The Patowmac guardian, and Berkeley advertiser (Shepherdstown, Va. [W. Va.]), 1794-08-18 00:00:00

The following extract from GODWIN'S POLITICAL JUSTICE, a book of incomparable merit, lately published at Dublin, will find a place in this paper, from a persuasion that it contains truths of great intrinsic value, and highly necessary to be known, and reflected on, during the present unhappy agitation.
CHAP. XVI.
OF THE CAUSES OF WAR.
Offensive war contrary to the nature of democracy.—Defensive war exceedingly rare.—Erroneousness of the ideas commonly annexed to the phrase, our country.—Nature of war delineated.—Insufficient causes of war—the acquiring a healthful and vigorous tone to the public mind—the putting a termination upon private insults—the menaces or preparations of our neighbours—the dangerous consequences of concession.—Two legitimate causes of war.
EXCLUSIVELY of those objections which have been urged against the democratical system as it relates to the internal management of affairs, there are others upon which considerable stress has been laid in relation to the transactions of a state with foreign powers, to war and peace, to treaties of alliance and commerce.
There is indeed an eminent difference with respect to those between the democratical system and all others. It is perhaps impossible to shew that a single war ever did or could have taken place in the history of mankind, that did not in some way originate with those two great political monopolies, monarchy and aristocracy. This might have formed an additional article in the catalogue of evils to which they have given birth, little inferior to any of those we have enumerated. But nothing could be more superfluous than to seek to overcharge a subject the evidence of which is irresistible.
What could be the source of misunderstanding between states, where no man or body of men found encouragement to the accumulation of privileges to himself at the expence of the rest? A people among whom equality reigned, would possess every thing they wanted, where they possessed the means of subsistence. Why should they pursue additional wealth or territory? These would lose their value the moment they became the property of all. No man can cultivate more than a certain portion of land. Money is representative, and not real wealth. If every man in the society possessed a double portion of money, bread and every other commodity would sell at double their present price, and the relative situation of each individual would be just what it had been before. War and conquest cannot be beneficial to the community. Their tendency is to elevate a few at the expence of the rest, and consequently they will never be undertaken but where the many are the instruments of the few. But this cannot happen in a democracy, till the democracy shall become such only in name. If expedients can be devised for maintaining this species of government in its purity, or if there be any thing in the nature of wisdom and intellectual improvement which has a tendency daily to make truth prevail more over falsehood, the principle of offensive war will be extirpated. But this principle enters into the very essence of monarchy and aristocracy.
Meanwhile, though the principle of offensive war be incompatible with the genius of democracy, a democratical state may be placed in the neighbourhood of states whose government is less equal, and therefore it will be proper to enquire into the supposed disadvantages which the democratical state may sustain in the contest. The only species of war in which it can consistently be engaged, will be that, the object of which is to repel wanton invasion. Such invasion will be little likely frequently to occur. For what purpose should a corrupt state attack a country, which has no feature in common with itself upon which to build a misunderstanding, and which presents in the very nature of its government a pledge of its own inoffensiveness and neutrality? Add to which, it will presently appear that this state, which yields the fewest incitements to provoke an attack, will prove a very impracticable adversary to those by whom an attack shall be commenced.
One of the most essential principles of political justice is diametrically the reverse of that which impostors and patriots have too frequently agreed to recommend. Their perpetual exhortation has been, "Love your country." Sink the personal existence of individuals in the existence of the community. Make little account of the particular men of whom the society consists, but aim at the general wealth, prosperity and glory. Purity your mind from the gross ideas of sense, and elevate it to the single contemplation of that abstract individual of which particular men are so many detached members, valuable only for the place they fill*."
* Du Contrat Social, &c. &c. &c.
The lessons of reason on this head are precisely opposite. "Society is an ideal existence, and not on its own account entitled to the smallest regard. The wealth, prosperity and glory of the whole are unintelligible chimeras. Set no value on any thing, but in proportion as you are convinced of its tendency to make individual men happy and virtuous. Benefit by every practicable mode man wherever he exists; but be not deceived by the specious idea of affording services to a body of men, for which no individual man is the better. Society was instituted, not for the sake of glory, not to furnish splendid materials for the page of history, but for the benefit of its members. The love of our country, if we would speak accurately, is another of those specious illusions, which have been invented by impostors in order to render the multitude the blind instruments of their crooked designs."
Meanwhile let us beware of passing from one injurious extreme to another. Much of what has been usually understood by the love of our country is highly excellent and valuable, though perhaps nothing that can be brought within the strict interpretation of the phrase. A wise man will not fail to be the votary of liberty and equality. He will be ready to exert himself in their defence wherever they exist. It cannot be a matter of indifference to him, when his own liberty and that of other men with whose excellence and capabilities he has the best opportunity of being acquainted, are involved in the event of the struggle to be made. But his attachment will be to the cause, and not to the country. Wherever there are men who understand the value of political justice and are prepared to assert it, that is his country. Wherever he can contribute to the diffusion of those principles and the real happiness of mankind that is his country. Nor does he desire for any country any other benefit than justice.
To apply those principles to the subject of war. And, before that application can be adequately made, it is necessary to recollect for a moment the force of the term.
Because individuals were liable to error, and suffered their apprehensions of justice to be perverted by a bias in favour of themselves, government was instituted. Because nations were susceptible of a similar weakness, and could find no sufficient umpire to whom to appeal, war was introduced. Men were induced deliberately to seek each other's lives, and to adjudge the controversies between them, not according to the dictates of reason and justice, but as either should prove most successful in devastation and murder. This was no doubt in the first instance the extremity of exasperation and rage. But it has since been converted into a trade. One part of the nation pays another part to murder and be murdered in their stead; and the most trivial causes, a supposed insult or a sally of youthful ambition, have sufficed to deluge provinces with blood.
