Norfolk gazette and publick ledger (Norfolk [Va.]), 1808-05-04 00:00:00

A LETTER TO MR. HARRISON GRAY OTIS, A Member of the Senate of Massachusetts, on the present state of our National Affairs, with remarks upon Mr. T. Pickering's letter to the Governor of the Commonwealth. BY JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. (CONCLUDED.)
Washington, March 31, 1808.
2. The impossibility of distinguishing English from the American seamen is not the only, nor even the most frequent occasion of impressment. Look again into the returns from the department of state—you will see that the officers take our men, without pretending to inquire where they were born; sometimes from the wantonness of power. When they manifest the most tender regard for the neutral rights of America, they lament that they want the men. They regret the necessity, but they must have their complement. When we complain of these enormities, we are answered that the acts of such officers were not authorised; that the commanders of men of war are an unruly set of men, for whose violence, their own government cannot always be answerable; that inquiry shall be made—A court martial is sometimes mentioned—And the issue of Whitby's court martial has taught us what relief is to be expected from that—There are even examples I am told, when such officers have been put upon the yellow list. But this is a rare exception—The ordinary issue, when the act is disavowed, is the promotion of the actor.
3. The impressed native American citizens however, upon duly authenticated proof are delivered up. Indeed! How unreasonable then were complaint!—How effectual a remedy for the wrong! An American vessel, bound to an European port, has two, three or four native Americans impressed by a British man of war bound to the East or West Indies. When the American captain arrives at his port of destination, he makes his protest, and sends it to the nearest American minister or consul. When he returns home, he transmits the duplicate of his protest to the secretary of state. In process of time, the names of the impressed men, and of the ship into which they have been impressed are received by the agent in London. He makes his demand that the men may be delivered up—The lords of the admiralty, after a reasonable time for enquiry and advisement, return for answer, that the ship is on a foreign station, and their lordships can therefore take no further steps in the matter—Or, that the ship has been taken & that the men have been received in exchange for French prisoners—Or, that the men had no protections (the impressing officers often having taken them from the men)—Or, that the men were probably British subjects—Or, that they have entered and taken the bounty; (to which the officers know how to reduce them.) Or, that they have been married, or settled in England. In all these cases, without further ceremony, their discharge is refused—Sometimes their lordships, in a vein of humour, inform the agent that the man had been discharged as unserviceable . Sometimes in a sterner tone, they say he was an imposter . Or, perhaps by way of consolation to his relatives and friends, they report that he has fallen in battle, against nations in amity with his country. Sometimes they coolly return that there is no such man on board the ship: and what has become of him, the agonies of a wife and children in his native land may be left to conjecture. When all these and many other such apologies for refusal fail, the native American seaman is discharged—and when by the charitable aid of his government he has found his way home, he comes to be informed, that all is as it should be—that the number of his fellow-sufferers is small—that it was impossible to distinguish him from an Englishman—and that he was delivered up, on duly authenticated proof!
Enough of this disgusting subject—I cannot stop to calculate how many of these wretched victims are natives of Massachusetts, and how many natives of Virginia—I cannot stop to solve that knotty question of national jurisprudence whether some of them might not possibly be slaves and therefore not citizens of the United States—I cannot stay to account for the wonder, why, poor, and ignorant, and friendless as most of them are, the voice of their complaints is so seldom heard in the great navigating states. I admit that we have endured this cruel indignity through all the administrations of the general government. I acknowledge that Britain claims the right of seizing her subjects in our merchant vessels, that even if we could acknowledge it, the time of discrimination would be difficult to draw. We are not in a condition to maintain this right, by war, and as the British government have been more than once on the point of giving it up of their own accord, I would still hope for the day when returning justice shall induce them to abandon it without compulsion. Her subjects we do not want. The degree of protection which we are bound to extend to them, cannot equal the claim of our own citizens. I would subscribe to any compromise of this contest, consistent with the rights of sovereignty, the duties of humanity and principles of reciprocity: but to the right of forcing even her own subjects out of our merchant vessels on the high seas, I can never assent.
The second point upon which Mr. Pickering defends the pretensions of Great Britain, is her denial to neutral nations of the prosecuting with her enemies and their colonies, any commerce from which they are excluded in time of peace. His statement of this case adopts the British doctrine as sound. The right as on the question of impressment, so on this, it surrenders at discretion—and it is equally defective in point of fact.
In the first place, the claim of Great Britain, is
not to "a right of imposing on this neutral commerce, some limits and restraints "—but of interdicting it altogether, at her pleasure, of interdicting it without a moment's notice to neutrals, after solemn decisions of her courts of admiralty, and formal acknowledgments of her ministers that it is a lawful trade—and, on such a sudden, unnotified interdict upon the faith of her decisions and acknowledgments, and of gorging with confiscation the greediness of her cruisers. This is the right claimed by Britain; this is the power she has exercised. What Mr. Pickering calls "limits and restraints," she calls relaxations of her right.
It is but little more than two years, since this question was agitated both in England and America, with as much zeal, energy and ability, as ever was displayed upon any question of national law. The British side was supported by sir William Scott, Mr. Ward, and the author of War in Disguise. But even in Britain the doctrine was refuted to demonstration by the Edinburgh reviewers. In America, the rights of our country were maintained by numerous writers profoundly skilled in the science of national and maritime law. The answer to War in Disguise was ascribed to a gentleman whose talents were universally acknowledged, and who by his official situations had been required thoroughly to investigate every question of conflict between neutral and belligerent rights which has occurred in the history of modern war.
Mr. Gore and Mr. Pinkney, our two commissioners at London, under Mr. Jay's treaty, the former, in a train of cool and conclusive argument addressed to Mr. Madison, the latter in a memorial of splendid eloquence from the merchants of Baltimore, supported the same cause; memorials drawn by lawyers of distinguished eminence, by merchants of the highest character, and by statesmen of long experience in our national councils, came from Salem, from Boston, from New Haven, from New York, and from Philadelphia, together with remonstrances to the same effect from Newburyport, Newport, Norfolk and Charleston. This accumulated mass of legal learning, of commercial information and of national sentiment from almost every inhabited spot upon our shores, and from one extremity of the union to the other, confirmed by the unanswerable and unanswerable memorial of Mr. Monroe to the British minister, and by the elaborate research and irresistible reasoning of the examination of the British doctrine, was also made a subject of full, and deliberate discussion in the senate of the United States. A committee of seven members of that body, after three weeks of arduous investigation, reported three Resolutions, the first of which was in these words, "Resolved that the capture and condemnation, under the orders of the British government, and adjudications of their courts of admiralty of American vessels and their cargoes, on the pretext of their being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace, is an unprovoked aggression upon the property of the citizens of these United States, a violation of their neutral rights, and an encroachment upon their national independence."
On the 13th of February, 1806, the question upon the adoption of this resolution, was taken in the senate. The yeas and nays were required; but not a solitary nay was heard in answer. It was adopted by the unanimous voice of all the senators present. They were twenty eight in number, and among them stands recorded the name of Mr. Pickering.
Let us remember that this was a question most peculiarly and immediately of commercial , and not agricultural interest: that it arose from a call, loud, energetic and unanimous, from all the merchants of the United States upon Congress, for the national interposition; that many of the memorials invoked all the energy of the legislature, and pledged the lives and properties of the memorialists in support of any measures which congress might deem necessary to vindicate those rights. Negotiation was particularly recommended from Boston, and elsewhere—negotiation was adopted—negotiation has failed—and now Mr. Pickering tells us that Great Britain has claimed and maintained her right! He argues that her claim is just—and is not sparing of censure upon those who still consider it as a serious cause of complaint. But there was one point of view in which the British doctrine on this question was then only considered incidentally in the United States—because it was not deemed material for the discussion of our rights. We examined it chiefly as affecting the principles as between a belligerent and a neutral power. But in fact it was an infringement of the rights of war, as well as the rights of peace. It was an unjustifiable enlargement of the sphere of hostile operations. The enemies of Great Britain had by the universal law of nations a right to the benefits of neutral commerce within their dominions (subject to the exceptions of actual blockade and contraband) as well as neutral nations had a right to trade with them. The exclusion from that commerce by this new principle of warfare which Britain, in defiance of all immemorial national usages, undertook by her single authority to establish, but too naturally led her enemies to resort to new and extraordinary principles, by which in their turn they might retaliate this injury upon her. The pretence upon which Britain in the first instance had attempted to colour her injustice, was a miserable fiction —It was an argument against fact. Her reasoning was, that a neutral vessel by mere admission in time of war, into ports from which it would have been excluded in time of peace, became thereby deprived of its national character, and ipso facto was transformed into enemy's property.
Such was the basis upon which arose the far famed rule of the war of 1756—Such was the foundation
upon which Britain claimed and maintained this supposed right of adding that new instrument of desolation to the horrors of war—It was distressing to her enemy—yes! Had she adopted the practice of dealing with them in poison—Had Mr. Fox accepted the service of the man who offered to rid him of the French emperor by assassination, and had the attempt succeeded, it would have been less distressing to France than this rule of the war of 1756; and not more unjustifiable. Mr. Fox had too fair a mind for either, but his comprehensive and liberal spirit was discharged, with the cabinet which he had formed.
It has been the struggle of reason and humanity, and above all of christianity, for two thousand years to mitigate the rigours of that scourge of human kind, war. It is now the struggle of Britain to aggravate them. Her rule of the war of 1756, in itself and in its effects, was one of the deadliest poisons, in which it was possible for her to tinge the weapons of her hostility.
