The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg [Va.]), 1775-08-05 00:00:00

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WILLIAMSBURG, August 5.
The following is a copy of the address of the Hon. House of Burgesses, at the last session of Assembly, which was transmitted to the Governor whilst he resided on board the FOWEX man of war, in answer to his Excellency's message inserted in this gazette of the 17th of JUNE.
MY LORD,
THE House of Burgesses received your Lordship's written message of the 10th instant, in answer to the joint address of his Majesty's Honourable Council and this House, with equal concern and amazement. We were totally unprepared for so severe and cruel a return to the respectful application made to your Lordship, solely dictated by our duty to his Majesty, and the most earnest desire of contributing every thing in our power towards promoting, as well your Lordship's own happiness, as that of your Lady and whole family. This step, we hoped, would have proved the happy means of restoring that tranquillity and harmony, you were pleased to flatter us with your earnest wishes to have established. Who were the peculiar objects of your tenderness, that you so kindly, in favour to them, declined a particular enumeration, we know not; but are sorry that your Lordship had so little feeling for the honour, and integrity, of this House. You have now, my Lord, driven us to the disagreeable necessity of inquiring minutely into the causes of the late disturbances in this country. It is not with the most distant inclination to give your Lordship the slightest umbrage that we engage in so unpleasing a task, but purely to do justice to our much injured country, that we recur to different, and some distant, transactions. The charges of disloyalty and disaffection in our countrymen to our most gracious Sovereign, and his government, as insinuated in your Lordship's message, and some other public acts, are as grievous as they are unmerited. Words, we know, are too often but empty sounds. We appeal not to our professions, however sincere, but to facts, of public notoriety. The loyalty of this his Majesty's most ancient colony stands confessed, as recorded by many of your worthy predecessors. We will presume to carry your attention no further back than to the administration of a Governor immediately preceding your Lordship. Previous to his coming over to Virginia, there had arisen some unhappy disputes between Great Britain and the colonies. His Majesty was graciously pleased to send over to us, from his immediate presence, the truly noble Lord BOTETOURT, who told us, that he had received it in command from his Majesty to do justice, and maintain the rights of all his subjects. He cheerfully entered upon the duties of his exalted station, in which he acted as a true representative of his royal master, at once supporting the dignity of his crown, dispensing the utmost justice, and diffusing benevolence throughout the country. By his exemplary conduct, in all respects, he accomplished what he deemed a glorious work: He gave us tranquillity, and happiness. Indeed he was often heard to declare, that the business of a Governor of Virginia was much easier than he could have conceived, as he found that the government almost executed itself. Matters were not at that time carried on, and precipitated, with so high an hand, on the other side of the water, as at present. This probably was owing to his minutely examining every subject to the bottom himself, taking nothing upon trust; to his discountenancing tale-bearers, and malicious informers; and, at last, making a faithful representation of things, as he found them. In a short, too short a time, for the happiness of Virginia, it pleased God to remove him from us. When we received the account of your Lordship's appointment, we indulged the pleasing hopes that we should again be made happy in a ruler; and, when you were pleased to honour us with your presence, we vied with each other in endeavouring to make your administration easy and agreeable. Upon the report that your Lady and family were coming over to you, every one, we believe, who heard it, was eager in expectation of an event which was likely to give addition to your happiness. We received her Ladyship, and your children, with every expression of heart-felt joy, and have considered our countrymen as exceedingly happy in having such respectable pledges amongst them. Changes, my Lord, seldom happen without some sufficient cause. If, therefore, you have, or think you have, discovered any alteration in the sentiments or behaviour of those you preside over, it may be worth your while, as well as ours, to search out the reason of it. Respect, my Lord, is not to be obtained by force, from a free people. If genuine, it must be a perfect volunteer; and nothing is so likely to ensure it to one in your station as dignity of character, a candid and exemplary conduct. We decline, on this occasion, a discussion of the subject unhappily in dispute between Great Britain and the colonies. We presume not to interfere with your authority in summoning or dissolving Assemblies, when, by advice of your Council, you think there is proper occasion. What we claim, as an act of justice, is, that our conduct should be fairly and impartially represented to our Sovereign. We do not mean to insinuate that your Lordship would, designedly, misrepresent facts; but it is much to be feared that you too easily give credit to some designing persons, who, to the great injury of this community, possess much too large a share of your confidence. We have seen, my Lord, the copy of a letter you were pleased to write to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated the 29th of May 1774. The design of the then Assembly was entirely misconceived, and the ill impressions your Lordship's letter may have made on the minds of his Majesty, and his Ministers, prove how dangerous it is, and how very unjust it may be, to attempt penetrating the thoughts of others, when they are not certainly known. Suspicions, we humbly conceive, can never justify
direct and positive accusations. Men, we know, differ in religious sentiments. Some may believe in the superintendence of a providence, and that the care, especially of nations, is an object of Divine Goodness; whilst others may think, or affect to treat this, as well as other matters, which our religion teaches, as things merely chimerical. We have likewise seen an authentic copy of extracts of another of your Lordship's letters to the same noble Earl, dated the 24th of December 1774. The more injurious the unfavourable representations, contained in this letter, were likely to be to this country, the more careful we should have hoped your Lordship would have been in examining the evidences of the facts stated. Your Lordship had been pleased to represent, in the first letter, our House of Burgesses as fond of having it thought that a determined resolution to deny and oppose the authority of Parliament always originates with them. Whether this was intended to draw down the particular resentment of Parliament on this country, your Lordship can best determine. They have, indeed, protected against the power of Parliament, when they thought it extended contrary to the principles of the constitution; but we do not know that they ever affected to take the lead of the other colonies, in this, or any other measure. The times of entering their protestations were merely accidental, as circumstances happened; and it is notorious, that the subject of the present complaint had been under the consideration of some other colonies, before the Virginians took it up. It would seem, from your Lordship's letter of the 24th of December, that the association adopted by the General Congress was first recommended from Virginia; whereas the truth is, that, in Virginia, nothing more was resolved against, at first, than the importation and use of East India commodities. The general non-export and non-import agreement came first recommended to us from several of the northern colonies. This, we own, makes no difference now, as the several colonies have united in the association. It is only remarked, since this circumstance seems to have been thought material, as no strong testimony of a kind disposition in your Lordship towards this country. That committees were chosen, in the several counties, is admitted. The design of them was to observe the conduct of those who were inimical to the interest of the country. They were required to publish the names of all transgressors, that the country might know their friends from their foes. This you were pleased to term "inviting the vengeance of a lawless mob to be exercised upon the unhappy victims." You further represented these committees as assuming an authority to inspect the books, invoices, and all the secrets of the trade and correspondence of merchants. This, my Lord, was high-colouring of assumed facts; which we, who inhabit different parts of the country, are strangers to. To close your narrative upon this head, you were pleased to inform your noble correspondent, that every "county in this colony was arming a company of men, whom they call an independent company, for the avowed purpose of protecting their committees, and to be employed against Government, if occasion required; and that the committee of one county had proceeded so far as to swear the men of their independent company to execute all orders which should be given them from their committee." These, my Lord, are things entirely without our knowledge; and, upon the strictest inquiry, we are convinced they deserve no credit. There were a few companies of Gentlemen formed, who were desirous of perfecting themselves in military exercise; but we find not more than six or seven throughout the whole colony, which consists of sixty one counties. This was designed to distinguish them from the militia at large; the first, and most considerable of these, was instituted for the better protection of the inhabitants of Norfolk borough, and afterwards received your Lordship's approbation, so far, that you expressed the warmest wishes that the example might be followed throughout the country, and gave commissions to their officers. That these companies were connected with the committees, or that they were ever designed to act against, or in any sort to interfere with, what you are pleased to call government, we do not know, or believe; but, on the contrary, we are verily persuaded that they were always ready and willing to exert themselves to support the laws, and his Majesty's government, to the utmost of their power. Your Lordship's assertion, that the "power of government was entirely disregarded, if not wholly overturned, and that there was not a justice of the peace in Virginia who acted except as a committee-man," we cannot but consider as highly unjust, and extremely injurious to us. We have the greatest reason to believe, having it in full proof, that the magistrates throughout the colony duly attended their respective courts; and though, for the reasons assigned in our former address to your Lordship, they could not think themselves legally authorised to hear and determine civil suits, yet we are persuaded that their former endeavours to preserve the peace and good order of government were not interrupted, but exerted in the usual manner. The original cause of suspending the trials of civil disputes was, as your Lordship observes, the want of a fee bill. This legal defect was much lamented, and not used, that we know of, as a popular argument, by any man of good sense; nor did the inhabitants of this country join, in what you are pleased to call an opprobrious measure, to engage their "English creditors to join the clamours of this country." Your Lordship's assertion, that "not a few did it to avoid paying their debts, in which many of the principal people here are much involved," we can only answer for ourselves in the negative; and must consider so indiscriminate a charge as extremely injurious. We were so far from desiring to do injustice to creditors, that it gave us great pain to observe that such a step was thought necessary; and nothing but the hopes of being relieved from the arbitrary system of colony government, attempted to be introduced, could have prevailed with us to submit to a stoppage of our exports. The merchants of London, in their written message, by a respectable member of their body, to the committee of the House of Commons, have done us ample justice in this respect; by repre-
senting, that they should have no uneasiness about remittances from America, unless Parliament pursued such means as were likely to prevent them. The Congress, my Lord, we consider as instituted on principles of public necessity; we do not deny our having a proper respect for that body; we learn, from good authority, that their humble and dutiful petition to his Majesty was graciously received, though, it is with concern, we are told it has hitherto produced no good effect. But that the inhabitants of Virginia treated with "marks of reverence the laws of the Congress, which they never bestowed on their legal government, or the laws proceeding from it," is one of a great number of facts requiring proof; since we must take leave to say, with confidence, that his Majesty's subjects of Virginia have been second to none others, even to his dutiful and loyal subjects in any part of his wide-extended dominions, in all due respect to his government, Governors, and all in authority under him.