We can have no adequate idea of this evil, unless we visit, at least in imagination, a field of battle. Here men deliberately destroy each other by thousands without any resentment against or even knowledge of each other. The plain is strewed with death in all its various forms. Anguish and wounds display the diversified mode in which they can torment the human frame. Towns are burned, ships are blown up in the air while the mangled limbs descend on every side, the fields are laid desolate, the wives of the inhabitants exposed to brutal insult, and their children driven forth to hunger and nakedness. It would be despicable to mention, along with these scenes of horror, and the total subversion of all idea of moral justice they must occasion in the auditors and spectators, the immense treasures which are wrong in form of taxes from those inhabitants whose residence is at a distance from the scene.
After this enumeration we may venture to enquire what are the justifiable causes and rules of war.
It is not a justifiable reason, "that we imagine our own people would be rendered more cordial and orderly, if we could find a neighbour with whom to quarrel, and who might serve as a touchstone to try the characters and dispositions of individuals among ourselves*." We are not at liberty to have
* The reader will easily perceive that the pretences by which the people of France were instigated to a declaration of war in 1792, were in the author's mind in this place. Nor will a few lines be mispnt in this note in stating the judgment of an impartial observer upon the wantonness with which they have appeared ready upon different occasions to proceed to extremities. If policy were in question, it might be doubted, whether the confederacy of kings would ever have been brought into action against them, had it not been for their precipitation; and it might be asked, what impression they must expect to be made upon the minds of other states by their intemperate commission of hostility? But that strict justice, which prescribes to us, never by a hasty interference to determine the doubtful balance in favour of
recourse to the most complicated and atrocious of all mischiefs, in the way of an experiment.
It is not a justifiable reason, "that we have been exposed to certain insults, and that tyrants perhaps have delighted in treating with contempt the citizens of our happy state who have visited their dominions." Government ought to protect the tranquillity of those who reside within the sphere of its functions; but, if individuals think proper to visit other countries, they must then be delivered over to the protection of general reason. Some proportion must be observed between the evil of which we complain, and the evil of which the nature of the proposed remedy inevitably includes.
It is not a justifiable reason, "that our neighbour is preparing or menacing hostilities." If we be obliged to prepare in our turn, the inconvenience is only equal; and it is not to be believed, that a despotic country is capable of more exertion than a free one, when the task incumbent on the latter is indispensable precaution.
It has sometimes been held to be found reasonable upon this subject, "that we ought not to yield little things, which may not in themselves be sufficiently valuable to authorise this tremendous appeal, because a disposition to yield only invites further experiments*." Far otherwise; at least when the character of such a nation is sufficiently understood. A people that will not contend for nominal and trivial objects, that maintains the precise line of unalterable justice, and that does not fail to be moved, at the moment it ought to be moved, is not the people that its neighbours will delight to urge to extremities.
"The vindication of national honour" is a very insufficient reason for hostilities. True honor is to be found only in integrity and justice. It has been doubted how far a view to reputation ought to influence matters of inferior moment to be permitted to influence the conduct of individuals; but, let the case of individuals be decided as it may, reputation, considered as a separative motive in the instance of nations, can never be justifiable. In individuals it seems as if I might, consistently with the utmost real integrity, be so misconstrued and misrepresented by others, as to render my efforts at usefulness almost always abortive. But this reason does not apply to the case of nations. Their real story cannot easily be suppressed. Usefulness and public spirit in relation to them chiefly belong to the transactions of their members among themselves; and their influence in the transactions of neighbouring nations is a consideration evidently subordinate. The question which respects the justifiable causes of war, would be liable to few difficulties, if we were accustomed, along with the word, strongly to call up to our minds the thing which that word is intended to represent.
Accurately considered, there can probably be but two justifiable causes of war, and one of them is among those which the logic of sovereigns and the law of nations, as it has been termed, proscribe; these are the defence of our own liberty and of the liberty of others. The well known objection to the latter of these cases, is, "that one nation ought not to interfere in the internal transactions of another; and we can only wonder that so absurd an objection should have been admitted so long. The true principle, under favour of which this false one has been permitted to pass current, is, "that no people and no individual are fit for the possession of any immunity, till they understand the nature of that immunity, and desire to possess it." It may therefore be an unjustifiable undertaking to force a nation to be free. But, when the people themselves desire it, it is virtue and duty to assist them in the acquisition. This principle is capable of being abused by men of ambition and intrigue; but, accurately considered, the very same argument that should induce me to exert myself for the liberties of my own country, is equally cogent, so far as my opportunities and ability extend, with respect to the liberties of any other country. But the morality that ought to govern the conduct of individuals and of nations is in all cases the same.
murder, is a superior consideration, in comparison with which policy is unworthy so much as to be named.
* This pretence is sustained in Paley's Moral and Political Philosophy, Book VI. Ch. XII.
FOR SALE AT THE PRINTING OFFICE. Bonds for deliverance of Property, Magistrates' Summons. Blank Deeds of Bargain and Sale. Common Bonds, Blank notes, &c.

FOREIGN ADVICES.
From the LONDON GAZETTE.
Admiralty-Office, June 10, 1794.
Sir Roger Curtis, first Captain to the Admiral Earl Howe, arrived this evening with a dispatch from his lordship to Mr. Stephens, of which the following is a copy:
Queen Charlotte, at Sea, June 2, 1794. Ushant, E: half N. 140 leagues.
