The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg [Va.]), 1775-07-22 00:00:00

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To Mr. RICHARD BLAND.
SIR,
PUBLIC addresses, considered as essential to fair and candid inquiries, and expressed in terms of decency, become less disagreeable in proportion as they are more necessary, and generally are received with a suitable degree of deference and respect: But when, instead of establishing truth, they are intended to fix upon the persons to whom they are addressed the most opprobrious appellations; when, instead of modest and rational language, they abound with invective and illiberal abuse, they are not only unpleasing, but excite that just indignation which every man of sensibility, when injured, must feel. Should a harsh expression, therefore, drop from my pen, the impartial public, I hope, will not consider it as the effect of inclination, but what the exigency of the case requires.
You say, "that during your absence from the colony I had, with much confidence, declared you had solicited, by letter, some person in Administration for a pecuniary appointment under Government; that, in return for such a favour, you had promised to exert yourself to carry into execution the ministerial measures against the rights and liberties of America; and that I had seen a letter to that purpose, subscribed with your name." I deny the charge. Had the same degree of temper and candour directed your inquiry, and my relation of a conversation which happened in England, you probably, by being better informed, would not have been betrayed into that excessive virulence of expression which equally disgraces your abilities and age. The low arts of slander and calumny I abhor, and resign them to those ignoble beings, who, like yourself, set a value upon no one's character but their own. Believe me, I have never been so great an enemy to virtue as not to behold the character of every one in the most sacred light. I have always considered integrity as an essential ingredient to complete the happiness of man, and therefore was well aware of the delicacy with which subjects of such a nature ought to be treated.
"A young Clergyman, who is just entering into public life, would, you suppose, be very cautious of slinging out reports, which reflect upon the characters of other men, unless he was certain of the truth of them." This argument, viewed in a proper and reasonable light, might also have induced you to put a milder construction upon my conduct, which you have censured in terms most odious and severe. For what could have more strongly indicated an infatuated mind than an attempt, at my first entrance into a public office, to cut off all prospect of future advantage therefrom, by at once declaring myself a rebel to virtue, and the happiness of mankind? This was to act against the known rules of prudence. What more certain proof could I have given of baseness and folly, than wantonly to have endeavoured to strip those laurels from another's head, which I was certain could never encircle my own? Besides, Sir, in society, I believe there are reciprocal duties. If I, as a Clergyman, am bound to observe a more circumspect and uniform conduct than others, as a Clergyman I am surely entitled to receive the degree of respect which that character has always been thought to deserve. I cannot but wish that you had enlivened your instructive lesson by a corresponding example. I am really sorry that those thirty years , wherein " honours have been blushing thick " upon you, should have been so ill employed, that you are now found altogether destitute of propriety and good manners. It is easy enough to point out the proper line of duty to others; but how difficult it is to pursue it ourselves you have sufficiently demonstrated.
In what light to consider the last paragraph of your letter, I am indeed at a loss. That a stranger to my person and character too, you would treat me so like the most degenerate of mankind, as peremptorily to pronounce, that "I had boldly and industriously propagated an infamous and invidious falsehood," I cannot believe, unless you expected, by the clamour of guilt, to stifle the gentle rebukes of conscience, and, under the appearance of an enraged zeal for your character, to transfer upon me, as a liar, the odium which you were likely to incur from being a traitor. Whether this be the case, or an habitual practice in scurrility and abuse has rendered you callous to every generous sentiment, and insensible of the distinction between things that are decent and those that are opprobrious, I shall gladly appear before the tribunal you last mention (your own person I suppose is meant) to be informed. With however great care you may endeavour to preserve inviolate those honours , which have accrued to you from being the first representative of a county for thirty years past ; with however great pleasure you may reflect on your appointment to represent this country in the Grand Continental Congress ; be assured, that I shall watch over my character not only as a Clergyman, but as one who acts upon the principles of honesty and truth with a no less jealous eye, and that the proper discharge of my duty will be attended with reflections equally agreeable as that of yours can be.
Not to make atonement for an insult, which I have not offered, but to vindicate my character, and to inform the public whence your malicious accusations have originated, I shall relate part of a conversation, which happened the night before my departure from Gravesend, between a Gentleman and myself, who, from the best information I could get, was a person of considerable property, and an unblemished character. This Gentleman, in the presence of three others (one or two of whom are in the country at present, and, I doubt not, ready to attest what I shall say) asked me, what I should think of the matter, if he was to inform me that one of the Delegates for Virginia had applied to Lord North for the office of tax-gatherer of the duties on tea. I, of course, expressed my astonishment at such a question. He, however, pledged his word and honour
that he had seen a petition from one of the Delegates to that purpose; that the correspondent of the Delegate, through whose hands it passed, had not any interest, nor even personal acquaintance, with the Minister; that, in consequence thereof, the correspondent was obliged to get it delivered through the medium of a friend; that the last mentioned Gentleman shewed it to him, while it was in his possession; that the Delegate therein assured the Minister, it had been in his power to inflame the minds of some of the people; that he could compose them at will, and only waited an opportunity to distinguish himself on the behalf of Government. This relation naturally excited our curiosity to know the person, and conjectures were accordingly made. The names of several were mentioned, whom he declared to be innocent: When the name of Mr. Bland was mentioned, he said that he did not choose to discover the person at all. Thus was the matter in substance related to me; and thus have I invariably related it since my arrival in Virginia. How far this account corresponds with the representation that you have made, it rests with the impartial public to determine. To have suppressed an information, which, at the same time that it contained matter of the greatest importance to the public Weal, bore the most evident marks of truth, might have been well deemed a sanction given by me to secret villainy. Any disguised enemy I have always considered as dangerous; but when one, to whom the supreme direction of the affairs of the state is entrusted, took upon him that character, I thought it my duty, if possible, to drag him from his obscurity, and expose him to public view, not only as a dangerous but truly formidable foe. That in this business, however, I proceeded with the greatest caution, and did not in one circumstance exceed the limits which either truth or my information prescribed to me, I can with much confidence affirm. A modest application at any time would have induced me to stand forth the advocate of justice and truth, and declare what I now do; as thereby the innocent might have had an opportunity of clearing themselves of suspicion: But you, Sir, in an unmanly and ungenerous manner, have extorted it from me by the most base and false accusations; and, instead of leading a young man into the perplexing wilds of controversy with that moderation becoming your character and age, have, with rancorous malice, hurried me before the public eye under the most unfavourable appearances.
I do therefore call upon you, in the most solemn manner, to deliver up your author, either in a private or public manner, or be assured that it shall rest with you to make good the allegations in your letter. I am, Sir, Your humble servant, CAROLINE, } July 12th, 1775. } SAMUEL SHELD.
A DECLARATION by the REPRESENTATIVES of the united colonies of NORTH AMERICA, now met in GENERAL CONGRESS at PHILADELPHIA, setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up Arms.
IF it was possible for men, who exercise their reason, to believe that the Divine Author of our existence intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute property in, and an unbounded power over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domination, never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the Parliament of Great Britain, some evidence that this dreadful authority over them has been granted to that body. But a reverence for our great Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end. The legislature of Great Britain, however stimulated by an inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom, and desperate of success in any mode of contest, where regard should be had to truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last appeal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that Assembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited rule, so to slight justice and the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations of respect to the rest of the world, to make known the justice of our cause.
Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great Britain, left their native land, to seek on these shores a residence for civil and religious freedom. At the expence of their blood, at the hazard of their fortunes, without the least charge to the country from which they removed, by unceasing labour and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements in the distant and inhospitable wilds of America, then filled with numerous and warlike nations of barbarians. Societies or governments, vested with perfect legislatures, were formed under charters from the Crown, and an harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies and the kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time so extraordinary, as to excite astonishment. It is universally confessed, that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the realm, arose from this source; and the Minister who so wisely and successfully directed the measures of Great Britain in the late war, publicly declared, that these colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies. Towards the conclusion of that war, it pleased our Sovereign to make a change in his councils. From that fatal moment, the affairs of the British empire began to fall into confusion, and gradually sliding from the summit of glorious prosperity to which they had been advanced by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at length distracted by the convulsions, that now shake it to its deepest foundations. The new Ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and of then subduing her faithful friends.
These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a state, as to present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statutable depredation. The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful behaviour from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most honorable manner by his Majesty, by the late King, and by Parliament, could not save them from the meditated innovations. Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project, and assuming a new power over them, have in the course of eleven years given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property; statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of courts of Admiralty and Vice Admiralty beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial by jury in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of the colonies; for interdicting all commerce of another; and for altering fundamentally the form of government established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly confirmed by the Crown; for exempting the "murderers" of colonists from legal trial, and in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has also been resolved in Parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported to England to be tried.
But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute it is declared, that Parliament can "of right make laws to bind us IN ALL CASES WHATSOEVER." What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by us; or is subject to our control or influence: But on the contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burthens in proportion as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly and ineffectually besieged the Throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated, with Parliament in the most mild and decent language. But Administration sensible that we should regard these oppressive measures as freemen ought to do, sent out fleets and armies to enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roused it is true; but it was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal and affectionate people. A Congress of Delegates from the united colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful petition to the King, and also addressed our fellow subjects of Great Britain. We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure, we have even proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow subjects, as the last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth should supplant our attachment to liberty. This, we flattered ourselves, was the ultimate step of the controversy: But subsequent events have shewn, how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies.
Several threatening expressions against the colonies were inserted in his Majesty's speech; our petition, though we were told it was a decent one, that his Majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously, and to promise laying it before his Parliament, was huddled into both Houses amongst a bundle of American papers, and there neglected. The Lords and Commons in their address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion at that time actually existed within the province of Massachusetts Bay, and that those concerned in it had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements, entered into by his Majesty's subjects in several of the other colonies; and therefore they besought his Majesty, that he would take the most effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature." Soon after the commercial intercourse of whole colonies, with foreign countries and with each other, was cut off by an act of Parliament; by another, several of them were entirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always depended for their subsistence; and large reinforcement of ships and troops were immediately sent over to General Gage.
Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguished Peers and Commoners, who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated and unexampled outrages were hurried on. Equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our favour. Parliament adopted an insidious manœuvre calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations where colony should bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives, and thus to extort from us at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that should be sufficient to gratify, if possible, to gratify ministerial rapacity, with the miserable indulgence left to us of raising in our own mode the prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could have been dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies? In our circumstances to accept them would be to deserve them.
Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this continent, General Gage, who, in the course of the last year, had taken possession of the town of Boston in the province of Massachusetts Bay, and still occupied it as a garrison, on the 19th day of April, sent out from that place a large detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the said province, at the town of Lexington, as appears by the affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers and

foldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the inhabitants, and wounded many others. From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the town of Concord, where they met upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province, killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities thus commenced by the British troops, have been since prosecuted by them without regard to faith or reputation. The inhabitants of Boston being confined within that town by the General their Governor, and having, in order to procure their dismissal, entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the said inhabitants having deposited their arms with their own magistrates, should have liberty to depart, taking with them their other effects. They accordingly delivered up their arms, but in open violation of honour, in defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even savage nations esteemed sacred, the Governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they might be preserved for their owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers; detained the greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled the few who were permitted to retire, to leave their most valuable effects behind.
By this perfidy, wives are separated from their husbands, children from their parents, the aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wish to attend and comfort them; and those who have been used to live in plenty, and even elegance, are reduced to deplorable distress.
The General further emulating his ministerial masters, by a proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these colonies, proceeds to "declare them all either by name or description to be rebels and traitors, to supersede the course of the common law, and instead thereof to publish and order the use and exercise of the law martial." His troops have butchered our countrymen; have wantonly burnt Charlestown, besides a considerable number of houses in other places; our ships and vessels are seized; the necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to spread destruction and devastation around him.
We have received certain intelligence, that General Carleton, the Governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province and the Indians to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason to apprehend, that schemes have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In brief, a part of these colonies now feels, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of Administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities of fire, sword, and famine. We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated Ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.
Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great, and if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the Divine favour towards us, that his Providence would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy until we were grown up to our present strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operations, and possessed of the means of defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly, before GOD and the world declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers, which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties, being with one mind resolved to die free men rather than to live slaves.
Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them, that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. Necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them. We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation, or even suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.
In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it; for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before.
With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to conduct us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war.
By order of Congress.
JOHN HANCOCK, President.
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
Attested. PHILADELPHIA, July 6, 1775.
IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1775.
Resolved, that the two acts passed in the first session of the present Parliament, the one entitled, "An act to restrain the trade and commerce of the province of Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, and colonies of Connecticut and Rhode Island and Providence plantations in North America, to Great Britain, Ireland, and the British islands in the West Indies; and to prohibit such provinces and colonies from carrying on any fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, or other places therein mentioned, under certain conditions and limitations;" the other entitled, "An act to restrain the trade and commerce of the colonies of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South Carolina, to Great Britain, Ireland, and the British islands in the West Indies, under certain conditions and limitations," are unconstitutional, oppressive, and cruel, and that the commercial opposition of these colonies, to certain acts enumerated in the association of the last Congress, ought to be made against these until they are repealed.
A true copy from the minutes
CHARLES THOMSON, Sec'y.
The TWELVE UNITED COLONIES, by their DELEGATES in CONGRESS,
TO THE INHABITANTS OF GREAT BRITAIN.
Friends, Countrymen, and Brethren,
By these, and by every other appellation that may designate the ties, which bind us to each other, we entreat your serious attention to this our second attempt, to prevent their dissolution. Remembrance of former friendships, pride in the glorious achievements of our common ancestors, and affection for the heirs of their virtues, have hitherto preserved our mutual connection; but when that friendship is violated by the grossest injuries, when the pride of ancestry becomes our reproach, and we are no otherwise allied than as tyrants and slaves; when reduced to the melancholy alternative of renouncing your favour, or our freedom, can we hesitate about the choice? Let the spirit of Britons determine.
In a former address we asserted our rights, and stated the injuries we had then received. We hoped that the mention of our wrongs would have roused that honest indignation, which has slept too long for your honour, or the welfare of the empire. But we have not been permitted to entertain this pleasing expectation; every day brought an accumulation of injuries, and the invention of the Ministry has been constantly exercised in adding to the calamities of your American brethren.
After the most valuable right of legislation was infringed, when the powers assumed by your Parliament, in which we are not represented, and from our local and other circumstances cannot properly be represented, rendered our property precarious; after being denied that mode of trial to which we have long been indebted for the safety of our persons, and the preservation of our liberties; after being in many instances divested of those laws which were transmitted to us by our common ancestors, and subjected to an arbitrary code, compiled under the auspices of Roman tyrants; after annulling those charters which encouraged our predecessors to brave death and danger in every shape, on unknown seas, in deserts unexplored, amidst barbarous and inhospitable nations; when, without the form of trial, without a public accusation, whole colonies were condemned, their trade destroyed, their inhabitants impoverished; when soldiers were encouraged to embrace their hands in the blood of Americans, by offers of impunity; when new modes of trial were instituted for the ruin of the accused, where the charge carried with it the horrors of conviction; when a despotic government was established in a neighbouring province, and its limits extended to every of our frontiers, we little imagined that any thing could be added to this black catalogue of unprovoked injuries; but we have unhappily been deceived; and the late measures of the British Ministry fully convince us, that their object is the reduction of these colonies to slavery and ruin.