In itself and in its effects, I say—For the French decrees of Berlin and of Milan, the Spanish and the Dutch decrees of the same or the like tenour and her own orders of January and November—these alterations of licenced pillage, this eager competition between her and her enemies for the honour of giving the last stroke to the vitals of maritime neutrality, all are justly attributable to her assumption and exercise of this single principle. The rule of the war of 1756 was the root from which all the rest are but suckers, still at every shoot growing ranker in luxuriance.
In the last decrees of France and Spain her own ingenious fiction has been adopted; and under them, every neutral vessel that submits to British search, has been carried into an English port, or paid tax to the British government, is declared denationalized , that is, to have lost her national character, and have become English property. This is cruel in execution, and absurd in argument. To refute it were folly, for to the understanding of a child it refutes itself—But it is the reasoning of British jurists. It is the simple application to the circumstances and powers of France, of the rule of war of 1756.
I am not the apologist of France and Spain; I have no national partialities; no national attachment, but to my own country. I shall never undertake to justify or to palliate the insults or injuries of any foreign power to that country which is dearer to me than life. If the voice of reason and of justice could be heard by France and Spain they would say—you have done wrong to make the injustice of your enemy towards neutrals the measure of your own. If she chastises with whips do you not chastise with scorpions. Whether France would listen to this language, I know not—The most enormous infractions of our rights hitherto committed by her, have been more in menace than in accomplishment. The alarm has been justly great; the anticipation threatening; but the amount of actual injury small. But to Britain, what can we say? If we attempt to raise our voices, her minister has declared to Mr. Pinkney she would not hear. The only reason she assigns for her recent orders in council is that France proceeds on the same principles. It is only by the light of blazing temples, and amid the groans of women and children, perishing in the ruins of the sanctuaries of domestic habitation at Copenhagen, that we can expect our remonstrances against this course of proceeding will be heard.
Let us come to the third and last of the causes of complaint, which are represented as so frivolous and so unfounded—"the unfortunate affair of the Chesapeake." The orders of admiral Berkeley, under which this outrage was committed, have been disavowed by his government. General professions of a willingness to make reparation for it, have been lavished in profusion; and we are now instructed to take these professions for endeavours ; to believe them sincere, because his Britannic majesty sent us a special envoy; and cast the odium of defeating these endeavours upon our own government.
I have already told you, that I am not one of those who deem suspicion and distrust, in the highest order of political virtues. Baseless suspicion is, in my estimation, a vice, as pernicious in the management of publick affairs, as it is fatal to the happiness of domestic life. When, therefore, the British ministers have declared their disposition to make ample reparation for an injury of a most atrocious character, committed by an officer of high rank, and, as they say, utterly without authority, I should most readily believe them, were their professions not positively contradicted by facts of more powerful eloquence than words.
Have such facts occurred? I will not again allude to the circumstances of Mr. Rose's departure upon his mission at such a precise point of time, that his commission and the orders of council of 11th November, might have been signed with the same pen-full of ink. The subjects were not immediately connected with each other, and his majesty did not chuse to associate distinct topics of negotiation. The attack upon the Chesapeake was disavowed; and ample reparation was withheld only, because with the demand for satisfaction upon that injury, the American government had coupled a demand for the cessation of others; alike in kind, but of minor aggravation. But had reparation really been intended, would it not have been offered, not in vague and general terms, but in precise and specific proposals? Where are any such made? None. But it is said Mr. Monroe was restricted from negotiating upon this subject apart; and therefore Mr. Rose was to be sent to Washington; charged with the single object; and without authority to treat upon or even discuss any other. Mr. Rose arrives—The American government readily
determine to treat upon the Chesapeake affair, separately from all others; but before Mr. Rose sets his foot on shore, in pursuance of a pretension made before by Mr. Canning, he connects with the negotiation, a subject far more distinct from the butchery of the Chesapeake, than the general impressment of our seamen—I mean the proclamation, interdicting to British ships of war, the entrance of our harbours.
The great obstacle which has always interfered in the adjustment of our differences with Britain, has been that she would not acquiesce in the only principle upon which a negotiation between independent nations can be conducted, the principle of reciprocity, that she refuses the application to us of the claim which she asserts for herself. The forcible taking of men from an American vessel, was an essential part of the outrage upon the Chesapeake. It was the ostensible purpose for which that act of war unproclaimed, was committed. The president's proclamation was a subsequent act and was avowedly founded upon many similar aggressions, of which that was only the most aggravated.
If then Britain could with any colour of reason claim that the general question of impressment should be laid out of the case altogether, she ought upon the principle of reciprocity to have laid equally out of the case, the proclamation, a measure so easily separated from it, and in its nature merely defensive. When therefore she made the repeal of the proclamation an indispensable preliminary to all this discussion upon the nature and extent of that reparation which she had offered, she refused to treat with us upon the footing of an independent power. She insisted upon an act of self degradation on our part, before she would even tell us, what redress she would condescend to grant for a great and acknowledged wrong. This was a condition which she could not but know to be inadmissible, and is of itself proof nearly conclusive, that her cabinet never intended to make for that wrong any reparation at all.
But this is not all—it cannot be forgotten that when that atrocious deed was committed, amidst the general bursts of indignation which resounded from every part of this union, there were a small number of persons, who upon the opinion that Berkeley's orders were authorized by his government, undertook to justify them in their fullest extent. These ideas probably first propagated by British official characters, in this country, were persisted in until the disavowal of the British government took away the necessity for persevering in them and gave notice where the next position was to be taken. This patriotick reasoning however, had been so satisfactory at Halifax, that complimentary letters were received from admiral Berkeley himself, highly approving the spirit in which they were inculcated, and remarking how easily peace, between the United States and Britain might be preserved, if that measure of our national rights could be made the prevailing standard of the country.
When the news arrived in England, although the general sentiment of the nation was not prepared for the formal avowal and justification of this unparalleled aggression, yet there was not wanting persons there, ready to claim and maintain the right of searching national ships for deserters—it was said at the time, but for this we must of course rest upon the credit of unofficial authority, to have been made a serious question in the cabinet council; nor was its determination there ascribed to the eloquence of the gentleman who became the official organ of its communication—and to this a circumstance, which without claiming the irrefragable credence of a diplomatick note, has yet its weight upon the common sense of mankind; that in all the daily newspapers known to be in the ministerial interest, Berkeley was justified and applauded in every variety of form that publication could assume, excepting only that of official information. The only part of his orders that disappointed of was the reciprocal offer which he made of submitting his own ships to be searched in return—the russian right of superior force was the solid base upon which the claim was asserted, and so familiar was his argument grown to the casuists of British national jurisprudence, that the right of a British man of war to search an American frigate, was to them a self-evident proof against the right of the American frigate to search the British man of war. The same tone has been constantly kept up, until our accounts of the latest date, and have been recently further invigorated by a very explicit call for war with the United States, which they contend could be of no possible injury to Britain, and which they urge upon the ministry as affording them an excellent opportunity to accomplish a dismemberment of the union —These sentiments have even been avowed in parliament, where the nobleman who moved the address of the house of lords in answer to the king's speech, declaring that the right of searching national ships ought to be maintained against the Americans, and disclaimed only with respect to European sovereigns.
In the mean time admiral Berkeley, by a court martial of his own subordinate officers, hung one of the men taken from the Chesapeake, and called his name Jenkin Ratford .—There was, according to the answer so frequently given by the lords of the admiralty, upon applications for the discharge of impressed Americans, no such man on board the ship . The man thus executed had been taken from the Chesapeake by the name of Wilson . It is said that on his trial he was identified by one or two witnesses who knew him, and that before he was turned off he confessed his name to be Ratford , and that he was born in England—but it has also been said that Ratford is now living in Pennsylvania—but after the character which the disavowal of admiral Berkeley's own government has given to his

conduct, what confidence can be claimed or due to the proceedings of a court martial of his associates held to sanction his proceedings. The three other men had not even been demanded in his orders—They were taken by the sole authority of the British searching lieutenant, after the surrender of the Chesapeake—There was not the shadow of pretence before the court martial that they were British subjects, or born in any of the British dominions. Yet by this court martial they were sentenced to suffer death! They were reprieved from execution, only upon condition of renouncing their rights as Americans by voluntary service in the king's ships—They have never been restored—To complete the catastrophe with which this bloody tragedy was concluded, admiral Berkeley himself in sanctioning the doom of these men—thus obtained—thus tried—and thus sentenced, read them a grave moral lecture on the enormity of their crime, its tendency to provoke a war between the United States and Great-Britain.
Yet amidst all this parade of disavowal by his government—amidst all these professions of readiness to make reparation, not a single mark of the slightest disapprobation appears ever to have been manifested to that officer. His instructions were executed upon the Chesapeake in June—Rumours of his recall have been circulated here.—But on leaving the station at Halifax in December, he received a complimentary address from the colonial assembly, and assured them in answer, that he had no official information of his recall. From thence he went to the West Indies; and on leaving Bermuda for England in February was addressed again by that colonial government, in terms of high panegyric upon his energy, with manifest allusion to his achievement upon the Chesapeake.
Under all these circumstances without applying any of the maxims of a suspicious policy to the British professions, I may still be permitted to believe that their ministry never seriously intended to make an honorable reparation, or indeed any reparation at all for that "unfortunate affair."
