to A. MACLURE.
Who has also in store for sale, 58 crates Earthenware, 16 casks Glassware 8 gross Bottles in crates, 16 pipes Cognac Brandy 8 pipes fine old Sicily Wine, 2 boxes coarse Hats 5 boxes Pipes, 9 boxes Castile Soap 11 cases Anniseed, one dozen each 7 casks Claret Wine. Feb. 25—tf
The American Ship  AMIALE ANTONIETTE , Captain Williams, burthen 450 hogsheads to- bacco, is offered for Charter by C. & F. Whittle. December 17.
FOR SALE, On board the Schooner Federal , lying at Campbell's wharf, 10 hhds. N. E. Rum; 375 bushels Turk's Island Salt; 120 boxes Soap; 100 do. Candles. March 23.
I have for Sale on liberal terms, 35 hogsheads Windward Island Rum, 18 do. Jamaica 4th proof do. 6 casks Spern strained Oil; a few casks excellent Porter, And a few barrels good Cyder. Christopher Fry. March 23.
The Subscribers offer for Sale, at their Ware-House, No. 3, Maxwell's wharf, 1000 dozen of CLARET, in cases of from one to six dozen, some of which is of superior quality, and the greater part entitled to drawback. A few cases, Vin de Grave and Bourdeaux Cordials, Prime Sugar in hhds. and bbls.; Coffee in bags, and A few hhds. Rum.—All of which will be sold low, and on a liberal credit. Brunet & Thompson. 6x1 lawf
For Sale, on board the Ship William & Mary , A few thousand bushels Turk's Island SALT. Apply to JAMES HERRON. March 20.
Wants a situation, A Person acquainted with Mercantile Business of almost every description, having acted in the capacity of a Clerk for nearly 9 years: the most respectable reference can be given for his abilities, sobriety, and integ- rity, by application to Mr. J. Cowper, Editor the Publick Led- ger. March 20.
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the Estate of DANIEL McPHERSON, deceased, are requested to exhibit them immediately to the Subscriber duly attested those indebted to said estate, are informed that an immedia- te payment is indispensable. John McPhail, Ex'r. August 1.
The subscriber is desirous to contract with some person to supply this Garrison with FU- EL for one year from the 1st April next.—Proposals will be received to the 31st March. John Saunders, Capt. U. S. Art. Commanding.
March 13. tfA 4000 bush. coarse Salt; Antigua Sugars, Antigua Rum; Jamaica Coffee; Guadalupe do. Martinique Coffee—For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle.
March 13. 125 boxes White Havanna SUGAR, of the first quality, now landing from the Schooner Fanny Sewell, for Sale by Thomas Willock.
DR. JAMES BROWN, Begs leave to inform his friends and the publick of Norfolk and its vicinity, that he practices PHYSICK AND SURGERY, and hopes to merit publick patronage.—He may be consulted at his shop in Main-street, and adjoining Mess. Southgates' store. Feb. 18.
NOTICE. THOSE who have claims against the estate of BENJAMIN WOLF, deceased, are requested to produce them, and those indebted to make immediate payment to Angus Martin, Adm'r. January 7.
CASH Will be given for Thirty or Forty SHARES of Virginia Bank Stock. Apply to the Editor of this Paper. Nov. 5.
FOR SALE, 370 bags Coffee, 22 bales Cotton, 11 hogsheads clayed Sugar, 50 do. Muscovado do.—entitled to drawback and certificate. 10 chests German Goods, consisting of Bri- tannias, Pluillas, and Crease a la Morlaix—entitled to drawback. 15,000 feet St. Domingo Mahogany, of large dimensions and choice quality; 5000 bushels Liverpool Salt, loose and in sacks; Gosport Rum in hhds. and barrels. And on a credit of twelve months for approved paper, 12 pipes choice old L. part. Madeira Wine. James Young.
NORFOLK BOROUGH. At the Assizes Court, continued and held the 28th day of January, 1807. John T. Apthorp, Compt'le against Davidson and Foster, and Moses Myers, Defts. In Chancery.
The defendants Davidson and Foster, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are not inhabitants of this commonwealth: on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants Davidson and Foster, do appear here on the fourth Monday in April next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some Newspaper printed in the Borough of Norfolk, for eight weeks suc- cessively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of said Borough; And it is further ordered that the defendant Moses Myers, who hath effects of the said Davidson and Foster in his hands, do not pay, convey, convey away, or secrete such effects, but retain them until the further order or de- cree of this Court. A Copy, William Sharp, C. C.