THINKING it may not be necessary to make a more particular report of my proceedings with the fleet for the present information of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, I confine my communications chiefly, in this dispatch, to the occurrences when in the presence of the enemy yesterday.
Finishing, on my return off Brest on the 19th past, that the French fleet had, a few days before, put to sea; and receiving on the same evening advices from Rear Admiral Montague, I deemed it requisite to endeavour to form a junction with the Rear Admiral as soon as possible, and proceed immediately for the station on which he meant to wait the return of the Venus.
But having gained very credible intelligence, on the 21st of the same month, whereby I had reason to suppose the French fleet was but a few leagues farther to the westward, the course before steered was altered accordingly.
On the morning of the 28th, the enemy were discovered far to windward, and partial actions were engaged with them that evening and the next day.
The weather-gage having been obtained, in the progress of the last-mentioned day, and the fleet being in a situation for bringing the enemy to close action the 1st instant, the ships bore up together for that purpose between 7 and 8 o'clock in the morning.
The French force, consisting of 26 ships of the line, opposed to his Majesty's fleet of 25 (the Audacious having parted company with the sternmost ship of the enemy's line, captured in the night of the 28th) waited for the action, and sustained the attack with their customary resolution.
In less than an hour after the close action commenced in the centre, the French Admiral, engaged by the Queen Charlotte, crowded off, and was followed by most of the ships of his van in condition to carry sail after him, leaving with us about ten or twelve of his crippled or totally dismasted ships, exclusive of one sunk in the engagement. The Queen Charlotte had then lost her fore-top-mast, and the main-top-mast fell over very soon after.
The greater number of the other ships of the British fleet were at this time so much disabled or widely separated, and under such circumstances with respect to those ships of the enemy in a state of action, and with which the firing was still continued, that two or three, even of their dismantled ships, attempting to get away under a spritsail singly, or smaller sail raised on the stump of the foremast, could not be detained.
Seven remained in our possession, one of which, however, sunk before the adequate assistance could be given to her crew; but many were saved.
The Brunswick, having lost her mizen-mast in the action, and drifted to leeward of the French retreating ships, was obliged to put away large to the northward from them. Not seeing her chased by the enemy, in that predicament, I flatter myself, she may arrive in safety at Plymouth.
All the other 24 ships of his Majesty's fleet re-assembled later in the day; and I am preparing to return with them as soon as the captured ships of the enemy are secured for Spithead.
The material injury to his Majesty's fleet, I understand, is principally confined to their masts and yards, which I conclude will be speedily replaced.
I have not yet been able to collect regular accounts of the killed and wounded in the different ships. Capt. Montague is the only officer of his rank who fell in the action. The number of both descriptions I hope will prove small, the nature of the service considered; but I have the concern to add, on the same subject, that Admiral Graves has received a wound in the arm, and that Rear Admirals Bowyer and Pasley, and Capt. Hutt of the Queen, have each had a leg taken off; they are, however, I have the satisfaction to hear, in a favorable state under those misfortunes. In the captured ships the number killed and wounded appear to be very considerable.
Though I shall have in the subject of these different actions of the enemy, distinguishing examples hereafter to report, I presume the determined bravery of the several ranks of officers and the ships companies employed under my authority, will have been already sufficiently denoted by the effects of their several exertions; and, I trust, I shall be excused for postponing the more detailed narrative of the other transactions of the fleet thereon, for being communicated at a future opportunity; more particularly as my first Captain, Sir Roger Curtis, who is charged with this dispatch, will be able to give the farther information the lords commissioners of the admiralty may at this time require. It is incumbent on me, nevertheless, now to add, that I am greatly indebted to him for his councils as well as conduct in every branch of my official duties; and I have similar assistance, in the late occurrence, to acknowledge of my second captain, Sir Andrew Douglas.
I am, with the greatest consideration, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
HOWE.
P. S. The names and force of the captured French ships with the fleet is transmitted herewith.
List of French ships captured the first day of June.
  La Juste, 80 guns   Sans Pareille, 80   L'Amerique, 74   L'Achille, 74   Northumberland, 74   L'Imperieux, 74   Vengeur, 74 sunk almost 
immediately after being taken possession of.
N. B. The ship stated to have been captured on the evening of the 28th of last month, is said by the prisoners to be the Revolutionarie of 120.
LONDON, May 28. On this side of Valenciennes we find that prince Cobourg has had another engagement with the French near Maubeuge, in which the latter lost 2000 men, and several pieces of cannon.
His highness has moreover sent a reinforcement of 14,000 men to the assistance of the Duke of York at Tourney, which force has actually joined the Duke, who is proceeding to the succour of General Clairfayt. The first division of the Prussians is arrived at Thron, a few leagues the other side Brussels.
ST. JOHN'S (Antigua) July 21, 1794. A vessel arrived at Guadalupe yesterday, and brings the glorious account of the French fleet having been defeated by Lord Howe—seven sail of their line of battle ships had arrived at Spithead, and more were momentarily expected—Admiral Montague's fleet had taken one hundred and eleven sail of the French fleet of merchantmen from America. This intelligence may be depended on, as the London Gazette extraordinary, containing the particulars, was seen and read by an officer of the 35th regiment.
All his majesty's ships at Guadalupe, fired royal salutes yesterday upon the occasion, and the troops there fired a feu de joie.
The harbour of Brest is blocked up by Lord Howe's fleet.
UNITED STATES.
SALEM, July 29.
We have a report in town, that a vessel has arrived at Wiscasset from England, bringing an account of an INSURRECTION in LONDON, of a vast body of people, and that the Military had been unsuccessful in attempting to suppress it. A short time will determine whether the account deserves any credit.