It is impossible for any man to form an accurate idea of the British policy towards the United States, without taking into consideration the state of parties in that government; and the views, characters and opinions of the individuals at their helm of state—A liberal and a hostile policy towards America, are among the strongest marks of distinction between the political systems of the rival statesmen of that kingdom—The liberal party are reconciled to our independence; and though extremely tenacious of every right of their own country, are systematically disposed to preserve peace with the United States. Their opponents harbour sentiments of a very different description—their system is coercion—their object the recovery of their lost dominions in North America—This party now stands high in power—Although admiral Berkeley may never have received written orders for his enterprise upon the Chesapeake, yet in giving his instructions to the squadron at Norfolk, he knew full well under what administration he was acting.—Every measure of that administration towards us since that time, has been directed to the same purpose. To break down the spirit of our national independence. Their purpose, as far as it can be collected from their acts, is to force us into war with them or with their enemies; to leave us only the bitter alternative of their vengeance or their protection.
Both these parties are no doubt willing that we should join them in the war with their nation against France and her allies—The late administration would have drawn us into it by treaty, the present are attempting it by compulsion. The former would have admitted us as allies, the latter will have us no otherwise than colonists. On the late debates in parliament, the Lord Chancellor freely avowed, that the orders of council of the 11th November, were intended to make America at last sensible of the policy of joining England against France.
This too, sir, is the substantial argument of Mr. Pickering's letter. The suspicions of a design in our own administration to plunge us in a war with Britain, I never have shared. Our administration have every interest and every motive that can influence the conduct of men to deter them from any such purpose. Nor have I seen any thing in their measures bearing the slightest indication of it. But between a design of war with England, and surrender of our national freedom for the sake of war with the rest of Europe, there is a material difference.—This is the policy now in substance recommended to us, and for which the interposition of the commercial states is called. For this, not only are all the outrages of Britain to be forgotten, but the very assertion of our rights, is to be branded with odium.— Impressment—Neutral Trade—British taxation —Every thing that can distinguish a national freedom from a state of national vassalage, is to be surrendered at discretion. In the face of every fact we are told to believe every profession—In the midst of every indignity, we are pointed to British protection as our only shield against the universal conqueror. Every phantom of jealousy and fear is revoked—The image of France with a scourge in her hand is impressed into the service, to lash us into the refuge of obedience to Britain—insinuations are even made, that if Britain "with her thousand ships of war," has not destroyed her commerce, it has been owing to her indulgence, that we are almost threatened in her name with the "destruction of our fairest cities."
Not one act of hostility to Britain has been committed by us, she has not a pretence of that kind to alledge—But if she will wage war upon us, are we to do nothing in our own defence? If she issues orders of universal plunder upon our commerce, are we not to withhold it from her grasp? Is American pillage one of those rights which she has claimed and exercised until we are fore-closed from any attempt to obstruct its collection? For what purpose are we required to make this sacrifice of every thing that can give vigour to the name of freedom, this abandonment of the very right of self-preservation? Is it to avoid a war?—Alas! Sir, it does not offer even this plausible plea for pusillanimity—For, as submission would make us to all substantial purposes British colonies, her enemies would unquestionably treat us as such, and after degrading ourselves into voluntary servitude to escape a war with her, we should incur inevitable war with her enemies, and be doomed to share the destinies of her conflict with a world in arms.
Between this unqualified submission, and offensive resistance against the war upon maritime neutrality waged by the concurring decrees of all the
great belligerent powers, the embargo was adopted, and has hitherto been continued. So far was it from being dictated by France, that it was calculated to withdraw, and has withdrawn from within her reach, all the means of compulsion which her subsequent decrees would have put in her possession. It has added to the motives both of France and England, for preserving peace with us, and has diminished their inducements to war. It has lessened their capacities of inflicting injury upon us, and given us some preparation for resistance to them—It has taken from their violence the lure of interest—it has dashed the philter of pillage from the lips of rapine. That it is distressing to ourselves—that it calls for the fortitude of a people, determined to maintain their rights, is not to be denied. But the alternative was between that and war. Whether it will yet save us from that calamity, cannot be determined, but if not, it will prepare us for the further struggle to which we may be called. Its double tendency of promoting peace and preparing for war, in its operation upon both the belligerent rivals, is the great advantage, which more than outweighs all its evils.
If any statesman can point out another alternative, I am, ready to hear him, and for any practicable expedience, to lend him every possible assistance. But let not that expedient be submission to trade under British licences and British taxation. We are told that even under these restrictions we may yet trade to the British dominions, to Africa and China, and with the colonies of France, Spain and Holland. I ask not how much of this trade would be left, when our intercourse with the whole continent of Europe being cut off would leave us no means of purchase, and no market for sale?—I ask not what trade we could enjoy with the colonies of nations with which we should be at war?—I ask not how long Britain would leave open to us avenues of trade; which even in these very orders of council, she boasts of leaving open, as a special indulgence? If we yield the principle, we abandon all pretence to national sovereignty—To yearn for the fragments of trade that might be left, would be to pine for the crumbs of commercial servitude—The boon which we should humiliate ourselves to accept from British bounty, would soon be withdrawn—Submission never yet set boundaries to encroachment. From pleading for half empire, we should sink into supplicants for life—We should supplicate in vain—If we must perish, let it be in defence of our RIGHTS.
To conclude, Sir, I am not sensible of any necessity for the extraordinary interference of the commercial states to controul the general councils of the nation.—If any interference could at this critical extremity of our affairs have a kindly effect upon our common welfare, it would be interference to promote union and not division—to urge mutual confidence and not universal distrust—to strengthen the arm and not to relax the sinews of the nation. Our sufferings are our dangers, though differing perhaps in degree, are universal in extent. As their cause are justly chargeable, so their removal is dependent not upon ourselves, but upon others. But while the spirit of independence shall continue to beat in unison with the pulse of the nation, no danger will be truly formidable—Our duties are, to prepare with concerted energy, for those which threaten us, to meet them without dismay, and to rely for their issue upon Heaven.
I am with great respect and attachment, Dear Sir, Your friend and humble servant, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. Hon. HARRISON GRAY OTIS.
On Friday next, the 6th of May, at XI o'Clock, will be Sold at the Dwelling-House of the late Mrs. Anne C. Clevett, The Household and Kitchen FURNITURE, belonging to the estate of the deceased. April 29. 3
THEATRE. On Wednesday Evening, the 4th of May, the THESPIAN SOCIETY will perform the Play of LOVERS VOWS. To which will be added, the Farce of ALL THE WORLD'S A STAGE. Admittance One Dollar. Tickets to be had at Mr. Klein's Store; the Ledger Office; and at the Theatre. The Doors to be opened at half past five, and the performance to commence at half past six o'Clock precisely. April 29.
NORFOLK BOROUGH. At a Husting's Court, continued and held the 29th day of October, 1807. John Barrett, and Blandina his wife, Plaintiffs. Against William James, administrator with the Will annexed of Daniel Hutchings, Defendant. This cause this day came on to be heard on the bill, answer and exhibit filed, and the arguments of counsel; on consideration whereof, it is decreed and ordered, that the defendant exhibit to Master Commissioner Cowper, all accounts and vouchers in his hands relative to the estate of his testator, and the account of sales of the said estate so far as the same has been administered by him, as well as an account of any sum or sums of money, or effects which may have come into his hands from the estate of Elizabeth Hutchings, the former executrix or administratrix, the property of said D. Hutchings, deceased—And that the Master Commissioner state and settle the said accounts, and report the same to the Court, with any matter specially that either party may require. A Copy, Teste, William Sharp, C. C.
The parties in this cause are desired to attend with their books and papers at my Office, on Tuesday the 10th day of next month, (May) at 10 o'clock in the forenoon of said day. John Cowper, M. C. N. B. Master Commissioners Office, Norfolk Borough, April 27, 1808.
Military LANDS for Sale. 1100 acres of LAND lying in the State of Ohio, on the waters of the Little Miami, in two different surveys—The subscriber having seen the Land, can affirm that there is no Land in that State superior to it in point of fertility, situation or climate. Any person wishing to purchase the above Land will know the terms by applying to CHARLES SNEAD, living in Northampton, Eastern-Shore, Virginia. May 2. 8*
THE PUBLICK LEDGER. WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 4, 1808.
The POOR must apply to any of the Subscribers for Tickets to the Victualling-House of the Thespiian Society, for Tuesday next, by Saturday. John Myers, J. C. Maigue, J. Klein, G. W. Camp, John Hodges.
THE HONOURABLE JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.—This gentleman's letter, containing a defence of the embargo, and an attack upon Mr. Pickering, which is published in triumph by the democratick papers, we conclude in our paper of this day.
If Mr. Adams is satisfied that the persons with whom he has heretofore acted in politics, are dishonourable in their views, he is very right to abandon them, at the same time they have a right to examine his conduct with the same freedom that he does theirs. We admire the publick spirit of Mr. Adams as relates to the necessity of putting our country in a posture of defence by both military and naval preparations, and we most sincerely hope that he may be able to impart a large portion of that spirit to his new friends, in which case his old friends will consider his change as productive of a benefit they had not expected from him. In the excess of his zeal Mr. Adams has hazarded some opinions which for their absurdity are unworthy of him, he has committed also a fault, which he charges as a crime in Mr. Pickering—Mr. A. has made an unqualified assertion that the present party who are in power in England have for one "object the recovery of their lost dominions in North America." If Mr. A. had asserted that Great Britain had in view the recovery of her lost dominions in France, he would have been as near the truth, for the one is as probable as the other, both being physically impossible. To support this extravagant assertion, Mr. Adams says that if admiral Berkeley had not the orders of the English ministry for the outrage on the Chesapeake, he knew the views of that ministry, and did what he imagined would be agreeable to them. Now every one knows that admiral Berkeley was appointed by the Fox administration, that during our revolutionary war he was one of the opposition, and that in fact he was selected by the Fox administration, under the belief that he would be disposed to cultivate harmony with this country.