We cannot but remind your Lordship of the General Congress held in America, with the royal approbation, in the last war. The united interest indeed of Great Britain, and the colonies, might have then demanded it. In imitation of so laudable an example, America resolved on a like measure, as equally, if not more necessary, at this critical juncture. Your Lordship's account of the effects the association is likely to produce, considering it as a matter of opinion, we are little concerned to interfere with. Time only can discover the consequences of it; but your heavy charge against those called people of fortune, "that they supply themselves and Negroes for two or three years, to the distresses of the middling and poorer sort," must have proceeded from your giving too easy credit to ill-founded reports. Some, but very few, may have supplied themselves, as opportunity offered, for the present year. This, we believe, is the most that has been done; and we are persuaded of a material mistake in another respect, it being the general opinion, founded on good grounds, that the middling and poorer sort will fare much better than those of fortune, who have large numbers of slaves to provide for. Engaged on this topic, we cannot refrain from observing how strangely our views have been misrepresented. By the association, we intend nothing that is illegal; we are only resolved to be content with our home-spun manufactures, however mean in quality, unless things can be restored to their former channel, the only security we desire for what we know our excellent constitution entitles us to. What your Lordship is pleased to represent as the arbitrary proceedings of the committees, we trust will produce none of those very dreadful effects you have painted in such alarming colours. The whole colony, very few excepted, is united; and, from such union of sentiments, expectations must be exceedingly sanguine, indeed, in supposing that discord will arise.
How the proceedings of the General Convention, in the month of March last, may have been represented, we know not; but, from the foregoing specimens, it is to be presumed in no very favourable light. These meetings, my Lord, unless it can be supposed that a whole country could entirely lose sight of its security and most essential interests, were rendered absolutely necessary, first by the dissolution, and afterwards by repeated prorogations, of the General Assembly. Upon inquiry into the state of the colony, it was found that there had been almost a total inattention to the proper training and disciplining of our militia. Various subsequent acts of our legislature, amendatory of the law of 1738, had expired; the act providing against invasions and insurrections was near expiring, and it was uncertain whether an opportunity would be given the General Assembly to revive it. Taking a further view of our situation, it was found that our inhabitants were exposed to the incursions of a barbarous and savage enemy. From the best accounts received from Great Britain, there was too much reason to be convinced that his Majesty's Ministry were prosecuting the most rigorous and arbitrary measures towards subjugating the whole continent of America to their despotic rule; which measures, it was more than probable, had been suggested from hence, and the other colonies: That a scheme, the most diabolical, had been meditated, and generally recommended, by a person of great influence, to offer freedom to our slaves, and turn them against their masters. The Convention, to guard against these dangers, not clearly seen into before that time, recommended a strict attention to the militia law of 1738; but, thinking this defective in many essential points, considering that, under this law, the whole militia were not obliged to exercise so frequently as might be necessary, it was recommended that volunteer companies should be formed in each county, for the better defence and protection of the whole country. These proceedings, according to an usual style, it is more than probable, have been represented as designed to oppose government; whereas, we are persuaded, that nothing was farther from the intentions of the Convention. A review of their resolutions must convince every unprejudiced mind that the utmost respect was paid to his Majesty and his legal government, and that the Convention had much pleasure in expressing their obligations to your Lordship for your late services. The truth is, my Lord, that his Majesty's dutiful subjects in this colony have the utmost attachment to their sovereign; they, a mire, they love the constitution, and will risk every thing most dear and valuable in support of it. These are principles imbibed in their infancy, and their constant care is to inculcate them upon the minds of their children; they meditate or design nothing in the least offensive. But, if it is expected that they should sit down supinely, and submit to yokes which neither they nor their forefathers were able to bear, they must acknowledge that they have the sensibility and feelings of freemen, actuating them to a proper and justifiable defence of those rights which are guaranteed by the laws and principles of the constitution.
We have, my Lord, made the strictest and minutest inquiry into the causes of the late disturbances. We had, from the examination of many respectable merchants, natives of Great Britain, residing in different parts of this colony, and from other Gentlemen of character, that the country was in a perfect state of tran-

quility till they received an account of your Lordship's removal of the gunpowder from the public magazine, to one of his Majesty's ships of war, and of your irritating and most unjustifiable threats.
The inhabitants of this country, my Lord, could not be strangers to the many attempts in the northern colonies to disarm the people, and thereby deprive them of the only means of defending their lives and property. We know, from good authority, that the like measures were generally recommended by the ministry, and that the export of powder from Great Britain had been prohibited. Judge then how very alarming a removal of the small stock which remained in the public magazine, for the defence of the country, and the stripping the guns of their locks, must have been to any people, who had the smallest regard for their security. The manner, and time, of doing it, made no small addition to the general apprehension of your Lordship's views. The reason assigned by your Lordship for taking this step, we should have thought the most likely, at any other time, to have directed a very different conduct. We should have supposed, that a well-grounded apprehension of an insurrection of the slaves ought to have called forth the utmost exertions to suppress it. The world will probably judge your Lordship's method of doing this, the least likely to effect the necessary purpose. Your Lordship having represented this powder as the King's peculiar property, supposing it to have been brought from one of his ships, we have made inquiry into that matter, and cannot find that there ever was any powder brought either from the Rippon or any other man of war; so that we presume your Lordship must have been misinformed as to this fact, since the powder was removed, as it was not relied on in your answer to the address of the corporation of the city of Williamsburg. Be this, however, as it may, we conceive the case would not be materially altered. We must remind your Lordship, that, by a very ancient law of this country, enacted so long since as the thirty second year of the reign of his Majesty King Charles the second, for raising a public revenue, and for the better support of this government, amongst other provisions, an impost of one half pound of new gunpowder, and three pounds of leaden shot, or one shilling and threepence sterling, was imposed on all ships or vessels coming into this colony. In the ninth year of the reign of Queen Anne, the impost of one shilling and threepence on the tonnage of vessels was continued, for port duties. It is evident, my Lord, that the original and chief design of this particular impost was to provide, from time to time, a proper stock of munition for the defence of the country. We have examined the produce of this fund for thirteen years past, and find that it yielded in that time twenty eight thousand five hundred and three pounds three shillings and ninepence sterling, which, on an average, amounted to 2192. 11s. sterling per annum; and it is observable, that for the four last years it yielded considerably more than three thousand pounds in each year. It may from hence be fairly submitted, whether it was not incumbent on the executive part of government to have provided, in the first place, from so large and ample a fund, a proper stock of arms and ammunition, which was so essentially necessary for the security of the country. If, my Lord, instead of applying a reasonable part of this money to such necessary purposes, the whole has been applied to other occasions of government, and powder and arms had been procured through some other channel, we should presume that these, when stored in the public magazine, built at the expense of the country, and appropriated to the safe-keeping of all military stores, ought there to have remained, till the exigencies of the country demanded them.