To confirm this assertion, let us recall your attention to the affairs of America, since our last address; let us combat the calumnies of our enemies, and let us warn you of the dangers that threaten you in our destruction. Many of your fellow subjects, whose situation deprived them of other support, drew their maintenance from the sea; but the deprivation of our liberty being insufficient to satisfy the resentment of our enemies, the horrors of famine were superadded, and a British Parliament, who, in better times, were the protectors of innocence, and the patrons of humanity, have, without distinction of age or sex, robbed thousands of the food which they were accustomed to draw from that inexhaustible source placed in their neighbourhood by the benevolent Creator.
Another act of your legislature shuts our ports, and prohibits our trade with any but those States from whom the great law of self-preservation renders it absolutely necessary we should at present withhold our commerce. But this act (whatever may have been its design) we consider rather as injurious to your opulence than our interest. All our commerce terminates with you, and the wealth we procure from other nations is soon exchanged for your superfluities. Our remittances must then cease with our trade, and our refinements with our affluence. We trust, however, that laws which deprive us of every blessing, but a soil that teems with the necessaries of life, and that liberty which renders the enjoyment of them secure, will not relax our vigour in their defence.
We might here observe on the cruelty and inconsistency of those, who, while they publicly brand us with reproachful and unworthy epithets, endeavour to deprive us of the means of defence by their interposition with foreign powers, and to deliver us to the lawless ravages of a merciless soldiery. But happily we are not without resources; and though the timid and humiliating applications of a British Ministry should prevail with foreign nations, yet industry, prompted by necessity, will not leave us without the necessary supplies.
We could wish to go no further, and not to wound the ear of humanity, leave untold those rigorous acts of oppression which are daily exercised in the town of Boston; did we not hope, that by disclaiming their deeds, and punishing the perpetrators, you would shortly vindicate the honour of the British name, and re-establish the violated laws of justice.
That once populous, flourishing, and commercial town is now garrisoned by an army sent, not to protect, but to enslave its inhabitants. The civil government is overturned, and a military despotism erected upon its ruins. Without law, without right, powers are assumed unknown to the constitution. Private property is unjustly invaded. The inhabitants daily subjected to the licentiousness of the soldiery, are forbid to remove in defiance of their natural rights, in violation of the most solemn compacts; or if, after long and wearisome solicitation, a pass is procured, their effects are detained, and even those who are most favoured have no alternative but poverty or slavery. The distress of many thousand people, wantonly deprived of the necessaries of life, is a subject on which we would not wish to enlarge.
Yet we cannot but observe, that a British fleet (unjustified even by acts of your legislature) are daily employed in ruining our commerce, seizing our ships, and depriving whole communities of their daily bread. Nor will a regard for your honour permit us to be silent, while British troops sully your glory by actions which the most inveterate enmity will not palliate among civilized nations, the wanton and unnecessary destruction of Charlestown, a large ancient, and once populous town, just before deserted by its inhabitants, who had fled to avoid the fury of your soldiery.
If you still retain those sentiments of compassion by which Britons have ever been distinguished, if the humanity which tempered the valour of our common ancestors has not degenerated into cruelty, you will lament the miseries of their descendants.
To what are we to attribute this treatment? If to any secret principle of the constitution, let it be mentioned; let us learn that the government we have long revered is not without its defects, and that while it gives freedom to a part, it necessarily enslaves the remainder of the empire. If such a principle exists, why for ages has it ceased to operate? Why at this time is it called into action? Can no reason be assigned for this conduct? Or must it be resolved into the wanton exercise of arbitrary power? And shall the descendants of Britons tamely submit to this? No, Sirs! we never will; while we revere the memory of our gallant and virtuous ancestors, we never can surrender those glorious privileges for which they fought, bled, and conquered. Admit that your fleets could destroy our towns, and ravage our sea coasts; these are inconsiderable objects, things of no moment, to men whose bosoms glow with the ardour of liberty: We can retire beyond the reach of your navy, and without any sensible diminution of the luxuries of life, enjoy a luxury which from that period you will want—THE LUXURY OF BEING FREE.
We know the force of your arms, and was it called forth in the cause of justice and your country, we might dread the exertion; but will Britons fight under the banners of tyranny? Will they counteract the labours, and disgrace the victories, of their ancestors? Will they forge chains for their posterity? If they descend to this unworthy task, will their swords retain their edge, their arms their accustomed vigour? Britons can never become the instruments of oppression, till they lose the spirit of freedom, by which alone they are invincible.
Our enemies charge us with sedition; in what does it consist? In our refusal to submit to unwarrantable acts of injustice and cruelty! If so, show us a period in your history in which you have not been equally seditious?
We are accused of aiming at independence; but how is this accusation supported? By the allegations of your Ministers, not by our actions. Abused, insulted, and contemned, what steps have we pursued to obtain redress? We have carried our dutiful petitions to the Throne. We have applied to your justice for relief. We have retrenched our luxury, and withheld our trade.
The advantages of our commerce were designed as a compensation for your protection: When you ceased to protect, for what were we to compensate?
What has been the success of our endeavours? The clemency of our Sovereign is unhappily diverted; our petitions are treated with indignity; our prayers answered by insults; our application to you remains unnoticed, and leaves us the melancholy apprehension of your wanting either the will or the power to assist us.
Even under these circumstances, what measures have we taken that betray a desire of independence? Have we called in the aid of those foreign powers who are the rivals of your grandeur? When your troops were few and defenceless, did we take advantage of their distress, and expel them our towns? Or have we permitted them to fortify, to receive new aid, and to acquire additional strength.
Let not your enemies and ours persuade you, that in this we were influenced by fear or any other unworthy motive. The lives of Britons are still dear to us; they are the children of our parents; an uninterrupted intercourse of mutual benefits had knit the bonds of friendship. When hostilities were commenced, when on a late occasion we were wantonly attacked by your troops, though we repelled their assaults, and returned their blows, yet we lamented the wounds they obliged us to give; nor have we yet learned to rejoice at a victory over Englishmen.
As we wish not to colour our actions, or disguise our thoughts, we shall, in the simple language of truth, avow the measures we have pursued, the motives upon which we have acted, and our future designs.
When our late petition to the Throne produced no other effect than fresh injuries, and votes of your legislature, calculated to justify every severity; when your fleets, and your armies, were prepared to wrest from us our property, to rob us of our liberties or our lives; when the hostile attempts of General Gage evinced his designs, we levied armies for our security and defence; when the powers vested in the Governor of Canada gave us reason to apprehend danger from that quarter, and we had frequent intimations that a cruel and savage enemy was to let loose upon the defenceless inhabitants of our frontiers; we took such measures as prudence dictated, as necessity will justify: We possessed ourselves of Crownpoint and Ticonderoga. Yet, give us leave most solemnly to assure you, that we have not yet lost sight of the object we have ever had in view,—a reconciliation with you on constitutional principles, and a restoration of that friendly intercourse, which, to the advantage of both, we, till lately, maintained.
The inhabitants of this country apply themselves chiefly to agriculture and commerce. As their fashions and manners are similar to yours, your markets must afford them the conveniencies and luxuries for which they exchange the produce of their labours. The wealth of this extended continent centers with you, and our trade is so regulated as to be subservient only to your interest. You are too reasonable to expect that by taxes (in addition to this) we should contribute to your expence, to believe, after diverting the fountain, that the streams can flow with unabated force.
It has been said that we refuse to submit to the restrictions on our commerce: From whence is this inference drawn? Not from our words, we having repeatedly declared the contrary; and we again profess our submission to the several acts of trade and navigation passed before the year 1763, trusting, nevertheless, in the equity and justice of Parliament, that such of them as, upon cool and impartial consideration, shall appear to have imposed unnecessary or grievous restrictions, will, at some happier period, be repealed or altered. And we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British Parliament as shall be restrained to the regulation of our external commerce for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members, excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in America without their consent.