Mr. Pickering is blamed by Mr. Adams for endeavouring to excite a spirit of animosity against France, by displaying in exaggerated terms her conduct towards this country, and of taking no notice of British aggressions. We shall leave the letter of Mr. Pickering to speak for itself, and notice that of Mr. Adams. Both Great-Britain and France, Mr. Adams says, are no doubt desirous to get us into the war; that the Fox administration endeavoured to get us into it by treaty, and the present administration by compulsion. Not a word of France or her designs—not one word of the violation of treaties with us on more occasions than one, particularly in the decree of November, 1806—Not one word of her uniform system of making us dependent on her from 1778 to 1808, exemplified in numerous instances, and particularly in the treaty of 1783—Not a word of the indignity offered to this nation in refusing to accredit ministers of peace, sent by his own father when president of the United States to France—not only refusing to accredit those ministers, but threatening to treat them like vagabonds. Mr. Adams may have forgotten, or have forgiven all these injuries; in the one case we compassionate the faculties of his mind, and in the other we admire the goodness of his heart.
To which of those causes or to what other cause we ought to ascribe the silence of Mr. Adams, is best known to that gentleman—But can the reader believe that while Mr. A. was endeavouring to prove by the speeches of this Lord and that Lord, in parliament, and the speculations of pamphleteers and newspaper writers, that Great Britain was determined to force us into the war—we say can the reader believe that the letter of Champagny was forgotten, and forgiven also? The letter of Mr. Adams which is under our consideration is dated the thirty-first of March, the President communicated Champagny's letter on the thirtieth of March! one day before. In one day, the Honourable Senator had completely forgotten or forgiven this letter, about which there is no occasion to trouble ourselves with conjectures. The United States are told that they are, or ought to be at war with England, and that the property of their citizens in France "should remain sequestered until a decision may be had thereon, according to the dispositions which shall have been expressed by the government of the United States."
In other words "if you will declare war against England your property shall be restored, if you do not it shall be confiscated." When these words are forgotten, or passed over in silence, national spirit and resentment are not very ardent. We give Mr. Adams credit for the just indignation, which he expresses at certain parts of the conduct of Great Britain, it is such as ought to be felt and expressed.
It would be equally unjust and absurd to deny to many parts of the letter of Mr. Adams great perspicuity of reasoning, and classical elegance in composition—but it is evidently a work of the head and not from the heart. The struggle in feeling of a
man, who is doing that which he believes will require an apology is evident in the prolix introduction.
To arrive at certain conclusions, Mr. Adams assumes premises, which are not, nor cannot, be conceded—he tells us that whatever becomes law, ought to command the respect and obedience of every virtuous citizen—the obedience we admit, but the respect we deny, for how can we respect an obnoxious law, the mischievous tendency of which we must expose in order to procure its repeal. This conclusion would establish the doctrine of passive obedience, which we are confident Mr. Adams did not learn in the school he has quitted.
We regret to perceive a great man condescend to trifles, and press them with an air of importance, which renders them ridiculous. This gentleman refers to a speech of the earl of Galloway, in the British House of Peers, and to the ministerial papers of England as conclusive evidence of the hostility of the British government towards this country. Now suppose the papers in the confidence of our administration, or the speeches of some of our members of congress were made the standards for ascertaining the sense of the government? The conclusion would be that war was unavoidable, but the majority of the people know that the speculations of newspaper writers are sometimes the effects of vanity, produced by an affectation of consequence, or by criminal designs on the peace of the country; and if there are foolish lords in England, there are members of congress not less so. We should have expected from Mr. Adams matter of more pith and energy. We offer, however, no opinion upon the sentiments of the men in power in this or that country. As we shall notice this letter at another time, we shall at present only add a hope that personal prejudice against Mr. Pickering had no share in the observations of Mr. Adams.
TWO DAYS LATER FROM ENGLAND. Captain Garey in the fast sailing ship Rolla , arrived yesterday from London, (last from Falmouth in 35 days) by whom and a passenger, the Editor of the Ledger has been favoured with papers to the 26th of March. Their contents are not, however, of much interest, such articles as appeared most so, have been selected for this day's paper.
The debates on the Petitions against the Orders of Council were before the House of Commons, and the examination of witnesses was going on. No decided opinion is expressed in the papers upon the probable fate of those petitions, but it is our opinion from remarks dropped in the course of debate, that there will be no relaxation of those orders, and this opinion is strongly supported by private letters of a very late date. The ministers appear to have taken a ground which they will not abandon, but by compulsion, that is they will not relax while the decrees of Berlin and Milan are in force.
Most of the articles of produce of this country, were advancing daily in price, particularly naval stores and staves. The prices of the wheat of that country and American flour, are lower than could have been supposed—wheat from 58 to 70s. per quarter of eight bushels, and American flour from 38 to 42s. per barrel.
Admiral Berkeley had just arrived, but no further notice than barely to announce his arrival, is taken of him.
American vessels continue daily to be brought in under the orders of council, and many have been condemned. We have been favoured with a list of a great number, which we shall publish hereafter, not having room in this day's paper.
Captain Garey , brought dispatches from London for the Secretary of State.
Latest Foreign Intelligence, From Papers received at the Office of the Publick Ledger, by the Ship Rolla , Captain Garey , 35 days from Falmouth.
LONDON, March 25. The letters and papers by the Norton packet, from America, come down to the 25th ult. The contents of the dispatches received by government have not transpired; but, from the opinions circulated on the other side the water, where it is more than possible the state of the negotiation would be known to a number of individuals, it appears that nothing definitive had been concluded by Mr. Rose, his powers, as we have before had occasion to notice, being confined to the affair of the Chesapeake. He was empowered to disavow the proceeding, on the part of the British government, and therefore that business may be considered as settled; but other points remained for adjustment, on which Mr. Rose could do no more than receive propositions to be transmitted to this country, and which to facilitate the business, will be accompanied by Mr. Nourse, brother to the register of the American treasury. Waiting the issue, congress is to adjourn to the beginning of May, but in the mean time, the embargo is to continue, subject to some modifications.
Thus it appears that both countries will be in a state of suspense for some months; for the conditions proposed by America may not be admissible without some slight alterations; which on being proposed here must go again to America for approbation; and, even if terms were acceded to by the accredited agents of the two governments, it is not impossible that Mr. Jefferson may chuse to alter some of the stipulations, as he did those which were signed by lords Holland and Auckland on one side, and Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney on the other.
GEN. WHITELOCKE'S SENTENCE. GENERAL ORDERS. Horse Guards, March 24, 1808. At a general court martial, of which general the right hon. Sir William Medows, K. B. was president, held by virtue of his majesty's special warrant (bearing date the 25th January, 1808), at the royal hospital at Chelsea, on the 25th of the same month, and continued by adjournments until the 18th of March following, lieutenant-general John Whitelocke was tried upon the following charges, viz.—[The charges have already appeared.]

SENTENCE.
The court martial having duly considered the evidence given in support of the charges against the prisoner, lieutenant-general Whitelocke, his defence, and the evidence he has adduced, are of opinion, that he is guilty of the whole of the said charges, with the exception of that part of the second charge which relates to the order "the columns should be unloaded, and that no firing should be permitted on any account."
The Court are anxious that it may be distinctly understood, that they attach no censure whatever to the precautions taken to prevent unnecessary firing during the advance of the troops to the proposed points of attack, and do therefore acquit Lieut. Gen. Whitelocke of that part of the said charge.
The Court adjudge, that the said Lieutenant-General Whitelocke be Cashiered, and declared totally unfit, and unworthy to serve his Majesty in any Military Capacity whatever.
The King has been pleased to confirm the above Sentence, and his Royal Highness the Commander in Chief has received his Majesty's commands to direct, that it shall be read at the head of every regiment in his service, and inserted in all regimental orderly books, with a view of its becoming a lasting memorial of the fatal consequences to which officers expose themselves, who, in the discharge of the important duties confided to them, are deficient in that zeal, judgment, and personal exertion, which their sovereign and their country, have a right to expect from officers entrusted with high commands.
To his majesty, who has ever taken a most lively interest in the welfare, the honour, and reputation of his troops, the recent failure in South America, has proved a subject of the most heartfelt regret; but it has been a great consolation to him, and his majesty has commanded it to be intimated to the army, that after the most minute investigation, his majesty finds ample cause for gratification in the intrepidity and good conduct displayed by his troops, lately employed on that service, and particularly by those divisions of the army, which were personally engaged with the enemy in the town of Buenos Ayres, on the 5th of July, 1807, and his majesty entertains no doubt, that had the exertions of his troops in South America been directed by the same skill and energy, which have so eminently distinguished his commanders in other quarters of the world, the result of the campaign would have proved equally glorious to themselves and beneficial to their country.
By command of his royal highness the commander in chief. HARRY CALVERT. Maj. Gen. and Adj. Gen. of the Forces.
House of Commons—March 24.
Petitions against the Orders in Council.