LOTS for Sale, Lease, &c. THE Subscriber purposes to lay out and dispose of for Building Lots, either in fee simple or upon ground rent, the whole of that square of GROUND in the Borough of Norfolk, so admirably situated in the centre of the town, and immediately between the two Banks. It extends upon Granby-street about 600 feet, and upwards of 400 on Wolf- street, which leads from the United States Bank into Catha- rine-street.—A survey and plot of the same is preparing, and will be ready for the inspection of purchasers in a few days. In the mean time the proprietor will be glad to hold confer- ences with those who may incline to purchase, in order that the grounds may be so laid out as best to correspond with their wishes. Luke Wheeler. December 12.
All persons having claims against the late LEWIS REYNOLDS, are desired to render them gally authenticated to the subscriber. Thomas Griffin. York-Town, March 1.
NOTICE. All those who have accounts against the firm of Carter and Roane, are requested to render them to the subscriber for adjustment, and those that are indebted are requested to make immediate payment, as I intend to make a final settlement as soon as possible. Robert B. Carter, Surviving partner of Carter & Roane. March 9.
FOR SALE. Now landing from the brig Sally and Jenny , 64 hhds. Sugar; 11 barrels do. 54 bags Coffee; 10 hhds. Rum.—Apply to Phinehas Dana. March 6.
For Sale on Commission, 50 chests Young Hyson Tea, } Entitled to 100 pieces White Pluillas, } drawback 2000 do. Bandannas, } for export- 2000 do. Yellow Nankeen, first chop, } ation 1000 do. Long do. do. 17 hogsheads Rye Whiskey; 10 pipes Country Gin, 12 pipes Holland Gin; 6 bales German Ticklenburgs, 40 boxes Imperial Tea; 30 barrels Smithfield Pork. Mackinder & White. March 6.
The partnership of Gilliat & Mac- kinder being dissolved by the mutual consent of those con- cerned in it, it becomes necessary that all the transactions of this firm should be immediately settled and closed.—All per- sons therefore who have any claims against the said concern, are requested to send in their demands forthwith, and those indebted are desired to pay up their respective debts to Mac- kinder & White, who are fully authorised by the late part- ners of the house of Gilliat & Mackinder to settle and adjust its concerns. March 6.
FOR SALE, 50,000 white oak hogshead drawn Staves 80,000 red do. 30,000 rough do. 20,000 Cypress Palts 2,000 Cedar and Chinquepin Posts 50,000 building Shingles. Proby, Harman & Co. March 2.
The Subscribers in addition to their general assortment of SHIP CHANDLERY and GROCERIES, have received by the John and Alice, from London, 100 casks Kemp and Hoyt's Brown STOUT, 100 pieces English Canvas, assorted; 2 cases of Bantams, 50 casks of Gunpowder; half ton of Salt Petre—which they will sell low, and on a liberal credit. Noble, Arbuthnott, & Co. October 10.
NOTICE. ALL persons indebted to the Estate of JAMES DICKINSON, deceased, are desired to come forward; and those who have any claims against said Estate, to bring them forward, in order that they may be settled by Mary Dickinson, Exec'rx. Norfolk, Nov. 5.
WHO HAS FOR SALE. That pleasant place BELL VIEW. It contains TWO HUNDRED Acres, lying on the lower end of Barrett's Neck, Nansemond county, between Nanse- mond River and Chuckatuck Creek, fronting Newport-News, Hampton Roads, and is about 14 miles from Norfolk by wa- ter. There is on the land two good Dwelling Houses, one of them a two story frame house, 30 feet square, with a Kitchen, Wash House, Smoke House and Dairy, a large new Barn and Stable, and a Carriage House, a Spring House, and a never failing Spring. The other a new Dwelling House, a Kitchen, Quarter, &c. with a large Garden newly built of the best materials, and a good Stable. The land lies high and level, and is mostly covered with timber: it has a ditch and a fence from Nansemond to Chuckatuck, which prevents stock from going off or coming on the land; and is one of the best places for stock or equal to any in the country. The price will hardly exceed the worth of the buildings on the place if applied for soon. The payment will be expected in cash, as the terms will be remarkably low. tf
NOTICE. All who may have claims on Mrs. S. WRIGHT, lately deceased, are requested to forward them for adjustment to L. Anderson, P. M. Williamsburg. Feb. 23.
THE SUBSCRIBER Begs leave to inform his friends and the pub- lick in general, that Mr. WILLIAM SMITH, has taken his Store in Gosport, where he has commenced The Ship Chandlery and Grocery Bu- siness; buys and sells all kinds of Lumber, wholesale and re- tail. Storage for all kind of Goods, at his usual low rates, and very attention to receiving and delivering will be paid by himself; he will be thankful for all orders in the above line of business. John Cox. Gosport, Feb. 18.