We find, my Lord, that the inhabitants of the city of Williamsburg, in the midst of which the magazine is situated, upon discovering that the powder was removed, the time and manner of its being done, in the dead of night, under an escort of armed marines, commanded by Capt. Henry Collins of the Magdalen, were exceedingly alarmed; that many of them were so exasperated that they had recourse to arms, intending, as we understand, to compel Capt. Collins to restore the powder; but we cannot discover that the least insult was intended to your Lordship. We find that the Corporation of Williamsburg presented a very decent and respectful address to your Excellency, desiring that you would be pleased to order the powder to be returned; and, on receipt of your verbal answer, amongst other things, avowing that it had been removed by your orders, under which Capt. Collins had acted, and promising that it should be returned in case of an insurrection; the people assembled were soon appeased, returned quietly to their respective homes, and perfect tranquillity was restored in the city; that in the succeeding night, on a report that a number of armed men had landed at a ferry about four miles from the city, the inhabitants were again much alarmed; but, upon the interposition of some Gentlemen, they were quieted, and nothing farther was done than strengthening the usual patrol for the security of the city. We farther find, that on the next day, when every thing was perfectly quiet, your Lordship sent a message into the city by one of the magistrates, which you delivered with the most solemn asseverations, that if any insult was offered to Capt. Foy, or Capt. Collins, you would declare freedom to the slaves, and lay the town in ashes; and that you could easily depopulate the whole country. What could have provoked your Lordship to this we cannot discover, as both Captain Foy and Captain Collins, and several other officers, had been frequently seen walking publicly in the streets, and no one offered either of them the least injury; nor can we discover any reason to believe that any thing of the sort was intended. The inhabitants, my Lord, could not but be exceedingly alarmed at so cruel a threat; many people considered it as part of that general plan, they had heard was recommended in England, and which was discovered by your Lordship through accident; they however, did nothing more, that we can learn, than continue their former patrols. A report of these several matters having soon circulated throughout almost the whole country, with this addition, that the most valuable guns in the magazine had been stripped of their locks, and that the inhabitants of Williamsburg were in the most imminent danger, the minds of the people in general were much agitated; they assembled in different quarters, and a number of expressies were sent to inquire and obtain a true state of things. It appears, that, during this general uneasiness, an account was received from the northward of the engagement at Concord; the General, it seems, had sent an armed force to seize a provincial magazine. This, your Lordship may suppose, increased the apprehensions of our people, as it held out to them an additional proof that the steps you had taken formed a part of that general system adopted to render the colonies defenceless. If, upon such alarms, when the minds of the people were fretted to an extreme degree, some irregularities were committed, the causes may be found in those extraordinary attempts to stretch the powers of government so much beyond their ancient and constitutional limits. It gave the greatest concern, my Lord, to all acquainted with your most amiable Lady, and her distinguished character, to hear that she had removed with her children to one of the King's ships. We have inquired into the cause of this; and though we do not presume to prescribe to her Ladyship, yet we are persuaded, that, had she known the sentiments of all ranks of people in this colony, every uneasiness would have been removed. We find, my Lord, that from the great pains taken by the magistrates, and other inhabitants of the city of Williamsburg, there could have been no real ground for fear at the time of her Ladyship's removal, unless it was produced from your Lordship's threats, which might have kept the minds of some of the citizens in suspense. A few Ladies, it appears, left the city; but it was not through apprehensions of any other danger than what your Lordship held over them. The inhabitants certainly could have entertained no suspicions of injury from their friends in the country, who had kindly offered to come to their assistance; so that it was in the power of your Lordship, alone, to have removed her Ladyship's uneasiness.
It gives us the greatest pain, my Lord, to find, in your Excellency's message, so determined a resolution to pursue a course the most likely to revive the uneasiness of the people, and prevent that restoration of harmony so ardently wished for by all good men. You are pleased to submit to our "judgment, whether you could "reasonably have expected any good effect from communicating "the ground of your uneasiness to us." We give it as our opinion, that your Lordship had the greatest reason, if you had viewed our conduct in its proper light, to have expected the best effects from such communication, as we met your Lordship in General Assembly with the sincerest dispositions to do every thing in our power to provide for the tranquillity of the country. The reasons assigned for your contrary apprehensions, we are persuaded, must have been suggested to your Lordship by some designing, malevolent informer. We can hardly suppose your Lordship could have had any well-grounded fear of personal danger, when it is notorious that you appeared publicly, as usual; and it is in proof to us, that the same night in which you left the palace, you walked alone to the Attorney General's, at the distance of upwards of a quarter of a mile, and returned unopposed; and we cannot discover that even the slightest insult was offered. If you judge of the disposition of the House of Burgessies, as to public matters, from their declining to accept an invitation to dine with your Lordship (the instance of respect and civility alluded to, and which you say you had been forward in offering to them) you have entirely mistaken their motives. A piece of civility of this sort had formerly its due weight with us; but we had little reason to suppose that such a ceremony would, at this time, be attended, on your Lordship's part, with that cordiality which we thought we had observed on former occasions. How could your Lordship think of admitting to your table a set of men, whom, together with the whole body of their constituents, you had endeavoured to paint in such deplorable and odious colours? That the House of Burgessies ever countenanced the violent and disorderly proceedings of the people, we must, in justice to ourselves, take leave to deny. As to the magazine's being rifled, which you are pleased to insinuate was done with the approbation of the House, we must say, that in this also the greatest injustice is done to us. The House was sitting, closely engaged in public business, when this affair happened. Some of our members, as we believe the truth is, upon hearing what was going forward at the magazine, went up in hopes of preventing it. We are informed, that a great concourse of people, from different parts of the country, were assembled, and that many of the arms had been taken out of the magazine. Several of the members, as private Gentlemen, remonstrated with all the people they met with against such proceedings, and prevailed with them to return what they had taken. When your Lordship was pleased to accuse the House of Burgessies of usurping the "executive power," from what happened on this occasion, we presume it would have been well to have considered with what propriety they could have interfered: Had they made an order for apprehending the persons concerned, who were unknown, it would have been fruitless, and, moreover, a plain departure from the line of their authority. Such a step your Lordship might, indeed, have justly censured, as an usurpation of the executive power. Or would your Lordship have recommended to the individual members to have acted as bailiffs, in seizing all offenders they met with? We never have, nor will we ever give countenance to such unjustifiable proceedings as happened that day.
Your acquaintance, my Lord, with mankind, must suggest to you the difficulty there is in restraining an incensed multitude. Many people, the irritation of whose minds had but lately subsided, we understand, had been again greatly alarmed at a late unfortunate accident, which happened to some inconsiderate young men, in their unlawful attempt to furnish themselves with arms out of the magazine; an attempt, my Lord, which we condemn as highly as your Lordship can. But whether some little apology may not be suggested, from that universal anxiety which all mankind have to prepare for the defence of their lives and property, we will not determine; the point is delicate, and we leave the world to judge of it. But the means contrived, in pursuance of your Lordship's orders, by which an unfortunate culprit might probably have been hurried into eternity, without a moment's time for reflection, we conceive, can do no great honour to humanity; which, we should have supposed, would have dictated the necessity of at least giving public notice that spring-guns were prepared and fixed; which, it is imagined, would have answered every purpose of security to the magazine. Your Lordship's reflections on our committee, and, through them, upon this whole House, we think might have been spared, after what passed early in the session. Had the committee misbehaved, we should not have been backward in taking proper notice of it. When we received your Lordship's very temperate message respecting their conduct, we addressed your Excellency, in hopes, by having matters properly explained, of removing all umbrage you might have taken. Your Lordship's reply to this message induced us to believe that you were satisfied; but it seems we must again enter on the same subject, or remain exposed to the weight of your Lordship's censure.
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CAMBRIDGE, July 6.
To his EXCELLENCY GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq; General and Commander in Chief of the Continental Army.
May it please your Excellency,
THE Congress of the Massachusetts colony, impressed with every sentiment of gratitude and respect, beg leave to congratulate you on your safe arrival, and to wish you all imaginable happiness and success in the execution of the important duties of your elevated station. While we applaud that attention to the public good, manifested in your appointment, we equally admire that disinterested virtue and distinguished patriotism, which alone could call you from those enjoyments of domestic life, which a sublime and manly taste, joined with a most affluent fortune, can afford, to hazard your life, and to endure the fatigues of war, in the defence of the rights of mankind, and the good of your country.
The laudable zeal for the common cause of America, and compassion for the distresses of this colony, exhibited by the great despatch made in your journey hither, fully justify the universal satisfaction we have with pleasure observed on this occasion; and are promising presages that the great expectations formed from your personal character, and military abilities, are well founded.