It is alleged that we contribute nothing to the common defence: To this we answer, that the advantages which Great Britain receives from the monopoly of our trade far exceeds our proportion of the expence necessary for that purpose. But, should these advantages be inadequate thereto, let the restrictions on our trade be removed, and we will cheerfully contribute such proportion when constitutionally required.
It is a fundamental principle of the British constitution, that every man should have at least a representative share in the formation of those laws by which he is bound. Were it otherwise, the regulation of our internal police by a British Parliament, who are, and ever will be, unacquainted with our local circumstances, must be always inconvenient, and frequently oppressive, working our wrong, without yielding any possible advantage to you.
A plan of accommodation (as it has been absurdly called) has been proposed by your Ministers to our respective Assemblies. Were this proposal free from every other objection but that which arises from the time of the offer, it would not be unexceptionable. Can men deliberate with the bayonet at their breast? Can they treat with freedom while their towns are sacked, when daily instances of injustice and oppression disturb the slower operations of reason?
If this proposal is really such as you should offer, and we accept, why was it delayed till the nation was put to useless expence, and we were reduced to our present melancholy situation? If it holds forth nothing, why was it proposed, unless indeed to deceive you into a belief that we were unwilling to listen to any terms of accommodation? But what is submitted to our consideration? We contend for the disposal of our property; we are told that our demand is unreasonable, that our Assemblies may indeed collect our money, but that they must at the same time offer, not what your exigencies, or ours, may require, but so much as shall be deemed sufficient to satisfy the desires of a Minister, and enable him to provide for favourites and dependents. A recurrence to your own treasury will convince you how little of the money already extorted from us has been applied to the relief of your burthens. To suppose that we would thus grasp the shadow, and give up the substance, is adding insult to injuries.
We have, nevertheless, again presented an humble and dutiful petition to our Sovereign; and, to remove every imputation of obstinacy, have requested his Majesty to direct some mode by which the united applications of his faithful colonists may be improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation. We are willing to treat on such terms as can alone render an accommodation lasting, and we flatter ourselves that our pacific endeavours will be attended with a removal of the troops, a repeal of those laws of the operation of which we complain on the one part, and a dissolution of our army and commercial associations on the other.
Yet, conclude not from this that we propose to surrender our property into the hands of your Ministry, or vest your Parliament with a power which may terminate in our destruction: The great bulwarks of our constitution we have desired to maintain by every temperate, by every peaceable means; but your Ministers (equal foes to British and American freedom) have added to their former oppressions an attempt to reduce us by the sword to a base and abject submission. On the sword, therefore, we are compelled to rely for protection. Should victory declare in your favour, yet men trained to arms from their infancy, and animated by the love of liberty, will afford neither a cheap or easy conquest. Of this at least we are assured, that our struggle will be glorious, our success certain, since even in death we shall find that freedom which in life you forbid us to enjoy.
Let us now ask what advantages are to attend our reduction? The trade of a ruined and desolate country is always inconsiderable, its revenue trifling; the expence of subjecting, and retaining it in subjection, certain and inevitable. What then remains but the gratifications of an ill judged pride, or the hope of rendering us subservient to designs on your liberty?

Soldiers, who have sheathed their swords in the bowels of their American brethren, will not draw them with more reluctance against you. When too late, you may lament the loss of that freedom which we exhort you, while still in your power, to preserve.
On the other hand, should you prove unsuccessful; should that connection, which we most ardently wish to maintain, be dissolved; should your Ministers exhaust your measures, waste the blood of your countrymen in vain attempts on our liberty; do they not deliver you, weak and defenceless, to your natural enemies?
Since then your liberty must be the price of your victories, your ruin of your defeat, what blind fatality can urge you to a pursuit destructive of all that Britons hold dear?
If you have no regard to the connection that has for ages subsisted between us; if you have forgot the wounds we received fighting by your side, for the extension of the empire; if our commerce have lost their influence on your hearts, still motives are not wanting, to excite your indignation at the measures now pursued; your wealth your honour, your liberty, are at stake.
Notwithstanding the distress to which we are reduced, we sometimes forget our own afflictions to anticipate and sympathize in yours. We grieve that rash and inconsiderate councils should precipitate the destruction of an empire which has been the envy and admiration of ages; and call God to witness! that we would part with our property, endanger our lives, and sacrifice every thing but liberty, to redeem you from ruin.
A cloud hangs over your heads and ours; ere this reaches you, it may probably have burst upon us: Let us then (before the remembrance of former kindnesses is obliterated) once more repeat those appellations which are ever grateful in our ears. Let us entreat Heaven to avert our ruin, and the destruction that threatens our friends, brethren, and countrymen, on the other side of the Atlantic.
By order of the Congress.
JOHN HANCOCK, President. CHARLES THOMSON, Sec'y.
PHILADELPHIA, July 8, 1775.
RULES and ARTICLES for the better government of the TROOPS raised, or to be raised, and kept in pay by and at the joint expence of the twelve united ENGLISH colonies in NORTH AMERICA.
In GENERAL CONGRESS of the united colonies, held at PHILADELPHIA, on the 10th day of May, 1775.
WHEREAS his Majesty's most faithful subjects in these colonies are reduced to a dangerous and critical situation, by the attempts of the British Ministry to carry into execution, by force of arms, several unconstitutional and oppressive acts of the British Parliament for laying taxes in America, to enforce the collection of these taxes, and for altering and changing the constitution and internal police of some of these colonies, in violation of the natural and civil rights of the colonies.
And whereas hostilities have been actually commenced in the Massachusetts Bay, by the British troops, under the command of General Gage, and the lives of a number of the inhabitants of that colony destroyed; The town of Boston not only having been long occupied as a garrisoned town in an enemies country, but the inhabitants thereof treated with a severity and cruelty not to be justified, even towards declared enemies. And whereas large reinforcements have been ordered, and are soon expected for the declared purpose of compelling these colonies to submit to the operation of the said acts, which hath rendered it necessary, and an indispensable duty, for the express purpose of securing and defending these colonies, and preserving them in safety against all attempts to carry the said acts into execution: That an armed force be raised sufficient to defeat such hostile designs, and preserve and defend the lives, liberties, and immunities of the colonists; for the due regulating and well ordering of which, resolved, that the following RULES and ORDERS be attended to, and observed by such forces as are or may hereafter be raised for the purpose aforesaid.
ARTICLE I. That every officer who shall be retained, and every soldier who shall serve in the continental army, shall, at the time of his acceptance of his commission or enlistment, subscribe these rules and regulations. And that the officers and soldiers, already of that army, shall also, as soon as may be, subscribe the same; from the time of which subscription every officer and soldier shall be bound by those regulations. But if any of the officers or soldiers, now of the said army, do not subscribe these rules and regulations, then they may be retained in the said army, subject to the rules and regulations under which they entered into the service, or be discharged from the service, at the option of the commander in chief.
II. It is earnestly recommended to all officers and soldiers diligently to attend divine service; and all officers and soldiers who shall behave indecently or irreverently at any place of divine worship, shall, if commissioned officers, be brought before a court martial, there to be publicly and severely reprimanded by the President; if non-commissioned officers or soldiers, every person so offending, shall, for his first offence, forfeit one sixth of a dollar, to be deducted out of his next pay; for the second offence, he shall not only forfeit a like sum, but be confined for twenty four hours; and for every like offence, shall suffer and pay in like manner; which money so forfeited shall be applied to the use of the sick soldiers of the troop or company to which the offender belongs.