His Britannick Majesty's Consul to the State of Virginia, having received information from his excellency brigadier general Hodgson, his majesty's governor of the Bermudas Islands, that he has opened the ports of Saint George and Hamilton therein, for the admission of salt- ed provisions of every description, (in British vessels only) from the United States, for the term of three months from the 12th day of last month; the Consul hereby gives notice of the same for the benefit of the merchants and others con- cerned within his district. John Hamilton.
For RENT, And possession given the 1st June next, that well known Tavern, The Exchange Coffee-House. Any person inclined to rent may have it furnished with suitable furniture and servants, or not, as they may think pro- per. This house is so well known, that it is conceived no particular description of it is necessary; it is sufficient to ob- serve that it was built expressly for a publick house. John Warren. March 18.
NOTICE. The Subscriber having purchased the Plantation near Hampton, formerly called the Glebe, fore- warns all persons from cutting wood, or trespassing in any manner under the penalty of the utmost rigour of the law. Robert Wills. March 18.
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Chancery District Court, held at the former Capitol in the City of Williamsburg, the 19th day of July, 1806. Josiah Riddick, against Michael and John Wallace, and Barnet Pulliam, Dfs. P.F.
The defendants Michael and John Wallace, not having entered their appearance, and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court; and it ap- pearing to the satisfaction of the Court that they are not in- habitants of this country: on the motion of the Plaintiff by his Counsel, it is ordered that the said Defendants do appear here on the first day of April term next, and answer the bill of the Plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the News-papers published in the Borough of Norfolk for two months successively, and posted at the front-door of the former Capitol in this City. A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
A valuable Tract of LAND for Sale. The Subscriber will sell his Plantation cal- led Level-Green, adjoining the town of Kempsville, in the county of Princess Anne. There is on the farm a Dwelling- House and orchards; it contains about 500 acres, and the land is excellent; it's figure is a square, and it's local position handsome and eligible, lying on the Eastern Branch of Eli- zabeth river, and also on the publick road leading to Norfolk. It is conveniently situated with respect to Norfolk market, being about 5 miles distant by water, and 9 by land. It is contiguous to Broad-Creek, which abounds in good oysters; it is well timbered, and has a good landing. 'Tis not ex- travagant to say, that from the timber alone, a net sum may be made nearly, if not entirely, equal to the purchase mo- ney. Any person who may wish to view the Land, will ap- ply to Mr. Willson on the premises, to Mr. Charles Sayer, William B'shop, James Robinson, or William White, all of whom reside in the neighbourhood.—The purchaser will be accommodated in a long credit. Tully Robinson. Princess Anne, August 8.
German Winter GOODS. I have just received on consignment a large variety of the following Articles, to be sold on low terms for Cash or approved Bills, viz. Milled Stockings, 70 boxes Window Glass, Filled Gloves, 160 do. 1st qual. Segars, Caps and Mitts, 6 barrels Glue, Children's Stockings, 1 cask Waffle Irons, Half do. 1 cafe Scarflet Plush for Saddles, Filled Carpet Socks, 1 do. Fowling Pieces Travelling Socks, &c. and Pistols, Also, at reduced prices. Elegant Cutlery, Glassware, 3 bales Gurnahs, 1 do. Baftas, and China, 9 boxes half pint Tumblers, 1 cafe Velvet Ribbons and 50 gross empty Bottles, Lace, 1 cafe Watch Crystals. Bottle cases and Looking- Glasses, And a complete assortment of German Linen. John C. Niemeyer. 13,000 Bags, Apply to Who will take in barter for German Linens, About 200 hogsheads of Tobacco STEMS, sound- ly packed in hhds. to contain about 1000 lb. nett. November 29.