We wish you may have found such regularity and discipline already established in the army, as may be agreeable to your expectation. The hurry with which it was necessarily collected, and the many disadvantages arising from the suspension of government, under which we have raised, and endeavored to regulate the forces of this colony, have rendered it a work of time; and though in a great measure effected the completion of so difficult, and at the same time so necessary a task, is reserved to your Excellency; and we doubt not will be properly considered and attended to.
We would not presume to prescribe to your Excellency, but supposing you would choose to be informed of the general character of the soldiers who compose this army, beg leave to represent that the greatest part of them have not before seen service; and although naturally brave, and of good understanding, yet for want of experience in military life, have but little knowledge of divers things most essential to the preservation of health, and even life. The youth in the army are not possessed of the absolute necessity of cleanliness in their dress and lodging, continual exercise, and strict temperance, to preserve them from diseases frequently prevailing in camps; especially among those, who from their childhood have been used to a laborious life.
We beg leave to assure you, that this Congress will, at all times be ready to attend such requisitions as you may have occasion to make to us; and to contribute all the aid in our power to the cause of America, and your happiness and ease, in the discharge of the duties of your exalted office.
We most fervently implore Almighty God, that the blessings of Divine Providence may rest on you; that your head may be covered in the day of battle; that every necessary assistance may be afforded; and that you may be long continued in life and health, a blessing to mankind.
His EXCELLENCY'S ANSWER.
Gentlemen, YOUR kind congratulations on my appointment and arrival demanded my warmest acknowledgments, and will ever be retained in grateful remembrance.
In exchanging the enjoyments of domestic life for the duties of my present honourable, but arduous station, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole province of Massachusetts Bay, which with a firmness and patriotism without example in modern history, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in support of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. My highest ambition is to be the happy instrument of vindicating those rights, and to see this devoted province again restored to peace, liberty, and safety.
The short space of time which has elapsed since my arrival does not permit me to decide upon the state of the army. The course of human affairs forbids an expectation, that troops formed under such circumstances should at once possess the order, regularity, and discipline of veterans. Whatever deficiencies there may be, will, I doubt not, soon be made up by the activity and zeal of the officers, and the docility and obedience of the men. These qualities, united with their natural bravery and spirit, will afford a happy presage of success, and put a final period to those distresses which now overwhelm this once happy country.
I most sincerely thank you, Gentlemen, for your declarations of readiness, at all times, to assist me in the discharge of the duties of my station; they are so complicated and extended, that I shall need the assistance of every good man, and lover of his country: I therefore repose the utmost confidence in your aids. In return for your affectionate wishes to myself, permit me to say, that I earnestly implore that Divine Being, in whose hands are all human events, to make you and your constituents as distinguished in private and public happiness, as you have been by ministerial oppression, and by private and public distress.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
To the Hon. CHARLES LEE, Esq; Major General of the Continental army.
SIR, THE Congress of the Massachusetts colony, possessed of the fullest evidence of your attachment to the rights of mankind, and regard to the distresses which America in general, and this colony in particular, are involved in, by the impolitic, wicked, and tyrannic system adopted by Administration, and pursued with relentless fury, do, with pleasure, embrace this opportunity to express the satisfaction and gratitude they feel in your appointment as a Major General in the American army.
We sincerely congratulate you on your safe arrival here, and with you all possible happiness and success in the execution of so important a trust. We admire and respect a man, who, disregarding the allurements of profit and distinction his merits might procure, engages in the cause of mankind, in defence of the injured, and relief of the oppressed. From your character, from your great abilities and military experience, united with the commander in chief, under the smiles of Providence, we flatter ourselves with the prospect of discipline and order, success and victory.
Be assured, Sir, that it will give us great pleasure to be able to contribute to your happiness. May the favours and blessings of Heaven attend you. May Divine Providence guard and protect you, conduct you in the paths of honour and virtue, grant you the reward of the brave and virtuous, the applauses of mankind, and the approbation of your own conscience, and eternal happiness hereafter.
His HONOUR'S ANSWER.
To the Gentlemen of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts.
Gentlemen, NOTHING can be so flattering to me as the good opinion and approbation of the Delegates of a free and uncorrupt people. I was educated in the highest reverence for the rights of mankind, and have acquired by long acquaintance a most particular regard for the people of America. You may depend, therefore, Gentlemen, on my zeal and integrity. I can promise you nothing from my abilities. God Almighty grant us success equal to the righteousness of the cause. I thank you, Gentlemen, for an address which does me so much honour, and shall labour to deserve it.
July 13. On Tuesday night a party of men was sent from Roxbury camp to Long island, in Boston harbour, from whence they brought off 15 of the enemy prisoners, between 20 and 30 horned cattle, and about 100 sheep. The prisoners were brought to Head-quarters yesterday, and soon after sent to Concord.
PORTSMOUTH, July 11. We have the most certain intelligence that the Indians of the Caghnawaga tribe have taken their children from Dartmouth college, from which there is great reason to fear some attack upon our back settlements will shortly be commenced.
We also hear, Governor Carlton of Quebec is endeavouring to procure, and has had conferences with Indians 1500 miles back of that city, and has made them great offers to take up arms against the English Colonies.
NEW LONDON, July 7. Last Lord's day, arrived here from New York, several Gentlemen, volunteers from Virginia, on their way to the provincial camp at Cambridge.
HARTFORD, July 17. We hear General Gage has requested of our army to send necessaries for the distressed poor confined in Boston.
PROVIDENCE, July 1. The General Assembly of this colony have ordered an additional number of 360 men to be immediately raised for the common defence, and one quarter of the militia throughout the colony to be enlisted as minute men.
CHARLESTOWN, July 14.
THE General Assembly of this province met here on Monday last, agreeable to the last prorogation, when his Excellency the Governor was pleased to open the session with a speech, to which the Assembly returned the following answer:
To his Excellency the Right Hon. Lord WILLIAM CAMPBELL, Captain General, Governor, and Commander in Chief in and over his Majesty's colony of SOUTH CAROLINA:
The humble ADDRESS of the Commons House of Assembly of the said colony.
May it please your Excellency, WE his Majesty's loyal subjects, the representatives of the inhabitants of this colony, met in General Assembly, at this very alarming and critical period, beg leave to assure your Excellency that we are willing to postpone the consideration of our private affairs, whenever the public exigencies demand our attention; fully convinced, that the safety of private property entirely depends upon the security of public rights.
We most sincerely lament that his Majesty's counsels, and the conduct of his Ministers, have incapacitated us from meeting your Excellency, whose zealous endeavours in Great Britain, for the welfare of this colony, claim our grateful acknowledgments.

with those effects of joyful congratulation, the effects of real sentiments, upon your arrival and assumption of the reins of government, with which, in happier times, we have ever been accustomed to meet his Majesty's representatives; but the calamities of America, our present dangerous and dreadful situation, occupy all our thoughts, and banish from us every idea of joy and pleasure.
Although we will not doubt the fervent zeal of your Excellency's heart for the real interest and happiness of this colony, nor the sincerity of your Excellency's professions to be instrumental in restoring that harmony, cordiality, confidence, and affection, which ought to subsist between Great Britain and her colonies, yet we cannot but express our surprise at the severe censures which your Excellency has thought proper to pass on "measures" which have been "adopted" by the good people of this colony, in confederacy with all the colonies on the continent, from Nova Scotia to Georgia, for their own safety, and for the preservation of their liberties, and the liberties of generations yet unborn.
In times when the spirit of the constitution has full operation, and animating all the members of the state, gives security to civil liberty, then we claim to be "the only representatives of the people in this province, the only constitutional guardians of its welfare;" but in the present unhappy situation of affairs, though our constituents might have thought us competent, yet, as our meeting depended on the pleasure of the crown, they would not trust to so precarious a contingency, but wisely appointed another representative body, for necessary, or special and important purposes.