August 5. Yesterday Capt. Saward arrived at Gloucester in 25 days passage from Antigua, and a gentleman of respectability who has seen him, informs us, that he brings the following account:—That the British under Gen. Grey, having attacked the French forces at Grandterre (Guadalupe) in three divisions, were repulsed with great slaughter, and a compleat defeat: That one division had about 400 men killed; another 200; and the third, 100; that Gen. Grey himself was wounded in the arm, and the Adjutant General killed:—That in consequence of this defeat, the British were evacuating the island entirely: That Admiral Jervis had discontinued the blockade, and gone to Basetterre, in order to facilitate and protect the embarkation: That a part of the troops had arrived at Antigua: and an officer informed Capt. Saward, that he lost 1 serjeant and 17 privates out of his company only. The officer declared, that they had never encountered such troops as the French—and that it was impossible to withstand their impetuosity. The British were under the necessity of leaving their wounded to the mercy of the enemy.
NEW-YORK, August 5.
Capt. Cochran is just returned to the Hook—and during his cruise he spoke a vessel bound from Barbadoes to St. Eustatia, from the captain of whom he got a Barbadoes paper, giving an account, that the British packet had arrived at that island the day before he sailed, and brought the Gazette account of the engagement between the British and French fleets, and that Lord Howe had actually taken NINE sail of the line!
It is also rumoured, that six more of the French line of battle ships were totally crippled and could not be towed away. That the junction between Clairfayt and the Duke of York had taken place; and that there was a severe action fifteen days after the Duke's check, in which M. Pichegreu left seventeen thousand men dead on the field, and got off himself with great difficulty.
WILMINGTON, August 7.
It is said that Gen. Symes is under arrest on board the Boyne, for some alleged misconduct—that Sir John Jervis and Charles Grey are likely to lose all the credit which they have gained at Martinique—that business is almost at a stand in the Windward Islands, and it is supposed that if the British do not receive large reinforcements from Europe, the French will retake all their possessions in the course of the hurricane season—that Arnold had arrived at Point-a-Petre, but a short time before the French, and was there captured with the rest: but mistaking his person, had put Mr. Anthony Sommersall, of St. Kitts, in irons, who it was supposed
can never survive the treatment, if not already dead; that Arnold secreted himself until the day of action, when he made his escape on a plank across the river Sal, to the British, where he is now a volunteer, without any command.
PHILADELPHIA, August 9.
By the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS combinations to defeat the execution of the laws laying duties upon spirits distilled within the United States and upon stills, have from the time of the commencement of those laws existed in some of the western parts of Pennsylvania; And whereas the said combinations, proceeding in a manner subversive equally of the just authority of government and the rights of individuals, have hitherto effected their dangerous and criminal purpose, by the influence of certain irregular meetings, whose proceedings have tended to encourage and uphold the spirit of opposition, by misrepresentations of the laws calculated to render them odious, by endeavours to deter those who might be so disposed from accepting offices under them, through fear of public resentment and of injury to person and property, and to compel those who had accepted such offices by actual violence to surrender, or forbear the execution of them; by circulating vindictive menaces against all those who should otherwise directly or indirectly aid in the execution of the said laws, or who, yielding to the dictates of conscience and to a sense of obligation, should themselves comply therewith, by actually injuring and destroying the property of persons who were understood to have so complied; by inflicting cruel and humiliating punishments upon private citizens for no other cause than that of appearing to be the friends of the laws; by intercepting the public officers on the high ways, abusing, assailing, and otherwise ill treating them; by going to their houses in the night, gaining admittance by force, taking away their papers and committing other outrages; employing for these unwarrantable purposes the agency of armed banditti disguised in such manner as for the most part to escape discovery; And whereas the endeavors of the Legislature to obviate objections to the said laws, by lowering the duties and by other alterations conducive to the convenience of those whom they immediately effect (though they have given satisfaction in other quarters) and the endeavours of the executive officers to conciliate a compliance with the laws, by explanations, by forbearance and even by particular accommodations founded on the suggestions of local considerations have been disappointed of their effect, by the machinations of persons whose industry to excite resistance has increased with every appearance of disposition among the people to relax in their opposition and to acquiesce in the laws; Inasmuch that many persons in the said western parts of Pennsylvania have at length been hardy enough to perpetrate acts which I am advised amount to treason, being overt acts of levying war against the United States; the said persons having on the sixteenth and seventeenth of July last past proceeded in arms (on the second day amounting to several hundreds) to the house of John Neville, inspector of the revenue for the fourth survey of the district of Pennsylvania, having repeatedly attacked the said house with the persons therein, wounding some of them; having seized David Lenox marshal of the district of Pennsylvania, who previous thereto had been fired upon, while in the execution of his duty, by a party of armed men, detaining him for some time prisoner, till for the preservation of his life and the obtaining of his liberty, he found it necessary to enter into stipulations to forbear the execution of certain official duties touching process issuing out of a Court of the United States—and having finally obliged the said inspector of the revenue and the said Marshal from considerations of personal safety to fly from that part of the country, in order by a circuitous route to proceed to the seat of government; avowing as the motives of these outrageous proceedings an intention to prevent by force of arms the execution of the said laws, to oblige the said inspector of the revenue to renounce his said office, to withstand by open violence the lawful authority of the government of the United States, and to compel thereby an alteration in the measures of the legislature and a repeal of the laws aforesaid—And whereas by a law of the United States entitled "An act to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions," it is enacted "that whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed or the execution thereof obstructed in any state by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by that act, the same being notified by an associate justice or the District Judge, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to call forth the militia of such state to suppress such combinations—and to cause the laws to be duly executed. And if the militia of a state where such combinations may happen shall refuse or be insufficient to suppress the same, it shall be lawful for the President, if the Legislature of the United States shall not be in session, to call forth and employ such numbers of the militia of any other state or states most convenient thereto, as may be necessary, and the use of the militia so to be called forth may be continued, if necessary, until the expiration of thirty days after the commencement of the ensuing session: Provided always, that whenever it may be necessary in the judgment of

The President to use the military force hereby directed to be called forth, the President shall forthwith and previous thereto, by Proclamation, command such insurgents to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within a limited time."—And whereas James Wilson, an associate justice, on the fourth instant, by writing under his hand did, from evidence which had been laid before him, notify to me, that "in the counties of Washington and Alleghany in Pennsylvania, laws of the United States are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed by combinations two powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the Marshal of that district."