RICHARD JEFFERY, & Co. Have just received from London by the last arrival a very full assortment of DRUGS & MEDICINES, Of the best quality, which are offered for Sale on moderate terms at No. 66, Main-Street.—Attention has been paid to procure every article of the most genuine kind; and it is intended to have the assortment regularly furnished from the best markets; among a great variety are now offered the following:
 Aloes, Allum,  Amber, Ambergris,  Aqua Fortis,  Pale, red, and yellow Bark,  of superior quality.  Borax, Camphor,  Cantharides, Cochineal,  Cream of Tartar,  Camomile Flowers,  Cinnamon, Clove Oil,  Calomel, Flowers of Benzoin,  Ginger, Glauber Salts,  Epsom, Rochelle, do. do.  Gums Ammoniac, Assafoetida,  Benzoin, Guaiacum,  Gamboge, Myrrh, Kino,  Squamous, and Arabic,  Lint, Liquorice refined,  Manna Flake,  in sorts,  Magnesia in small and large  squares, Musk, Nutmegs,  Opium, Jalap, Rhubarb,  Ipecacuanha, Tartar Emetic,  Balsams Capivi, Tolu, Peru,  Spirit of Lavender,  Spermaceti, Sugar of Lead,  Letharge of Gold,  Salt-petre refined,  White Wax, Verdigris,  Essences of Bergamot, Le-  mons, and Lavender,  Quicksilver, Lunar Caustick,  Sal Ammoniac. 
In addition to the above importation from London, they have from Liverpool a variety of GLASS WARE, suitable to Apothecaries—PHIALS and GALLI- POTs by the crate or in smaller quantities—North's MA- CHINES, URINALS, BREAST PIPES, SHELLS, &c. *** MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, and orders from the country executed with care and dispatch. October 1. 216
COCKE & SANFORD, Have received per the Father and Sons from London, and Laura, from Liverpool, an extensive assortment of Fall and Winter Goods, viz. Blue, Black, Bottle, Drab, Mill'd Drab, Liver, and Claret, Superfine CLOTHS, Fashionable Cassimeres; Union Cloth; Swansdown and Silk Waistcoating; coarse Woolens by the piece or bale; Blan- kets and Flannels do. do.; Irish Linens and Osnaburgs; best Seine Twine; Twill Sacking; Coarse and Fine Hats in cases; Velvets, Cords, and Corduroys; Calicoes, Cambrics, Ginghams; Silk, Silk and Cotton Chambrys; White, Blue, Black, and Italian Crapes; Bombazens, Bombazets, and Wildbores; Carpets and Carpeting; 100 kegs Gun Powder; 4 Ton Shot; Fowling Pieces; Cutlery assorted in Boxes. Sept. 19. 193
FOR SALE, A Valuable PLANTATION, Lying on Crooked River, Camden county, in the State of Georgia, twenty-two miles from the town of St. Mary's, and about the same distance from the bar; containing 1770 acres. 250 of which are the very best sea-island cotton land, are well cleared, and have only been planted three seasons; there are above 200 acres more of the same quality, with a consi- derable quantity of large live oak timber on it, and also some excellent Rice Swamp Land. The Buildings consist of one handsome two-story Dwelling House, a Kitchen, Ginning-House, three Cotton Houses, a Barn and Store-House, and a number of framed Negro Houses, all of which are new, and built of the best materials. This Plantation is situated high, possesses very good water, and is remarkably healthy; there is every convenience for ship-building, the river being navigable for a vessel drawing 18 feet water, and in no river is there to be had a more abun- dant supply of oysters, with a great variety of other fish. There will also be sold with the Land, One Hundred and Twenty NEGROES, who are now upon it, ninety of whom are taskable , and among them several good tradesmen, the remaining thirty are likely young Slaves. For terms of Sale apply to Captain George Ker, St. Ma- ry's; to the Honourable Judge Stephens, Savannah; Adam Tunno, Esq. Charleston, or to Thomas Hamilton, 212 Norfolk. Sept. 29.
For SALE at my Brew-House, Strong, Table, and Ship BEER, by the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 13.
For RENT, The Fire-Proof HOUSE on Market- Street, occupied by Mr. S. Marks, jun. possession to be had on the 1st June next. George Vashon. Feb. 23.
FOR SALE. 13 pipes Holland Gin 9 pipes Cognac Brandy—8 chests Hyson Tea 200 bbls. fine Flour—100 do. Navy Bread 31 kegs Butter—20 boxes of Soap 10 boxes Candles—30 tons Fustic, by James M'Clanahan. January 28.
For Rent or Lease, The WHARF in Gosport, late the property of Bartholomew Clinch, deceased, in complete or- der, finished in the best manner, and with an extensive yard, the water sufficiently deep for the largest vessels.— This property is well worthy of the attention of mercantile men. For terms apply to William Wilkinson. Gosport, Oct. 3. 224
NOTES OF HAND, according to the new form established by the Directors of the Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the United States, for sale at this office. ALSO, NOTES for the Virginia Bank; Checks; Bills of Lading, and of Exchange, printed on pa- per of superior quality; and Shipping Articles on large pa- per, and approved form. LEDGER OFFICE, February 27.
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, BY WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR, OPPOSITE THE EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE Price Five Dollars and Fifty Cents yearly, in advance.