We want words to give an idea of our feelings at your Excellency's expression, "If there are any grievances that we apprehend the people labour under," as if you doubted their existence. The world resounds with a catalogue of them. Your Excellency surely cannot be unacquainted with them. We should have esteemed it an high obligation if your Excellency had pointed out to us what effectual mode for the redress of those grievances could have been pursued, or what steps we have omitted, which we ought to have taken, in order to avert the inevitable ruin of this once flourishing colony. Every pacific measure, which human nature could devise, has been used; the most humble and dutiful petitions to the throne, petitions to the House of Lords and House of Commons of Great Britain have been repeatedly presented, and as often treated, not only with slight, but with rigour and resentment. We, therefore, with all due deference to your Excellency's judgment, beg leave to observe, that the present are the only measures which seem best calculated for our preservation, and the removal of our intolerable grievances. However, not confiding in them alone, we wait the event, and leave the justice of our cause to the great Sovereign of the universe, upon whom the fate of kingdoms and empires depends. By order of the House,
RAWLINS LOWNDES, Speaker. In the Commons House of Assembly, July 12, 1775.
PHILADELPHIA, July 24.
IN CONGRESS, July 18, 1775.
Resolved, THAT it be recommended to the inhabitants of all the united English colonies in North America, that all able bodied effective men, between sixteen and fifty years of age in each colony, immediately form themselves into regular companies of militia, to consist of one Captain, two Lieutenants, one Ensign, four Serjeants, four Corporals, one Clerk, one Drummer, one Fifer, and about sixty eight privates.
That the officers of each company be chosen by the respective companies.
That each soldier be furnished with a good musket, that will carry an ounce ball, with a bayonet, steel ramrod, worm, priming wire and brush fitted thereto, a cutting sword or tomhawk, a cartridge box, that will contain twenty three rounds of cartridges, twelve flints, and a knapsack.
That the companies be formed into regiments or battalions officered with a Colonel, Lieutenant Colonel, two Majors, an Adjutant or Quarter Master.
That all officers above the rank of a Captain be appointed by their respective provincial Assemblies or Conventions, or in their recess by the committees of safety appointed by said Assemblies or Conventions.
That all officers be commissioned by the provincial Assemblies or Conventions, or in their recess by the committees of safety appointed by said Assemblies or Conventions.
That all the militia take proper care to acquire military skill, and be well prepared for defence, by being each man provided with one pound of good gunpowder, and four pounds of ball fitted to his gun.
That one fourth part of the militia in every colony be selected for minute-men, of such persons as are willing to enter into this necessary service, formed into companies and battalions, and their officers chosen and commissioned as aforesaid, to be ready on the shortest notice to march to any place where their assistance may be required for the defence of their own, or a neighbouring colony; and as these minute-men may eventually be called to action before the whole body of the militia are sufficiently trained, it is recommended that a more particular and diligent attention be paid to their instruction in military discipline.
That such of the minute men, as desire it, be relieved by new draughts, as aforesaid, from the whole body of the militia once in four months.
As there are some people, who, from religious principles, cannot bear arms in any case, this Congress intend no violence to their consciences, but earnestly recommend it to them to contribute liberally, in this time of universal calamity, to the relief of their distressed brethren in the several colonies, and to do all other services to their oppressed country, which they can, consistently with their religious principles.
That it be recommended to the Assemblies or Conventions in the respective colonies to provide, as soon as possible, sufficient stores of ammunition for their colonies; also that they devise proper means for furnishing with arms such effective men as are poor, and unable to furnish themselves.
That it be recommended to each colony to appoint a committee of safety, to superintend and direct all matters necessary for the security and defence of their respective colonies, in the recess of their Assemblies and Conventions.
That each colony, at their own expence, make such provision by armed vessels, or otherwise, as their respective Assemblies, Conventions, or committees of safety, shall judge expedient and suitable to their circumstances and situations, for the protection of their harbours, and navigation on their sea coasts, against all unlawful invasions, attacks, and depredations, from cutters and ships of war.
That it be recommended to the makers of arms for the use of the militia, that they make good substantial muskets, with barrels three feet and a half in length, that will carry an ounce ball, and fitted with a good bayonet and steel ramrod, and that the making such arms be encouraged in these united colonies.
Where, in any colony, a militia is already formed under regulations approved of by the Convention of such colony, or by such Assemblies as are annually elective, we refer to the discretion of such Convention or Assembly, either to adopt the foregoing regulations in the whole, or in part, or to continue their former, as they, on consideration of all circumstances, shall think best.
A true copy from the minutes,
CHARLES THOMPSON, Sec'y
Extract of a letter from the camp at CAMBRIDGE, July 11.
"The General's express, that ought to have left this four days ago, is not yet gone. I therefore sit down to give you some description of our situation here, and that of the enemy. The enemy are situated on Bunker and Breed's hills, both on the peninsula, where the late town of Charlestown stood, and within reach, and under the cover of the guns, from the batteries in the
town of Boston, and the ships in the harbour, and of a number of floating batteries, which they have built, that carries two guns in their bows, two in their sterns, and one on each side. Our people are situated from Charles river, about 200 rods below the college, where we have a redoubt, which begins the line, then about 60 rods from that another redoubt, and lines continued near 100 rods; then at Charlestown road on the west side of the road, at the foot of Prospect Hill, another redoubt, and strong fortification; then on Prospect Hill, is Putnam's post, a very strong fortification; then between that and Winter Hill a redoubt. On Winter Hill, a strong citadel, and lines, over Charlestown road to Millick; then in Mr. Temple's pasture, a strong redoubt, that commands to Millick river; so that we have a complete line of circumvallation from Charles river to Millick river; our main fortress on Prospect Hill; the enemy's main fortress on Bunker's Hill, within cannon shot of each other; a hill between these two posts, a little to the eastward of Prospect Hill, called Cobble Hill, I expect will soon cost us a squabble, which shall have it, our people or their's, nor do I expect it will be many days before the contest begins, which will probably bring on a general engagement; if they let us alone four or five days more, we shall be well prepared, and shan't care how soon they come, the sooner the better. At Roxbury side the enemy have dug across the neck, and let the water through, and our people in turn, have entrenched across the outer end of the neck, and are strongly fortified there, and on the hill by the meeting house, so strong, that I believe every man in Boston, and at Bunker's and Breed's Hills must fall, before they could force a passage that way into the country. General Bourgoyné sent a trumpet yesterday with a letter to General Lee, wishing a composition of the unhappy differences, &c. and says the Parliament will certainly give up all right or pretence of taxation, if that will do, and wishes a conference: This letter is sent to the Congress, for their opinion, and for them to appoint a person whom they can confide in, to attend the conference, and hear what passes, if they judge it best to have a conference. Major Gates is arrived, and we are getting into order and regularity very fast. Last night our people at Roxbury fired the remainder of Brown's buildings on Boston neck, and have drove the enemy's guards back to their lines."
NORFOLK, August 2.
THIS town and neighbourhood have been much disturbed lately with the elopement of their Negroes, owing to a mistaken notion which has unhappily spread amongst them, of finding shelter on board the men of war in this harbour, notwithstanding the assurances given by the commanding officers, that not the least encouragement should be shewn them.
On Friday last a deputation from the Common Hall of this borough waited upon the Captains M c Cartney and Squires of the men of war now lying here, with the thanks of the Corporation for their conduct, in discountenancing the runaway slaves that have made application for service on board.
On Monday last arrived here from St. Augustine, about sixty soldiers, on board the sloop Tender, some time since belonging to Mr. Bowdoin, of the Eastern Shore. These, with about forty more, which are hourly expected, are to compose a body guard for his Excellency the Governor, at his intended place of residence, on board the ship William.
The troops above-mentioned are under the command of a Captain and two Lieutenants: The Ensign, it is said, is on his way over land. The committee for this borough, early yesterday morning, despatched an express to the Honourable the Convention of the colony, now sitting at Richmond, informing them of the arrival of the troops above-mentioned.
WILLIAMSBURG, August 5.
IN CONVENTION, RICHMOND, July 22, 1775.
RICHARD BLAND, Esq; a member of this Convention, and one of the deputies appointed to represent this colony in General Congress, informed the Convention, that certain false and scandalous reports, highly reflecting on him in his public character; had been propagated; to wit, that he had made application to the Earl of Dartmouth, or some of the Ministry, for an appointment to collect the taxes imposed on America by Parliament; and that, as an inducement to them to grant the same, had promised to promote the designs of the Ministry against this country; and also, that his conduct in General Congress had been such that he was obliged suddenly to decamp from the city of Philadelphia.
That he had served as a member of the General Assembly for upwards of 30 years, and hoped the part he had always publicly taken would have secured him, in his age, from an imputation, so injurious to his character. That he earnestly requested a full and public inquiry should be made into the truth of the said reports, and that the Rev. Samuel Shield, the Rev. John Hurt, and Samuel Overton and Joseph Smith, who, he understood, had propagated the said reports, should be summoned to attend the said inquiry; and that every other person who had heard any thing of the said reports would also attend, that the fullest examination might be made into the truth thereof.