III. Whatsoever non-commissioned officer or soldier shall use any profane oath or execration, shall incur the penalties expressed in the first article; and if a commissioned officer be thus guilty of profane cursing or swearing, he shall forfeit and pay for each and every such offence the sum of four shillings, lawful money.
IV. Any officer or soldier, who shall behave himself with contempt or disrespect towards the General or Generals, or Commander in Chief of the Continental Forces, or shall speak false words, tending to his or their hurt, or dishonour, shall be punished, according to the nature of his offence, by the judgment of a general court martial.
V. Any officer or soldier who shall begin, excite, cause, or join in any mutiny or sedition, in the regiment, troop, or company to which he belongs, or in any other regiment, troop, or company of the Continental Forces, either by land or sea, or in any party, post, detachment, or guard, on any pretence whatsoever, shall suffer such punishment as by a general court martial shall be ordered.
VI. Any officer, non-commissioned officer, or soldier, who being present at any mutiny, or sedition, does not use his utmost endeavours to suppress the same, or coming to the knowledge of any mutiny, or intended mutiny, does not, without delay, give information thereof to the commanding officer, shall be punished by order of a general court martial according to the nature of his offence.
VII. Any officer or soldier who shall strike his superior officer, or draw or offer to draw, or shall lift up any weapon, or offer any violence against him, being in the execution of his office, on any pretence whatsoever, or shall disobey any lawful commands of his superior officer, shall suffer such punishment as shall, according to the nature of his offence, be ordered by the sentence of a general court martial.
VIII. Any non-commissioned officer or soldier who shall desert, or without leave of his commanding officer, absent himself from the troop or company to which he belongs, or from any detachment of the same, shall, upon being convicted thereof, be punished according to the nature of his offence, at the discretion of a general court martial.
[To be continued.]
HIS MAJESTY'S MOST GRACIOUS SPEECH To both HOUSES of PARLIAMENT, on Friday the 26th of MAY, 1775.
My Lords and Gentlemen, I CANNOT, in justice to you, forbear to express my entire satisfaction in your conduct during the course of this important session. You have maintained, with a firm and steady resolution, the rights of my Crown, and the authority of Parliament, which I shall ever consider as inseparable. You have protected and promoted the commercial interests of my kingdoms, and you have at the same time given convincing proofs of your readiness (as far as the constitution will allow you) to gratify the wishes, and remove the apprehensions, of my subjects in America; and I am persuaded that the most salutary effects must, in the end, result from measures formed and conducted on such principles.
The late mark of your affectionate attachment to me, and to the Queen, and the zeal and unanimity which accompanied it, demand my particular thanks.
I have the satisfaction to acquaint you, that as well from the general dispositions of other powers, as from the solemn assurances which I have received, I have great reason to expect the continuance of peace. Nothing on my part, consistent with the maintenance of the honour and interest of my kingdoms, shall be wanting to secure the public tranquillity.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons, IT gives me much concern that the unhappy disturbances in some of my colonies have obliged me to propose to you an augmentation of my army, and have prevented me from completing the intended reduction of the establishment of my naval forces. I cannot sufficiently thank you for the cheerfulness and public spirit with which you have granted the supplies for the several services of the current year.
My Lords and Gentlemen, "I HAVE nothing to desire of you but to use your best endeavours to preserve and to cultivate, in your several counties, the same regard for public order, and the same discernment of their true interests, which have in these times distinguished the character of my faithful and beloved people; and the continuance of which cannot fail to render them happy at home, and respected abroad."
Then the Lord Chamberlain, by his Majesty's command, said: My Lords and Gentlemen, IT is his Majesty's Royal will and pleasure that this Parliament be prorogued to Thursday the 27th day of July next, to be then here held; and this Parliament is accordingly prorogued to Thursday the 27th day of July next.
[For London news, &c. see the last page.]
CAMBRIDGE, June 29.
SINCE the battle of the 17th inst. a considerable body of the army have been employed in fortifying Prospect Hill, Winter Hill, and other eminences near Charlestown. The former, which is a very fine situation, and in a full view of the enemy on Bunker's Hill, is said to be now almost impregnable. The lines on Winter Hill are carrying on with great vigour, and it is proposed, we are informed, to extend them to those on Prospect Hill. Similar works are carrying on at Roxbury: Breast works, within about half a mile of the enemies lines have been thrown up across the main street in that town. On a very high hill, a little distance from the meeting-house, is erecting a strong fortification within cannon shot of Boston: The above works have been constructed to prevent any excursions the enemy might attempt to make into the country, previous to nearer approaches that may be made for reducing that unfortunate capital out of the hands of its present unjust, tyrannical invaders.
WATERTOWN, June 26.
In PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, Watertown, June 21, 1775. WHEREAS a number of our inveterate enemies have taken shelter under the protection of General Gage and his troops, and have left a considerable interest, whereby it becomes necessary that some provision should be made for the disposal of the same: Therefore,
Resolved, that the Selectmen and the Committees of Correspondence of the several towns and districts of this colony be directed to take under their care the effects and estates of the several persons who have fled for protection to Boston, or elsewhere; and to improve the same to the best advantage, and render a true account of the profits arising therefrom, to this Congress, or some future house of representatives of this colony, they being allowed a reasonable consideration for their trouble.
JAMES WARREN, President.
A true copy from the minutes.
SAMUEL FREEMAN, Sec'y.
Writs are issued (agreeable to the recommendation of the Continental Congress) for calling a General Assembly, to convene at this town upon Wednesday the 19th day of July next.
July 3. Capt. Tileston arrived at Newbury last Wednesday, in 21 days from Newfoundland, and informs us, that a greater number of vessels had arrived from Europe for the fishery than usual, as the colonies were not permitted to fish on the Banks there; but finding they could not procure flour, &c. several vessels returned home before Capt. Tileston failed, and many more were soon to follow (their voyages being broken up) in order, it is presumed, to settle the fare with my Lord North! ! !
There has been an exchange of cannon almost every day this week past, between the enemy at Boston Neck and our troops at Roxbury; and yesterday morning about 4 o'clock a very heavy cannonade began, and continued till after 8; but we have not heard of any particulars, saving that the enemy fired two houses near the burying ground in Roxbury, by bombs, and that our forces have demolished the house lately occupied by Mr. Brown, on Boston Neck.
PROVIDENCE, July 1.
BY a return made a few days since at the head quarters of the American army, it appears that only 48 provincials were killed in the late battle at Bunker's Hill, and 131 wounded; 30 of the latter were taken prisoners, and 6 have since died of their wounds in Boston: The prisoners that remain with the enemy (24 in number) are like to recover.
NEWPORT, June 26. Yesterday Capt. William Dennis arrived here in a sloop from Philadelphia, loaded with flour, &c. The vessel and cargo is taken under the protection of the men of war.
The men of war in our harbour have, since our last, seized on 6 or 7 vessels in a fair trade, loaded with rum, sugar, molasses, and provisions, all which, it is supposed, will be applied to the support of the enemies to American liberty.
PHILADELPHIA, July 11.
A CORRESPONDENT informs us that one of the Gentlemen appointed to command a company of rifle-men, to be raised in one of our frontier counties, had so many applications from the people in his neighbourhood, to be enrolled for the service, that a greater number presented than his instructions permitted him to engage, and being unwilling to give offence to any, thought of the following expedient, viz. He, with a piece of a chalk, drew on a board the figure of a nose of the common size, which he placed at the distance of one hundred and fifty yards, declaring that those who should come nearest the mark should be enlisted, when sixty odd hit the object. [General Gage, take care of your nose.]
Extract of a letter from CAMBRIDGE, July 3, 1775.