And whereas it is in my judgment necessary under the circumstances of the case to take measures for calling forth the militia in order to suppress the combinations aforesaid and to cause the laws to be duly executed, and I have accordingly determined so to do, feeling the deepest regret for the occasion, but withal the most solemn conviction, that the essential interests of the union demand it, that the very existence of government and the fundamental principles of social order are materially involved in the issue, and that the patriotism and firmness of all good citizens are seriously called upon, as occasion may require, to aid in the effectual suppression of so fatal a spirit.
Wherefore, and in pursuance of the proviso above recited, I, George Washington, President of the United States, do hereby command all persons, being insurgents as aforesaid, and all others whom it may concern, on or before the first day of September next to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes. And I do moreover warn all persons whomsoever against aiding, abetting or comforting the perpetrators of the aforesaid treasonable acts: And do require all officers and other citizens according to their respective duties and the law of the land to exert their utmost endeavours to prevent and suppress such dangerous proceedings.
In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done at the city of Philadelphia, (U.S.) the seventh day of August, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, and of the Independence of the United States of America, the nineteenth.
G. WASHINGTON. By the President, EDM. RANDOLPH.
The President of the United States has issued a requisition for raising 12950 of the militia of the following states, to be held in readiness to march at a moment's warning, viz:
Infantry. Cavalry. Artillery. Total Pennsylvania, 4500 500 200 5200 New Jersey, 1500 500 100 2100 Maryland, 2,000 200 350 2350 Virginia, 3,000 300 400 3700 21,000 1,500 400 12,950
The Governor has appointed the Chief Justice and General Irwine, to proceed to the western country to ascertain the facts relative to the late riots, and if practicable to bring the rioters to a sense of their duty.
By verbal information from Pittsburg, we understand, that the house and barn of Benjamin Wells, an excise officer, and those of some others have been burnt, but no lives were lost, as no resistance was attempted. At the meeting held at Braddock's fields on Friday last, in consequence of the notice in the hand bill, between 5 and 6000 men, we understand, assembled in arms, and appointed 60 of their number a committee to report what further proceedings should be had. The opposers of the excise are so decided in their measures that none of a contrary opinion dare express it.
The time elapsed since the receipt of our last European intelligence has been uncommonly lengthy, even for this season of the year. Our last London dates are ten weeks old, and from no part of Europe have we accounts one week later. Our last intelligence begins to be repeated through the West-Indies. This suspension of intercourse is by no means natural, and gives room to suspect that an embargo may have been laid on our vessels in England, especially since we know that many were ready to sail when the vessels last arrived left Great-Britain. The English government, having, by positive orders, authorized their subjects in making a predatory war on our commerce, will not comply with our demand for indemnification, unless fair words will satisfy our extraordinary envoy, which is not probable knowing the temper of the people and government here. The policy of Great-Britain will then be, if they see that a rupture will be the immediate consequence of a denial or delay of justice, to strike the first blow, and an embargo on our vessels will be the first measure dictated by that policy. An embargo on our vessels in Great-Britain, may have been found necessary also to assist in re-equipping their fleet, which in the late rencontre with the French by all accounts has suffered severely.
FREDERIKSBURG, August 7.
It is with infinite regret we record the unhappy death of Mr. Robert Galloway, merchant, of this town, who was shot, on Friday morning last, by Mr. Benjamin Grymes, of Eagle's Nest, K. George County, who by some is supposed to be insane.
The circumstances of this tragical affair are as follows: Mr. Galloway was on his way to Boyd's Hole, and seeing Mr. Grimes at the window, asked
after his and the family's health, and was persuaded by him to alight; as he was leading his horse towards the house, Grymes snapped a pistol at him; he immediately remounted, but at the same instant received two musket balls in his left side, which immediately put a period to his existence. Grimes suffered the body to lie in the situation he fell for 4 or 5 hours, in order, as he has since confessed, to decoy others, and afterwards ordered it to be thrown into a ditch near the house. Grimes was not taken till some time in the evening, as no one dare approach him; at length his nearest neighbour made the attempt and succeeded in getting him from his house, when he was secured, and is now in custody. The coroner's inquest sat on the body, and returned a verdict wilful murder .
Thus fell, in the prime of life, a man whose benevolence of heart and rectitude of conduct had endeared him to a very considerable acquaintance, who will long lament his untimely end. His remains were on Saturday evening brought to town, and on Sunday interred with masonic and military honours.
A day or two previous to the above catastrophe, Grimes made a similar attempt upon Mr. William Hood, of the same county, and wounded him severely in both arms, so that it is thought he will lose both of them, and perhaps his life.