Resolved, that this Convention will, on Friday next, examine into the truth of the reports mentioned in the said information.
FRIDAY, JULY 28, 1775.
The Convention, according to the order of the day, went into an examination of the reports said to have been propagated to the prejudice of Richard Bland, Esq; a member of this Convention, and one of the deputies appointed to represent this colony in General Congress; and, after the examination of the Rev. Samuel Shield, and the Rev. John Hurt, and many other witnesses, and a full inquiry into the same, do find the said reports to be utterly false and groundless, and tending not only to injure the said Richard Bland in his public character, but to prejudice the glorious cause in which America is now embarked.
Resolved, unanimously, that this Convention do consider it as their duty to bear to the world their testimony that the said Richard Bland hath manifested himself the friend of his country, and uniformly stood forth an able assertor of her rights and liberties.
(A copy) PEYTON RANDOLPH, President. JOHN TAZEWELL, Clk. Convention.
IN CONVENTION, JULY 24, 1775.
Resolved, that no flour, wheat, or other grain or provisions of any kind, be exported from this colony, to any part of the world, from and after the 5th day of August next, until the Convention, or Assembly, or the Honourable the Continental Congress, shall order otherwise; that no quantities of the said articles, more than are necessary for the use of the inhabitants, be brought to, collected, or stored in the towns, or other places upon or near navigable waters; that the respective county committees be directed to take care that this resolve be effectually carried into execution; and that all contracts made for the sale and delivery of any such articles for exportation, between this time and the 10th day of September next, be considered as null and void.
PEYTON RANDOLPH, President.
IN CONVENTION, JULY 29, 1775.
Resolved, that the several inspectors of the public warehouses in this colony do, some time before the last of August next, and after advertising the same in the public papers, at their warehouses, and at the courthouses of their counties, make sale of all transfer and other tobacco, which may have laid one year in their respective warehouses, for ready money, at the said warehouse, or at the courthouse of the county, and pay the money arising from such sale as the law directs.
(A Copy) PEYTON RANDOLPH, President. JOHN TAZEWELL, Clk. Convention.
For CHARTER TO ANY PART OF EUROPE, THE BRIG ABBY, JONAS HERBERT MASTER, An exceeding good Vessel, Burthen about 250 Hogsheds, or 7,500 Bushels. For Terms apply to GREENWOOD, RITSON, & MARSH.
URBANA, July 29, 1775.
I intend to leave the Colony soon, for a few Months. BENNETT BROWNE.
KING WILLIAM, July 27, 1775.
STOLEN, in the Night of the 20th Instant, from the Plantation of Ralph Wormeley, Esq; in this County, a LIGHT BAY HORSE, rising 4 Years old, 4 Feet 9 Inches high, with a Blaze Face, his left hind Foot white, neither docked nor branded. Also a BAY MARE about 14 Hands high, branded on the near Buttock RW, has a hanging Mane and Switch Tail, and has been lately worked in a Plough. Whoever will bring the said Horse and Mare to me, at the aforesaid Plantation, or will give such Intelligence that I may get them, shall have 20s. Reward if taken up in this County, and 40s. if out thereof. (11) HARRY GAINES. There was a SADDLE carried off with the Horses.
STRAYED, or STOLEN, from the Subscriber, at Drummond's Neck, in James City County, on the 18th of June, a DARK BAY HORSE about 4 Feet 4 or 5 Inches high, branded on the near Shoulder IT, and on the near Buttock =, has a Half hanging Mane and Switch Tail, both hind Feet white, and about 6 or 7 Years old. Whoever brings the said Horse to me, at the above-mentioned Place, shall have 20s. Reward, paid by EDWARD LACY.
Taken up, in Goochland, a SORREL GELDING about 4 Feet 9 Inches high, with some white Specks upon him, a Star in his Forehead, a hanging Mane and Switch Tail, paces slow, and branded on the near Buttock D. Potted, and appraised to 20l. JOLLEY PARRISH.
RICHMOND, July 17, 1775.
THE Subscriber intends for Great Britain immediately. THOMAS BOWEN.
RICHMOND Town, July 26, 1775.
I intend to leave this Colony soon, and return in a few Months. ANDREW CHALMER.
FOR SALE, A QUANTITY OF SOUND CHINA and SARSAPARELLA. ALSO A FEW BOXES OF ASSORTED MEDICINES, Not exceeding 5l. Sterling per Box. FREDERICKSBURG, } 211) CHARLES MORTIMER, Jun. July 19, 1775.
On Wednesday the 9th of August will be sold, at the late Dwelling-House of Daniel Baxter, deceased, in Williamsburg, to the highest Bidders, one NEGRO WOMAN, and all the personal Estate of said Baxter. Six Months Credit will be allowed for all Sums above five Pounds, the Purchasers giving Bond, with approved Security, to THE ADMINISTRATOR.
All Persons indebted to said Baxter are requested to make immediate Payment, otherwise to give Bond for what they owe; and those who have Demands against the same are desired to make them known as soon as possible.
COMMITTED to the Gaol of Chesterfield, three Negro Men, one of them a small Fellow, named PHIL, belonging to Mr. John Binsford of Charles City; another named EMPEROR, belonging to Mr. John West of King William; the other named DANIEL, belonging to Mr. Nicholas George of Middlesex. Their Clothing is such as Plantation Negroes commonly wear. The Owners are desired to prove their Properties, pay Charges, and take them away. JAMES BALL, Gaoler.
TO BE SOLD,
TWO very fine and strong BLOOD BAY HORSES, with long Tails; one 4 Years old, and 15 1/2 Hands high; the other 5, and 14 1/2 Hands high. They go extremely well in Saddle or Harness, for the last of which they have been principally used. Also three very fine BROOD MARES; one of them is 4 Years old, the others 3, and with Foal by KING HEROD and DAMON. One of the aged Mares has a FILLY 3 Months old, to be sold with her. Any Person inclined to purchase any of them are desired to apply to Mr. Craig, Saddler in Williamsburg. Nothing but Cash can be taken, as they are to be sold extremely cheap.
Three Pounds Reward.
RUN away from the Subscriber, about the first of June last, a likely Virginia born Negro Man named BILLY, about 30 Years of Age, about 5 Feet 8 Inches high, has a Variety of Clothes, is very sensible, and by Trade a Shoemaker. I have heard of him in the Neighbourhood of Williamsburg. JOHN WALKER. ALBEMARE, July 24, 1775.
STRAYED from the Subscriber, in Albemarle, about the 25th of May last, a likely high blooded yellow bay HORSE, 3 Years old, about 14 Hands and an Inch high, neither docked, branded, nor broke. I expect he is in Louisa or Hanover, and will give 30s. Reward for him. JOHN WALKER.
STRAYED, or STOLEN, from Mr. Skelton's, in Hanover, on the Night of the 16th Inst. (4) a BLACK HORSE, 5 Years old, about 4 Feet 7 Inches high, not branded, has a hanging Mane and Switch Tail, a small hard Lump on one of his short Ribs, on the near Side, occasioned, I believe, by a Hurt with a Saddle; he has been rowelled in the Breast, but I do not know whether the Scar is perceivable or not; paces, trots, and gallops well, and goes a little lame when he first sets off. Whoever will deliver him to me, in New Kent, shall have 30s. Reward. (2) LEWIS WEBB.

Reflecting on what had happened, the House judged it an indispensable duty they owed their constituents to inquire into the state of the public magazine; and, before they knew of the late disturbances, appointed a committee for that purpose. The committee, previous to their taking any other step, waited upon your Excellency, and, in the most respectful manner, desired that you would be pleased to direct the keeper of the magazine to give them access thereto. The key was delivered to them, by your Lordship's orders. They, at the same time, informed your Excellency of the confusion that had happened; and that they had, to prevent the like depredations, requested some Gentlemen of the town to guard the magazine, till proper measures could be taken for its further security, which your Lordship did not make the least objection to. There had been, by your Excellency's permission, a considerable quantity of copper money, belonging to the country, lodged in the magazine. This was an additional reason for the committee's taking a precaution, which your Lordship is pleased to call "ordering and appointing guards, without consulting you, to mount in the city of Williamsburg, and a design to usurp the executive power." The committee did not pretend any authority to mount guard; and, had your Lordship disliked what they thought a prudent step, in the then confused state of things, it would have been kind in your Lordship to have intimated as much.