"The greatest civility and attention was paid to the General on his arrival at the camp, which was on Sunday, about noon. When they were within 20 miles of the camp, they received an express, that the parliamentary troops had, on Saturday morning, about six o'clock, begun a very heavy cannonading on the town of Roxbury, which continued better than two hours, without intermission, though with little or no loss on the side of the provincials, and that they expected a general attack on Sunday, about two o'clock, at the time of high water. This we had confirmed, and I believe was prevented by a heavy rain, which began at half past twelve, and continued till late at night. The Generals have spent this whole day in reviewing the troops, lines, fortifications, &c. They find the troops to be 15000 strong, and the works to be in as good order as could be expected. The regulars have been founding the shore this afternoon, and we are in some expectation of a visit at the next high water. Our men are all in good spirits, and with they may come out. The best account we can get of the late engagement is, that the regulars lost more than 800 in the field, and 700 wounded. Among the slain are Col. Williams, Major Pitcairn, and Major Shireff. It remains a matter of doubt whether or not General Bourgoyn is among the dead. This we are certain of, that General Howe commanded the first division of 1700, and General Bourgoyn the second of 1700, and since the battle he has not been seen in Boston; it is given out that he is gone to England. The provincials had not more than 700 in the action: The Welsh Fusiliers (the best regiment in the English army) carried from the field no more than seventeen privates, and one Captain. It is also certain Gage lost 84 officers."
"Tuesday morning, 6 o'clock. Four horses of Preston's regiment fell into the hands of our centries this morning, which was owing to the regulars calling in all their out centries, as they expected a general attack from the provincials, which, we suppose, was owing to our viewing all their lines yesterday evening. We went so near as to make them apprehensive we were reconnoitring, in order to find some place fit to begin an attack. The loss of the provincials, as by the return made to General Washington this morning, is 138 killed, 301 wounded, and 7 missing."
Extract of a letter from John Wilson, of AUGUSTA, to Messrs. Campbell and Son, June 15, 1775.
"All the Cherokee traders are come down but two, and have the pleasure to inform you that they have over-paid their fall cargoes. There is at present but very indifferent Talks in that nation. They have lately killed two Virginians that had gone up there expressly, which, am afraid, will be the cause of a war. Should that be the case, I shall be badly off, having little powder in the fort. I am informed that one of our traders was stopped by the Indians, in order to bring a Talk down."
Extract of a letter from JOHN STUART to Mr. CAMERON. "I have received information from General Gage, that certain persons at the northward have been tampering with the SIX INDIAN NATIONS, and endeavouring to alienate their affections from his Majesty. I mention this to caution you against anything of the kind with you, and that you will use your influence to dispose those people to act in defence of his Majesty and government, if found necessary."
Mr. CAMERON's answer.
"That Mr. Stuart's interest with the Indians was much greater, and that he was more beloved by them than any other man; and that he [Cameron] had the vanity to think that he could head any number he thought proper, whenever called upon, in support of his Majesty and government."
Cameron is Stuart's principal deputy.
WILLIAMSBURG, July 22.
LAST Monday the Delegates for the several counties and corporations in this colony convened at the town of Richmond.
We are desired, from good authority, to contradict a false and malicious report, propagated purposely to injure individuals in the town of Norfolk, and to draw upon them the censure and indignation of the good people in this colony, that a party is formed in that place, with intention to oppose the measures now adopted in this country. Nothing can be more false than this, or ought to gain less credit, when it is considered how vain would their weak efforts be in opposition to the power of united America. It is true their local situation will not admit at present of offensive measures, but as far as that does, they are not neglectful of military discipline, and preparations for defence, at the same time that they are forwarding the welfare of the country, equal with its most useful inhabitants, by their industry and attention to its commercial interests.
We have received several certificates for publication, in defence of the characters of Messrs. Mills and company, and Capt. Robinson, so unjustly censured in the last gazettes by John Parsons and his apprentices, of Gloucester. It plainly appears that Capt. Robinson brought no kind of goods in his ship from England, and we are very sorry the certificates came too late to be inserted this week; but those Gentlemen may be assured they will be in our next paper.
The "NEW SONG on the present critical times," with sundry advertisements, are omitted for want of room.
Died,---The Rev. JAMES McCARTNEY, Rector of St. Patrick's, in Prince Edward.
*** DIXON and HUNTER will give good prices for clean linen rags.
WILLIAMSBURG, July 22, 1775.
WHEREAS we the SUBSCRIBERS, Executors of the Estate of John Turner, deceased, being duly empowered to act, have thought proper to discharge Mr. George Reid, who, for sixteen Months past, has had the Management of the said Turner's Business, and settling the late Partnership of Allay and Turner: This is to inform the Public that William Turner is appointed to settle the said Estates, and that he alone is fully authorised to settle every Transaction relative thereto. All Persons indebted to the said Concern are requested to make speedy Payment, as the Debts have been long due, and their Creditors in Britain, and Mr. Allan's Heirs, are very solicitous for Remittances.
WILLIAM PEARSON, } Ex'rs. WILLIAM TURNER, }
WILLIAMSBURG, July 22, 1775.
LAST Friday Morning, when the Detachment was about to return to this City, from York Town, a BED BLANKET (in which was wrapped 4 Shirts and 6 or 7 Pair of Stockings, marked C F, with several other Articles of Clothing) was left with the rest of the Soldiers Baggage, near Mr. Mitchell's, to be brought up in a Cart, but by some Means or other was neglected. Whoever will contrive it safe to Mr. Mitchell of York, or to Mr. James Southall of this City, shall be handsomely rewarded.
TO BE SOLD,
On THURSDAY next, at the CAPITOL LANDING, by order of the Worshipful the Court of YORK.
ALL the Estate of Matthew Moody, deceased, consisting of sundry valuable SLAVES, STOCKS of all Kinds, together with the HOUSEHOLD and KITCHEN FURNITURE. The Terms will be made known at the Day of Sale.
(1) WILLIAM RUSSELL, D. S.
WILLIAMSBURG, July 22, 1775.

EVERY friend to the true interests of his country, and whose humanity is not confined to particular objects, must dread the expected news of a battle in America. In a victory over a natural enemy, if a thousand of the vanquished drop by the sword, we feel for them with only a common christian commiseration; but to read a formal "list of the killed and wounded" of our fellow subjects, effected by the caprice of a wicked Minister, must be piercing to such who have liberal and humane sentiments.
Though the American soldiery perhaps may not be so regularly disciplined as the King's troops, yet it must be considered that there is a very material difference between a man who fights for his natural liberty, and the man who only fights because he is paid for it. The former defends himself in a just cause; the latter is the mere dupe of power. The former is animated by the zeal of his attachments to the public weal; the latter has no attachments at all, except to his pay for slaughter and bloodshed.
May 12. They arrive from Guernsey, that three French men of war, with upwards of 30 sail of vessels under convoy, passed by that island the 8th instant, about 8 o'clock in the evening, and that they were not out of sight the next morning at day-break.
May 15. It is now believed that Spain will take the lead in breaking peace with Great Britain, from which France will derive two advantages; first, by showing the necessity of fulfilling her engagements with Spain; secondly, by uniting the several discordant interests in the Court and Cabinet in one great principle, that of setting limits to the dangerous growing power of Great Britain, and interrupting and chastising her for the insolent claim of dominion they pretend she at present exercises over the whole commercial world.
The Portuguese Minister, it is said, affects to be greatly alarmed on account of the naval armaments going on in the several ports and dockyards of Spain; but this is looked upon, by those who are well acquainted with the insidious temper of the Court of Lisbon, designed merely as a finesse to mislead Great Britain, and to betray its Ministers into a fatal security.
May 20. The following was the amendment proposed by Lord North on Monday last, on the representation and remonstrance from New York, presented to the House by Mr. Burke.
As soon as the act of the 6th of George III. was called for, and a clause read, it was moved, after the word remonstrance to insert "in which the said Assembly claim to themselves rights derogatory to, and inconsistent with, the legislative authority of Parliament, as declared by the said act."