Mr. Percival, advertising to the conversation of last night, relative to the calling of witnesses in favour of the orders in council, observed that he found that according to the usual course of the house, the plan would be to allow the present petitioners to close their case, and to hear their counsel upon it, and then to call for further evidence, if the house thought fit. The evidence to-night, he believed, would soon be closed, and in order to give the counsel time to prepare he proposed he should be heard on Monday, with a view to hear such further evidence as might be necessary on Tuesday.
Mr. Tierney said, it would be hard upon these petitioners, to call other witnesses without allowing them an opportunity of cross-examining them, after which the counsel might sum up, and observe upon the whole evidence. However, he agreed to the course proposed for the present, reserving to himself the right of commenting upon it afterwards, in whatever manner the subject might require.
After some observations from the Speaker, as to the course of the house in such cases, the house went into a committee.
Mr. Braughman, the counsel for the petitioners against the orders in council, was then called in and proceeded to the examination of witnesses in support of the allegations contained in the petitions.
Mr. Garland, of Pool, who is extensively connected with the Newfoundland fishery, and Mr. Pollock, an eminent cotton manufacturer, who has resided for a considerable length of time in America, proved that the orders in council would be almost fatal to these two branches of our commerce, whilst though a temporary inconvenience must result to the Americans from their operation, they must eventually tend to advance considerably the interests of the American trader, when compelled to turn his attention to these objects.
Mr. Mann and Mr. Rathbone, two of the former witnesses were again called in, for the purpose of making their evidence more complete in some particular points. The former gentleman stated, that from 17 years experience in the trade with America, he had good reason to be of opinion, that on an average nine-tenths of the American trade with Europe, was either directly or collaterally connected with England.
After the counsel and the witness withdrew, the chairman reported progress and obtained leave to sit again on Tuesday next. Mr. Tierney had then a short conference with the chancellor of the exchequer, the attorney and solicitor-general. After which the petitions were ordered to be taken into further consideration on that day, and the London petition which has not yet been considered, was ordered to be referred to the same committee. The evidence was then ordered to be printed.
March 26.
Expedition to the Baltic.
We have already stated that the idea of sending troops to Sweden has been abandoned. It is however intended speedily to send a strong naval force to the Baltic. Indeed the ships are now ready, and nothing but the prevailing easterly winds have prevented them from sailing before this time.
Admiral Sir Samuel Hood, a tried and brave officer, who is to have the command, left town on Thursday and arrived at Deal the same evening. The Centaur is hourly expected there from Portsmouth to receive his flag. Sir James Saumarez is also expected to take a command in the same expedition, who will hoist his flag on board the Victor, on his arrival in the Downs.
Gottenburgh Mail.
This morning we received journals and letters from Gottenburgh to the 21st inst. The king of Denmark, who had long been in such a state of mental debility as not to be able to perform any of the executive functions, died suddenly on the 13th
inst. The Crown Prince (now Frederick IV.) has succeeded to the throne; but there were no acclamations or rejoicings when he was proclaimed. In an action reported to have taken place in Finland, the Russians are said to have lost 5000 men, and the Swedes 1700. The latter retreated after the action.
The following are the principal articles received by this mail:
Declaration of the King of Sweden against Russia.
"That the Russian troops on the 21st of last February invaded Finland, was first made known to his majesty by a telegraphic dispatch, and soon after confirmed by a proclamation, issued on the part of his imperial Russian Majesty, and profusely scattered through the Swedish provinces, inviting the people to sedition and revolt.
"A rupture made without any previous declaration of war—nay, without one single grievance being stated—commenced with treachery, and led on by a traitor to his native country,* is an event of which but few precedents exist, and which cannot but excite indignation and disgust, on the very face of the transaction. But if the late relation between the two courts be taken into consideration—if this proceeding be examined as far as it is directed against an ally, who always conducted himself in a faithful and honourable manner, it is difficult to mark the heinous deed with the term it deserves. It will stand single on the page of history down to the latest times.
"At a period when his imperial majesty seemed anxious to relieve oppressed rulers and countries, when he seemed aware of the danger which threatened all Europe, his royal majesty, animated by the same sentiments, continued with him in close alliance, placing implicit confidence in a friend, a relation, an independent monarch! The Russian emperor had entered into engagements beneficial to the general cause, and tending to check the destructive ambition of France; he was sufficiently powerful to fulfil those engagements. His Royal Majesty, therefore, joined him as a friend, animated by the same sentiments; and he is now invaded by him, because he was his ally. Never could a Prince enter into similar engagements with another power, with stronger hopes of their being sacredly fulfilled.
"The Emperor had been personally calumniated by the French government; the Russian nation had been calumniated and publicly proclaimed as savages and barbarians. All that is sacred to governments was intimately interwoven with the common interest, how then could any mistrust or suspicion possibly be harboured, when the emperor expressly declared that he should reject all offers of peace, however advantageous they might be, which could not be reconciled with the honour of the Russian name, the security of the country, the interest of his allies, and the general tranquility of Europe.
"How far this declaration is consistent with the peace of Tilsit, has already been decided by the present age; and posterity will affirm the doom. The king stood on the theatre of war, and was not acquainted with the negotiation for an armistice and peace until the latter was concluded, contrary to the express stipulation of the treaty concluded between Sweden and Russia the 14th of January, 1805, (Art. IX.) The intelligence of this unexpected event was followed by an offer to contribute to the conclusion of peace, which induced his majesty to renew the demand of an armistice, which was stipulated in the treaty of Tilsit, but met with a denial, and then learned to appreciate the value of the co-operation of Russia. The king being now unable to defend any longer his German dominions, was obliged to surrender them.
"After this loss, occasioned by the secession of Russia, his royal majesty left the theatre of war, and merely endeavoured to enjoy in his kingdom that tranquility which he was entitled to expect from his situation. He had fulfilled his engagements with Russia, and now expected to learn what under a changed system would be done in his favour. The king had supported the Russian operations with his ships of war, had opened to the emperor his magazines of warlike stores, had rejected and hardly noticed the offers made to him by the French government, one of which was, that in case of a rupture with Russia in the midst of a war, when the Russian frontiers and the capital itself were perfectly defenceless; all the provinces lost in the reign of Charles XII. should be restored to Sweden, and that besides any part of the Russian empire should be procured to the king, which he should require.
"His royal majesty is far from claiming any praise for having rejected such offers; but his right of expecting honourable proceedings from the power he spared, was strengthened by his conduct. The secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit, which were first suspected, and afterwards acknowledged by the Russian ministry, began to appear. The terrific measures of France to hem in the whole continent of Europe, and shut it against the English, had commenced to be carried into effect, and to spread misery and want from port to port, and throughout continental Europe from state to state.
"The government was permitted to act according to its own judgment and experience, and no medium acknowledged between vassals and foes; peace meant confederacy; confederacy, subjection; and principles, laws, and systems, were dictated by France to her so-styled allies, who humbly receive them from Paris, unmindful of the wounds which they should inflict on the common welfare.
"Preparations for a rupture with England were made in Petersburg as early as last autumn, and merely a convenient season was waited for to carry
them into execution, when by a note of the 6th of October it was proposed to his majesty to co-operate in the same manner as in 1780, in an attempt to shut the Baltic against foreign ships of war.
"His royal majesty returned for answer, under date of the 13th November, that as long as the French government was lodging it over so considerable a part of the southern ports of the Baltic, and practising its excluding system, there could be no tranquility in the Baltic, wherefore his imperial majesty must first prevail on the French to quit them; and as the above demand was repeated on the 27th of the said month, and compliance was required, as an obligation arising from the convention of the year 1780, it was fully stated in a reply given the 21st January last, that by the convention concluded between Russia and England in the year 1801, and to which Sweden acceded by express desire of Russia, and under her own guarantee, the former armed neutrality was done away; that his majesty then entered into direct engagements with England, which he could not in justice violate, as long as that power continued to fulfil them on its part; that along with the former armed neutrality the stipulation to shut the Baltic naturally fell to the ground, a stipulation which was the less fitted for the present circumstances, as the former Danish navy then reckoned upon, did no longer exist; and as England had besides opened a passage through the Great Belt, but that as Sweden was not at liberty to contribute with an armed force to preserve tranquility in the Baltic, she would endeavour to obtain by negotiation with England, that the latter should send thither no ships of war unless some other power rendered that measure necessary by hostilities committed in that sea.
"That Sweden should serve Russia for a bulwark, since she had been pleased to provoke England;—that Sweden should sacrifice her fleet and her trade to protect Cronstadt, was certainly asking too much. Hostile preparations now immediately commenced on the Russian frontiers. His royal majesty, however, looked still with indifference on them as long as no grievance had been stated to him, and no claim preferred.
"The offer to obtain by negotiations the tranquility of the Baltic, opened prospects of peace and profit for Russia, and for the whole North of Europe, and therefore assuredly could not be refused. The ports of Russia could thus have continued their trade undisturbed, and this trade could not but prove extremely desirable to his imperial majesty, after an unfortunate war, and a still more unfortunate peace.—The offer was made on the supposition of England's consent, which there were strong grounds to expect; and his majesty hoped to obtain it, before the English fleet, which was so much dreaded, should be able to reach the Baltic. A direct answer to this offer being avoided his majesty's ambassador was directed the 15th of February, to make remonstrances on that subject, when at once all official communications with Sweden were broken off, and the Russian troops entered Finland.