Upon the committee's inquiry, they found, indeed, that there was little worth guarding in the magazine; the powder having been all removed, except about five half-barrels, buried by your Excellency's order in the yard, for what purpose we cannot conceive, and all the valuable mallets having been spoiled of their locks.
Your Lordship speaks of a body of men assembled in the city of Williamsburg, not only to the "knowledge, but with the approbation of every body, for the avowed purpose of attacking a party of the King's forces, which it was reported, though without foundation, was marching to your Lordship's protection."
We know of no men, my Lord, assembled for the purpose you mention, though you are pleased to say it was done with the "knowledge and approbation of every body;" in which number, we suppose, the House of Burgesses were particularly designed to be included. Upon the best information, the truth appears to be this: An account was brought into the city in the morning, that Captain Collins, of the Magdalen , had slipped his cable, and was come up the river with a number of boats, in which there were said to be an hundred armed men at least, intended to be marched into the city. It could not be conceived what was proposed by this manœuvre; the city was quiet, and we believe no man in it suspected that your Lordship could have the least apprehension that your person was in danger; nor had we the smallest suspicion of your fears, till the receipt of your former message, acquainting us of your removal. The citizens, however, as well as others, were astonished, and somewhat alarmed, not knowing what was intended. Your Lordship may remember, that his Majesty's Council, from their address to your Excellency, were not without their apprehensions. A number of the inhabitants, and we suppose some others, but how many we know not, assembled under arms, that they might be prepared to defend the city, and its inhabitants, in case any thing hostile should be attempted. This, we are convinced, was their only view. Upon their being made acquainted with your Lordship's answer to the Council, we understood that they all immediately retired peaceably and quietly, without any disturbance. The city was again at rest, and continued composed, till they heard of your Lordship's removal with your family in the dead of night , as if you could have supposed that any one would have attempted to offer you any obstruction, or to interfere with your inclinations.
This extraordinary step, which none could account for, occasioned great consternation in the city; and we believe would surprise the whole world, were they acquainted with it. We have already, my Lord, in a former address, of which, according to custom, a copy was left with you, and which you directed to have presented on a certain day, long since past, without your giving us an opportunity of doing it, assigned the reasons why we could not interpose our legislative authority respecting the courts of justice.
The occasion and design of forming independent companies at first, and the rise of volunteer companies afterwards, we have already explained, and cannot see the necessity of abolishing them. They are not designed to interfere with your Lordship's full exercise of the legal and constitutional powers of your government, which we would wish to have supported on all occasions; and are of opinion, that the laws in force are competent to that end. But, if it is expected that the country should again be thrown into a defenceless state, self-preservation, the first law of nature, forbids it. If your Lordship were really apprehensive that your person was in danger, the tender of the Council and this House, of their most effectual assistance to remove every appearance of risk, we were hopeful would have quieted all your fears. A proper guard, at the public expence, would have been at your service, had you judged it necessary. Your Lordship's declining to propose such measure as we, consistent with our own security, could accept, and demanding what you must have known was not in our power to comply with, affords no strong evidence of your inclination to restore tranquillity to this country.
Those who have taken any of his Majesty's public store of arms are open to the law, which has its full operation, as heretofore; and we will not to interrupt its course. But surely your Lordship cannot expect us, by any new act, which would be ex post facto , in the most odious sense of the words, to inflict other pains and penalties for offences already committed. This, we conceive, would be the greatest infringement of a fundamental principle of our excellent constitution. Such a practise may, indeed, have obtained under another meridian; but it is not, my Lord, of American growth. Whether that spirit of persecution, which your Lordship has been pleased to describe, prevails in this country, we appeal to the evidence which appears on our journals. Were those, and those only, to be considered as persecuted men, who, from principles and duty, are attached to their King and his government, we ourselves, my Lord, should fall under this predicament; and perhaps may, with justice, think humanity disgraced by such proceedings. That some few people may have been deluded, we shall not question; the utmost pains we know have been taken, in different colonies, to alarm them with the "disfigured side of the American" story, and to render them deaf and blind to their true interest and political salvation. So far as our example can influence the people of this country in preserving their loyalty to his Majesty, a proper respect to Government, and the good order of society, your Lordship may be assured that it shall be made as diffusive as possible.
We have, my Lord, the sincerest and most active desire to seize every opportunity of establishing the freedom of our country upon a fixed and "known foundation," and of uniting ourselves with our fellow subjects of Great Britain in one common bond of interest and natural affection. But we have no "doubts" of what such freedom consists in; it is written, as with a sun-beam on our hearts. We are equally sensible of those essentials, which alone can admit us to the participation of a just proportion of the common interest; but, for the variety of cogent reasons assigned by our address in answer to your Lordship's speech, we cannot view the proposal of the House of Commons in the same light your Lordship seems to do.
The important business of the Assembly, my Lord, has been not a little interrupted by your Excellency's removal from the proper seat of your government. As to your Lordship's offer, that we might adjourn to the town of York, we think this would be extremely improper, on several accounts. The town of York could not afford tolerable accommodations for so numerous an Assembly; and, which is of more consequence, we humbly con-
ceive that this, and this place alone, is established by law for holding our General Assemblies. If there are any hopes left of your Excellency's compliance, we must reiterate our request, that you will be pleased to return, with your family, to the palace, for the reasons assigned in our former address. We feel, most sensibly, the disagreeable situation your excellent Lady must be in. But if, after all, your Lordship is determined to persist in your resolution of absence, we must endeavour to rest satisfied; conscious that, whilst we have been solicitous to do justice to our constituents and ourselves, we have not been wanting in the respect which is due to the representative of our most gracious Sovereign.
We cannot, my Lord, but consider the representatives of the body of the people, when convened in Assembly, as part of that great and general council which our constitution hath fixed for advising our Governors in all matters respecting the public weal. His Majesty's Honourable Council are especially appointed for this purpose; they are well acquainted with our constitution; their duty to his Majesty will urge them to support the prerogative of the Crown, at the same time that their justice should lead them to maintain the rights of the people. We, therefore (sincerely regarding your Lordship's tranquillity and happiness, as well as the important interests of this whole community) think ourselves loudly called upon to give it as our best advice that your Lordship will be pleased to advise with your proper and constitutional Council in all matters of importance, and not suffer yourself to be influenced by designing men; but that you will banish all such from your presence, as the greatest enemies to your own repose and the real happiness of this extensive country.
WILLIAMSBURG, July 29, 1779.
ALL Persons who have any Demands against the Estate of Matthew Moody , deceased, are to make them known immediately; and those indebted to his Estate are requested to make Payment to the Subscriber, who is empowered to settle the said Estate. (2) WILLIAM RUSSELL.
RUN away from the Subscriber, in Williamsburg , the 16th Instant ( July ) two Servant Men, viz. JOHN STAUNTON, an Englishman , very talkative, by Trade a Wheelwright, pitted with the Smallpox, about 5 Feet 7 or 8 Inches high, with short dark Hair; had on, when he went away, a brown Cloth Coat and Jacket, and striped and Check Trousers. —ANDREW M'GILL, a Scotchman , by Trade a Blacksmith, about 5 Feet 7 Inches high, wears short dark Hair, of a swarthy Complexion; had on a dark blue Cloth Coat and Jacket, Leather Breeches, and striped and Check Trousers.—I imagine they will endeavour to pass for Sailors, as from the ships of war. I have heard that they were seen going towards North Carolina , and will give 5l. for each if secured in any Gaol. JOHN SHIPHARD.
TAKEN up, in King George , a RED COW, marked with a Crop and Slit in each Ear. Potted, and appraised to 40s. (||) FRANCIS CONWAY.
WILLIAMSBURG, July 22, 1775.
WHEREAS we the SUBSCRIBERS, Executors of the Estate of John Turner , deceased, being duly empowered to act, have thought proper to discharge Mr. George Reid , who, for sixteen Months past, has had the Management of the said Turner's Business, and settling the late Partnership of Allan and Turner : This is to inform the Public that William Turner is appointed to settle the said Estates, and that he alone is fully authorised to settle every Transaction relative thereto. All Persons indebted to the said Concern are requested to make speedy Payment, as the Debts have been long due, and their Creditors in Britain , and Mr. Allan's Heirs, are very solicitous for Remittances. WILLIAM PEARSON, } Ex'rs. WILLIAM TURNER, }
HAMPTON, June 20, 1775.