Thursday night an express arrived with the news of the death of the Queen of Denmark, on the 11th instant, at Zell, of a fever, aged 23 years and 10 months. She was born the 22d of July, 1751.
Yesterday a petition from the Protestant inhabitants of Quebec was presented to the House of Commons by Sir George Saville. This occasioned a warm debate, in which Sir George Saville, Sir William Meredith, Lord North, Mr. Fox, Mr. Adam Drummond, Mr. Sarubridge, Mr. Turner, Col. Barré, and Mr. Burke, were speakers. At half after ten the question (which, during the course of the debate, had been frequently called for) was put, when the House divided; the numbers were, for the motion 86, against it 174.
May 23. The want of corn is so great all over France, that the King has issued an edict, allowing to all vessels, as well French as foreigners, that shall arrive with foreign corn in any French ports, from the 15th instant to the 1st of August ensuing, a premium of 18 sols for every quintal of wheat, and 12 sols for every quintal of rye; and all such ships are to be exempt from paying any duty of freight, or any other sort, in any French port during the above period. The above bounty to be immediately paid by the King's officers in the respective ports in that kingdom.
By letters from Capt. Bond, of the Charming Betsy, who was obliged to put into Guernsey by reason of weather on the 12th instant, we learn, that when he left Lisbon, a few days before, a war with Spain was deemed inevitable, and that the Portuguese were making preparations to stand on their defence. He says their navy consists at present of only 13 men of war and 3 frigates.
Intelligence is arrived from Paris, that the King despatched orders to all his seaports to be put in a state of defence immediately. Similar orders have been given by the Court of Spain, which puzzles our most experienced politicians greatly, they not being able even to guess at the design of those powers.
Letters from divers parts of Spain say, that peace is absolutely upon the point of conclusion with the Moors, on account that that kingdom will be engaged in a war very soon with one of the European powers.
Col. Barré, in his speech in support of the American petition to the King, after mentioning the many calamities likely to befall this kingdom, in consequence of the system adopted for the colonies, says, The parent heart will at length feel, the supplications of her children will be heard, and she will pour balm of pity and redress upon the wounds she has inflicted. Then too I shall hope, Sir, that your indignation will fall on those dangerous and designing men, who, daringly interposing themselves between the parent country and her affectionate colonies, have, for several years past, been incessantly employed to dissolve every tie that united us, by abusing the Royal authority, misrepresenting the intentions and actions of your American fellow subjects, and prosecuting the most desperate projects of avarice and ambition. Then, Sir, it will be seen who they are, who, by secret accusation and open provocation, by treacherous private letters, or insidious public speeches, have misrepresented that, and misled this country; have planted jealousy here, and passion there, till at length, by the force of accumulated injuries and violent opposition, we are almost compelled to leap the fatal precipice of a CIVIL WAR!
Orders are given to take up some transport ships in order to carry stores and ammunition to Jamaica; likewise for two vessels to carry salt provisions for Gibraltar.
A report was current yesterday, at the west end of the town, that a new Indian war is begun with the English in the East Indies.
Sunday se'nnight an express arrived at Dublin, for four more regiments to embark for America. It may be remembered, that one chief inducement to passing the augmentation act was, that 12,000 men should be always kept in Ireland; if then four regiments follow those which are gone already (and which are not yet replaced) there will be a great deficiency in the number to be kept there; and this, besides being a breach of royal promise, will expose that island to the attack of the Spaniards, who seem to be meditating some capital stroke.
We are informed that Miss Hutchinson, a daughter of Governor Hutchinson, from America, is to be appointed a Maid of Honour to the Queen, in the room of the Hon. Miss Johnson, deceased.
A treaty of marriage is said to be on foot between the Hon. Mr. Hutchinson, late Lieutenant Governor of Boston, in New England, and the Right Hon. Lady Dowager Townshend, mother to the present Viscount Townshend, of Portman square.
HOUSE OF LORDS, May 19.
The Duke of Manchester presented a paper, entitled a memorial from the House of Assembly of New York, and moved that the same might be read. A matter of order was now started, whether it would be regular to receive the said memorial, as his Grace had not stated the contents, and declined to do so farther than reading the title and the prayer, desiring the repeal of certain acts of Parliament, and praying redress. Lords Townshend, Buckingham, and Denbigh, objected to it on several other grounds, particularly to the very title Memorial, which they contended was improper, and expressive of disrespect towards the House, and a disclaiming of its legislative authority. Lord Sandwich spoke fully to the regularity and mode of proceeding, and moved an amendment, by adding, after the word "memorial," the contents whereof having not been opened. The Duke of Richmond differed as to the point of fact; for he insisted, that part at least of the contents had been opened, and moved an amendment to the last amendment, by adding the concluding words of the memorial, which had been read by the Duke of Manchester. This gave another turn to the debate, and Lord Gower insisted, as his
Grace had refused, though often pressed to make known the contents, his Lordship moved another amendment to the question so amended. The debate now took entirely another turn, and a warm debate arose about the manner of getting rid of the several amendments, and coming back to the main question, that the said memorial be now read; in which the Lords Mansfield, Camden, Shelburne, Weymouth, Dudley, Dartmouth, and Marchmont, spoke. At length, after four hours and a half continual altercation, doubt, and uncertainty, the question was put on the motion, as amended by Lord Sandwich, which was carried in the negative without a division; and the question on the original motion, "that said memorial be now read," being put, there appeared
Table with 2 columns: Contents (19), Not-contents (60); Proxies (6), Proxies (10).
The BILL brought into the House of Lords on Wednesday last, by Lord Camden, for the repeal of the Quebec bill:
"A BILL to repeal an act made in the last session of the last Parliament, entitled, "An act for making more effectual provision for the government of the province of Quebec, in North America."
WHEREAS an act was passed in the last session of the last Parliament, entitled, "An act for making more effectual provision for the government of the province of Quebec, in North America."
"And whereas the said act, contrary to the example of all former times, and to the faith of his Majesty's proclamation issued in the year 1763, has established an arbitrary government in the said province."
"And whereas the said act, by permitting both the clergy and laity there to hold offices and benefices, without taking the oath of supremacy, and by granting to the Popish clergy in the said province the enjoyment of their accustomed dues and rights, has entirely stopped the growth and propagation of the Protestant religion, and in the room thereof has established the religion of the church of Rome in the said province for ever."
"And whereas the said act, by enlarging the boundaries of the said province, and making the legislature thereof co-extensive with the same, may put the Indian trade, among other things, under the sole management of that legislature, as in truth appears to be already done by the instructions lately given to Governor Carleton; by which that trade, which had before been freely carried on by all his Majesty's subjects in North America without restriction, is now to be confined to such regulations as the said legislature may think fit to impose upon it, and thereby the rights of his Majesty's other colonies are unwarrantably abridged and invaded; and by a like extension of the said legislature the said other colonies may come to be excluded from having any intercourse or correspondence whatsoever with the Indian nations of that vast continent, without the leave or permission of the said legislature, which would naturally give rise to unnatural divisions, and endless controversies, between his Majesty's subjects of the old colonies and the inhabitants of the new province of Quebec."
"May it therefore please your Most Excellent Majesty, that it may be enacted, and be it enacted by the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that from and after the first day of May, 1776, the above-mentioned act, and the several matters and things therein contained, shall be, and is, and are, hereby repealed and made void, to all intents and purposes whatsoever."
This bill being read, Lord Camden acquainted the House, that he had delayed the proposed repeal until the first of May next, to the end that time might be obtained in the interval to provide a better plan of government for the province of Quebec.
CHARLESTOWN, June 23.
To his Excellency the Right Hon. Lord WILLIAM CAMPBELL, Governor and Commander in Chief in and over the province of South Carolina.
The humble ADDRESS and DECLARATION of the Provincial Congress.