There are several other instances of unparalleled inhumanity of which he has been lately guilty, that favour much of insanity or of the most savage disposition, but as the particulars are not well known, we omit at present to mention them.
NORFOLK, August 8.
By a vessel arrived in Hampton Road from Bourdeaux, we are informed that the Chesapeake fleet had arrived safe. As no mention is made in the London Gazette of the 10th of June, of the fleet from the Chesapeake, it is presumable that it must be arrived, for if any accident had happened, it is probable it would have been known in London at that time; nor is there any account of it by the vessel which brought the account of the engagement between the English and French fleets to Halifax.
MARTINSBURG, August 18, 1794.
The Governor of Pennsylvania has issued a Proclamation similar to that of the President of the United States, and requiring an investigation of the late riots in the interior counties of that State; to ascertain the names of the rioters, and to institute the regular processes of law for bringing the offenders to justice; declaring, that whatever requisition the President shall make, or whatever duty he shall impose in pursuance of his constitutional and legal powers, for the purpose of maintaining the authority and executing the laws of the United States, will, on his part, be promptly undertaken and faithfully discharged.
The Governor has also issued a Proclamation, requiring that the General Assembly be convened on the first day of September next, for the purpose of taking into consideration the alarming circumstances referred to in the President's proclamation, and of devising the necessary means to maintain the peace and dignity of the commonwealth, and of providing more effectually, than the existing laws provide, for organizing, arming and equipping the militia, in order to insure a prompt and faithful compliance with the orders of government, and of such requisitions as the President shall make in pursuance of his constitutional and legal powers.
On the 8th instant, the Governor of Pennsylvania issued general orders to the Adjutant-General of that State, requiring the organizing and holding in readiness to march at a moment's warning, a corps of militia, amounting to 5200 non-commissioned officers and privates, with a due proportion of commissioned officers, to act as occasion may require; in compliance with which, directions were immediately given to the Brigade-Inspector of the Philadelphia City Brigade, to organize, equip, and prepare for marching, the body of 5,200 militia, required by the Governor, from the several divisions in the different counties, stated in the order.
In the late attack of the British at Point-Petre, the French sunk a mine, that extended under the only passage by which the enemy could approach, and appearing in a large body under cover of their guns, the van guard of the British, consisting chiefly of the 6th regt. and all the picked men, valiantly approached them under a steady charge; but the French appearing panic-struck, made a feint retreat by which the entire column of the British was so far decoyed on the fatal spot, as, on a signal given, to be totally destroyed—being precipitated into the air, like as many wild geese—legs, arms, and heads flying in every direction; not a soul of 860 men and 23 officers escaped, the remainder were drove off the island to their shipping, and the French are now in complete possession of Grand Terre. The French women were under arms during the attack, and stood their ground with firmness.
A terrible conflagration took place at Boston, on the morning of the 30th ult. in which upwards of 400 houses, stores, stables, &c. were consumed. The loss is estimated at upwards 200,000 pounds!
A correspondent remarks, that the people in the back countries of Pennsylvania, appear determined on war within and without. The Indian war not being sufficient on one side, the Democratic Society there, in some late resolves, pointedly censure the conduct of the Supreme Executive for not engaging
this country in a European war, so that we might be blessed with its horrors on both sides—and now, to show how well prepared they are for foreign war, they have done every thing proper on their part, to kindle the flames of domestic war.
QUARANTINE.
James Wood, Esq. Lieutenant-Governor of this State, has issued a proclamation in the absence of the Governor, commanding the Superintendents of Quarantine to be vigilant in examining the state of health of the crews of vessels from the West-Indies, New Orleans, and the ports situated on the Spanish Main, a pestilential or contagious disease prevailing in the West-Indies; and if on information it shall appear that any vessel ought to perform Quarantine, the Superintendents are directed to order such vessel to make her quarantine at the anchorage ground off Cray Island, for the space of 20 days.
From the Minerva.
In the long interval of at least ten days, since we have had any bloody news from Europe, what a dreary place is a Coffee-House, and what a pitiful figure does our news papers make! if the papers cannot announce blood and carnage, man butchering his fellow men by the thousand and the ten thousand, why there is no news—no news!—what is the reason we have no arrivals? how impatient, how restless does every body appear at the Coffee-Houses! one takes up a news paper, and finding a sentimental essay, a law report, or some extract, throws down the paper with a pshaw! no news! the papers are not worth reading!
Alas! what shall poor printers do, when there is a wide ocean between us and the butchering work of Europe? a ten days interruption of bloody news lets half the town a yawning. True, a little riot and half a dozen democrats knocked over, for resisting a law of the country, will help out a little, and let folks a stating. And Simcoe, the Indians, and Canada insurrection will furnish a round paragraph every two or three days. But all does not do like half a million of Europeans fighting and killing each other—ten thousand slain in a day—200 pieces of cannon taken—towns burnt or pillaged, forts taken—vessels demolished or blown up—this is news—it speaks loud— Ca Ira!
An advantageous proposal to an INDUSTRIOUS PRINTER.
THE Proprietor and Editor of this paper, from his close confinement to business, has too long been prevented from making the collections absolutely necessary as well for prosecuting his present employment as for other purposes, as he could wish, therefore, to enable him to settle all the arrearages due him at the expiration of the present volume of the Guardian (which is near at hand) and in order to adjust his affairs by the 7th day of November next, would give VERY ADVANTAGEOUS TERMS to an industrious, sober man who is capable of conducting his business, while he may be absent. A contract may be made for a considerable length of time, if the parties agree.