"This sudden invasion of a friendly country, commenced with treacherous attempts to stir up revolts, is unprecedented even in our times, otherwise so rich in instances of the most unwarrantable acts of violence and despotism. The Russian empire, allied with France, is not sufficiently powerful to overcome the resistance of a province which, on account of the season, is entirely left to itself. Treachery and rebellion must be called in for assistance!
"The government endeavours to buy the people in a mass, and seduce them by offers of happiness and liberty; the commander in chief endeavours to buy soldiers by the piece, who had not been able to buy serfs in the markets of Petersburg & Riga.
"Faithful inhabitants of Finland, respectable people, your king, since the beginning of his reign, has constantly endeavoured to diffuse knowledge and prosperity through your country; a treacherous friend is now attempting to disturb your repose, and throw you back into the darkness of ancient times. His sword is unsheathed over your heads; his blood-stained hands are extended to complete your ruin; do not rely on his treacherous promises, which merely tend to unnerve the arm of loyalty, and decoy you from your faithful attachment to your king and country. Concerned at the misfortune attending on war, but convinced that he has not provoked them, your king feels satisfied that your attachment to his person remains unimpaired, and you may depend on his making the utmost exertion, assisted by a powerful Ally, to protect and avenge you.
Stockholm, March 11, 1808.
GOTTENBURGH, March 11. Count Buxhowden, General in Chief of the Russian army in Finland, has issued the following Proclamation to the Inhabitants of Finland—
"Good Friends and inhabitants of Swedish Finland. It is with the utmost concern his Imperial Majesty, my most gracious master, finds himself obliged to order his troops under my command to enter your country.
"His Imperial Majesty feels more concerned at taking this step, to which he is compelled by the transactions which have occurred in Sweden, as he has still a lively recollection of the noble sentiments of good neighbourhood, as well as sincere, free, and uncontrolled confidence in the protection of Russia, which the Fins manifested without fear at the commencement of the last war, when, without the least cause, and contrary to your constitution, the King of Sweden made an irruption, as unexpected as it was unjust, upon our frontiers.
"His present Swedish Majesty, far from joining his Imperial Majesty in his exertions to restore tranquility, which alone can be effected by the coalition which so fortunately has been formed by the most powerful state, has, on the contrary, formed a closer alliance with the enemy of the general tranquility and peace, whose oppressive system and unwarrantable conduct towards his Imperial Majesty and his nearest ally, his Imperial Majesty cannot by any means look upon with indifference.
"It is on this ground, in addition to what his Imperial Majesty owes to the security of his own dominions, that he finds himself forced to take your country under his protection, in order to secure to himself due satisfaction in case his Royal Swedish Majesty should persist in his design, not to accept the just conditions of peace, which have been tendered to him by the Emperor of the French, through the medium of his Imperial Russian Majesty, in order to restore the blessings of peace, which are at all times the principal object of his Imperial Majesty's attention.
"Good friends, and men of Finland, remain quiet,
and fear nothing. We do not come to you as enemies, but as friends and protectors, to render you more prosperous and happy, and to avert from you the calamities, which, if war should become indispensable, must necessarily befall you.
"Do not allow yours-lives to be seduced to take up arms, or to treat in a hostile manner the troops who are committed to my orders. Should any one offend against this admonition, he must impute to himself the consequences of his conduct, while, on the other hand, those who meet his Imperial Majesty's paternal care for the welfare of this country, may rest assured of his powerful favour and protection.
"And as it is his Imperial Majesty's will, that all the affairs in your country shall pursue their usual course, and be managed according to your ancient laws and customs, which are to remain undisturbed, as long as his troops continue in your country, all officers, both civil and military, are hereby directed to conform themselves thereto, provided that no bad use be made of this indulgence, contrary to the good of the country.
"Prompt payment shall be made for all provisions and refreshments required for the troops; and, in order that you may still be more convinced of his majesty's paternal solicitude for your welfare, he has ordered several magazines to be formed, in addition to those which are already established, out of which the most indigent inhabitants shall be supplied with necessaries, in common with his majesty's troops.
"Should circumstances occur which require some amicable discussion and deliberation, in this case you are directed to send your deputies, chosen in the usual manner, to the city of Abo, in order to deliberate on the like subjects, and adopt such measures as the welfare of the country shall require.
"It is his imperial majesty's pleasure, that from this moment Finland shall be considered and treated in the same manner as other conquered provinces of the Russian empire, which now enjoy happiness and peace under the mild government of his imperial majesty, and remain in full possession of the freedom of religious worship, as well as all its ancient rights and privileges.
"The taxes payable to the crown remain in substance unaltered, and the pay of the publick officers of every description continues likewise on its ancient footing.
"All this is hereby made known to all whom it does concern, and who are strictly to conform themselves thereto, as well as to whatever else shall be enacted by his imperial majesty's ukase.
"Given in head-quarters, Fredericksham, the 18th of February, 1808. The original is signed by Count Buxhowden.
Gazette Marine Memoranda.
ARRIVED.
Ship Rolla, Garey, 35 days from Falmouth, Safe and Dry Goods.
From capt. Garey's ship list—At London, March 26, ships Complanter, Gillies, for Philadelphia; Science, Howard, New-York; Enterprize, Bowen, ditto; Jane, Bliss, Philadelphia; Lydia, Taylor, unknown; New Galen, Hinclay, Boston; Ritson, Brown, uncertain; Factor, —, Teneriffe; Glory, Moore, uncertain; Intercourse, Strong, Mediterranean; Ann, of New-York, uncertain; Golden Age, —, ditto; Cicero, —, ditto; Rebecca, of Philadelphia, ditto; Liberty, Rieley, for Liverpool; Amelia, —, round Cape Horn—Brigs Julianna, Williams, Malta; Rockingham Maclean, Trieste; schooner Commerce, Stevens, Malaga; Romeo, Corran, Cadiz. The brig Androsceggins, Corran, had sailed for Oporto. Sch'r Jane, Hall, from Boston bound to Bilboa, at Falmouth, bound home; brig Caroline, Dork, from Boston bound to France, at Falmouth, waiting trial. Ship Favourite, from Spain to London, put into Falmouth with a head wind.
CAPTAINS ELIAS LORD and STEPHEN SLEERY, return thanks to CAPTAIN GAREY, of the ship Rolla, for his polite attention to them during the passage.
Pursuant to a Deed executed by JOHN GWYN for the benefit of his creditors, will positive be Sold for cash, on the 10th day of this instant, on the premises, the following
HOUSES and LOTS in Portsmouth, to wit, a small piece of Land situated on Middle-Street, with a large two story Dwelling-House and Kitchen thereon, lately occupied by John Reynolds, subject to the payment of a debt due to John Calvert.
One half the LOT and HOUSES thereon, situated on the same street, at present occupied by Mr. Tomkins, subject to the life estate of Mrs. Catharine Cooper therein; the Houses on this Lot are a two story Dwelling-House and necessary out houses.
THE TRUSTEE. May 4.
SHOES.
E. STURTEVANT, No. 77, Main-Street, Has received per Schooner President, and is now opening a supply of Ladies' Morocco & Kid SLIPPERS, Misses' Kid, Velvet, and Morocco do. ALSO, by appointment,
Byrne's celebrated incomparable JAPAN VARNISH, for Boots and Shoes. This composition unrivalled for its excellence, as well as being highly beneficial to the leather, produces the most beautiful shining black ever beheld. May 4.
VIRGINIA, to wit:
At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April 1808. Robert, John, and Frances Howard, infants under the age of twenty one years, by Henry Howard their father and next friend.
Plaintiffs. Against Mary Sclater, widow and devisee for life of John Sclater, deceased, Richard and William S. Sclater, sons and devisees of the said John Sclater, deceased, Edmund Tabb, Frances Powell, Elizabeth Smith, and Miles Cary, executor of John Sclater, deceased, and as executor of the said John, who was executor of Richard Sclater, deceased, Defendants.
On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, Sarah Tabb is assigned guardian to the infant defendants Frances Tabb, to defend her in this suit, and the defendant Edmund Tabb not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this country; It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Newspapers published in the Borough of Norfolk, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capital in this city. A Copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.

FOR BOSTON. The Schooner BARTHOLOMEW , Capt. Crawford, will sail in a few days. For freight or passage apply to the master on board at Newton's wharf, or to
Christopher Fry.
April 29.
TIMBER.
The following Timber is wanted for the Navy Yard at Gosport—Persons disposed to furnish it will be pleased to make immediate application to Theo. Armistead, N. A.
A 6 Gurdur Beams —47— 10 by 12 B 40 Joists —36— 3 12 C 40 do. —18— 3 12 D 7 Gurdurs —30— 12 12 E 7 do. —20— 12 12 F 7 do. —38— 12 12 G 7 do. —48— 12 12 H 20 do. —40— 12 14 I 20 do. —28— 12 14 K 30 do. —36— 3 12 L 30 do. —33— 4 12 M 76 Principal Rafters —30— 4 10 & 4 by 6 N 38 Collar Beams —28— 4 9 O 46 Peasants —33— 4 5 P 40 do. —24— 4 5 R 186 Jack Rafters —30— 3 5 S 186 do. —20— 3 5 T 186 do. —24— 3 6 W 16 do. KP —16— 4 10 Y 35 Plats —33— 4 12
The above Timber must be of Heart Pine or Poplar. April 29. tf
ADVERTISEMENT.