May it please your Excellency, WE his Majesty's loyal subjects, the representatives of the people of this colony, in Congress assembled, beg leave to disclose to your Excellency the true causes of our proceedings; not only that upon your arrival among us, you may receive no unfavourable impression of our conduct, but that we may stand justified to the world.
When the ordinary modes of application for redress of grievances, and the usual means of defence against arbitrary impositions have failed, mankind generally have had recourse to those that are extraordinary. Hence the origin of the Continental Congress, and hence the present representation of the people in this colony.
It is unnecessary to enumerate the grievances of America; they have been so often represented that your Excellency cannot be a stranger to them. Let it therefore suffice to say, that the hands of his Majesty's Ministers have long lain heavy, now press us with intolerable weight. We declare, that no love of innovation, no desire of altering the constitution of government, no lust of independence, has had the least influence upon our Councils; But, alarmed and roused by a long succession of arbitrary proceedings by wicked administrations, impressed with the greatest apprehensions of instigated insurrections, and deeply affected by the commencement of hostilities by the British troops against this continent, solely for the preservation and defence of our lives, liberties, and properties, we have been impelled to associate, and take up arms.
We sincerely deplore those slanderous informations and wicked counsels, by which his Majesty has been led into measures, which, if persisted in, must inevitably involve America in all the calamities of civil war, and rend the British empire. We only desire the secure enjoyment of our inalienable rights, and we wish for nothing more ardently than a speedy reconciliation with our mother country, upon constitutional principles.
Conscious of the justice of our cause, and the integrity of our views, we readily profess our loyal attachment to our Sovereign, his Crown and dignity; and, trusting the event to Providence, we prefer death to slavery.
These things we have thought it our duty to declare, that your Excellency, and, through you, our august Sovereign, our fellow subjects, and the whole world, may clearly understand, that our taking up arms is the result of dire necessity, and in compliance with the first law of nature.
We entreat, and trust, that your Excellency will make such a representation of the state of this colony, and of our true motives, as to assure his Majesty, that, in the midst of all our complicated distresses, he has no subjects in his wide dominions who more sincerely desire to testify their loyalty and affection, or who would be more willing to devote their lives and fortunes in his real service.
By order of the Provincial Congress, at Charlestown. June 20, 1775. HENRY LAURENS, President.
The deputation being returned, the Hon. Mr. Drayton reported, that they having delivered the address to the Governor, his Excellency was pleased to make the following
A N S W E R:
GENTLEMEN; I KNOW of no representatives of the people of this province, except those constitutionally convened in General Assembly, and am incompetent to judge of the disputes which at present unhappily subsist between Great Britain and the American colonies.
It is impossible, during the short interval since my arrival, that I should have acquired such a knowledge of the state of the province as to be at present able to make any representation thereupon to his Majesty; but you may be assured that no representations shall be ever made by me, but what shall be consistent with truth, and with an earnest endeavour to promote the real happiness and prosperity of the province. WM. CAMPBELL.
June 21, 1775. Published by order of the Congress. PETER TIMOTHY, Secretary.
ADVERTISEMENTS.
HAMPTON, June 20, 1775.
THE Subscriber begs Leave to inform the Public that the KING'S ARMS TAVERN of this Place, formerly kept by her late Husband, William M'CAA, deceased, is still continued open by her; and, further, to assure any Gentlemen disposed to favour her with their Custom, that they may depend upon her utmost Endeavours to keep the House in the best Manner. SARAH M'CAA.
Proper Accommodations will be provided for Horses, and Gentlemen may rely upon their being taken due Care of.
NORTHUMBERLAND, June 19, 1775.
WHEREAS, on or about the 30th of March last, I purchased Half of a Vessel of Mr. Joseph Hester, for which I paid 121. 10s. immediately, and gave my Bond for the further Sum of 121. 10s. payable to the said Joseph Hester on or before the 20th Day of August next; I hereby forewarn all Persons from taking any Assignment of the said Bond, as I am determined not to pay it, the Vessel not being agreeable to Bargain, &c. RICHARD NUTT.
WILLIAM & MARY College, July 22, 1775.
I intend to leave the Colony immediately. JOHN LEWIS.
W A N T E D,
A SOBER Man, well acquainted with Book-Keeping, and the Management of a Store. Such a Person, well recommended, will meet with Encouragement by applying to the Subscriber, in Princess Anne. ANTHONY WALKE.
TAPPAHANNOCK (Essex County) July 10, 1775.
I intend for Great Britain immediately. JAMES GORDON.
SOUTHAMPTON, July 3, 1775.
STOLEN out of my House, between the 20th and 28th of March last, one three Pint SILVER TAN-
KARD, and one Pint CAN, marked M E, which I have the greatest Reason to believe were taken and conveyed away by a Negro Man Slave belonging to Edmund Taylor, Esq; of Mecklenburg, he being in my Neighbourhood about that Time. Whoever delivers me the said Plate, or gives me such Intelligence that I get them again, shall be handsomely rewarded by JAMES RIDLEY.
HANOVER, July 6, 1775.
I INTEND to England, and have appointed Mr. George Pottie to be my Attorney during my Absence. GEORGE BRAIKENRIDGE.
FOR CHARTER,
A NEW BRIGANTINE,
that will carry three Hundred Hogheads, or nine Thousand Bushels, and will be ready to receive a Cargo in ten Days. For Terms apply to JAMES ARCHDEACON. NORFOLK, July 14, 1775.
URBANNA, June 26, 1775.
WENT away from the Subscriber, on the 14th instant, a well set black Fellow, commonly known by the Name of BILLY BARBER, about 30 or 32 Years of Age, and 5 Feet 8 or 9 Inches high. This Fellow is well known over most of this Colony, as he has attended several Gentlemen whose Business obliged them a good Deal from Home, particularly the late Mr. Hugh M'Mekin of Portsmouth. He has, I am told, a Wife at Norfolk, another at Hampton, and a third at this Place; it is probable he may be about the two first mentioned Places. Any Person who will deliver him to me, at Urbanna, shall have a Reward of 51. current Money; and I hereby forewarn all Persons (particularly a certain Lockey Collier, near Hampton, whose Property he is) from harbouring or concealing the said Slave, as I will, at a future Day, most assuredly prosecute him or them to the utmost Extent of the Law. BENNETT BROWNE.
RUN away from the Subscriber, in King George, near Leeds Town, the 24th of June last, a Negro Man named CHARLES, a stout, likely, well made Fellow, has had a Hurt in his left Knee some Years ago, which at Times is very sore; his left Leg is much larger than the other, and has Scars on it, by being often cut by the Doctor. Whoever secures him so that I may get him again shall have 20s. besides what the Law allows. JOHN WASHINGTON.
STRAYED from Capt. Mordecai Buckner's, in Spotsylvania, on Saturday the 1st of July, a large Skewball MARE, 6 or 7 Years old, about 15 Hands high, paces, trots, and gallops; her Head, left Buttock, and all her Feet, are white; the other Parts of a Sorrel Colour. Whoever returns the said Mare to Mr. James Taylor, or to Mrs. Rachel M'Williams, in Frederickburg, shall have 30s. Reward. WILLIAM M'WILLIAMS.
WANTED IMMEDIATELY,
A VESSEL capable of carrying 1500 Barrels, to Britain. Whoever can furnish such a one will please to signify the same to Mr. Alexander Purdie, at his Printing Office.
To be SOLD, at the late Dwelling-House of Alexander Lietch, deceased, on Monday the 31st of July, if fair, otherwise the next fair Day,
ALL the personal Estate of the said Deceased, consisting chiefly of HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE. Six Months Credit will be allowed for all Sums exceeding 25s. on giving Bond and Security.
MARGARET LIETCH, Adm.
PRINCE GEORGE, July 4, 1775.