ALL Persons indebted to the Editor are requested to make payment by the 7th November ensuing:—those who may be in arrear exceeding a year's subscription at that time, and do not discharge the same, must expect their papers to be discontinued. Merchantsable rubeat or Rye, will be taken in payment at the highest given price, delivered at any mill in this County.
To be SOLD, by private sale, On every reasonable terms, if applied for in two months, The House and Lot whereon I now live. The house is built with logs, two story high, finished inside except plastering, has a good cellar, kitchen, stable, garden, and is handy to water. It is situated at the south end of this town, adjoining Col. Pendleton's. For terms, apply to JOHN BOYD. Martinsburg, August 18, 1794.
Richard Ransone,
INFORMS the Public in general, that he has opened a Public House in Martinsburg, at that eligible stand formerly occupied by Mr. James Graham, and opposite the Harp and Crown. The conveniences of the house, stable, &c. together with his determination of keeping a constant supply of the best liquors, provisions, &c. and every requisite both for the traveller and citizen, he hopes to obtain a share of public patronage. August 18, 1794. 2m.
THE Partnership heretofore subsisting between John Webber and James Hays, under the firm of James Hays & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent; all persons indebted to said firm are requested to pay their respective balances to JOHN WEBBER, or whom he may appoint to receive the same. JOHN WEBBER, JAMES HAYS.
As my other affairs calls me elsewhere, I hereby impower JAMES RAMSEY, who will attend at the store of the late partnership, to receive and pass receipts for all debts due said firm, and three weeks from this date is the longest indulgence which can be given, after which, suits will be commenced against such as may then be in arrear. JOHN WEBBER.
Shepherd's Town, August 15, 1794.

SEAT OF THE MUSES.
A SCRAP.
THE Frenchmen skill'd in martial rule, Have put the British troops to school— Instructed them in warlike trade And new manœuvres of parade— The true War-dance of Gallic reels, And manual exercise of heels— Made them give up, like Saints complete, The arm of flesh, and trust the feet— And work, like Christians, undismaying, Salvation out by fear and trembling.
ANECDOTE.
IN speaking of the late battle in Flanders, one of the officers took occasion to call it a rout, but was corrected by the other who said it was only a retreat; "Arah, my dear," replied the honest Hibernian, "I care not whether you call it a rout or retreat, but I know very well I ran five miles as fast as my legs would carry me, and by St. Patrick, you ran with me every step of the way!"
THE partnership of JOSEPH and JOSHUA RIDDLE, has been dissolved by mutual consent, all persons indebted to said firm will please pay their respective balances to JOSEPH RIDDLE.
JOSEPH RIDDLE, JOSHUA RIDDLE.
AS my situation will not admit of being often in Martinsburg, I do hereby impower Mr. WILLIAM RIDDLE to receive and pass receipts for all debts due said firm; I would also beg leave to inform the debtors, that such as do not come forward and pay off their respective debts, may expect suits to commence against them in two months from this date.
JOSEPH RIDDLE.
Martinsburg, August 1, 1794.
PAY YOUR TAXES.
ALL persons indebted to me for Taxes, are hereby notified, that I this day commence my collection, and earnestly request every one within my district to be prepared to discharge the same, as no indulgence can or will be given.
GABRIEL HAYS.
Berkeley County, August 11, 1794.
V E N D U E.
On FRIDAY, the 29th of AUGUST, instant, At ten o'clock. Will be sold by public vendue, at the plantation of the subscriber, Wheat, Rye, and Oats, lately stacked, horses, cows, hogs, stoves, mens' and womens' saddles, and several other articles too tedious to mention. A reasonable credit will be given, on bond with approved security.
WILLIAM MAXWELL.
August 11, 1794.
HAGER'S-TOWN RACES.
ON Wednesday the 17th day of September next, will be run for, over a handsome course adjoining the town, a PURSE of FIFTY POUNDS, free for any horse, mare or gelding, the four mile heats, aged horses carrying 126 pounds weight, with addition of seven pounds for every year under age.
And on Thursday the 18th, will be run for, over the same course, another PURSE of TWENTY-FIVE POUNDS, the three mile heats, free and carrying weight as aforesaid, the winning horse of the preceding day only excepted. The horses to be entered with Jonathan Hager and George Shaulle; and entrance (one shilling in the pound) paid the day preceding each race, or double at the post. No person will be permitted to ride without being dressed in a silk jacket and jockey-cap. Four horses to start each day, or no race. Persons will be appointed as judges, and purses paid by
JONATHAN HAGER, GEORGE SHAULL.
Hager's Town, July 21, '94.
Cash given for clean Cotton and Linen RAGS, at the Printing-Office.
Fisher and Cole,
Book-sellers, Book-Binders, and Stationers,
Three doors West of Yates and Campbell's Vendue Store, Market-Street,
BALTIMORE,
RESPECTFULLY inform their Friends, and the Public in general, that they have lately established a Book and Stationary Store in BALTIMORE, and humbly solicit the patronage of a generous public, whose favours they will endeavour to merit.
They are now assorted with Books on every subject in polite literature; among the many valuable new publications they have now on hand, are the following.
   Dol. Ct.     Paine's works, compleat in 1 vol. 2 00   American Biography, 1st volume, to be continued, } 1 50   Moore's Travels, 2 vols. 8 do. 3 50   Do. Journal in France, 2 vol. 12mo. 1 75   Morse's Geography, elegant, 2 vols. 8do. 4 50   Do.—sheep bound, 3 50   Do.—abridged for use of schools, 1 00   Pindar's works, 2 vols.  
Complete letter writer. Love and Gibson's Surveyings. Williams' Letters on the French Revolution.