A good Price will be given for the First Vol. of the History of France, BY GIFFORD. This Book was sent to the late Mr. Mirk to be bound, and sold at Auction with the rest. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 29. tf
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Market-Street, westward of the Market, has estab- lished
A Boot and Shoe MANUFACTORY. For this purpose he has employed the journeyman who were lately in the service of Mr. Walker—as those are said to be the best workmen in the place, and as he is determined to spare no expense in getting the best materials, it is probable that those will be well served who choose to promote an in- stitution so favourable to the interests of Norfolk, inasmuch as that it will give employment to a considerable number of people, and it will be made extensive in proportion to the encouragement given to it.
NEW SHOES from New-York, as usual for Sale—such as have been generally sold in retail at $5. and $3. 31 for 7s. 6d.; those at 15s. for 13s. 6d. except of Morocco leather; Ladies' Morocco Slippers at 8s. 3d. for 7s. 6d. and in nearly the same ratio for every other kind of Shoes, where the former prices will bear reduction.
VERNON'S BOOTS, which are no doubt the most elegant made in the United States. Having on hand nearly 200 pair of Boots, he be- lieves there are very gentlemen who cannot be fitted. A few hundred bushels of ground Allum Salt; India Cot- tons; Brown Sugar, &c. &c. as low as they can be sold for a profit, for Cash. April 25. tf
STOLEN from a House in this Borough, about the 15th or 16th instant, TWO TABLE SPOONS, both marked T. M. G. in cypher. Any person that will inform the Editor of this paper where the Spoons can be obtained, shall be well rewarded. N. B. Silversmiths and others are requested to stop them if offered for sale. April 25. tf
A few qr. casks of choice Teneriffe WINE, And a few kegs fresh Dutch HERRINGS.—For sale by the Subscriber. Moses Myers. April 25. tf
COW-POCK.
The Subscriber informs those who wish to be vaccinated, that a parcel of fresh matter lately received from Philadelphia, has succeeded, and is now fit to inocu- late from. George Balfour. April 20. tm
STOLEN, A SILVER CANDLESTICK, Stamped on the base J. Lownes. The negro woman who it suspected took it about a fortnight since, may have offered it for sale or pawn for rum, of which she is very fond—FIVE DOLLARS will be given to the person who may bring it to the Office of the Ledger. April 22. tf
NOTICE.
Lost, a CERTIFICATE , certifying my right to four Shares in the Virginia Bank Stock, in con- sequence of which I shall make application to the Bank for a new one. I request that any person who shall get possession of it, will return it to the subscriber. Edward Watson. April 15. law6w
Richard Jeffrey & Co. No. 66, Main-street, corner of Bank-Street, have just re- ceived from London, per the ship Planter, An assortment of MEDICINES, of the first quality.
Also, a few hundred weight refined Salt Petre, Hardham's Snuff, No. 9, and 37, in 1-2 and 1-4 pound cannisters, Violet, Benzoin, Windsor and Shaving Soap, Evans's best Crown Lancets, Tooth Brushes of superior kind, Refined Liquorice, &c. They have on hand, and are in daily expectation of receiv- ing from Amsterdam, all kinds of GLASS WARE , fuitable to Apothecaries.
MEDICINE CHESTS for ships and family use, with printed directions, put up as usual. October 5. tf
BANK STOCK LOST.
LOST, Certificates for Ten Shares of VIRGINIA BANK STOCK , standing in the name of Ann and Rebecca Begg .— Any person who has, or may find the said certificates, will please to deliver them to the subscriber. Wm. G. Camp. April 13. law6w
Intending to leave the country for a few months, I have appointed Mr. William Dickson my attorney. Bartholomew Redmon. April 7. tm
BOOTS.
Elegant Hussar & Backstrap BOOTS, Just received and for Sale by Wood & Hastings, Opposite Market-Square. Feb. 8. tf
NOTICE.
The Copartnership of RICHARD BOWDEN, & Co. having expired, Richard Drummond is authorised to receive and pay the debts of said concern. Moses Myers, Richard Bowden, Richard Drummond. February 2. tf
Cognac Brandy, Hollands Gin, Coun- try in tierces and half tierces—For Sale by C. & F. Whittle. February 24. tf
For SALE at my Brew-House, the hogshead, barrel, and half barrel—and a constant supply of bottled PORTER in packages and by the dozen. And in Store, Wines, Liquors, and Groceries, wholesale and retail. Joseph Hayes. Feb. 18. tf
For SALE, 45,000 wt. good COFFEE in bags, 94 puncheons old St. Kitts RUM. MOSES MYERS. January 8. tf
For SALE, 73 punch. choice Antigua RUM, 30 do. Grenada do. 600 bushels CORN, 80,000 drawn White and Red Oak STAVES, 60 barrels Pork. George Wilson. November 4. tf
NOTICE.
The Subscribers have removed to the Ware-House, No. 6, on Newton's wharf, formerly occupied by Messrs. John D. Haldane, & Co. JENNINGS & RODDEY. January 8.
First quality Jamaica COFFEE. Just received and for Sale, 77 tierces and 24 barrels prime Green COFFEE. James & Thomas Tucker. December 28. tf
For RENT, The Store, Compting-Room & Cellar, at present occupied by Mess. Wood & Hastings, no. 90, Main-street. Apply to Thomas Willock. August 24. tf
For SALE, 2 elegant Bay Horses, a complete match, 2 do. grey do. do. do. 1 remarkable fine bay, and one very excellent grey Horse— For which, Notes of the Bank of Newbern and Cape-Fear, or Proc Money will be taken in payment—Apply at the Of- fice of the Publick Ledger. Sept. 25. tf
FOR RENT, That convenient Dwelling-House, on Brewer Street, the property of Mr. John Davidson, at pre- sent occupied by Mr. Stephen Harris. Also, That convenient House, where Mr. Cornelius Calvert formerly lived; they have very fine gar- dens and all convenient out-houses—possession may be had on the first day of May next, on application to James Tucker. April 13. tf
Mackinder & White, Have just received from on board the schooner Liberty, Capt. Lewis, from Philadelphia, 150 boxes fresh Imperial and Hyson TEAS , of superior quality. ALSO, A fresh supply of Hollands GIN, Tickenburgs, superfine Cloths, Gentlemens' Silk Hats, Parasols, &c.—Which they offer for Sale on the lowest terms, for cash or approved notes. N. B. A few barrels of prime Smithfield MESS PORK. April 15. tf
ENGLISH GOODS. By the John Adams, St. Johns, from Liverpool, No. 16, Calvert-Street, Baltimore, have received their regular sup- ply of GOODS , calculated for the present and approach- ing season, Cambricks and Common Callicoes, Plain and striped Dimities; Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans; Furniture Chintz; do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths; do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres; patent Nankeens, Cords; Grandurells; Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambricks, Muslins, Japan, Harlequin, and Check do. plain and figured Mull do Leno, Victory, and Riddle Muslin; coloured do. do. do. 4-4 plain Book do; Ginghams; Silk do. Sattins, Persians, and Sarsnets; Bonnet Silks; Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs; Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, do. Braces, do. Laces and Footings, do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks; Buttons; Birmingham Ware. In Store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted pa- per at 60 days. April 13. 10
Apple'on & Co. By the John Adams, St. Johns, from Liverpool, No. 16, Calvert-Street, Baltimore, have received their regular sup- ply of GOODS , calculated for the present and approach- ing season, Cambricks and Common Callicoes, Plain and striped Dimities; Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans; Furniture Chintz; do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths; do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres; patent Nankeens, Cords; Grandurells; Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambricks, Muslins, Japan, Harlequin, and Check do. plain and figured Mull do Leno, Victory, and Riddle Muslin; coloured do. do. do. 4-4 plain Book do; Ginghams; Silk do. Sattins, Persians, and Sarsnets; Bonnet Silks; Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs; Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, do. Braces, do. Laces and Footings, do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks; Buttons; Birmingham Ware. In Store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted pa- per at 60 days. April 13. 10
NORFOLK, April 25, 1808. MR. GEORGE REID, Sir—Take notice that I shall take the deposition of Ma- thew Hubbard, senior, at the office of Robert B. Taylor, at- torney at law, in Norfolk, between the hours of ten in the morning and four in the afternoon of Friday the 27th day of May next, to be used in a suit depending in the Borough Court of Norfolk, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defend- ant. This notice is given in this mode, as you do not reside within the State of Virginia, and have no known agent or at- torney within the state to whom notice can be given. I am, your obedient servant, TILDSLEY GRAHAM. 1m
For SALE, 4000 bushels Ground ALLUM SALT, And a few well assorted crates of EARTHENWARE. George Murray, & Co. December 7. tf