THE Subscriber begs Leave to inform the Public that the KING'S ARMS TAVERN of this Place, formerly kept by her late Husband, William M'Caa , deceased, is still continued open by her; and, further, to assure any Gentlemen disposed to favour her with their Custom, that they may depend upon her utmost Endeavours to keep the House in the best Manner. SARAH M'CAA. Proper Accommodations will be provided for Horses, and Gentlemen may rely upon their being taken due Care of.
NORTHUMBERLAND, June 19, 1775.
WHEREAS , on or about the 30th of March last, I purchased Half of a Vessel of Mr. Joseph Hester , for which I paid 12l. 10s. immediately, and gave my Bond for the further Sum of 12l. 10s. payable to the said Joseph Hester on or before the 20th day of August next; I hereby forewarn all Persons from taking any Assignment of the said Bond, as I am determined not to pay it, the Vessel not being agreeable to Bargain, &c. RICHARD NUTT.
SOUTHAMPTON, July 3, 1775.
STOLEN out of my House, between the 20th and 28th of March last, one three Pint SILVER TAN-KARD , and one Pint CAN , marked M E , which I have the greatest Reason to believe were taken and conveyed away by a Negro Man Slave belonging to Edmund Taylor , Esq; of Mecklenburg , he being in my Neighbourhood about that Time. Whoever delivers me the said Plate, or gives me such Intelligence that I get them again, shall be handsomely rewarded by JAMES RIDLEY.
FOR CHARTER, A NEW BRIGANTINE, that will carry three Hundred Hogheads, or nine Thousand Bushels, and will be ready to receive a Cargo in ten Days. For Terms apply to JAMES ARCHDEACON. NORFOLK, July 14, 1775.
TAPPAHANNOCK (Essex County) July 10, 1775. I intend for Great Britain immediately. JAMES GORDON.
BLANDFORD, July 6, 1775.
THE Subscriber has a few CASKS of SHOES , about 30l. Sterling Worth each, imported last Fall, in the JEAN, Capt. Ritchie , which he will dispose of at a low Advance for ready Money, or short Credit. (4) JOHN GREEN.
THE Subscriber being very desirous of getting out of Debt, without any Dependence on his ungrateful Debtors, proposes to sell the pleasant and healthy Seat of HUNTINGTOUR , near Appomattox River , in the lower End of Buckingham , with 1500 or 2000 Acres of good Land, which produces fine Tobacco, Hemp, Wheat, &c. The House are new, and the best I have seen in the country; a larger and better Garden I believe is not in the Colony, and on this Land are several Hundred Fruit Trees of the best Kind, many of which were brought by water to Richmond Town above 80 Miles. On this Tract of Land is a large Proportion of exceeding fine Meadow Land, with a Fish Pond within three Hundred Yards of the Dwelling-House, stored with various Kinds of fine Fish, sufficient for the Use of a Family the Year round. In this Neighbourhood is Plenty of excellent Venison. The Air is so pure that I never knew an Instance of any Person having the Ague and Fever at Huntingtour . I have travelled through the most Parts of Virginia , and I have not seen any Part that I would so willingly reside in as this Neighbourhood. If I sell this Place, I shall live on the Part of this Tract of Land which has been advertised for some Time past. I make no Doubt but Appomattox River will be soon cleared, and then Wheat will be carried as far as Col. Banister's Mill, near Petersburg , for 4d. or 5d. per Bushel. I made at this Place 100 Gallons of rich Wine in 1772, and last Year (if it had not been for the Frost) I could have made 5 or 600 Gallons, which Quantity I expect to make this Year.
HUNTINGTOUR would be a pleasant and safe Place for a Gentleman of Fortune to retreat to in the Horrors of a civil War, or in the sickly Months of many Parts of the Lowlands. "What is Honour, Grandeur, and Wealth? All fleeting, Nothing's without Health!"
I hope any Gentlemen inclined to purchase will visit the Premises this Summer.—I will also sell, very cheap (that is, for about Half the Value) the Tract of rich LAND I have advertised in Albemarle for some Time past.
ANTHONY WINSTON.
W A N T E D,
A SOBER Man, well acquainted with Book-Keeping, and the Management of a Store. Such a Person, well recommended, will meet with Encouragement by applying to the Subscriber, in Princess Anne . ANTHONY WALKER.
ALEXANDRIA, June 5, 1775.
EIGHT POUNDS REWARD.
RUN away from the Subscriber, two intended Servants named ROBERT SHAW and ANDREW INGLES , both Natives of Scotland , and Bakers by Trade. Each of them had on a Bearskin Jacket lined with Plaid, Onnabrag Trousers, old Shoes, and Half worn Caster Hats. Their Bundles consist, as it is supposed, of two Match Coat Blankets, two Pair of Leather Breeches, two Onnabrag Shirts, two Check Shirts, and two red Jackets. Shaw is about 5 Feet 10 Inches high, has a swarthy Complexion, dark short frized Hair, a long Scar on his right Arm, appears bold, and talks much. Ingles is about 5 Feet 5 Inches high, has short straight Hair, swarthy and long featured, has a Scab over his right Eye, his right Leg is sore, he is fond of Liquor, and talks more in his Country Dialect than Shaw . THOMAS WALSON , a Convict, about 27 Years of Age, a Barber by Trade, about 5 Feet 6 Inches high, has a Laddish down Look, brown straight Hair, a little knock-kneed, and a leering Look; had on, and took with him, two white Linen Shirts, an old Drab coloured Cloth Coat, one red and one striped Holland Jacket, one Pair of new Drilling Breeches, one Pair of old Buff coloured Stocking Breeches, one Pair of white and one Pair of white and blue spotted Stockings, a new Felt Hat bound with black Ferreting, has a black Silk Handkerchief, and some other Things which cannot be described. WILLIAM LEE , by Trade a Cooper, about 5 Feet 9 Inches high, marked with the Smallpox, has a remarkable large Nose, speaks thick, and is impudent; he took with him a yellow Bull-Dog, with cropped Ears, one Side of his Face white, has a Glass Eye, and white Breast and Neck, is very fond of going into the Water, and answers to the Name of Turk . The said Lee had a Variety of Clothes, which cannot well be described. Whoever takes up, and secures the said Servants, shall have the above Reward, or 40s. for each, paid by JAMES KIRK. ROBERT ADAM. GEORGE PURVIS. (tf—||3s.)
STRAYED from the Subscriber, in Blandford , on the 4th of March last, a dark bay Mare, 7 or 8 Years old, about 14 Hands high, with a hanging Mane and Switch Tail, cat-hamm'd, paces naturally, has some Saddle Spots on the near Side, and branded WK , or WR , on the near Shoulder and Buttock. Also a small forrel FILLY went away with her, two Years old this Spring, had a Snip on the right Nostril, but neither docked nor branded. They were seen on Rowanty , and are imagined to have gone towards Walker's Mill , on Nottoway , or Hick's Ford , on Meherrin .—Whoever will bring the said Mares to me shall be handsomely rewarded for their Trouble. DAVID BLACK. (tf)
TO BE RENTED,
A large Dwelling-House In RICHMOND TOWN ,
40 Feet by 20, with two rooms below and two above, a Garden newly pailed in, a Kitchen, and all other Outhouses necessary for a Family. The Situation is as pleasant as any in Town. The Terms may be known by applying to the Printers hereof, or to the Subscriber, in said Town. GABRIEL GALT. (tf)
TO BE SOLD,
THREE Thousand Acres of well timbered LAND, near Newmarket , in Caroline County , whereon are two Plantations in good Repair, with proper and convenient Edifices for farming or making of Tobacco. For Terms apply to the Subscriber. JOHN BAYLOR. (tf)
TO BE SOLD,
A TRACT of LAND in Caroline County , contiguous to Natapony , containing about 2000 Acres of well timbered Land, the Property of Mr. Robert Baylor . The Terms may be known by applying to Mr. Nathaniel Burwell of King William , Mr. John Armistead of Caroline , and Mr. John Baylor , Executors. (tf)
For SALE, and very CHEAP,
THE Tract of LAND whereon I now live, in the lower End of Caroline County , that contains 470 Acres, and is known to be very good. The Improvements are, a new Dwelling-House 32 by 28 Feet, with three Dormants on a Side, two Fireplaces below, and one above, a good Cellar, the Kitchen 24 by 16 Feet, with all other Outhouses quite new, and the Plantation in fine Order for Copping. Its Situation is equal to any Forest Place whatever. I will give Credit till next Christmas , when Possession may be had. (tf) LE ROY HIPKINS.