A L S O,
Folio, Quarto, Royal, Octavo and Duodecimo Bibles, School Books of all kinds, a new edition of the common prayer for the Protestant Episcopal Church, price from 6/6 to 35/., and a great variety of history, divinity, medicine, philosophy, chemistry, novels, &c. &c. too numerous to be contained in a news-paper.
Orders from the country gentlemen shall be carefully attended to. They expect in a few days, a new and elegant edition of Straband's Military Discipline, &c. with copper plates.
New in the Press, and speedily will be published, By FISHER and COLE, A Pamphlet, entitled, PROSPECTS ON WAR AND PAPER CURRENCY.
The first American edition, By THOMAS PAINE, author of Rights of Man, Common Sense, &c. &c. Baltimore, July 21, 1794. 3m.
HARP and CROWN TAVERN.
FLO. MAHONY,
Returns his grateful acknowledgments to the Ladies and Gentlemen who did him the honor to favor him with their custom last season, on their way to and from BATH. He takes this method to inform them, and the Public in general, that he is much better prepared this season, having provided sufficient bedding, five good lodging rooms, in addition to the former, an excellent stock of liquors, neat wines of the purest quality, &c. He has procured a large yard room, and stable for an hundred horses, also sheds for carriages, &c. all under an inclosure. He hopes to meet with their further encouragement; and is with gratitude, the Public's humble servant,
FLORENCE MAHONY.
Martinsburg, Berkeley County, VIRGINIA, June 9, '94
BY virtue of the last will and testament of Mary MacDonald, deceased, will be sold at Public Auction, to the highest bidder, on twelve months credit, a certain tract of LAND, containing by deed thirty-five acres, situate in Hampshire County, on Potomac River, contiguous to a tract formerly belonging to William Williams, and now belonging to Mr. Strode, of Berkeley County. The sale will begin on the premises precisely at twelve o'clock, on the first day of September next, when due attendance shall be made, by
ISAAC HITE, jun., ARCH. McDONALD. } Executors.
JUNE 22, 1794.
WHEREAS SELAGH, the wife of the Subscriber, has eloped from my bed and board, and otherwise conducted herself imprudently; I therefore forewarn all persons from crediting or dealing with her on my account, as I am determined to pay no debt of her contracting after this date.
HENRY SNIDER.
JULY 25, 1794.
HUGH BLACK,
Sign of the Ship, MARTINSBURG, INFORMS his Friends and the Public, that he has taken the public house formerly occupied by Mr. Christian Smith, where gentlemen, travellers and others, may be entertained with every necessary they may require. He hopes from his attention to his business to merit general approbation.
I HAVE many small debts due me, which I fear I cannot collect without legal means, I therefore give notice, that on the first day of next month, I shall sue such as do not make payment previous to that time. A number of notes have been assigned to me by Messrs. Paul Verdier and Robert Cochran, on which I can give no indulgence after that time.
DAVID HUNTER.
Martinsburg, August 2, 1794.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, Six large young COWS, of the best breed for milk. Also, Six Ewes of a large breed, for which a generous price will be paid in cash.
Application to be made to the Printer.
Martinsburg, August 4, 1794.
ALL Persons are hereby cautioned against cutting wood and otherwise making waste and trespass on my land near Opeckon Bridge; and such persons as have already fell timber on the same and have not taken it away, are forewarned not to remove it, as I am determined to prosecute every person who shall be found trespassing in any manner on the said premises.
ROBERT CUSICK.
JULY 26, 1794.
TAKE NOTIC E,
THAT after this date, I will pay no debts that shall be contracted by any person, in my name, without my personal or written approbation.
GEORGE TABLER.
JULY 21, 1794.
SIR,
TAKE Notice, that agreeably to a commission from the District Court of Winchester, I shall proceed to take the depositions of sundry witnesses, on the twenty-second day of August next, at the house of Patrick Byrne, in the city of Philadelphia, which depositions I shall offer in evidence in the suit now depending in the said District Court, wherein I am plaintiff and you are the defendant.
I am, your's &c.
JOHN WAGER.
To Mr. John Barnard. 18th July, 1794.
THE LAST NOTICE!
ALL persons indebted to the Subscriber, either by bond, note, or book debt, are hereby informed, that unless they come in and make payment in four weeks from this date, their several arrearages will, after that period, be put in suit, without discrimination. Merchantable wheat or rye will be received as cash, at the market price. It is easier for an hundred to help one, than one an hundred.
GEORGE TILLEY.
JULY 21, 1794.
TO THE PUBLIC.
WHEREAS my husband, George Tabler, did, in this paper, of Monday last, caution all persons from crediting any one on his account, without his written or personal approbation, and presuming that advertisement was levelled at me, in consequence of my being absent from him, I beg leave to state the unfortunate cause which at present separates us, and leave an impartial public to judge whether I am, or am not, an injured woman. Some short time since, my son was about to marry a woman who then had another husband living—feeling as a mother ought to feel (and a father too, had he not lost his senses) I opposed the design, as far as in my power lay; notwithstanding which, my son, by art, obtained the approbation of his father, and they were married; soon after, my son with this abandoned and shameless woman came home, when almost immediately my husband, son, and his guilty wife, began abusing me, and through the influence the two latter had with the former, he beat me, and drove me from the house; I then took shelter on our other plantation, but he there followed me and drove me off, and not only keeps me away, without any subsistence from him whatever, but is wasting the property we mutually laboured to obtain; these are truths, and the cause of our separation, and I call upon George Tabler to deny them if they are not so.
CATHARINE TABLER.
August 4, 1794.
WANTED, by the Printer hereof, A sober, industrious JOURNEYMAN, to whom good wages will be given.