Fresh Imperial TEA. Just received 17 boxes fresh Imperial TEA, of the present year's importation—Also on Hand, 25 tons assorted BAR IRON, 80 barrels and a few hogsheads Muscovado Sugar, 40 barrels and bags Green Coffee; 25 hds. old Antigua Rum, 20 hds. Molasses; 8 pipes French Brandy, 10 crates assorted Queen's Ware, A few quarter casks of Sherry and Teneriffe Wine, Whiskey in barrels; Loaf Sugar, New-York prime Pork and Beef; 30 casks Cheese, A few barrels Mackerel; Soap; Candles; Demijohns, &c. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. February 26. tf
NOTICE. The partnership of Ellis & Sprigg , of Hampton, is this day by mutual consent dissolved—all per- sons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Mr. C. Sprigg; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said C. Sprigg for settlement. Samuel Ellis, Per his Attorney in fact, Robert Gibson, Corbin Sprigg. Hampton, February 17. tf
For CASH or approved Discountable Paper, 20 bales best Russia CANVAS, 1 do. Ravens Duck; 1 do. Matratss Tickling, 65 packages German Linen—For Sale by Niemeyer & Von Kapff. February 26. tf
Now landing from the schooner Prudence Mary, from New-York, 17 hhds. first quality SUGARS, 54 barrels prime Pork, city inspection, 70 boxes Mould Candles; 5 hhds. double refined Sugar, 5 pipes Brandy; 25 reams Writing Paper, 2 trunks fine and coarse French Lace, which will be sold at a low rate for Cash. Apply at No. 1, Commerce-Street to William Hull, Jun. October 16. tf
Just got to Hand. 22 chests Hyson TEA , will be sold low for cash. George Wilson. Nov. 18. tf
Now landing from on board the schooner Mohawk, Roger Quarles, master, from Leghorn, 120 hogsheads Bordolease CLARET, 96 casks Roll Brimstone, 100 boxes Castle Marbled Soap, 50 tin boxes Saffron, 5 cases Florence Silks of all colours, a great many black, 2 hds. shelled Almonds, 100 half chests Lucca Oil, of 30 flasks, 100 boxes Lucca Oil, 12 bottles each, 3 cases Chip Hats. For Sale by William Pennock. October 12. tf
WOOD & HASTINGS, No. 76, Main-Street, Have just received an additional supply of Staple and Fancy GOODS, Among which are Black Silk Velvet; Tabby, do.; Black Silk Florentine; Silk Handkerchiefs; do. Fancy Shawls; Convex Na- vy Buttons; fashionable Coat do.; a variety of French Goods; 2 trunks Cambricks Muslins; 2 cases Linens; 2 bales Cotton Checks; 1 do. Gilla Handkerchiefs; 3 do. India Cottons, assorted, some very fine for Shirtings; a variety of Woollens. They have also on hand a general and extensive assort- ment of WOOLLEN GOODS. Every description of fancy Muslins and Dresses; Velvets; Constitution and President's Cords; Dimities; Carpets; Hosiery, &c. &c. On consignment, just received, Hussar and Backstrap BOOTS; La- dies' Kid and Morocco Shoes; Mens' coarse do.; coarse and fine Hats. The above GOODS will be sold at very reduced prices for Cash, or undoubted credit, by wholesale and retail. December 11. tf
The Subscriber grateful for past fa- vours, takes the liberty of informing the publick, that in ad- dition to his BEER and PORTER-HOUSE , he has rented the upper apartment of that commodious house situated at the corner of Wide Water and Commerce-Streets, formerly occupied by Mrs. Bryan, which he has opened as a Tavern, by the name of the GLOBE TAVERN , and will keep a con- stant supply of the best of Liquors; and for the accommo- dation of customers, he will keep a constant supply of prime New-York Ale, Philadelphia Beer and Porter. Solicitous for a share of publick patronage, he assures those who may favour him with their custom, that every atten- tion will be paid to give satisfaction. Genteel Boarders can be accommodated by the week, month, or year, upon moderate terms. Good Stabling and forage for a few horses. WILLIAM TONKIN. April 7. tm
Two TENEMENTS situated on Town-Point, will be rented cheap, together or separate.— For terms apply as above. April 7. tm
For SALE, On board the ship Dammascotta, Robert Duckendorff, master, at Commerce-Street Wharf, Coarse Liverpool SALT, St. Vincent's RUM and MOLASSES. Moses Myers. April 15. tf
FOR RENT. The STORE in Market-Square, now occupied by the subscriber. For terms apply at his office. Thomas Blanchard. April 7. tf
The Subscriber having resumed his former Business of Commissioner and Broker, will buy or sell Goods on Commission, post Books, adjust Accounts, and procure Money on good paper or merchandise, at the shortest notice. James Maurice, No. 44, Church-Street. March 30. tf
A WET NURSE FOR SALE. A Strong NEGRO WOMAN , with a good breast of Milk, and her Boy six weeks old—The Woman is used to washing, ironing, and house-work. ALSO, A NEGRO WOMAN , an excellent Cook and House Servant. Apply at the Ledger Office. April 22. tf
CASH for Warwick STAVES. Moses Myers. April 20. tf
6000 bushels Stoved SALT, 50 crates well assorted Earthenware—For Sale on board the ship Sally, by A. Machure. March 2. tf
NOTICE.
I am again compelled to solicit all those indebted to the estate of PHILIP COLLINS , deceas- ed, to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Jane Collins, Admr'x. December 9. tf
AT PRIVATE SALE, By S. MARKS, JUN. 60 hogsheads St. Kitt's RUM. March 2. tf
Leather, Cordage, and Loaf Sugar. The subscriber will hereafter expose for Sale at his Ware-house on Camp-bell's wharf the above Articles, of the manufacture of Norfolk, at reduced prices for Cash, or on short credits only. Theo. Armistead. He will sell or lease for a term of years, the STORES at the end of Marsden's and Rothery's wharves. Feb. 20. tf
At Private Sale, By S. MARKS, Jun. Corner of Commerce and Water-street, 10 hhds. Antigua, 12 do. N. E. 50 barrels do. RUM, 30 hds and 20 barrels Sugar; 10 pipes Country Gin, 8 pipes Cognac Brandy; 150 boxes Mould Candles, 0 boxes Spermaceti Candles; 4 bales striped Blankets, 3 bales Blue Duffs; 1 do. fine Cloths; 2 do. blue Plains, 2 do. Rugs; 1 do. Check Shirts, 34 do. Tickenburgs and Oznaburgs; 2 do. Heffians, 1 trunk Madras Handkerchiefs. October 24. tf
THE SUBSCRIBER Has removed to the brick store at the head of Camp- bell's wharf, fronting said wharf and Wide Water- street, where he offers at wholesale or retail his as- sortment of Groceries and Ship Chandlery, Among which are 14 hogsheads Muscovado SUGAR, 1 do. and 6 barrels loaf do. 6 do. Antigua, Jamaica, and Grenada Rum, 3 pipes French Brandy, 2 hds. and 6 bbs Rye Whiskey, 4 barrels Apple Brandy, 1 do. Peach do. 10 bags Coffee, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, and Souchong Teas, Pepper, Pimento, and Nutmegs, Madeira, Sherry, and Port Wines, London and Philadelphia Porter, English Cheese, Bar Iron and Castings, Nail and Spike Rods, German Steel, Powder and Shot, Tar, Pitch & Turpentine, Paints and Oil, black and bright Varnish, Canvas and Cordage, Nails and Spikes. Also just received, 20 boxes Lemons, 12 half bbs. Beef Tongues, 20 kegs Tongues and Sounds, 40 kegs and 2 bbs Salmon, 5 bbs. Mackerel, 12 cases Sallad Oil, 1 cask Currants, 10 boxes Olives, Capers and Anchovies, 6 dozen bottles Cayenne Pepper, 3 do. do. Pickled Peppers, 30 boxes Soap, 20 boxes Candles, 50 barrels Alexandria superfine and fine Flour. John D. Haldane. July 31. tf
A Cargo of Liverpool Stoved SALT, For Sale on board the ship Mars. Moses Myers. April 18. tf
6000 bushels St. Ubes SALT—afloat. IN STORE, 35 puncheons 3d and 4th proof Antigua Rum, 100 hogsheads Sugar, principally Antigua, 40,000 wt. Green Coffee; 850 Demijohns, 7,500 bushels coarse Salt; 100 barrels Rye Whiskey, 37 tierces London Brown Stout, 20 hogsheads Philadelphia Ale and Porter, 150 barrels superfine and fine Flour; 40 kegs fresh Raisins, 10 pipes London particular Madeira Wine, fit for use, 600 ready made Check Shirts; 20 hds. Petersburg Tobacco, 30 barrels Pork; 100 barrels Sugar; a few cases Heimitage For Sale on liberal terms by C. & F. Whittle. February 6. tf
Thirty Dollars Reward. RANAWAY from the Subscriber on the 22d of last month, a bright mulatto, named CALIB , about 24 years of age, bow legged; he has a red mark upon his neck just below his right ear, (as well as I can recollect) I will give the above reward to any person or persons that will se- cure the said negro so that I get him again, and if delivered to me all reasonable charges shall be paid. H. PITTS. Northampton, Eastern-Shore, Virg } April 11, 1808. 7*
Landing from the schooner Antelope, Capt. Putnam, 100 hhds. & 12 tierces MOLASSES, 24 bags Green Coffee. Also received from New-York, New Mess and Prime PORK, Mess and Prime BEEF. For Sale by Jennings & Roddey. April 13. tf
The following prices will be given in Cash for 500 of 600 cords of BARK , deliverable at my Tan Yard, Spanish Oak, $ 6 per cord, Willow or Water do. 5 Red do. 4 Young White do. 3 50 Beach Bark, 3 50 With a view to prevent disappointment to those who pro- cure this article, arising from the uncertainty of the quantity which may be brought to market, I will receive all which may be delivered at my landing before the first day of June, provided it be well cured and in good order. Theodrick Armistead. April 4. 2m
NORFOLK: PUBLISHED THREE TIMES A-WEEK, By WILLIAM DAVIS, FOR THE PROPRIETOR. Opposite the Exchange Coffee-House. Price Six Dollars yearly, in advance.